Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools 3030859207, 9783030859206

Citation preview

Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools Marcin Sklad · Mona Irrmischer · Eri Park · Inge Versteegt · Jantine Wignand

Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools

Marcin Sklad · Mona Irrmischer · Eri Park · Inge Versteegt · Jantine Wignand

Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools

Marcin Sklad University College Roosevelt Utrecht University Middelburg, The Netherlands

Mona Irrmischer University College Roosevelt Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Eri Park University College Roosevelt Utrecht University Middelburg, The Netherlands

Inge Versteegt Utrecht University Utrecht, The Netherlands

Jantine Wignand University College Roosevelt Utrecht University Middelburg, The Netherlands

ISBN 978-3-030-85920-6 ISBN 978-3-030-85921-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © John Rawsterne/patternhead.com This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preamble

Our contemporary world is characterized—among others—by two unprecedented socioeconomic challenges: the widening gap between rich and poor and the disappearance of the middle class, further aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD, 2019), for every generation born since the 1940s, the middle-income group has shrunk. To give only one example: for a child born into a low-income family, it would take up to 150 years (or roughly four or five generations) to reach an average level of income (OECD, 2018). The financial crisis in 2008 has accelerated this phenomenon: whereas the top 10% earners hold almost half of the total wealth in a country, the bottom 40% share only 3%. These are only two examples to demonstrate what future may hold for younger generations: they are increasingly denied similar opportunities which their parents may have had, although they are more educated than the previous generation. The United Nations (UN) Department of Economic and Social Affairs comes in their World Social Report (2020) to similar findings and the UN chief Antonio Guterres highlights in the foreword that we are facing “the harsh realities of a deeply unequal global landscape” and “income disparities and a lack of opportunities are creating a vicious cycle of inequality, frustration and discontent across generations” (p. 4). The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the process of increasing inequalities. If one focuses in particular on the situation of children, the time of the pandemic was most characterized by online teaching (for v

vi

PREAMBLE

the ones with access to technologies and infrastructure), or lack thereof. Online teaching decreased not only well-being, but also fostered general inequalities, which meant that the weakest were left behind (Donoso & Retzmann, 2020). Uncertainties of prospects and what life may have to offer have increased for members of future generations and it can undoubtfully make many young people experience relative deprivation: the feeling which one experiences when deprived of something to which one believes oneself to be entitled to (Kim et al., 2017). This feeling can be generated by comparing oneself to others, to one’s past or what is considered to be a widely accepted standard by society. Due to the global processes mentioned above, many young people will not be able to enjoy a lifestyle that they were accustomed to and enjoyed as children. Moreover, globalization and the explosive development of social media widely expanded the scope of social comparisons (Arad et al., 2017). Relative deprivation is a widely accepted driver for joining and initiating social movements (Gurney & Tierney, 1982; Smith & Ortiz, 2002) and, unfortunately, some of these movements will not shy from political violence such as terrorism or rioting and will devolve into violent extremism, as it can be observed on examples of islamist groups (e.g., ISIS), anti-abortion groups (Spaaij, 2010), ethno-separatist groups (e.g., IRA), right- and left-wing movements, animal rights movements, etc. Moreover, Western countries experience rapidly eroding trust in state institutions (Deslatte, 2020) and support for democracy, and growing support for nondemocratic alternatives among their citizens (Howe, 2017). In this light, the twenty-first century is expected to be characterized by violent extremism, driven by relative deprivation as a key factor across cultures and contexts (Kunst & Obaidi, 2020). Besides addressing the underlying societal factors which push young people into violent extremism, it is paramount to work with young people from an early age to create resilience to these factors, as the economic and social, the direct and indirect costs of violence skyrocket. At this moment in time, violence costs all of us more than $14 trillion a year, which equals more than $1,850 for every person alive and it represents more than 11% of the world economy (Institute for Economics and Peace, 2020). Furthermore, as much as it is about the economic costs of violence, socalled opportunity costs should be another concern, as this money is not invested into future generations (e.g., education or health care) instead;

PREAMBLE

vii

and an immeasurable price we all pay is to live in fear, in less cohesive societies than we could and—most tragically—lost human lives. This book is devoted to an exploration of promising ways in which schools can contribute to creating more peaceful societies by equipping young people with competences which can foster resilience against the allure of violent extremism when facing challenges of contemporary reality.

References Arad, A., Barzilay, O., & Perchick, M. (2017). The impact of Facebook on social comparison and happiness: Evidence from a natural experiment. https://doi. org/10.2139/ssrn.2916158. Deslatte, A. (2020). The erosion of trust during a global pandemic and how public administrators should counter it.American Review of Public Administration, 50(6–7), 489–496. https://doi.org/10.1177/0275074020941676. Donoso, V., & Retzmann, N. (2021). The impact of the COVID-19 crisis: Is online teaching increasing inequality and decreasing well-being for children? https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/parenting4digitalfuture/2021/03/10/cov id19-and-wellbeing/. Gurney, J., N., & Tierney, K. J. (1982). Relative deprivation and social movements: A critical look at twenty years of theory and research. The Sociological Quarterly, 23(1), 33–47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1982.tb0 2218.x. Howe, P. (2017). Eroding norms and democratic deconsolidation. Journal of Democracy, 28(4), 15–29. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2017.0061. Institute for Economics and Peace. (2020). The global peace report. https://www. economicsandpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/GPI_2020_web-1. pdf. Kim, H., Callan, M. J., Gheorghiu, A. I., & Matthews, W. J. (2017). Social comparison, personal relative deprivation, and materialism. British Journal of Social Psychology, 56(2), 373–392. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12176. Kunst, J. R., & Obaidi, M. (2020). Understanding violent extremism in the 21st century: The (re)emerging role of relative deprivation. Current Opinion in Psychology, 35, 55–59. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2020.03.010. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2018). A broken social elevator? How to promote social mobility. https://www.oecdilibrary.org/deliver/9789264301085-en.pdf?itemId=/content/publication/ 9789264301085-en&mimeType=pdf.

viii

PREAMBLE

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2019). Under pressure: The squeezed middle class. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/ deliver/689afed1-en.pdf?itemId=/content/publication/689afed1-en&mim eType=pdf. Smith, H. J., & Ortiz, D. J. (2002). Is it just me?: The different consequences of personal and group relative deprivation. In I. Walker & H. J. Smith (Eds.), Relative deprivation: Specification, development, and integration (pp. 91–115). https://pdf-drive.com/pdf/Iain20Walker2C20Heather20J.20Smith20-20R elative20Deprivation20Specification2C20Development2C20and20Integratio n2028200129.pdf#page=101. Spaaij, R. (2010). The enigma of lone wolf terrorism: An assessment. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 33, 854–870. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X. 2010.501426. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. (2020). World social report: The challenge of inequality in a rapidly changing world.https://www. un.org/development/desa/dspd/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2020/02/ World-Social-Report2020-FullReport.pdf.

Contents

1

2

Introduction Radicalization Growth and Relevance Argument for a Universal Intervention School as a Place of Primary Prevention Schools Promoting Democratic Values and Behaviour Schools Stimulating Positive Intergroup Relations in Culturally Diverse Societies, Reducing Hostile Stereotypical Perceptions of Others Education as a Means to Prevent Radicalization by Increasing Agency and Political Self-Efficacy Schools Can Strengthen Cognitive Competences to Build Resilience to Radicalization Schools Can Promote Healthy Identity Development References

1 2 7 9 11

Identity Introduction Understanding How Identity Struggles Are Related to Radicalization Identity, Uncertainty Theory and Radicalization Narrative Aspects of Identity and Radicalization Social Identity, Ingroup/Outgroup Categorization and Radicalization Cultural Identity and Radicalization

33 33

12 13 14 15 21

36 38 39 40 41 ix

x

3

4

CONTENTS

Cultural Beliefs Cultural Identification Effective Ways Within Education to Improve Identity Development Identity and Goals of Education Educational Interventions Affecting Students’ Identity Stimulating Identity Exploration Providing Positive Identity Reducing Perceived and Actual Intergroup Conflicts: Social Identity Interventions Changing Group Membership and Ingroup-Outgroup Processes Cultural Identity Improvement and Intercultural Understanding Reducing Implicit or Explicit Discrimination Supporting Development of Positive Bicultural Identities Among Migrant Youth Strengthening Multiple Identities That Surpass Nationality Conclusion References

41 43

Perspective Taking Skills and Conflict Resolution Introduction: What Is Perspective Taking and Why Is It Important? Perspective Taking and Its Relation to Radicalization Interventions Increasing Empathy, Perspective Taking and Conflict Resolution Perspective and Empathy Embedded in Regular School Programme Broader Social Skills Trainings Explicit Intergroup Perspective Taking Tolerance as Minimal Requirement and Cognitive Complexity Conclusion References

75

Political Self-Efficacy, Citizenship Competences and Empowerment Introduction: What Is (Political) Self-Efficacy?

44 44 47 48 52

56 57 58 61 63 63 65

75 80 83 83 83 84 86 88 90 90 97 97

CONTENTS

5

xi

Political Self-Efficacy and Its Relation to Radicalization Extremism as a Response to Unfairness Radicalization as a Way of Addressing Grievances Victimizing Narrative as a Cognitive Opening to Radical Thought Terrorism as a Result of Lack of Effective Means in a Political Conflict Radicalization Due to Lack of Knowledge Empirical Evidence for the Relation Between Political Self-Efficacy and Radicalization Strengthening Political Self-Efficacy Through Interventions Civic Education Developing Positive Values and Attitudes Peace Education Empirical Evidence Supporting the Effectiveness of the Interventions Conclusion References

100 100 101

Mindfulness and Emotional Self-Regulation Introduction Risks Factors of Radicalization Which Vulnerabilities Increase the Risk for Radicalization? Negative Mood and Emotional Vulnerability Low Self-Regulation and Risk Taking Self-Esteem and Identity Crisis Moral Disengagement and Lack of Empathy Mindfulness Interventions Elements of the Mindfulness Training Techniques Different Types of Mindfulness Training Special Focus on Self-Compassion Process Example Mindfulness Trainings Are Successful at Schools Effect on Negative Mood and Emotional Vulnerability Effect on Self-Regulation and Risk Taking Effect on Self-Esteem and Identity Crisis Effect on Moral Disengagement and Lack of Empathy Additional Effects on Mental Health

119 119 120 120 120 123 124 124 125 125 126 126 128 129 130 130 130 131 131 132

102 103 103 103 104 105 108 108 111 111 112

xii

CONTENTS

Diving Deeper: What Are the Underlying Mechanisms and How Does Mindfulness Work Conclusion References Index

132 133 134 145

List of Figures

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

1.1 1.2 2.1 3.1 4.1 5.1

Levels of prevention School role in primary prevention of radicalization Identity-based prevention of radicalization Perspective taking-based prevention of radicalization Citizenship competency-based prevention of radicalization Self-regulation based prevention of radicalization

5 11 35 76 99 121

xiii

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract In recent years, an increasing amount of young people joined violent, radical extremist groups. Some adolescents who joined were attracted to radical ideology, others were attracted to groups themselves and for that sake adopted the group’s ideas and were willing to engage in violence to defend them. Violence committed by radicalized individuals poses a growing threat. Ways to counter, or, more ideally, prevent, this development are needed. In this chapter, the authors argue that an effective way to address increasing radicalization is through primary prevention at educational settings. The authors specifically argue for universal primary prevention. Several reasons for why targeted approaches are less effective and why primary prevention works better are described. Moreover, the chapter includes arguments for why universal primary prevention approaches should be incorporated in education. It describes how schools and teachers can be crucial in promoting democratic values and behavior, promoting positive intergroup relations, reducing intergroup stereotypes and increasing agency and political self-efficacy of youth. Furthermore, the chapter describes how education can be used to build resilience to radicalization through strengthening cognitive competences and promoting healthy development of identity. Keyword Radicalization · Extremism · Education · Schools · Universal intervention · Primary prevention · Democratic education · Civic competencies © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Sklad et al., Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3_1

1

2

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Radicalization Growth and Relevance Most teachers encounter adolescents who wander off the main stream and develop some form of fanaticism, infatuation, obsessive dedication or zealous activism. In most cases, such behaviour is a normal part of their development and allows for personality growth and development of social or political affiliations. However, in some circumstances, such preoccupation may lead to or be a symptom of violent extremism or radicalization. Terrorism, extremism, as well as radicalization often refer to illegal non-state violence used by a group in order to influence politics. In the current day, its use demands of us that we take sides and condemn it. The aims of terrorists themselves, however, may sometimes be “justified” from a human rights perspective, as the fight can be about restoring historically validated inequalities, for example, in Nelson Mandela’s ANC or the Moluccan terrorists in the Netherlands in the 1970s. Moreover, the word “terrorist” has been used for oppositional groups living under dictatorial rule. Consequently, their definitions are scientifically and politically debated (De Graaf, 2017; Horgan, 2012). However, as educators we should not be tempted to become a relativist when radicalization and terrorism are concerned (Horgan, 2012). Terrorism is the use of violence as a legitimate means of social action. It allows for violation of human rights, and denial of war justice, as “the ends justifies all means”. Thus, terrorists propagate killing of politicians, independent journalists, artists and even children, as well as the destruction of the democratic fabric, to achieve their goal. Young people are recruited to put themselves and others in danger through violent attacks, or even sacrifice their own lives on behalf of the group. Therefore, education needs to take it seriously as a threat to both individual students and society at large. Although European countries are arguably less affected by violent extremism and terrorism than other parts of the world, the threat is present in Europe and grows. Europe has experienced many attacks of extremist groups in the past (Bjørgo & Horgan, 2009; European Commission, 2016). Terrorist attacks have a destabilizing effect on society, with effects on a political and social, but also constitutional and economic level (Europol, 2020). During the last decades, after 9/11 events, the threat of Islamic religiously inspired terrorism gained particular prominence. While the

1

INTRODUCTION

3

majority of terroristic acts committed in Europe is still inspired by ethno-nationalist and separatist ideology, nearly all reported fatalities and casualties were the result of jihadist terrorist attacks. According to Europol (2018), in 2017, 62 of 68 killed and 819 of 844 injured in terrorist attacks were victims of jihad inspired violence. Counterterrorism experts (Brzuszkiewicz, 2018; Clarke & Moghadam, 2018) agree that the collapse of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) territorial conquest in Syria and Iraq will not lead to decrease of their ideological appeal and terrorist activity. On the contrary, the movement is likely to shift their activity from recruitment of foreign fighters to terrorist activity abroad. Europol (2018) data confirm these expectations: the number of jihadist terrorist attacks more than doubled, from 13 in 2016 to 33 in 2017. The jihadists’ attacks also spread in 2017 to European countries which were not affected by them for a long period. Due to their brutality of indiscriminate killing, Islamic extremists’ attacks are most prominent in the media. Nevertheless, politically inspired violent extremism is also on the rise. While left-wing extremism remains the third most common inspiration for terrorist acts in Europe, the violent right-wing extremism (RWE) seems to increase as well. Since the start of the migration crisis in 2015, there has been a number of incidents of use of incendiary and explosive devices against migrants and migrant shelters and attempted murder offences against migrants and refugees (Europol, 2018; Höffler & Sommerer, 2017). In 2017, the UK experienced two RWE terrorist attacks targeting Muslims and migrants mirroring jihadist tactics of driving a vehicle deliberately into civilians (Muslim worshippers, Indian restaurant). Indeed, Europol stated that “the number of individuals arrested in relation to RWE offences almost doubled in 2017 (11 in 2015; 12 in 2016; 20 in 2017)” (Europol, 2018, p. 51). When terrorist attacks in Madrid in 2004 brought realization that the European Union (EU) is not exempted from jihadi terrorism, the EU formulated a counter-terrorism strategy (Council of the EU, 2005). The majority of jihadist terrorist attacks in Europe were perpetrated by “home grown” terrorists—those individuals who had grown up in Europe and adopted the ideology of violent radical Islamism (Abbas, 2007; Campelo et al., 2018; Cole, 2009; Thomas, 2009). Therefore, the first of the four main pillars of the EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy established in 2005 was prevention (besides: protection, pursuit and response). The strategy document focused on preventing radicalization by tackling root causes and factors which could lead to radicalization and recruitment.

4

M. SKLAD ET AL.

According to Campelo and colleagues (2018), since 2010, individuals in Europe radicalize at an increasingly younger age. Approximately 5000 people left Europe to join ISIS in Syria (RAN, 2017), roughly onefifth of them female (EPRS, 2018; Van Ginkel & Entenmann, 2016), often teenage. For instance, the majority of Dutch foreign fighters were under the age of 25 (Van Ginkel & Entenmann, 2016). In response to new developments in 2015, the Council of Europe (CoE) further strengthened the accents on preventive measures and called for concrete measures in the public sector, explicitly pointing out the role of schools (Council of Europe, 2018). By concrete measures, it envisions: introducing a Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture (Barrett, 2016), entailing key competences for democratic culture for use in school curricula, describing the values, attitude, skills, knowledge and critical understanding that students at different levels of formal education should have in order to be democratic, active and responsible citizens; guidelines on the protection and promotion of human rights in culturally diverse societies to building inclusive societies; and teaching about religions and non-religious world views as a counter-narrative to the misuse of religion, and creating democratic schools as safe spaces for all. The CoE documents point out the role of education at the “soft” end of the prevention, envisioning education engaging in primary prevention by strengthening universal competences and in this way creating resilience to potential risk factors and recruitment exposure before young people engage in the process of radicalization. Yet, in practice, since prevention of radicalization is the portfolio of security agencies, prevention in educational settings often takes a “securitized” form (Kundnani, 2009). It borrows from the prevention programs targeting misconduct such as bullying (Mattsson et al., 2016) and from detection and monitoring practices familiar to police frontline workers. Thus, it accentuates secondary prevention in a form of identifying “vulnerable” individuals, “referring them” for treatment and possibly even persecution (Fig. 1.1). Possibly, the most analysed example of such a program is the British “Prevent” program, which to some extent served as a model for other countries as it was a pioneering effort. In such a model, teachers are encouraged or obliged to detect signs of radicalization and extremism among students and act in order to prevent individuals from becoming radicalized. In such programs, the suspected, “vulnerable” pupil is investigated, evaluated and summoned with his/her parents for discussion in which more information is gathered, and then either dropped, referred to

Fig. 1.1 Levels of prevention

1 INTRODUCTION

5

6

M. SKLAD ET AL.

specialist support services of the “Channel” program (HM Government, 2015) or if needed the security police is contacted (Mattsson & Säljö, 2018). After “Prevent” had been introduced as a duty in schools in the UK, the number of referrals to the “Channel” program soared, doubling every year between 2013 and 2016, reaching more than 4000 referrals in 2015/2016 (Dudenhoefer, 2018). Although the number of referrals for targeted programs such as this can easily demonstrate that it works, its effectiveness remains to be investigated and is hard to establish. More importantly, such a program is open to many limitations common to targeted prevention: (a) addressing the issues at a late stage when symptoms are clearly visible may be much harder and less effective, (b) failing to identify many radicalizing individuals and leaving them without support, (c) falsely identifying individuals as at risk, potentially creating grievances, (d) stigmatizing social groups more likely to be at high risk and (e) damaging trust and social cohesion (Sklad & Park, 2017). Indeed, the “Prevent” duty was broadly criticized by British educational scholars (see Dudenhoefer, 2018, for a review). Among other critiques, “Prevent” was accused of: (a) violating trust between the teachers and students (Marsden, 2015), (b) stigmatizing Muslim minority (Busher et al., 2017; Heath-Kelly, 2013; Kundnani, 2009; O’Donnell, 2015; Thomas, 2016), (c) damaging intergroup relations in diverse schools (Sian, 2015), (d) having potentially chilling effects on human rights (particularly free speech; Dudenhoefer, 2018; Ramsay, 2017), (e) deliberately confounding “at risk” and “risky” (Aradau, 2004; Heath-Kelly, 2013; Open Society Justice Initiative, 2016), (f) reducing radicalization to its ideological component and missing other core drivers of radicalization, such as pursue of meaning (Kruglanski & Fishman, 2009) and need for belonging (Borum, 2011), and (g) denying agency to youth at risk, reducing them to a mixture of victim and villain (Sieckelinck et al., 2015). Some of the critical statements found support in the empirical data; nearly three-quarters of the referrals to “Channel” are issued for Islamist extremism (NPCC, 2016). Additionally, an empirical analysis of experiences of educationalists involved in the implementation of the “Prevent” duty demonstrated strong concern, “particularly among [black and minority ethnic] respondents, that the Prevent duty is making it more difficult to foster an environment in which students from different backgrounds get on well with one another” (Busher et al., 2017, p. 6) and acute concerns about increased stigmatization of Muslim students in the

1

INTRODUCTION

7

context of the “Prevent” duty (Busher et al., 2017). In this light, one might even argue that the program, fostering stigmatization, can possibly contribute to a greater likelihood of radicalization among Islamic youth. Various authors postulated universal primary approaches to prevention of radicalization in an educational setting (Davies, 2008; Gereluk, 2012; Ghosh et al., 2017; Sieckelinck et al., 2015; Sklad & Park, 2017).

Argument for a Universal Intervention The European Commission defines radicalization as a “complex phenomenon of individuals or groups becoming intolerant with regard to basic democratic values like equality and diversity, as well as a rising propensity to use means of force to reach political goals that negate and/or undermine democracy” (European Commission, 2002); the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS, 2007) states that radicalization is “the process of adopting or promoting an extremist belief system for the purpose of facilitating ideologically based violence to advance political, religious, or social change” (p. 2). It is important to note that both definitions assume violence to be a part or consequence of radicalization. Thus, in these definitions what distinguishes radicalized individuals is not necessarily any particular ideology or the degree to which their ideology differs from mainstream, but the means which they consider justified to promote it. What differentiates these two definitions from each other is the assumption that radicalization is a process that moves an individual’s ideas from moderate to extreme. Even though models which theorize radicalization as a process clearly define its steps, as for example the staircase to terrorism model (Moghaddam, 2005), these models still do not predict which individuals will radicalize, as there is no clear terrorist profile due to the complex and multidimensional nature of the development (Doosje et al., 2016). Moreover, these models do not allow identifying who among many holding extreme opinions will engage in violence (Rousseau et al., 2017), since the radicalization process can take many different starting points and run different courses. For example, one can radicalize gradually: minor changes, such as a narrowing of the mindset, can lead to bigger radicalization steps, such as developing firm religious beliefs. Ultimately, this leads to full-blown radicalization (Post, 1984). Another process by which one can become radicalized is through love. Groups of friends, family members or romantic partners can be connected

8

M. SKLAD ET AL.

through love, leading to larger numbers of radicalized people (Della Porta, 2006). Furthermore, dominant forms of radicalization processes also change with times; for example, recent years witnessed the emergence of a new type of radicalization process: rapid “self-radicalization” via social media (Archetti, 2015). Some alternative pathways to radicalization may come across on a first glance as counter-intuitive: it is not even necessary that a person is exposed to other extremists prior to becoming radicalized. For example, Anders Breivik who committed an attack in 2011 in Norway killing more than 50 people cited “Wikipedia” as the greatest influence on his ideology, and many statements included in his manifesto are almost mainstream in many European countries; Ed Husain, a former British Islamist, as he recalls in his memoir, became interested in political Islam by reading a textbook on religion at school (Archetti, 2015). Targeted prevention of violent extremism is hard to achieve because of the extreme difficulty of identifying correctly individuals who are early on the path to engaging in violence without stigmatizing many falsely indicated to be “at risk”. Moreover, targeted approaches focusing on one particular ideology or group may be counterproductive, as the radicalization in some cases may have a reactive nature. The theory of mutual radicalization postulates that intensifying ideas of an outgroup may push members of an ingroup to also aggravate their ideas and positions, which can lead to their radicalization (Konaev & Moghaddam, 2010). In that context, targeting members of a group without targeting the outgroup can be perceived as oppression and bias, and present the entity carrying the prevention effort as the enemy of the group, working for the benefit of the outgroup. In summary, the background of the ones engaging in ideologically inspired violence is very diverse, as well as the routes they take and ideas which they were exposed to and which influenced them. People experience events in a multitude of ways and may invest energy and creativity in interpreting them in a particular way when it serves their psychological needs. Therefore, trying to prevent radicalization by finding and addressing a single root cause or the most common process may be a very limited approach. Due to the diversity of routes, and lack of a single model with predictive power to identify those on the path to radicalization, there is no alternative to taking a universal primary prevention approach: building resilience to a broad spectrum of factors facilitating radicalization, an approach known from the field of public health (Pels & Ruyter, 2012). Epidemiologists take the stance that diseases do not occur

1

INTRODUCTION

9

in vacuum but “they emerge and evolve as a result of a complex dynamic interactive process between people, pathogens, and the environment in which they live. Indeed, the epidemiologic concept of ‘cause’ is rarely if ever singular or linear but is more akin to a ‘web’ of direct and indirect factors that play a lesser or greater role in differing circumstances” (Stares & Yacoubian, 2007, p. 6). Similarly, mental health, or lack thereof, is increasingly seen as an interplay of individual, environmental and societal factors, and the promotion of mental health, resilience and well-being has been universal and ubiquitous, with interventions being executed at schools and in the workplace, but also in other sectors, such as arts and urban planning (Wahlbeck, 2015). It has only been in recent times that the same approach has been adopted in radicalization prevention and scholars demand the implementation of a universal prevention.

School as a Place of Primary Prevention It is now stressed that schools should be more appreciated as a place to prevent radicalization (Feddes et al., 2015; Pels & Ruyter, 2012): “Prevention … requires an additional focus, namely on the socialization and educational environments” (Pels & Ruyter, 2012, p. 312). Educational institutions acknowledge the role of education in the prevention of radicalization. For instance, the British Council (2015) stated that “education is the best possible antidote to radicalization”. Yet teachers are not always prepared to engage in a primary prevention of radicalization as “educators run out of educational options to impact young people’s behaviour and ideas” (Sieckelinck et al., 2015, p. 329). In fact, in all European countries, citizenship education is part of the national curriculum, but not all countries are successful in implementing it in teacher training (Eurydice, 2017). Therefore, teachers need educational tools, such as lesson and instructional materials, curricula and guidelines; and the effectiveness of these materials should be evidence-based. For teachers concerned with radicalization who are in the UK, an online training with an introduction to radicalization and the Prevent duty is available.1 In Germany, the Infodienst Radikalisierungsprävention2

1 https://www.elearning.prevent.homeoffice.gov.uk. 2 https://www.bpb.de/politik/extremismus/radikalisierungspraevention/.

10

M. SKLAD ET AL.

provides information about and materials for the prevention of radicalization, such as a database of institutions in Germany that provide support.3 In France, information and resources are provided by the Ministère de l’éducation nationale de la jeunesse et des sports.4 Lastly, in the Netherlands, Stichting School & Veiligheid provides information, resources and training,5 and the Expertise-unit Sociale Stabiliteit has made, among others, a toolkit that can be used to evaluate interventions.6 However, these sources of information focus primarily on identifying signals of radicalization in individuals at risk or even on deradicalization (i.e., secondary and tertiary prevention). Resources on universal primary prevention are very limited (Fig. 1.2). As teachers already experience a high workload with many teachers reporting that they deal with excessive burden and overload (Kyriacou, 2001), critics may argue that adding radicalization prevention to this burden is ill-advised. However, as a primary prevention of radicalization concerns enhancing social-emotional skills rather than learning “a new subject”, it can be adopted into already existing classes and/or be incorporated in a citizenship education program, which is part of most education curricula, so that this does not have to increase the actual workload or consume extra time. Another objection one might have is that the nature of the topics included in radicalization prevention interventions can lead to tense discussions in the classroom. However, universal primary prevention can mostly include activities which aim to promote positive relations between members of the group and increase group cohesion. In other words, universal prevention activities can be fun for students and do not require tension or controversy, but can create long-term effects enhancing the general class atmosphere, making the classroom a safe place for sensitive discussions if such discussions ever occur. There are many potential ways in which teachers can prevent radicalization, among those most prominently by: fostering cognitive competences such as critical thinking, promoting democratic values, efficacy and behaviour, stimulating positive intergroup relations in culturally diverse societies, reducing 3 https://www.bpb.de/politik/extremismus/radikalisierungspraevention/208847/ang ebote-beratung-vor-ort-finden. 4 https://eduscol.education.fr/1023/ressources-et-outils-educatifs-de-prevention-de-laradicalisation. 5 https://www.schoolenveiligheid.nl/thema/radicalisering-vo/#over-radicalisering. 6 https://www.socialestabiliteit.nl/si-toolkit.

1

INTRODUCTION

11

Fig. 1.2 School role in primary prevention of radicalization

hostile stereotypical perceptions of other social groups members and stimulating a healthy development of self-image and identity of their students. In the next couple of paragraphs, we will outline these possibilities in more detail. Schools Promoting Democratic Values and Behaviour Educational experts point out that, especially during the early stages of the process of radicalization, schools can make a valuable contribution to help making societies more secure, as the school setting provides the opportunity to pay attention to issues which trouble young people. Osler points out that young people who radicalize, and by promoting violence choose an unacceptable path, are concerned about global topics and this to a degree that they are willing to leave their homes, so that they must be seen as “emergent cosmopolitan citizens living in an age of globalization’’ (Osler, 2009, p. 85); and it is this energy which could be channelled within a school setting in a manner that young people do not radicalize

12

M. SKLAD ET AL.

but learn how to contribute to political change using peaceful means given in democratic societies. Teachers are uniquely positioned to prevent radicalization because they have the opportunity to become moral role models for students (Pels & Ruyter, 2012). As role models, they can promote certain values, by demonstrating their attachment to these values in their actions. This may, for instance, include the adoption of a democratic teaching style. Teachers would have to create an atmosphere of openness and trust to discuss views, to demonstrate openness to “others” (Hansen, 2001; Westheimer & Kahne, 2004). For instance, in schools offering vocational training, a place in which socio-economically weaker students are dominant (which also includes non-natives), an authoritarian teaching style is fairly common, which is not effective if one wants to foster democratic citizenship skills (Mooren, 2006; Onstenk, 2006). By the same time, what needs to be taken into account within a school prevention approach is that many teachers (regardless of the school level) are willing, but often feel helpless when it comes to controversial topics in the classroom, so that they try to avoid touching upon them (Leeman, 2003)—an issue which needs to be addressed, such as via non-politically loaded prevention activities. It is thus of vital importance that teachers are supported with a firm theoretical background as well as practical lesson materials in order for them to engage in primary prevention of radicalization. Schools Stimulating Positive Intergroup Relations in Culturally Diverse Societies, Reducing Hostile Stereotypical Perceptions of Others Numerous studies have demonstrated that intergroup contact has a propensity to diminish intergroup prejudice (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Based on this basic contention, ethnically diverse schools can be seen as an ideal means of promoting the intergroup contact among social and ethnic groups, as was postulated by Lee (2011); to change stereotypes, social reality needs to change. In reality, however, even in multi-ethnic schools, intergroup contact does not increase by itself (Bakker et al., 2007), but data show that it is rather the opposite: in the Amsterdamse Scholen report (2005), scholars showed that adolescents stay within “their own” groups in their leisure time. Moreover, even in the original formulation of the theory, positive effects of contact were contingent on certain conditions. Allport postulated that for prejudice to be reduced, the contact between the majority and minority must be based on

1

INTRODUCTION

13

equal status, common goals, cooperation—not competition in pursuing them, and the contact should be of “a sort that leads to the perception of common interests and common humanity between members of the two groups” (Allport, 1954, p. 281). The theory also acknowledges the need for institutional support sanctioning positive contact and discouraging ingroup-outgroup comparisons. Translating this into educational practice, scholars suggested that multi/ethnic schools should foster an inclusive approach, including cooperative learning, and establish a sense of “the school as a community” (Hansen, 2001; Westheimer & Kahne, 2004). While ethnically diverse schools are a great opportunity for reducing prejudice and intergroup hostility, they might also pose a threat if diversity is not taken into account. Results of studies demonstrated that when contact is negative, the contact not only does not relate to reduced prejudice, but actually is associated with increased prejudice. In addition, the effects of negative contact are stronger than those of positive contact (Aberson, 2015; Barlow et al., 2012). Thus, great attention should be paid to managing contact between groups in diverse schools to promote positive intergroup contact and prevent negative contact. Education as a Means to Prevent Radicalization by Increasing Agency and Political Self-Efficacy Chair in International Politics, University of Surrey, Professor Marie Breen-Smyth stresses that the key problem lies with violence and not radical ideas. She states: “I would put education in schools and universities about violence and alternatives to violence. We need to equip young people with an understanding of how to organise campaigns and impact on their worlds in a non-violent and democratic way” (British Council, 2015). Hannam (2004) maintains that it is necessary to fundamentally re-think the way we organize and utilize schools, as she found in a largescale study that schools, which take the claim seriously that they want “to give their students a voice” and let them participate with regard to issues within the school context, also raise students who are much more confident and empowered to take a constructive stance with regard to societal topics including government policy—in comparison with students of schools who do not take this approach. This is in accordance with findings of another school evaluation which showed that students who are given responsibility and decision-making power within their school

14

M. SKLAD ET AL.

context also develop a sense of agency (and self-efficacy) that they have the power to change the status quo (Davies, 2007; Davies & Yamashita, 2007). Schools Can Strengthen Cognitive Competences to Build Resilience to Radicalization Schools can also serve to enhance an individual’s social-cognitive resilience, which may have the power to prevent that students engage in moral disengagement. Moral disengagement is defined as “a psychological process through which individuals that are socialized commit acts of violence in violation of their (own) moral standards. The process involves mechanisms through which the individual moralizes violence as a just action, dehumanizes the victims of violence, obscures their personal agency, and disregards the harmful consequences of violent behaviour” (Aly et al., 2014, p. 383). Bandura (2002, 2004) includes in the process of moral disengagement the following mechanisms: redefining harmful conduct by moral justification, euphemistic labelling of acts, minimizing or misconstruing the consequences, dehumanization of the other or attribution of blame on the victim. Professor Louise Richardson, the ViceChancellor of the University of Oxford, stated: “Any terrorist I have ever met through my academic work had a highly oversimplified view of the world, which they saw in black and white terms. Education robs you of that simplification and certitude. Education is the best possible antidote to radicalization” (British Council, 2015). Davies (2009) argues further that specific forms of citizenship education are important to increase an individual’s resilience, for instance critical media literacy, which includes the skill to analyse political or religious messages. Lilienfeld (2008; Lilienfeld et al., 2009) goes one step further and refers openly to cognitive errors so that the application of psycho-educational debiasing techniques would be the means of choice. He identifies three biases as being most relevant with regard to radicalization: (a) realism, the assumption that the world is exactly the way we perceive it (Ross & Ward, 1996), often leads to (b) a bias blind spot (the “not me” bias), the faulty belief that others are biased but not oneself (Pronin et al., 2004) and (c) confirmation bias. Confirmation bias, defined as the tendency to selectively seek out information consistent with one’s beliefs and to ignore, minimize or distort information that is not (Nickerson, 1998), is the most crucial bias when

1

INTRODUCTION

15

it comes to radicalization, as it often leads to a selective perception of evidence (tunnel vision). In a next step, it may even lead to belief perseverance, which is the inclination to hold on to views when they have already been proven incorrect (Ross et al., 1975). Therefore, Lilienfeld (2008) proposes to address four issues in order to tackle the biases: (a) to combat confirmation bias, (b) to enhance perspective taking skills, (c) to foster active open-mindedness and (d) to foster delayed decisionmaking (see also Spengler et al., 1995). This way, these biases could be diminished in their intensity and frequency if they could not be fully eliminated. The aim is not that students would accept all points of view of being equally valid but to realize that there are alternative perspectives and that this realization may help also to better identify one’s own cognitive errors. Willingham (2007) states that the most successful method is to teach metacognitive rules (to consider alternative points of view) which would lead to critical open-mindedness, which is fully in accordance with Lilienfeld (2008). Perspective taking also has been proven to be the most successful approach to decrease stereotyping (Galinsky & Ku, 2004; Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000). Pettigrew and Tropp (2008) showed in their meta-analysis of 54 studies and 91 independent samples that perspective taking reduces prejudice after intergroup contact. Schools Can Promote Healthy Identity Development Adolescence is the period in life in which questions of identity and belonging feel to be most pressing. The often extremely troubling element of this period of life is: one feels neither fish nor fowl, does not know where one stands in life and engagement with radical ideas acts as a catalyst as one “almost automatically becomes victim or villain with often little in between” (Mythen et al., 2009, p. 736). Adolescents strive to bolster their self-esteem, go through an identity crisis and seek meaning in life, companionship and community. Adopting an extreme ideology may provide all of the above, and on top of this, it offers an escape from the mundane demands of an ordinary teenager’s everyday life. Some scholars argue that low self-esteem may be the decisive factor, if identity crisis is the starting point of radicalization (Sieckelinck et al., 2015; Stares & Yacoubian, 2007). There is little empirical evidence directly confirming the role of self-esteem in processes of radicalization. However, there is a rich body of literature exploring the relationship between self-esteem and aggressive behaviour. For instance, Donnellan

16

M. SKLAD ET AL.

and colleagues (2005) conducted three studies which showed a direct relationship between low self-esteem, aggressive and anti-social behaviour and even delinquency. Trzesniewski and coworkers (2006) showed that low self-esteem during adolescence could even predict criminal behaviour later in life. On the other hand, Baumeister suggested that, more than self-esteem, feeling humiliated is related to aggressive behaviour (Baumeister et al., 1996; Bushman et al., 2009). Unfortunately, young people, especially from minority backgrounds, often experience humiliation: studies showed that minority students feel discriminated against due to their ethnic or religious affiliations (dual identity) within their schools (Cokley et al., 2011; Feddes et al., 2015; Hanassab, 2006; Hwang & Goto, 2008). As institutions tasked with fostering development of youth, schools are ideally positioned to help young people exploring who they are in a safe way, and helping them to develop a positive identity and not feel humiliated because they are who they are. In summary, it can be said that preventing radicalization by means of primary prevention, building resilience against radicalization among the general population, is far less controversial than targeted efforts addressing individuals identified at risk. Schools are ideally positioned to fulfil that role, not only because young people at the crucial age spend plenty of time there, but also because many of the activities are already in the mandate and mission of schools, such as creating a safe environment where all young people may develop to their fullest potential without fear of being discriminated against or humiliated and explore who they are, preparing next generations to actively and positively contribute to a democratic society, or fostering cognitive skills, such as critical thinking. In the following chapters, we will take a closer look at the various specific competences which might be strengthened at schools, the evidence that they may indeed create resilience to radicalization and effective means of fostering them at schools. In order to identify effective existing concrete interventions addressing these competences, we conducted a semi-systematic review. Studies were found by entering keywords into the following search engines: Scopus, Web of Science, WorldCat, Google Scholar and Google (mainly to find work from NGOs, etc.). PubMed and PsycINFO were also checked. In the search engines, the keywords of each chapter (e.g., identity/perspective taking/political self-efficacy/mindfulness) were entered, together with radicalization/extremism/terrorism prevention/intervention. Additional studies were found by checking the

1

INTRODUCTION

17

reference lists of the identified articles. Databases and toolkits were found by entering keywords from each chapter (e.g., identity/perspective taking/political self-efficacy/mindfulness), together with radicalization/extremism/terrorism prevention/intervention database/toolkit, in the search engines. Five databases and toolkits were found and checked (Bounce Young, 2017; CT MORSE, n.d.; Expertise-unit Sociale Stabiliteit, n.d.; Impact Europe, n.d.; YCARE, n.d.). Reviews and metaanalyses were found by entering keywords from each chapter (e.g., identity/perspective taking/political self-efficacy/mindfulness), together with radicalization/extremism/terrorism prevention/intervention review/meta-analysis, in the search engines. Five reviews and metaanalyses were found and checked (Hermens et al., 2016; ICPC, 2015; Pistone et al., 2019; RAN, 2019; Search for Common Ground, 2016). The authors checked the relevance of studies that were found by screening abstracts. Next, the content of the articles with relevant abstracts was screened. To be included in the current book, we required the interventions in the studies to be (a) aimed at preventing or reducing radicalization by interfering with radicalization processes or by building resilience, (b) (expected to be) successful, (c) meant for adolescents or easily adjustable to become suitable for adolescents, (d) executed in schools or easily implemented in schools, and (e) universal, in that they do not target solely individuals at risk, or can easily be adjusted to become universal. Additionally, the studies had to be no older than 35 years. The literature presents clearly a shortage of rigorous empirical studies providing empirical tests of the effectiveness of school interventions in specific relevant areas. Randomized controlled trials are few and far between in this area. For instance, Jugl and colleagues (2020) conducted a meta-analysis of psychosocial programs for extremism prevention. Despite using broad eligibility criteria including also secondary and tertiary prevention programs besides primary prevention, after screening 14,000 reports the authors identified only a single randomized trial reporting psychosocial outcomes directly corresponding to radicalization and extremism. Without extremely large scale and very lengthy longitudinal studies, it is virtually impossible to generate evidence that a universal program has a preventative effect for a behaviour of very low population prevalence, such as violent extremism (Sklad et al., 2020), as only an extremely small minority of students will eventually engage in violent extremist behaviour and likely years after leaving the school. Therefore, a study to establish the effect of a universal preventive intervention directly

18

M. SKLAD ET AL.

on the extremist violence would need to include many thousands of participants and follow them for a very long time. Moreover, the most methodologically strict standard would require programs to not only be tested in randomized controlled trials, but the randomized trials to be replicated through various cultural and institutional contexts and without involvement of program authors or institutions having a conflict of interest. Hardly any programs meet such criteria, and even meeting such strict criteria would not guarantee effectiveness of a program in a particular context not covered by previous trials, as it is practically impossible to test a program across the range of contexts forming a representative sample for all contexts relevant for readers across the globe in which the given interventions might be implemented. Moreover, if it was possible, it would not be realistic for teachers, with limited capacity and resources compared to the original developers, to reproduce the optimal circumstances in which the effectiveness of the programs was tested (Greenberg et al., 2005; Hallfors & Godette, 2002). In addition, school programs which can boast the highest standard of evidence required decades of research (see PATHS, Kusché et al., 1994; or .b, Volanen et al., 2020) and very extensive financing. Therefore, they hardly represent most recent developments and are thus not necessarily the best match for the current, rapidly changing, social context. On top of that, existence of that high-quality evidence is to a large degree determined by factors unrelated to intervention effectiveness, such as the capacity of the program to lobby for funding related to political factors, and the business side of it. Therefore, the sample representing interventions with the strongest evidence for their effectiveness would not necessarily represent most effective up-to-date programs. Meanwhile in everyday reality, school practice relies often on educational activities and materials found and delivered by teachers. Among available school-based interventions that claim to be “empirical”, there is huge variability in the nature and quality of how they are evaluated. Teachers adapt them to the local context with hardly any regard for fidelity and evidence of effectiveness. Alternatively, the interventions are frequently developed and served by various NGOs and often do not undergo any effectiveness evaluation besides subjective impressions of providers and recipients. Moreover, preventing radicalization is also not a primary concern of educational institutions, so preventive effectiveness is unlikely to be a decisive factor for teachers guiding the selection of educational material.

