Ships and Maritime Landscapes: Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012 [1 ed.] 9789492444295, 9789492444141

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Ships And Maritime Landscapes Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012

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Ships And Maritime Landscapes Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012

Edited by Jerzy Gawronski André van Holk & Joost Schokkenbroek ISBSA 13 Hosted by Het Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam Netherlands Cultural Heritage Agency Monuments & Archaeology, City of Amsterdam University of Groningen

With support from Province of Flevoland Royal Dutch Navy

Barkhuis Publishing Eelde 2017

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Cover image: Detail of the city plan of Amsterdam by Gerred de Broen, Amsterdam 1774-1782 (Stadsarchief Amsterdam) Book cover design: Nynke Tiekstra, ColfsfootMedia, Rotterdam Interior design: Hannie Steegstra, Tekstopmaak en beeldbewerking, Drachten

This publication was made possible with financial support from Monuments and Archaeology – City of Amsterdam

and the Netherlands Cultural Heritage Agency

ISBN 9789492444141

Copyright © 2017 the authors and editors All rights reserved. No part of this publication or the information contained herein may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronical, mechanical, by photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the authors. Although all care is taken to ensure the integrity and quality of this publication and the information herein, no responsibility is assumed by the publishers nor the authors for any damage to property or persons as a result of operation or use of this publication and/or the information contained herein.

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ISBSA 13 Committees, Contributors, and Participants�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xi Preface ........................................................................................................................................................................ xvii Keynote addresses .Ships for ships’ sake? Flipping the label. From ships and landscapes to landscapes and ships (1997-2012) Christer Westerdahl�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������3

. ities and oceans. The urban development of 16th- and 17th-century Amsterdam and maritime culture C Jerzy Gawronski....������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������11

. aritime Landscapes A. M . hips, society, maritime space and identity. Or the agency of power, vernacular boats and bacteria 1. S Jonathan Adams�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 . uro-American shipwrecks in the indigenous landscape of the Arctic (Alaska) 2. E Evguenia Anichtchenko....������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������29 . rmenian merchants in the Indian Ocean in the 17th and 18th centuries 3. A Karen Balayan���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 4. Th . e 18th-century Dutch vessel De Jonge Seerp from Gdańsk Bay (Poland) and her skipper Johannes Leenderts Tomasz Bednarz & Menno Leenstra����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������38 . aritime landscapes. The relation between the submerged geological and economical landscape, ships 5. M .and shipwrecks. The case of the western Wadden Sea (the Netherlands) Seger van den Brenk, Menne Kosian & Martijn Manders����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������43 6. A . n approximation to the maritime cultural landscape of Cascais (Portugal) in the early modern period Jorge Vaz Freire �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 . xcavations at Three Quays House by the Tower, in the heart of medieval London’s shipwright’s quarter 7. E .(England). Work in progress Damian M. Goodburn������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 53 . aritime regionalism in the Mediterranean maritime landscape 8. M Matthew Harpster�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������59 . hip iconography on the Penteskouphia pinakes from Archaic Corinth (Greece). Pottery industry and 9. S .maritime trade Eleni Hasaki & Yannis Nakas ....�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66 . e Zuiderzee (the Netherlands). Highway, fishing ground and power landscape 10 Th André F.L. van Holk��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73

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11. P . hysical and digital modelling of the Newport medieval ship original hull form (England) Toby Jones, Nigel Nayling & Pat Tanner���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 12. .Shipbuilding traditions in East Asia: a new perspective on relationships and cross-influences Jun Kimura���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������82 13. .The Zaanstreek district as a maritime industrial landscape (1580-1800). A maritime landscape .in the heart of the Noord-Holland province (the Netherlands) Piet Klei��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������89 14. .Crossing the river. Ferries as part of the maritime landscape of the river Main (Germany) Lars Kröger �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 15. .Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model Kristian Løseth ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 102 16. .The Aanloop Molengat site (Wadden Sea, the Netherlands) and Europe anno 1635. The historical .interpretation of a strategic cargo Thijs Maarleveld������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 17. A . rtefacts from the late medieval Copper wreck (Gdańsk, Poland) Beata Możejko & Waldemar Ossowski����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 120 . hipwreck distribution: a spatial analysis of shipwrecks in the province of Flevoland (the Netherlands) 18. S Yftinus van Popta�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������126 19. .Children in maritime communities of practice Morten Ravn������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 132 20. .Trekvaart Landscape. Canals, towpaths and barges in 17th-century Groningen (the Netherlands) Reinder Reinders������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������134 21. .Big and small business. The Mediterranean trade relations of Antiphellos (Kaş, Turkey) Michaella Reinfeld ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������139 22. .The shipwreck (EP1-Canche) of a fluvial-maritime coaster of the first half of the 15th century from Beutin .(Pas-de-Calais, France). Its nautical environment and functional context Eric Rieth�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������145 23. .‘Smoking Guns’. New research on two early modern maritime battlefields in the Baltic: Mars (1564) and .Svärdet (1676) Johan Rönnby & Niklas Eriksson�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 151 24. S . ea journeys and ships of the Roman emperors Thomas Schmidts������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������156 25. .The maritime landscapes of the Oued Loukkos (Lixus/Larache, Morocco) Athena Trakadas������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������162 26. .The harbour landscape of Aegina (Greece) Ioannis Triantafillidis & Despina Koutsoumba�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������165 27. .The two shipwrecks of La Natière (Saint-Malo, France). An archaeological contribution to the Atlantic m . aritime landscape of the first half of the 18th century É�lisabeth Veyrat������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 B. .Regional Watercraft 28. .Connecting maritime landscapes. Or early modern news from two former ‘Baltic Cogs’ (Mecklenburg .West Pomerania, Germany) Mike Belasus������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������179 29. The ubiquitous hūrī� . Maritime ethnography, archaeology and history in the western Indian Ocean Lucy Blue, Julian Whitewright & John P. Cooper���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������185

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30. .Flat bottomed boats in Spain: the forgotten fleet José Manuel Matés Luque������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������193 31. .The moliceiros of the Ria of Aveiro (Portugal). A case study of nautical ethnography Mathilde Pilon��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������200 32. .Use and tradition of the currach in the 21st century (Ireland) Darina Tully����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 206 C. D . esign 33. .The Libro di navigar. A new treatise on Venetian shipbuilding from the 14th century Mauro Bondioli�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 215 34. .The oar system of the Venetian Quinquereme Joseph Eliav ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 224 35. .Moulds and architectural signs in the skeleton first construction. A methodology to reconstruct the .original hull shape of the Cais do Sodré shipwreck (Lisbon, Portugal) Mariangela Nicolardi & Filipe Castro����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 230 36. .Structural design, stress of materials and repair costs. Some reflections about the repairs of the triereis Emilio Rodrí� guez-Á�lvarez���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 239 . e curious case of the De Witte Oliphant of 1755 37. Th Jeroen van der Vliet ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 245 D. .Construction and Typology 38. .The Nydam ship finds (Denmark) and the crystallization of North European shipbuilding tradition d . uring the Roman Iron Age Ronald Bockius��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 251 39. .New Roman shipwrecks from Isola Sacra (Rome, Italy) Giulia Boetto, Alessandra Ghelli & Paola Germoni����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 260 40. .The Roman Ouest Giraglia 2 shipwreck (Corsica, France). An architectural study and some thoughts on .the ship’s cargo Franca Cibecchini, Sabrina Marlier & Carlos De Juan������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 267 41. .Transport with class. The large Nordic cargo ship from Karschau near Schleswig (Germany) Anton Englert ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������273 . onstruction technique of the Yenikapi 20 shipwreck, found in the Harbour of Theodosius (Istanbul, Turkey) 42. C Taner Güler�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������280 43. .Barceloneta I. An Atlantic 15th-century ship in Barcelona (Catalonia, Spain) and the evolution of naval .technology in the Mediterranean Marcel Pujol i Hamelink, Mikel Soberón Rodriguez, Marta Dominguez Delmás, Yolanda Llergo López, .Santiago Riera Mora & Ramon Julià Brugues������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 283 44. .The sewn boat from Cavanella d’Adige (Veneto, Italy). Excavation and first analysis Francesco Tiboni ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 290 . e medieval Utrecht ship type. Blending boatbuilding traditions in the cultural landscape of Europe’s 45 Th .early medieval Migration Period Aleydis Van de Moortel �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 296 46. .The devil is in the detail. The dilemma with classification and typology Holger Schweitzer ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 304 47. .Continuity and change in Dutch shipbuilding AD 1500-1700. The case of the waterschip Joep P.F. Verweij ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 309 48. .A 15th-century shipwreck with Scandinavian features from Bremen (Germany) Daniel Zwick������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 315

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E. .Material Applications 49. .Camber in sails of the 17th century. A reconstruction of non-preserved features Jörn Bohlmann���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������325 50. .Ship timber as a basis for environmental and cultural interpretations Pearce Paul Creasman ....������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 331 51. .Timber–regionality and temporality in Northern Europe’s shipbuilding resource Aoife Daly��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 334 52 .A Sticky Business. Characterizing non-wooden shipbuilding materials using intensive analytical techniques Laura White & Benjamin Stern �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 339 F. O . utfitting and Propulsion 53. .The Plaza Nueva boat (Seville, Spain). Preliminary notes on hull details Carlos Cabrera Tejedor��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 347 54. .From excavation to museum. The archaeological site at the port of Olbia (Sardinia, Italy) and the .meaning of the wreck finds Edoardo Riccardi, Virgilio Gavini & Rubens D’Oriano (Introduction).������������������������������������������������������������������������� 349 55. .The World Anchors Reconstruction and Experimentation Project (WAREP): an introduction Gregory Votruba & Osman Erkurt ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 356 G. .Reconstruction . mergency recording (October 2004-April 2005) of the ‘barque’ Neptune (Geneva, Switzerland) 56. E Paul Bloesch������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 363 57. .3D Survey of the Archaic ship model H90 from Samos (Greece) Kostas A. Damianidis & Artemis Valanis������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 365 58. .The Roskilde 6 ship (Denmark). Reconstructing the longest warship find of the Viking Age Morten Gøthche & Kristiane Strætkvern��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������373 59. .Reconstructing the 15th-century Aber Wrac’h 1 ship (Brest, France) Alexandra Grille������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 378 60. .The Arles-Rhône 3 project (Arles, France). From the excavation and raising of a Gallo-Roman barge .to its documentation and 3D-modelling (2011-2012) Sabrina Marlier, Pierre Poveda & Nicolas Ranchin���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 383 H. .Current Research 61. .Marine life associated with the Ruea Mail wreck near Mannok Island (Thailand) Amjad Ali, Erbprem Vatcharangkul, Shabir Ali Aamar, Ateeque Rahman Khuharo & Pirzada J.A. Siddiqui������������������� 393 62. .The Skjernøysund 3 wreck (Norway). An example of long distance timber trade in the late 14th century Jens Auer����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 396 63. .The hull of the 16th-century Venetian shipwreck off the Island of Mljet (Croatia) Carlo Beltrame, Igor Mihajlovic & Igor Miholjek ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 403 64. .The Archaic Greek sewn boat from Gela (Sicily, Italy). Some notes on the hull construction Alessandra Benini ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������409 65. .The Oakfield (1883-1897). The shipwreck of an Atlantic steamship (Ponta Delgada, Azores, Portugal) Sónia Bombico �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 414 66. .The Zeepaard and the Blind Harbour wreck. Investigations of two 17th-century wrecks in Broadhaven Bay (. County Mayo, Ireland) Karl Brady�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 416

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67. .Mapping two shipwrecks in the Fehmarn Belt (Baltic Sea). Results of geophysical surveys prior to .underwater research Seger van den Brenk, Jörgen Dencker & Martin Segschneider������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 423 68. .The Stella 1 shipwreck. A Roman barge in the upper-Adriatic region (Udine, Italy) Filipe Castro & Massimo Capulli ....�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 425 69. .The Akko 1 shipwreck (Israel). New evidence on the ship and its wrecking Deborah Cvikel���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������431 70. .The Zakynthos shipwreck (Greece) revisited. Preliminary report of the survey in 2012 Katerina P. Dellaporta��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 433 71. .‘The Ghost Ship’ (Gotska Sandön Island, Sweden). Deep-water archaeology in the Baltic Sea Niklas Eriksson & Johan Rönnby������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 439 72. .The Angra D wreck (Azores, Portugal). Study and reconstruction of an Iberian ship Tiago Miguel Fraga & José António Bettencourt��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 445 73. .The Rutland Island wreck (County Donegal, Ireland). A 17th-century mystery Connie Kelleher������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 450 . racing ‘The Ghost Ship’ (Sweden). Can the hoekman reveal her construction date and origin? 74. T Laura Koehler, Martha Domí� nguez-Delmás, Luc Megens, Bianca du Mortier, Matthijs de Keijzer, Henk van Keulen, .Martijn Manders & Benno van Tilburg��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 457 75. .Boat F of Pisa (Italy). A small Roman riverboat Vasiliki Kyprouli������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������460 76. .A coincidence? Two medieval boats (Vleuten 1 and 2) found during the construction of a housing .development at Leidsche Rijn (the Netherlands) Martijn Manders�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������466 77. .The Dor 2006 shipwreck (Haifa, Israel). Construction details and tradition Rika Navri & Yaacov Kahanov���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 472 78. .The Phanagoria shipwreck (Taman Bay, Russia). First attempt at its identification Sergey Olkhovskiy���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 477 79. .The Oostvoornse Meer (Rotterdam, the Netherlands). From an important economic shipping lane to a .recreational lake Johan Opdebeeck ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 481 80. .The Protis project (Marseilles, France). The construction of a sailing replica of an Archaic Greek boat Patrice Pomey .��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������484 81. Th . e Mandeh shipwreck and some other maritime sites from the Dutch colonial period on West Sumatra’s w . est coast (Indonesia) Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������490 82. Th . e Roman wreck from Terracina (Latina, Italy). A cargo of Roman tiles Laura Sanna�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������496 83. .The wreck of Martana Island (Lake Bolsena, Italy) Antonia Sciancalepore & Egidio Severi ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 501 84. .An 18th-century Dutch cargo ship in the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland (Baltic Sea) Petr Sorokin & Ayvar Stepanov....�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������508 85. .Numerous shipwrecks found in the Danish sector of the Nord Stream offshore gas pipeline (Baltic Sea) Mikkel Haugstrup Thomsen �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 513 86. .A cog-like cargo vessel in the IJssel river near Kampen (the Netherlands) Wouter Waldus ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������519

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ISBSA 13 Committees, Contributors, and Participants

Organising Committee Benno van Tilburg (general secretary) Netherlands Heritage Agency Thijs Terhorst (assistant secretary) Jerzy Gawronski Office for Monuments & Archeaology, City of Amsterdam

André van Holk University of Groningen Martijn Manders Netherlands Heritage Agency Joost Schokkenbroek Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam

Assisting Scientific Committee Ronald Bockius (ISBSA 11) Anton Englert (ISBSA 10) Nergis Günsenin (ISBSA 12)

Fred Hocker (ISBSA 11) Ufuk Kocabaş (ISBSA 12)

Contributors Aamar, Shabir Ali Center of Excellence in Marine Biology, University of Karachi, Pakistan [email protected] Adams, Jon Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Southampton, UK [email protected] Ali, Amjad Center of Excellence in Marine Biology, University of Karachi, Karachi 75270, Pakistan Anichtchenko, Evgenia Anchorage Museum, Anchorage, Alaska, USA [email protected] Auer, Jens University of Southern Denmark, Esbjerg, Denmark [email protected]

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Balayan, Karen “AYAS” Nautical Research Club, Yerevan, Armenia [email protected] Bednarz, Tomasz Polish Maritime Museum, Gdańsk, Poland [email protected] Belasus, Mike Deutsches Schiffahrtsmuseum, Bremerhaven, Germany [email protected] Beltrame, Carlo Università Ca’Foscari, Venezia, Italy [email protected] Benini, Alessandra Università della Calabria, Associazione Italiana Archeologi Subacquei, Italy [email protected]

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Bettencourt, José Centro de Historia de Além-Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa (UNL) / Universidade dos Açores (UAç), Lisbon, Portugal [email protected] Bloesch, Paul Basel, Switzerland [email protected] Blue, Lucy Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Southampton, UK [email protected] Bockius, Ronald Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz, Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie, Forschungsbereich Antike Schiffahrt, Mainz, Germany [email protected] Boetto, Giulia Centre Camille Jullian (CNRS), Aix-en-Provence, France [email protected] Bohlmann, Jörn Trondheim University College / Norwegian University for Science and Technology, Norway [email protected] Bombico, Sónia UCIDEHUS (Centro Interdisciplinar de História, Culturas e Sociedades), Universidade de Évora, FCT, Portugal [email protected] Bondioli, Mauro Research Associate Centre for Interdisciplinary Marine and Maritime Research (CIMMAR), University of Zadar, Croatia [email protected] Brady, Karl Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, National Monuments Service, Dublin, Ireland [email protected] Brenk, Seger van den Periplus Archeomare, Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] Cabrera Tejedor, Carlos Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology (OCMA), University of Oxford, UK [email protected] Capulli, Massimo Universita degli Studi di Udine, Italy [email protected] Castro, Filipe Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Texas A&M University, College Station (TX), USA [email protected] Cibecchini, Franca Drassm/Ministère de la Culture, France [email protected] Cooper, John P. MARES Project, University of Exeter, UK [email protected]

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Creasman, Pearce Paul Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, University of Arizona (USA) [email protected] Cvikel, Deborah Department of Maritime Civilizations / Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies, University of Haifa, Israel [email protected] Daly, Aoife School of Archaeology, University College Dublin, Ireland [email protected] Damianidis, Kostas A. [email protected] De Juan, Carlos University of Valencia, Spain [email protected] Dellaporta, Katerina P. Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities, Ministry for Culture, Athens, Greece [email protected] Dencker, Jörgen The Vikingship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark [email protected] Domínguez Delmás, Marta Universidade de Santiago de Compostella, Departemento de Botánica, Spain [email protected] D’Oriano, Rubens Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici di Sassari e Nuoro, Sardinia, Italy [email protected] Eliav, Joseph Bar Ilan University, Tel Aviv, Israel [email protected] Englert, Anton The Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark [email protected] Eriksson, Niklas Maritime Archaeological Research Institute (MARIS), Södertörn University, Sweden [email protected] Erkurt, Osman 360° Research Group, Urla/Izmir, Turkey Fraga, Tiago Miguel Centro de Historia de Além-Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa (UNL) / Universidade dos Açores (UAç), Lisbon, Portugal [email protected] / [email protected] Freire, Jorge Vaz Centro de Historia de Além-Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa (UNL) / Universidade dos Açores (UAç), Lisbon, Portugal [email protected] Gavini, Virgilio Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici di Sassari e Nuoro, Sardinia, Italy [email protected]

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ISBSA 13 Committees, Contributors, and Participants Gawronski, Jerzy Office for Monuments & Archaeology, City of Amsterdam/ ACASA Archaeology, University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] / [email protected] Germoni, Paola Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, Special Superintendence of Archaeology of Rome (SSBAR)-Ostia, Italy [email protected] Ghelli, Alessandra Indipendent researcher. Via dei Castap, 121 00040 Rocca di Papa (Roma), Italy [email protected] Goodburn, Damian M. Museum of London, Archaeology, England [email protected] Gøthche, Morten Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark [email protected] Grille, Alexandra Paris I University and LAMOP (CNRS), France [email protected] Güler, Taner Istanbul University, Department of Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects, Kadikoy-Istanbul, Turkey [email protected] ; [email protected] Harpster, Matthew Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Texas A&M University, College Station (TX), USA [email protected] Hasaki, Eleni School of Anthropology/Classics, University of Arizona, Tucson (AZ), USA [email protected] Holk, André F.L. van Groningen Institute of Archaeology, University of Groningen, the Netherlands [email protected] Jones, Toby Newport Medieval Ship project, Newport, UK [email protected] Julià Brugues, Ramon Institut de Ciències de la Terra – CSIC, Barcelona, Spain [email protected] Kahanov, Yaacov Department of Maritime Civilizations / Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies, University of Haifa, Israel [email protected] Kelleher, Connie Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU), Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, National Monuments Service, Dublin, Ireland [email protected]

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Keulen, H. van Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Sector Movable Cultural Heritage, Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] Keijzer, Matthijs de Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Sector Movable Cultural Heritage, Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] Khuharo, Ateeque Rahman Center of Excellence in Marine Biology, University of Karachi, Karachi 75270, Pakistan [email protected] Kimura, Jun Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia [email protected] Kleij, Piet Municipal Archaeology Department of Zaanstad, Zaanstad, the Netherlands [email protected] Koehler, Laura Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Underwater Archaeology Division, Lelystad, the Netherlands [email protected] Kosian, Menne Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Amersfoort, the Netherlands [email protected] Koutsoumba, Despina Ephorate of underwater Antiquities, Ministry of Culture, Athens, Greece [email protected] Kröger, Lars Medieval and post-medieval archaeology, Otto-FriedrichUniversity of Bamberg, Germany [email protected] Kyprouli, Vasiliki Centre Camille Jullian (CNRS), Aix-en-Provence, France [email protected] Leenstra, Menno Centre for International Heritage Activities, Groningen, the Netherlands [email protected] Llergo López, Yolanda Universitat de Barcelona, Spain [email protected] Løseth, Kristian Norwegian Maritime Museum, Oslo, Norway [email protected] Maarleveld, Thijs J. Maritime Archaeology Programme, University of Southern Denmark, Esbjerg, Denmark [email protected]

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ISBSA 13 Committees, Contributors, and Participants

Manders, Martijn R. Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Amersfoort, the Netherlands [email protected] Marlier, Sabrina Musée départemental Arles antique / Conseil général des Bouches-du-Rhône, France [email protected] Matés Luque, José Manuel Particular de Asturias 8, 9 B, 48970 Basauri, Bizkaia, Spain [email protected] Megens, L. Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Sector Movable Cultural Heritage, Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] Mihajlovic, Igor Croatian Conservation Institute [email protected] Miholjek, Igor Croatian Conservation Institute, Zagreb, Croatia [email protected] Mortier, B. du Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] Możejko, Beata Department of Medieval History of Poland & Allied Studies, University of Gdańsk, Gdańsk, Poland [email protected] Navri, Rika Department of Maritime Civilizations, University of Haifa, Israel [email protected] Nayling, Nigel School of Archaeology, History and Anthropology, University of Wales, Ceredigion, UK [email protected] Nicolardi, Mariangela University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France [email protected] Olkhovskiy, Sergey Institute of Archaeology Russian Academy of Sciences, Russia [email protected] Opdebeeck, Johan Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Amersfoort, the Netherlands [email protected] Ossowski, Waldemar Polish National Maritime Museum, Gdańsk, Poland [email protected] Pilon, Mathilde TPTI (Techniques, Patrimoine, Territoires de l’Industrie) of the University Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (France), the University of Padova, (Italy) and the University of Evora (Portugal) [email protected]

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Pomey, Patrice Centre Camille Jullian (Aix-Marseille University – CNRS) / Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, Aix-en-Provence, France [email protected] Popta, Yftinus T. van Groningen Institute of Archaeology, University of Groningen, the Netherlands [email protected] Poveda, Pierre Centre Camille Jullian (CNRS), Aix-en-Provence, France [email protected] Pujol i Hamelink, Marcel Escola Superior de Conservació i Restauració de Béns Culturals de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain [email protected] Ranchin, Nicolas Musée départemental Arles antique / Conseil général des Bouches-du-Rhône, France [email protected] Ravn, Morten Saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen / The Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark [email protected] Reinders, Reinder Groningen Institute of Archaeology, University of Groningen, the Netherlands [email protected] Reinfeld, Michaela German Archaeological Institute (DAI), Central Office, Berlin, Germany [email protected] Riccardi, Edoardo Associazione Italiana Archeologi Subacquei, Italy Ridwan, Nia Naelul Hasanah Research Institute for Marine and Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries, Padang, Republic of Indonesia [email protected] Riera Mora, Santiago Universitat de Barcelona, Spain [email protected] Rieth, Eric CNRS (LAMOP), Musée national de la Marine, Paris, France [email protected] Rodríguez-Álvarez, Emilio University of Arizona, USA [email protected] Rönnby, Johan Maritime Archaeological Research Institute (MARIS), Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden [email protected] Sanna, Laura Associazione Italiana Archeologi Subacquei, Italy [email protected]

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ISBSA 13 Committees, Contributors, and Participants Schmidts, Thomas Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz, Germany [email protected] Schweitzer, Holger Maritime Archaeology, University of Southern Denmark (SDU), Esbjerg, Denmark [email protected] Sciancalepore, Antonia Research Centre Lake Bolsena Scuba School, Italy [email protected] Segschneider, Martin Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein, 24837 Schleswig, Germany [email protected] Severi, Egidio Research Centre Lake Bolsena Scuba School, Italy [email protected] Siddiqui, Pirzada J.A. Center of Excellence in Marine Biology, University of Karachi, Pakistan [email protected] Soberón Rodriguez, Mikel CODEX Arqueologia e Patrimoni, Barcelona, Spain [email protected] Sorokin, Petr Institute of the History Material Culture, Russian Academy of Science (RAS), St. Petersburg, Russia [email protected] Stepanov, Ayvar Institute of Archaeology, Russian Academy of Science (RAS), Russia [email protected] Stern, Benjamin University of Bradford, UK [email protected] Strætkvern, Kristiane National Museum of Denmark, Conservation Department, Brede, Denmark [email protected] Tanner, Pat Traditional Boats of Ireland Project, Carrigaline, Co. Cork, Ireland [email protected] Thomsen, Mikkel Haugstrup Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark [email protected] Tiboni, Francesco Aix-Marseille Université, UMR7299, CCJ, Aix en Provence, France [email protected] Tilburg, Benno van Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, Underwater Archaeology Division, Lelystad, the Netherlands [email protected]

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Trakadas, Athena Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Southampton, UK / Morocco Maritime Research Group [email protected] Triantafillidis, Ioannis Zea Harbour Project (Danish Institute at Athens), Piraeus, Greece [email protected] Tully, Darina Maritime Archaeology Studies at Saor-Ollscoil Na hÉireann, Ireland [email protected] Valanis, Artemis [email protected] Van de Moortel, Aleydis Department of Classics, University of Tennessee, Knoxville (TN), USA [email protected] Vatcharangkul, Erbprem Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department of Thailand, Kai Nern Wong, Tha Chalaeb, Thailand [email protected] Verweij, Joep P. F. ADC ArcheoProjecten, Amersfoort, the Netherlands [email protected] Veyrat, Élisabeth ADRAMAR Association, St. Malo, France [email protected] Vliet, Jeroen van der Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Amsterdam, the Netherlands [email protected] Votruba, Gregory F. University of Oxford, Wolfson College, UK [email protected] Waldus, Wouter B. ADC ArcheoProjecten, Amersfoort, the Netherlands [email protected] Westerdahl, Christer Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Faculty of Arts, Department of Historical Studies, Norway [email protected] White, Laura Nautical Archaeology Program, Texas A&M University, College Station (TX), USA [email protected] Whitewright, Julian Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Southampton, UK [email protected] Zwick, Daniel Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein, 24837 Schleswig, Germany [email protected]

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ISBSA 13 Committees, Contributors, and Participants

Contributors and participants of the ISBSA 13 at the replica of the Batavia in Lelystad, October 10th 2012.

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Preface

The Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology (ISBSA 13) was held in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, from October 7th-12th 2012, at the Royal Navy Complex Amsterdam adjacent to the National Maritime Museum. The meeting was jointly organised by the Office for Monuments & Archaeology of the city of Amsterdam, Het Scheepvaartmuseum (The National Maritime Museum) in Amsterdam, the Netherland Cultural Heritage Agency and The University of Gr­o­ ningen. Over 200 scholars of archaeology, history, ethnography and anthropology gathered to discuss current global research issues related to the use and development of boats and ships. The thirteenth edition of ISBSA had as general theme ‘Ships and Maritime Landscapes’ and focused on questions about the relationship between the physical landscape, the shipbuilding industry in a particular area and ship design. From their very start in 1976 the triennial ISBSA conferences had as their main purpose “to bring together all those involved in the study of the form, structure, function and operational performance of ancient boats.” Although choosing a theme outside the direct scope of shipbuilding, the organisers of ISBSA 13 were well aware of the fact that ships and the technology of building ships are specialisms that deserve their own platform. Therefore, methodology of shipwreck research, experimental archaeology and ethnography of ships were kept as core elements of the conference programme. Simultaneously, current developments in maritime archaeology were integrated in the programme with the aim to discuss and understand ship technology and technological change in a wider context. After three decades of methodological progression, maritime archaeology developed from the 1990s a broader perspective exploring the intricate information value of ships more fully. New approaches were formulated to understand and apply maritime data. Among other things the notion of the maritime cultural landscape was introduced, which was derived from landscape archaeology and allowed a more coherent and

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integral approach, in which the boundaries between underwater and land-based sites were less distinct. Within this wider spatial context shipwrecks are not to be considered as isolated material entities but as exponents of complex patterns of production and communication within and between communities and societies, on a local, regional or global level simultaneously. The process of designing, building and using ships was a complex social activity and therefore ships are closely connected to the economic, social, political and cultural mechanisms of a given society. Ships exemplify in a concrete material way the spatial relations and interaction in trade, technology, power and culture. In discussing the current state of maritime archaeology, one of the focus points is the meaning of ships for our understanding of the functioning of societies. It is exactly this wider context which makes ships so relevant as new sources for the study of human behaviour and social changes. In order to achieve a balance in the conference programming between these two diverse approaches – the technological and the social domains – and to facilitate as much as presentations as possible in the five-day programme it was decided to programme parallel sessions. Beside sessions on topics related to the maritime landscape, there was a simultaneous series of papers in which a broad array of other themes was addressed, like regional watercraft, ship construction and typology, material applications and design, outfitting and propulsion, reconstruction and quite a substantial section on current research. The programme included next to 90 papers also 26 poster presentations on a variety of subjects and two venues outside the conference complex at the navy yard. On Tuesday evening October 9th the French Institute (Institut Français, Maison Descartes) organized for the ISBSA participants a showing of the film Les voitures d’eau on the building and navigation of wooden two-mast ships in Canada in collaboration with archaeologist and CNRS research coordinator Eric Rieth. On Wednesday afternoon October 10th a symposium

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13th ISBSA, Amsterdam 2012

excursion was organised to Lelystad in the province of Flevoland. After a short session at the Province House the programme included a visit to the workshops and depot of the Department of Ship Archaeology of the Netherlands Cultural Heritage Agency, the replica of the Batavia and the exhibition Schipbreuk at New Land Heritage Centre. Acknowledgements The organising committee would like to express its gratitude to the many institutions and individuals who made the ISBSA 13 conference possible and a success. Without the generous grants from The National Cultural Heritage Agency and the Office for Monuments & Archaeology of the city of Amsterdam this symposium and the publication of these proceedings would have been impossible. Apart from financial support, the conference received also major support in kind. The symposium was hospitably hosted by Het Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam and the Royal Dutch Navy. In person we would like to thank Esther Agricola (director of the Office for Monuments & Archaeology of the city of Amsterdam) and Willem Bijleveld (former director of Het Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam). Also a word of thanks to Periplus Archeomare for supplying the means

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for welcome drinks and the city of Amsterdam for organising the welcome dinner. The excursion on Wednesday was hosted by the Province of Flevoland, the Batavia Shipyard and the New Land Heritage Centre in Lelystad. Representatives of these institutions warmly welcomed the participants of the symposium, among which we would like to mention Benno van Tilburg (Netherlands Cultural Heritage Agency), Jaap Lodders (Provincial delegate of Flevoland), Willem de Jager (deputy Mayor of the Municipality of Lelystad) and Arjan Agema (director New Land Heritage Centre). On various matters, especially on the selection of papers, the organizing committee was advised by the Assisting Scientific Committee, consisting of organizers of previous ISBSA meetings (Ronald Bockius, Anton Englert, Nergis Günsenin, Fred Hocker and Ufuk Kocabaș�). Special thanks also go out to Thijs Terhorst, who as assistant secretary, did a magnificent job managing the complicated program with parallel sessions. Also the day to day assistance by student volunteers from HSVL, the association of history students at the University of Leiden was much appreciated. Last but not least Joost Schokkenbroek and André van Holk would like to express their thanks to their co-editor Jerzy Gawronski. Without his effort and perseverance these proceedings would never have been published. Organising Committee

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Keynote addresses

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Ships for ships’ sake? Flipping the label. From ships and landscapes to landscapes and ships (1997-2012) Christer Westerdahl

Introduction I would like to start with an impressionist statement on the ‘liminality’ of Dutch landscapes, maritime and terrestrial at the same time. There is nothing like them, situated as they are, through millennia, between land and the sea, at the brink, on the threshold to either element. The human element, the Dutch people, has utterly changed both the limits of regional ‘liminality’ as well as the global world beyond, of which we are constantly reminded by the intricate systems of canals, where you could go by boat despite the lack of natural waterways (varen waar geen water is), land reclamation in the polders, at least 400 wrecks as tumuli on land, the Afsluitdijk, and out there by the fluitschepen and galjoten of the Baltic, the jacht Duyfken, on which was sighted Australia for the first time in 1606, the Vasa (1628) and the Batavia (1629), the Dutch East Indiamen like the Amsterdam (1749), and various not quite as convenient aspects as that of colonialism in its various guises. The same could be said with some poetic license on the very spot where we are, the liminal and cosmopolitan city of Amsterdam itself. Are we not changing a little? “It follows that if we are to construct an archaeology which is both relevant and able to produce interpretations that will be accepted outside the confines of our own discipline, we must cast off the traditional emphasis on data collection for its own sake.” (“If we are to contribute to the broader realm of cultural studies, rather than being mere parasites of our fellow disciplines, we must become social scientists.”) (Austin & Thomas, 1990: 46). The disciplines within which we operate are slowly changing. The adoption for the first time in the history of the ISBSA of a theme incorporating landscapes may of course appear as a minor detail in a varied assortment

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Fig. 1. Looking for wrecks means talking to people, inevitable bringing you direct knowledge of the living landscape. Landøy, VestAgder, South Norway (Photo: the author, 2003).

of themes. I think it is not, even though following conferences may not include landscapes explicitly in their themes. I think that the analytical connection between ships and their (human and other) landscapes is

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Fig. 2a. There it is! Strakes of an 18th-century clinkered wreck visible, jutting out of the waterfront. Pitsundet, Norrbotten, Sweden (Photo: the author, 1977).

Fig. 2b. Mooring ring of Vest-Agder South Norway. Ancient ports, winter harbours and the passages to them were studded with such mooring rings (Photo: the author, 2004).

indissoluble. And there are indeed many ‘landscapes’ to consider. ‘Landscapes’ would here appear as an ‘approach’ to a study, not as a definite set of precepts. Here I would like to comment on another kind of flipping the label, even to landscapes first and ships second. In this comment I will use landscapes as a metaphor for everything else than ship details and ship technology that could be of relevance in understanding the ships and their contexts. Otherwise I have myself always abided by the tenets of ship archaeology, in reality then mostly ship technology, of the ISBSAs since 1982 (I have myself followed intensely the development since then retold in CrumlinPedersen, 2010; cf. also Westerdahl, 1994b). I have venerated the same saints as many of you have (probably). But now I am also encouraged by the way I have come to this meeting, having recently had another key-note on the maritime cultural landscape (and a very concrete demonstration at that, almost without any very obvious ship in sight) in Fremantle, Australia (Australian Society for Historical Archaeology (ASHA) and Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology (AIMA) joint meeting 2012).