1

INTRODUCTION

19

Given this reality in an extreme practical difficulty of providing direct evidence of effectiveness of a universal school program for preventing violent extremist behaviour, it is worth to recommend types of interventions which demonstrated effectiveness in strengthening established resilience factors against radicalization, especially if these outcomes have other benefits sought by schools. For example, critical thinking skills training includes additional benefits of increased psychological well-being (Rezaei Kargar, Ajilchi, Kalantar Choreishi, & Zohoori Zangene, 2013) and even physical health benefits, such as a decrease in somatic, anxiety and insomnia symptoms (Rezaei Kargar, Ajilchi, Kalantar Goreyshi, & Noohi, 2013); a school climate in which democracy is important makes adolescents develop “stronger feelings of responsibility toward the common good and a higher motivation to become active citizens in the future” (Lenzi et al., 2014, p. 258); prosocial behaviour, including developing empathy, is related to better academic achievement (Caprara et al., 2000); and mindfulness training leads to reduced psychological symptomatology and increased well-being (Keng et al., 2011) and has positive effects on working memory, cognitive flexibility and meta-awareness (Lao et al., 2016). In sum, training in the competences highlighted in this book carries additional benefits, preparing adolescents to become psychologically well-rounded participants of society, which is one of the primary objectives of educational systems. As the objective of this book is to provide readers with inspiration for developing programs fostering specific competences, or adopting existing ones to their local contexts, the programs cited represent illustrative examples and not necessarily recommended best practice. However, the book provides basic information about the quality of evidence available for the cited interventions. The identified interventions were categorized according to the evidence of effectiveness into the following categories: (a) at least some empirical evidence with significant and valid findings of effectiveness available, (b) at least some empirical evidence of effectiveness available, but no (significant and/or valid) effects, (c) no empirical evidence of effectiveness available but based on a solid theoretical background or (d) no empirical evidence of effectiveness nor solid theoretical background available. Interventions that did not fall in any of these categories (e.g., interventions that had negative effects on the groups in which they were administered) were not considered for this book and do not appear in any of the following descriptions or numbers. Interventions with

20

M. SKLAD ET AL.

“at least some empirical evidence” (i.e., categories a and b) were interventions that were tested in an appropriate sample size (defined as preferably at least 30 participants in a quantitative study and at least 10 participants in a qualitative study) and were evaluated using reliable methodology (e.g., pre- and post-intervention comparisons on multiple measures). An example of an intervention falling in category (a) is an intervention for which constructs were evaluated pre- and post-intervention on multiple measures and were compared to a control group, where the experimental and the control group were both of a sample size of over 30 participants. Examples of interventions falling in category (b) are interventions that had mixed effects, were based on a case study or a study with a sample size below 30 or 10 for quantitative or qualitative studies, respectively, or only had subjectively observed but no objectively tested results (e.g., only teacher observations of changes in behaviour). Interventions that fell in the first two categories are described in more detail with information on the effectiveness added as well; interventions that fell in the latter two categories are mentioned in the chapter as examples only. In total, of the interventions/programs mentioned in the book, 53 interventions were tested empirically and had solid evidence on their effectiveness; 7 interventions were empirically tested but did not have firm, positive results; 7 interventions did not have empirical evidence of their effectiveness but were based on solid theoretical background and are mentioned as examples; and 10 interventions had no empirical evidence nor solid background and are, therefore, also only mentioned as an example (see also Table 1.1 for a division per chapter). As said before, given the purpose of the book and limitations of existing evidence, the cited programs represent illustrative examples and not necessarily recommended best practice nor a complete representation of all existing programs as, for instance, we reached mostly English, Dutch and German sources excluding any available only in Roman or Slavic languages let alone Asian or African. In order to include as many viewpoints as possible, we did not limit ourselves to inclusion of one field, or methodology. We reviewed academic, peer-reviewed sources and interdisciplinary, edited publications coming from various research traditions. As the standards of evidence differ across domains, we chose broad and inclusive methods to allow for some weakly supported, yet promising new approaches to be included and at the same time to provide basic information on the strength of evidence, so readers can make informed choices. With this strategy, we hope to offer a wide range of methods that may

1

INTRODUCTION

21

Table 1.1 Overview of quality of evidence for the interventions included in this book Chapter

Identity (N = 27) Perspective taking (N = 18) Political self-efficacy (N = 18) Mindfulness and self-regulation (N = 14)

Category (a): empirical evidence with significant findings of effectiveness ( N = 53) (%)

Category (d): Category (c): Category (b): no empirical no empirical some empirical evidence nor evidence, but no evidence but solid theoretical theoretical (significant) effects ( N = 7) background ( N background ( N = 10) (%) = 7) (%) (%)

63

11

7

19

82

6

6

6

67

0

11

22

64

22

14

0

resonate with teachers and educational professionals. Given the scale of current educational research, the selection is by no means exclusive. The selection is based not only on concern for quality of effectiveness evidence but also on criteria of explanatory clarity, practical replicability and open access availability. As stated before, the majority of interventions were not specifically aimed at preventing radicalization; instead, they strengthened social skills, mindsets and cognitive abilities that have theoretically or empirically supported potential to reduce vulnerability to radicalization among adolescents.

References Abbas, T. (2007). Muslim minorities in Britain: Integration, multiculturalism and radicalism in the post-7/7 period. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 28(3), 287–300. https://doi.org/10.1080/07256860701429717 Aberson, C. L. (2015). Positive intergroup contact, negative intergroup contact, and threat as predictors of cognitive and affective dimensions of prejudice. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 18(6), 743–760. https://doi.org/ 10.1177/1368430214556699

22

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Perseus Books. Aly, A., Taylor, E., & Karnovsky, S. (2014). Moral disengagement and building resilience to violent extremism: An education intervention. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 37 , 369–385. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2014. 879379 Amsterdamse Scholen report. (2005). Interculturele verhoudingen op Amsterdamse scholen voor voortgezet onderwijs en middelbaar beroepsonderwijs. https://www.burojansen.nl/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/interculturelev erhoudingen.pdf Aradau, C. (2004). The perverse politics of four-letter words: Risk and pity in the securitisation of human trafficking. Millennium Journal of International Studies, 33(2), 251–278. https://doi.org/10.1177/030582980403 30020101 Archetti, C. (2015). Terrorism, communication and new media: Explaining radicalization in the digital age. Perspectives on Terrorism, 9(1), 49–59. https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/binaries/content/assets/customsites/per spectives-on-terrorism/2015/volume-1/4-terrorism-communication-andnew-media-explaining-radicalization-in-the-digital-age-by-cristina-archetti.pdf Bakker, J., Denessen, J., Pelzer, B., Veneman, M., & Lageweg, S. (2007). De houding jegens klasgenoten: Etnisch gekleurd? Een onderzoek naar factoren van invloed op de attitude van basisschoolleerlingen jegens klasgenoten van verschillende etnische herkomst. Pedagogiek, 27 (3), 201–222. https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/187 468/340-363-1-PB.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y Bandura, A. (2002). Selective moral disengagement in the exercise of moral agency. Journal of Moral Education, 31(2), 101–119. https://doi.org/10. 1080/0305724022014322 Bandura, A. (2004). The role of selective moral disengagement in terrorism and counterterrorism. In F. M. Moghaddam & A. J. Marsella (Eds.), Understanding terrorism: Psychological roots, consequences and interventions (pp. 121–150). American Psychological Association Press. Barlow, F. K., Paolini, S., Pedersen, A., Hornsey, M. J., Radke, H. R., Harwood, J., Rubin, M., & Sibley, C. G. (2012). The contact caveat: Negative contact predicts increased prejudice more than positive contact predicts reduced prejudice. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 38(12), 1629–1643. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0146167212457953 Barrett, M. (2016). Competences for democratic culture: Living together as equals in culturally diverse democratic societies. Council of Europe Publishing.

1

INTRODUCTION

23

Baumeister, R. F., Smart, L., & Boden, J. M. (1996). Relation of threatened egotism to violence and aggression: The dark side of high self-esteem. Psychological Review, 103, 5–33. http://www.emotionalcompetency.com/papers/ baumeistersmartboden1996[1].pdf Bjørgo, T., & Horgan, J. G. (Eds.) (2009). Leaving terrorism behind: Individual and collective disengagement. Routledge. Borum, R. (2011). Radicalization into violent extremism I: A review of social science theories. Journal of Strategic Security, 4(4), 7–36. https://doi.org/ 10.5038/1944-0472.4.4.1 Bounce Young. (2017). Resilience training tool for youngsters: Manual. https:// www.salto-youth.net/downloads/toolbox_tool_download-file-1659/EN% 20-%20BOUNCE%20young%20Version092016_Review%20AM%20(final2). pdf British Council. (2015). Education is best possible antidote to radicalization. https://www.britishcouncil.org/contact/press/education-best-possibleantidote-radicalisation Brzuszkiewicz, S. (2018). Radicalisation in Europe after the fall of Islamic State: Trends and risks. European View, 17 (2), 145–154. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 1781685818805677 Busher, J., Choudhury, T., Thomas, P., & Harris, G. (2017). What the Prevent duty means for schools and colleges in England: An analysis of educationalists’ experiences. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/32349/ Bushman, B. J., Baumeister, R. F., Thomaes, S., Ryu, E., Begeer, S., & West, S. G. (2009). Looking again, and harder, for a link between low self-esteem and aggression. Journal of Personality, 77 , 427–446. https://doi.org/10.1111/j. 1467-6494.2008.00553.x Campelo, N., Oppetit, A., Neau, F., Cohen, D., & Bronsard, G. (2018). Who are the European youths willing to engage in radicalisation? A multidisciplinary review of their psychological and social profiles. European Psychiatry, 52, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2018.03.001 Caprara, G. V., Barbaranelli, C., Pastorelli, C., Bandura, A., & Zimbardo, P. G. (2000). Prosocial foundations of children’s academic achievement. Psychological Science, 11(4), 302–306. https://doi.org/10.1111%2F1467-9280. 00260 Clarke, C. P., & Moghadam, A. (2018). Mapping today’s jihadi landscape and threat. Orbis, 62(3), 347–371. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2018. 05.006 Cokley, K., Hall-Clark, B., & Hicks, D. (2011). Ethnic minority-majority status and mental health: The mediating role of perceived discrimination. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 33(3), 243–263. https://www.researchgate. net/profile/Kevin_Cokley/publication/236729284_A_Preliminary_Investi gation_of_Academic_Disidentification_Racial_Identity_and_Academic_Achiev

24

M. SKLAD ET AL.

ement_Among_African_American_Adolescents/links/5417aa140cf203f155 ad5df1.pdf Cole, D. (2009). English lessons: A comparative analysis of UK and US responses to terrorism. Current Legal Problems, 62(1), 136–167. https://doi.org/10. 1093/clp/62.1.136 Council of Europe. (2018). Fight against violent extremism and radicalisation leading to terrorism: Implementing the action plan. https://rm.coe.int/sg-inf2018-7-fight-against-violent-extremism-and-radicalisation-leadi/16807c0d4b Council of the European Union. (2005). The European Union counterterrorism strategy. https://register.consilium.europa.eu/doc/srv?l=EN&f= ST%2014469%202005%20REV%204 Counter-Terrorism Monitoring, Reporting and Support Mechanism (CT MORSE). (n.d.). EU funded projects in counter-terrorism. https://ct-morse. eu/projects/projects-map/ Davies, L. (2007). Conflict resolution. In D. Hicks & C. Holden (Eds.), Teaching the global dimension: Key principles and effective practice (pp. 75– 110). Routledge Falmer. Davies, L. (2008). Education against extremism. Trentham Books. Davies, L. (2009). Educating against extremism: Towards a critical politicization of young people. International Review of Education, 55, 183–203. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s11159-008-9126-8 Davies, L., & Yamashita, H. (2007). School councils: School improvement. Centre for International Education and Research. De Graaf, B. A. (2017). Terrorisme- en radicaliseringsstudies: Een explosief onderzoeksveld. Justitiële Verkenningen, 43(3), 8–30. https://doi.org/10. 5553/JV/016758502017043003002 Della Porta, D. (2006). Social movements, political violence, and the state: A comparative analysis of Italy and Germany. Cambridge University Press. Department of Homeland Security (DHS). (2007). Violent radicalization and homegrown terrorism prevention act of 2007 . https://www.govinfo.gov/con tent/pkg/BILLS-110hr1955rfs/pdf/BILLS-110hr1955rfs.pdf Donnellan, M. B., Trzesniewski, K. H., Robins, R. W., Moffitt, T. E., & Caspi, A. (2005). Low self-esteem is related to aggression, antisocial behaviour, and delinquency. Psychological Science, 16, 328–335. https://doi.org/10.1111/j. 0956-7976.2005.01535.x Doosje, B., Moghaddam, F. M., Kruglanski, A. W., De Wolf, A., Mann, L., & Feddes, A. R. (2016). Terrorism, radicalization and de-radicalization. Current Opinion in Psychology, 11, 79–84. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2016. 06.008 Dudenhoefer, A. (2018). Resisting radicalisation: A critical analysis of the UK Prevent duty. Journal for Deradicalisation, 14, 153–191. https://www.resear chgate.net/profile/Lynn_Dudenhoefer/publication/322206862_Resisting_

1

INTRODUCTION

25

Radicalisation_A_Critical_Analysis_of_the_UK_Prevent_Duty/links/5b14ea 01a6fdcc4611e2043c/Resisting-Radicalisation-A-Critical-Analysis-of-the-UKPrevent-Duty.pdf European Commission. (2002). Radicalisation. https://ec.europa.eu/home-aff airs/e-library/glossary/radicalisation_en European Commission. (2016). Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions: Supporting the prevention of radicalization leading to violent extremism (379). http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/ education_culture/repository/education/library/publications/2016/com munication-preventing-radicalisation_en.pdf European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS). (2018). The return of foreign fighters to EU soil: Ex-post evaluation. https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstr eam/handle/1887/68826/RAGAZZI_WALMSLEY_2018_-_EPRS_STUD_ 621811_Return_of_ForeignFighters_rev.pdf?sequence=1 Europol. (2018). European Union terrorism situation and trend report 2018. https://www.europol.europa.eu/activities-services/main-reports/europeanunion-terrorism-situation-and-trend-report-2018-tesat-2018 Europol. (2020). European Union terrorism situation and trend report 2020. https://www.europol.europa.eu/activities-services/main-reports/europeanunion-terrorism-situation-and-trend-report-te-sat-2020. Eurydice. (2017). Eurydice brief: Citizenship education at school in Europe 2017 . https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/home_en Expertise-unit Sociale Stabiliteit. (n.d.). Toolkit evidence based werken bij de preventie van radicalisering. https://www.socialestabiliteit.nl/si-toolkit Feddes, A. R., Mann, L., & Doosje, B. (2015). Increasing self-esteem and empathy to prevent violent radicalization: A longitudinal quantitative evaluation of a resilience training focused on adolescents with a dual identity. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 45, 400–411. https://doi.org/10.1111/ jasp.12307 Galinsky, A. D., & Ku, G. (2004). The effects of perspective-taking on prejudice: The moderating role of self-evaluation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 30, 594–604. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167203262802 Galinsky, A. D., & Moskowitz, G. (2000). Perspective-taking: Decreasing stereotype expression, stereotype accessibility, and in-group favoritism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78, 708–724. https://doi.org/10.1037// 0022-3514.78.4.708 Gereluk, D. (2012). Education, extremism and terrorism: What should be taught in citizenship education and why. Continuum International Publishing Group. Ghosh, R., Chan, W. A., Manuel, A., & Dilimulati, M. (2017). Can education counter violent religious extremism? Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 23(2), 117–133. https://doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2016.1165713

26

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Greenberg, M. T., Domitrovich, C. E., Graczyk, P. A., & Zins, J. E. (2005). The study of implementation in school-based preventive interventions: Theory, research, and practice. Promotion of Mental Health and Prevention of Mental and Behavioral Disorders, 3, 1–62. https://www.researchgate.net/pro file/Mark-Greenberg-3/publication/253475340_The_Study_of_Implement ation_in_School-Based_Preventive_Interventions_Theory_Research_and_Pra ctice/links/0c96052a8783446310000000/The-Study-of-Implementationin-School-Based-Preventive-Interventions-Theory-Research-and-Practice.pdf Hallfors, D., & Godette, D. (2002). Will the “Principles of Effectiveness” improve prevention practice? Early findings from a diffusion study. Health Education Research, 17 (4), 461–470. https://doi.org/10.1093/her/17. 4.461 Hanassab, S. (2006). Diversity, international students, and perceived discrimination: Implications for educators and counselors. Journal of Studies in International Education, 10(2), 157–172. https://doi.org/10.1177/102831 5305283051 Hannam, D. (2004). Involving young people in identifying ways of gathering their views on curriculum: A study conducted for QCA with CSV. Qualifications and Curriculum Authority. Hansen, D. T. (2001). Teaching as a moral activity. In V. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of research on teaching (4th ed., pp. 826–857). American Educational Research Association. Heath-Kelly, C. (2013). Counter-terrorism and the counterfactual: Producing the ‘radicalisation’ discourse and the UK Prevent strategy. British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 15(3), 394–415. https://doi.org/10.1111/ j.1467-856X.2011.00489.x Hermens, F., Van Kapel, M., Van Wonderen, R., & Booijink, M. (2016). Preventie van radicalisering: Praktijkvoorbeelden van aanpakken gericht op kwetsbare jongeren die vatbaar zijn voor radicalisering. https://www.kis.nl/ sites/default/files/bestanden/Publicaties/preventie-van-radicalisering.pdf HM Government. (2015). Channel duty guidance: Protecting vulnerable people from being drawn into terrorism: Statutory guidance for Channel panel members and partners of local panels. https://assets.publishing.service.gov. uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/425189/ Channel_Duty_Guidance_April_2015.pdf Höffler, K., & Sommerer, L. M. (2017). The Fire Raisers: Criminological considerations in the light of recent events. Monatsschrift Fur Kriminologie Und Strafrechtsreform, 100(1), 26–44. https://doi.org/10.1515/mkr-2017-0103 Horgan, J. (2012). Interviewing the terrorists: Reflections on fieldwork and implications for psychological research. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 4(3), 195–211. https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472. 2011.59462

1

INTRODUCTION

27

Hwang, W. C., & Goto, S. (2008). The impact of perceived racial discrimination on the mental health of Asian American and Latino college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 14(4), 326–335. https://doi.org/ 10.1037/1099-9809.14.4.326 Impact Europe. (n.d.). Interventions database. http://www.impact.itti.com.pl/ index#/inspire/search International Centre for the Prevention of Crime (ICPC). (2015). Preventing radicalization: A systematic review. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.1.4862. 1682 Jugl, I., Lösel, F., Bender, D., & King, S. (2020). Psychosocial prevention programs against radicalization and extremism: A meta-analysis of outcome evaluations. European Journal of Psychology Applied to Legal Context, 13(1), 37–46. https://doi.org/10.5093/ejpalc2021a6 Keng, S. L., Smoski, M. J., & Robins, C. J. (2011). Effects of mindfulness on psychological health: A review of empirical studies. Clinical Psychology Review, 31(6), 1041–1056. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2011.04.006 Konaev, M., & Moghaddam, F. M. (2010). Mutual radicalization: Bush, Ahmadinejad, and the “universal” cycle of out-group threat/in-group cohesion. In F. Moghaddam & R. Harré (Eds.), Words of conflict, words of war: How the language we use in political processes sparks fighting (pp. 155–171). Praeger. Kruglanski, A. W., & Fishman, S. (2009). Psychological factors in terrorism and counterterrorism: Individual, group, and organizational levels of analysis. Social Issues and Policy Review, 3, 1–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.17512409.2009.01009.x Kundnani, A. (2009). Spooked! How not to prevent violent extremism. Institute of Race Relations. Kusché, C. A., Greenberg, M. T., & Anderson, L. A. (1994). The PATHS curriculum: Promoting alternative thinking strategies. Development Research & Programs. Kyriacou, C. (2001). Teacher stress: Directions for future research. Educational Review, 53(1), 27–35. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131910120033628 Lao, S. A., Kissane, D., & Meadows, G. (2016). Cognitive effects of MBSR/MBCT: A systematic review of neuropsychological outcomes. Consciousness and Cognition, 45, 109–123. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.con cog.2016.08.017 Lee, Y. T. (2011). Social psychology of stereotyping and human difference appreciation. In S. Chen (Ed.), Diversity management: Theoretical perspectives, practical approaches, and academic leadership (pp. 33–46). Nova Science Publishers.

28

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Leeman, Y. (2003). De pedagogische opdracht in een multi-etnische context: Docentendilemma’s. Pedagogische Studien, 80(6), 468–484. http://pedago gischestudien.nl/download?type=document&identifier=616756 Lenzi, M., Vieno, A., Sharkey, J., Mayworm, A., Scacchi, L., Pastore, M., & Santinello, M. (2014). How school can teach civic engagement besides civic education: The role of democratic school climate. American Journal of Community Psychology, 54(3–4), 251–261. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10 464-014-9669-8 Lilienfeld, S. O. (2008). Can psychology save the world? https://digest.bps.org. uk/2007/09/26/can-psychology-save-the-world/ Lilienfeld, S. O., Ammirati, R., & Landfield, K. (2009). Giving debiasing away: Can psychological research on correcting cognitive errors promote human welfare? Perspectives on Psychological Science, 4(4), 390–398. https://www3.nd.edu/~ghaeffel/Lilienfeld2009%20Perspectives% 20on%20Psychological%20Science.pdf Marsden, S. (2015). Preventing ‘violent extremism’: Creating safe spaces for negotiating difference. https://www.psa.ac.uk/insight-plus/blog/preventingviolent-extremism-creating-safe-spaces-negotiating-difference Mattsson, C., Hammarén, N., & Odenbring, Y. (2016). Youth at risk: A critical discourse analysis of the EU Commission’s Radicalisation Awareness Network Collection of approaches and practices used in education. Power & Education, 8(3), 251–265. https://doi.org/10.1177/1757743816677133 Mattsson, C., & Säljö, R. (2018). Violent extremism, national security and prevention: Institutional discourses and their implications for schooling. British Journal of Educational Studies, 66(1), 109–125. https://doi.org/10. 1080/00071005.2017.1337870 Moghaddam, F. M. (2005). The staircase to terrorism: A psychological exploration. American Psychologist, 60(2), 161–169. https://doi.org/10.1037/ 0003-066X.60.2.161 Mooren, F. (2006). Opvoeding op school en in het gezin: Onderzoek naar de samenhang tussen opvoeding en de houding van jongeren ten opzichte van sociale grenzen. Rijksuniversiteit Groningen (dissertation). Mythen, G., Walklate, S., & Khan, F. (2009). ‘I’m a muslim, but I’m not a terrorist’: Victimization, risky identities and the performance of safety. British Journal of Criminology, 49, 736–754. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azp032 National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC). (2016). Freedom of information request reference number: 000069/16. http://www.npcc.police.uk/Public ation/NPCC%20FOI/CT/069%2016%20Channel%20Referrals.doc Nickerson, R. (1998). Confirmation bias: A ubiquitous phenomenon in many guises. Review of General Psychology, 2, 175–220. https://doi.org/10.1037/ 1089-2680.2.2.175

1

INTRODUCTION

29

O’Donnell, A. (2015). Securitisation, counterterrorism and the silencing of dissent: The educational implications of prevent. British Journal of Educational Studies, 64(1), 53–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/00071005.2015.112 1201 Onstenk, J. (2006). Moet het onderwijs opvoeden of de ouders? Vernieuwing, 65(8), 6–8. Open Society Justice Initiative. (2016). Eroding trust: The UK’s Prevent counterextremism strategy in health and education. https://www.opensocietyfoundat ions.org/sites/default/files/eroding-trust-20161017_0.pdf Osler, A. (2009). Patriotism, multiculturalism and belonging: Political discourse and the teaching of history. Educational Review, 61(1), 85–100. https://doi. org/10.1080/00131910802684813 Pels, T., & Ruyter, D. J. (2012). The influence of education and socialization on radicalization: An exploration of theoretical presumptions and empirical research. Child & Youth Care Forum, 41, 311–325. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s10566-011-9155-5 Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90(5), 751–783. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.90.5.751 Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2008). How does intergroup contact reduce prejudice: Meta-analytic tests of three mediators. European Journal of Social Psychology, 38(6), 922–934. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.504 Pistone, I., Eriksson, E., Beckman, U., Mattson, C., & Sager, M. (2019). A scoping review of interventions for preventing and countering violent extremism: Current status and implications for future research. Journal for Deradicalization, 19, 1–84. http://journals.sfu.ca/jd/index.php/jd/article/ view/213 Post, J. (1984). Notes on a psychodynamic theory of terrorist behavior. Terrorism: An International Journal, 7 (3), 241–256. https://doi.org/10. 1080/10576108408435577 Pronin, E., Gilovich, T., & Ross, L. (2004). Objectivity in the eye of the beholder: Divergent perceptions of bias in self versus other. Psychological Review, 111, 781–799. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.111.3.781 Radicalisation Awareness Network (RAN). (2017). RAN MANUAL: Responses to returnees: Foreign terrorist fighters and their families. http://www.dmefor peace.org/peacexchange/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Responses-to-Ret urnees-Foreign-Terrorist-Fighters-and-their-Families.pdf Radicalisation Awareness Network (RAN). (2019). Preventing radicalisation to terrorism and violent extremism: Approaches and practices. https://ec.eur opa.eu/home-affairs/sites/homeaffairs/files/what-we-do/networks/radica lisation_awareness_network/ran-best-practices/docs/ran_collection-approa ches_and_practices_en.pdf

30

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Ramsay, P. (2017). Is Prevent a safe space? Education, Citizenship and Social Justice, 12(2), 143–158. https://doi.org/10.1177/1746197917693022 Rezaei Kargar, F., Ajilchi, B., Kalantar Choreishi, M., & Zohoori Zangene, Z. (2013). The effect of teaching critical and creative thinking skills on the locus of control and psychological well-being in adolescents. Procedia—Social and Behavioral Sciences, 82, 51–56. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013. 06.223 Rezaei Kargar, F., Ajilchi, B., Kalantar Goreyshi, M., & Noohi, S. (2013). Effect of creative and critical thinking skills teaching on identity styles and general health in adolescents. Procedia—Social and Behavioral Sciences, 84, 464–469. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.06.585 Ross, L., Lepper, M. R., & Hubbard, M. (1975). Perseverance in self-perception and social perception: Biased attributional process in the debriefing paradigm. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 32, 880–892. https://doi.org/ 10.1037/0022-3514.32.5.880 Ross, L., & Ward, A. (1996). Naïve realism: Implications for social conflict and misunderstanding. In T. Brown, E. Reed, & E. Turiel (Eds.), Values and knowledge (pp. 103–135). Erlbaum. Rousseau, C., Hassan, G., & Oulhote, Y. (2017). And if there were another way out? Questioning the prevalent radicalization models. Canadian Public Health, 108(5/6), e633–e655. https://link.springer.com/article/10.17269/ CJPH.108.6233 Search for Common Ground. (2016). Working together to address violent extremism: A strategy for youth-government partnerships. https://www.sfcg. org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/YouthGovtCVE_StrategyDocument_1 22116.pdf Sian, K. P. (2015). Spies, surveillance and stakeouts: Monitoring Muslim moves in British state schools. Race Ethnicity and Education, 18(2), 183–201. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2013.830099 Sieckelinck, S., Kaulingfreks, F., & de Winter, M. (2015). Neither villains nor victims: Towards an educational perspective on radicalisation. British Journal of Educational Studies, 63(3), 329–343. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 00071005.2015.1076566 Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2017). Examining the potential role of education in the prevention of radicalization from the psychological perspective. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 23(4), 432–437. https://doi.org/10. 1037/pac0000258 Sklad, M., Park, E., van Venrooij, I., Pickard, A., & Wignand, J. (2020). Radicalization prevention by means of strengthening social and civic competences. Contemporary School Psychology, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40 688-020-00330-9

1

INTRODUCTION

31

Spengler, P. M., Strohmer, D. C., Dixon, D. N., & Shivy, V. A. (1995). A scientist-practitioner model of psychological assessment: Implications for training, practice, and research. Counseling Psychologist, 23, 506–534. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0011000095233009 Stares, P. B., & Yacoubian, M. (2007). Terrorism as a disease: An epidemiological model for countering Islamist extremism (Working Paper from the Ridgway Center’s Working Group on “Internal Security and the Rule of Law”). https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/46161/Stares_Terr_Disease_2007.pdf Thomas, P. (2009). Between two stools? The government’s ‘preventing violent extremism’ agenda. The Political Quarterly, 80(2), 282–291. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01985.x Thomas, P. (2016). Youth, terrorism and education: Britain’s Prevent program. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 35(2), 171–187. https://doi. org/10.1080/02601370.2016.1164469 Trzesniewski, K. H., Donnellan, M. B., Moffit, T. E., Robins, R. W., Poulton, R., & Caspi, A. (2006). Low self-esteem during adolescence predicts poor health, criminal behaviour, and limited economic prospects during childhood. Developmental Psychology, 42, 381–390. https://doi.org/10.1037/ 0012-1649.42.2.381 Van Ginkel, B., & Entenmann, E. (Eds.) (2016). The foreign fighters phenomenon in the European Union: Profiles, threats & policies. International Centre for Counter-Terrorism. Volanen, S. M., Lassander, M., Hankonen, N., Santalahti, P., Hintsanen, M., Simonsen, N., Raevuori, A., Mullola, S., But, A., & Suominen, S. (2020). Healthy learning mind–effectiveness of a mindfulness program on mental health compared to a relaxation program and teaching as usual in schools: A cluster-randomised controlled trial. Journal of Affective Disorders, 260, 660–669. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2019.08.087 Wahlbeck, K. (2015). Public mental health: The time is ripe for translation of evidence into practice. World Psychiatry, 14(1), 36–42. https://doi.org/10. 1002/wps.20178 Westheimer, J., & Kahne, J. (2004). What kind of citizen? The politics of educating for democracy. American Educational Research Journal, 41(2), 237–269. https://doi.org/10.3102/00028312041002237 Willingham, D. T. (2007). Critical thinking: Why is it so hard to teach? American Educator, 31, 8–19. https://eduq.info/xmlui/bitstream/handle/ 11515/19710/Crit_Thinking.pdf?sequence=1 Youth Counselling Against Radicalisation in Europe (YCARE). (n.d.). YCARE toolbox platform. https://toolbox.ycare.eu/main/toolbox.php

CHAPTER 2

Identity

Abstract In this chapter, the authors discuss the importance of young peoples’ identity development for the prevention of radicalization. After an exploration of the concept of identity, the relation between identity development and radicalization, is discussed in the context of personal, social and cultural identities. More specifically, an explanation of how identity struggles can lead to receptiveness to radical groups is offered. Then, educational interventions meant to foster positive identity development are discussed. Empirical evidence of their effectiveness is also included. Keywords Identity intervention · Identity development · Multiple identities · Social identity · Socialization · Cultural identity · Intercultural understanding · Social categorization · Self

Introduction In this chapter, we explore the relation between identity development in adolescence and joining extremist groups—a process which is referred to as radicalization. Furthermore, we consider how educational institutions can support the identity development of young people to protect

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Sklad et al., Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3_2

33

34

M. SKLAD ET AL.

them from this process of radicalization. This chapter is divided into separate parts. In the introduction, we explore the concept of identity. In the second part, identity development is connected to radicalization. In the third part, potential interventions are discussed. These can be used within an educational context to prevent processes of radicalization via fostering positive identity development. Furthermore, we provide empirical evidence of how these interventions were successfully utilized within and beyond the educational system (Fig. 2.1). Identity can be described as “the individual’s dynamic selfunderstandings and self-definitions used to structure, direct, give meaning to and present the self, that are negotiated intra- and interpersonally across the lifespan within sociocultural contexts, along with the psychosocial processes, meaning-systems, practices and structures that regulate their continued development” (Schachter & Rich, 2011, p. 223). Identity has definitional and self-definitional aspects. People define themselves through attributes which are associated with who they are, what they look like, which groups they belong to and to which groups they do not belong and who they are not—in opposition to an “other” (Schachter & Rich, 2011). Identity is also closely interconnected with the concept of selfesteem, which is defined as an individual and personally meaningful sense of one’s worth (Mruk, 2013). Several connected aspects of identity have been distinguished, such as personal identity and social identity. Personal identity (Erikson, 1968) can be seen as the individual’s grasp of oneself as an individual, in terms of character, abilities and physical appearance; social identity represents one’s social identifications with various social groups (e.g., ethnic or professional groups), to which one belongs and makes reference (Billig, 1976). Social identity theory implies an inclination to positive attributions to one’s own group as opposed to groups one does not belong to. Social identity is closely connected to notions of cultural identity, which can be understood as internalization of cultural values and norms associated with one’s group culture. Cultural identity is associated with culturally sustained imagined communities, such as nationality, ethnicity, race or religion (Baumann, 1999). The values and beliefs, customs and social norms that people hold within their ethnic group, nation or religion compose their cultural identity (Schwartz et al., 2009).