I feel that it is time to get even a little provocative. The support that I get from my Australian friends is precisely on that hobby-horse of mine, the maritime cultural landscape. And they have gone a long way to develop this concept of mine (several possible references, but especially Duncan, 2006). We have to move, my friends, there is almost no alternative. Except of course further to split up into a minor sect of ship archaeology and perhaps into a slightly larger sect of maritime archaeology. This would be ridiculous since what is needed is unity and coherence in a larger world of archaeology to which we belong, believe it or not. We have to make ourselves and our goals understandable to a larger audience. We have also to make our results relevant in a larger perspective. We have to face this challenge now. Let me thus point out once more that I want to use the dual concepts ships and landscapes in a thought experiment on ‘modern archaeology’ as a whole. I am convinced that we can make a substantial contribution to that field, in several disparate (not desperate, however!) ways. But quod erat demonstrandum, it remains to demonstrate how. It is not quite easy, though.

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5

Fig. 2c. Documentation map of the maritime cultural landscape from the survey of the author. Part of Hälsingland, Sweden (Production: the author).

It has been argued well that one way to visualize this was to expose the mutual relationships of human beings, water and things (Myrberg Burström, 2012, unfortunately only in Swedish). Archaeology is about

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materiality. And I am sorry to state that in this equation ‘any vessel is only a thing’. But this is not all; in another sense things can also be treated and thought of as human beings (Kopytoff, 1988). A rather isolated contribution of

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modern archaeology was made by Robert van de Noort at the ISBSA 11 in Mainz 2006 where the author discussed the sacrificial environment of boat finds of the Bronze Age, even (later) suggesting ‘killing boats’ an appropriate metaphor. His further ideas were developed and suitably published elsewhere (Van de Noort, 2009). How & why? What I want us to do is to try to put more emphasis on the landscapes and contexts of ships, even exclusively to study maritime (and other watery) landscapes, among other ambitions also in order to understand why and how ships are there. The intention is precisely (or at least partly) to redress a balance, sorely needed, between general archaeology and its maritime little (step?) sister. • Some drives for flipping the label once more would then be e.g.: • The demand for a ‘contextual’ archaeology. • The demand for a broad ‘cultural approach’, including the cognitive elements in human life. • The demand for a close relationship to ‘theoretical’ and other perspectives of historical archaeology (Andrén, 1998; Austin, 1990; Austin & Thomas, 1990: 43-53; Champion, 1990). • The demand for a realisation of the humanist ambition of ‘polyvocal’ and ‘polysemic’ interpretations in archaeology. • Altogether, the demand for ‘closer’ links to general archaeology, in a certain sense accepting its theoretical advances and new trends in it and trying to apply them. Some obstacles could be: • The overwhelming preponderance of technology in shipbuilding. • The particularist tendency in studying each wreck as ‘a capsule’ in itself (not necessarily a ‘time capsule’). • The conservative residues of ‘The Old Empiricist & Functionalist Archaeology’. • The mumble-jumble of mariners and divers. • Boats are for boys! (Ransley, 2005). Some of these obstacles were already pointed out by Séan McGrail in 1984. It seems, however, that the potential critique of maritime archaeology was internalised, and little was made to avoid the pitfalls. Perhaps it was so because the reasons for what McGrail calls the ‘antipathy’ of mainstream archaeologist also was turned inward, in some way or other more or less to self-pity: • Many archaeologists avoid technological subjects (do they really?). • The general alienation of seaman and landsman (certainly relevant to a certain extent but most of us, divers and others, do not have a background in any seamanlike fashion). • The identification of maritime archaeology solely

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with underwater work (well, well, now this is really something! A self-inflicted disease?). • Another problem in relation to ‘general’ archaeology as McGrail sees it in 1984, is that almost all objects dealt with in his branch are postmediaeval. Well, this is respectable indeed, it is simply historical archaeology, with an important swath of advances within general archaeology today. A suitable way of avoiding any kind of dilemma would thus be incorporating the theoretical and other elements of historical archaeology in its maritime variety (cf. e.g. Westerdahl, 2013). McGrail also points out some of the terminological mumble-jumble and argues commendably for more neutral, descriptive terms understandable to anyone. However, the only problem identified by him appears to be to translate ship technology to outsiders, not to translate modern archaeology the other way around, towards ship archaeology (McGrail, 1984: 14ff). Maybe you think I am going too far back, putting an undeserved stain on one of the pioneering prophets of the ‘discipline’? But in fact I have heard the same arguments recently, even at the ISBSA 13. Ships are important, they are still a mainstay of the whole ‘discipline’, be it a ‘subdiscipline.’ But vestigia terrent (cf. just an ironic and poetic comment on where without reflection ship technology could lead, by the anthropologist Lundberg, 2003). At present a possible way would be to indicate a straightforward way out of isolation and into the bosom of archaeology (but I doubt that if there is a movement from, isn´t it rather to, and quite inclusive?): “It is best to imagine our maritime landscapes as encompassing the entire coastline, from the land, across the intertidal zone and onto the seabed. Indeed it is generally seen as the way forward for maritime archaeology- moving from the study of nautical archaeology (e.g. ships and boats) to landscapes and seascape.”(Breen & O´Sullivan, 2007: 240). Maritime cultural landscape Is anything at the shore relevant? At first: an anti-­ determinist position was formulated by Collingwood (1994(1946): 200): “The fact that certain people live, for example, on an island has no effect on their history; what has an effect is how they conceive that insular position; whether for example they regard the sea as a barrier or as a highway to traffic.” What would then be a maritime cultural landscape? There are several simplified translations (Westerdahl, 1986; 1992; 2011). Here is one: • The Landscape of Maritime Culture, including Material as well as Immaterial Remains.

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Fig. 3. Coastal churches and their locations could inform on ancient harbours, but also enigmas around beliefs. Stone labyrinth on the churchyard at Fröjel, Gotland, Sweden (Photo: the author, 1984).

• The Networks of Sea Routes & Harbours. • Man’s Relationship with this Landscape, using it as a Reference Point, a Sounding-Board & a Metaphor. • And so incorporated in the mind: ‘Man in Landscape, Landscape in Man’! • Is it not possible to create a related apposition of ships? ‘Ships in Landscapes, Landscapes in Ships’. Thus: is it not possible to ask whether embedded in our dispersed wreck sites lie embedded traces of their landscapes? Even a dowel or a stay would have a whole landscape behind it. A much more extensive (and better) discussion than mine on this point is found in a doctoral thesis in an Australian setting by Brad Duncan (2006). The maritime landscapes approach may sometimes appear rather restricted, to distinctly local or regional conditions. Among possible bird’s eye views to be applied is that of the ‘traditional transport zones’. I sketched some of these with a start in Northern Europe in 1994 (Westerdahl, 1994a; 1995), combining them with my reading of Fernand Braudel and experiences of the Mediterranean, from Classical Antiquity as well as with

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diachronic perspectives. At this symposium a demonstration of the possibilities was made by Eric Rieth for the transport zone designed by me as No. 8. The area was that of the fluvial-maritime environments of the rivers of Canche, Authie and Somme in northwest France. This idea may explain to some extent the variation in boatbuilding, as one of the factors of human adaptation to nature, the second certainly being a ‘cultural’ variable (Rieth, 2013; this volume). The borders of some of these zones seem to conform to borderlines of culture. Another description of them may include transit points between sea and land, portages, for transport of boats and/or their cargoes overland, where in the past central places may have emerged (cf. Westerdahl, 2006). On both sides of such a transit point you would expect to find harbours. And maybe in a primeval boat-centred world the portages were the first on land to acquire actual permanent ‘road’ patterns? A still largely functionalist, if you like opportunist, perspective characterized my own contribution during the ISBSA in Gdansk in 1997. But at least I tried to inculcate a few aspects which were then starting to mature, including transport zones and various other landscape approaches. On the other hand, the contemporary Encyclopedia (Delgado, 1997) does not even mention the concept of maritime culture or maritime cultural landscapes, let alone transport zones. A few years later (1999) the Archaeological Dictionary of Shaw & Jameson (eds) ends its entry on Maritime Archaeology like this: “the most important recent development has been the notion of the ‘maritime cultural landscape’ (Westerdahl, 1992), stressing the cellular nature and inter­relationships of maritime regions, and encompassing the totality of evidence of evidence for seafaring, coastal settlements and inland influences; this has given a new focus for general accounts of ships and shipping (e.g. Hutchinson, 1994), and a wider context for the study of regional traditions in ship and boat technology (e.g. Westerdahl, 1994b)….” But there were few international fora to use for launching such ideas at that time. The situation has changed quite dramatically since then. What is landscape, and what could it be? Above all a living landscape is embedded knowledge (the concept is used in Maurstad, 2010). I believe it would be relevant to call it ‘a holistic study field in the past as well as in the present’: “It is now well understood that diverse cultural groups create and maintain quite different cultural landscapes, even in the same environments… particular engagements with place rely on a whole spectrum of cultural beliefs and practices. This is an important point: a 'cultural landscape' is holistic, incorporating every aspect of culture and its material expression. This includes cosmological understandings of the world; religious beliefs and practices; languages and categories;

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social and spatial organization; economic activities; systems of property ownership; political processes; values and their manifestation in laws; history and memory; constructs of social identity; representational forms; material culture; forms of knowledge and their intergenerational transmission; embodied experiences of the environment, and so forth.” (Strang, 2010 [2008]). This was published in an influential anthology called The Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. Surprisingly maritime (cultural) landscapes were not even mentioned as a possible study field. I think it is uninteresting to blame general archaeology for that. But we have to make it plural. There are indeed ‘many’ maritime landscapes. If I may only refer to another demonstration by André van Holk at this symposium on the extremely interesting milieu of the Zuiderzee and its changing conditions throughout the centuries (van Holk, this volume); a dynamic perspective is offered there by what I have called ‘aspects’ of the over-arching approach of the maritime cultural landscape. The starting point for such aspects was to me the likelihood of finding material evidence for structures and environments (e.g. Westerdahl, 1997). These are e.g.: • The ‘landscapes of power’- this means also ‘landscapes of resistance’! Within these we might also discern landscapes of control, aggression and defence. • The ‘landscapes of local economy’-above all fishing. • The ‘landscapes of transport systems’. • The ’landscape of liminality’, the ‘ritual landscape’ (which presumably leads us to a reconsideration of polysemy and ambiguity in human culture). • The ‘cognitive landscape’ (e.g. how you understand, learn & recreate the landscape and its aspects in your mind; modern views in e.g. Pálsson, 1994; Maurstad, 2010). • The ‘landscapes of resources’, inner and outer, for shipbuilding and ship maintenance as well as for the upkeep/ provisions of shipping and its cargoes/ products. Of course many of these are embedded in each other (e.g. the cognitive one). A most suitable demonstration of a waterbound transport system was given during this symposium by Reinder Reinders on the trekvaart landscape northeast of the Zuiderzee, in function from the late 16th century up to the 1930s (Reinders, this volume). Here we find striking correspondences between this canal-based structure and that of a staging system on land, although it is self-evident that the level of sophistication varies enormously. I have sketched a few thoughts on how such a partly recorded sequence (17th century) for rowing boats may have looked like along the coast of Swedish Norrland. If I am right in this the rowing stretches between the staging points would be 4 units of a rowing measure attested in the Middle Ages, the vika or veckusjö (8.3 km), i.e. of in total 32 km. The limit of one vika is the point where you change rowers. The staging points consisted almost exclusively

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of seasonal fishing camps/ harbours. To confront the sources of a recorded ‘historic’ landscape with a ‘prehistoric’ (or unrecorded) one may sometimes be conducive to understanding both. The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology (Catsambis, Ford & Hamilton, 2011) is a measure of how far we have advanced. Just to take a few hints in its contents, to compare with the Encyclopedia (Delgado, 1997). In the Handbook we find e.g.: • Part II. The Process (mostly with an underwater scope). • Part III. Ships and Shipwrecks. • Part IV. Maritime Culture and Life Ashore, among other things aspects of the maritime cultural landscape. • Part V. Beyond the Site (incorporating management). Well, the glossary still contains only Ship and Boat Terms of Technology! But the pages in this brickstone handbook are in all 1203. Another recent contribution which is in fact, probably as the first, devoted only to maritime landscapes is Ford (2011), dealing with them from prehistory to modern times. Wrecks were not always popular! A salient other contribution to our subject in later times is Stewart (2010). This work defines maritime culture (a rather pressing need; I made a short-cut effort in Westerdahl, 2008) and explores the dangerous life and the feelings of both seamen and their families. Attitudes to death is a key component in all kinds of maritime culture. The mortality rate of sailors in the Age of Sail was the highest among all professional groups. The other main maritime folk group, with fishing and pilotage (and often in a life span also appearing as sailors for a time) had a singularly deadly profession as well. In Norway an early pioneer of sociology, Eilert Sundt, pointed out the appalling mortality already in the 1860s and also tried to find remedies (Sundt, 186164). But most of the exposed coasts of Europe deserved the tragic name ‘the coast of widows.’ By way of the ever-persistent shadow of death was fostered a kind of fatalism which is still fundamental to understanding the maritime cultures of the past. The habitus of maritime people, including their families, distinguishes them once more from the wider cultural matrix of the societies of which they were a part. Dead Men Walk Ashore! They are terribly offended… Why not use our ‘empathy’ to understand both them and their cultural manifestations? (this will be further explored by myself in the interpretation of a major maritime monument on land, the coastal stone labyrinths in Scandinavia). Precisely empathy is interesting today in social anthropology, especially in the field (cf. Grønseth & Davis, 2010). But the empathic line should be part and

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Ships for ships’ sake? Flipping the label

parcel of hermeneutic archaeology anyway. The human landscape is already part of our field, whether we like it or not. Like wrecks, in fact. Not only… Ole Crumlin-Pedersen, in blessed memory, stated once with good reason that maritime archaeology is “too important a subject to be left in the hands of traditional land archaeologists only.” I agree, but maritime archaeology is also “too important a subject to be left in the hands of traditional ship archaeologists only.” Here I have been trying to tempt you away from what we all probably have cherished most at some stage, the rigorous application of ship technology and ‘ships for ships sake’. I would be damned if I succeed. Or are we to invent an artificial contradiction between ‘constructivists’ and ‘contextualists’? No. Without ships maritime landscapes would be exceedingly poor, without landscapes and theory ships would be fixed to the ground (fig. 4).

Fig. 4. Log boat at a small inland lake, Vest-Agder, South Norway (Photo: the author 2004).

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References Andrén, A., 1998. Between Artifacts and Texts. Historical Archae­ ology in Global Perspective. Transl. Alan Crozier, Plenum Press, New York & London. Austin, D., 1990. The `proper study´ of medieval archaeology. In: D. Austin and L. Alcock (eds), From the Baltic to the Black Sea. Studies in medieval archaeology. One World Archaeology 18, Unwin Hyman, London etc: 9-42. Austin, D. & Thomas, J., 1990. The ‘proper study’ of medieval archaeology- a case study. In: D. Austin & L. Alcock (eds), From the Baltic to the Black Sea. Studies in medieval archaeology. One World Archaeology 18, Unwin Hyman, London etc: 43-78. Breen, C.P. & O’Sullivan, A., 2007. Maritime Ireland. An Archae­ ology of Coastal Communities: Coastal Archaeology of an Island People. The History Press. Catsambis, A., Ford, B. & Hamilton, D.L. (eds), 2011. The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Champion, T.C., 1990. Medieval archaeology and the tyranny of the historical record. In: D. Austin & L. Alcock (eds), From the Baltic to the Black Sea. Studies in medieval archaeology. One World Archaeology 18, Unwin Hyman, London: 79-95. Collingwood, R.G., 1994 (1946). The Idea of History. Rev. ed. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2010. Archaeology and the Sea in Scan­ dinavia and Britain. A personal account. Maritime Culture of the North 3. The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde and The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Roskilde. Delgado, J.P. (ed.), 1997. Encyclopedia of Underwater and Mari­ time Archaeology. British Museum Press. Duncan, B.G., 2006. The Maritime Archaeology and Maritime Cultural Landscape of Queenscliffe: A Nineteenth Century Australian Community. School of Anthropology, Archaeology and Sociology. James Cook University (Doctoral diss. accessible on the web). Ford, B. (ed.), 2011. The Archaeology of Maritime Landscapes. Springer, New York. Grønseth, A.S. & Davis, D.L., 2010. Mutuality and Empathy: Self and Other in the Ethnographic Encounter. Anthropology Matters vol 5. Sean Kingston Publishing, Wantage. Holk, A.F.L. van, 2017. The Zuiderzee. Highway, fishing ground and power landscape. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Hutchinson, G., 1994. Medieval Ships and Shipping. Leicester University Press, London. Kopytoff, I., 1988. The Cultural Biography of Things. Commoditization as Process. In: A. Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 64-91. Lundberg, A., 2003. Time travels in whaling boats. Journal of Social Anthropology 3.3: 312-333.

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Maurstad, A., 2010. Cultural seascapes as embodied knowledge. In: Grønseth & Davis, 2010: 35-48. McGrail, S., 1984. Maritime Archaeology- Present and Future. In: S. McGrail (ed.), Aspects of Maritime Archaeology and Ethnography. Papers based on those presented to an international seminar held at the University of Bristol in March, 1982. Published by the Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, London. Myrberg Burström, N., 2012. Händelser vid vatten- maritima studier med allmänarkeologisk relevance («Events at ­waters- maritime studies with general archaeological relevance»). Marinarkeologisk Tidskrift 3, Stockholm: 11-15. Pálsson, G., 1994. Enskilment at sea. Man (N.S.) 29: 901-927. Ransley, J., 2005. Boats are for Boys: queering maritime archaeology. World Archaeology 37.4: 621-629. Reinders, H.R., 2017. Trekvaart Landscape. Canals, towpaths and barges in 17th-century Groningen. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Rieth, E. et al., 2013. L´épave de la première moitié du XVe siècle de la Canche à Beutin (Pas de Calais). Revue du Nord, Horssérie. Collection Art et Archéologie No 20. Université Charles de Gaulle, Lille 3. Rieth, E., 2017. The shipwreck (EP1-Canche) of a fluvial maritime coaster of the first half of the 15th century from Beutin (Pas-de-Calais, France). Its nautical environment and functional context. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Schutten, G.J., 1981. Varen waar geen water is. Reconstructie van een verdwenen wereld. Geschiedenis van de scheepvaart ten oosten van de IJssel van 1300 tot 1930. Hengelo. Shaw, Ian & Jameson, Robert (eds), 1999. A Dictionary of Archaeology. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford. Stewart, D.J., 2011. The Sea Their Graves. An Archaeology of Death and Remembrance in Maritime Culture. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Strang, V., 2010 (2008). Uncommon Ground: Landscapes as Social Constructs. In: B. David & J. Thomas (eds), Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. World Archaeological Congress. Research Handbooks in Archaeology. Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek CA. Sundt, E., 1861-64. På havet (‘On the sea'). Kristiania. Van de Noort, R., 2009. To travel is more important than to arrive: Sea­faring between Britain and the Continent in the 2nd

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Millennium. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and exchange in nautical technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz: 259-266. Van de Noort, R., 2011. North Sea Archaeologies. A Maritime Biography, 10,000 BC to AD 1500. Oxford University Press. Westerdahl, C., 1986. Die maritime Kulturlandschaft. Schiffe, Schiffahrtswege, Häfen. Überlegungen zu einem For-­ schungs­ansatz. Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv 9, Bremer­haven: 7-58. Westerdahl, C., 1992. The maritime cultural landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21.1: 5-14. Westerdahl, C., 1994a. Maritime cultures and ship types. Brief comments on the significance of maritime archaeology. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 23.4: 265-270. Westerdahl, C. (ed), 1994b. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford. Westerdahl, C., 1995. Traditional zones of transport geography in relation to ship types. In: O. Olsen, J. Skamby Madsen & F. Rieck (eds), Shipshape. Essays for Ole Crumlin-Pedersen. The Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde: 213-230. Westerdahl, C., 2000. From land to sea, from sea to land. On transport zones, borders and human space. In: Jerzy Litwin (ed.), Down the River to the Sea. Proceedings of the Eight International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Gdansk 1997. Polish National Maritime Museum, Gdansk: 11-20. Westerdahl, C. (ed.), 2006. The Significance of Portages. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Significance of Portages, 29th Sept-2nd Oct. 2004. British Archaeological Reports (BAR) International Series 1499, Oxford. Westerdahl, C., 2008. Fish and Ships. Towards a Theory of Maritime Culture. Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv 30. Wissen­ schaftliches Jahrbuch des Deutchen Schiffahrts­museums 2007: 191-236. Westerdahl, C., 2011. The maritime cultural landscape. In: B. Ford, A. Catsambis & D.L. Hamilton (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 735-762. Westerdahl, C., 2013. The Maritime Middle Ages. Past, Present, and Future. Some Ideas from a Scandinavian Horizon. I. European Journal of Archaeology 17.1: 120-138.

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Cities and oceans. The urban development of 16th- and 17th-century Amsterdam and maritime culture Jerzy Gawronski

Amsterdam and water Between 1870 and 1890 an artificial island was laid out on the waterfront of the Amsterdam IJ harbour, right in front of the historical centre of the city. Here Central Station was build, Amsterdam’s main cross road of train connections. The erection of this railway station represented a crucial period in the urban development of Amsterdam. This infrastructural intervention was not a mere cosmetic adjustment but gave expression to an essential change in the city’s functioning. After centuries of economic and technological supremacy, ships started to lose their primary role in the spatial being of the city: this role was taken over by railway and cars. With the station island, the city lost its connection with the IJ harbour. The open waterfront became built-on and was reduced and more than 16 major canals in the inner city were turned into roads. Despite this drastic change in the essence of the harbour town, the popular image of Amsterdam is still strongly connected with water. The historical centre is dominated by canals, and because of the still great number of waterways which intersect the city plan, Amsterdam is called Venice of the north. The 17th-century canal zone has been designated as UNESCO world heritage, tourists come in great numbers to walk or bike along the canals, to make boat tours, to visit sail related public events. The present water image of the city is not only a popular issue but also raises questions on the impact of water on the development of the character­istic 17th-century urban plan of the city of canals. To what extent did the maritime function of Amsterdam historically define the city layout? What was the actual meaning of the harbour for the origin of the 17th-century city plan of Amsterdam? In other words, if Amsterdam is a maritime city, what features define it as such? The urban growth of Amsterdam is characterised by a long and continuous process reclaiming land from water during eight centuries. The city started as an urban structure from 1200 onwards, emerging from the

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marshy peat land along the banks of the river Amstel at the mouth of the IJ, in a watery environment. Every extension of the urban area was achieved by raising land, by digging canals for water management and by creating islands, conquering land on water. The essential urban development which gave Amsterdam’s inner city its present-day appearance of city of canals started in the late 16th century. Amsterdam was a central place in a shipping network which was constantly expanding, from a local, to a regional, European and finally a global level, a process which accelerated in the 16th century, reached its peak in 17th century and levelled out in the 18th century. Between 1580 and 1660, when Amsterdam became the global commercial and maritime hub of Europe, the city was modernized with four consecutive urban extensions, which resulted in a characteristic semicircular city plan with a radial system of concentric canals within a modernized fortification wall with 26 triangular bastions (fig. 1). Maritime urban landscape The developmental process and origins of this remarkable city plan intrigued historians, art historians and urban developers from an early stage (Bakker, 2004; Gawronski, 2002: 13-16). Their debate fundamentally focused on two options. Was this a preconceived and coherent plan, step by step controlled by the city council and planning department, based on the latest Renaissance rules of urban planning and fortification? These concepts were introduced in the Netherlands at the end of the 16th century by Italian architectural theorists and engineers. Or does this layout reflect an evolutionary process purely guided by practical demands, combining different plans? Remarkably, in neither of these options water was included despite Amsterdam’s extended waterfront and the numerous canals. One can state on the contrary that one of the thriving motives for this urban plan was the creation of space along the

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Fig. 1. Amsterdam city plan after two urban extensions in the 17th century (Map: Gerrit de Broen jr. 1724).

IJ for harbour facilities and maritime production areas. Nevertheless, in the historical planning debate, the maritime business has been underexposed as a meaningful factor for the modernity and singularity of the 17th-century Amsterdam urban structure. This paper is meant to widen the debate and to look for answers, by linking urban development to the notion of the maritime cultural landscape. If the maritime cultural landscape offers more integrated ways of interpretation of urban topography, the essential issue is: what is the role of water in cities? Water in urban context is not limited to the physical presence of that wet and liquid mass H2O, which as an infrastructural element produces waterways, a waterfront, bridges, locks or quays. Water has multiple notions. As harbour basin it has an economical function providing space for commercial shipping. As a representative element of the spatial layout water has a social and cultural meaning. Before the 1900 urban changes of Amsterdam, water belonged to the common and collective consciousness of the Amsterdam citizens. Originally one was moving through the city by and over water, on every Amsterdam street corner one was confronted with water and ships. On historical images, painting and prints Amsterdam is represented as seen

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from the water IJ side, the historical inhabitants had engraved water in their mental template. In respect to maritime archaeology water can be referred to as the medium of the maritime cultural landscape, the notion which stands for the spatial perspective of social, economical, cultural or technological processes which are related to the use of water and of networks of contacts over water. Water carried ships and with ships people, goods and ideas, which circulated within a (global) maritime network and entered the city. The notion of maritime culture stands for social, economical, cultural and technical processes which are linked to the use of water: shipping, connections and exchange over water, substantial things like ships and harbours. On the other hand, in a contextual sense, also the perception of water is implied, the world view of those who live in a maritime world, related to their feeling and thinking. Material microcosmos of ships By analysing the historical urban layout of Amsterdam within the context of the maritime landscape, ships are literally added as three dimensional material and/or

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Cities and oceans

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Fig 2. Site of the Amsterdam at low tide, Hastings, south east England (Photo: Stichting VOC schip Amsterdam / R. Gerritsen).

archaeological complexes, gifted with a topographical meaning. With this approach, the 17th-century urban expansion, which in every stage had the creation of space for harbour facilities as one of its basic motives, resulted in a city plan in which ships were integrated. Conceptually, the Amsterdam urban layout, integrated with ships, shows a number of features like decentralized urban functions, mobility and international culture which can be classified as typical for maritime cities. Following archaeological analytical standards, ships can be simplified as tree-dimensional wooden shells, which are coherently subdivided in separate spaces and are filled with many thousands of components, artefacts, semi-manufactured products and raw materials. Apart from material culture ships also contain ecofacts, related to the environment on board, including parasites, animals or food. This entity is a material microcosm which reflects where the vessel came from and what its destination was. Each individual object on board was a carrier of several meanings, related to its place of origin, its use for a specific craft of application, its own precise location and function within the closed capsule of the ship. Functional organisation models have been developed in maritime archaeology to record the meaning of each separate component within the (spatial) context of the ship. Certain categories of ships offer challenging options to extend the interpretation of each archaeo­logical find of a shipwreck beyond the level of the individual ship because of the availability of historical sources on the origin and supply of the material

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components of a ship and its content. Such cases offer ships of the Dutch East India company (VOC) and in particular the VOC-ship Amsterdam in relation to the city of Amsterdam. Because of the availability of archival sources on material purchases for the yard, like VOC bookkeeping documents, or on the identity and professions of suppliers for the Amsterdam yard, like residential tax registers, archaeo­logical and historical data on the material aspects of the ships can be integrated. In interaction with historical sources the archaeological relicts can be taken from anonymity and can be linked to the historical persons in Amsterdam with whom the VOC did business in those days. Such an integrated approach has yielded some interesting results on the direct material relation between the maritime business and the socio-economy of Amsterdam. Multilevel and biographical data The Amsterdam was built and equipped in the Amsterdam yard of the Dutch East India company (VOC) on the eastern harbour island Oostenburg, in 1748. The vessel was beached in 1749 on its maiden voyage on the south coast of England, near Hastings, and the complete hull was submerged over 7 m deep in the sand (fig. 2). The site is exposed during low spring tides and after a preliminary dry land survey by Peter Marsden in 1969 the wreck has been partially investigated by an Anglo Dutch underwater archaeological team in the 1980s (Gawronski, 1990). A ship like the Amsterdam represents

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a multifunctional tool, developed by the VOC: it was a sailing machine, part of the economic trading network, a military platform, the company’s floating office and bank, transporting correspondence and currencies and finally also a community with 300 persons on board, coming from all parts of Europe, with basic provisions for living and working. The technical staff and the workmen on Oostenburg both conceived and produced this ship. From this point of view the Amsterdam reflects both conceptually and materially the industrial processes of the VOC’s office and yard. Simultaneously the yard was not an isolated production centre, but was the focuspoint of hundreds of supply lines of manufacturers and suppliers in the city of Amsterdam hired by the VOC to build and outfit the vessel. Therefore, the material components of a VOC-ship like the Amsterdam represent three information levels: the ship itself, the VOC yard and Amsterdam city. This three-stage analysis combined with an integrated historical-archaeological approach can be applied on each individual find, creating a link between the object and the urban socio-economic context of Amsterdam. An example is supplied by a stoneware jar, located on the orlopdeck of the Amsterdam, which contained a vegetal mass, identified as tamarind (Gawronski, 1996: 213). The presence of bugs of the (Sitophilus linearis) species indicated that the fruit was not refined, as these insects only live in the tropical place of origin. Tamarind was one of the products which the VOC imported from Asia. After its arrival in Amsterdam and after being stocked in the warehouse on the yard, the plants changed from a commodity into a part of the ship’s equipment. Tamarind was taken on board of an outgoing vessel because of its medical properties and appeared under the Latin apothecary term fructus Tamarindorum on the ship’s medicine list as a laxative or fever remedy. The archaeological reality proved that behind this 18th-century medical terminology a raw material was hidden, fruit with insects, with which the ships doctor had to prepare his own medicine. As the VOC imported this raw material themselves, tamarind does not appear on the specified purchase list of medical herbs. In the 1740s these were supplied by three or four shops in the city, like pharmacist Roeland Willem van Homrigh in Leidsestraat, drugstore Joost Krudop in Het Water (Damrak), drugstore Pieter Ploos van Amstel on the Nieuwendijk or Cornelis Jansz Stegerhoek who probably lived outside Amsterdam. Another case of multilevel object interpretation offers the find of a package of twelve cartridge cases in the constable room of the Amsterdam (Gawronski, 1996: 190-191). The objects were brandnew and unused, with their leather belt diagonally wound around the case. They belonged to the standard equipment of the company’s musketeers and were delivered to the yard on a regular base. According to the VOC bookkeeping journals these cartridge cases were supplied by Dirck Hanius, a broker on the Oudezijds Achterburgwal. In November 1748 he was paid for the delivery of 1,700

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items, for 32 stivers a piece. In the 1740s the purchase of these provisions was reorganised, as five years earlier cartridge cases were made by four separate firms, among which two female entrepreneurs: the widows of Jan Deldijm and Arent ten Elshof. Each owned a button shop – one in the Warmoesstraat and the other in the Halsteeg. The other two suppliers were Joost van Wijck, a shoulder belt manufacturer in the Warmoesstraat, and a man named Jan Haijingh without specified profession. These shopkeepers supplied one or two times per year limited quantities of 100 to 200 cartridge cases. Their total annual delivery was equal to that of Hanius, but more expensive, costing 40 stiver a piece. The archaeological discovery of the cartridge case is like a snapshot in time of the efforts of the VOC to achieve more efficiency in its operational management, by restructuring their purchases through small businesses to be delivered by only one agent. Simultaneously, the finds allow us a glimpse behind the counter of an 18th-century shop in the commercial district of the Warmoesstraat, and inform us about the assortments of these artisan shops. Ships as part of the urban structure These are only two of the hundreds of stories on the broader context of urban economy and production which a shipwreck like the Amsterdam can offer. These are examples of the fundamental fact that a ship is a complex carrier of information, not only literally saved in its material remnants, but also metaphorically present, turning a ship into an accumulation of messages. Each individual ship is an junction of information which circulated within an international communication system (fig. 3). In the present digital representation a ship can be considered as a floating flash drive, loaded with data, which upon arrival in port logs in the large hard disc of the local system, a harbour crowded by a crawling swarm of flash drives. This notion of ships as information carriers fits in the present view on information management in the analysis of Amsterdam as a trading port, like the Dutch historian Clé Lesger for example proposed in his socio-­ economical analysis of the functioning of Amsterdam as an emerging global commercial centre from the end of the 16th century (Lesger, 2001: 181-249). Using the ‘gateway’-model of a transit harbour he stated that Amsterdam succeeded in obtaining a vital position on the trading market because of the concentration, circulation and processing of a massive amount of information rather than its function as a physical assembly point of many commodities. The city disposed of institutions like the stock exchange and the exchange bank and provided services in data transmission with commodity pricelists, stock market news letters, publishers and bookstores. The information network was the decisive factor for fulfilling the role of staple market and the intensive shipping was vital for the supply

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Fig. 3. VOC-ship Amsterdam includes three levels of interconnected contextual information as part of a global exchange system: ship, yard and city (Amsterdam) (Drawing: E. Smit, Monuments & Archaeology, city of Amsterdam).

and exchange of that information. This contextual view on ships leads to the notion that a maritime landscape should be considered as a network environment in which feature mobility, connections and exchange. Ships constantly provide over sea contacts and lead to the supply of goods, people and ideas. A ship which called in at Amsterdam or left its harbour was a concrete expression of the virtual information qualities within such a communication portal. Ships were mobile carriers of exchangeable goods or intangible information but simultaneously, tangible material elements in the spatial layout of the city, gathering in great numbers in canals and the harbour. In that respect they had a direct effect on the urban structure of Amsterdam and did contribute to the phenomenon of maritime cities. This is shown clearly when using the development of the harbour as a basic guideline in the analysis of the urban planning process which led to the 17th-century semi­ circular city plan. Waterfront development By the middle of the 16th century Amsterdam, on the eve of the explosive city growth in four consecutive phases between 1580 and 1660 (First to Fourth Extension),

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Amsterdam was a full grown medieval town, with a basic H-shaped topographical structure, created by the seadikes along both riverbanks in the mouth of the river Amstel which were halfway connected to each other by the dam in the river. The dam was transformed in a central square, called the Dam, which functioned as the administrative and economical centre. The surrounding city was structured by three rings of consecutive defensive canals and had a stone wall with towers around the exterior. In the IJ in front of the river mouth, which housed the inner harbour in front of the dam, the roads were protected by a double row of piles, the Laag, over a length of 600 m. As Amsterdam had become the main staple market of Baltic goods in the first half of the 16th century, additional infrastructures for shipbuilding and maintenance, for supply and production of equipment, for transhipments and storage were needed. These were created outside the city’s eastern walls. Here in the Lastage the new urban class of ship-owners and merchants build their houses and maritime infrastructure. The harbour front including this nautical quarter was 1,100 m long. As the vital shipping quarter of the Lastage was situated outside the city and therefore had a uncontrollable status, the scope of the First Extension in 1578 was to incorporate this area within the walled urban territory.