Fig. 2.1 Identity-based prevention of radicalization

2 IDENTITY

35

36

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Understanding How Identity Struggles Are Related to Radicalization Before investigating how education can help young people with their identity development in order to make them less vulnerable to radicalization, we will first look more closely at the relationship between identity and radicalization. During adolescence, the development of a sense of “who am I” becomes of utmost importance. Biological changes as much as changes in the social environment pose new demands but also provide new opportunities and stimulate the need for self-exploration (Erikson, 1968; Marcia, 1993). According to Marcia (1993), an adolescent experiences episodes in their development in which previously held assumptions about oneself and the world may be radically challenged. During these episodes, a young person often faces role confusion. For example, an adolescent finds out that some peers have begun smoking, but they know that parents do not approve of this behaviour. This poses the question: “What should I be doing when I am offered a cigarette? Am I a ‘good daughter/son’ and reject it? Or am I a ‘cool buddy’ and take my first puff?” This situation of role confusion is also called a crisis. According to this theory, adolescents are looking for commitment: to which ideas, behavioural rules and social groups’ demands to adhere? A crisis typically calls upon the adolescent to find out where their commitments lie, and it is exactly through this process that identity is developed: through the exploration of these options of personal commitment and their social consequences. While some adolescents move through the stages of identity development rapidly and resolve the associated conflicts, other adolescents find themselves stuck in a stage clueless of who they are, or what they should do. The crucial task during adolescence is to overcome this role confusion to gain identity achievement (Erikson, 1968). In this phase of life, the individual must find out who they are, which behaviour is appropriate and constructive, and which social roles will allow them to develop social connections and personal growth. Not coincidentally, precisely these difficult tasks of psychosocial development can be resolved by the radicalization process. A radical movement offers a solution to young people who feel stuck in role confusion: it provides the individual with answers to questions of identity by delivering allegedly appropriate behavioural rules and strict guidelines, as well as social connections. In Marcia’s theory (1966), identity crisis starts with identity diffusion, the state in which the

2

IDENTITY

37

crisis is felt but the adolescent has not yet thought of possible options. This stage is associated with exposing more erratic behaviour, susceptibility to peer pressure and deviant behaviour (Schwartz et al., 2009). In the course of such a crisis, a young person may experiment with roles and may even commit—among meaningful alternatives—to offers provided by radical groups. According to Erikson (1968), the identity developmental task of adolescence is to work towards loyalty and friendships. This is also offered by many radical groups. They are characterized by: (a) internal homogeneity and pressure towards consensus with rigid and closed group boundaries, (b) belief in profound ingroup superiority, (c) absolutist ideological belief systems and (d) ritualized practices and radical action agendas aimed at protecting and promoting the group and its identity (Hogg & Adelman, 2013). Each of these facilitates a strong sense of group loyalty, comradery and friendship. In addition, data demonstrate that being a friend of a radical individual is one of the strongest predictors of getting successfully “recruited” (Sieckelinck et al., 2015; Van San, 2015). The basic psychological foundations of attractiveness of groups promoting various radical agendas remain similar. Nevertheless, groups may differ dramatically in their political or religious ideologies which are adopted according to geopolitical context and events, such as human rights violations, decline of economic stability, change in its ethnic composition or civil war (Demant & De Graaf, 2010; Horgan, 2014; Sageman, 2008b; Versteegt et al., 2018). Empirical studies confirm that most individuals who joined radical groups went through their first steps of radicalization between the age of 15 and 19 (Sieckelinck et al., 2015; Sikkens, 2018). In a nutshell, this happened at a time when adolescents are typically concerned with questions of identity and some may even encounter a crisis. Theoretical models to explain radicalization (e.g., Moghaddam, 2005) suggest that this process is usually rooted in an interplay of negative feelings about oneself, combined with positive feelings about one’s own group. These negative feelings about oneself become substituted with a strong group identity and feelings about an unjust position ascribed to one’s group. The desired and deserved social position of the group is at odds with its perceived inferior position in a broader (societal) context, which causes strong moral outrage (Sageman, 2008b). The lack of significance and success in life (Jasko et al., 2017) that many radicalized

38

M. SKLAD ET AL.

individuals feel due to personal setbacks and failure can be replaced by a feeling of heroism and purpose when one engages in radical action aimed at changing the fate of the group (Doosje et al., 2013; Kruglanski et al., 2014; Ljujic et al., 2017; Sageman, 2008b). In the following sections, we further explore how adolescents’ needs are met in extremist groups.

Identity, Uncertainty Theory and Radicalization Uncertainty-identity theory postulates that people who feel uncertain about themselves wish to resolve this by asking themselves: Who am I? What should I think and do? Who can I trust and where do I belong? When these questions surface, people are more likely to seek some form of group identification as it reduces this uncertainty (Hogg & Adelman, 2013). The theory explains how people with insecure identities are more likely to accept extremist viewpoints (Hogg, 2000, 2007; Hogg & Adelman, 2013): a strong sense of social identity can compensate for and even replace a fragile personal identity (Hogg & Adelman, 2013). Insecure individuals prefer groups with clear boundaries over groups which are less stable or less visible; in this way, personal insecurity increases an appeal of political extremism, authoritarian leaders and violent means. Experimental studies confirmed this hypothesis. For instance, students who were made to feel insecure about themselves were more likely than students in control groups to prefer the group with extreme political ambitions, strong authoritarian leaders, and to become violent to protect the group (Hogg & Adelman, 2013). In a set of studies regarding passionate orthodox Muslims and passionate nationalist Quebec separationists (Rip et al., 2012), an insecure identity explained why some participants, when confronted with an identity-threatening situation (e.g., an insult, or a news article criticizing their group), became supportive of aggression and violence to protect the group (obsessively passionate style), whereas other people tended towards peaceful activism and a desire to explain themselves (harmonious passionate style). Identity diffusion may also open doors for Islamist radicalization; in a study of detained terrorists, their self-descriptions were found to be less complex than regular detainees (Versteegt et al., 2018). One detainee replied: “Who I am? I don’t know. You tell me, you know me now. Normal, maybe? What is typical of me? I really have no idea. It is very difficult”. The hypothesis connecting identity diffusion to radicalization is supported by an observation that in Islamic extremist networks such

2

IDENTITY

39

as ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra and al-Qaeda, the majority of followers did not have a strict religious upbringing, but instead were lured into the narrative of a positive ingroup identity of “being a good Muslim”. In most cases, it seemed that their lack of knowledge of the Islam made them more vulnerable to this narrative (Versteegt et al., 2018). A large percentage of them consists of converts who were not raised as Muslims (Sageman, 2008a; Van San, 2015). In their case, also a personal need for significance and belonging may have led to their allegiance (Kruglanski et al., 2014; Versteegt et al., 2018). Narrative Aspects of Identity and Radicalization Narrative theory of identity (McAdams & McLean, 2013) acknowledges that a person’s identity is not only a static set of attributes but an internalized ever evolving life story, which creates a sense of unity and purpose by connecting a reconstructed past and imagined future. “Self” in this approach is regarded as a narrative, constructed and reconstructed in a situation (Bruner, 1986, 1993). Answers to the question “Who am I?” are created through shared stories and interpretations, which are initially simply taken over from parents and other caregivers. In adolescence, the biography is re-evaluated with the help of peers through processes of social comparison and reflection. Ultimately, the narrative of identity develops to encompass the past, the present and the future, which include ambitions and life goals which are based on personal convictions and knowledge of one’s skills, talents and limitations. Creating a narrative of who you are and how you have become this person is important in developing a stable, positive sense of self. The way people develop their life story and biography has profound effects on their self-appreciation and mental health (McAdams & McLean, 2013) and their vulnerability to radicalization. In research on radicalization, a lack of meaning-making of personal events is often found among those who have become part of radical groups (EU, 2016; Seraphin et al., 2017). For instance, the life histories of detained terrorists also displayed contradictions and few recollections of social events which were of personal significance (Versteegt et al., 2018). Personal narratives provide a coping mechanism to deal with setbacks: making sense of what happened, accepting the outcomes and turning traumatic events into a meaningful part of one’s biography. Radical groups often tap into this mechanism, offering meaning to those who

40

M. SKLAD ET AL.

need it through narrative of redemption and transformation. For instance, individuals leading a seemingly meaningless life of a petty crime, when confronted with their family members’ death, even without actual major change of behaviour, can transform into a hero by donating their criminal revenue to the cause. Acts of crime are no longer immoral as these are reconstructed as a struggle against one’s oppressors (Vidino, 2011). Social Identity, Ingroup/Outgroup Categorization and Radicalization Social identity theory also explains how radicalized individuals can morally justify the use of violence against seemingly innocent people. Social identity is defined as the way people experience a belonging to certain social groups, allowing individuals to divide other people into so-called ingroup (their own group) versus outgroup members. The theory was developed by Tajfel and Turner (1979, 1986) and is until nowadays considered to be the most important one in understanding group rivalry and intergroup behaviour. The premises of social identity theory can be summarized as follows: humans are social beings who tend to think of themselves as part of a group as soon as they are addressed as a collective (Tajfel & Billic, 1974). Ingroup and outgroup categorization leads to biases; people perceive their ingroup more favourably than the outgroup and display favouritism towards their ingroup. In situations of competition and threat, these categorizations become more salient. In situations of collaboration between groups, the categorization is more diffuse, and negative evaluations of outgroup members decrease (Sherif et al., 1961; Wilder, 1986). Personal contact between group members may reduce negative feelings towards outgroup members. In the original formulation of his contact hypothesis, Allport suggested that contact is effective if it leads to perception of common humanity and goals between members of the two groups (Allport, 1954). The narrative of an extremist group typically includes very strong ingroup/outgroup boundaries (Schwartz et al., 2009). In fact, outgroup members are often dehumanized and described with references to animals (e.g., rats, dogs, cockroaches)—which makes their “mistreatment” and potential killing easier—and the ingroup is presented as being under threat from the outgroup. As fighters, group members can act as defenders of their ingroup, which is perceived as superior and upholding true morality. They develop an alternative set of values and behaviours (Holt et al., 2015), which sets them apart from society. The mechanisms

2

IDENTITY

41

of social categorization can also explain why members of any minority can experience discrimination as soon as their outgroup status is salient (Gaertner et al., 2013; Tausch & Hewstone, 2013). Experiences of actual discrimination and being a victim of outgroup negative stereotypes may make one even more vulnerable to radical movements’ allure, as radicals frame issues in a narrative of intergroup conflict and tap into these grievances by promising to bring the alleged injustices to an end. Cultural Identity and Radicalization With regard to the relationship between cultural identity and radicalization, there are two factors which influence the risk to develop radical attitudes: the content of cultural beliefs and the degree to which people feel connected to their culture (cultural identification). Cultural Beliefs The content of some cultural beliefs may increase ingroup-outgroup tensions. When cultures: (a) hold themselves morally superior (absolutism or exclusivism), (b) hold myths of a common biological ancestry (familism or tribalism) and (c) create strong dichotomies between “us” and “not us” (Schwartz et al., 2009), they are prone to instigate intergroup conflict. In addition, the degree to which members of the group interpret their beliefs and canonical texts literally rather than symbolically can also play a crucial role. In this context, orthodox and fundamentalist religious beliefs may provide an example. Fundamentalism is the belief that modernity and religion are incompatible and that one singular holy text or tradition offers detailed guidelines to navigate problems. The sacred text is regarded as the direct communication of the Divine Being (Hood et al., 2005). Fundamentalism can become a source of extremism if the religious community is perceived as threatened by modernity, if sacred texts are interpreted as condoning violence as self-defence, and if leaders propagate this vision. Fundamentalism is associated with increased prejudice against outgroup members (Altemeyer, 2003). Fundamentalist groups are known to make their members distrust outsiders or avoid contact with them, and look upon non-believers as immoral and sometimes even diabolical. To what extent do people believe that their own beliefs are right and others are wrong? And can the objective truth be found or is this impossible because of competing interpretations and symbolic representations?

42

M. SKLAD ET AL.

These questions concerning truth have profound effects on the presence of ingroup superiority. Hutsebaut (1996) found that those who believe they are “right” from an objective point of view—and all others are “mistaken”, “fools” or “plain ignorant”—are more likely to express negative outgroup stereotypes. This was valid for both orthodox religious believers and rigid atheists. On the other side of the spectrum were agnostics and those who held more liberal views of religion. The latter also were more likely to read sacred texts as symbolic representations of cultural events, whereas the atheists and orthodox believers consider sacred texts as books representing true events and historical accounts, which the orthodox believed and the rigid atheists discarded as dangerous nonsense. Individuals whose religious views are symbolic are more tolerant and open to others of different denominations. Nevertheless, when they experience personal struggles, they can relapse to a rigid literal version of their faith, which is said to be true for religious extremists (Fowler et al., 2004). Similarly, religious conversion usually leads to a “step back” in faith development to a stage that is less complex than the previous stage and has more negative views of non-believers. However, Fowler’s stage theory has had its fair share of criticism (Bruner, 1997; McDargh, 2001) and refinement (for an overview, see Streib, 2005). Notably, the notion of stages was criticized for being rigid and independent of social context. One adaptation of the theory is especially worth mentioning, as it interrogates the relation between religion and prejudice (Streib & Klein, 2014; Streib et al., 2010). In this conceptualization, religious beliefs may foster tolerance as well as prejudice (Allport & Ross, 1967; Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992), depending on the style of religious schema (Streib & Klein, 2014). The style can vary from belief in “truth of text and teachings” (ttt) on the one side, to adhering to “fairness, tolerance and rational choice” or “interreligious dialogue” on the other end. It was empirically tested on German Christian young people. Antisemitism and anti-Muslim sentiments were indeed found to be strongest in the Christian groups that were categorized as “ttt” (Streib & Klein, 2014). The findings suggested that if religion is expressed with such characteristics as belief in God as a strict judge, and belief in the sacred text as literally true and eternally valid, the believer is also more likely to hold intolerant views. Moreover, according to the empirical findings, adolescents typically developed from “ttt” towards the more inclusive religious styles, showing that tolerance aligns with more “mature” religiosity style (Streib & Klein, 2014), at least in the case of

2

IDENTITY

43

German Christians. Cultural contexts and situations, however, may determine which religious styles manifest (Canetti-Nisim, 2003; Streib, 2001). This flexibility of thought and reason aligns with Kahneman’s theory of “system 1” versus “system 2” in human reasoning (Kahneman, 2011). Kahneman argues that a more balanced, nuanced view (system 2) requires calmness and safety, whereas a situation of stress and anxiety makes people think in biased, less rational, or even superstitious ways (system 1). We elaborate on the relationship between cognitive complexity and tolerance further in the chapter devoted to perspective taking, and on the role of stress in the chapter on self-regulation and mindfulness. Another cultural aspect of identity which is associated with stronger ingroup superiority and outgroup derogation, is collectivism, which means that the social identity overrides one’s personal identity. People in collectivist cultures are expected to conform and to subject their own personal needs to the group (Hofstede, 1991; Kagitcibasi, 1997). Cultural Identification The degree to which people feel connected to their culture (cultural identification) can be a source of identity stability and self-confidence, thus reducing susceptibility to extremism (Bhui et al., 2014). We will briefly address both aspects of cultural identity with respect to the development of radical beliefs. Biculturalism, a condition under which an individual identifies with more than one culture, is not associated with radicalization per se. People can develop non-problematic identifications with more than one culture if these two are not mutually exclusive. However, a forced choice of loyalty between two cultures with negative stereotypical views of each other, in a political context of injustice and inequality, creates psychological tensions which extremism offers to solve (Hafez & Mullins, 2015). A longitudinal study of Turkish and Russian migrants, who represent the two biggest migrant groups in Germany, confirmed this. For members of both studied groups, a perceived incompatibility between different aspects of their identities made them more prone to sympathize with extremists’ actions (Simon et al., 2013). Adolescents in multicultural societies need to develop a stable cultural identity, which allows them to identify with the country in which they live, the people who live there and/or with countries or cultures to which they or their parents historically belong. Adolescents who develop a loose

44

M. SKLAD ET AL.

connection with the “host” culture, as well as a loose connection with their parents’ culture, are most likely to express acceptance of extremist ideology. Researchers found that immigrants who identify with neither their culture of heritage nor the culture they are living in feel marginalized and insignificant (Lyons-Padilla et al., 2015). Similar results were found in a study that aimed at finding which kinds of British Muslims are more accepting of violence. Individuals with the least connection to their culture of origin, namely those who were born in the UK and spoke English at home, were more willing to accept violence (Bhui et al., 2014; Campelo et al., 2018). The way the larger culture speaks of immigrant children as “outsiders” and deprives them of belonging through a language of exclusion is found to increase the appeal of ethnic or religious extremism (Görzig & Al-Hashimi, 2014). Experiences of discrimination make the situation worse and lead to greater support for extremism, which in turn promises a sense of meaning and purpose in life (Lyons-Padilla et al., 2015). The notion that discrimination as an impediment for development of a positive identity among members of a cultural minority may foster radicalization was also supported by a study of Canadian converts to Islam, who had become radicalized. The authors of this study concluded that disappointment and rejection by their direct social environment, due to their conversion to Islam, was the main contributor to the radicalization process of converts (Jones & Dawson, 2021). Finding and committing to a cultural and religious identity is a developmental process which needs to be safely facilitated, as the contextual factors can easily push it towards radicalization under detrimental conditions.

Effective Ways Within Education to Improve Identity Development Identity and Goals of Education A rationale for including identity development at school can be found in the underlying goals of education. Here, we elaborate on how the goals of education can be connected with the development of personal identity, social identity and cultural identity. These goals provide the backup of important pedagogical concepts to help educators who include in their classes or develop new educational content facilitating identity development. Education can be defined as strive for individuation, socialization or enculturation (Egan, 1997; Lamm, 1976).

2

IDENTITY

45

Individuation as a possible approach to identity education uses an individualistic view of people and their development (Egan, 1997; Lamm, 1976). According to this perspective, the goal of education is that young people should be able to develop their unique personal potential (Schachter & Rich, 2011). Identity should thus be explored, because when students know who they are, they will know what they want to learn. The curriculum can be adapted to the students’ individual goals, interests and wishes. This approach builds upon motivational theories such as the one by Ryan and Deci (2000, 2017), in which autonomy is one of the core sources of intrinsic motivation for learning and working. Individuation also allows students to develop their own personal views of society, and take independent positions, while questioning the existing structures of society, including education. Students can be provided with skills to resist cultural expectations which may limit their possibilities. This approach also favours learning how to read critically, to question the reliability of sources and to resist propaganda (Fenton & Barassi, 2011). Socialization as a goal of education focuses on the effective functioning of society and thus frames identity education as a tool for citizenship education. When thinking of preventing radicalization, it is clearly worthwhile to pursue. A population in which democratic values are dominant create a stable political situation with little support for extremism. Striving for excellence, or personal growth, can also be seen as a socialization goal, depending on one’s definition of an effective society in either democratic, economic or mental health terms. The effective societies, independently on which definition is used, can diminish extremism. When schools are able to bring out the best in each student, their job prospects increase and this is a known protective aspect against extremism. Similarly, a positive sense of self, a stable identity and solid mental health are associated with less extremist positions when people develop ideological passion (Rip et al., 2012). Enculturation, the third possible aim of education, requires students to become part of an ideological community which they should adhere to. In a sense, citizenship education or identity education can be seen as enculturation, as far as it promotes human rights and democracy as the only acceptable way in which to engage politically, and science as the only road to knowledge (Bader, 2007). In most European countries, this kind of education is rooted in a set of national (Department for Education, 2014) or European (Eurydice, 2017) values, which reject violence as a political tool.

46

M. SKLAD ET AL.

As democracy can be perceived as opposed to theocracy, communism, dictatorship, anarchy or other forms of organization of a society, democratic education has a specific political and ideological agenda. The notion of “indoctrination”, closely related to enculturation, can stand somewhat in opposition to the ideal of education fostering autonomy. It may also be controversial from any perspective of the political spectrum. For instance, in the UK, some schools which explicitly declared tolerance (including tolerance towards sexual minorities) as one of the guiding values faced backlash and protest from conservative parents who perceived it to be in conflict with their religious values. Enculturation might be a treacherous approach when it comes to preventing radicalization through education. It involves a challenging dilemma. If liberal values are imposed, students who adhere to orthodox beliefs and practices may feel pressured to deny their cultural identity and may consequently develop more extremist positions. For example, in the French case of a murder of a civic education teacher in 2020, the teacher’s decision to debate and show the cartoons of Charlie Hebdo mocking the prophet Muhammed to some extent imposed liberal values as part of education. The cartoons were introduced as class debating material about freedom and tolerance, whereas, according to many Muslim scholars, it is considered blasphemy to create or even look at an image of the prophet, let alone to mock him. Students who did not want to see the cartoons were allowed to skip the class that day, but that would also exclude them from the conversation. The fact that the teacher decided to disregard the religious sensitivities regarding cartoons, reportedly evoked feelings of isolation in one orthodox Muslim student. Her father inspired a social media outrage, which was picked up by an individual living as a denizen, who brutally assaulted and killed the teacher in a revenge. This case clearly demonstrates the challenges of enculturation in the context of radicalization. The teacher had every right to show these pictures under French law, and the teacher’s murder would be illegitimate under most interpretations of Sharia law. Yet, we can still understand the underlying ethical friction which inspired the terrorist act. Ironically, a fundamentalist viewpoint was not tolerated in a class debate about tolerance. However, if liberal values such as freedom of expression are not protected in education, or if debate on sensitive issues is avoided, the teacher runs the risk of being “tolerant for intolerance”. This de facto means allowing for fundamentalism and extremism to prevail under false claims of “freedom of expression” or “critical questioning”. For example,

2

IDENTITY

47

students may deny the Holocaust, or pressure others to wear a hijab, or bully their classmates who are LGBT. Teachers therefore must carefully balance the development of a (self-)critical attitude in students, while still protecting the historical and scientific facts, as well as taking minority sensitivities and/or religious views into account. While in France public education has been strictly secular since the nineteenth century, in some countries, for instance in the Netherlands, a legal framework grants religious communities the right to establish their own schools. In such countries, the enculturation agenda brings a different set of issues, it may foster segregation of society, exacerbating intergroup conflict and discrimination. Enculturation into orthodox religious ideology often includes the representation of religious others as the erroneous outgroup, as isolation prevents intergroup contact and denies young people the chance to cooperate across ethnic and religious divisions. Such a context is unlikely to be favourable for the development of identities that surpass ethnic boundaries and bicultural identities. In addition, some orthodox religious schools can explicitly foster discrimination as they may legally reject students of another faith, or homosexual teachers. It can be argued that enculturation does not really foster identity development through exploration, but merely becomes a reflection of “how the schools want students to be”.

Educational Interventions Affecting Students’ Identity Based on the presented theories and provided evidence, the types of educational interventions targeting development described in the following part can foster resilience against radicalization: On a personal level: 1. Helping young people overcome identity diffusion by providing opportunities for identity exploration, by stimulating the development of a meaningful narrative identity or personal biography. This reduces the length of a period within which young people are particularly open to recruitment. 2. Stimulating a secure sense of identity, self-worth and meaning among all students to make them unlikely to be attracted to extremist organizations providing meaning, resort to aggression in

48

M. SKLAD ET AL.

defence of an ideology (propagating violence) or religion they feel passionate about, and reduce subjective deprivation and grievances. On a social level: 3. Reducing perceived and actual intergroup conflicts among staff and students at culturally and ethnically diverse schools. This can be done via: reducing stereotypes through intercultural education, facilitating local (school) common identities, creating a culture of collaboration in order to reduce intergroup distance and competition. 4. Introducing norms preventing implicit or explicit discrimination and stigmatization and promoting tolerance to minimize grievances and subjective deprivation experienced by students. On a cultural level: 5. Enabling the development of bicultural identities for students of immigrant origin, striving towards integration. 6. Strengthening multiple identities that surpass nationality, culture and religion. Preventing narrow, unidimensional identity characteristic for violent extremism. In the following section, we will evaluate potential interventions in education that address these problems simultaneously or independently. Stimulating Identity Exploration The concept of a dynamic and changeable identity is important when teachers want to help students grow as a person. Students’ agency in shaping their own identity should not be denied despite structural societal factors such as family upbringing or cultural norms influencing young people’s identities. Agency refers to the ability to make informed choices and thus changing the outcome of personal situations. Schachter and Rich (2011) put it this way: “Individuals (…) can take part in negotiating and constructing their own identity, and this self-defining agency can and should be mediated and strengthened in education” (p. 224).

2

IDENTITY

49

In their advocated Identity Education approach, a conceptual framework occupied with stressing the importance of incorporating the concept of identity into education (Schachter & Rich, 2011), a student actively engages with the content of the curriculum to become somebody who understands the world and can make informed choices. In this approach, the underlying assumptions and implications of the curriculum are brought to the surface by the teacher, and students are invited to question them in relation to their own position. For example, geography teachers may introduce questions about places in the world which have personal relevance for a student, or inspire students to explore how they are interconnected with people who live in different parts of the world through trade, migration, colonial exploitation and holidays. Mathematics teachers may stress the importance of mathematics in the personal lives of students, by explaining how social media depends on algorithms that personalize advertisements. Language teachers can introduce students to books, which cover human experiences that are a source of reflection. In all these examples, the identity of students, in terms of personal opinion, experience, knowledge of the self in relation to others, and social skills, is triggered and developed. Teaching strategies can help an adolescent to develop a selfunderstanding as a capable and competent agent (Cone et al., 2014) who can envision a professional future within a particular discipline (Calabrese Barton et al., 2013). Charland (2010) conducted interviews with 58 African-American art students and found that when students get the space for self-expression, they may feel empowered to develop a self-understanding as an artist. In another successful intervention, Horn (2008) compared within a longitudinal study different teaching strategies at two different high-schools. In one school, teachers provided cumulative short mathematical problems which students had to solve individually. In the other school, teachers and students created collaboratively multipleability group work so that every student could have the experience: I am a competent person. Not only did this second strategy lead to the students forming a more positive mathematical identity as more performances of the students were seen as competent, the students were also better able to sustain their positive mathematical identity for a longer period of time (Horn, 2008). Many positive youth development programs include classroom activities in which young people are encouraged to explore various aspects of their identity by consideration of various personal characteristics, roles and

50

M. SKLAD ET AL.

social categorizations which describe them. For example, some activities of “UCARE” (Sklad & Park, 2016), a curriculum aimed at strengthening social-emotional skills of all students, regardless of their ethnic background and/or religious affiliation to make them resilient to appeals of violent groups, were explicitly developed for this purpose. In an exercise called “I am …”, first, students are asked to produce 20 sentences within roughly 10 minutes which describe themselves: I am …. These are then divided into three different categories: physical characteristics (e.g., I am blond), personal characteristics (e.g., I am ambitious) and social roles (e.g., I am a daughter). The aim of this exercise is to make participants realize that (a) their identity is composed of more than one role, and (b) that different roles may go hand in hand with different responsibilities, rules and expectations attached to them. Young people need this fundamental insight in order to tackle potentially hasty and harmful decisions in situations, in which they are not mindful but get “trapped” in a single role—a process, which is one of the crucial elements in the process of radicalization and which represents the opposite of a positive/healthy identity. Moreover, the authors state that this exercise is meant “to make other social categorizations surface, not to strengthen existing divisions” (Sklad & Park, 2016, p. 27). An empirical test of the “UCARE” curriculum showed that the exercises lead to increased awareness of (multiple) identities (Sklad et al., 2020). Other activities of this type require students to project their characteristics on an object, to reflect upon one’s identity, more playful and engaging, and at the same time less psychologically threatening or confronting. For instance, in the exercise “Ingredients of me” students write their name on top of the paper; in the same manner as a baking recipe is written (200 g of sugar, 400 g of flour, etc.), they then describe themselves in percentages: e.g., daughter/son 20%, football coach 30%, singer/music lover 20%, mice breeder 15%, student 15%, etc.—according to the roles which apply to them. The guiding questions here are: What are the “ingredients” that make you unique? What values do you provide on a daily basis? Remix to make your own label! (https://cogdog.makes. org/thimble/what-are-your-ingredients). To our best knowledge, the effectiveness of this activity, however, was not tested empirically. Another exercise of this type is entitled “Dolls” and composed for students beginning from the age of 15 years and older. First, students are supposed to write down five positive personal characteristics and share it within their (small) group. Then, using material such as colourful

2

IDENTITY

51

wool, fabric, buttons, needles, threads, etc., they are to create dolls which represent themselves, in a manner that these dolls reflect their positive personality characteristics. The task is not to produce a “beautiful” or stereotypical doll, but to put a certain thought process in while creating it. Afterwards, each participant shares with the group the thought processes which went into their doll and also receives convivial, constructive feedback on how the doll comes across from the perspective of the others (https://www.salto-youth.net/downloads/toolbox_tool_dow nload-file-941/toolbox.pdf). In other activities, identity reflection is stimulated by making students experience their identity through the eyes of another person. In an exercise called “Talk as your …”, participants are divided in groups of four, and each group is allocated “a role” (e.g., mother/father, brother/sister, best friend, boss, etc.) and tasked to develop a discourse as “the role”. For instance, if a group gets allocated the role of “the father”, then each group member has to talk about themselves from the perspective of the father. After fifteen minutes, students could be allocated a different role or a final feedback round could be initiated in which the whole group gets together (https://www.salto-youth.net/downloads/ toolbox_tool_download-file-941/toolbox.pdf). To our knowledge, there is no empirical test of the activities of Salto Youth to date. Other example activities of this type in the English language can be found online on websites of organizations promoting positive youth development or hosting materials for social studies classes. For example, Salto Youth promotes European values and works within the EU program for education, training, youth and sports.1

1 https://www.salto-youth.net/tools/toolbox/.

Example Identity exploration activities: http://blog.mahabali.me/just-for-fun/ingredients-of-me/. http://bonnernetwork.pbworks.com/f/BonCurIdentityCircles.pdf. https://dschool-old.stanford.edu/sandbox/groups/k12/wiki/956b6/attachments/ eb7e0/Exploration%20and%20Identity.pdf?sessionID=8cbdfc6129ceb041dbad2247ffc9d0 112fd0ebce. Commercial activities: https://positivepsychology.com/toolkit/. https://positivepsychology.com/self-image/.

52

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Providing Positive Identity Besides stimulating identity exploration, teachers can play a crucial role in supporting young people in developing a secure sense of a positive identity. The most direct way it is often done is inspired by positive psychology (Seligman, 2002) and the strength approach to social work adopted in many schools (McCashen, 2005; Saleebey, 2002). This approach emphasizes people’s strengths and self-determination. As opposed to the deficiency-based approach to social work, which focuses on overcoming deficiencies and weakness, within this approach the starting point is an individual’s strengths, assets, resourcefulness and resilience when facing adversities. A review of studies using the strength approach showed that it may lead to positive outcomes, such as improved well-being, tolerance to stress and social skills, but that methodological issues (e.g., small sample size, no control group) make it difficult to decide to what extent the improvements are due to the intervention (Staudt et al., 2001). In the simplest form, this approach can be realized by classroom activities in which children are engaging in identifying their own as much as their peers’ strengths. Examples of scripted activities of this type can be found for instance in BOUNCE resilience tools distributed by Salto Youth (https://www.salto-youth.net/tools/toolbox/tool/bounceresilience-tools.2147/). For instance, the activity “Talent and strengthminefield”, where participants are encouraged to get to know their own talents and strengths, as well as those of others. However, as mentioned before, we were unable to find published empirical evidence of the effectiveness of the activities by Salto Youth. The strength approach may not be limited to a couple of isolated class exercises; it can be a general attitude guiding all teachers’ interactions with their students, requiring teachers and students to identify and focus on what is going well rather than what is wrong and build upon an individual’s strengths. Parts of the curriculum may also hold the potential to lay the foundation of one’s identity (Catterall, 2012; Martin et al., 2013). For instance, in arts and sports, the use of one’s mind or body can easily be seen as forms of self-expression. There are identity laden words associated with abilities such as musician, artist, writer or athlete. The arts and sports can also be practised outside of the school. Empirical research showed that students who participate to a larger extent in arts education not only have better academic performance, but are also more civically engaged (Catterall, 2012).

2

IDENTITY

53

Academic subjects hold the power to decisively contribute to the fostering of identity formation. For instance, in the Netherlands, students often identify themselves as alpha or beta persons, depending on their affinity and educational choice, between natural science, social science and humanities. Similarly, learning explicitly about skills and talents in relation to identity, such as academics, artistic skills or sports, naturally encourages the student to see that there are many aspects to who they can be. The student may adapt their self-identity towards the inclusion of educational content, thus becoming someone whose identity includes developing self-efficacy, the believe in oneself that one can achieve a goal, and holds a realistic assessment how to get from A to B (e.g., “I am a person who can solve a complex algebra problem”, “I am a poet”). Here, identity achievement also means that the student perceives themselves as a competent person. Achieving positive identity related to academic, sport, artistic or even professional roles is not without its challenges. These domains are often arenas of competition and social comparisons. Where excellence is associated with fame, success and recognition are for a lucky few yet unachievable for most. Focus on excellence—or perfectionism—may be associated with fear of failure and disappointment (Hall & Hill, 2012). Therefore, collaboration and personal growth should be presented as equally valid educational goals as winning or being the best (Hall & Hill, 2012; Martin et al., 2013). In such an approach, personal growth can strengthen educational achievement. A growth perspective in education, as advocated by Yeager and Dweck (2012), is therefore advisable with respect to identity development. When students believe they can improve themselves, they are not only better able to do so but also are more likely to accept themselves and hold a positive self-image. This is what is also referred to as a growth mindset . According to Dweck (2006), people may hold “fixed” versus “growth” mindsets. People with a fixed mindset may believe that certain attributes, including intelligence, are stable so that setbacks are inevitably interpreted as, for instance, a lack of intelligence, which in a next step makes people apprehensive to seek challenges, and in even more extreme cases, one may even feel threatened only hearing about others’ success as one may perceive them as being better than us—rather than performing better. This approach also has implications for how people deal with criticism: with a fixed mindset, criticism is not interpreted as feedback on a certain action but taken as a potentially demeaning statement about oneself as

54

M. SKLAD ET AL.

a person. On the other side of the spectrum would be people with a growth mindset who assume that, for instance, intelligence may increase if one makes an effort, constructing challenges as opportunities to learn and improve; criticism may be embraced as it offers the opportunity to improve future performance as no qualities are carved in stone (Hildrew, 2018). The crucial point is that these two mindsets are based on two radically different assumptions about the value of effort. In an intervention concerning the use of praise, Dweck studied how teachers transmit mindset messages to students via the kind of praise they use. Teachers would provide praise stimulating a fixed mindset, by focusing on intelligence (“That is a really good score; you must be really smart”), or feedback stimulating a growth mindset focused on process (“That is a really good score; you must have tried really hard”). Results confirmed the effectiveness of the manipulation: students who received feedback based on a growth mindset displayed more task persistence and enjoyment (Mueller & Dweck, 1998). Later on, young people who received process-focused feedback voluntarily sought more challenging intellectual tasks knowing that they would be making more mistakes but also that they would benefit from it more. Contrarily, the ones who had received intelligence-focused feedback opted for the “safer” and less demanding option (Dweck, 2017). In another experiment, Dweck and others (Blackwell et al., 2007) stimulated a growth mindset by explaining the neurobiological basis of learning to students. Students were informed that learning leads to the formation of new synapses. Emphasis was then placed on the fact that the strengthening of these synapses requires time, practice and effort, independent of the nature of the skill learned. Another example of an intervention meant to increase the sense of a positive identity among youth is the classroom-based intervention iNEAR (Tunariu et al., 2017). In this intervention, students are allowed to form positive identities through the use of flourishing and growth skills. The acronym iNEAR stands for: I as a social agent, developing and (congruently) owning: N: New knowledge about myself; E: Emotional resources and emotional intelligence; A: Awareness of values, of options, of choice; and. R: Responding with growth ‘in spite of …’. (Tunariu et al., 2017, p. 363)

2

IDENTITY

55

A test of the effectiveness of the iNEAR intervention showed that participation in the intervention resulted in increased well-being and selfefficacy. Participants also reported to have more positive relationships with other people after the intervention, whereas the control group did not show a difference pre- and post-intervention. Moreover, after the intervention, participants reported to have learned strategies to deal with uncertainty (Tunariu et al., 2017). Another way of helping students to develop a growth mindset on the identity level may include activities involving exploration of narrative identity. For instance, a study conducted in Taiwan (Tseng, 2017) demonstrated that an intervention among lower socio-economic class Taiwanese students in which they used special Lego buildings to create a story of their life increased their self-esteem and positive personal identity. The students were taught, in an eight-week session, how to build social models with Lego Serious Play blocks and practised using them by turning significant events out of their life history into a Lego model. Then, the students were asked to use the blocks as a starting point for a more complex personal narrative about who they were, which they also wrote down. Participants had created a more complex personal narrative and showed increased psychological well-being. In a similar manner, other educators guide youth to develop a visual narrative inclusive of their challenges and lessons learned, highlighting the participants’ strengths and personal and social resources (Anderson & Mack, 2019). Narratives can also be stimulated in the classroom by means of literature. In a study aimed at improving narrative identity, students were asked to reflect upon their own childhood after reading a poem called “my childhood” (Sinai et al., 2012). All the adjectives from the poem, such as “strong”, were replaced by a gap, and students were asked to fill in the gaps and write their own adjectives. Then, they would write their own poem about their childhood. After their task, students described they felt an increase in understanding their life history and had given themselves thought about their current life stage as adolescents. The assignment had apparently triggered their identity exploration. The researchers suggested also development of a narrative identity through an exploration of biographies and role models, such as historical figures, sports and music heroes, or characters found in literature (Sinai et al., 2012). In identity assignments, the psychological safety of the participants has to be guaranteed. Moreover, clear expectations, explanation of the goals

56

M. SKLAD ET AL.

of the exercise, as well as practice or examples are necessary to enable all students to finish and understand the tasks. Reducing Perceived and Actual Intergroup Conflicts: Social Identity Interventions Changing Group Membership and Ingroup-Outgroup Processes In relation to constructing a social identity, research has focused on group membership and ingroup-outgroup processes. Gaertner’s research team studied methods of reducing intergroup bias and prejudice. In several studies, they demonstrated that it can be achieved by encouraging members of separate groups to perceive themselves as belonging to a single common social entity. For instance, the perception of a common group identity was stimulated in their experiments, by assigning students to tasks in groups and referring to them as team members rather than competitors. All groups would later merge into new, larger groups (Gaertner et al., 1989). Several other conditions were added, which could increase or decrease feelings of group membership and individuality, such as table seating and working on one computer screen. The situation of merged groups collaborating together decreased the negative evaluations of outgroup members. In short, if students were called to help each other and rely on each other, they showed more appreciation of others even if they had been assigned to different groups. Using T-shirts, mixed seating and creating a new “merged group name” as additional stimuli were effective in making these effects even bigger. In another example intervention called “Circle” (Houlette et al., 2004), researchers used the notion of “widening the circle” from Allport (1954) as their starting point. He assumed that outgroup hostility could be reduced if people were able to create a larger sense of “us”. In the view of Allport, public education faced the task of making all children view their classmates as members of the same ingroup, the human species. This way, people would be able to move beyond group distinctions of social class and race and decrease social tensions. He used the concept of circles of inclusion, where a child learns to view themself first as part of a family, then as part of a city, then an ethnic group, race or religion, then the whole country and finally the entire world. The “ingroup” would thus simply be enlarged, until it contained all humans. He asked his readers rhetorically: “Can a loyalty to humankind be fashioned before interracial warfare breaks out?” (Allport, 1954, p. 44).

2

IDENTITY

57

The “Circle” intervention (Houlette et al., 2004) used several group indicators to test the hypothesis that it would be possible to expand the ingroup as such. Previous interventions that reduced intergroup bias were found to be: wearing the same T-shirt or uniform, choosing a new common group name and cooperation. In their own intervention, a classroom of mixed ethnic composition was used. In an enhanced version of the experiment, children wore similar T-shirts and their classroom was painted in similar colours to stimulate a sense of group bonding. The intervention consisted of a presentation where children were told that the groups that they belong to, such as family or neighbourhood, can be expanded to include more people. The children debated about how they felt if they were excluded. Then, they were invited to enlarge their imaginary circles of inclusion to include children of different races, body type or gender. The effect of the intervention was measured by presenting the children with drawings of possible playmates with whom they would share toys, or play, which represented children of different social classes, races, etc. The effect of the intervention was partially successful. Although the effect was barely visible with respect to sharing and first choice of playmate, there was an effect on changes in secondary preferred playmates. The children in the experimental groups were more likely to invite children of a different social class, ethnicity, gender or body type to play with. However, the authors indicate that the drawings of non-real children to play with made the choice of these young participants rather abstract and possibly less clear. Cultural Identity Improvement and Intercultural Understanding There are examples of successful intercultural education interventions reducing stereotypes, perceived and actual intergroup conflicts. For instance, Salzman and D’Andrea (2001) ran an intervention at a public school in Hawaii consisting of multicultural guidance activities. Over the course of 10 weeks, during 40 minutes sessions once a week, students engaged in activities and exercises which were followed by discussions. For example, they explored what they considered to be the most important aspect of their own cultural identity and how this was perceived and interpreted by others. Results demonstrated that this primary prevention program indeed led not only to improved intercultural social skills but also higher scores on “cooperation”. This is in line with Allport’s theory (1954) of prejudice reduction, which says that cooperative behaviour and

58

M. SKLAD ET AL.

attitudes “not only [help] prevent the promotion of inaccurate and prejudicial views toward others, but it also underlies the sense of solidarity that people from diverse cultural-racial backgrounds are able to achieve when they interact with each other” (p. 345). A similar type of intervention is the introduction of a curriculum of interreligious education. Such a curriculum can also improve the attitudes of students towards those of different beliefs. For instance, in an intervention which introduced interreligious education, Christian students’ tendency to express negative views about other faiths decreased and their positive and exclusivist claims about the Christian ingroup had lessened. The effect of positive attitudes after interreligious education was even stronger in classrooms where children of other faiths were present, confirming the contact hypothesis (Sterkens, 2001). Reducing Implicit or Explicit Discrimination It goes without saying that schools which fail to address discriminatory practices, whether they are structural or incidental, are breeding ground for conflict and extremism. Prejudiced teachers and peers who make racist remarks, deliberately disadvantage, or bully other students based on their ethnic or religious affiliation, can undo all positive interventions the school has undertaken. In many radicalization stories, such as in the biography of Yehya Kaddouri (2011), the school has played a negative role. Versteegt and colleagues (2018) mention several cases in which detained extremists of Muslim backgrounds say that their Christian schools have given them a sense of exclusion as non-Christian students. Similarly, Leuzinger-Bohleber (2016) describes a sense of alienation of a radical student who felt humiliated by a teacher. Many schools have explicit rules aimed at ensuring a fairness school which treats all students equally, avoids favouritism and is free of discrimination and racism. British graduate schools for schoolteachers and leaders (the Ambition Institute) explicitly train teachers to become designated safeguarding leaders to tackle racism, homophobia and other forms of discrimination at school (Leong, 2018). Educators proposed also multiple positive approaches to handling cases of discrimination. For instance, the Ambition Institute (Leong, 2018) suggests that if a student engages in controversial behaviour and, for example, uses a racist demeaning term, the teacher should not be telling the student off but give them the opportunity “to have an open and

2

IDENTITY

59

mature dialogue about race”, including the history of race and racism and learning to take the perspective of “the other”, which would be “the victim” of the challenging behaviour, and to empathize, before the gaze is shifted towards the student themselves: do they feel like an unfairly treated person in life themselves? In this approach, it is crucial that the safeguarding leader establishes mutual trust and is also willing to make themselves vulnerable and share examples of her own life in which they were affected by, for example, racism or in which they became a victim of discrimination and hate. Although this intervention has not been tested empirically, students reportedly left the meeting and the teacher with a positive sense and the inspiration to self-reflect on their own behaviour in the future. In a similar vein, “Facing History and Ourselves” (2019), an international educational development organization with partnerships on all continents of the world, suggests to study historical examples of genocide so that students can discover for themselves an “essential connection between history and the moral choices they confront in their own lives”. This would be an opportunity for students to examine racism, discrimination and prejudice, to become humane and informed citizens. An empirical study of the effects of the “Facing History and Ourselves” program showed that participation in this intervention led to decreased racist attitudes (Schultz et al., 2001). Another suggested way of handling transgressions is to involve the school community. For instance, a small public high school in New York City has created a “Fairness Committee”. This committee consists of a combination of students, teachers and staff. The members of the committee are selected on a case-to-case basis and all members of the community can be called to serve on the committee. The “Fairness Committee” is meant to guard the norms of the school. Whenever there is a conflict, the committee organizes a discussion between all the involved parties. Taking into account the stories from all parties, the committee decides on a consequence in order to restore the values of the community and help reintegrate the conflicted parties. It has been claimed that the “Fairness Committee” leads to a positive atmosphere at school and that it is inclusive, as everyone can be called to serve on the committee, and everyone can be brought in front of the committee to justify their actions. A case study indeed showed that students experience that a “Fairness Committee” leads to a school environment of democracy and respect and allows them to grow as a person and have stronger connections to other students and teachers (Hantzopoulos, 2013). “Facing History and

60

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Ourselves” (2019) suggests to adopt a so-called “Fairness Committee” composed of students as arbiters (additionally to adults) to implement a “Student Justice Committee” (SJC), a public apology system and a peer mentoring program, inspired by South Africa’s “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” and post-genocide justice in Rwanda. The “SJC” represents a panel of three students, two teachers and one community member (e.g., a staff member) who listens to cases. According to one of the teachers: “the SJC is all about putting discipline and decisions about consequences in the hands of the students — with [adult] guidance”. If someone is considered as having violated certain justice and fairness rules, the person has to utter a public apology to the entire class, as the idea is that they take responsibility. Additionally, a peer mentoring system should be put into place. Students who have seen the “SJC” get an older mentor allocated who show them alternative perspectives regarding human interaction. Rather than receiving punishment (e.g., suspension), they (a) are supposed to understand how their actions have a potentially harmful impact on others, and (b) make the experience that they can shape the school culture and trust is supposed to be restored on all sides. The creators of the “SJC” explain their social-psychological approach with the following words: “Fairness is not about a conflict between two students. It’s about one student’s behaviour having an impact on the whole school community and it gives the entire community ownership over discipline”. Even though eradication of discrimination at the school appears to be a matter of introducing simple rules, it actually is much harder to achieve than it seems. The stereotypes that are associated with group identities, such as ethnicity and gender, once learned are deeply rooted in our cognition. Even though a teacher may explicitly wish to avoid acting upon stereotypes and ingroup favouritism, most likely they are still influenced by their implicit attitudes, as numerous studies demonstrate. For instance, even those white gamers who had previously described themselves as tolerant and non-discriminating approached the avatar with the most negative stereotype—the North African—more cautiously and kept more distance (Wigboldus, 2006). In the school context, the situation is further aggravated by the fact that, on the level of the group, stereotypes correlate with teachers’ individual experiences; members of economically disadvantaged minority groups indeed are more likely to underperform at the school, which in turn can create expectations concerning any member of that group. Teachers’ expectations influence students’ performance independently of their individual skills and intellect (Rosenthal & Jacobson,

2

IDENTITY

61

1968), leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy. In short, students identified as belonging to a “weak” group are expected to perform weak, and as a result indeed perform weak, despite their individual potential. Not only do stereotypes influence teachers’ behaviour towards students, they also affect the way students perform. In studies, students reminded about negative stereotype of their group were found to perform in line with the stereotype (Steele, 1988). Due to this vicious circle, social and ethnic groups are found to be structurally underestimated. For instance, learning deficits such as ADHD and dyslexia go unnoticed often because teachers attribute the students’ impaired learning to their cultural background or lack of language proficiency (Zwirs, 2006). The measures designed to assure objectivity of assessment, such as anonymized grading and standardized aptitude testing, offer partial remedy to the effects of implicit stereotypes by the teacher. For instance, an empirical study by Quinn (2020) showed that a clearly defined grading rubric can help to prevent racial bias among teachers. Employing successful (counter-stereotypical) teaching/staff representatives of the affected ethnic group has potential to reduce the effects of negative stereotypes on the self of minority students. For instance, test results were better for black people if a black “professor” was handing them the test (Massey & Owens, 2013). The potential of educational institutions to provide role models for all young people to develop positive identities cannot be overestimated. Supporting Development of Positive Bicultural Identities Among Migrant Youth Educators and scholars concerned with challenges and risks related to development of bicultural identity came up with several promising approaches to stimulate positive identity development among minority background youth, which are possible to implement in school settings. The approaches range from explicit training skills curricula, through mentoring and role model provision, ending on two-way immersion programs and resilience training. The “Bicultural Competence Skills program” (Schinke et al., 1988) is an example of a pioneering effective program aimed at strengthening bicultural competency through an explicit training. The aim of the program was to help children gain self-efficacy, become socially competent in both cultures and gain a positive identity based on bicultural fluency. In 10 sessions led by ethnic background counsellors, children

62

M. SKLAD ET AL.

practised social, emotional, cognitive, moral and behavioural competencies associated with bicultural efficacy of American-Indian adolescents vulnerable to substance abuse. The program involved homework assignments to practice coping strategies and communication. Post-test and 6-month follow-up data of this intervention showed that it had led to less favourable attitudes towards substance use and improved communication capabilities, among other outcomes (Schinke et al., 1988). Another approach involves pairing up children with mentors with a similar ethnic background serving as positive role models. “Big Brothers/Big Sisters” (Catalano et al., 2002) is one positively evaluated mentoring intervention within the community domain to strengthen bicultural competence. In this mentoring program, a young person pairs up with an adult and develops over the course of a minimum of one year a consistent bond: these two people meet up for several hours, two to four times per month. The matching of youth and adults is done with consideration and based on personal and demographic characteristics. An empirical test of this intervention found that it led to more confidence in academic capabilities and better academic performance (Herrera et al., 2011). Similar to the “Big Brothers/Big Sisters” program, Blechman (1992) argues for a intervention in which high-risk minority youth (i.e., youth with a poor socio-economic background) should be guided by a mentor who helps them to become competent and proud of their culture. In this way, bicultural competence is built within the youth. To our best knowledge, however, this intervention has not been tested empirically to date. A third way to support the development of bicultural identities in youth is by two-way immersion programs. “Two-Way Immersion Education” (Two-Way Immersion Toolkit, n.d.) is a type of bilingual education where students from two language groups are combined. Both of the involved languages are then used for (core academic) instruction. Students are paired and each of them is mentoring the other in one of the two languages. Since the nineties, the number of two-way immersion programs in the United States has increased vigorously. Two-way immersion programs have been shown to lead to elevated levels of oral and written language skills in both the second language and the first language. The effects of two-way immersion extend beyond the effects on language. For instance, students of an immersion program show an increase in positive cross-cultural attitudes (Two-Way Immersion Toolkit, n.d.).

2

IDENTITY

63

A fourth approach is represented in a program called “Diamant”, an intervention aimed at youth with a bicultural identity, meant to improve their positive (bicultural) identities and increase their resilience to extremism (Hermens et al., 2016). “Diamant” is a combination of a systems approach and resilience training. The intervention involves group coaching on subjects such as dual identity and (resilience to) extremist ideologies, but also individual mentoring to participants and their families. A post-intervention and 3-month follow-up showed that participants of “Diamant” experienced increased self-esteem, better conflict resolution skills and less feelings of relative deprivation (Feddes et al., 2013). Strengthening Multiple Identities That Surpass Nationality Finally, learning about and exploring multiple identities and roles brings nuance to stereotypes one may hold of other people, and discredits the narrow focus on one single identity that is typical of radical movements, according to uncertainty-identity theory (Hogg & Adelman, 2013). Besides this and helping students to develop a positive identity, exploring and highlighting multiple identities may help individuals to overcome selfimposed limitations related to social group membership. For instance, black students are able to perform better in scholarly tasks when they are not reminded of their race. Similar effects were found for female students with respect to math performance. An empirical study showed that they are able to perform better when they are referred to as “college students” than when they are referred to as “females”, even just adding “college students” to “females” helps results of those who have high self-esteem (Spencer et al., 1999).

Conclusion In this chapter, we introduced the concept of identity as an important aspect of students’ personal development, which affects mental health, educational performance and citizenship skills. We also explored connections between identity development in adolescence and the likelihood of engaging in processes of radicalization. This connection was found on three levels of identity: personal identity, social identity and cultural identity. In personal identity development, low self-esteem and an insecure personal identity fostered the need to develop obsessive connections with groups of high salience, and in case of threat, increased the acceptance

64

M. SKLAD ET AL.

of violence out of group defence. In social identity, extremism creates narratives that foster stereotypes, perception of opposition and conflict between the ingroup and outgroup. On the cultural level, some group characteristics paved the way towards extremism, such as fundamentalism, absolutism, collectivism, familism, “us versus them” dichotomies and derogation of the outgroup. Yet, adolescents with a fragile and loose connection with the cultural groups they belong to are most susceptible to radicalization and most likely to accept violence. The earlier mentioned concurrence of onset of radicalization with secondary school age (Ljujic et al., 2017; Sieckelinck et al., 2015; Sikkens, 2018) creates opportunities for education to intervene in this process in terms of identity development. On all levels of identity, we can find successful educational interventions. Schools and teachers are capable of helping young people exploring different identities, building complex, strong and positive identities and working with overarching identities to reduce intergroup conflict and discrimination. Finally, schools strive to create safe environments where all students are able to develop positive identities, regardless of their socio-economic or cultural background, by setting clear ethical rules of conduct and assuring interferential treatment as much as possible. Even if the curriculum is often presented as “neutral” and independent of students’ social context, and schools do not deliberately address the issue of identity development, they will still have an impact via the students’ educational choices (Byrd & Chavous, 2011; LannegrandWillems & Bosma, 2006). Teachers can inspire students to develop new aspects of who they are and/or act as positive or negative role models. Schools are also the mediators of the nature of contact with peers who have a major influence on adolescents’ identity. Schools can shape the nature of this contact by creating opportunities for cooperation or competition. Schools can influence the amount of intercultural contact by their policy and curriculum, such as interschool contacts, school excursions and travelling abroad (Sinai et al., 2012; Vogt, 1997). The educational system routinely refers to personal attributes laying the foundation for personal identity and self-esteem related to the development of skills and cognitions covered in the curricula. The choice of focusing on strengths or deficiencies in that area may make a fundamental difference for students’ identity. Education may also with ease address the connection between school achievement and personal identity development. By stimulating perceiving growth and learning as an

2

IDENTITY

65

aspect of their students’ identity—thus including the prospect of change and improvement—teachers can help their students to overcome fear of inadequacy due to personal characteristics and develop a positive identity (Andersen & Nielsen, 2016; Seligman, 2011). One omnipresent notion is the concept of agency: young people have a choice in terms of their identity. They can decide which aspects they choose to make central and which just cursory; the educators can help them to realize it and to make best choice. There are plenty of opportunities for educators who want to explicitly facilitate identity development of their charges. Starting from explicit activities in which students explore their strengths or multiple facets of their identities, through narrative identity interventions enhancing their self-esteem and psychological wellbeing by reflecting on who they were and how they grow, and resulting in recategorization interventions aimed at convincing students to perceive themselves as members of communities overarching ethnic and cultural divisions, such as the school community, or interventions expanding the borders of “we” through perspective taking of “being an outsider”.

References Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Perseus Books. Allport, G. W., & Ross, J. M. (1967). Personal religious orientation and prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5(4), 432. https://doi.org/ 10.1037/h0021212 Altemeyer, B. (2003). Why do religious fundamentalists tend to be prejudiced? The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 13(1), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327582IJPR1301_03 Altemeyer, B., & Hunsberger, B. (1992). Authoritarianism, religious fundamentalism, quest, and prejudice. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 2(2), 113–133. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327582ijpr0202_5 Anderson, K. M., & Mack, R. (2019). Digital storytelling: A narrative method for positive identity development in minority youth. Social Work with Groups, 42(1), 43–55. https://doi.org/10.1080/01609513.2017.1413616 Andersen, S. C., & Nielsen, H. S. (2016). Reading intervention with a growth mindset approach improves children’s skills. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 113(43), 12111–12113. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas. 1607946113 Bader, V. (2007). Secularism or democracy? Associational governance of religious diversity. Amsterdam University Press.

66

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Baumann, G. (1999). The Multicultural Riddle: Rethinking national, ethnic, and religious identities. Routledge. Bhui, K., Warfa, N., & Jones, E. (2014). Is violent radicalisation associated with poverty, migration, poor self-reported health and common mental disorders? PLoS One, 9(3), 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0090718 Billig, M. (1976). Social psychology and intergroup relations. Academic Press. Blackwell, L. S., Trzesniewski, K. H., & Dweck, C. S. (2007). Implicit theories of intelligence predict achievement across an adolescent transition: A longitudinal study and an intervention. Child Development, 78(1), 246–263. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2007.00995.x Blechman, E. A. (1992). Mentors for high-risk minority youth: From effective communication to bicultural competence. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 21(2), 160–169. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1207/s15374 424jccp2102_8 Bruner, J. (1986). Actual minds, possible worlds. Harvard University Press. Bruner, J. (1993). Do we “acquire” culture or vice versa? Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 16(3), 515–516. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X00031290 Bruner, J. (1997). Celebrating divergence: Piaget and Vygotsky. Human Development, 40(2), 63–73. https://doi.org/10.1159/000278705 Byrd, C. M., & Chavous, T. (2011). Racial identity, school racial climate, and school intrinsic motivation among African American youth: The importance of person–context congruence. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21(4), 849– 860. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2011.00743.x Calabrese Barton, A., Kang, H., Tan, E., O’Neill, T. B., BautistaGuerra, J., & Brecklin, C. (2013). Crafting a future in science: Tracing middle school girls’ identity work over time and space. American Educational Research Journal, 50(1), 37–75. https://doi.org/10.3102/0002831212458142 Campelo, N., Oppetit, A., Neau, F., Cohen, D., & Bronsard, G. (2018). Who are the European youths willing to engage in radicalisation? A multidisciplinary review of their psychological and social profiles. European Psychiatry, 52, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2018.03.001 Canetti-Nisim, D. (2003). Two religious meaning systems, one political belief system: Religiosity, alternative religiosity and political extremism. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 4(3), 35–54. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 14690760412331326220 Catalano, R. F., Berglund, M. L., Ryan, J. A., Lonczak, H. S., & Hawkins, J. D. (2002). Positive youth development in the United States: Research findings on evaluations of positive youth development programs. Prevention & Treatment, 591(1), 98–124. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0002716 203260102

2

IDENTITY

67

Catterall, J. S. (2012). The arts and achievement in at-risk youth: Findings from four longitudinal studies (Research Report #55). National Endowment for the Arts. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED530822 Charland, W. (2010). African–American youth and the artist’s identity: Cultural models and aspirational foreclosure. Studies in Art Education: A Journal of Issues and Research in Art Education, 51(2), 115–133. https://doi.org/10. 1080/00393541.2010.11518796 Cone, N., Buxton, C., Lee, O., & Mahotiere, M. (2014). Negotiating a sense of identity in a foreign land: Navigating public school structures and practices that often conflict with Haitian culture and values. Urban Education, 49(3), 263–296. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042085913478619 Demant, F., & De Graaf, B. (2010). How to counter radical narratives: Dutch deradicalization policy in the case of Moluccan and Islamic radicals. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 33(5), 408–428. https://doi.org/10.1080/105761 01003691549 Department for Education, UK. (2014). Promoting fundamental British values as part of SMSC in schools: Departmental advice for maintained schools. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/upl oads/attachment_data/file/380595/SMSC_Guidance_Maintained_Schools. pdf Doosje, B., Loseman, A., & Van den Bos, K. (2013). Determinants of radicalization of Islamic youth in the Netherlands: Personal uncertainty, perceived injustice, and perceived group threat. Journal of Social Issues, 69, 586–604. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12030 Dweck, C. (2006). Mindset: The new psychology of success. Random House. Dweck, C. (2017). Mindset—Updated edition: Changing the way you think to fulfil your potential. Constable and Robinson Ltd. Egan, K. (1997). The educated mind: How cognitive tools shape our understanding. University of Chicago Press. Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. Norton. European Union (EU). (2016). RAN issue Paper: The root causes of violent extremism. https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/sites/homeaffairs/files/whatwe-do/networks/radicalisation_awareness_network/ran-papers/docs/issue_ paper_root-causes_jan2016_en.pdf Eurydice. (2017). Eurydice brief: Citizenship education at school in Europe 2017 . https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/home_en Facing History and Ourselves. (2019). Facing History and Ourselves. https:// www.facinghistory.org/ Feddes, A. R., Mann, L., De Zwart, N., & Doosje, B. (2013). Duale identiteit in een multiculturele samenleving: een longitudinale kwalitatieve effectmeting van de weerbaarheidstraining Diamant. Tijdschrift voor Veiligheid, 12(4),

68

M. SKLAD ET AL.

27–44. https://www.agadvies.com/wp-content/uploads/downloads/GielenVan-Wonderen-TvV_2013_12_4_.pdf#page=27 Fenton, N., & Barassi, V. (2011). Alternative media and social networking sites: The politics of individuation and political participation. The Communication Review, 14(3), 179–196. https://doi.org/10.1080/10714421.2011.597245 Fowler, J., Streib, H., & Keller, B. (2004). Manual for faith development research. Candler school of Theology. Gaertner, S. L., Diovidio, J. F., & Houlettem, M. A. (2013). Social categorization. In J. F. Dovidio, M. Hewstone, P. Glick, & V. M. Esses (Eds.), The Sage handbook of prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination (pp. 526–543). Sage. Gaertner, S. L., Mann, J., Murrell, A., & Dovidio, J. F. (1989). Reducing intergroup bias: The benefits of recategorization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57 , 239–249. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.57.2.239 Görzig, C., & Al-Hashimi, K. (2014). Radicalization in Western Europe: Integration, public discourse and loss of identity among Muslim communities. Routledge. Hafez, M., & Mullins, C. (2015). The radicalization puzzle: A theoretical synthesis of empirical approaches to homegrown extremism. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 38(11), 958–975. https://doi.org/10.1080/105 7610X.2015.1051375 Hall, H. K., & Hill, A. P. (2012). Perfectionism, dysfunctional achievement striving and burnout in aspiring athletes: The motivational implications for performing artists. Theatre, Dance and Performance Training, 3(2), 216–228. https://doi.org/10.1080/19443927.2012.693534 Hantzopoulos, M. (2013). The fairness committee: Restorative justice in a small urban public high school. The Prevention Researcher, 20(1), 7–10. http:// www.academia.edu/download/35294345/The_Fairness_Committee-1.pdf Hermens, F., Van Kapel, M., Van Wonderen, R., & Booijink, M. (2016). Preventie van radicalisering: Praktijkvoorbeelden van aanpakken gericht op kwetsbare jongeren die vatbaar zijn voor radicalisering. https://www.kis.nl/ sites/default/files/bestanden/Publicaties/preventie-van-radicalisering.pdf Herrera, C., Grossman, J. B., Kauh, T. J., & McMaken, J. (2011). Mentoring in schools: An impact study of Big Brothers Big Sisters school-based mentoring. Child Development, 82(1), 346–361. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624. 2010.01559.x Hildrew, C. (2018). Becoming a growth mindset school. Routledge. Hofstede, G. (1991). Cultures and organizations: Software of the mind. McGrawHill. Hogg, M. A. (2000). Subjective uncertainty reduction through selfcategorization: A motivational theory of social identity processes. European Review of Social Psychology, 11(1), 223–255. https://doi.org/10.1080/147 92772043000040

2

IDENTITY

69

Hogg, M. A. (2007). Uncertainty–identity theory. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 39, 69–126. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0065-260 1(06)39002-8 Hogg, M. A., & Adelman, J. (2013). Uncertainty–identity theory: Extreme groups, radical behavior, and authoritarian leadership. Journal of Social Issues, 69, 436–454. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12023 Holt, T., Freilich, J. D., Chermak, S., & McCauley, C. (2015). Political radicalization on the Internet: Extremist content, government control, and the power of victim and jihad videos. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 8(2), 107–120. https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2015.1065101 Hood, R. W., Jr., Hill, P. C., & Williamson, W. P. (2005). The psychology of religious fundamentalism. Guilford Press. Horgan, J. (2014). The psychology of terrorism. Taylor & Francis Ltd. Horn, I. S. (2008). Turnaround students in high school mathematics: Constructing identities of competence through mathematical worlds. Mathematical Thinking and Learning, 10(3), 201–239. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 10986060802216177 Houlette, M. A., Gaertner, S. L., Johnson, K. M., Banker, B. S., Riek, B. M., & Dovidio, J. F. (2004). Developing a more inclusive social identity: An elementary school intervention. Journal of Social Issues, 60, 35–55. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/j.0022-4537.2004.00098.x Hutsebaut, D. (1996). Post-critical belief: A new approach to the religious attitude problem. Journal of Empirical Theology, 9, 48–66. https://doi.org/10. 1163/157092596X00132 Jasko, K., LaFree, G., & Kruglanski, A. (2017). Quest for significance and violent extremism: The case of domestic radicalization. Political Psychology, 38(5), 815–831. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12376 Jones, D., & Dawson, L. (2021). Re-examining the explanations of convert radicalization in Salafi-Jihadist terrorism with evidence from Canada. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 1–28. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/19434472.2021.1919911 Kaddouri, Y. (2011). Lach met de duivel: Autobiografie van een ‘rotte-appel’Marokkaan. Van Gennep. Kagitcibasi, C. (1997). Individualism and collectivism. In J. W. Berry, M. H. Segall, & C. Kagitcibasi (Eds.) Handbook of cross-cultural psychology (Vol. 3, pp. 1–49). Allyn & Bacon. Kahneman, D. (2011). Thinking, fast and slow. Macmillan. Kruglanski, A. W., Gelfand, M. J., Bélanger, J. J., Sheveland, A., Hetiarachchi, M., & Gunaratna, R. (2014). The psychology of radicalization and deradicalization: How significance quest impacts violent extremism. Political Psychology, 35, 69–93. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12163 Lamm, Z. (1976). Conflicting theories of instruction. McCutchan Publishing.

70

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Lannegrand-Willems, L., & Bosma, H. A. (2006). Identity development-incontext: The school as an important context for identity development. An International Journal of Theory and Research, 6, 85–113. https://doi.org/ 10.1207/s1532706xid0601_6 Leong, D. (2018). Tackling racism in schools in our current political climate. https://www.ambition.org.uk/blog/tackling-racism-schools-our-cur rent-political-climate/ Leuzinger-Bohleber, M. (2016). From free speech to IS–pathological regression of some traumatized adolescents from a migrant background in Germany. International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies, 13(3), 213–223. https://doi.org/10.1002/aps.1499 Ljujic, V., Van Prooijen, J. W., & Weerman, F. (2017). Beyond the crime-terror nexus: Socioeconomic status, violent crimes and terrorism. Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice, 3(3), 158–172. https://doi.org/10. 1108/JCRPP-02-2017-0010 Lyons-Padilla, S., Gelfand, M. J., Mirahmadi, H., Farooq, M., & Van Egmond, M. (2015). Belonging nowhere: Marginalization & radicalization risk among Muslim immigrants. Behavioral Science & Policy, 1(2), 1–12. https://doi.org/ 10.1353/bsp.2015.0019 Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of ego identity status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 3, 551–558. https://pdfs.semanticscholar. org/f145/f3fbada1eb7a01052255f586094301669287.pdf. Marcia, J. E. (1993). The ego identity status approach to ego identity. In J. E. Marcia, A. S. Waterman, D. R. Matteson, S. L. Archer, & J. L. Orlofsky (Eds.), Ego identity: A handbook for psychosocial research. Springer-Verlag. Martin, A. J., Mansour, M., Anderson, M., Gibson, R., Liem, G. A. D., & Sudmalis, D. (2013). The role of arts participation in students’ academic and nonacademic outcomes: A longitudinal study of school, home, and community factors. Journal of Educational Psychology, 105(3), 709–727. https://doi. org/10.1037/a0032795 Massey, D. S., & Owens, J. (2013). Mediators of stereotype threat among black college students. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 37 (3), 557–575. https://doi. org/10.1080/01419870.2013.786110 McAdams, D. P., & McLean, K. C. (2013). Narrative identity. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 22(3), 233–238. https://doi.org/10.1177/096372 1413475622 McCashen, W. (2005). The strengths approach. St Luke’s Innovative Resources. McDargh, J. (2001). Faith development theory and the postmodern problem of foundations. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 11(3), 185–199. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327582IJPR1103_05

2

IDENTITY

71

Moghaddam, F. M. (2005). The staircase to terrorism: A psychological exploration. American Psychologist, 60(2), 161–169. https://doi.org/10.1037/ 0003-066X.60.2.161 Mruk, C. J. (2013). Self-Esteem and positive psychology: Research, theory, and practice. Springer Publishing Company. Mueller, C. M., & Dweck, C. S. (1998). Praise for intelligence can undermine children’s motivation and performance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75(1), 33–52. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.75.1.33 Quinn, D. M. (2020). Experimental evidence on teachers’ racial bias in student evaluation: The role of grading scales. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 42(3), 375–392. https://doi.org/10.3102/0162373720932188 Rip, B., Vallerand, R. J., & Lafrenière, M. K. (2012). Passion for a cause, passion for a creed: On ideological passion and extremism. Journal of Personality, 80, 573–602. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6494.2011.00743.x Rosenthal, R., & Jacobson, L. (1968). Pygmalion in the classroom. The Urban Review, 3(1), 16–20. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02322211 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-Determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55, 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.1.68 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-Determination theory: Basic psychological needs in motivation, development, and wellness. Guilford Publishing. Sageman, M. (2008a). A strategy for fighting international Islamist terrorists. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 618(1), 223–231. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716208317051 Sageman, M. (2008b). The next generation of terror. Foreign Policy, 165, 37–42. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25462270 Saleebey. (2002). The strengths perspective in social work practice (3rd ed.). Allyn and Bacon. Salzman, M., & D’Andrea, M. (2001). Assessing the impact of a prejudice prevention project. Journal of Counseling & Development, 79(3), 341–346. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1556-6676.2001.tb01979.x Schachter, E. P., & Rich, Y. (2011). Identity education: A conceptual framework for educational researchers and practitioners. Educational Psychologist, 46(4), 222–238. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.2011.614509 Schinke, S. P., Orlandi, M. A., Botvin, G. J., Gilchrist, L. D., Trimble, J. E., & Locklear, V. S. (1988). Preventing substance abuse among American–Indian adolescents: A bicultural competence skills approach. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 35(1), 87–90. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.35.1.87 Schultz, L. H., Barr, D. J., & Selman, R. L. (2001). The value of a developmental approach to evaluating character development programmes: An outcome study of Facing History and Ourselves. Journal of Moral Education, 30(1), 3–27. https://doi.org/10.1080/03057240120033785

72

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Schwartz, S. J., Dunkel, C. S., & Waterman, A. S. (2009). Terrorism: An identity theory perspective. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 32(6), 537–559. https:// doi.org/10.1080/10576100902888453 Seligman, M. E. P. (2002). Authentic happiness: Using the new positive psychology to realize your potential for lasting fulfillment. Free Press. Seligman, M. E. P. (2011). Building resilience. Harvard Business Review, 89(4), 100–106. https://www.academia.edu/download/60908221/Building_Resili ence20191015-82688-1mbq74d.pdf Seraphin, A., Meigs, D., & Ghayada, H. (2017). Youth and violent extremism on social media: Mapping the research. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/ pf0000260382 Sherif, M., Harvey, O. J., White, B. J., Hood, W. R., & Sherif, C. W. (1961). Intergroup conflict and cooperation: The Robbers Cave experiment. Wesleyan University Press. Sieckelinck, S., Kaulingfreks, F., & de Winter, M. (2015). Neither villains nor victims: Towards an educational perspective on radicalisation. British Journal of Educational Studies, 63(3), 329–343. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 00071005.2015.1076566 Sikkens, E. M. (2018). Relating to radicalism: Family and upbringing experiences in radicalization and de-radicalization. Utrecht University (Doctoral dissertation). https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/373426 Simon, B., Reichert, F., & Grabow, O. (2013). When dual identity becomes a liability: Identity and political radicalism among migrants. Psychological Science, 24(3), 251–257. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797612450889 Sinai, M., Kaplan, A., & Flum, H. (2012). Promoting identity exploration within the school curriculum: A design-based study in a junior high literature lesson in Israel. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 37 (3), 195–205. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.cedpsych.2012.01.006 Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2016). Educating for safe and democratic societies: The instructor’s handbook for the civic and social competences curriculum for adolescents UCARE. De Drvkkery. Sklad, M., Park, E., van Venrooij, I., Pickard, A., & Wignand, J. (2020). Radicalization prevention by means of strengthening social and civic competences. Contemporary School Psychology, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40 688-020-00330-9 Spencer, S. J., Steele, C. M., & Quinn, D. M. (1999). Stereotype threat and women’s math performance. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 35(1), 4–28. https://doi.org/10.1006/jesp.1998.1373 Staudt, M., Howard, M. O., & Drake, B. (2001). The operationalization, implementation, and effectiveness of the strengths perspective: A review of empirical studies. Journal of Social Service Research, 27 (3), 1–21. https://doi.org/10. 1300/J079v27n03_01

2

IDENTITY

73

Steele, C. M. (1988). The psychology of self-affirmation: Sustaining the integrity of the self. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 21(2), 261–302. https://baltimorewisdomproject.org/uploads/7/0/8/0/ 70800857/the_psychology_of_self-affirmation.pdf Sterkens, C. (2001). Interreligious learning: The problem of interreligious dialogue in primary education (Vol. 8). Brill. Streib, H. (2001). Faith development theory revisited: The religious styles perspective. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 11(3), 143–158. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327582IJPR1103_02 Streib, H. (2005). THEORY: “Faith development research revisited: Accounting for diversity in structure, content, and narrativity of faith.” The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 15(2), 99–121. https://doi.org/10. 1207/s15327582ijpr1502_1 Streib, H., Hood, R. W., Jr., & Klein, C. (2010). The religious schema scale: Construction and initial validation of a quantitative measure for religious styles. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 20(3), 151–172. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508619.2010.481223 Streib, H., & Klein, C. (2014). Religious styles predict interreligious prejudice: A study of German adolescents with the Religious Schema Scale. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 24(2), 151–163. https://doi. org/10.1080/10508619.2013.808869 Tajfel, H., & Billic, M. (1974). Familiarity and categorization in intergroup behavior. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 10(2), 159–170. https:// doi.org/10.1016/0022-1031(74)90064-X Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole. Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour. In S. Worchel & W. G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 7–24). Nelson-Hall. Tausch, N., & Hewstone, M. (2013). Intergroup contact. In J. F. Davodio, M. Hewstone, P. Glick, & V. M. Esses (Eds.), The Sage handbook of prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination (pp. 544–560). Sage. Tseng, W. C. (2017). An intervention using LEGO® SERIOUS PLAY® on fostering narrative identity among economically disadvantaged college students in Taiwan. Journal of College Student Development, 58, 264–282. https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2017.0019 Tunariu, A. D., Tribe, R., Frings, D., & Albery, I. P. (2017). The iNEAR programme: An existential positive psychology intervention for resilience and emotional wellbeing. International Review of Psychiatry, 29(4), 362–372. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540261.2017.1343531

74

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Two-way Immersion Toolkit. (n.d.). Two-way immersion education: The basics. http://www.cal.org/twi/toolkit/PI/Basics_Eng.pdf Van San, M. (2015). Striving in the way of god: Justifying jihad by young Belgian and Dutch Muslims. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 38(5), 328–342. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2015.1013776 Versteegt, I., Ljujic, V., El Bouk, F., Weerman, F., & Van Maanen, F. (2018). Terrorism, adversity and identity: A qualitative study on detained terrorism suspects in comparison to other detainees. https://nscr.nl/app/uploads/2019/ 01/NSCR-Rapport_Terrorism-adversity-and-identity_181218-2.pdf Vidino, L. (2011). The Buccinasco Pentiti: A unique case study of radicalization. Terrorism and Political Violence, 23(3), 398–418. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 09546553.2010.540274 Vogt, W. P. (1997). Tolerance & education: Learning to live with diversity and difference. Sage Publications. Wigboldus, D. (2006, March 10). Virtuele Stereotypen [Inaugural lecture]. Inauguration, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, Nijmegen. Wilder, D. A. (1986). Social categorization: Implications for creation and reduction of intergroup bias. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 19, pp. 291–355). Academic Press. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/S0065-2601(08)60217-8 Yeager, D. S., & Dweck, C. S. (2012). Mindsets that promote resilience: When students believe that personal characteristics can be developed. Educational Psychologist, 47 (4), 302–314. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520. 2012.722805 Zwirs, B. W. C. (2006). Externalizing disorders among children of different ethnic origin in the Netherlands. Utrecht University (dissertation).