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Additionally in 1580 a new west defence water ring was added and the protected harbour inside the row of piles was extended to the east and west to an extent of 1,600 m. Soon after followed the Second Extension in 1591. East of the Lastage again new facilities for mooring, shipyards and storage were created on three new harbour islands – Uilenburg, Marken and Rapenburg – which were functionally and geometrically partitioned into individual working areas. On the river Amstel a fourth island was created as urban residential area for the many immigrants that flocked the city. As the harbour and roadsted expanded, its row of piles was enlarged again, to 2,000 m. Soon, within ten years, the decision for the Third Extension was taken. This was an ambitious plan to realise large scale housing and workshop facilities by adding a new urban area on the west side of town, which resulted in the first section of the semicircular groundplan starting from the western IJ harbour front to the Leidsegracht. This extension started with an enlargement of the harbour facilities on the western harbour front with the creation of the Nieuwe Waal, the mooring area of the herring fishing fleet, and three new harbour islands - Realeneiland, Bickerseiland and Prinseneiland. The harbour front was thus extended to 3,000 m. The harbour development along the IJ reached its peak during the Fourth Extension which started around 1660 when a new harbour area was developed around three new eastern harbour islands - Kattenburg, Wittenburg and Oostenburg – on the eastside of the IJ basin. This final extension was conceived in the city planning office, the Stadsfabriek (Urban Factory), by city architect Daniel Stalpaert en city surveyor Cornelis Danckerts de Reij in 1662. The Fourth Extension led to the semicircular city plan and an extended harbour front which now reached 4,500 m. Traditional components of 17th-century plan of Amsterdam The current ideas on the origin and development of this characteristic semicircular urban layout focus on a continuous process rather than one preset plan, a process which aimed at pragmatic functionality, urban planning aesthetics and maximal output by combining different planning components into one coherent scheme. Generally four components are mentioned, each with their own individual function and modelling. The most prestigious component was the ring of canals around the old inner city. This system of concentric main canals, intersected by radial streets, was developed as the dwelling area for the new elite of rich merchants who expressed their civil pride with their canal houses. In the first stage the ring of canals reached halfway. This planning modernization elaborated clearly on the ideals of beauty and functionality which can be recognised in the various 16th-century Renaissance models of ideal

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urban planning based on circular layout systems, like the design of a river town from the treatise of engineer De Marchi from 1599 or the fortified town Palmanova which was build around 1600 according to a design of engineer Scamozzi (Gawronski, 2002: 19-20). The influence of modern Renaissance design is also recognisable in the second component of the Amsterdam plan, the fortification, which in the first stage consisted of a city wall with 11 bastions halfway till Leidsegracht, but was completed by the Fourth Extension as a semicircular wall with 26 bastions. This bastioned defensive system was a Dutch interpretation of the latest modern fortification designs which were introduced from Italy. The third component was a artisan living and working area, het Nieuwe Werk, now called the Jordaan, which was created during the Third Extension in the new urban area between the wall and the ring of canals of the westside of town. Also, the Fourth Extension included such a quarter with the Noordse Bosch near the Vijzelgracht, east side of town. These artisanal production areas followed a pragmatic design, which did not follow the geometric principles of the concentric layout of the upper class living areas, but was based on the already existing spatial structure of the canal systems in the surrounding countryside, vital for the management and control of the water level. The fourth urban planning component was represented by the clusters of harbour islands. Both extensions aimed at the creation of more living space, but it seems that the actual starting point in both instances commenced at the waterfront. The Third Extension started with the creation of the Nieuwe Waal in 1610 at the northwest side of the IJ harbour and the three western harbour islands: Realeneiland en Bickerseiland in 1614 en het Prinseneiland in 1615. Also the development of the three eastern islands was anticipating the further planning process of the Fourth Extension. For the Admiralty fleet a shipyard was erected on Kattenburg Island, while Wittenburg Island was created for private yards and Oostenburg became the main shipyard and production centre of the VOC. The Fourth Extension meant the completion of the characteristic semicircular city plan of Amsterdam, with an elongated base consisting of the harbour along the IJ. The need to build the eastern harbour islands therefore determined the semicircular outline of the fortification and hence the city plan. IJ harbour with ships as central urban zone The resulting semicircular city plan indeed shows clear connections with the urban ideals of the Italian renaissance. Amsterdam could be defined as a maritime variant of these city models, in which streets are replaced by canals, which led the tidal water from the harbour into town, in which the IJ takes up a prominent place in front of the town (fig. 4). Despite the clear radial layout

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Fig. 4. The 17th-century Amsterdam Renaissance city plan combining four distinct urbane zones (green: ring of canals; yellow: fortification; lightgreen; artisan living and working area; blue; harbour islands) including the harbour as the fifth and central urban element (red) (Map: J. Gawronski).

the Amsterdam plan shows variation and includes several spatial zones, as result of external factors like the need for functional differentiation, existing properties and parcelling procedures affected by ground speculation. From the urban planning point of view, it is not the analogy but the divergence from this Renaissance ideal model that is important. The Amsterdam design is based on linear decentralisation. Contrary to the static centre of the concentric city model, in the Amsterdam plan the actual centre is located in the harbour basin, in front of the elongated base of the city, jammed in between the symmetrical counterparts of the two clusters of harbour islands which close off the long urban axis of the harbour, on which the system of concentric canals discharges. It is exactly this underside with the water of the IJ that should be added as the fifth urban planning component, which is inextricably bound up with the urban plan of Amsterdam and represents the essence of the planning of the maritime city. In this layout analysis, the inner harbour Damrak is just a rudimentary relict of

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the medieval city structure, with the Dam as ceremonial and administrative centre, with its city hall, the stock exchange, exchange bank and New Church. The real spatial junction, however, was in the water at the front of the city. And this junction did not consist of one centre, but was a conglomeration of several central places, an urban area in which ships acted as floating buildings. This resulted in a topography which featured extreme high dynamics and mobility. Along the water front were several urban zones which fulfilled a specific role in the system of local and long distance shipping. There was a varied infrastructure for construction and repair, with supplies and personnel. The water itself with hundreds of ships made part of that centre. Here the city offered literally a physical junction of ships, for the transit of goods and with hundreds of regular barge services for local and regional passengers and goods. In 1750 for example, from the Amsterdam canal and waterfront were 800 weekly departures for 121 destinations (de Vries & van der Woude, 1995: 222). Ships of all sizes and

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shapes filled the IJ. They were coming and going and the 4.5 km long water surface between the harbour islands was a constantly changing urban setting with a mobile assortment of ships, each representing a microcosms on its own. This water basin of the harbour was the basis of the city structure. It was, although vacant, a functional and simultaneously an almost virtual part of the city plan. For the 17th and 18th-century beholder ships were still a integral part of the being of Amsterdam. Travel guides from that time informed visitors not only of attractions such as the city hall, churches, VOC buildings and jails, but also about the possibility to take a boat to the other side of the IJ, to have a view on the real city, a view of the hundreds of masts. The presence of ships in the city led to a separate and independent urban zone. The water of the IJ is a prominent part of the Amsterdam city plan, where the interaction between ships and shipping networks creates a dynamic topography which is characterized by mobility, decentralization, and internationalization. Not the water itself, but these virtual planning features mark the notion of the maritime city and the modernity of the 17th-century Amsterdam city plan.

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References Bakker, B., 2004. De zichtbare stad. In: W. Frijhoff en Maarten Prak (eds), Geschiedenis van Amsterdam II-1. Centrum van de wereld 1578-1650. SUN, Amsterdam: 17-101. Gawronski, J.H.G., 1990. The Amsterdam Project. The Inter­ national Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19.2: 53-61. Gawronski, Jerzy, 1996. De Equipagie van de Hollandia en de Amsterdam. VOC-bedrijvigheid in 18de-eeuws Amsterdam. Ba­ taafsche Leeuw, Amsterdam. Gawronski, J., 2002. Archeologie op Oostenburg. De Amster­ damse stadsuitleg en het maritieme cultuurlandschap. In: J. Gawronski, J.F. Schmidt, M.-Th. van Thoor (eds), Amsterdam. Monumenten en Archeologie 1. Bas Lubberhuizen, Amsterdam: 10-27. Lesger, C., 2001. Handel in Amsterdam ten tijde van de Opstand. Kooplieden, commerciële expansie en verandering in de ruimtelijke economie van de Nederlanden ca. 1550 - ca. 1630. Uitgeverij Verloren, Hilversum. Vries, J. de & Woude, A. van der, 1995. Nederland 1500-1815. De eerste ronde van economische groei. Uitgeverij Balans, Amsterdam.

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A. Maritime Landscapes

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1. Ships, society, maritime space and identity. Or the agency of power, vernacular boats and bacteria Jonathan Adams

Preface The day before presenting this paper, a bit of a spat had erupted between those who thought the inclusion of a Landscape session in the ISBSA was consistent with the increased breadth and more integrative approaches of maritime archaeology in recent years (Adams, 2006; 2013: 2), versus those who thought that a symposium on boat and ship archaeology should be just that: a symposium on boats and ships. On the one hand I have sympathy for the latter view as over the years I have derived enormous value from ISBSA proceedings presenting the detailed analysis of watercraft. On the other, I also maintain that ships and boats need to be understood in context and this paper was offered in that vein. However, I did not intend discussing perceptions of maritime space and identity in isolation from the more material aspects of ‘being’ maritime so what follows results directly from the analysis and interpretation of actual boats and ships. Premise To start with some archaeological fundamentals: if we accept that technology does not spring into existence of its own volition but because of the intentions and actions of people, we can accept that the ways that things are designed, made and used are directly related to society. Furthermore, if those things change, the ways in which they do so can tell us about correlating stimuli and responses in society. For archaeologists change is a central concern, so episodes of major technological change are especially potent for they always correlate in various ways with equally profound changes in society, especially when we are talking about complex things like ships. The developments in shipbuilding and seafaring between the late medieval period and the mid-17th century in Europe are no exception, and it is in these correlations between technology and society that we find explanations for what have often been treated as

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insoluble technical ‘mysteries’. In this period the most notorious ‘mystery’ is the clinker to carvel transition. I’ll begin by reviewing this in the light of the power politics of the time as well as considering transformative phenomena over which the competing agents of Medieval and early modern Europe had no control. How did these factors play out in the communities who built, sailed and sometimes lost the ships that developed Europe’s nation states in an increasingly global world? Mysteries explained So to deal with that clinker to carvel thing: John Patrick Sarsfield (1991: 137) said it was “One of the most curious mysteries in the history of naval architecture”, while Basil Greenhill referred to it as a “mysterious revolution” (Greenhill, 1995: 256). Well, it was certainly revolutionary but I would argue that it was not mysterious at all. Let’s start by considering a growth in European population and economic activity in the high medieval period which was partly manifested in increased maritime traffic between northern and southern Europe via the Iberian Peninsula. It seems that this led to a fusion of northern European and Mediterranean approaches to shipbuilding in the shipyards of Italy and Catalonia, producing a versatile vessel with a two- then threemasted rig, centreline rudder and frame-led construction. In their turn these new forms appeared in northern waters. In England we called the smaller ones ‘carvel’ and the larger ones ‘carrack’. It is significant that that word ‘carvel’, from the Portuguese caravella, appears in the language of every northern shipbuilding country quite quickly, attesting to what both historical references and archaeological information show was a rapid adoption of this exotic frame-led construction. We have always told this story from a northern perspective but Pujol I Hamelink (this volume) has reported a clinker vessel found off Barcelona that suggests that the Mediterranean half of the equation is coming alive and

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Fig. 1. Generic late medieval clinker construction (upper) and carvel construction c. 17th century (Drawing: author).

will reveal more about what is one of the most intriguing examples of technological change in the maritime record (Friel, 1995; Adams, 2013). Perhaps because the spread of this construction across northern Europe happened relatively quickly is why it has been seen as a problem. How could shipwrights cross the conceptual gulf between building a ship from the outside in (clinker) to building from inside out (carvel) (fig. 1). For a start, perhaps the conceptual gulf wasn’t really there. There are numerous examples of technological precedents and bridges between the two: The wide range of watercraft built in the RomanoCeltic (Gallo-Roman) tradition (Nayling & McGrail, 1994); Medieval cogs (Hocker & Vlierman, 1996); Dutch bottom-based construction (Hocker, 1991); Baltic half carvels (Häsloff, 1972: 58), Baltic clinker vessels with an outer ‘skin’ of flush-laid planks (Mäss, 1994); sea-going clinker vessels with heavy framing systems that anticipate those of carvels and of course documented instances of clinker vessels being rebuilt carvel (Adams, 2013: 55-63). These effectively deconstruct the notion of shipbuilders imprisoned in one way of doing something, for they clearly weren’t. Another rather heretical

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thought is that perhaps this way of doing things wasn’t totally unfamiliar. The 6th – 8th-century finds from the Tantura Lagoon have disrupted the apparent linear progression from mortise and tenon to frame first construction in the Mediterranean (Wachsmann, 1996; McGrail, 2001: 162). From a similar date, the end of the 6th century, outside the Mediterranean, we can also note the frame-led vessel, Port Berteau II (Reith, 2000) and the early 4th-century Barland’s Farm boat, the latter belonging to the so-called Romano-Celtic tradition (Nayling & McGrail, 2004). In fact these two vessels are not that far apart geographically, in date, size or operating environment, so maybe notions of plank on frame rather than frame in plank construction were never entirely absent from vernacular boat building. Examples are the Flatners of the English West Country, a group of generically similar boats more or less adapted to various transport and agricultural tasks (McKee, 1983: 107-9). They represent a very old tradition and in many ways they resemble cogs – straight stems enclosed within the planks, flush bottoms, lap-strake sides, etc., and though this is a long way from demonstrating that they are relict cogs, they nevertheless show a way of building boats

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Fig. 2. A Somerset turf boat in Watchet Maritime Museum, Devon (Photo: author).

that may well be medieval in origin and quite possibly older given the possible connection between RomanoCeltic/Gallo-Roman and cogs (Adams, 2013: 65) (fig. 2). Of course explaining how carvel construction was adopted doesn’t explain why. The short answer is that vessels of this type were recognised to be better, at least for some functions. But what was understood by ‘better’ and what were the roles for which they were needed? This real answer is found in the processes of social change that were underway right across late medieval Europe, and one aspect of this is what André van Holk has referred to as the power landscape (van Holk, this volume). In looking at political maps of Europe from the 14th to the 16th centuries, one sees a progressive change from something that looks like a patchwork quilt, small dukedoms, lordships, elective monarchies, etc., that over the next 150 years coalesce into the much larger territories that ultimately become nation states. One of the mechanisms by which this happened was the development of hereditary forms of dynastic control, because the processes by which this was negotiated and secured (through alliance, marriage, or conflict) tends to result in increasingly large power blocks. This increase in scale brought with it a fundamental reality. These larger political entities now had coastlines, so that competition between them, directed outwards rather than inwards is by definition maritime – and competition at sea requires navies, not in the medieval sense of a fleet assembled for a specific event but as a permanent institution. For in the enterprise of state-building, ships were a most important tool, both in the sense of symbolic projection of power and the offensive capabilities of the guns they carried. And this is where the carvels come in. If commerce had promoted the development of this technology, it was eagerly seized upon, sometimes literally, by those who wanted to gain power or those who had it and wanted to keep it. The new role and importance of ships in England is nicely reflected in their names. In the early 1400s the great ships of Henry V were named: Jesus; Holygost; Trinity; Grace Dieu. By contrast when Henry VII came to the throne in 1485, even though his administration had no money, he built two great ships, not for a particular event but to establish and embody permanent Tudor naval power. The names they were given were altogether more dynastic and secular: Regent

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and Sovereign. And in tune with the prestige embodied in new technology they were both carvels (Adams, 2003: 66). His son continued the trend: Mary Rose, Peter Pomegranite, Henry Grace a Dieu, Trinity Harry. For while one might argue that there is a religious element in all these names, the dynastic meaning is dominant. The other reason for wanting carvels of course was guns, for in many ways it was also easier to build large gun-carrying warships in carvel rather than clinker. In engineering terms the rigidity of a carvel hull is also greater than the equivalent size of hull in clinker (something that was clearly obvious to those who sailed both types). Other factors were materials and cost. We see a progressive reduction in the size and quality of timbers and planking in clinker vessels throughout the medieval period, a specific case being noted below, whereas carvel construction makes use of a wider range of timber resources much of which would be unsuitable for clinker. Agents of change: monarchs, ships, ideas and bacilli So there we have it: the non-mystery of carvel. But, lest this seem like a monocausal explanation, we must realise that as well as dynastic politics, other factors that were instrumental were changes engendered by the transformative and interrelated phenomena of the Renaissance, religious reformation and the catastrophe of the Black Death. Cumulatively they changed society fundamentally and irrevocably, reconfiguring the role of the church and reducing its influence and accelerating the change from feudal, service-based economies towards capitalism. Linked to both processes we see new, generally secular instruments of government being developed, better suited to the large scale administrations of emerging nation states (Dobb, 1963; Johnson, 1996: 5-10). The places where these new ventures were most evident were the port towns (Davis, 1972; Milne, 2003). In fact it is maritime enterprise that, to a large extent, anticipates these wider changes and where they are played out fastest. Of all these vectors of change perhaps the least discussed in terms of shipbuilding is the Black Death, a bacillus (believed to be Yersinia pestis) that caused such