CHAPTER 3

Perspective Taking Skills and Conflict Resolution

Abstract This chapter describes the relevance of perspective taking and conflict resolution skills for the prevention of radicalization. First, it describes what perspective taking is and why it is important. Then, the authors discuss the relation between perspective taking and radicalization. Afterwards, the authors describe school interventions to increase the perspective taking and conflict resolution abilities of young people, as well as empirical evidence of the effectiveness of these interventions. Keywords Perspective taking · Conflict resolution · Empathy · Intergroup relations

Introduction: What Is Perspective Taking and Why Is It Important? With perspective taking , we refer to the ability to see the world from other people’s point of view (Todd & Galinsky, 2014). It involves knowing differences in preference, such as “While I myself enjoy being at festivals, I know that Reza rather spends her free time reading”. It involves understanding emotions, such as seeing that someone is becoming annoyed. Perspective taking also means that one can imagine other people’s point of view, taking into account their circumstances and position (Fig. 3.1). © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Sklad et al., Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3_3

75

Fig. 3.1 Perspective taking-based prevention of radicalization

76 M. SKLAD ET AL.

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

77

Perspective taking is basic human behaviour. The ability to take perspective develops through the lifetime. Children are born with an innate desire to imitate people and understand that other humans are similar to themselves (Meltzoff, 2002). As young as three years old, children can understand that other people’s behaviour is related to their feelings. An understanding of “misguidance” develops at the age of five, as well as the ability to lie and deceive others. Every human constantly creates theories about what other people think, desire and intend. This construal is called “theory of mind” (Piaget, 1926). Explanations provided by theory of mind allow to predict the behaviour of others by their mental state, prepare for it and act to influence it. Theory of mind is a skill developed through experiences, such as social interactions or assuming different visual perspectives (Courtin, 2000). Consequently, children with different experiences may vary in the extent to which their theory of mind is developed (e.g., Courtin & Melot, 2005). During adolescence, perspective taking becomes more advanced (Reed et al., 2012). Theory of mind is also sometimes described as “cognitive perspective taking” (Hynes et al., 2006). Its counterpart is emotional perspective taking, or empathy. Empathy is the ability to understand what happens in the mind of other people in terms of emotions (Hynes et al., 2006). In human relations, everyone has to find explanations for other people’s actions, without knowing what they really think or feel. Understanding of others can be flawed. Most errors in judging others result from prejudice, misunderstanding or misplaced generalizations (Lilienfeld et al., 2009). Even though adults possess theory of mind and can reflect on different perspectives, they are not always able to employ this in interpreting others’ actions (Keysar et al., 2003). In daily life situations, people hardly have time for in-depth deliberate analysis before making minor judgements, thus they rely on their gut feeling or intuition. The same applies to judgement of other people’s intentions. Besides the so-called system 2, which is a cognitively effortful and slow type of theory of mind leading to sophisticated deliberate decisions, there is a “system 1”, a rapid, efficient form of perspective taking. Since “system 1” is more efficient and less effortful, this is the default system (Apperly & Butterfill, 2009). These basic rules function sufficiently well in daily life, but they are prone to error. Using “system 1”, judging situations or people quickly, relying on gut feelings, can result in heuristic decisions, based on available generalizations and stereotypes.

78

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Research confirms that when the intentions of others are judged without opportunity to engage in deliberate, cognitive “system 2” perspective taking, people are likely to conform to stereotypes and prejudice. For example, at a police academy in the USA, students practice quick decisions about intentions of a person to be ready to shoot in selfdefence and avoid shooting an innocent person. They practice shooting on life-size images of people which are cut out in cardboard and pop up from the floor during training. Some of the cardboards represent people aiming a gun. Others are doing harmless things, like checking a mobile phone. In this kind of situation, when intentions have to be judged rapidly, the type of mistakes turn out to depend on the skin colour of the cardboard figure (Correll et al., 2002). Independently of what figures held in their hand, cardboard figures which represented white people had lower chances of being interpreted as having dangerous intentions and being shot, compared to cardboard figures representing black men. These mistakes based on stereotypes lead to an overrepresentation of black innocent men accidentally shot by the police. Social categorization mechanisms foster negative stereotypical perception of outgroup members (Howard & Rothbart, 1980). Thus, a lack of deliberate “system 2” cognitively effortful engagement in the outgroup perspective and analysis of their intentions may easily lean to perceiving them as malicious or evil. Therefore, deliberate “system 2” analysis of outgroup intentions and perspectives is important in preventing and solving intergroup conflicts. Gaining knowledge and understanding of outgroup members can make the negative feelings and judgement of outgroup members disappear (Gaertner et al., 1999; Shook & Fazio, 2008). Perspective taking, leading to mutual understanding, plays a key role in conflict resolution. There are a couple of additional biases in social perception which impede accurate perspective taking. One of such biases in perspective taking is confirmation bias or tunnel vision (Lilienfeld et al., 2009). It means that people process new information based on their previous preconceptions, and judge its credibility accordingly. Since confirmation bias leads to selectively seeking out information, it allows people to act as if the world is less complex than it actually is. As a side effect, it impairs the ability to understand others who have different views and preconceptions. Another factor limiting people’s ability to understand other people is the effect that emotions have on cognition. People experiencing anger, stress or anxiety rely on quick, “system 1” processing of information, and

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

79

their perceptions tend to align with the dominant emotion. In emotional distress, it becomes hard to take other people’s perspective into account accurately. Thirdly, as mentioned before, another source of bias is group commitment, which is particularly important in adolescent peer groups. The ingroup favouritism gives rise to a positive bias towards ingroup members and a negative bias towards outgroup members, and this reduces the ability to recognize outgroup members as fellow human beings with similar flaws and desires. Also, a group of “egocentric biases ” influences how people judge others and hinders perspective taking and conflict resolution. Studies demonstrate that people have a really hard time taking into account in their judgement of others that others lack certain pieces of information if they have this information themselves (Keysar et al., 2003) and, in general, that people have theories of mind of others biased towards their own beliefs, knowledge or preferences (Royzman et al., 2003). During adolescence, egocentrism is increased. As a result, adolescents’ ability to distinguish the perspective of others from their own may be even more limited (Elkind, 1967). This is especially true in late adolescence (Schwartz et al., 2008). There are also some cultural strains on perspective taking abilities. In some authoritarian subcultures, strong ideological passion is associated with a negative bias towards the outgroup. In groups that find their own views and culture superior to others, perspective taking is often impaired by a strong ingroup favouritism (Altemeyer, 2003). Radical groups express similar claims of superiority and proclaim their truths in absolute ways, thus rejecting all different viewpoints (Benford & Snow, 2000; Cheong & Halverson, 2010). In terms of personal strains, people with autism spectrum syndrome may have impairments in their theory of mind—the ability to consider another person’s point of view (e.g., Colle et al., 2007). In combination with their preference for structures it might explain why people with autism spectrum syndrome seem to be slightly more vulnerable for involvement in extremist movements (Faccini & Allely, 2017). In the following sections, we will first describe further how a lack of perspective taking connects to radicalization. We then consider how educational institutions can help young people to improve their perspective taking. Besides serving as a resilience factor against radicalization, the perspective taking competency is a generally beneficial life skill contributing to good social adjustment. Regardless of whether the

80

M. SKLAD ET AL.

student is from a socially dominant group or is facing social deprivation, perspective taking and conflict resolution training is associated with increased well-being and equality for all members of the classroom. We will elaborate on some of these promising interventions to inspire teachers in their search for good practice.

Perspective Taking and Its Relation to Radicalization In a radical narrative, the extreme truth claims allow for only one perspective. Yet, in society and in education, adolescents usually encounter many conflicting views and opinions, and most of them are not very extreme. What allows for a radical perspective to take on so much credibility and obscure the perspectives of all other interpretations? All radical narratives attempt to undermine the credibility of alternative views by stressing that these views are part of the hidden social structure designed to maintain the problematic situation of the group. Extremist propaganda cunningly expresses the view that everything else is propaganda (Bar-Tal, 1990). Any information source outside the extremist group is to be distrusted, notably science, media and the information that is expressed by non-group members. In this attempt at attacking the credibility of other sources, a confirmation bias is used. This means that every bit of news or information is interpreted until it fits the conspiracy. For example, some news is regarded as “deliberate lie” while other news is interpreted as “protecting the system” or as “influencing the general opinion” (Cheong & Halverson, 2010). The biases that are typical of human social perception are exploited by the extremist propaganda. Through imbalanced commitment (radical commitment to one goal, (almost) no commitment to other goals) the individual becomes radicalized, to the point that s/he engages in illegal and harmful acts (Kruglanski & Webber, 2014). As a result of being faced with these radical narratives, adolescents engage in categorical thinking, leading them to believe that the ingroup is superior and members of the outgroup are “inferior and evil” (Trip et al., 2019, p. 5). Perspective taking and empathy are virtually absent. Discrediting and rejection of different perspectives, combined with a tendency to view differences in terms of conflict, increases beliefs of the necessity of violence. Consequently, adolescents will justify violence and dehumanize victims (Bandura, 1999). For instance, Aquino and colleagues (2007)

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

81

found that lack of empathy was related to reduced negative emotional reactions to (racial) violence. Motives for and paths to radicalization and violence may differ widely. The basis for radicalization can be political or religious (Kruglanski & Webber, 2014). The different types of radicalization, however, largely seem to function similarly. Right-wing extremism, like religious extremism, is based on a feeling of ingroup superiority, which justifies the use of violence (Doosje et al., 2012). Furthermore, Holt and colleagues (2015) showed that both jihadists and right-wing extremists recruit new members and spread their ideology in similar ways. One important aspect making religious ideology especially fertile ground for radicalization, however, is its claim to truth (Wagemakers, 2017). Successful violent extremist movements claim to represent the “real religion” and reject any alternative perspective or interpretation. Especially those who are seeking religious answers, or redemption from earlier sins, but were raised with minimal knowledge of their religion and exposure to other perspectives, or those who have converted, are susceptible to such narratives. Currently, this problem is very prominent in violent extremist jihadi Islam. But similar processes related to religious truth claims were used in the Christian Catholic and Protestant extremist movements in Northern Ireland and have been used in violent extremism by Israeli radicals, Buddhist radicals, Hindu radicals and Tamils (Kruglanski & Fishman, 2009). Besides empathy and understanding “others”, perspective taking can help young people to embrace the diversity of their own religious or ideological group. Prejudice and negative attitudes towards the outgroup play a significant role in radicalization, religious or otherwise. A plenitude of studies demonstrated the capacity of perspective taking to reduce this. In a large meta-analysis of 122 interventions to reduce prejudice and improve intergroup attitudes, it was found that those interventions based on increasing empathy and perspective taking were the most successful (Beelmann & Heinemann, 2014). Increasing perspective taking and empathy has many positive effects on adolescents vulnerable to radicalization. For example, Shih and co-workers (2009) showed that perspective taking reduces negative attitudes towards the outgroup. Perspective taking is also associated with more effective conflict resolution (Gehlbach, 2004) and reduced confirmation bias (Todd et al., 2012). Moreover, increased empathy has been shown to be related to diminished positive feelings towards

82

M. SKLAD ET AL.

ideology-based violence (Feddes et al., 2015). Therefore, it is relevant to target these competencies when trying to prevent radicalization. In addition, looking at social situations from multiple points of view can help young people to form more complex, nuanced and, therefore, more moderate opinions than those endorsed by radical groups. It may also initiate asking questions about the motives of those who claim to be pious and to have a monopoly on the truth. An indirect support for possible benefits of encouraging young people to develop complex nuanced views including multiple perspectives was provided by research which analysed integrative complexity (Baker-Brown et al., 1992) of messages and communication of various ideological groups. Integrative complexity is synonymous to inclusion of more than one dimension or legitimate perspective in the narrative. An early study demonstrated that war and international crisis was reflected in low integrative complexity in diplomatic messages while reaching compromise agreements that prevented a war was related to higher integrative complexity (Suedfeld & Tetlock, 1977). More recently, Suedfeld and colleagues (2013) demonstrated that open-source messages of ideological groups which declared greater acceptance of violence were characterized by lower level of integrative complexity. Similarly, an analysis of terrorists’ rhetorical style demonstrated that, compared to non-terrorist groups, the style of terrorist groups was lower on measurements of complexity (Conway & Conway, 2011; Smith et al., 2008). Based on these results, Woodard and colleagues (2021) postulated that fostering developing complex attitudes among young individuals, by increasing both their motivation and capacity for it, could be a viable strategy in preventing radicalization and extremism. A potential preventive value of training supporting and stimulating acceptance of complex nuanced views might be further supported by results of a study showing that graduates of scientific educational programmes, such as engineering, may be overrepresented in extremist groups based on authoritarian, religious ideologies, whereas graduates from arts & humanities or social sciences are less likely to hold radical views of this type. The authors attributed these findings to a drive for cognitive closure: a desire to eliminate ambiguity and arrive at definite simple conclusions (Gambetta & Hertog, 2009). Students of arts and social sciences have possibly more training in problems requiring complex, subjective, nuanced and ambivalent answers than students of technical or medical sciences. Finally, learning how ingroup-outgroup bias and other social delusions that easily create errors in perceptions

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

83

of others arise may be a good way to prevent the development of prejudice and, thereby, radicalization (Campelo et al., 2018) and discredit ideologies based on underlying claims of cultural superiority. In the next section, we give examples of how teachers can help young people to develop resilience to extremism by improving these perspective taking skills.

Interventions Increasing Empathy, Perspective Taking and Conflict Resolution Although people, and adolescents in particular, can have a limited ability to assume different perspectives, this competence can be developed through training (Taylor et al., 2017). Empathy and theory of mind are not static but learning and honing these skills is possible. In this chapter, we will thus address the ways in which education may improve perspective taking and teach students effective ways to resolve conflicts. In this section, we will look into interventions meant to improve perspective taking. In the educational context, perspective taking interventions can be introduced as part of regular subjects, as dedicated separate interventions or as parts of larger social skills programmes. Most perspective taking interventions consist of explicit practice. There are also some interventions designed to improve awareness of social processes, aimed at changing behaviour and developing a different mindset about oneself or others. According to Lilienfeld and colleagues (2009), the awareness of bias and attribution errors alone would namely be beneficial to improve perspective taking. Similarly, a training in critical thinking was found to help students reflect on alternative explanations for social situations (Pennycook et al., 2015). In order to allow teachers to seek intervention types that are most appropriate for their context, we consider some examples below. Perspective and Empathy Embedded in Regular School Programme In the context of educational interventions, besides obvious social science classes also art subjects can lend themselves very well for fostering empathy and perspective taking competences. For instance, in a study by Goldstein and Winner (2012), the authors compared the effect of a training in acting with another arts training. They hypothesized that

84

M. SKLAD ET AL.

the practice of stepping in another person’s shoes during acting would lead to improvements in empathy and theory of mind. In their study of elementary school children, the researchers found that one year of acting led to improved empathy. In another study, they found improvements in both empathy and theory of mind. These improvements were not found among participants who received training in other arts (Goldstein & Winner, 2012). In the context of languages, Everding and Huffaker (1998) suggest that writing personal diaries is a valuable tool for developing empathy towards others, besides practicing self-empathy (see Chapter 5 for further elaboration). In addition to development of selfempathy, expressive writing interventions have shown beneficial effects on cognitive, emotional, social and even physical outcomes (see, e.g., Pennebaker, 2004). A meta-analysis on the effectiveness of expressive writing interventions for adolescents found overall small positive effects on the functioning and well-being of youth (Travagin et al., 2015). The intervention called “One Situation But Many Interpretations” is a concrete example of a perspective taking intervention that can easily be applied in different classes (Ponterotto et al., 2006). In this intervention, students see an ambiguous drawing of several people. The students are then asked to describe what they see in the drawing with as many details as possible. Afterwards, a discussion is held about the similarities and differences between the descriptions of different students. To our best knowledge, this intervention was not tested empirically. Broader Social Skills Trainings Many successful general social competences programmes contain elements of perspective taking training. For instance, Grizenko and colleagues (2000) offered a school-based social skills training programme consisting of 60-minute sessions twice a week for a period of 6 weeks which included taking others’ perspective. They found that the programme indeed increased perspective taking abilities and decreased egocentric thinking of students, with improvements in egocentric thinking even still being present at a nine-month follow-up. Similarly, the “UCARE” curriculum for secondary schools fostering various social competences (Sklad & Park, 2016), which was tested and found to lead to improvements in, among others, conflict resolution and perspective taking (Sklad et al., 2020), contains activities devoted to different aspects of perspective taking, starting with a very tangible perceptual exercise in which students

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

85

experience that interpretation of an image literally depends on a point of view, and try to predict how other people looking at the same image from a different perspective would interpret it in a different way. After that, they continue to activities involving a more abstract meaning of perspective taking, and using perspective taking competences in social situations. It also includes practical demonstrations to let students experience how a lack of understanding of goals of others can generate conflicts. A prominent social emotional learning (SEL) programme targeting primary schools which has been tested in several countries, called “Promoting Alternative Thinking Strategies” (PATHS; Kusché et al., 1994), also specifically addresses perspective taking, among other competences. A large-scale prevention trial including the “PATHS” intervention found that children who received the intervention became better at recognizing and handling their emotions, which, in turn, led to better conflict resolution (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 1999). Taylor and colleagues (2017) tested SEL interventions including “PATHS” for both minority and majority students and concluded that students from all types of backgrounds benefit from SEL in school and that long-term effects are clearly visible. Also programmes using the insights of positive psychology can have potential to encourage perspective taking among participating students through modelling. For instance, in a widely acclaimed school-wide Positive Behaviour Support (PBS) intervention aimed at the entire school organization (McIntosh et al., 2011), teachers are encouraged to shift their focus from punishing deviancy towards rewarding positive behaviour. It can be expected that students who are treated by teachers as well-intending individuals who make mistakes will be more likely not only to view themselves but also others in a similar fashion. McIntosh and colleagues (2011) found that the PBS intervention indeed led to decreased problematic behaviour. Changing the habits of thought is also at the core of the “Aggressors, Victims, and Bystanders” intervention (Barnett & Brennan, 2009). This intervention aims to provide students with skills for conflict resolution and, thereby, prevent violence. Students learn in it ways to manage conflict and engage in role-playing activities. A test of effectiveness of the intervention showed that both students’ thoughts about and attitudes towards violence improved as a result of the intervention (Barnett & Brennan, 2009).

86

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Another intervention that addresses conflict resolution is the intervention called “Understanding conflict” from the YCARE project (https:// toolbox.ycare.eu/courses/YCARE202/). In this activity, students learn about the role conflict plays in violence, as well as the skills needed for conflict resolution. To our best knowledge the effectiveness of this intervention has not been rigorously tested as of yet. Explicit Intergroup Perspective Taking Intergroup perspective taking (Todd & Galinsky, 2014) is using not individuals, but groups as their focus of intervention. By watching a video or through a writing assignment, students were requested to take the perspective of people from other groups, such as a woman with HIV/AIDS, a homeless person, a convicted criminal or a disabled person. They were asked to think of themselves in that situation, or to imagine oneself being that person. After this intervention, empathy for the depicted group was usually higher among the students who were asked to imagine themselves as that person. Additionally, the attributions of other-group behaviour shifted from dispositional towards non-dispositional, which means that group characteristics were less often named as explanations for behaviour and were replaced by situational explanations. The awareness of social inequality also increased due to the intervention. However, in some conditions, the perspective taking did not influence students or even could have negative effect. For instance, for students with low self-esteem, and especially those with strong ingroup connections, imagining oneself as a member of the outgroup generated counter-productive effects. For target groups which were highly disliked, such as criminals, perspective taking also resulted in less empathy and stronger dislike. Furthermore, in contexts of high competition between groups or strong intergroup conflicts, taking the position of the other did not help to improve intergroup relations (Todd & Galinsky, 2014). Further experiments confirmed that taking the perspective of others may backfire and lead to a smaller inclination to compromise when, as a result of perspective taking, one comes to a conclusion that the others are directed by selfish or competitive motives (Epley et al., 2006; Galinsky et al., 2008) or by opposing values (Catapano et al., 2019). Does that mean that perspective taking is not possible if groups are already in conflict with each other? In a study of two groups in conflict, which included Palestinian and Israeli youth, researchers found a

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

87

difference in response to an intervention which was meant to increase perspective taking. In their study called “The power of being heard” (Bruneau & Saxe, 2012), Palestinian young people were less likely to improve their understanding of the Israeli perspective. However, if they were offered an opportunity to tell their side of the story to Israeli peers first, there were much more likely to take the Israeli perspective after that. In the similar vain to Allport’s (1954) condition of equal status for beneficial intergroup contact described earlier, the researchers concluded that for dominant groups, perspective taking is easier than for those that are in a situation of social exclusion and discrimination. For the latter, taking the perspective of those in power can actually increase feelings of resentment. In such situations, it is thus necessary to assure first that young people to be addressed believe that they themselves are being heard, and that the teacher and the school is already taking their perspective seriously (Bruneau & Saxe, 2012). In some interventions, the perspective taking can be introduced in a less explicit form. A good example of such an approach is “Diamant” (SIPI, 2010), a Dutch training which aims to improve perspective taking and increase empathy. Diamant is an intervention which consists of talking with an educated peer from a similar ethnic-cultural background. Through reflection and re-evaluation, moments of perceived exclusion and failure are re-interpreted. The study of effects of the training, in which students of Dutch-Moroccan cultural heritage received interventions, demonstrated its capacity to increase empathy and build resilience (Hallich & Doosje, 2017). Similarly, a study in which Muslim Pakistani university students received a lecture on the history of Judaism and the similarities between Islam and Judaism showed that this led to less acceptance of violence against Jews among the students. They were also less likely to request information about or join a (fake) extremist group with the goal of “defending Muslim identity and honor, by opposing and fighting enemies of Islam such as Jews” (Amjad & Wood, 2009, p. 516). In the “UCARE” intervention (Sklad & Park, 2016), which was found to have positive effects on constructs such as perspective taking and conflict resolution, besides explicit perspective taking exercises, this skill is also practiced in the context of stimulating political self-efficacy as a necessary step in negotiations and lobbying activities, in which students learn to exert political influence in the local context.

88

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Tolerance as Minimal Requirement and Cognitive Complexity Like all educational interventions that are aimed at improving the personal development of students, it is important to adapt the training to the specific group of students and their characteristics. One size does not fit all, and most interventions even become counter-productive under specific circumstances (Hecht & Shin, 2015; Taylor et al., 2017). The quality of perspective taking is then compromised in some students: among people with autistic spectrum disorder, for instance, or those who have had limited contact with different views, and, third, those with strong existing religious or authoritarian views. If perspective taking cannot be taught (because the student has cognitive or social impairments, such as autistic spectrum disorder), at minimum tolerance should be promoted, according to the educational researcher Vogt (1994). He defines tolerance as “protecting the rights of others to live a life that you disagree with socially, morally or politically, and not discriminating against those toward whom you have negative attitudes” (p. 200). Indeed, it could be hard for a 15-year old with autism to imagine oneself as someone with religious beliefs or cultural habits different from oneself, but it is much easier to imagine what it is like to be bullied, treated unfairly or to face prejudice and contempt. As Vogt (1994) puts it: “Educators may not always need to attempt the formidable job of eradicating prejudice in order to improve intergroup relations. Fostering tolerance, which leads to ending discrimination, may suffice” (p. 200). In other words, one could say that in perspective taking it may be enough to think about how you would like to be treated. “Do not do unto others” in these cases is probably better attainable than imagining what it is like to be in someone else’s shoes. When teachers encounter resistance and lack of understanding of other people’s point of view among their students, they can use some qualities that these groups have to make their development of perspective taking easier. In dealing with students who have autism spectrum disorder, it can be the explicit instruction of common rules in human interaction, such as non-discrimination, and the idea of fairness. In those students who have had limited intercultural contacts, it can be invoking curiosity and exemplifying sameness through storytelling and introducing cultural exchange. In conservative religious groups, it can be the notion of caring for and forgiving others, and the notion that, ultimately, God is the one who judges. A humble and compassionate view of others, as described in the developmental model of Morgan and Sandage (2016),

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

89

can be seen as an educational aim, as well as the Abrahamic notion of hospitality. Even with adapting the interventions to specific groups and contexts, the essence stays the same: aiming to let students add values, attitudes and perspectives to the limited one or ones they already hold. Whereas simple thinking based on one set of core values can lead to “us versus them” thinking and conflict when meeting people who have different core values, complex thinking can lead to peaceful conflict resolution (Liht & Savage, 2013). Therefore, multiple interventions aiming to increase students’ cognitive complexity have been developed. One example is the “Being Muslim Being British” intervention (Liht & Savage, 2013). In this intervention, students learn about multiple viewpoints on certain topics, as showcased through videos of well-known Muslim speakers. Next, discussions and other methods such as theatre help students see how the different viewpoints relate to each other, how they can exist next to each other and where their own opinion lies. An empirical evaluation of this intervention showed that it led to increased cognitive complexity among participants, seen in, among others, increased use of pro-social conflict resolution styles (Liht & Savage, 2013). Similar to “Being Muslim Being British”, the “Being Muslim Being Scottish” uses videos of different viewpoints and role-play to make students acquainted with different perspectives and to increase cognitive complexity (Boyd-MacMillan, 2016). The intervention was shown to be effective in increasing cognitive complexity, with participants engaging in less black-and-white and more inclusive thinking (Boyd-MacMillan, 2016). Another intervention aimed at increasing cognitive complexity is the “I SEE! Scotland” intervention in the Scottish Protestant-Catholic context (Boyd-Macmillan et al., 2016). In this intervention, discussions and role-plays are used to navigate debated issues. Students learn peaceful conflict resolution skills and work on re-framing their own opinions into more integrative ones. An evaluation of the intervention showed that it led to increased cognitive complexity, as well as increased resilience (mostly in terms of self-efficacy and emotion regulation; Boyd-MacMillan et al., 2016). More information on the importance of cognitive complexity in the prevention of radicalization can be found in the chapter devoted to identity.

90

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Conclusion Lack of perspective taking, both cognitively in terms of theory of mind and emotionally in terms of empathy, plays a significant role in extremism and radicalization. This lack leads to a vulnerability to onesided radical narratives and gives opportunity to dehumanize others and justify violence. Fortunately, interventions to increase perspective taking and empathy, thereby countering or preventing radicalization, have been successful. Through the reduction of prejudice and negative attitudes towards outgroup members, and the improvement of conflict resolution skills, adolescents can build resilience to extremism and radicalization. Perspective taking interventions in education increase students’ understanding of how others perceive them, and enhance their understanding of the people around them. Practicing perspective taking is of course not just beneficial for adolescents from religious conservative groups or with little contact outside their social groups (Sklad & Park, 2017; Taylor et al., 2017; Yeager & Walton, 2011).

References Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Perseus Books. Altemeyer, B. (2003). Why do religious fundamentalists tend to be prejudiced? The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 13(1), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327582IJPR1301_03 Amjad, N., & Wood, A. M. (2009). Identifying and changing the normative beliefs about aggression which lead young Muslim adults to join extremist anti-semitic groups in Pakistan. Aggressive Behavior: Official Journal of the International Society for Research on Aggression, 35(6), 514–519. https:// doi.org/10.1002/ab.20325 Apperly, I. A., & Butterfill, S. A. (2009). Do humans have two systems to track beliefs and belief-like states? Psychological Review, 116(4), 953–970. https:// doi.org/10.1037/a0016923 Aquino, K., Reed, A., II., Thau, S., & Freeman, D. (2007). A grotesque and dark beauty: How moral identity and mechanisms of moral disengagement influence cognitive and emotional reactions to war. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 43(3), 385–392. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2006.05.013 Baker-Brown, G., Ballard, E. J., Bluck, S., DeVries, B., Suedfeld, P., & Tetlock, P. E. (1992). The conceptual/integrative complexity scoring manual. In C. P. Smith (Ed.), Motivation and personality: Handbook of thematic content analysis (pp. 401–418). Cambridge University Press.

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

91

Bandura, A. (1999). Moral disengagement in the perpetration of inhumanities. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3(3), 193–209. https://doi.org/10. 1207%2Fs15327957pspr0303_3 Barnett, R. V., & Brennan, M. A. (2009). Aggressors, victims and bystanders: Preventing bullying in the middle school environment. Journal of Youth Development, 4(2), 28–45. https://doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2009.262 Bar-Tal, D. (1990). Causes and consequences of delegitimization: Models of conflict and ethnocentrism. Journal of Social Issues, 46(1), 65–81. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1990.tb00272.x Beelmann, A., & Heinemann, K. S. (2014). Preventing prejudice and improving intergroup attitudes: A meta-analysis of child and adolescent training programs. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 35(1), 10–24. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appdev.2013.11.002 Benford, R. D., & Snow, D. A. (2000). Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment. Annual Review of Sociology, 26(1), 611–639. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.26.1.611 Boyd-MacMillan, E. M. (2016). Increasing cognitive complexity and collaboration across communities: Being Muslim being Scottish. Journal of Strategic Security, 9(4), 1–32. https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.4.1563 Boyd-MacMillan, E. M., Fearon, P. A., Ptolomey, A. M., & Mathieson, L. J. (2016). I SEE! Scotland: Tackling sectarianism and promoting community psychosocial health. Journal of Strategic Security, 9(4), 53–78. https://doi. org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.4.1556 Bruneau, E. G., & Saxe, R. (2012). The power of being heard: The benefits of ‘perspective-giving’ in the context of intergroup conflict. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48(4), 855–866. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp. 2012.02.017 Campelo, N., Oppetit, A., Neau, F., Cohen, D., & Bronsard, G. (2018). Who are the European youths willing to engage in radicalisation? A multidisciplinary review of their psychological and social profiles. European Psychiatry, 52, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2018.03.001 Catapano, R., Tormala, Z. L., & Rucker, D. D. (2019). Perspective taking and self-persuasion: Why “putting yourself in their shoes” reduces openness to attitude change. Psychological Science, 30(3), 424–435. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0956797618822697 Cheong, P. H., & Halverson, J. R. (2010). Youths in violent extremist discourse: Mediated identifications and interventions. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 33, 1104–1123. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2010.523862 Colle, L., Baron-Cohen, S., & Hill, J. (2007). Do children with autism have a theory of mind? A non-verbal test of autism vs. specific language impairment. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 37 (4), 716–723. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s10803-006-0198-7

92

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group. (1999). Initial impact of the Fast Track prevention trial for conduct problems: I. The high-risk sample. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67 (5), 631–647. https://doi.org/10. 1037/0022-006X.67.5.631 Conway, L. G., III., & Conway, K. R. (2011). The terrorist rhetorical style and its consequences for understanding terrorist violence. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 4, 175–192. https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2011.627940 Correll, J., Park, B., Judd, C. M., & Wittenbrink, B. (2002). The police officer’s dilemma: Using ethnicity to disambiguate potentially threatening individuals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83(6), 1314–1329. https://doi. org/10.1037/0022-3514.83.6.1314 Courtin, C. (2000). The impact of sign language on the cognitive development of deaf children: The case of theories of mind. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 5(3), 266–276. https://doi.org/10.1093/deafed/5.3.266 Courtin, C., & Melot, A. M. (2005). Metacognitive development of deaf children: Lessons from the appearance–reality and false belief tasks. Developmental Science, 8(1), 16–25. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7687.2005.00389.x Doosje, B., Van den Bos, K., Loseman, A., Feddes, A. R., & Mann, L. (2012). “My in-group is superior!”: Susceptibility for radical right-wing attitudes and behaviors in Dutch youth. Negotiation and Conflict Management Research, 5(3), 253–268. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-4716.2012.00099.x Elkind, D. (1967). Egocentrism in adolescence. Child Development, 38(4), 1025– 1034. https://doi.org/10.2307/1127100 Epley, N., Caruso, E. M., & Bazerman, M. H. (2006). When perspective taking increases taking: Reactive egoism in social interaction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 91(5), 872–889. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514. 91.5.872 Everding, H. E., & Huffaker, L. A. (1998). Educating adults for empathy: Implications of cognitive role-taking and identity formation. Religious Education, 93(4), 413–430. https://doi.org/10.1080/0034408980930403 Faccini, L., & Allely, C. S. (2017). Rare instances of individuals with autism supporting or engaging in terrorism. Journal of Intellectual Disabilities and Offending Behaviour, 8(2), 70–82. https://doi.org/10.1108/JIDOB11-2016-0022 Feddes, A. R., Mann, L., & Doosje, B. (2015). Increasing self-esteem and empathy to prevent violent radicalization: A longitudinal quantitative evaluation of a resilience training focused on adolescents with a dual identity. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 45, 400–411. https://doi.org/10.1111/ jasp.12307 Gaertner, S. L., Dovidio, J. F., Rust, M. C., Nier, J. A., Banker, B. S., Ward, C. M., Mottola, G. R., & Houlette, M. (1999). Reducing intergroup bias: Elements of intergroup cooperation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76(3), 388–402. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.3.388

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

93

Galinsky, A. D., Wang, C. S., & Ku, G. (2008). Perspective-takers behave more stereotypically. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95(2), 404–419. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.95.2.404 Gambetta, D., & Hertog, S. (2009). Why are there so many engineers among Islamic radicals? European Journal of Sociology/archives Européennes De Sociologie, 50(2), 201–230. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003975609990129 Gehlbach, H. (2004). Social perspective taking: A facilitating aptitude for conflict resolution, historical empathy, and social studies achievement. Theory & Research in Social Education, 32(1), 39–55. https://doi.org/10.1080/009 33104.2004.10473242 Goldstein, T. R., & Winner, E. (2012). Enhancing empathy and theory of mind. Journal of Cognition and Development, 13(1), 19–37. https://doi.org/10. 1080/15248372.2011.573514 Grizenko, N., Zappitelli, M., Langevin, J., Hrychko, S., El-Messidi, A., Kaminester, D., Pawliuk, N., & Stepanian, M. (2000). Effectiveness of a social skills training program using self/other perspective-taking: A nine-month follow-up. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70, 501–509. https://doi. org/10.1037/h0087662 Hallich, B., & Doosje, B. (2017). DIAMANT-plus: een methodiek voor deradicalisering en vergroting van weerbaarheid tegen extremistische invloeden. http://www.uva.nl/binaries/content/assets/subsites/amsterdam-institutefor-social-science-research/news/rapport-uva-pilotstudie-deradicalisering.pdf Hecht, M. L., & Shin, Y. (2015). Culture and social and emotional competencies. In J. A. Durlak, C. E. Domitrovich, R. P. Weissberg, & T. P. Gullotta (Eds.), Handbook of social and emotional learning: Research and practice (pp. 50–64). The Guilford Press. Holt, T., Freilich, J. D., Chermak, S., & McCauley, C. (2015). Political radicalization on the internet: Extremist content, government control, and the power of victim and jihad videos. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 8(2), 107–120. https://doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2015.1065101 Howard, J. W., & Rothbart, M. (1980). Social categorization and memory for in-group and out-group behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38(2), 301–310. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.38.2.301 Hynes, C. A., Baird, A. A., & Grafton, S. T. (2006). Differential role of the orbital frontal lobe in emotional versus cognitive perspective-taking. Neuropsychologia, 44(3), 374–383. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropsychol ogia.2005.06.011 Keysar, B., Lin, S., & Barr, D. J. (2003). Limits on theory of mind use in adults. Cognition, 89(1), 25–41. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0010-027 7(03)00064-7

94

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Kruglanski, A. W., & Fishman, S. (2009). Psychological factors in terrorism and counterterrorism: Individual, group, and organizational levels of analysis. Social Issues and Policy Review, 3(1), 1–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j. 1751-2409.2009.01009.x Kruglanski, W. A., & Webber, D. (2014). The psychology of radicalization. Zeitschrift für Internationale Strafrechtsdogmatik, 9(9), 379–388. http://zisonline.com/dat/artikel/2014_9_843.pdf Kusché, C. A., Greenberg, M. T., & Anderson, L. A. (1994). The PATHS curriculum: Promoting alternative thinking strategies. Developmental Research & Programs. Liht, J., & Savage, S. (2013). Preventing violent extremism through value complexity: Being Muslim being British. Journal of Strategic Security, 6(4), 44–66. https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.6.4.3 Lilienfeld, S. O., Ammirati, R., & Landfield, K. (2009). Giving debiasing away: Can psychological research on correcting cognitive errors promote human welfare? Perspectives on Psychological Science, 4(4), 390–398. https://doi.org/ 10.1111%2Fj.1745-6924.2009.01144.x McIntosh, K., Bennett, J. L., & Price, K. (2011). Evaluation of social and academic effects of school-wide positive behaviour support in a Canadian school district. Exceptionality Education International, 21(1), 46–60. https:// doi.org/10.5206/eei.v21i1.7669 Meltzoff, A. N. (2002). Imitation as a mechanism of social cognition: Origins of empathy, theory of mind, and the representation of action. In U. Goswami (Ed.), Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive development (pp. 6–25). Blackwell. Morgan, J., & Sandage, S. J. (2016). A developmental model of interreligious competence: A conceptual framework. Archive for the Psychology of Religion, 38(2), 129–158. https://doi.org/10.1163/15736121-12341325 Pennebaker, J. W. (2004). Theories, therapies, and taxpayers: On the complexities of the expressive writing paradigm. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 11(2), 138–142. https://doi.org/10.1093/clipsy.bph063 Pennycook, G., Cheyne, J. A., Barr, N., Koehler, D. J., & Fugelsang, J. A. (2015). On the reception and detection of pseudo-profound bullshit. Judgment and Decision Making, 10(6), 549–563. https://scottbarrykaufman. com/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/On-the-reception-and-detection-of-pse udo-profound-bullshit.pdf Piaget, J. (1926). The language and thought of the child. Routledge & Regan Paul. Ponterotto, J. G., Utsey, S. O., & Pedersen, P. B. (2006). Preventing prejudice: A guide for counselors, educators, and parents (2nd ed.). Sage.

3

PERSPECTIVE TAKING SKILLS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

95

Reed, L., Jensen, L. A., Kang, H., Griffith, A., & Rompala, V. (2012). Peer groups as a crucible of positive value development in a global world. In G. Trommsdorff & X. Chen (Eds.), Values, religion, and culture in adolescent development (pp. 164–187). Cambridge University Press. Royzman, E. B., Wright Cassidy, K., & Baron, J. (2003). “I know, you know”: Epistemic egocentrism in children and adults. Review of General Psychology, 7 (1), 38–65. https://doi.org/10.1037%2F1089-2680.7.1.38 Schwartz, P. D., Maynard, A. M., & Uzelac, S. M. (2008). Adolescent egocentrism: A contemporary view. Adolescence, 43(171), 441–448. https://www. semanticscholar.org/paper/Adolescent-egocentrism%3A-a-contemporaryview.-Schwartz-Maynard/d47ded6381d1e5ceee846209327f0e243d214089? p2df Shih, M., Wang, E., Trahan Bucher, A., & Stotzer, R. (2009). Perspective taking: Reducing prejudice towards general outgroups and specific individuals. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 12(5), 565–577. https://doi.org/10.1177% 2F1368430209337463 Shook, N. J., & Fazio, R. H. (2008). Interracial roommate relationships: An experimental field test of the contact hypothesis. Psychological Science, 19(7), 717–723. https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1467-9280.2008.02147.x Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2016). Educating for safe and democratic societies: The instructor’s handbook for the civic and social competences curriculum for adolescents UCARE. De Drvkkery. Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2017). Examining the potential role of education in the prevention of radicalization from the psychological perspective. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 23(4), 432–437. https://doi.org/10. 1037/pac0000258 Sklad, M., Park, E., van Venrooij, I., Pickard, A., & Wignand, J. (2020). Radicalization prevention by means of strengthening social and civic competences. Contemporary School Psychology, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40 688-020-00330-9 Smith, A. G., Suedfeld, P., Conway, L. G., III., & Winter, D. G. (2008). The language of violence: Distinguishing terrorist from non-terrorist groups using thematic content analysis. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 1, 142–163. https://doi.org/10.1080/17467580802590449 Stichting Interculturele Participatie en Integratie (SIPI). (2010). DIAMANT: Identiteitsontwikkeling & Weerbaarheid. Suedfeld, P, Cross, R. W., & Logan, C. (2013). Can thematic content analysis separate the pyramid of ideas from the pyramid of action? A comparison among different degrees of commitment to violence. In H. Cabayan, V. Sitterle & M. Yandura (Eds.), Looking back, looking forward: Perspectives on terrorism and responses to it (pp. 61– 68). http://www.start.umd.edu/sites/default/files/files/publications/SMA WhitePaper_PerspectivesonTerrorismandResponsestoIt_Sept2013.pdf

96

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Suedfeld, P., & Tetlock, P. (1977). Integrative complexity of communications in international crises. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 21(1), 169–184. https:// doi.org/10.1177/002200277702100108 Taylor, R. D., Oberle, E., Durlak, J. A., & Weissberg, R. P. (2017). Promoting positive youth development through school-based social and emotional learning interventions: A meta-analysis of follow-up effects. Child Development, 88(4), 1156–1171. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12864 Todd, A. R., & Galinsky, A. D. (2014). Perspective-taking as a strategy for improving intergroup relations: Evidence, mechanisms, and qualifications. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 8(7), 374–387. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/spc3.12116 Todd, A. R., Galinsky, A. D., & Bodenhausen, G. V. (2012). Perspective taking undermines stereotype maintenance processes: Evidence from social memory, behavior explanation, and information solicitation. Social Cognition, 30(1), 94–108. https://doi.org/10.1521/soco.2012.30.1.94 Travagin, G., Margola, D., & Revenson, T. A. (2015). How effective are expressive writing interventions for adolescents? A meta-analytic review. Clinical Psychology Review, 36, 42–55. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2015.01.003 Trip, S., Bora, C. H., Marian, M. I., Halmajan, A., & Drugas, M. I. (2019). Psychological mechanisms involved in radicalization and extremism: A rational emotive behavioral conceptualization. Frontiers in Psychology, 10, 1–8. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00437 Vogt, W. P. (1994). How education fosters tolerance: implications for policy and further research. The Review of Education/Pedagogy/Cultural Studies, 16(3– 4), 435–463. https://doi.org/10.1080/1071441940160313 Wagemakers, J. (2017). De radicalisering van moslims: De rol van religieuze ideologie. Justitiële Verkenningen, 43(3), 56–67. https://doi.org/10.5553/ JV/016758502017043003005 Woodard, S. R., Chan, L., & Conway, L. G. (2021). In search of the cognitively complex person: Is there a meaningful trait component of cognitive complexity? Personality and Social Psychology Review, 25(2), 95–129. https:// doi.org/10.1177/1088868320972299 Yeager, D. S., & Walton, G. M. (2011). Social-psychological interventions in education: They’re not magic. Review of Educational Research, 81(2), 267– 301. https://doi.org/10.3102%2F0034654311405999

CHAPTER 4

Political Self-Efficacy, Citizenship Competences and Empowerment

Abstract This chapter focuses on the concept of political self-efficacy. First, it describes what political self-efficacy is and how a deficit in this domain may be related to radicalization. The chapter describes how individuals perceiving a lack of acceptable effective means of addressing their collective grievances can justify violence as a valid mean. These perceptions are to a large degree synonymous to an insufficient political self-efficacy and are often coinciding with limited knowledge. The authors also describe empirical evidence for these relations. Then, educational interventions aimed at increasing political self-efficacy and thereby preventing radicalization are discussed, as well as empirical evidence for their effectiveness. Keywords Political self-efficacy · Self-efficacy intervention · Grievances · Civic education · Peace education · Relative deprivation · Citizenship Education · Peace Education

Introduction: What Is (Political) Self-Efficacy? Self-efficacy, the extent to which a person believes that s/he can achieve certain goals in their live, influences how people feel, think and behave (Bandura, 1994). It has an impact on a person’s mood, self-esteem and © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Sklad et al., Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3_4

97

98

M. SKLAD ET AL.

motivation and can influence performance, such as academic achievement. Low self-efficacy can lead to stress, helplessness and pessimism about one’s situation. High self-efficacy, on the other hand, has positive consequences, such as increased motivation and perseverance (Zulkosky, 2009). Individuals are motivated to maintain a sense of self-efficacy and feel competent. Self-determination theory places the need for competence among basic psychological needs alongside needs for autonomy and relatedness (Ryan & Deci, 2017). The need for competence was derived from a concept of effectance motivation, conceived by White (1959) as a non-derivative or primary propensity toward having effect on one’s environment. According to this theory, producing effects in the environment brings satisfaction regardless of the extrinsic value of these effects, and effectance motivation is evolutionarily adaptive as it helps maturing individuals to extend their capacities and improve functioning. Moreover, experimental studies have demonstrated not only that a lack of self-efficacy has negative emotional and motivational consequences, but also that frustrating the need for competence drives individual behaviour which helps them to satisfy this need and regain self-efficacy and a sense of competence (Sheldon & Gunz, 2009). Self-efficacy is also closely related to fulfilment of two other psychological needs: need for achievement (McClelland, 1961) and need for self-actualization (Maslow, 1987). Satisfaction of need for achievement is derived from achieving the aim or task and, more than a material or financial reward, praise or recognition attached to it. Need for self-actualization can be defined as desire “to become everything one is capable of becoming” (Maslow, 1987, p. 64) (Fig. 4.1). One particularly relevant subtype of self-efficacy is political self-efficacy. Political self-efficacy is defined as “a personal belief in the ability to achieve desired political outcomes” (Šerek & Machackova, 2019, p. 203). Political self-efficacy has two aspects: a person’s estimation of their own abilities and his/her evaluation of the political system (Caprara et al., 2009). People’s sense of political self-efficacy, in turn, influences not only the extent to which they are politically active, but, even more importantly, also the extent to which they support the democratic system (Madsen, 1987). Although political self-efficacy is certainly shaped by circumstantial factors, such as the level of political participation of the environment one grew up in, it can be modified and improved by (civic) education (Beaumont, 2011). Adolescence seems to be an adequate time for

Fig. 4.1 Citizenship competency-based prevention of radicalization

4 POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

99

100

M. SKLAD ET AL.

teaching (about) political self-efficacy, as adolescents develop their political attitudes, which stay comparatively stable into adulthood (Sears & Levy, 2003). Schools can thus positively influence the development of political self-efficacy in adolescents by providing them with knowledge and opportunities for practice and growth in this domain (Šerek & Machackova, 2019). Citizenship education, for example, provides an excellent environment fostering political self-efficacy. In this chapter, we will explore the role of political self-efficacy in disrupting the process of radicalization. Firstly, several theories connecting a lack of political self-efficacy to radicalization will be discussed. Then, empirical evidence for the relation is presented. Afterwards, an overview of educational interventions based on increasing political self-efficacy will follow.

Political Self-Efficacy and Its Relation to Radicalization In this section, several theories about the relation between (a lack of) political self-efficacy and radicalization are discussed. Extremism as a Response to Unfairness Although terrorism might seem immoral to many, morality and idealism can also lead to radicalization (Davies, 2008). Perceived deprivation, unfairness and immorality play a large role in Islamic, as well as both left- and right-wing radicalization (Van den Bos, 2019). A mediating factor may be insecure life-attachment, an understanding of the world as unreliable and unfair, leading individuals to adapt radical narratives in an attempt to cope with their insecure life-attachment (Ozer & Bertelsen, 2019). Individuals who perceive unfairness are willing to fight, figuratively, but also, ultimately, literally, for their ideals. These goals may even be democratic values (Sieckelinck et al., 2015). If they perceive the democratic system to be ineffective, however, and they have lost faith in the political system (i.e., low political self-efficacy), they may turn towards extremism (Davies, 2008). Perceptions of unfairness, such as injustice or discrimination, and the willingness to do something about this then lead individuals away from the democratic system towards extremist narratives (Vidino, 2007). Radicalization occurs when these extremist narratives provide the “supply” for a “demand” of unsatisfied citizens wanting social change (Demant & De Graaf, 2010).

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

101

Radicalization as a Way of Addressing Grievances Lack of sufficient political self-efficacy can lead, through several steps, to radicalization. The “staircase to terrorism” model (Moghaddam, 2005) describes the steps in the process of radicalization, starting with grievances. The process starts at the ground floor of the model. On this floor, people can develop feelings of injustice and relative deprivation. These people then seek ways to address their grievances. In this search, they arrive at the first floor of the staircase. People at the first floor seek ways to solve the perceived unfairness. Those with high political self-efficacy may do this through political participation. Those with low political self-efficacy will not believe that they possess generally accepted means to influence the situation and proceed to search for alternative ways. Perceiving a lack of sufficient means to affect the situation makes them likely to climb further on the staircase. On the second floor, those people who perceive deprivation become angry and frustrated. At this stage, they are vulnerable to extremist propaganda that blames the outgroup and/or institutions. On this floor, people also develop an acceptance of aggression and violence as a means to express their anger towards the “enemy”. On the third floor, extremist narratives promote their ideology, making those in this stage more and more committed to the terrorist movement. Once an individual reaches this stage, s/he generally also believes that any means for creating an ideal society, including extreme violence and terrorism, are morally acceptable. On the fourth and fifth floor, individuals are recruited by terrorist movements as potential terrorists and are indoctrinated with rigid “us versus them” thinking and dehumanizing targets to surpass inhibitory mechanisms that could prevent them from executing the planned violent actions. According to Moghaddam (2005), starting with experiencing grievances, an individual can thus develop into a terrorist who is willing to employ extremely harmful methods in order to achieve an “ideal” society. The role of a lack of self-efficacy in addressing grievances is supported by various other researchers. Sageman (2008), for example, also described that grievances play a role in the process of radicalization. Furthermore, McCauley and Moskalenko’s model (2008) identifies grievances and lack of (political) power as a pathway towards terrorism. Kruglanski and Fishman (2009) mention that experiencing relative deprivation and grievances is not the sole root of radicalization, but acknowledge that it

102

M. SKLAD ET AL.

may be seen as a contributing factor. As described before, in the development from relative deprivation and experiencing grievances towards terrorism, lack of political self-efficacy may play a role at multiple stages. Victimizing Narrative as a Cognitive Opening to Radical Thought Members of minorities and other social groups experiencing objective hardship and discrimination may have more grievances than more privileged subsections of the population and, therefore, may be more susceptible to radicalization. A cognitive process known as self-serving bias may further increase their susceptibility to radicalization. Self-serving bias is a cognitive process which causes people to interpret positive events as due to dispositional, personal factors, while negative experiences are attributed to external, situational factors (Forsyth, 2008). This bias is universal and, therefore, present in all humans, albeit in different ways and degrees (Mezulis et al., 2004). The attribution of negative events to external factors is meant to protect one’s self-esteem and dignity (Forsyth, 2008). Research found that when aspects of a person’s identity or self are targeted, the self-serving bias becomes even more pronounced (Campbell & Sedikides, 1999), meaning that negative experiences in which a person’s identity is threatened are blamed on external factors (e.g., discrimination or “badness” of the enemy), rather than internal, personal factors. If people have been discriminated against before, this can also lead to altered interpretations of future events (Kaiser & Major, 2006), such that negative events are blamed on others. As a result, minority groups may be more likely to attribute negative experiences to external factors, blaming “the other”. Major and colleagues (2003) found that even only being aware that one might be discriminated led to more external attributions of negative experiences. In sum, self-serving bias, especially in people who repetitively encountered negative experiences aimed at the person him-/herself and experienced discrimination in the past, makes these people more likely to blame “the other” for any negative experiences in their life and develop a radical outlook. This, in turn, may lead to the acceptance and justification of violence.

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

103

Terrorism as a Result of Lack of Effective Means in a Political Conflict Stimulating political self-efficacy may be seen not only as providing young people with means for achieving their idealistic goals, but also as helping them achieving the goal itself. Lindahl (2017) describes that terrorism is often part of a political conflict. He also argues that means and ends in political conflicts are inseparable. Violent means thus lead to violent results, peaceful means lead to peaceful results. Peaceful, in this case, means, according to Lindahl, emancipation. When people are emancipated and, therefore, have efficient ways to achieve their ideals, they will not engage in violence and terrorism. Individuals who are not emancipated (i.e., who have low political self-efficacy) are, however, likely to be attracted to other means of achieving their goals, such as through extremism and violence, and even if they succeed they will replace old oppression by a new one. Radicalization Due to Lack of Knowledge As mentioned in previous chapters, even though converts only make up a small proportion of the Muslim population, they are amply represented in terrorist groups (Karagiannis, 2012; Sageman, 2008; Van San, 2015). A research by Chow (2013) found that those individuals who are most likely to become radical in their thoughts or behaviour are also those individuals who are least engaged with the political system. In a similar vein, converts, who have not grown up in the Muslim culture or religion, turn towards radical extremes of their new environment because of perceived injustice and/or (political) grievances (Karagiannis, 2012).

Empirical Evidence for the Relation Between Political Self-Efficacy and Radicalization Now that the theoretical background of the relation between (a lack of) political self-efficacy and radicalization has been described above, it is relevant to investigate to what extent these claims are supported by empirical evidence. Ethnographic data from within terrorist groups would be most insightful in this regard. This kind of data is, however, not widely available, because almost no researchers achieve full access to terrorist groups (Biccum, 2018). The small amount of data that is accessible will be discussed below.

104

M. SKLAD ET AL.

A research on right-wing extremism found that some, though not all, right-wing extremists join the movement because of political ideals (Blee, 2007). Nilsson, in his overview of methodological considerations for doing ethnographic research with jihadists (2018), describes that one characteristic of interviews with jihadists is that they may use this to make their political ideas known, which are evidently important in their decision to join and/or stay with an extremist group. An empirical study involving interviews with 95 individuals who joined the Islamic terrorist group al-Shabaab showed that only 1% had trust in politicians and 4% in the political process. Additionally, almost all interviewed individuals were frustrated with the political system (Botha, 2014). In sum, low political self-efficacy seems to be an important factor contributing to radicalization across all spectrums of ideologies.

Strengthening Political Self-Efficacy Through Interventions In this section, interventions that can strengthen political self-efficacy are discussed. Most of the interventions are aimed at strengthening skills related to political self-efficacy. Ozer and Bertelsen (2019) suggested that a lack of life skills puts an individual at risk for extremism. Strengthening these skills can thus prevent and/or counter radicalization. Interventions that are found to be successful include, among other aspects, engaging in political discourse and learning skills for political action (Beaumont, 2011). Counter-radicalization interventions should provide alternatives to extremism for addressing grievances. Analysing relevant role models, especially those that are similar to the target group, and practical exercises about political self-efficacy can also reduce the acceptation of violence and provide alternative paths to achieving social change (Sklad & Park, 2017). Schmid (2013) argued that counter-radicalization interventions should target the whole community, rather than just the individual at risk. Schools are seen as the ideal environment for implementing these interventions for several reasons. Firstly, implementing interventions at school is very effective as this is the most important place where all young people gather (and also the only one; Edelstein, 2011). Secondly, according to Sieckelinck and colleagues (2015), schools are safe environments where discussions about political issues are possible, even if the topics or ideas discussed are outside the boundaries of what is generally accepted. In schools, young individuals can experiment with different

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

105

ideas and challenge them. Schools are, therefore, the ideal practice ground for democracy (Battistoni, 2004). Although some teachers might find it scary or difficult to address controversial issues such as extremism and/or terrorism in their classrooms (Philpott et al., 2013), it is still important that they do so, as the educational system has the obligation to “direct the students in a particular moral and ethical direction” (Gereluk, 2012, p. 97). Civic Education The Eurydice Report (2017) shows that almost all of European countries’ national curricula of secondary schools include citizenship education in some form and cover the competences related to democratic and socially responsible action, critical thinking and interpersonal interactions. However, there are substantial differences in implementation of citizenship education in schools. There is also a concern that in some cases citizenship education may be reduced to knowledge dissemination. To investigate what the effect of civic education on, among others, political self-efficacy was, the IEA Civic Education Study surveyed nearly 90,000 14-year-olds in almost 30 countries who received some form of civic education at school. The results showed that, generally, the political self-efficacy of 14-year-olds is low. Whereas the students did have fundamental knowledge of democratic processes, they, for example, did not find political participation important and did not have much trust in political parties. The researchers did find, however, that schools play an important role in the civic development of students (Torney-Purta et al., 2001). Many postulate that citizenship education should prioritize development of transversal democratic skills such as “expressing opinions, negotiating, resolving conflicts, thinking critically, analysing information, having the courage to defend a point of view, showing respect and tolerance, and a willingness to both listen to and stand up for others” (Citizenship Foundation, 2006). Such competences strengthen political self-efficacy, and, therefore, have potential of preventing violent extremism. In order to equip students with active democratic competences, such as critical thinking and conflict resolution, modern civic education must involve students with pedagogies and teaching methods that allow them to practice civic competences and engage them in a meaningful way. According to Eurydice (2017), to effectively foster these competences, civic education should have several characteristics: it should be (a) active, such

106

M. SKLAD ET AL.

that students learn by engaging, being involved and collaborating, (b) interactive, such that, through discussion and debate, students learn to understand other perspectives, (c) relevant, such that students feel that what they learn is related to their daily life and society, (d) critical, such that students learn to think independently, (e) collaborative, such that students learn to work together with peers and others, and (f) participative, such that students partake in the design and delivery of their own education. Next to these characteristics of the education, the environment in which the education takes place is also important. For instance, interventions adopting a whole-school approach (Goldberg et al., 2019) are particularly promising in fostering social competences. Practice of active and democratic citizenship can be implemented at all levels of the school system (Eurydice, 2017). For instance, engaging students in governance of the school, such as through democratic school practices, class councils or student representations, can give them a sense of ownership and allow them to practice democratic competences in a meaningful way. Beyond the educational system, the broader environment also has a role in the development of civic engagement of young people. For example, the local political systems should be open to participation of the youth. If youth engagement stays superficial (e.g., advisory functions instead of decisionmaking) and there are no clear results of suggestions of the youth, the efforts may be counterproductive and lead to more disengagement (Brady et al., 2020). Instead, involvement of many institutions and organizations (e.g., the government, the commercial sector, media and non-profit organizations) is needed in order for youth civic engagement to be successful (Youniss et al., 2002). Implementing these theoretical insights and translating them to practical measures, especially when without support, may be hard (Halász & Michel, 2011). Nevertheless, a review of empirical studies on the effects of citizenship education showed that citizenship education, especially when it involves courses on the topic of and possibility for dialogue, is effective (Geboers et al., 2013). Various NGOs offer help and provide materials supporting schools and teachers in teaching active citizenship skills. For instance, the “UCARE” curriculum, lesson material meant to strengthen civic and social competences, through participative learning allows youth to engage politically (Sklad & Park, 2016). The “UCARE” curriculum was found to increase adolescents’ political self-efficacy (Sklad et al., 2020). Some notable examples of other materials available online include:

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

107

Materials offered by The European Wergeland Centre (EWC; http:// theewc.org/), which is a resource centre on education for intercultural understanding, human rights and democratic citizenship, offering materials, though not empirically tested, on various topics ranging from tools providing youth covering skills to organize social campaigns against hate speech and discrimination in schools and local environments, to teaching critical thinking and media literacy among students. Salto Youth (https://www.salto-youth.net/tools/), a large repository of free educational materials on various topics such as youth participation, youth democracy projects, and youth in action. The materials are, however, not tested empirically for their effectiveness. The UK based Young Citizens charity organization (https://www.you ngcitizens.org/Pages/Category/free-teaching-resources) offers the “Make a Difference Challenge” program and others which are free, such as “Democracy Ambassadors”. They offer examples of ways to implement citizenship education into the school curriculum, although, as far as we know, no empirical evaluation of these programs is available to date. The Toolkit Practices of Active Participation by the Catch EyoU project, which is a collection of initiatives to increase participation and feelings of European citizenship in young people (https://www.catcheyou.eu/ the-project/publications/finalconference-toolkit/). One of the examples is the “Associazione Giovani in Europa”, which promotes civic and social participation in schools. Although the mentioned programs are based on successful stories and not tested empirically, they provide examples of how the teaching of European citizenship to youth can be implemented in educational settings.

Although the effectiveness of many of these materials and programmes is not rigorously tested, there is some evidence of positive effects of civic education. For instance, Matthews and Hullinger (2019) investigated whether a programme containing civic education would lead to increased political self-efficacy. Seventy-one participants of an American Government 101 course filled in a survey about political self-efficacy. The researchers found that, after the training, internal political self-efficacy understood as “one’s perceived ability to influence political decisions” (Sherrod et al., 2010, p. 197) increased significantly. However, external political self-efficacy (“perceptions of the response of the government to individuals’ efforts”; Sherrod et al., 2010, p. 197) did not increase.

108

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Developing Positive Values and Attitudes In adolescence, especially when it takes place in a varied, global world like nowadays, youth develop a sense of what their own values are. One research (Larson et al., 2012) found that peer processes play a significant role in the development of these values. A similar foundation is used for coexistence education, a theory-based approach to reconciling groups in conflict. In this type of education, two groups that are in conflict learn to accept each other’s narrative, thereby reducing the delegitimization that is characteristic of extremism and terrorism (Salomon, 2004). Another intervention aimed at positive development is “Youth-led participatory action research” (YPAR). In YPAR, youth are encouraged to research and gain ownership over social issues in their environment. Guided by adults, youth learn to identify, critically analyse and also address issues, thereby increasing their civic engagement. An empirical evaluation of this intervention showed that it led, among other outcomes, to increased social well-being, trust in institutions and political participation (Prati et al., 2020). Peace Education One of the interventions that can be used to prevent radicalization is peace education. Peace education is “teaching about peace: what it is, why it does not exist and how to achieve it” (Harris, 2004, p. 6). It helps adolescents to engage in non-violent efforts of peace making and, consequently, helps to prevent (violent) extremism and radicalization (Harris, 2007). In peace education, roots of (various kinds of) violence are discussed and non-violent alternatives are taught (Harris, 2004). Peace education involves several different processes: creating a cooperative environment, practicing constructive controversy and using peer mediation to resolve conflicts (Deutsch, 1993; Johnson & Johnson, 2006). Peace education programmes can help to “foster participants’ ability to acknowledge the adversary’s collective narrative, engage in constructive negotiations over issues of national identity, and express a less monolithic outlook of the conflict” (Kupermintz & Salomon, 2005, p. 293). In sum, they can help prevent extremism and violence through increasing political self-efficacy.

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

109

One part of peace education is constructive controversy. In constructive controversy, students learn how to handle conflicts through a fivestep process. In the first step, the students defend one position of a controversy and then present this to other students (step 2). Afterwards, there is a discussion of the controversy in which the students argue for their own position. In step 4, the students argue and present for the opposite position. And in step 5, all participating students synthesize and create a new perspective on the controversy, using the best evidence from the earlier steps (Johnson et al., 2000). This last step is called “integrative negotiation” and has been found to lead to better management of conflicts in schools (Johnson & Johnson, 2003). Constructive controversy has been found to have multiple positive effects, such as increased engagement with an issue, enhanced interest in the perspective of others and improved self-esteem (Johnson et al., 2000). In the “UCARE” curriculum, students are also taught to look at an issue from different perspectives and are required to envision arguments for all involved parties (Sklad & Park, 2016). This curriculum has been shown to increase perspective taking and political self-efficacy (Sklad et al., 2020). Another part of peace education is conflict resolution education. This type of education can contribute to the prevention of radicalization by helping “individuals understand conflict dynamics and empower them to use communication skills to manage peaceful relationships” (Harris, 2004, p. 15). Conflict resolution education has been found to increase students’ assertiveness and conflict resolution skills, among other positive outcomes (Jones, 2004). This is done through teaching, but also through modelling the practices and skills that are needed for peaceful communication and the resolution of conflicts (Jones, 2004). Conflict resolution may be implemented through selecting some students who become peer mediators or through educating the whole school population, either explicitly in conflict resolution classes, or implicitly, incorporated in other classes and subjects (Bickmore, 1997). In many examples of peace education, peer mediation plays a significant role. Such programmes are shown to reduce violence, but also enhance social skills and self-esteem (Coleman & Deutsch, 1995). Moreover, youth react well to peer mediators, because they can relate to them (Sheikh et al., 2011). There are many different peace education programmes, using various ways of teaching. For example, the “DRACON” project (Löfgren & Malm, 2005) is a training in which adolescents are taught conflict resolution skills through the use of drama. A crucial part of the training

110

M. SKLAD ET AL.

is that certain students function as peer mediators. The strategies that the students learned during the drama lessons were found to extend into real life, such that the students learned how to solve conflicts more effectively, due to the theoretical knowledge that they gained, as well as the practical exercises that they engaged in. The authors found that students “have been significantly empowered in dealing with conflict and cultural harmony” (Löfgren & Malm, 2005, p. 408). Another example is the initiative of “peaceful schools”. At peaceful schools, citizenship and democratic skills, including conflict resolution and empathy, are taught (Sieckelinck et al., 2015). Empirical evaluation demonstrated positive results of peaceful schools, such as increased conflict resolution skills, increased responsibility for the community and increased collaborative decision-making (Pauw, 2014). Another example of peace education is the “Teaching students to be peacemakers” programme (Johnson & Johnson, 1996). In this programme, students are taught about what conflicts are and they learn conflict resolution skills. Moreover, they function as peer mediators for classmates’ conflicts (Johnson & Johnson, 2001). A metaanalysis concerning different studies on the effects of the “Teaching students to be peacemakers” programme indicated that the programme was successful: the students gained theoretical information and were able to implement the practical information, even beyond the classroom setting (Johnson & Johnson, 2001). Although originally developed to prevent youth from joining gangs, the “G.R.E.A.T.” (Gangs Resistance Education and Training) programme also aims to reduce violence and extremism. “G.R.E.A.T.” is a classroom-based prevention programme that includes eight lessons in nine classroom sessions. Students learn about crime and drugs, but also about prejudice and conflict resolution. It was found that the students who participated in this programme had more prosocial attitudes (Esbensen et al., 2011). The researchers found that students who participated in the programme experienced positive effects. At a one-year follow-up participants still demonstrated reduced risk of being engaged in violence and increased ability to recognize and resist peer pressure (Esbensen et al., 2012). Another example of a successful programme of this type is “Diamant”. This programme aims to empower (vulnerable) youth through training in skills such as empathy, decision-making and critical thinking. The programme has positive effects on self-esteem and social participation of participants. Moreover, participating in the programme reduced feelings of relative deprivation (Havermans et al., 2013; SIPI, 2010). A programme aimed

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

111

at intervention, rather than prevention, is “Empowerment Conversations” in Norway. In this programme, police officers work with youth who are at risk. The youth reflect on the choices they made in life and are encouraged to pursue positive goals, as an alternative way to achieve their ideals. The police officer guides the adolescent and monitors the process. Although it has not been used very broadly and is not tested empirically as of yet, to our best knowledge, the few individuals who were part of the programme were successful in becoming part of the mainstream society again (Vidino & Brandon, 2012). Empirical Evidence Supporting the Effectiveness of the Interventions In this section, empirical evidence for the interventions discussed in the previous section will be reviewed. The different types of interventions will be addressed in turn. For conflict resolution education, empirical research found that this improves the school climate, as well as students’ attitudes towards conflicts (Johnson & Johnson, 1996). Moreover, the students experienced increased self-esteem (Feddes et al., 2015; Johnson & Johnson, 1996), empathy and perspective taking (Feddes et al., 2015), and achievement (Bickmore, 2002). In addition, attitudes towards violence decreased (Feddes et al., 2015). For the use of discussion and controversial issues in classrooms, it was found that this increased critical thinking abilities, while at the same time being enjoyable for the students (Avery et al., 2011). It also increased perspective taking skills (Hand & Levinson, 2012).

Conclusion In this chapter, the role of political self-efficacy in the process of radicalization was discussed. A lack of political self-efficacy can lead, via feelings or relative deprivation or unfairness, to accepting extremism and even terrorism. Many interventions to halt this process have been developed, of which the most successful ones make use of the various forms of peace education. For all types of peace education, be it constructive controversy, conflict resolution or peer mediation, empirical evidence has been found. Such interventions thus seem to be most successful in preventing or intervening with the processes of radicalization that are due to a lack of political self-efficacy.

112

M. SKLAD ET AL.

References Avery, P. G., Levy, S., & Simmons, A. (2011). The Deliberating in a Democracy (DID) project evaluation report: Year 5. http://did.deliberating.org/about_ us/documents/DID_Evaluation_08_09.pdf Bandura, A. (1994). Self-efficacy. In V. S. Ramachaudran (Ed.), Encyclopedia of human behavior (Vol. 4, pp. 71–81). Academic Press. Battistoni, R. (2004). Teaching high-schoolers participatory democracy. The Education Digest, 70(3), 56–58. http://web.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/det ail/detail?vid=0&sid=587f1e82-7f76-40e5-be27-4dee1477a33f%40pdc-v-ses smgr05&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#AN=14978169& db=aph Beaumont, E. (2011). Promoting political agency, addressing political inequality: A multilevel model of internal political efficacy. The Journal of Politics, 73(1), 216–231. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381610000976 Biccum, A. (2018). What can counterterrorism learn from cognitive justice in global citizenship education? International Political Sociology, 12(4), 382– 400. https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/oly019 Bickmore, K. (1997). Teaching conflict and conflict resolution in school: (Extra-) Curricular considerations. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED421587.pdf Bickmore, K. (2002). Good training is not enough: Research on peer mediation program implementation. Social Alternatives, 21(1), 33–38. https://www. researchgate.net/profile/Kathy_Bickmore/publication/277873425_Good_T raining_is_not_Enough_Research_on_Peer_Mediation_Program_Implementa tion/links/569d04bd08ae27633ac97c34.pdf Blee, K. M. (2007). Ethnographies of the far right. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 36(2), 119–128. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0891241 606298815 Botha, A. (2014). Political socialization and terrorist radicalization among individuals who joined Al-Shabaab in Kenya. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 37 (11), 895–991. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2014.952511 Brady, B., Chaskin, R. J., & McGregor, C. (2020). Promoting civic and political engagement among marginalized urban youth in three cities: Strategies and challenges. Children and Youth Services Review, 116, 1–11. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.childyouth.2020.105184 Campbell, W. K., & Sedikides, C. (1999). Self-threat magnifies the self-serving bias: A meta-analytic integration. Review of General Psychology, 3(1), 23–43. https://doi.org/10.1037%2F1089-2680.3.1.23 Caprara, G. V., Vecchione, M., Capanna, C., & Mebane, M. (2009). Perceived political self-efficacy: Theory, assessment, and applications. European Journal of Social Psychology, 39(6), 1002–1020. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.604

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

113

Chow, K. F. (2013). The ‘civic potential’ of students: An investigation of students’ civic knowledge and conceptions of active citizenship in five Asian societies. http://repository.lib.ied.edu.hk/pubdata/ir/link/pub/16582.pdf Citizenship Foundation. (2006). Citizenship education inquiry 2006: Submission to the select committee on citizenship education by the association for citizenship teaching. http://www.citizenshipfoundation.org.uk/main/page.php?281 Coleman, P. T., & Deutsch, M. (1995). The mediation of interethnic conflict in schools. In W. D. Hawley & A. W. Jackson (Eds.), Toward a common destiny: Improving race and ethnic relations in America (pp. 371–396). Jossey-Bass. Davies, L. (2008). Education against extremism. Trentham Books. Demant, F., & De Graaf, B. (2010). How to counter radical narratives: Dutch deradicalization policy in the case of Moluccan and Islamic radicals. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 33(5), 408–428. https://doi.org/10.1080/105761 01003691549 Deutsch, M. (1993). Educating for a peaceful world. American Psychologist, 48(5), 510–517. https://www.simpsonexecutivecoaching.com/pdf/conflict/ educating-peaceful-world-morton-deutsch-columbia-university-icccr.pdf Edelstein, W. (2011). Education for democracy: Reasons and strategies. European Journal of Education, 46(1), 127–137. https://doi.org/10.1111/j. 1465-3435.2010.01463.x Esbensen, F. A., Peterson, D., Taylor, T. J., Freng, A., Osgood, D. W., Carson, D. C., & Matsuda, K. N. (2011). Evaluation and evolution of the Gang Resistance Education and Training (GREAT) program. Journal of School Violence, 10(1), 53–70. https://doi.org/10.1080/15388220.2010.519374 Esbensen, F. A., Peterson, D., Taylor, T. J., & Osgood, D. W. (2012). Results from a multi-site evaluation of the GREAT program. Justice Quarterly, 29(1), 125–151. https://doi.org/10.1080/07418825.2011.585995 Eurydice. (2017). Eurydice brief: Citizenship education at school in Europe 2017 . https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/home_en Feddes, A. R., Mann, L., & Doosje, B. (2015). Increasing self-esteem and empathy to prevent violent radicalization: A longitudinal quantitative evaluation of a resilience training focused on adolescents with a dual identity. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 45(7), 400–411. https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp. 12307 Forsyth, D. R. (2008). Self-serving bias. In W. A. Darity (Ed.), International encyclopedia of the social sciences (p. 429). Macmillan Reference USA. Geboers, E., Geijsel, F., Admiraal, W., & ten Dam, G. (2013). Review of the effects of citizenship education. Educational Research Review, 9, 158–173. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.edurev.2012.02.001 Gereluk, D. (2012). Education, extremism and terrorism: What should be taught in citizenship education and why. Continuum International Publishing Group.