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mortality that some historians calculate that by 1420 the population of Europe was about one third of what it had been a century earlier (Herlihy, 1997: 17). Such a catastrophic death rate had obvious immediate effects on communities with many being effectively wiped out. But the plague is also implicated in longer term social transformation including the progressive change noted above in how people perceived the Church - and ultimately themselves. It became all too evident that neither the most powerful nor the most Godly had any control over the plague. It had arrived in Constantinople in 1347 and reached most regions of Europe within three years. Prayer, holy water, the sanctity of the church, were all to no avail as priests died along with their flock. The plague also wrought havoc across all occupations, trades and industries and its legacy was an irreversible effect on demography and labour. As the historian Colin Platt observed: “...as labour learnt its strength and flexed its muscles, most of the ties of feudal bondage fell away” (Platt, 1997: viii). In other words, when those with particular skills were in short supply, labour became commodified. If you had a skill you commanded a price. However, although we know for example of the immediate effects on farming caused by a drastic shortage of labour, as in many other industries, it is unclear how it impacted the ways ships were built. There is a reasonable sample of vessels from the decades before the arrival of the disease in the South coast ports of England in September 1348, including the wrecks in St Peter Port (numbers 2 – 9), which have dendrochronological dates of late 13th to early 14th century and indicate a provenance for the timber in the south of England (Adams & Black, 2004). There are also several later clinker ship finds from the time when the plague had wrought its worst effects, including the late 14th-century Sandwich ship (Milne et al, 2004), the Grace Dieu (Friel, 1993) and, more recently, the Newport ship, perhaps built around 1440-50 (Nayling & Jones, 2014), as well as numerous sections of structure reused in river waterfronts (e.g. Goodburn, 1991). Apart from the possibly unique technological experiment of the Grace Dieu, it is difficult to see any clear ‘before and after’ division in shipbuilding practice that coincides with the height of the Black Death. The ships built throughout the period remain in the clinker tradition and changes that are apparent seem connected to the availability of materials rather than a newly independent labour force. The St Peter Port finds and the Newport ship are very similar structurally, despite being over a century apart. There is a difference between the relatively large planks of the St Peter Port ships and the smaller ones of Newport but this is most likely due to the progressive pressure on timber resources seen throughout clinker shipbuilding in northern Europe (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1986, 1989; Goodburn, 1992). At first sight this might seem odd for the Black Death must have cut down shipbuilders as well as farmers and shopkeepers, but it appears the commodification of

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labour and time that so markedly affected agriculture and other industries did not impact the shipbuilding process to the same degree. This may be because shipbuilding already involved contract-based labour that drew on itinerant labour who travelled to where the work was. There was no permanent indentured workforce as had existed to work the land. However, although the demographic effect on the shipbuilding community may not have precipitated immediate changes in the practice of shipbuilding during the pandemic, it is a likely factor in the rapid adoption of carvel building at the end of the 15th century. This involved increased specialisation: a transition from what was essentially an artisan craft to an emergent professional science. Those in control of shipbuilding as a process of design (as opposed to a labour force carrying out the actual construction) became more numerate and rose in social standing in relation to the growing importance of ships to the state. Nationhood and identity This is where things start to interlock with changes that occurred in wider society in terms of nationhood, maritime space and maritime identity. The discussion here focuses on England but only because it provides a useful lens through which to view these ideas. If we talk of state formation we imply a consciousness of the social and political entity in this case called ‘England’. Yet for centuries ‘England’ was a somewhat fluid concept and even after the Norman Conquest ideas of an ‘island nation’ protected from the rest of the world by the sea were still a long way off. Englishness did not describe homogenous ethnic identity but was understood more through contrast with, and resistance to, outsiders. The otherness of Scots, Irish or Danes for example had been reinforced by centuries of competition. Even after the Norman invasion England was not a finite geographic entity and would not to become so for centuries. Much of this fluidity of space was maritime by virtue of the extensive territories in France held by the English Crown as well as through its seaborne trade. England in this sense flowed back and forth across the sea and ideas of maritime identity and space were closely linked to the vicissitudes of the political and economic climate. It isn’t surprising, therefore, that, after centuries when England was composed of separate kingdoms, it is relatively late before people’s sense of being English is felt as keenly as their identity with family, manor, village, town or county. When and how this changed is debated, with some historians seeing the birth of a national consciousness demonstrated by the 8th century writings of the Venerable Bede (Wormald, 1994), while others variously see a first English state under Alfred the Great (Campbell, 1995), William the Conqueror (Davies, 1999), Edward I (Elton, 1995), Edward III and so on up to the

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Fig. 3. Different ways of representing space and relationships. Left: The Hereford Mappa Mundi (c. AD 1300) with Jerusalem at its centre and the British Isles at the extreme lower left (Hereford Cathedral Library). Right: A 14th- century Portolan chart of the Mediterranean, crisscrossed with compass bearings from principal ports (Library of Congress).

19th century. For, as Kumar (2003: 41) points out, historians tend to see the origins of national consciousness in their own periods of specialisation. Bede, Alfred the Great and William the Conqueror notwithstanding, it is in the period between the loss of Normandy in AD 1204 to the eventual loss of Calais in AD 1558 that we see the emergence of a more sharply defined sense of national identity to which there is a strong maritime element. The proprietary attitude of English monarchs towards France had regarded the Channel as a connecting medium between their territories. But as lands were lost, regained and lost again it came to define an England in which the sea was a frontier: not in a sense of isolationism but of security and then of opportunity. If control over French territory was no longer possible, control over the sea was. Increased awareness of national identity was therefore partly a product of maritime affairs linked, at the level of governance, to the process of state formation, but perhaps more importantly, across society to those engaged in or connected with maritime occupations. Of course, consciousness of maritime identity and maritime space for those who milked cows, followed the plough, laid hedges or kept house in the inland shires of England might seem of dubious relevance, yet their lives were also affected by maritime affairs. While some never travelled further than their county town, let alone saw the sea, many did and for every person whose life was the soil, the workshop or the forest, there was another for whom it was the sea or at least an industry with maritime connections. By the end of the medieval period these people comprised a steadily increasing proportion of the population, reflecting the importance to the state of shipping, commerce and access to overseas resources.

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Maritime space and identity Perhaps one of the most revealing illustrations of changing perceptions of the maritime world are the mappae mundi and portolan charts, for they provide a time line from the 13th to the 16th century during which knowledge of the world is expanded by sea. The mappae mundi, though appearing to be crude maps, are really ways of representing cultural, historical and religious relationships in the contexts of contemporary, Christian and Classical centres of importance (Harvey, 2006; Kline, 2012). In contrast the portolans attempt to represent geographic space and practical interests in navigation (fig. 3). In both forms we see the progressive additions of newly discovered lands until the mid-15th century, where it is the portolan and its descendent charts using modern projections that indicate the ascendancy of Renaissance, humanist thinking and the political and economic importance of distance and direction between the old and new worlds. All this had practical implications for being at sea. In almost every theatre of maritime activity whether commerce, industry or naval endeavours, voyage distance and duration were increasing. This necessitated changes in vessel configuration, not necessarily size (though ships in general become larger) but in the space organised as work areas, cargo stowage and accommodation. For voyages of a few days and less, especially in the undecked vessels of the High Medieval period, accommodation was not differentiated with significant internal structure. But as voyage length got longer, extending to weeks or months in the case of transatlantic fishing and whaling, capacity and accommodation become factors reflected in the sea-keeping design and

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Fig. 4. A linstock from the Tudor warship Mary Rose (1545). The slow burning match was held in the jaws of the ‘dragon’. Each linstock was made by its owner and the fire-breathing dragon was a common symbol of aggression and power (Courtesy, Mary Rose Trust).

construction of the hull as well as with the partitioning by which internal space was compartmentalised. This sort of voyaging necessitated increased specialism in crews and thus heightened the sense of being different from those ashore. It also both demanded and promoted an increasingly professional class of vocational seafarers linked to a growing community in the rapidly expanding dockyards as well as the necessary administrative structures. Beyond the ports, New Worlds revealed by transatlantic voyaging, circumnavigation and first contact conferred the sort of esoteric knowledge and status discussed by Helms (1988: 131) not just for commanders and masters but for each and every member of the crew. Maritime space was being understood in new ways and space aboard ship was being reconfigured in response. There is a parallel here between the organisation of space on board ship with similar changes in medieval houses observed by Johnson (1993). Over the course of the period under discussion, both in the 14th century and on board ship, space is increasingly sub-divided partly for function and role but also to address notions of identity, status and privacy: cabins for a navigator, a barbersurgeon or a carpenter aboard the Mary Rose; the hall, parlours and bedchambers in the medieval house. Specialisation in the practice of seafaring brought with it an increasing specialisation of the associated material culture aboard, everything from clothing, adornment, style and decoration, which together with idiosyncratic vocabulary, all heightened a seafarer’s sense of belonging to a maritime community, the two being mutually reinforcing. In the medieval period, things carried aboard that were exclusively maritime were relatively few, navigation instruments for example. Even at the time the Mary Rose sank, many of the objects used aboard for the sailing of the ship or carried by the crew as personal possessions, including their clothes, were the same as they would have used ashore. Of those objects specific to tasks on board, many were made by the person concerned. Gun Captains on the Mary Rose for example made their own linstocks, the

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swagger stick-like holder for the slow match used to touch off the gun. Carved and decorated with appropriate symbolism, for example a dragon’s head, they were both functional and a badge of office specific to the owner (fig. 4). Little more than a century later we see a maritime world in which much more of what is worn, carried and used aboard is not only specifically maritime in design, function and nomenclature but, particularly in naval and East India vessels for example, institutional rather than individual. Medieval and post medieval seafaring then, became a matter of distance both in spatial and temporal senses but also in a cultural one. Yet increased professional differentiation and specialised material culture went hand in hand with a growing importance of maritime affairs to society at large. So difference in the sense of identity did not mean separation, for maritime affairs had become of central importance to the business of state and, even though they might not be aware of it, to the majority of its population. A conclusion: ships and builders To turn this back to the ships or rather the people that built them, iconography provides an insight into the changes that occurred as ships became more and more important to the business of state. Medieval images depicting Noah building the Ark show him as the shipwright wielding a broad axe, i.e., building the ship himself. Two hundred years later things have changed. Now Noah is depicted in flowing white robes, the executive master shipwright issuing instructions to his workers. The images are showing a real change in the status of shipwrights from labourers, albeit specialized craft workers, to professionals. Whereas the medieval shipwright was paid the same as a house carpenter, with carvel building everything changed. Matthew Baker, who became Master shipwright to Elizabeth I in 1572 depicted himself in a panelled office with an apprentice.

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He was salaried, pensioned and feted by ministers of state and possibly the Queen herself. There is a world of difference then between John Hoggekyn who built Henry V’s Grace Dieu in 1418 and Sir Anthony Dean, building royal ships in the 17th century. Perhaps the rise of a numerate, professional class of shipwrights has its roots in the predations of the plague? What I have tried to show is that the ships we investigate as archaeological source material can not only be understood as complex technology, as objects of profound significance to society and in many ways manifestations of society, but that we can reach back into the interconnecting networks that comprise society itself and reveal what Braudel denominated the moyenne durée – the cycles of political and social development which for us are most spectacularly punctuated by ships and boats and the reasons they were made as they were. Acknowledgements Some of this text was developed during the research that went into the preparation of the Maritime and Marine Historic Environment Research Framework for English Heritage, by the Centre for Maritime Archaeology at Southampton and published as ‘People and the Sea’ (Ransley et al., 2013). The writing of this paper overlapped with the development of the Medieval chapter for ‘People and the Sea’ that I wrote with Joe Flatman (Adams & Flatman, 2013) and I thank him, along with Jerzy Gawronski and Johan Rönnby, for numerous discussions and correspondence that enlivened the whole process. Thanks also to Gustav Milne who first expounded the significance of medieval depictions of Noah in a seminar delivered at Southampton. References Adams, J., 2003. Ships, Innovation and Social Change: Aspects of Carvel Shipbuilding in Northern Europe 1450-1850. Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 24. Stockholm Marine Archaeology reports 3. University of Stockholm, Stockholm. Adams, J., 2006. From the water margins to the centre ground? Editorial article. Journal of Maritime Archaeology 1.1: 1-8. Adams, J., 2013. A Maritime Archaeology of Ships. Innovation and Social Change in Medieval and early Modern Europe. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Adams, J. & Black, J., 2004. From Rescue to Research. Medieval Wrecks in St Peter Port, Guernsey. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 35.2: 230-252. Adams, J. & Flatman, J., 2013. High to Post-Medieval: 10001650 AD. In J. Ransley et al. (eds), People and the Sea. English Heritage/Council for British Archaeology. Brown, A., 1988. The Renaissance. Longman, London. Campbell, J., 1995. The united kingdom of England: the AngloSaxon achievement. In: A. Grant & K.J. Stringer (eds),

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Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History. Routledge, London. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1986. Aspects of Wood Technology in Medieval Shipbuilding. In: O. Crumlin-Pedersen & M. Vinner (eds), Sailing Into the Past. Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde: 138-148. Davis, R., 1972. The Rise of English Merchant Shipping in the 17th and 18th centuries. David & Charles, Newton Abbot. Davies, R., 2000. The First English Empire: Power and Identities in the British Isles 1093-1343 (Ford Lectures). Oxford University Press, Oxford. Dobb, M. (ed.), 1963. The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism. London. Elton, G.R., 1995. The English. Wiley Blackwell, London. Friel, I., 1993. Henry V’s ‘Grace Dieu’ and the wreck in the Hamble River near Bursledon. Hampshire. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 22.1: 3-19. Friel, I., 1995. The Good Ship. Shipbuilding and Technology in England 1200-1520. British Museum Press, London. Goodburn, D., 1988. Recent finds of Ancient Boats from the London area. London Archaeologist 5.16: 423-428. Goodburn, D., 1991. New light on early ship and boatbuilding in the London area. In: Good et al. (eds), Waterfront Archaeo­logy. CBA Research Report 74, Council for British Archaeology, York: 105 – 115. Goodburn, D., 1992. An archaeology of medieval boat building practice. Pre-prints: Medieval Europe 1992 Conference: Maritime session. York University, York. Goodburn, D., 2002. An Archaeology of Early English Boatbuilding c. 900-1600 AD: Based mainly on finds from SE England. Doctoral Thesis. Institute of Archaeology, London. Greenhill, B., 1995. The Archaeology of Boats and Ships, an Introduction. Conway Maritime Press, London. Harvey, P.D.A., 2002. Mappa Mundi. The Hereford World Map. Hereford Cathedral, Hereford. Harvey, P.D.A., 2006. Medieval Maps. British library, London. Hasslöf, O., 1972. Main principles in the Technology of ShipBuilding. In: O. Hasslöf et al. (eds), Ships & Shipyards - Sailors and Fishermen. Rosenkilde and Bagger, Copenhagen: 27-72. Helms, M.W., 1988. Ulysses’ Sail: An Ethnographic Odyssey of Power, Knowledge and Geographical Distance. Princeton university Press, Princeton. Herlihy, D., 1997. The Black Death and the Transformation of the West. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Hocker, F., 1991. Development of a bottom-based shipbuilding tradition in Northwestern Europe and the New World. PhD thesis. Texas A&M University, College Station. Hocker, F. & Vlierman, K., 1996. A small cog wrecked on the Zui­ derzee in the early fifteenth century. Excavation Report 19. Flevobericht 408. NISA, Lelystad. Holk, A.F.L. van, 2017. The Zuiderzee. Highway, fishing ground and power landscape. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Johnson, M., 1996. An Archaeology of Capitalism. Blackwell, Oxford.

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Johnson, M., 1993. Housing culture: traditional architecture in an English landscape. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC. Kline, N.R., 2012. Maps of Medieval Thought. The Hereford Paradigm. Boydell press, Martlesham. Kumar, K., 2003. The Making of English National Identity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Mäss, V., 1994. A Unique 16th Century Estonian Ship Find. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads of Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 189–194. McGrail, S., 2001. Boats of the World. Oxford University Press, Oxford. McKee, E., 1983. Working Boats of Britain. Conway Maritime Press, London. Milne, G., 2003. The Port of Medieval London. Tempus, London. Milne, G., with J. Flatman & K. Brandon., 2004. The 14thCentury merchant ship from Sandwich: a study in medieval maritime archaeology. Archaeologia cantiana 124: 227-63. Marsden, P., 1997. Ships and Shipwrecks. Batsford, London. Nayling, N. & Jones, T., 2014. The Newport Medieval Ship, Wales, United Kingdom. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 43.2: 239-278. Nayling, N. & McGrail, S., 2004. Barland’s Farm Romano-Celtic Boat. Council for British Archaeology, London. Platt, C., 1996. King Death. The Black Death and its aftermath in late-medieval England. University College London Press, London.