114

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Goldberg, J. M., Sklad, M., Elfrink, T. R., Schreurs, K. M., Bohlmeijer, E. T., & Clarke, A. M. (2019). Effectiveness of interventions adopting a whole school approach to enhancing social and emotional development: A meta-analysis. European Journal of Psychology of Education, 34(4), 755–782. https://doi. org/10.1007/s10212-018-0406-9 Halász, G., & Michel, A. (2011). Key competences in Europe: Interpretation, policy formulation and implementation. European Journal of Education, 46(3), 289–306. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-3435.2011.01491.x Hand, M., & Levinson, R. (2012). Discussing controversial issues in the classroom. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 44(6), 614–629. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/j.1469-5812.2010.00732.x Harris, I. M. (2004). Peace education theory. Journal of Peace Education, 1(1), 5–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/1740020032000178276 Harris, I. M. (2007). Voices for peace—Educators respond to the Virginia Tech shootings: Peace education in a violent culture. Harvard Educational Review, 77 (3), 1–5. https://hepgjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.17763/haer.77.3.d47x86 1h55705715 Havermans, B. M., Feddes, A. R., & Doosje, B. (2013). An interview study on the effects of a train-the-trainer programme. https://dare.uva.nl/search?identi fier=9106ba29-9f7d-4bcf-8a8c-cf0de1604147 Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (1996). Conflict resolution and peer mediation programs in elementary and secondary schools: A review of the research. Review of Educational Research, 66(4), 459–506. https://doi.org/10.3102% 2F00346543066004459 Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2001). Teaching students to be peacemakers: A meta-analysis. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED460178.pdf Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2003). Field testing integrative negotiations. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 9(1), 39–68. https://doi.org/ 10.1207/S15327949PAC0901_02 Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2006). Peace education for consensual peace: The essential role of conflict resolution. Journal of Peace Education, 3(2), 147–174. https://doi.org/10.1080/17400200600874792 Johnson, D. W., Johnson, R. T., & Smith, K. A. (2000). Constructive controversy: The educative power of intellectual conflict. Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning, 32(1), 28–37. https://doi.org/10.1080/000913800096 02706 Jones, T. S. (2004). Conflict resolution education: The field, the findings, and the future. Conflict Resolution Quarterly, 22(1–2), 233–267. https://heinonline. org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/cfltrq22&div=14&id=&page Kaiser, C. R., & Major, B. (2006). A social psychological perspective on perceiving and reporting discrimination. Law & Social Inquiry, 31(4), 801– 830. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2006.00036.x

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

115

Karagiannis, E. (2012). European converts to Islam: Mechanisms of radicalization. Politics, Religion & Ideology, 13(1), 99–113. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 21567689.2012.659495 Kruglanski, A. W., & Fishman, S. (2009). Psychological factors in terrorism and counterterrorism: Individual, group, and organizational levels of analysis. Social Issues and Policy Review, 3, 1–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.17512409.2009.01009.x Kupermintz, H., & Salomon, G. (2005). Lessons to be learned from research on peace education in the context of intractable conflict. Theory into Practice, 44(4), 293–302. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15430421tip4404_3 Larson, R. W., Jensen, L. A., Kang, H., Griffith, A., & Rompala, V. (2012). Peer groups as a crucible of positive value development in a global world. In Values, religion, and culture in adolescent development (pp. 164–187). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139013659.010 Lindahl, S. (2017). A CTS model of counterterrorism. Critical Studies on Terrorism, 10(3), 523–541. https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2017.133 6289 Löfgren, H., & Malm, B. (2005). Bridging the fields of drama and conflict management: Empowering students to handle conflicts through school-based programmes. DRACON International. Madsen, D. (1987). Political self-efficacy tested. American Political Science Review, 81(2), 571–581. https://doi.org/10.2307/1961970 Major, B., Kaiser, C. R., & McCoy, S. K. (2003). It’s not my fault: When and why attributions to prejudice protect self-esteem. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29(6), 772–781. https://doi.org/10.1177/014616720 3252858 Maslow, A. H. (1987). Motivation and personality (3rd ed.). Pearson Education. Matthews, K., & Hullinger, H. (2019). Effect of a required introductory American federal government course on the political self-efficacy of community college students in 2016. Journal of Political Science Education, 15(4), 433–442. https://doi.org/10.1080/15512169.2018.1496827 McCauley, C., & Moskalenko, S. (2008). Mechanisms of political radicalization: Pathways towards terrorism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 20, 415–433. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550802073367 McClelland, D. C. (1961). The achieving society. The Free Press. Mezulis, A. H., Abramson, L. Y., Hyde, J. S., & Hankin, B. L. (2004). Is there a universal positivity bias in attributions? A meta-analytic review of individual, developmental, and cultural differences in the self-serving attributional bias. Psychological Bulletin, 130(5), 711–747. https://doi.org/10. 1037/0033-2909.130.5.711

116

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Moghaddam, F. M. (2005). The staircase to terrorism: A psychological exploration. American Psychologist, 60, 161–169. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003066X.60.2.161 Nilsson, M. (2018). Interviewing jihadists: On the importance of drinking tea and other methodological considerations. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 41(6), 419–432. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2017.1325649 Ozer, S., & Bertelsen, P. (2019). Countering radicalization: An empirical examination from a life psychological perspective. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 25(3), 211–225. https://doi.org/10.1037/pac0000394 Pauw, L. M. J. (2014). Werkt de Vreedzame School? http://www.devreedzames chool.nl/vreedzameschool201425/images/stories/vreedzameschool/downlo ads/publicaties/Evaluatiegegevens%20van%20DVS%202015.pdf Philpott, S., Clabough, J., McConkey, L., & Turner, T. (2013). Controversial issues: To teach or not too teach? That is the question. The Georgia Social Studies Journal, 1(1), 32–44. https://coe.uga.edu/assets/downloads/misc/ gssj/S-Philpott-et-al-2011.pdf Prati, G., Mazzoni, D., Guarino, A., Albanesi, C., & Cicognani, E. (2020). Evaluation of an active citizenship intervention based on youth-led participatory action research. Health Education & Behavior, 47 (6), 894–904. https://doi. org/10.1177%2F1090198120948788 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-determination theory: Basic psychological needs in motivation, development, and wellness. Guilford Publications. Sageman, M. (2008). A strategy for fighting international Islamic terrorists. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 618, 223–231. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716208317051 Salomon, G. (2004). A narrative-based view of coexistence education. Journal of Social Issues, 60(2), 273–287. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-4537.2004. 00118.x Schmid, A. P. (2013). Radicalisation, de-radicalisation, counter-radicalisation: A conceptual discussion and literature review (ICCT Research Paper). https:// icct.nl/publication/radicalisation-de-radicalisation-counter-radicalisation-aconceptual-discussion-and-literature-review/ Sears, D. O., & Levy, S. (2003). Childhood and adult political development. In D. O. Sears, L. Huddy, & R. Jervis (Eds.), Oxford handbook of political psychology (pp. 60–109). Oxford University Press. Šerek, J., & Machackova, H. (2019). Role of school climate and personality in the development of Czech adolescents’ political self-efficacy. Applied Developmental Science, 23(3), 203–213. https://doi.org/10.1080/10888691.2017. 1364163

4

POLITICAL SELF-EFFICACY, CITIZENSHIP COMPETENCES …

117

Sheikh, S., Sarwar, S., & Reed, C. (2011). Teaching methods that help to build resilience to extremism: Rapid evidence assessment (Research Report DFE-RR120). https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/79d3/a19a11336 52374eac711ef5000d396766e61.pdf Sheldon, K. M., & Gunz, A. (2009). Psychological needs as basic motives, not just experiential requirements. Journal of Personality, 77 (5), 1467–1492. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6494.2009.00589.x Sherrod, L. R., Torney-Purta, J., & Flanagan, C. A. (2010). Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth. Wiley. Sieckelinck, S., Kaulingfreks, F., & De Winter, M. (2015). Neither villains nor victims: Towards an educational perspective on radicalisation. British Journal of Educational Studies, 63(3), 329–343. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 00071005.2015.1076566 Sklad M., & Park, E. (2016). Educating for safe and democratic societies: The instructor’s handbook for the civic and social competences curriculum for adolescents UCARE. De Drvkkery. Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2017). Examining the potential role of education in the prevention of radicalization from the psychological perspective. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 23(4), 432–437. https://doi.org/10. 1037/pac0000258 Sklad, M., Park, E., van Venrooij, I., Pickard, A., & Wignand, J. (2020). Radicalization prevention by means of strengthening social and civic competences. Contemporary School Psychology, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40 688-020-00330-9 Stichting Interculturele Participatie en Integratie (SIPI). (2010). DIAMANT: Identiteitsontwikkeling & Weerbaarheid. Torney-Purta, J., Lehmann, R., Oswald, H., & Schulz, W. (2001). Citizenship and education in twenty-eight countries: Civic knowledge and engagement at age fourteen. IEA Secretariat. Van den Bos, K. (2019). Unfairness and radicalization. Annual Review of Psychology, 71, 563–588. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-010419050953 Van San, M. (2015). Striving in the way of god: Justifying jihad by young Belgian and Dutch Muslims. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 38(5), 328–342. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2015.1013776 Vidino, L. (2007). A preliminary assessment of counter-radicalization in the Netherlands. Terrorism, 30(7), 579–590. https://ctc.usma.edu/app/upl oads/2010/06/Vol1Iss9-Art5.pdf Vidino, L., & Brandon, J. (2012). Countering radicalization in Europe: A policy report published by the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence. https://www.safecampuscommunities.ac.uk/uploads/ files/2013/05/icsr_report_countering_radicalization_in_europe.pdf

118

M. SKLAD ET AL.

White, R. W. (1959). Motivation reconsidered: The concept of competence. Psychological Review, 66(5), 297–333. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0040934 Youniss, J., Bales, S., Christmas-Best, V., Diversi, M., Mclaughlin, M., & Silbereisen, R. (2002). Youth civic engagement in the twenty-first century. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 12(1), 121–148. https://doi.org/10. 1111/1532-7795.00027 Zulkosky, K. (2009). Self-efficacy: A concept analysis. Nursing Forum, 44(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-6198.2009.00132.x

CHAPTER 5

Mindfulness and Emotional Self-Regulation

Abstract In this chapter, the potential role of mindfulness training in the prevention of radicalization is discussed. After a discussion of the concept and different forms of mindfulness, the relation between mindfulness and radicalization is presented. Vulnerabilities making young people receptive to radicalization which can be addressed by mindfulness are mentioned. Next, interventions to foster mindfulness skills in school-aged children are discussed, together with empirical evidence of their effectiveness. The chapter ends with a description of the mechanisms underlying mindfulness and its effects. Keywords Mindfulness intervention · Cognitive resilience · Self-Regulation · Compassion · Altruism · Emotional coping

Introduction In this chapter, we will argue that mindfulness training can serve as a preventive measure against radicalization by fostering resilience. To that end, we will review individual vulnerabilities for which the evidence suggests that they are related to radicalization, and which can be directly addressed by mindfulness training. First, we will review the evidence

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Sklad et al., Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3_5

119

120

M. SKLAD ET AL.

connecting these vulnerabilities to radicalization. Then, after a brief introduction to mindfulness training itself and general evidence of showing that it can be successfully executed in educational institutions, we will demonstrate that mindfulness indeed can address these vulnerabilities (Fig. 5.1).

Risks Factors of Radicalization A recent multidisciplinary review on the psychological and social profiles of European radicalized youth concluded that there is no predefined pathway leading to radicalization. They have various backgrounds, including different family origins and beliefs, social and economic status and gender (Campelo et al., 2018). So, while these factors are important, there is no demographic model successful in predicting radicalization (Bjørgo, 2011; De Graaff et al., 2009; Horgan, 2008) and interestingly, not even the level of education is a strong predictor (Pels & De Ruyter, 2012). The vast majority of youth sharing the same stable demographic characteristics never become radicalized or even if some people may hold radical ideas, they do not act on it and engage in violent acts (Sklad & Park, 2017). Since demographic characteristics alone are not enough to determine if youth become radicalized, it is important to consider additional factors in the life of an adolescent that may contribute to the process of radicalization. Young people become radicalized for various reasons: some may have experienced being discriminated or assaulted due to their ethnic or religious affiliations or just followed their friends (Van den Bos, 2018), in some other cases the engagement with extremist ideas fulfilled a desire for adventure and excitement; and all this may only have happened via social media with little direct contact with other radicals (Archetti, 2015).

Which Vulnerabilities Increase the Risk for Radicalization? Negative Mood and Emotional Vulnerability Psychological vulnerabilities such as anxiety (Khosrokhavar, 2015; Ludot et al., 2016), traumatic experiences and/or distress during childhood and adolescence (Bazex et al., 2017; Khosrokhavar, 2017; Rolling & Corduan, 2018) and negative mood such as despair and depression are

Fig. 5.1 Self-regulation based prevention of radicalization

5 MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

121

122

M. SKLAD ET AL.

often reported among radicalized youth (Benslama, 2016; Rolling & Corduan, 2018). These negative moods can cloud the judgement and radical commitment can be thought of as a way to fight against this mood (Benslama, 2016; Rolling & Corduan, 2018). Therefore, it is of importance to look at emotions and feelings as potential triggers. Adolescence is often a period of life full of personal and emotional turmoil, with high hopes and wishes while many demands are placed upon young people at this time. A disjunction between aspirations and expectations can lead to many potential triggers or strains (see general strain theory by Agnew, 1992, 2001). Possible strains are negative emotions, feelings of humiliation, experiencing injustice, as well as grievances and discontent (Victoroff et al., 2010). To young individuals who need to cope with these strains, radical groups can provide guidance and emotional relief. It is important to note that most adolescents experience negative events at some point of their life, but how they cope with them decides whether this will lead to adopting a radical ideology (Euer et al., 2014). Andrews Fearon and Boyd-MacMillan (2016) argued that negative emotions related to stress can form an indirect contributor to radicalization of adolescents. Indeed, a study of belief in conspiracy theories showed that these beliefs may increase temporarily due to stressors, such as impairments in financial or relationship security (Swami et al., 2016). Further research demonstrated that negative emotions experienced under stressful situations can lead to “narrow, rigid, black-and-white thinking that does not recognize validity in other viewpoints or entertain doubts” (Andrews Fearon & Boyd-MacMillan, 2016, p. 11), which is equivalent to low cognitive complexity as presented in previous chapters. According to the biopsychosocial model (Blascovich & Mendes, 2000), people presented with an issue can interpret it as a challenge, if they perceive to have sufficient resources to succeed, or as a threat in the opposite case (Seery, 2011). Studies demonstrated that the threat state is associated with negative emotions while a challenge state evokes both positive and negative emotions at the same time; moreover, in the threat state emotions are interpreted as debilitating (Jones et al., 2009; Skinner & Brewer, 2004). A threat state also led to a decline in cognitive performance (Hase et al., 2019) and cognitive flexibility (Crum et al., 2017) in comparison with a challenge state, which may have positive cognitive effects. The authors attributed the difference in cognitive consequences to the aforementioned difference in affective consequences of the two states (Moore et al., 2012). Based on these studies, Andrews Fearon

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

123

and Boyd-MacMillan (2016) suggested that three emotion regulation strategies can be taught to maintain cognitive complexity in the face of adversities, which can be used as a prevention of radicalization: (a) stress cognitive reprisal (i.e., changing the meaning of the situation to change its emotional consequences), (b) implementation intention (i.e., “if–then plan”) or (c) stress mindset (i.e., the belief that stress is enhancing rather than debilitating). In summary, the scholarly work presented above clearly suggests that in the presence of challenges not only stimulating self-efficacy and emotional self-regulation of individuals might create resilience against motivation-based allure of radicalization, but fostering emotional regulation competences can be beneficial for the prevention of violent extremism, through bolstering cognitive resilience to the simplistic black-and-white perception of issues presented by many extremist movements. Especially, mindfulness might be useful to that end as it is believed to, thanks to improvements in metacognitive awareness, foster reappraisal and emotional self-regulation capability (Garland et al., 2009). Low Self-Regulation and Risk Taking Borum (2014) proposed an additional factor leading to a higher disposition for radicalization: a lack of self-regulation. Self-regulation, or self-control, can be defined as the ability to inhibit certain impulses. It is more commonly observed that adolescents have a heightened disposition to having a lack of self-regulation and therefore engage more frequently in risk-taking behaviour (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005), such as being involved with extremist groups. Neurological research shows that a lack of self-regulation and increased risk-taking appear to be the by-product of dramatic changes in brain maturation during adolescence (Steinberg, 2007). On the one hand, the brain becomes more sensitive to reward (Spear, 2000) and sensation seeking increases, while brain networks related to cognitive control are maturing later (Steinberg, 2004). This causes a gap between the increasing thrill-seeking impulses and actual cognitive control over it (Steinberg, 2007), resulting in difficulties regulating impulses and, consequently, increases vulnerability to, and seeking of, risky behaviour. This effect is increased in the presence of peers as emotional arousal (“gut feelings”) override the regulatory effectiveness of cognitive control (“thinking it through”). Research has shown that adolescents take double the amount of risk when peers are present, an effect that diminishes later in adulthood (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005).

124

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Self-Esteem and Identity Crisis Adolescence is also the period in life in which questions of identity and belonging feel most pressing. This is particularly important in the context of vulnerability to radicalization, as identity is the answer to the question “Who am I?” and this answer is often composed in opposition to an “other”. Within the psychological context, this “other” is interpreted as representing what one is not (and it is projected onto the “other” what one cannot find in oneself) and this element is also used as one of the building blocks for one’s self-esteem. An evaluation of the Dutch resilience training “Diamant” (Feddes et al., 2015) showed that minority students feel discriminated against due to their ethnic or religious affiliations (which is also called a dual identity or biculturalism) within their schools (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2005). Since adolescents may experience an identity crisis or look for a community, companions or existential meaning, radical groups and ideas can fulfil these needs. In collaboration with the existential uncertainty, engagement with radical ideas acts as a catalyst as one “almost automatically becomes victim or villain with often little in between” (Mythen et al., 2009, p. 736). For more information on the role of an identity crisis in radicalization, see the chapter on identity. Low self-esteem has been found to be associated with youth aggression and delinquency (Donnellan et al., 2005), and criminal behaviour in adulthood (Trzesniewski et al., 2006). However, empirical evidence for the relation between low self-esteem and processes of radicalization was not found. Moral Disengagement and Lack of Empathy Radical action against an outgroup member is in sharp contrast to having empathy for another person and being aware of the emotional or physical pain inflicted upon them. It also means acting against common social conduct and values learned at schools and in society. Youth engaging in radical acts, therefore, need to distance themselves from these feelings and values, for instance through a process called moral disengagement. Moral disengagement, defined as “a psychological process through which individuals are socialized to commit acts of violence in violation of their (own) moral standards” (Aly et al., 2014, p. 383), allows the radicalized individual to moralize violence as a just action, dehumanize the victims of violence, obscure their personal agency and disregard the harmful

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

125

consequences of their violent behaviour. Bandura (2004) adds to this process the need to redefine the harmful conduct by moral justification, euphemistic labelling of acts, minimizing or misconstruing the consequences, dehumanization of the other or attribution of blame to the victim. Here, the radicalized youth become so distanced from their own judgements, their own feelings and from feelings for “the other”, that ideas can overrule empathy and justify the radical act. In summary, empirical evidence and developmental theories suggest that the risk of radicalization is increased when: (a) young people experience negative mood, (b) they are forced to cope with adversities, (c) their self-esteem is endangered and (d) their capacity for assessing risk and consequences adequately, taking others’ perspective and showing compassion is limited. Before we will review the evidence that mindfulness-based interventions can address these risk factors, we will briefly describe mindfulness and the training method.

Mindfulness Interventions Mindfulness training has been shown to be affective for the presented vulnerabilities and may, therefore, be a promising method to increase youth’s resilience to radicalization. In the following parts, an overview of what mindfulness interventions look like is followed by a short review of research on its efficacy, which is then applied to the prevention of radicalization. Elements of the Mindfulness Training The key elements of mindfulness are awareness and non-judgemental acceptance of one’s moment-to-moment experience (Kabat-Zinn, 1990). This combination allows first an enhanced recognition of what is present, may it be the physical sensations of the breath, as most commonly practiced, or awareness of what is arising in the present moment. This may also include psychological distress such as rumination, anxiety, worry, fear or anger, and the recognition of maladaptive tendencies of avoiding, suppressing or over-engagement with these distressing thoughts and emotions (Hayes et al., 2004). Participants learn to acknowledge what really is present in the moment and foster the ability to stay with it.

126

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Techniques The specific techniques practiced in mindfulness include body awareness meditations such as the body-scan, in which a systematic focus is placed on the body, movement practices such as yoga, and sitting meditations. The sitting meditations can further be categorized into Focused Attention and Open Monitoring (Lutz et al., 2008, 2015). Focused attention meditation is a concentrative practice with a well-defined object of focus such as the breath, without distraction from internal (e.g., thoughts) or external (e.g., sounds) sources. This results in a narrow aperture of focus with high clarity and stability. Open monitoring meditation is a practice where monitoring skills are transformed to a state of wide awareness with a broad scope of attention, without focusing on one specific object but acceptation of whatever might arise. Due to the continuous practice of these skills, meditation is associated with increased control over automatic mind-wandering and with acceptance. Different Types of Mindfulness Training The remarkably successful “Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction” (MBSR) training was founded by Dr. Jon Kabat-Zinn at the University of Massachusetts Medical School in 1979 (Kabat-Zinn, 1990). The traditional “MBSR” is taught in an 8-week workshop with weekly 2.5 hour meetings. The training is conducted in a group setting in which sharing is promoted and mindfulness-based exercises and skills are trained and consolidated in the form of daily homework. With a focus on the interconnectedness of mind and body, KabatZinn first successfully applied “MBSR” to pain patients at the university hospital. Shortly after, a worldwide expansion followed, in which “MBSR” was applied in many clinical and private settings. This went hand in hand with an exponential increase in scientific publications showing its effectiveness. For example, an empirical research of the effect of “MBSR” involving more than 1000 inmates showed that participating inmates reported less hostility and mood disturbances and better self-esteem after a “MBSR” course (Samuelson et al., 2007). Due to the continued success, this programme is now officially recommended for the reduction and prevention of stress and burn-out complaints is covered by many health insurances in the Netherlands and is part of the UK’s National Health System (Hyland, 2016).

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

127

Since its conception, the original “MBSR” format has been adapted for several specific target groups. For instance, integrating mindfulness with elements of cognitive behavioural therapy to address the special needs of patients with depression in the “Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy” (Segal et al., 2002), or adapting the length and content of the course for children (Black et al., 2009; Burke, 2009), parents (e.g., Bögels & Restifo, 2013) or business programmes (e.g., Carroll, 2008). Taylor (2018) suggests that mindfulness training can be combined with art therapy, to prevent radicalization through allowing a person to reevaluate their ideas by engaging in art forms. Even major companies, such as Google and Apple, and national governments use modified versions of the “MBSR”, or their own mindfulness programmes, for employees and leadership development. Multiple mindfulness programmes have been developed especially for school settings. For example, in the Netherlands, the programmes “MindfulKids” for kids and “.b” for adolescents (https://www.mindfulkids.nl) are available. An empirical study of the effects of “MindfulKids” showed that it had positive effects on children’s stress and well-being (Van de Weijer-Bergsma et al., 2014). In the UK, the programmes “Paws.b” for kids and “.b” for adolescents (https://mindfulnessinschools.org) are offered. Empirical evidence demonstrated that the programme “Paws.b” led to increased response inhibition and lowered negativity. However, it did not have significant effects on cue processing, emotion regulation or well-being (Wimmer & Dorjee, 2020). An experimental test of the effects of “.b” in a sample of 3519 6th–8th graders in Finland demonstrated that the intervention led to more resilience to problems in life for all participants, lessened feelings of depression among girls and improved socio-emotional capabilities of 7th graders (Volanen et al., 2020). Another intervention for children in a classroom setting developed in the United States is the “Inner Kids” programme. The programme has two main goals: to increase a child’s awareness of both the inner and outer experience of their presence and to cultivate positive behaviours, such as compassion and kindness. Empirical research on the effects of this programme showed that participation in the programme led to improvements in executive functioning. Especially children who had poor regulation before participating in the programme improved on behaviour regulation, executive control and metacognition (Flook et al., 2010). “Learning to BREATHE” is yet another mindfulness intervention, meant specifically for adolescents. This American intervention includes

128

M. SKLAD ET AL.

six classroom lessons on topics such as body awareness, feelings, thoughts and self-judgements. The goal of the intervention is to increase emotion regulation of adolescents. A study of its effects found that this intervention led to less negative feelings and increased feelings of relaxation and self-acceptance, as well as improved emotion regulation (Broderick & Metz, 2009). A short intervention that can also be applied in schools is the Dutch “ST/TM” (Stiltetijd/Transcendente Meditatie) programme. In this programme, students receive 10–15 minute transcendental meditation, a sitting meditation meant to clear your mind and bring inner peace, at the beginning and end of each school day. An empirical evaluation of this programme revealed that it led to a more positive outlook on life, more happiness and life satisfaction, and better relationships with peers (EUROPE project, 2019). Another intervention that includes a short meditation is “Practicing P.E.A.C.E.”. In this intervention, students not only attend to their body and feelings, but also reflect and act on them. P.E.A.C.E. stands for Pause—Exhale—Acknowledge, Accept, Allow— Choose—Engage (Saltzman, 2011). This process allows the student to consciously reflect on an experience, choose a right response and execute it. To our best knowledge, there is no empirical test of “Practicing P.E.A.C.E.” to date. Special Focus on Self-Compassion In the last years, attention has also been given to the effects of fostering beneficial feelings, such as compassion. While compassion is often in first instance associated with compassion for another person, in mindfulness practicing self-compassion (or: self-kindness) is on the foreground. Selfcompassion has been described as “being kind and understanding toward oneself in instances of pain or failure rather than being harshly selfcritical” (Neff, 2003, p. 85). Instead of attacking and berating oneself for not being “good enough”, or brooding on a shortcoming, the person learns unconditional acceptance of oneself and the ability to sooth and comfort oneself in stressful life-circumstances (Neff & Germer, 2013). This has vast implications on daily functioning and well-being and creates a strong and healthy sense of self. Self-compassion may even be a key mechanism by which mindfulnessbased interventions improve well-being (Baer, 2010; Hölzel et al., 2011), as it is directly linked to less rumination and perfectionism: because selfcompassionate people do not berate themselves when they fail, they are

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

129

also less afraid to fail, including academic failure in adolescents (Neff, 2003; Neff et al., 2005). Compassion increases the ability to cope effectively with life stressors and take on new challenges, and even helps to deal with childhood maltreatment (Vettese et al., 2011). Self-compassion also has a spill-over effect to interpersonal compassion, as self-compassionate young adults have been found to have improved relationship functioning (Yarnell & Neff, 2013) and also report more empathetic concern, altruism, perspective taking and forgiveness (Neff & Pommier, 2013). Being more aware of and compassionate about one’s own flawed condition connects us to the shared human condition and our flaws and particularities. Not seeing the other as separate, bad or outgroup can, therefore, be a natural protection against radicalization. An intervention that combines mindfulness with self-compassion is the intervention called “Making Friends with Yourself: A Mindful SelfCompassion Program for Teens”. The programme consists of a 6-week course with weekly meetings in which students both receive theoretical information and learn practical applications. An empirical evaluation of this programme demonstrated that, compared to the control group, participants in the programme had lower depression and greater selfcompassion and satisfaction in life (Bluth et al., 2016). Process Example While mindfulness training is often delivered as a weekly course, it is a skill that can be learned, applied and integrated in many different contexts. For example, it has been incorporated in the “UCARE” handbook for instructors (Sklad & Park, 2016) in the form of a 10 minute mindfulness meditation and a homework exercise. The mindfulness meditation is easily implemented by a teacher through reading out a text which guides students into becoming more aware of their body and breath sensations. Then, a group enquiry after the exercise is encouraged to integrate the experience. Here, the changing nature of the (wandering) mind is acknowledged and the experience is embedded into educational goals, including the functioning of the brain, awareness of the conscious and unconscious mind and that it is possible to train the mind to accept and let go of certain thoughts or emotions. To help students incorporate mindfulness into daily life, additionally a short awareness exercise is given as homework. An evaluation of this curriculum found that participants improved on mindfulness competences (Sklad et al., 2020).

130

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Mindfulness Trainings Are Successful at Schools Research into the effectiveness of mindfulness for children and adolescents is increasing and more and more evidence of successful interventions in school environments is gathered. A review on mindfulness interventions in schools has summarized the effects as follows: “Mindfulness practice enhances the very qualities and goals of education in the twenty-first century … and enables children to deal with future challenges of the rapidly changing world” (Zenner et al., 2014, p. 2). In line with the arguments given here for radicalization prevention, it is important to look at the existing research (in the classroom and beyond) and to break it down in the light of prevention of the elaborated risk factors as well as fostering resilience. Effect on Negative Mood and Emotional Vulnerability As mentioned before, most adolescents experience negative events at some point in their life, but the experienced intensity and frequency, and how they cope with them, influences the willingness to adopt a radical ideology as coping strategy, or not. Positive emotional coping strategies, therefore, decrease the “need” for radical coping mechanisms. Research has shown that mindfulness interventions in schools have positive effects on reducing the risk factors of depression and anxiety (Liehr & Diaz, 2010), including social anxiety (Shabani & Masdari, 2016) and test anxiety (Napoli et al., 2005), as well as reducing general stress while increasing psychological coping abilities and resilience (Zenner et al., 2014). Here, mindfulness helps to acknowledge and accept all emotions, including negative ones, and children are taught how to distance themselves from them, and how to relax. On the protective side, such interventions in schools showed a positive effect on goals, subjective happiness and mindful awareness (Bögels et al., 2008). Effect on Self-Regulation and Risk Taking A lack of self-regulation and increased risk taking appear to be the byproduct of dramatic changes in brain maturation during adolescence. To train awareness of automatic impulses and subsequently stimulating the maturation of brain areas associated with control can, therefore, be an aid

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

131

in helping with impulse control and help to reduce taking part in risky activities, such as acting out. Research into mindfulness at schools concluded over many studies that indeed mindfulness-based training positively influences the cognitive abilities, including qualities such as attention, self-regulation, creativity and problem-solving skills (Zenner et al., 2014). Especially self-regulation is related to the ability to sustain attention, switch attention from one object to another, and, therefore, fosters the ability to inhibit elaborative processing, which is helping in not getting stuck in a specific thought or feeling, or impulsivity. In fact, mindfulness training stimulates exactly the growth and increased functioning of the brain areas related to this type of attentional control (Tang et al., 2015). This also has an effect on social skills and academic achievement (Beauchemin et al., 2008; Sibinga et al., 2011) due to the fostering of awareness, meta-cognition and attention. Further, it has been shown that risk taking is reduced by a mindfulness intervention at school (Lakey et al., 2007). Effect on Self-Esteem and Identity Crisis As mentioned before, adolescents might turn towards adopting an extreme ideology to increase their self-esteem or to cope with an identity crisis. Several studies showed that mindfulness increases self-esteem (Rempel, 2012; Wisner et al., 2010) and that participating in school mindfulness programmes increases optimism (Schonert-Reichl & Lawlor, 2010) among students. Especially the focus on self-compassion shows great results in adolescents’ self-esteem (Marshall et al., 2015). Selfcompassion also is an adaptive way for adolescences to learn to relate to the self during difficult life circumstances (Neff & McGehee, 2010). Effect on Moral Disengagement and Lack of Empathy Mindfulness can also affect the process of moral disengagement which allows radicalized youth to overrule empathy and justify a radical act. Empathy or compassion for another person fostered by mindfulness can become a relevant protective factor preventing this process. Research shows that mindfulness training helps in actually preventing negative conduct in schools, as students become more mindful of their aggressive behaviour (Singh et al., 2007). Further training mindfulness is positively affecting emotional reactivity (Saltzman & Goldin, 2008) and hostility

132

M. SKLAD ET AL.

towards others (Sibinga et al., 2011). Incorporating mindfulness also has a positive effect on prosocial dispositions such as compassion, empathy and ethical sensitivity (Zenner et al., 2014). Additional Effects on Mental Health The rapidly growing employment of mindfulness in schools in the last years brought target age specific modifications of the way mindfulness skills are taught. The evidence of effectiveness of mindfulness training for children is not limited to school interventions. It also shows to be effective in more clinical settings, for example for treatment of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (Van der Oord et al., 2012), behavioural problems (Van de Weijer-Bergsma et al., 2012), depression (Liehr & Diaz, 2010) and anxiety (Beauchemin et al., 2008).

Diving Deeper: What Are the Underlying Mechanisms and How Does Mindfulness Work Attention, orientation to experience and self-regulation are integral parts of mindfulness practice (Bishop et al., 2004). Attention in itself is a key aspect of cognitive functioning and underlies behaviour regulation, conflict monitoring, metacognition, etc. Students learn to acknowledge what really is present at the moment, and foster the ability to stay with it, without immediately fleeing into maladaptive avoiding behaviour. This awareness, therefore, is the steppingstone for subsequently more adaptive responses. This skill can be very useful in preventing processes of radicalization through increasing emotional resilience. Training awareness and acceptance of what is present, including negative emotions, could play a role in preventing emotional vulnerabilities which push young people into maladaptive coping strategies. Awareness training can be particularly effective if paired with increasing self-control. Additionally, it is indeed observable that, during meditation, brain areas related to self-awareness and attention, such as the prefrontal and insular cortex, are more active while areas related to affect in the limbic system are less active (Tang et al., 2015). Additionally, the connections of the “control” with the “reward” areas of the brain improve, meaning that they are working better together (Froeliger et al., 2012). Considering that in adolescence, due to the delay in brain maturation, the highly activated socio-emotional reward network is taking over of the cognitive-control network, making

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

133

them especially susceptible to risk taking behaviour, training exactly these cognitive-control areas in the brain might be beneficial for brain maturation and subsequently for learning self-control. These changes in the brain have the effect that not only rumination and negative mood are reduced, but also that impulses such as risk taking and focus on reward are more efficiently regulated (De Lisle et al., 2012). Studies also suggest that mindfulness training improves tolerance for strong impulses associated with, for example, substance abuse (Bowen et al., 2009), and binge eating (Kristeller & Hallett, 1999).

Conclusion In this chapter, the authors explored how looking beyond the typical “social and economic profile” of radicalized youth and focusing on actual vulnerabilities, such as low mood, low self-regulation, delays in brain maturation, low self-esteem and lack of (self-)compassion, can help to protect adolescents against becoming engulfed in radical ideas and activities. The review of empirical evidence demonstrated that mindfulness has a potential of increasing individuals’ resilience through reduction of the vulnerabilities identified as potential risk factors for radicalization, making students possibly more resilient. In other words, they acquire the ability to “bounce back” from adversity (Bonnell et al., 2011). Negative emotions and triggers have a smaller impact, while at the same time adolescents are learning to avoid bad behaviours (and people). Indeed, it has been shown that factors increasing resilience such as the ability to assert selfcontrol, self-regulation and executive functioning skills have a protective effect against radicalization of youth (Aderanti & Hassan, 2011; Griffin et al., 2009; Olanrewaju & Sotonade, 2014) and mindfulness training may be an easy way to foster these skills in schools. It can easily be applied in normal school settings, as shown in the “UCARE” handbook for instructors (Sklad & Park, 2016), and is applicable for students from all socio-economic backgrounds or belief systems. As mentioned above, radicalization of youth can be in part attributed to perceived unfairness of their situation and the cognitive opening towards radical ideas as a means to cope with or rebel against it. Mindfulness could help youth to deal with the changes and negative emotions by allowing them to disengage, accept and see other solutions instead of giving in to the immediate (violent) impulse. Reducing risk behaviour and increasing impulse control through training of exactly these parts of the

134

M. SKLAD ET AL.

brain that are involved in this balance has implications even beyond acting out, as it is also allowing for more success in other areas of their lives (including creating more meaningful relationships and academic success), and, therefore, increasing general satisfaction with life, which in itself is a protective factor. Together with a general reduction in anxiety and depression, mindfulness interventions indeed have the potential to create a buffer for the negative impact of strains and provide skills which can be applied in challenging moments. Mindfulness even has the potential for opening the individual up for more positive ideas (e.g., more compassionate world views) and, therefore, is also protecting against the pull factor of persuasion or the need for meaning. Here, compassion in itself has a straightforward protective element against harming behaviour. Lastly, the fostering of feelings related to unity or togetherness can also protect against joining a radical group, which might be motivated by a need of belonging: engaging together in mindfulness in the classroom allows for a stronger contact between the teacher and the students and, therefore, offers the possibility to connect on a more meaningful level.

References Aderanti, R. A., & Hassan, T. (2011). Differential effectiveness of cognitive restructuring and self-management in the treatment of adolescents’ rebeliousness. The Romanian Journal of Psychology, Psychotherapy and Neuroscience, 1(1), 193–217. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248070021_ DIFFERENTIAL_EFFECTIVENESS_OF_COGNITIVE_RESTRUCTU RING_AND_SELF-MANAGEMENT_IN_THE_TREATMENT_OF_ADO LESCENTS’_REBELIOUSNESS Agnew, R. (1992). Foundation for a general strain theory of crime and delinquency. Criminology, 30(1), 47–88. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125. 1992.tb01093.x Agnew, R. (2001). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 38(4), 319–361. https://doi.org/10. 1177%2F0022427801038004001 Andrews Fearon, P., & Boyd-MacMillan, E. M. (2016). Complexity under stress: Integrative approaches to overdetermined vulnerabilities. Journal of Strategic Security, 9(4), 11–31. https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.9.4.1557 Aly, A., Taylor, E., & Karnovsky, S. (2014). Moral disengagement and building resilience to violent extremism: An education intervention. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 37 (4), 369–385. https://doi.org/10.1080/105 7610X.2014.879379

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

135

Archetti, C. (2015). Terrorism, communication and new media: Explaining radicalization in the digital age. Perspectives on Terrorism, 9(1), 49–59. https:// www.jstor.org/stable/26297326 Baer, R. A. (2010). Self-Compassion as a mechanism of change in mindfulnessand acceptance-based treatments. In R. A. Baer (Ed.), Assessing mindfulness and acceptance processes in clients: Illuminating the theory and practice of change (pp. 135–153). New Harbinger Publications. Bandura, A. (2004). The role of selective moral disengagement in terrorism and counterterrorism. In F. M. Moghaddam & A. J. Marsella (Eds.), Understanding terrorism: Psychosocial roots, consequences, and interventions (pp. 121–150). American Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10. 1037/10621-006 Bazex, H., Benezech, M., & Mensat, J.-Y. (2017). ‘The mirror of hatred’. Prison treatment of radicalization: Clinical and criminological analysis of 112 persons under court. Annales Medico-Psychologiques, 175(3), 276–282. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.amp.2017.01.009 Beauchemin, J., Hutchins, T. L., & Patterson, F. (2008). Mindfulness meditation may lessen anxiety, promote social skills, and improve academic performance among adolescents with learning disabilities. Complementary Health Practice Review, 13(1), 34–45. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1533210107311624 Benslama, F. (2016). Un furieux désir de sacrifice: Le surmusulman. Seuil. Bishop, S. R., Lau, M., Shapiro, S., Carlson, L., Anderson, N. D., Carmody, J., Segal, Z. V., Abbey, S., Speca, M., Velting, D., & Devins, G. (2004). Mindfulness: A proposed operational definition. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 11(3), 230–241. https://doi.org/10.1093/clipsy.bph077 Bjørgo, T. (2011). Dreams and disillusionment: Engagement in and disengagement from militant extremist groups. Crime, Law and Social Change, 55(4), 277–285. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-011-9282-9 Black, D. S., Milam, J., & Sussman, S. (2009). Sitting-meditation interventions among youth: A review of treatment efficacy. Pediatrics, 124(3), e531–e541. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2008-3434 Blascovich, J., & Mendes, W. B. (2000). Challenge and threat appraisals: The role of affective cues. In J. P. Forgas (Ed.), Studies in emotion and social interaction, second series. Feeling and thinking: The role of affect in social cognition (pp. 59–82). Cambridge University Press. Bluth, K., Gaylord, S. A., Campo, R. A., Mullarkey, M. C., & Hobbs, L. (2016). Making friends with yourself: A mixed methods pilot study of a mindful selfcompassion program for adolescents. Mindfulness, 7 (2), 479–492. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s12671-015-0476-6 Bögels, S., Hoogstad, B., Van Dun, L., De Schutter, S., & Restifo, K. (2008). Mindfulness training for adolescents with externalizing disorders and their parents. Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy, 36(2), 193–209. https:// doi.org/10.1017/S1352465808004190

136

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Bögels, S., & Restifo, K. (2013). Mindful parenting: A guide for mental health practitioners. Springer Science & Business Media. Bonnell, J., Copestake, P., Kerr, D., Passy, R., Reed, C., Salter, R., Sarwar, S., & Sheikh, S. (2011). Teaching approaches that help to build resilience to extremism among young people (Research Report DFE-RR119). https://www.gcedclear inghouse.org/sites/default/files/resources/DFE-RR119.pdf Borum, R. (2014). Psychological vulnerabilities and propensities for involvement in violent extremism. Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 32(3), 286–305. https:// doi.org/10.1002/bsl.2110 Bowen, S., Chawla, N., Collins, S. E., Witkiewitz, K., Hsu, S., Grow, J., Clifasefi, S., Garner, M., Douglass, A., Larimer, M. E., & Marlatt, A. (2009). Mindfulness-based relapse prevention for substance use disorders: A pilot efficacy trial. Substance Abuse, 30(4), 295–305. https://doi.org/10.1080/088 97070903250084 Broderick, P. C., & Metz, S. (2009). Learning to BREATHE: A pilot trial of a mindfulness curriculum for adolescents. Advances in School Mental Health Promotion, 2(1), 35–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/1754730X.2009. 9715696 Burke, C. A. (2009). Mindfulness-based approaches with children and adolescents: A preliminary review of current research in an emergent field. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 19(2), 133–144. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10 826-009-9282-x Campelo, N., Oppetit, A., Neau, F., Cohen, D., & Bronsard, G. (2018). Who are the European youths willing to engage in radicalisation? A multidisciplinary review of their psychological and social profiles. European Psychiatry, 52, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2018.03.001 Carroll, M. (2008). The mindful leader: Awakening your natural management skills through mindfulness meditation. Shambhala Publications. Crum, A. J., Akinola, M., Martin, A., & Fath, S. (2017). The role of stress mindset in shaping cognitive, emotional, and physiological responses to challenging and threatening stress. Anxiety, Stress, & Coping, 30(4), 379–395. https://doi.org/10.1080/10615806.2016.1275585 De Graaff, B., De Poot, C. J., & Kleemans, E. R. (2009). Radicalisering en radicale groepen in vogelvlucht. Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, 51(4), 331–344. https://research.vu.nl/files/2674129/Graaff%20T ijdschrift%20voor%20Criminologie%2051(4)%202009%20u.pdf De Lisle, S., Dowling, N. A., & Allen, J. S. (2012). Mindfulness and problem gambling: A review of the literature. Journal of Gambling Studies, 28(4), 719– 739. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10899-011-9284-7 Donnellan, M. B., Trzesniewski, K. H., Robins, R. W., Moffitt, T. E., & Caspi, A. (2005). Low self-esteem is related to aggression, antisocial behavior, and delinquency. Psychological Science, 16(4), 328–335. https://doi.org/10. 1111%2Fj.0956-7976.2005.01535.x

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

137

Euer, K., Van Vossole, A., Groenen, A., & Van Bouchaute, K. (2014). Strengthening resilience against violent radicalization (STRESAVIORA) Part I: Literature analysis. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/StrengtheningResilience-against-Violent-Part-I%3A-Euer-Vossole/f417f137785b1b98cd38c 12c3acad75ef6f236f3?p2df EUROPE project. (2019). Een nieuwe aanpak om geweld te voorkomen en inclusief onderwijs te realiseren: Het Europe project. http://www.academia. edu/download/60305827/Summary_paper_NL_2019-06-04_-_kopie2019 0816-6786-ups7fo.pdf Feddes, A. R., Mann, L., & Doosje, B. (2015). Increasing self-esteem and empathy to prevent violent radicalization: A longitudinal quantitative evaluation of a resilience training focused on adolescents with a dual identity. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 45(7), 400–411. https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp. 12307 Flook, L., Smalley, S. L., Kitil, M. J., Galla, B. M., Kaiser-Greenland, S., Locke, J., Ishijima, E., & Kasari, C. (2010). Effects of mindful awareness practices on executive functions in elementary school children. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 26(1), 70–95. https://doi.org/10.1080/15377900903379125 Froeliger, B., Garland, E. L., Kozink, R. V., Modlin, L. A., Chen, N.-K., McClernon, F. J., Greeson, J. M., & Sobin, P. (2012). Meditation-state functional connectivity (MsFC): Strengthening of the dorsal attention network and beyond. Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine, 2012, 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1155/2012/680407 Gardner, M., & Steinberg, L. (2005). Peer influence on risk taking, risk preference, and risky decision making in adolescence and adulthood: An experimental study. Developmental Psychology, 41(4), 625–635. https://doi.org/10. 1037/0012-1649.41.4.625 Garland, E., Gaylord, S., & Park, J. (2009). The role of mindfulness in positive reappraisal. Explore, 5(1), 37–44. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.explore.2008. 10.001 Gemeente Amsterdam. (2005). Interculturele verhoudingen op Amsterdamse scholen voor voortgezet onderwijs en middelbaar beroepsonderwijs. https:// www.burojansen.nl/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/intercultureleverhoud ingen.pdf Griffin, K. W., Scheier, L. M., & Botvin, G. J. (2009). Developmental trajectories of self-management skills and adolescent substance use/Desarrollo de habilidades de autocuidado y uso de sustancias en adolescentes. Health and Addictions/Salud y Drogas, 9(1), 15–370. https://ojsnuevo.haaj.org/index. php/haaj/article/view/48 Hase, A., O’Brien, J., Moore, L. J., & Freeman, P. (2019). The relationship between challenge and threat states and performance: A systematic review. Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology, 8(2), 123–144. http://repository. essex.ac.uk/22173/1/Hase%20et%20al%20%282018%29SEPP.pdf

138

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Hayes, A. M., Feldman, G., & Gables, C. (2004). Clarifying the construct of mindfulness in the context of emotion regulation and the process of change in therapy. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 11(3), 255–262. https:// doi.org/10.1093/clipsy.bph080 Hölzel, B. K., Lazar, S. W., Gard, T., Schuman-Oliver, Z., Vago, D. R., & Ott, U. (2011). How does mindfulness meditation work? Proposing mechanisms of action from a conceptual and neural perspective. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 6(6), 537–559. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1745691611419671 Horgan, J. (2008). From profiles to pathways and roots to routes: Perspectives from psychology on radicalization into terrorism. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 618(1), 80–94. https://doi.org/ 10.1177%2F0002716208317539 Hyland, T. (2016). Mindful nation UK–report by the Mindfulness All-Party Parliamentary Group (MAPPG). Journal of Vocational Education & Training, 68(1), 133–136. https://doi.org/10.1080/13636820.2015.1123926 Jones, M., Meijen, C., McCarthy, P. J., & Sheffield, D. (2009). A theory of challenge and threat states in athletes. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 2(2), 161–180. https://doi.org/10.1080/17509840902829331 Kabat-Zinn, J. (1990). Full catastrophe living: The program of the stress reduction clinic at the University of Massachusetts Medical Center. Delta. Khosrokhavar, F. (2015). Les trajectoires des jeunes jihadistes français. Études, 6, 33–44. https://doi.org/10.3917/etu.4217.0033 Khosrokhavar, F. (2017). Radicalisation. Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme. Kristeller, J. L., & Hallett, C. B. (1999). An exploratory study of a meditationbased intervention for binge eating disorder. Journal of Health Psychology, 4(3), 357–363. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F135910539900400305 Lakey, C. E., Campbell, W. K., Brown, K. W., & Goodie, A. S. (2007). Dispositional mindfulness as a predictor of the severity of gambling outcomes. Personality and Individual Differences, 43(7), 1698–1710. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.paid.2007.05.007 Liehr, P., & Diaz, N. (2010). A pilot study examining the effect of mindfulness on depression and anxiety for minority children. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, 24(1), 69–71. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apnu.2009.10.001 Ludot, M., Radjack, R., & Moro, M. R. (2016). «Radicalisation djihadiste» et psychiatrie de l’adolescent. Neuropsychiatrie De L’enfance Et De L’adolescence, 64(8), 522–528. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neurenf.2016.08.003 Lutz, A., Jha, A. P., Dunne, J. D., & Saron, C. D. (2015). Investigating the phenomenological matrix of mindfulness-related practices from a neurocognitive perspective. American Psychologist, 70(7), 632–658. https://doi.org/10. 1037%2Fa0039585

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

139

Lutz, A., Slagter, H. A., Dunne, J. D., & Davidson, R. J. (2008). Attention regulation and monitoring in meditation. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 12(4), 163–169. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2008.01.005 Marshall, S. L., Parker, P. D., Ciarrochi, J., Sahdra, B., Jackson, C. J., & Heaven, P. C. (2015). Self-Compassion protects against the negative effects of low self-esteem: A longitudinal study in a large adolescent sample. Personality and Individual Differences, 74, 116–121. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2014. 09.013 Moore, L. J., Vine, S. J., Wilson, M. R., & Freeman, P. (2012). The effect of challenge and threat states on performance: An examination of potential mechanisms. Psychophysiology, 49(10), 1417–1425. https://doi.org/10. 1111/j.1469-8986.2012.01449.x Mythen, G., Walklate, S., & Khan, F. (2009). ‘I’m a Muslim, but I’m not a terrorist’: Victimization, risky identities and the performance of safety. The British Journal of Criminology, 49(6), 736–754. https://doi.org/10.1093/ bjc/azp032 Napoli, M., Krech, P. R., & Holley, L. C. (2005). Mindfulness training for elementary school students: The attention academy. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 21(1), 99–125. https://doi.org/10.1300/J370v21n01_05 Neff, K. (2003). Self-Compassion: An alternative conceptualization of a healthy attitude toward oneself. Self and Identity, 2(2), 85–101. https://doi.org/10. 1080/15298860309032 Neff, K. D., & Germer, C. K. (2013). A pilot study and randomized controlled trial of the mindful self-compassion program. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 69(1), 28–44. https://doi.org/10.1002/jclp.21923 Neff, K. D., Hsieh, Y.-P., & Dejitterat, K. (2005). Self-Compassion, achievement goals, and coping with academic failure. Self and Identity, 4(3), 263–287. https://doi.org/10.1080/13576500444000317 Neff, K. D., & McGehee, P. (2010). Self-Compassion and psychological resilience among adolescents and young adults. Self and Identity, 9(3), 225–240. https://doi.org/10.1080/15298860902979307 Neff, K. D., & Pommier, E. (2013). The relationship between self-compassion and other-focused concern among college undergraduates, community adults, and practicing meditators. Self and Identity, 12(2), 160–176. https://doi. org/10.1080/15298868.2011.649546 Olanrewaju, A. K., & Sotonade, O. A. T. (2014). Comparative effectiveness of self-management, emotional intelligence and assertiveness training programs in reducing the potentials for terrorism and violence among Nigerian adolescents. International Journal of Applied Psychology, 4(6), 214–222. https:// doi.org/10.5923/j.ijap.20140406.02

140

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Pels, T., & De Ruyter, D. J. (2012). The influence of education and socialization on radicalization: An exploration of theoretical presumptions and empirical research. Child & Youth Care Forum, 41(3), 311–325. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s10566-011-9155-5 Rempel, K. (2012). Mindfulness for children and youth: A review of the literature with an argument for school-based implementation. Canadian Journal of Counselling and Psychotherapy/Revue Canadienne de Counseling et de Psychothérapie, 46(3), 201–220. https://cjc-rcc.ucalgary.ca/article/view/ 59860 Rolling, J., & Corduan, G. (2018). La radicalisation, un nouveau symptôme adolescent? Neuropsychiatrie de l’enfance et de l’adolescence, 66(5), 277–285. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neurenf.2017.10.002 Saltzman, A. (2011). Mindfulness: A guide for teachers. The Center for Contemplative Mind in Society. http://www.contemplativemind.org/MindfulnessA_Teachers_Guide.pdf Saltzman, A., & Goldin, P. (2008). Mindfulness-based stress reduction for school-age children. In L. A. Greco & S. C. Hayes (Eds.), Acceptance and mindfulness treatments for children and adolescents: A practitioner’s guide (pp. 139–161). New Harbinger Publications. Samuelson, M., Carmody, J., Kabat-Zinn, J., & Bratt, M. A. (2007). Mindfulness-based stress reduction in Massachusetts correctional facilities. The Prison Journal, 87 (2), 254–268. https://doi.org/10.1177/003288550730 3753 Schonert-Reichl, K. A., & Lawlor, M. S. (2010). The effects of a mindfulnessbased education program on pre- and early adolescents’ well-being and social and emotional competence. Mindfulness, 1(3), 137–151. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s12671-010-0011-8 Seery, M. D. (2011). Challenge or threat? Cardiovascular indexes of resilience and vulnerability to potential stress in humans. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 35(7), 1603–1610. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev. 2011.03.003 Segal, Z. V., Williams, J. M. G., & Teasdale, J. D. (2002). Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy for depression: A new approach to preventing relapse. Guilford Press. Shabani, J., & Masdari, M. (2016). The effectiveness of training mindfulnessbased cognitive therapy on social anxiety disorder among first high school female students. Shenakht Journal of Psychology and Psychiatry, 3(3), 12–27. http://shenakht.muk.ac.ir/browse.php?a_id=262&sid=1&slc_lang=fa&ftxt=1 Sibinga, E. M., Kerrigan, D., Stewart, M., Johnson, K., Magyari, T., & Ellen, J. M. (2011). Mindfulness-based stress reduction for urban youth. The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 17 (3), 213–218. https://doi. org/10.1089/acm.2009.0605

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

141

Singh, N. N., Lancioni, G. E., Singh Joy, S. D., Winton, A. S., Sabaawi, M., Wahler, R. G., & Singh, J. (2007). Adolescents with conduct disorder can be mindful of their aggressive behavior. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Disorders, 15(1), 56–63. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1063426607015 0010601 Skinner, N., & Brewer, N. (2004). Adaptive approaches to competition: Challenge appraisals and positive emotion. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 26(2), 283–305. https://doi.org/10.1123/jsep.26.2.283 Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2016). Educating for safe and democratic societies: The instructor’s handbook for the civic and social competences curriculum for adolescents UCARE. De Drvkkery. Sklad, M., & Park, E. (2017). Examining the potential role of education in the prevention of radicalization from the psychological perspective. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 23(4), 432–437. https://doi.org/10. 1037/pac0000258 Sklad, M., Park, E., van Venrooij, I., Pickard, A., & Wignand, J. (2020). Radicalization prevention by means of strengthening social and civic competences. Contemporary School Psychology, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40 688-020-00330-9 Spear, L. P. (2000). The adolescent brain and age-related behavioral manifestations. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 24(4), 417–463. https://doi. org/10.1016/S0149-7634(00)00014-2 Steinberg, L. (2004). Risk taking in adolescence: What changes, and why? In R. E. Dahl & L. P. Spear (Eds.), Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (Vol. 1021, pp. 51–58). New York Academy of Sciences. Steinberg, L. (2007). Risk taking in adolescence: New perspectives from brain and behavioral science. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 16(2), 55– 59. https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1467-8721.2007.00475.x Swami, V., Furnham, A., Smyth, N., Weis, L., Lay, A., & Clow, A. (2016). Putting the stress on conspiracy theories: Examining associations between psychological stress, anxiety, and belief in conspiracy theories. Personality and Individual Differences, 99, 72–76. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016. 04.084 Tang, Y.-Y., Hölzel, B. K., & Posner, M. I. (2015). The neuroscience of mindfulness meditation. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 16(4), 1–13. https://doi. org/10.1038/nrn3916 Taylor, E. (2018). Reaching out to the disaffected: Mindfulness and art therapy for building resilience to violent extremism. Learning: Research and Practice, 4(1), 39–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/23735082.2018.1428109 Trzesniewski, K. H., Donnellan, M. B., Moffitt, T. E., Robins, R. W., Poulton, R., & Caspi, A. (2006). Low self-esteem during adolescence predicts poor health, criminal behavior, and limited economic prospects during adulthood.

142

M. SKLAD ET AL.

Developmental Psychology, 42(2), 381–390. https://doi.org/10.1037/00121649.42.2.381 Van de Weijer-Bergsma, E., Formsma, A. R., De Bruin, E. I., & Bögels, S. M. (2012). The effectiveness of mindfulness training on behavioral problems and attentional functioning in adolescents with ADHD. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 21(5), 775–787. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-0119531-7 Van de Weijer-Bergsma, E., Langenberg, G., Brandsma, R., Oort, F. J., & Bögels, S. M. (2014). The effectiveness of a school-based mindfulness training as a program to prevent stress in elementary school children. Mindfulness, 5(3), 238–248. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12671-012-0171-9 Van den Bos, K. (2018). Why people radicalize: How unfairness judgments are used to fuel radical beliefs, extremist behaviors, and terrorism. Oxford University Press. Van der Oord, S., Bögels, S. M., & Peijnenburg, D. (2012). The effectiveness of mindfulness training for children with ADHD and mindful parenting for their parents. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 21(1), 139–147. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s10826-011-9457-0 Vettese, L. C., Dyer, C. E., Li, W. L., & Wekerle, C. (2011). Does selfcompassion mitigate the association between childhood maltreatment and later emotion regulation difficulties? A preliminary investigation. International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction, 9(5), 480–491. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s11469-011-9340-7 Victoroff, J., Quota, S., Adelman, J. R., Celinska, B., Stern, N., Wilcox, R., & Sapolsky, R. M. (2010). Support for religio-political aggression among teenaged boys in Gaza: Part I: Psychological findings. Aggressive Behavior, 36(4), 219–231. https://doi.org/10.1002/ab.20348 Volanen, S. M., Lassander, M., Hankonen, N., Santalahti, P., Hintsanen, M., Simonsen, N., Raevuori, A., Mullola, S., But, A., & Suominen, S. (2020). Healthy learning mind–effectiveness of a mindfulness program on mental health compared to a relaxation program and teaching as usual in schools: A cluster-randomised controlled trial. Journal of Affective Disorders, 260, 660–669. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2019.08.087 Wimmer, L., & Dorjee, D. (2020). Toward determinants and effects of long-term mindfulness training in pre-adolescence: A cross-sectional study using event-related potentials. Journal of Cognitive Education and Psychology. https://doi.org/10.1891/JCEP-D-19-00029 Wisner, B. L., Jones, B., & Gwin, D. (2010). School-based meditation practices for adolescents: A resource for strengthening self-regulation, emotional coping, and self-esteem. Children & Schools, 32(3), 150–159. https://doi. org/10.1093/cs/32.3.150

5

MINDFULNESS AND EMOTIONAL SELF-REGULATION

143

Yarnell, L. M., & Neff, K. D. (2013). Self-Compassion, interpersonal conflict resolutions, and well-being. Self and Identity, 12(2), 146–159. https://doi. org/10.1080/15298868.2011.649545 Zenner, C., Herrnleben-Kurz, S., & Walach, H. (2014). Mindfulness-based interventions in schools: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 5, 1–20. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00603

Index

A adolescence, 15, 16, 33, 36, 37, 39, 63, 77, 79, 98, 108, 120, 122–124, 130, 132 adolescent(s), 2, 12, 15, 17, 36–38, 42, 43, 49, 55, 62, 64, 79–81, 83, 90, 100, 106, 108, 109, 111, 120, 122–124, 127–131, 133 agency, 6, 14, 48, 65, 124 agent, 49, 54 aggression, 38, 47, 101, 124 aggressive, 15, 16, 131 Aggressors, Victims, and Bystanders, 85 alienation, 58 altruism, 129 American, 49, 62, 107, 127 anti-Muslim, 42 antisemitism, 42 assertiveness, 109 Associazione Giovani in Europa, 107 attacks, 3, 8 attention, 131, 132 attribution errors, 83

attributions, 86 autonomy, 45, 46, 98 awareness, 125

B Being Muslim Being British, 89 Being Muslim Being Scottish, 89 belief(s), 58, 120, 133 belonging, 15 bias(es), 8, 14, 15, 40, 57, 61, 78–80, 83, 102 bicultural, 47, 61–63 Bicultural Competence Skills program, 61 bicultural identity(ies), 48, 61–63 biculturalism, 43, 124 Big Brothers/Big Sisters, 62 BOUNCE, 52 British, 6, 44, 58 British Islamist, 8 British “Prevent”, 4, 6, 7 burn-out, 126

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Sklad et al., Social and Civic Competencies Against Radicalization in Schools, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85921-3

145

146

INDEX

C Catch EyoU, 107 categorical thinking, 80 Channel, 6 Christian, 42, 43 Circle, 56, 57 citizens, 59 citizenship, 63, 106, 107, 110 citizenship education, 9, 10, 14, 45, 100, 105–107 civic, 105–108 civic education, 46, 98, 105, 107 coexistence education, 108 cognitive behavioural therapy, 127 cognitive closure, 82 cognitive complexity, 43, 89, 122, 123 cognitive control, 123, 132, 133 cognitive errors, 14, 15 cognitive perspective taking, 77 cognitive resilience, 123 compassion, 127, 129, 131–134 compassionate, 129, 134 competences, 16, 98 complex attitudes, 82 complex/complexity, 38, 64, 82, 89 confirmation bias, 14, 15, 78, 80, 81 conflict resolution, 63, 78–81, 84–87, 89, 90, 105, 109–111 conflict resolution education, 109, 111 conflict(s), 41, 58, 59, 64, 80, 85, 86, 103, 108–111, 132 constructive controversy, 108, 109, 111 contact hypothesis, 40, 58 controversy, 109 conversion, 42 converts, 39, 44, 103 converts to Islam, 44 cooperative learning, 13 coping, 129–133

coping mechanism, 39 countering, 90 counter-radicalization, 104 counter-terrorism, 3 crisis, 36, 37 critical thinking, 10, 16, 19, 83, 105, 107, 110, 111 cross-cultural attitudes, 62 cultural, 18, 42, 43, 45, 48, 58, 61, 64, 65, 79, 87, 88, 110 cultural and religious identity, 44 cultural beliefs, 41 cultural identification, 41, 43 cultural identity, 34, 41, 43, 44, 46, 57, 63 culturally diverse societies, 10 cultural minority, 44 culture(s), vi, 34, 41, 43, 44, 48, 61, 62, 79, 103

D database, 17 decision-making, 15, 110 dehumanization, 14, 125 dehumanize/dehumanizing, 40, 80, 90, 101, 124 delegitimization, 108 democracy, vi, 7, 19, 45, 46, 59, 105, 107 Democracy Ambassadors, 107 democratic, 2, 4, 7, 10, 12, 13, 16, 45, 46, 98, 100, 105, 106, 110 democratic citizenship, 12, 106, 107 democratic schools, 4, 106 deprivation, 48, 100, 101 deradicalization, 10 Diamant, 63, 87, 110 discrimination, 16, 41, 44, 47, 48, 58–60, 64, 87, 88, 100, 102, 107, 120, 124 disengagement, 106

INDEX

Dolls, 50 DRACON, 109 dual identity, 124 Dutch, 87, 124, 128

E education/educational, vi, 2, 4, 7, 9, 11, 13, 14, 18, 19, 21, 33, 34, 36, 44–49, 51–53, 56, 59, 61, 63, 64, 79, 80, 83, 88–90, 100, 105–109, 120, 129, 130 educational interventions, 83 educationalists, 6 educators, 2, 9, 44, 55, 58, 61, 65, 88 effectance motivation, 98 efficacy, 62 egocentric, 84 egocentric biases, 79 egocentrism, 79, 84 emancipation, 103 emotional perspective taking, 77 emotional reactivity, 131 emotional regulation, 123 emotional self-regulation, 123 emotion regulation, 127, 128 emotions/emotional, 75, 77, 78, 81, 85, 98, 122–125, 129, 130, 132, 133 empathy/empathetic, 19, 59, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84, 86, 87, 90, 110, 111, 124, 125, 129, 131, 132 empower, 109, 110 Empowerment Conversations, 111 enculturation, 44–47 ethnic, 44 ethno-nationalist, 3 Europe/European, 2–4, 7, 8, 45, 51, 107, 120 European Union (EU), 3, 51 exclusion, 58

147

executive functioning, 127, 133 external political self-efficacy, 107 extreme, 7, 131 extremism/extremist, vi, vii, 2–4, 7, 8, 16–19, 33, 38, 40–48, 58, 63, 64, 79–81, 83, 87, 90, 100, 101, 103–105, 108, 110, 111, 120, 123 extremist groups, 2 extremist narratives, 100, 101 F Facing History and Ourselves, 59, 60 Fairness Committee, 59, 60 fairness school, 58 faith(s), 42, 47, 58 focused attention, 126 foreign fighters, 3, 4 fundamentalism/fundamentalist, 41, 46, 64 G generalizations, 77 Germany, 43 globalization, v, vi, 11 G.R.E.A.T. (Gangs Resistance Education and Training), 110 grievances, 6, 41, 48, 101–104, 122 group cohesion, 10 group identity(ies), 56, 60 group membership, 56 growth mindset, 53–55 H heuristic decisions, 77 “home grown” terrorists, 3 human rights, 2, 4, 6, 37, 45, 107 I idealism, 100

148

INDEX

identity crisis, 124, 131 identity diffusion, 36, 38, 47 Identity Education, 49 identity(ies), 11, 15–17, 33, 34, 36–39, 43–45, 47–53, 55, 63–65, 89, 102, 108, 124 ideology/ideological, 3, 6–8, 15, 37, 44–48, 63, 79, 81, 82, 101, 104, 122, 130, 131 immigrant(s), 44, 48 implementation intention, 123 impulses, 123 income, v individuation, 44, 45 iNEAR, 54, 55 inequality/inequalities, v, vi, 2, 86 Ingredients of me, 50 ingroup, 8, 13, 37, 39–43, 56–58, 60, 64, 79–81, 86 ingroup favouritism, 79 Inner Kids, 127 integration, 48 integrative complexity, 82 intercultural contact, 64 intercultural education, 48, 57 intercultural understanding, 107 intergroup, 47 intergroup bias, 56 intergroup conflicts, 47, 48, 57, 64, 78, 86 intergroup contact, 12, 13, 15, 87 intergroup relations, 6, 10, 86, 88 internal political self-efficacy, 107 interreligious education, 58 intervention(s), 9, 10, 16–21, 34, 47–49, 54–59, 62–65, 80, 81, 83–90, 100, 104, 106, 108, 111, 125, 127–132, 134 I SEE! Scotland, 89 Islamic extremists, 3 Islam/Islamic, 7, 8, 38, 39, 104

Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), 3, 4, 39 Islamist, 38 Islamist extremism, 6 Islamist groups, vi Israeli, 81

J jihad/jihadist, 3, 81, 104 jihadist terrorist attacks, 3 jihadi terrorism, 3

L Learning to BREATHE, 127 left-wing extremism, 3 left-wing movements, vi left- wing radicalization, 100 low self-esteem, 86

M Make a Difference Challenge, 107 Making Friends with Yourself A Mindful Self-Compassion Program for Teens, 129 meditation, 126, 128, 132 mentor/mentoring, 61, 62 meta-analysis, 17 meta-cognition, 131 metacognitive awareness, 123 migrants, 3, 43 migration, 3, 49 MindfulKids, 127 mindfulness, 16, 17, 19, 119, 120, 125–134 Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy, 127 Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), 126, 127 mindfulness interventions, 127, 130 mindfulness meditation, 129

INDEX

moral disengagement, 14, 124, 131 morality, 100 moral outrage, 37 multiple identities, 63 Muslim minority, 6 Muslim(s), 3, 6, 38, 39, 44, 46, 58, 103 mutual radicalization, 8

N narrative identity, 47, 55, 65 narrative(s), 55, 64 narrative theory of identity, 39 need for achievement, 98 need for self-actualization, 98 negative emotions, 122 Netherlands, 2, 47, 53, 126, 127 non-judgemental acceptance, 125 non-state violence, 2

O One Situation But Many Interpretations, 84 open-mindedness, 15 open monitoring, 126 outgroup, 8, 13, 40–43, 47, 56, 64, 78–81, 86, 90, 101, 124, 129

P participative learning, 106 PATHS, 85 Paws .b, 127 peace, 108 peace education, 108–111 peaceful, vii, 12, 89, 109 peaceful schools, 110 peer mediation, 108, 109, 111 peer mediators, 109, 110 peer mentoring, 60 peer pressure, 37, 110

149

peer(s), 39, 58, 64, 79, 87, 106, 108, 123 personal identity, 34, 38, 43, 44, 63, 64 personality, 2 personal narrative, 55 perspective(s), 77–87, 89, 106, 109, 125 perspective taking, 15–17, 65, 75, 77–81, 83–88, 90, 109, 111, 129 perspective taking interventions, 83, 90 point of view, 75, 79, 85, 88, 105 political, 106 political self-efficacy, 16, 17, 87, 98, 100–109, 111 positive, 39 Positive Behaviour Support (PBS), 85 positive identity(ies), 16, 34, 44, 52–54, 61, 63–65 positive personal identity, 55 positive psychology, 52, 85 Practicing P.E.A.C.E., 128 prejudice, 12, 13, 15, 41, 42, 56, 57, 59, 77, 78, 81, 88, 90, 110 prejudicial, 58 prevention, 3, 4, 7–10, 12, 16–19, 34, 45, 47, 78, 85, 89, 90, 108–111, 119, 125–127, 130–132 primary prevention, 4, 9, 10, 12, 16, 17, 57 Promoting Alternative Thinking Strategies, 85 prosocial attitudes, 110 psychological vulnerabilities, 120 R racism/racist, 58, 59 radical, 13, 15, 36–39, 41, 43, 58, 63, 79–81, 102, 103, 120, 122, 124, 125, 130, 131, 133, 134

150

INDEX

radical groups, 82 radical Islamism, 3 radicalization, 2–4, 6–12, 14–19, 21, 33, 34, 36–39, 41, 43, 45–47, 50, 58, 63, 64, 79, 81, 82, 89, 90, 100–104, 108, 109, 111, 119, 120, 122–125, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133 radicalization prevention, 10 radical narratives, 80, 90, 100 reappraisal, 123 recruit, 81 recruitment, 3, 4, 47 refugees, 3 regulation, 127, 130–133 relative deprivation, vi, 63, 101, 102, 110, 111 religion/religious, 4, 7, 8, 14, 16, 34, 37, 39, 41, 42, 44, 46–48, 50, 56, 58, 81, 88, 90, 103, 120, 124 religiosity style, 42 religious extremism, 81 religious ideology, 81 religious schema, 42 religious styles, 43 resilience/resilient, vi, vii, 4, 8, 9, 14, 16, 17, 19, 47, 50, 52, 61, 63, 79, 83, 87, 89, 90, 119, 125, 127, 130, 132, 133 resolution of conflicts, 83, 105, 108, 109 rhetorical style, 82 right-wing extremism, 3, 81, 104 right-wing extremists, 81, 104 right-wing movements, vi right-wing radicalization, 100 role confusion, 36 role models, 12, 61, 62, 64, 104 role(s), 36, 37, 49–51, 53, 63 RWE, 3 RWE terrorist attacks, 3

S Salto Youth, 51, 52, 107 school interventions, 17 school(s), vii, 4, 6, 9, 11–14, 16–19, 44, 45, 47–49, 52, 58–61, 64, 65, 84, 85, 87, 100, 104–107, 109, 111, 124, 127, 130–133 secondary prevention, 4, 10, 17 segregation, 47 self, 34, 39, 49, 52, 61, 102, 131, 133 self-compassion, 128, 129 self-compassionate, 128, 129 self-confidence, 43 Self-determination theory, 98 self-efficacy, 14, 53, 55, 61, 97, 98, 101, 123 self-empathy, 84 self-esteem, 15, 16, 34, 55, 63–65, 97, 102, 109–111, 124–126, 131, 133 self-exploration, 36 self-expression, 52 self-identity, 53 self-image, 53 self-radicalization, 8 self-regulation, 123 self-serving bias, 102 sense of self, 39, 45 separatist ideology, 3 social categorization, 41, 50, 78 social cohesion, 6 social deprivation, 80 social emotional learning (SEL), 85 social entity, 56 social exclusion, 87 social identity, 34, 38, 40, 43, 44, 56, 63, 64 social identity theory, 40 socialization, 44, 45 solidarity, 58 staircase to terrorism, 101

INDEX

stereotype(s)/stereotypical, 11, 12, 15, 41–43, 48, 57, 60, 61, 63, 64, 77, 78 stigmatization, 6, 7, 48 strain(s), 122 strength approach, 52 stress, 122, 126 stress cognitive reprisal, 123 stress mindset, 123 stressors, 122 ST/TM, 128 Student Justice Committee (SJC), 60 symptoms, 6 system 1, 43, 77, 78 system 2, 43, 77, 78

T Talk as your …, 51 targeted approaches, 8 targeted efforts, 16 targeted prevention, 6, 8 targeted programs, 6 teacher(s), 2, 4, 6, 12, 46–49, 52, 54, 58–61, 64, 80, 83, 85, 87, 88, 105, 106, 129, 134 Teaching students to be peacemakers, 110 terrorism/terrorist, vi, 2, 3, 7, 14, 16, 17, 39, 100–105, 108, 111 terrorist act, 46 terrorist attacks, 2, 3 tertiary prevention, 10, 17 The European Wergeland Centre, 107 theory of mind, 77, 79, 83, 84, 90 The power of being heard, 87 thinking critically, 105 threat state, 122 tolerance/tolerant, 42, 43, 46, 48, 60, 88, 105, 133 toolkit, 17

151

Toolkit Practices of Active Participation, 107 Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 60 two-way immersion, 62 Two-Way Immersion Education, 62 two-way immersion programs, 61, 62 U UCARE, 50, 84, 87, 106, 109, 129 UK, 3, 6, 44, 46, 107, 126, 127 uncertainty-identity theory, 38, 63 understanding conflict, 86 unfairness, 100, 101, 111, 133 United States, 127 universal competences, 4 universal prevention, 9, 10 universal preventive intervention, 17 universal primary approaches, 7 universal primary prevention, 8, 10 “us versus them”, 64, 89, 101 V violence/violent, vi, vii, 2, 3, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14, 17–19, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 48, 50, 64, 80–82, 85–87, 90, 101–104, 108–111, 120, 124, 125, 133 violent extremism, 2, 8, 81, 105, 123 violent extremist, 81 violent extremist jihadi Islam, 81 vulnerabilities, 132, 133 W whole-school approach, 106 Y YCARE, 86 Young Citizens, 107