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Pujol I Hamelink, M. et al., 2017. Barceloneta I. An Atlantic 15th-century ship in Barcelona (Catalonia - Spain) and the evolution of naval technology in the Mediterranean. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and maritime landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Ransley, J., Sturt, F., Dix, J.K., Blue, L. & Adams, J. (eds), 2013. People and the Sea. English Heritage/Council for British Archaeology. Rieth, E., 2000. The Mediaeval Wreck from Port Berteau II (Charente Maritime), France). In: J. Litwin (ed.), Down the River to the Sea. Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Gdansk 1997. Polish Maritime Museum, Gdansk. Sarsfield, J.P., 1991. Master Frame and Ribbands. A Brazilian case study with an overview of this widespread traditional carvel design and building system. In: R. Reinders & K. Paul (eds), Carvel Construction Technique. Oxbow monograph 12, Oxbow Books, Oxford: 137-145. Wachsmann, S., 1996. Technology Before its Time: A Byzantine Shipwreck from Tantura Lagoon. The Explorers Journal 74.1: 19-23. Wormald, P., 1994. Engla Lond: The Making of an Allegiance. Journal of Social History 7.1: 1-24

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2. Euro-American shipwrecks in the indigenous landscape of the Arctic (Alaska) Evguenia Anichtchenko

Introduction In August 1763 the one-masted ship of the Russian trader Stepan Glotoff called at Alitak Bay on Kodiak Island in south-central Alaska. For the Glotoff this was just yet another stop on his fur-gathering tour along the Aleutian chain, but for local indigenous people the strangers and their ship were a new sight. Half a century after this event, local resident Arsenti Aminak recalled: “When we saw the ship at a distance we thought it was an immense whale, but soon discovered that it was another unknown monster of which we were afraid, and the smell of which made us sick. The people on the ship had buttons on their clothes, and at first we thought they might be octopai, but when we saw them put fire into their mouth and blow out smoke we knew they must be devils” (Bancroft, 1960: 144). In many senses this account is typical of circumpolar indigenous peoples’ first encounters with non-native newcomers: they were strange, dangerous, and they came from the sea. Athabascan Indians of Cook Inlet, who first encountered “the strangers” when Captain Cook’s Resolution and Discovery sailed towards their shores in 1778, dubbed them “underwater people.” For them it looked as if ships emerged from under the waves, bringing with them outwardly things: some useful (like metal needles, beads and firearms), and some utterly mysterious – like scissors that were interpreted as pendants and worn around the neck (Sacaloff, 2003: 356). For coastal Alaskan native groups, the novelties and dramatic changes introduced by the European newcomers became promptly and firmly associated with their ships. Magical and strange, ships were often perceived as hostile. At the same time, the meaning of ships as watercraft was easily grasped by the indigenous mariners, whose entire livelihood depended on their success at sea, and thus on their boats. In all of the indigenous

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languages of Arctic Alaska the name for European ships is derived from the name used for their open skin boats, and can literally be translated as ‘big boat.’ For the native population in the early stages of contact, European ships occupied a transitional zone between familiar and foreign. They utilized some of the same means of propulsion, sailed the ancestral waterways, and were susceptible to winds and currents in much the same way as indigenous boats, yet they belonged to ‘others’, coming and going at their biddings, animated by their will. But what happened when through abandonment or shipwreck a ship was ‘released’ into the indigenous physical and cultural landscape? What was the role of both functional and perceptional considerations in how shipwreck material was utilized and acknowledged? The whaling fleet disaster Located on the largely undeveloped coast of the Chukchi Sea between Point Belcher and Point Franklin, the site of the 1871 whaling fleet disaster offers a unique opportunity for studying how shipwrecks were incorporated into the indigenous world (fig. 1). This region is the traditional home of the Iñupiat people, a Native group belonging to the linguistic and ethnic continuum that extends across the high Arctic from Alaska to Greenland. Maritime resources played a crucial role in both survival and cultural identity of Iñupiat people, who subsisted on marine mammals, pursued their prey in boats covered with seal skins, and lived in semi-subterranean houses constructed of whale bone. The first episodic contact between the native people living in the vicinity of Point Belcher and Europeans occurred in 1826 (Beechy, 1968: 419-425), but until the second half of 19th century, interaction between Iñupiat and Europeans remained insignificant. This changed in 1848 when Captain Thomas Roys became the first Yankee whaler to harvest a bowhead whale north of the Bering Strait, hundreds of miles farther north than commercial

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Fig. 1. The 1871 whaling disaster survey area, 2005-2008. Map of artifact distribution (by Pete McConnell).

whalers had ventured before. Since bowheads produced more oil and longer baleen than most other whales, the news of this discovery spread quickly, and commercial whaling in the Western Arctic had begun. Over the seven decades following this discovery, about 2,700 whaling voyages were made into Arctic waters at the cost of 150 whaling ships lost and the near extinction of the bowhead whale (Bockstoce, 1986: 22-26). One of the largest commercial whaling disasters occurred in 1871. In early September a fleet of 39 whaling ships from New Bedford, Massachusetts and other New England whaling ports was hunting bowhead whales in the Chukchi Sea. Seven of the ships remained in the vicinity of Icy Cape, while 32 were pushed towards Point Franklin. Normally, during this time of year, floating ice that forms in the Chukchi Sea is blown out to sea by easterly winds, which allows the whalers to hunt closer to the shore, but in 1871 the winds blew off the Chukchi Sea from the northwest, forcing the ice toward the shore and trapping the ships between the ice and the coastline (Bockstoce, 1986: 151-152). When is became clear that it was impossible to save the ships, the whaling captains abandoned all ships and evacuated 1,200 men and women using the ships’ whaling boats. Crews dragged the boats over the ice and rowed 90 miles south to Icy Cape where they were rescued by the remaining

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whaling ships. Remarkably, not a single life was lost in the evacuation. Ships, however, were less fortunate. When a salvage fleet reached the site of the 1871 disaster a year later they discovered that of the 32 ships only one was salvageable. Some ships had sunk; some washed ashore and were broken up by storms and three had been burned by Natives. It was a critical moment for the Yankee whaling industry - particularly for the whaling port of New Bedford which lost 70% of its fleet (Bockstoce, 1986: 159). Up north, the disaster left many kilometers of the coastline covered with ship remains. These wrecks were frequently mentioned by travelers and archaeologists, but no survey was undertaken until Randolph Beebe, a diver from Duluth, Minnesota, visited Barrow and realized the site’s potential for shipwreck research (Beebe, 2007: 1). Investigation of the wreck-site In 2005, 2007 and 2008 a team of researchers headed by Beebe conducted a survey of shipwreck remains between Point Belcher and Point Franklin. The initial goal of the project was to locate shipwrecks underwater: 34 km2 of sea bottom were surveyed, but no shipwreck sites were found. Instead the sonar data showed

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Fig. 2. Shipwreck fragment at Pt. Franklin, Alaska (Photo: Michael Burwell).

Fig. 3. Evguenia Anichtchenko recording the ‘Big wreck.’ (Photo: Pete McConnell).

a seafloor deeply scoured by ice ridges in water as deep as 30 m, leading the archaeologists to the conclusion that any wooden ship remains that came in contact with such ridges would have been severely fragmented, scattered and likely pushed ashore. The shoreline work was more fruitful. Survey of 50 km of coastline between Point Belcher and Point Franklin located 219 features in various stages of disintegration: from small singular wooden timbers to articulated assemblages, such as ship knees and large hull fragments. Only 4% of the located features were large ship hull fragments. Six of them were recorded between Point Belcher and Point Franklin and one, exposed by a recent storm, was discovered south of Point Belcher in 2008. Three of these hulls are embedded in the surf zone and are periodically

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buried and exposed by wave action (fig. 2). In 2007 the team had a chance to witness how one of the hull fragments was first exposed and then buried again over a period of seven days. The largest of the hulks is located on the westernmost point of Peard Bay. This is a 23 m long by 5.2 m wide fragment of a ship hull lying upside down, consisting of 22 double-frames, held together by thick outer planking, remains of the keelson, and perhaps ceiling planking covered by sand (fig. 3). Most of the whaling fleet ships were about 30 to 40 m long, so this hulk represents about 60-70% of the vessel’s lower hull. Closely positioned frames are assembled in an alternating ‘short arm-long arm’ pattern and are attached by both wooden treenails and iron fasteners. Thick planking, double

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frame construction and close positioning of the frames indicate that the ship was built to endure heavy seas. The construction is typical for 19th-century ships, but lacks characteristics that could date it more precisely or reveal its identity. Some smaller fragments were difficult to interpret, others are still articulated enough to identify which part of ship they represent. For instance, two hull fragments feature four feet-long chain plates (part of the standing rigging), usually located on the outside of the hull’s upper part, beneath the bulwarks. The hull section at Point Belcher is charred and may represent the remains of the Concordia – one of three ships burned by local Iñupiat. Most of the hulks are surrounded by timber assemblies, such as ship’s knees, fragments of decks and ship’s rudders. One-tenth of the ship remains found in the survey area were non-wooden artifacts. With the exception of the remains of a gunpowder sack these were ferrous objects, such as a ship’s parrel, chain plate, ship fasteners, barrel hoops and sheathing. The latter was particularly numerous. One of the sheathing fragments bore a maker’s mark ‘AB Copper Co’ which stands for Ansonia Brass & Copper Company. The company was founded in 1845 in Ansonia, Connecticut and is still in business under the name Ansonia Copper and Brass, Inc. The most frequent type of ship elements in the survey area were single (unattached) timbers. Ranging in size and function from remains of keelson and frames to hull and deck plank fragments, this group constitutes 78% of all recorded wreckage material. Artifacts from this group are scattered along the entire coastline of the search area at an average concentration of one timber per each 300 m of the beach. At the time of the disaster the concentration and variety of the introduced ship materials were considerably higher, making a tremendous socioeconomic, and ecological impact on the local Iñupiat population. As archaeologist Glen Sheehan remarked, “it was like having a hardware store and a Wal-Mart wash up on the beach” (Perkins, 1997: 7). To utilize this wealth local Inupiat had to assign both functional and conceptual meanings to thousands of fittings and timbers that a European ship is made of, and that they had never seen before. The interaction of the Iñupiat with the wreck-site At the time of the disaster the area between Pt. Belcher and Pt. Franklin had three settlements: Nunagiak, Atanik and Pingasagruk. All of these sites were affected by the wealth of suddenly available shipwreck material. The first stage of appropriating the ships began when the whaling crews were still in sight. Unlawful from the perspective of the European mariners, this pillaging of the ships was well within the indigenous paradigm of rightful use of land and ocean resources in their traditional subsistence territory. When an officer of the

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bark Arctic asked one of the local Iñupiat men what he thought about the disaster, the Native replied that he was glad because “the whalemen came up there killing the whales and walrus, thus depriving the inhabitants of the country of the means of subsistence, and it was his opinion that the Great Spirit had done it” (Walkerman, 2005: 44). The first things removed from the ships were whale baleen and walrus ivory - the materials that locals were well familiar with and knew exactly how to use. Some of the ship wreckage was used for fuel much in the same manner as driftwood (Slaughter, 1982: 154). Copper sheathing was also easily recognized as material useful for manufacturing arrow points, fishing lures and even traditional skin boats. Other, more exotic objects and substances were appropriated in a creative and sometimes disastrous manner. Sacks of flour were emptied over the ice and used for shirts and sails for skin boats. Ignorant of white man’s food, the Natives tragically did know about alcohol. At Point Belcher people of the Native village of Nunagiak broke into the ship’s medicine chest and drank the content of all bottles, which poisoned so many that the settlement was abandoned (Brower, 1943: 28). Nunagiak means ‘good place’ in Iñupiaq. It was called so because of its easy access to the whale migration routes, which both ensured the village’s existence since circa 1000 AD (Ford, 1959: 56-73), and brought its ultimate decline in 1871. Several kilometers north of Nunagiak, the settlements of Pingasagruk and Atanik were affected in a completely opposite way. Excavation at Pingasagruk demonstrated that this site, located at Point Franklin, was intermittently occupied from AD 1400, abandoned by 1800 and then resettled again in the direct response to the wealth of the materials generated by the 1871 disaster (Sheehan et al., 1991: 10, 16). People re-settling Pingasagruk likely came from the nearby village of Atanik. Positioned approximately 12 km northeast of Point Belcher and 1/2 km from shore, Atanik was a thriving 19th-century village, which also benefited from the ship wreckage. Because of the distance between the shore and the village, the use of the shipwreck material here required a fairly high degree of deliberation and effort, particularly in the case of large artifacts, such as a ship’s parrel found in the center of the village. Given the distance from the coast and the artifact’s weight, it is obvious that the object was intentionally delivered and positioned. Whaling captain and local elder Ben Ahmaogak Sr. suggested that it served as a place to tie the village dogs. The parrel was not the only ship artifact recorded at the Atanik site: barrel hoops sprinkle the tundra in between the houses and at least four semi-subterranean huts are constructed with ship timbers (fig. 4). A similar use of ship timbers is recorded at the Siraagruk site near Point Belcher. Dale Slaughter, excav­ ating the site in 1978, noted that over 70% of all wood used for house construction came from ship wreckage and suggested that Siraagruk was settled in response

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2. Euro-American shipwrecks ...

33

Fig. 4. Ben Ahmaogak Sr. of Wainwright, Alaska, points out ship’s timber in the house remains at the Atanik village site near Pt. Belcher, Alaska (Photo: Randolph Bebe).

to the commercial whaling disasters (Slaughter, 1982: 143, 157). The earliest definitely dated artifact from this site is an iron whaling harpoon stamped with the name Julian, one of the whaling barks lost in 1871 (ibid 143). Interestingly, the use of newly introduced materials had little influence on Siraagruk house design. The traditional Iñupiaq house was a semi-subterranean structure made of a framework of driftwood logs and whalebone and covered with layers of sod. The main living area consisted of one room, the entrance to which was gained through a long tunnel. Houses were heated by oil lamps. Both oil and open fires were used for cooking, which took place in a small room located in the tunnel close to the entrance to the main room (Lee & Reinhardt, 2003: 78-80). In addition to functional uses, every part of the house had its social significance. The placement of objects and people inside the house was regulated by both functional considerations and embedded ritualism, both of which were also extended to the choice of materials for house construction. The incorporation of shipwreck materials into the dwellings was executed with both a creative embrace of new materials and adherence to the traditional norms: various wooden and metal fragments of shipwrecks had to be understood and reinterpreted before finding their place in the house structure. For instance, ships’ outer planking and bulkheads were somewhat similar to the planking of

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the Iñupiaq house, which likely determined their use in house construction (Slaughter, 1982: 145). Interestingly, the relationship between watercraft and house exists in the traditional Iñupiaq paradigm: large indigenous skin boats propped on one side were often used as a temporary shelter during long distance travels, and the archaeological evidence suggests that frames of native watercraft were used in house construction (Ford, 1959: 158-159). While wooden planks were used nearly in the same way as they were utilized in industrial societies, the role of iron fasteners was completely overlooked. Of 1100 brass and iron nails recovered from house 4 of the Siraagruk site not one specimen appears to have been utilized in house construction. Many of the boards found in the houses contained nails, but they had been bent over, or, more frequently, cut flush with the surface to accomplish traditional non-fastened structural joints (Slaughter, 1982: 157). The same house structure featured a very distinct use of shipwreck material in the construction of the underground tunnel. The tunnel is designed to trap cold air and is largely responsible for keeping subterranean houses warm. Coming into the house one descends into the tunnel and then ascends to the house through the narrow passage ending with a round floor opening called katak. Traditionally, the tunnel is lined with whale bone. In house 4 at the Siraagruk

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Evguenia Anichtchenko

site the tunnel section adjacent to the katak was walled with two commercially manufactured doors complete with brass hinges. The corresponding area in house 8 was framed with two ship knees (Slaughter, 1982: 154). This placement of shipwreck artifacts in the same areas of two different houses can hardly be coincidental. As a transition from outside to the living space, the katak is perhaps one of the most ritualistically endorsed parts of the house. In many Inupiaq stories it figures prominently as a boundary between different worlds and a place of birth and transformation: a shaman dives headfirst into the passage and transforms into a polar bear as he passes the katak; a toy kayak magically floats in the katak and harpoons a whale; a drum thrown through the katak vanishes and is found several days later inside the carcass of a whale it killed to feed the village (Lowenstein, 1994: 43-50). In traditional Iñupiaq house architecture, the katak is often framed with whale mandibles, which are a reference to the mouth of the whale, while the rest of the house symbolizes its body. The placement of ‘exotic’ shipwreck artifacts in this area might reflect the concept of the transitional power of this space as a border between external and internal, familiar and foreign. Conclusion To summarize these observations, the Native engagement with the remains of the 1871 whaling disaster had a tremendous impact on local culture, affecting settlement pattern and fostering understanding and exploration of new materials and technologies. Both pragmatic considerations and ritualistic treatment played a role in how the wrecks were used. The deconstructed and reinvented European ship made its way into house and boatbuilding, served as a landmark and for fuel, and ultimately became an integral part of both the physical and social indigenous landscape.

Beebe, R.G., 2007. The lost whaling fleet: searching for the wrecks of the 1871 whaling disaster in the Chukchi Sea. 2007 field work report. (Grant EC 0284-06), September 01, 2007. Beechey, F.W., 1968. Narrative of a voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Strait to co-operate with the Polar expedition performed in His Majesty’s Ship Blossom under the command of captain F.W. Beechey. R.N. in the years 1825,26,27,28 (Vol. 1). Da Capro Press, New York. Bockstoce, J.R., 1986. Whales, ice, and men: the history of whaling in the Western Arctic. University of Washington Press, Seattle. Brower, C.D., 1943. Fifty years below zero: a lifetime adventure in the Far North. Dodd, Mead & Company, New York. Ford, J.A., 1959. Eskimo prehistory in the vicinity of Point Barrow, Alaska. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 47.1. New York. Lowenstein, T., 1994. Ancient land, sacred whale: the Inuit hunt and its rituals. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York. Lee, M. & Reinhardt, G.A., 2003. Eskimo architecture. University of Alaska Press, Fairbanks, Alaska. Perkins, C., 1997. 500-year-old muktuk anyone? Couple discusses Point Franklin dig in Wainwright. Arctic Sounder April 3: 6-7. Sacaloff, F., 2003. Unhsah Tahna’ina: The First Underwater People. In: J. Kari (ed.), Shem Pete’s Alaska: The Territory of the Upper Cook Inlet Dena’ina. University of Alaska Press, Fairbanks, Alaska. Sheehan, G.W., Reinhardt, G.A. & Jensen, A.M., 1991. Pingusugruk: A Prehistoric Whaling Village at Point Franklin, Alaska. SJS Archaeological Services, Inc.: prepared for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Anchorage, Alaska. Slaughter, D.C., 1982. The Point Barrow Type House: Analysis of Archaeological Examples from Siraagruk and Other Sites in Northern Alaska. Anthropological Papers of the University of Alaska 20 (1-2): 141-158. Walkerman, S.J., 2005. A Captain’s Nightmare. The Arctic Whaling Disaster of 1871. Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Arts. Department of History, Brown University.

References Bancroft, H.H., 1960. History of Alaska 1730-1885. Antiquarian Press, New York.

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3. Armenian merchants in the Indian Ocean in the 17th and 18th centuries Karen Balayan

Armenian merchants had a great influence in India and China from very early times. In the 12th century, Armenian sea merchants had their own trade settlement in Canton. Up to the 17th century Armenians had created a large network of merchant sea routes in the Indian Ocean and the west part of the Pacific. Europeans began to play an important role in the region later on, after the discovery of the sea route from Europe to India around the Cape of Good Hope. When they started their activities in India, Europeans

looked for partnerships with the Armenian merchants. Armenians had such a big influence and important position, that the Europeans used these connections to penetrate deeper in the Indian community. In this process Armenians plied the role of mediators between the Europeans and local authorities. Permanent wars between the Europeans created difficulties for cooperation and trade between themselves. In this situation Armenians took the role of mediators between Europeans as well.

Fig 1. Trade sea routes of Armenian merchants in the 17th and 18th centuries.

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36

Karen Balayan

We have collected information about the usage of the Armenian flag by Europeans in order to avoid difficulties when entering the harbour cities, which were controlled by theirs enemies. Sometimes they were even dressed in Armenian traditional clothing. They introduced their goods as Armenian belongings, addressed them to the Armenian supercargo and even used Armenian ships for the same reason. After establishing a stable trading network, the European companies changed their politics towards the Armenian merchants, as they became their competitors in the region. First of all this concerned the British. Competition was present between Europeans

as well, but all of them had governmental support, in contrast to Armenians, who did not have an independent state at that time. Sometimes Europeans turned to such methods as piracy, privateering and other dubious methods of competition. A lot of evidence of their actions has been preserved. Privateers extended their rights and captured the ships of the allies and friends very often. In absence of state support, Armenian trade collapsed. By the end of the 19th century Armenian colonies decreased in number. Only a few small companies in the Far East were left.

Fig 2. Quedakh merchant. 400 ton merchant vessel, built in Surat, India, owned by Armenians, captured by British pirate Capt. William Kidd and sunk in the Caribbean in 1699.

Fig. 3. Armenian Merchants, 18th century.

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3. Armenian merchants in the Indian Ocean in the 17th and 18th centuries

37

Fig. 4. Quedagh Merchant shipwreck site (guns).

Fig. 6. Armenian Flag (reconstruction).

Fig. 5. Wind Rose (1742).

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4. The 18th-century Dutch vessel De Jonge Seerp from Gdańsk Bay (Poland) and her skipper Johannes Leenderts Tomasz Bednarz & Menno Leenstra

Wreck W-27 The wreck was discovered on 10 August 1985 during pene­tration work in the roads and anchorage area of the Northern Port in Gdańsk. The wreck site is located 4.5

miles north-east of Gdańsk in Gdańsk Bay at a depth of 26 m (fig. 1). The site includes an area of over 2,000  m2. Its main part consists of the bottom section of a ship preserved with keel, keelson, frames and strakes. Many of the artefacts and structural elements of the stern are

Fig. 1. W-27 wreck location (Map: Arch. CMM).

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4. The 18th-century Dutch vessel De Jonge Seerp ...

39

Fig. 2a-d. Lead tokens (Photo: Arch. CMM)

scattered over a considerable distance, about 40 m to the southeast from the main structure. The main structure of W-27 consists of a 26 m long keel, 31 floor timbers, flush-laid bottom planking and a 17 m long keelson with a mast step. A 7 m long rudder with a 1.4 m wide rudder blade and a 6.1 m long tiller was discovered in 1987 (Bednarz & Kaczor: 152). Twelve samples of wood from the wreck were collected for dendrochronological studies. On the basis of the dendrochronological analysis the conclusion was reached that the ship was built in the second half of the 18th century. The earliest possible felling date of the trees is the year 1761; this is also the earliest possible date of the construction of the ship. The timber used came from different areas of Prussia: Lusatia, Lower Silesia, and the southern North Sea coast (Inwentaryzacja etc, 2006: 7-8). More than 10,000 objects have been recovered during 13 exploration seasons including fragments of sails, armament, pottery and glass vessels, the crew’s personal belongings, items of kitchen equipment, etc. The most interesting finds are: an almost complete octant, a telescope, a paraffin lamp, two rail guns, an 80 cm long cannon, silver and copper coins and eight lead tokens (fig. 2). The head of the rudder shows the ornament of a sculptured trifoliate clover, which is characteristic for Dutch ships (especially for kuffs) from the 18th and 19th centuries. A brass snuff-box with an engraved genre piece showing a woman and a man turning in opposite direction is another item indicating a Dutch origin. The scene is completed with two inscriptions in Flemish (Bednarz, 2012: 95). At the wreck site a name shield ‘JONGE SEERP’ has been found (fig. 3). During the exploration a bras piston (stamp) was found with the letters ‘JL’ and seal wax with a coat of arms which could be identified as that of the Dutch (Frisian) city of Harlingen. The word Seerp (the ship’s name means Young Seerp) appearing in her name is clearly of Frisian origin. Twenty-five Dutch coins found in the wreck and a small clay pipes made in Gouda, that are frequently found in many archaeological sites, also prove Dutch connections (Bednarz, 2012: 95). A French copper coin, with partly blurred date, represents the youngest of the 77 numismatic finds. Showing the portrait of King Louis XVI, the coin of 1 Sou (Sol) value was minted between 1778 and 1793. Cargo

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markings in the form of lead tokens provide a supplementary set of dates from within a relatively small chronological scope – from 1784 to 1789. On one of the staves is an inscription engraved and a date: 1791 (fig. 4). The same date has also been found on a barrel bottom. On the basis of the analysis of the coins, lead tokens and dates on fragments of barrels, it is concluded that the ship sank at the end of 18th century, probably in 1791 or a little later (Rutecki, 1995: 52). Identified as a sailing vessel, probably with two masts, the wreck is interpreted as the remnant of a 30 m long flat-bottomed merchantman. As can be traced back from her structure and dating, the ship represents a kuff or galliot type of vessel with a rounded, full hull form. Generally built by Dutch shipwrights, these types were popular in the Baltic and North Sea in the 18th and 19th centuries. They were sturdy and could carry a large amount of cargo. Because of their flat bottom, also shallow ports could be entered. The crews consisted of only six to eight persons (Bednarz & Kaczor: 154). Kuffs had two masts; the forward one carrying a gaff sail and two or three square sails, the smaller mizzen a gaff, sometimes with an additional topgallant. The length of kufftype vessels varied from about 20 m to more than 30 m. Their cargo capacity could reach up to 120 lasts (one last equalises about two tuns of cargo capacity), a capacity comparable W-27. Galliots had two or three masts. Characterized by a more slender hull, their stern posts and especially stems were inclined to a larger angle in relation to the keel. Some three-masted Galliots were square-rigged, whereas smaller two-masted galliots carried a mizzen with a gaff sail and a topgallant. Their length varied from more than 30 m to over 40 m. A collision on the 11th of June 1791 at the Gulf of Gdańsk

In mid-June 1791 John Campion, a skipper from Whitby, testified for the Gdańsk mayor that his vessel The Recovery, going from London to Gdansk with ballast, had had a collision on the 11th of June with the Dutch kuff De Jonge Seerp under the command of skipper Johannes Leenders.1 In his declaration the English skipper puts the full responsibility for the accident on the Dutch side. Both ships were tacking to windward

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Tomasz Bednarz & Menno Leenstra

Fig. 3 (above). Board with description -Jonge Seerp (Photo: Arch. CMM).

both ships separated again the Dutch skipper and his crew went over on the Recovery. One of the Dutch crewmembers had to be picked up out of the water, which caused the Recovery to drift a considerable distance to lee. Before they could reach the Dutch ship again this had sunk in a position from where - according to the Englishman’s explanations - you could see the towers of the churches of Gdańsk at a distance of about three nautical miles southwest by west. These archives do not provide a name of the registry port of De Jonge Seerp, but we may have a sound hypothesis of its provenance on the basis of the vessel’s and the skipper’s name. The Dutch artefacts, the name shield, the coat of arms of Harlingen and the seal with the initials of the skipper do provide additional evidence to identify the wreck as that of De Jonge Seerp sailed by skipper Johannes Leenderts from Harlingen in the Netherlands and sunk on 11-6-1791. Frisian shipping to the Baltic Fig. 4 (right). Stave of the barrel with date 1791 (Photo: T. Bednarz).

towards the roads of Gdansk in a rather strong westsouth-westerly wind (the Recovery sailed under double reefed topsails which would indicate a wind force of Beaufort 7-8). The English ship just had gone about because she came near to the ‘Nehrungschen Strande’ and discovered the Jonge Seerp on her windward side. To give the Dutch ship her right of way, the Recovery had put up the helm and adapted her sailing to pass behind her. According to the testimony this should have been very clear to the crew of the Jonge Seerp who should have stayed on their course. Suddenly however the Dutch ship also changed her course to lee which made a collision inevitable. Before

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Ships and skippers from the area now known as the Dutch province of Friesland did play an important role in the trade between the Low Countries and the Baltic already in the Hanseatic period. As is shown by the Soundtoll registers they had a large share in the shipping through the Sound over a very long period. This was still the case, when after the end of the 16th century, the economical centre of the newly established Republic of the Seven Provinces shifted to the other side of the Zuiderzee, with Amsterdam as a world trade centre. Even in the mid-18th century nearly half of the passages from Dutch ships through the Sound were made by skippers with their home-port in Friesland (Haagsma, 1907: 73). Harlingen was in the end of the 18th century the most important Frisian harbour. Also because of the presence of a seat of the Dutch admiralty, there were important shipbuilding, harbour and repair facilities,

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4. The 18th-century Dutch vessel De Jonge Seerp ...

but the harbour had not grown with the scale of her time. Two big warships built in Harlingen on account of the fourth Anglo-Dutch war (1781–1783) were not able to leave without large investments in dredging. Although some improvements were suggested, the large ships never were able to leave and were sold to be broken up in 1792.2 The uncertain political situation, the occupation by the French end the English blockade prevented large investments at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. Only after the period that Johannes Leenderts was harbourmaster in Harlingen (1814-1828) dredging was performed on a larger scale and bridges were widened up (Wumkes, 1934: 153, 1-4-1829). For the smaller kuffs however Harlingen still was an important home port and wintering harbour during the 18th century. Johannes Leenderts Before he started his career as a harbourmaster in Harlingen, Johannes Leenderts had for many years been a skipper based in this city. At least fifteen passages made by him through the Sound between 1779 and 1795 are registered. Most of the time his home town is given as Harlingen, but there are some registrations of Sound- passages by a Johannes Leenders from Emden. Possibly this was the same Harlingen based skipper who just had made a change of flag because of the AngloDutch wars. He was baptised in Harlingen the 27th of October 1757 and was the son of the shipcarpenters mate Leendert Johannes (Stuf).3 Next to their patronymic names the family also used the name Stuf or Stoef. Thys Johannes Stoef, skipper of an Admiralty supply vessel in Harlingen probably was his uncle.4 Johannes Leenderts and his wife owned a house in Harlingen near the harbour, from 17885 to his death in 18286, where he will have spent most of the winter-periods when the ships for the Baltic trade were laid up.7 Political developments as a threat to the trade between Harlingen and the Baltic During the fourth Anglo-Dutch war there was hardly any direct Dutch shipping to the Baltic because of the blockade of the English. After this war had ended in 1783 the commerce only slowly recovered. The Dutch agent for the Eastern trade in Danzig reported in 1785 that only 115 of the 800 ships visiting the harbour in that year were registered as having a Dutch skipper. Only half of them however did sail under the Dutch flag. In 1787 of over 1,000 ships visiting Danzig, 80 had Dutch skippers. In April 1791 only two Dutch ships were present in Danzig. Both had Frisian skippers and had sailed in ballast to this place in search for profitable trade possibilities in the Baltic.8

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41

In Friesland there was in the 1780’s the menace of a civil war between a revolutionary movement and the old regime. An independent revolutionary civil council was erected at the neighbouring city of Franeker. The city of Harlingen did stay loyal to the old regime, but a number of her prominent citizens under whom the lawyer Seerp Gratama supported the revolutionary faction. With support of the Prussian regime the loyalists were the winning party and many revolutionaries had to keep silent or even leave the country. After the French invaded the Netherlands in 1795 positions changed, Seerp Gratama published under his own name and later became a professor at the University of Groningen. Dutch shipping was however prevented again by the English.9 After 1772 a large part of the Polish territory around Danzig was annexed by Prussia. In the remaining part of Poland, to which the city of Danzig itself belonged, a more or less democratic parliament was chosen. This did lead to great tension with tsarist Russia. Prussia, supported by England threatened to the annexation of Danzig. The situation in the Baltic in 1791 was so tense that the Dutch agent in Danzig dissuaded the two Frisian skippers to sail on to Riga. Before Johannes Leenderts left Harlingen in the spring of 1791, he could read in his local newspaper that an English fleet was on her way to the Baltic with the possible intention to stay for the winter in Danzig.10 The fatal voyage In February 1791 Johannes Leenderts11 paid the municipal harbour crane for taking out and putting in again the mast of his kuff. He paid for a mast of 19 palm12, which means a mast with a diameter of about 60 cm. On the 8th of June the Soundtoll registered the passage from Amsterdam eastward of skipper Johanes Lenderts from Harlingen.13 As was rather normal, no cargo is mentioned; the ship sailed in ballast. A few days later his ship had a fatal collision with an English ship, but all crew members were saved. It seems that the loss of the ship did not much damage to the career of the Harlinger skipper. In the following years he is mentioned as skipper a number of times again in the Soundtoll-registers.14 There is one more document connecting Johannes Leen­ derts to the Jonge Seerp. In 1786 he registered a crew of six men for this vessel15, the same number mentioned by John Camion as being saved during the wrecking. Frisian kuffs Most of the Frisian kuffs were owned by a number of shareholders, sometimes over 20 shareholders were involved. At the end of the 18th century a large number of advertisements for the sale of kuffs were placed in the local paper ‘De Leeuwarder Courant’.16 The dimensions

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Tomasz Bednarz & Menno Leenstra

of these kuffs were mentioned as between 80 and 110 ft in length and 20 and 24 ¾ ft in width.17 Many of these ships had names starting with ‘Jonge’, often named after junior members of the families of shareholders or builders. As mentioned before, Seerp Gratama was at the end of the 18th century a rather prominent citizen of Harlingen. He was born in 1757 in a family of entrepreneurs and his brother in law, Pieter Tetrode, the husband of the elder sister of Seerp, was involved in shipbuilding and the exploitation of ships.18 At least three ships administrated by Tetrode had names with the adjective ‘Jonge’ in their name.19 Two had the same names as the children of Seerp Gratama. No archival data however could be traced up until now on the building or exploiting of the Jonge Seerp, so the attribution of the ships name to Seerp Gratama, though attractive, remains hypothetical. Notes 1 The State Archive in Gdańsk, The Books of mayors and vice-mayors of Gdansk from years 1791/1792, , inv. nr APG 300,1/1533, p. 83. 2 Advertisements for the building and for the sale of these ships [the Stadt en Lande and the Vriesland] in the Leeuw­ arder Courant of respectively July 1781 and July 1792. 3 Many data on the inhabitants of Harlingen in: http://www. kleinekerkstraat.nl/ , baptising register Grote Kerk Harlingen. 4 Tresoar (Frisian Provincial Archive), Toegangsnr. 13-30 (Oud-gerecht Harlingen), inv. nr 321 fol. 115 (augustus 1784). 5 Tresoar, Toegangsnr. 13-16 (Proclamatieboeken), inv. nr 262 (Harlingen 1785-1788); fol. 268r, Feb. 1788. 6 Tresoar, Toegangsnr. 42 (Memories van successie 1818 1927), inv. nr 7005 (Harlingen 1828-1829); Dagregisternr. 210, 6 mei 1828. 7 Municipal archive Harlingen Inv, nr. 01.06 (Stadsbestuur financien, 244 Havengeld 1781). In 1781 Johannes Leenderts paid for the wintering of a ship of 51 lasts in the Zuiderha­ ven of Harlingen. 8 Municipal Archive Amsterdam, Toegangsnr. 78 (Archief van de Directie van de Oostersche Handel en Reederijen), inv. nr 283. Letters to directors by Jacob Ross in Dantzig, with annexes, 1784 – 1791. 9 There are four registrations of a ‘Johannes Lenderts’ or ‘Johanes Lenders’ from Embden, passing the Sound under Prussian flag in 1795. 10 Leeuwarder Courant, 4-5-1791. 11 The identity of this skipper Johannes Leenderts as the same man who later on became harbourmaster is confirmed by the fact that the (nick) name Stuff or Stoef is added. This extra name was already used by his father Leendert Johannes,

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a brother and a sister and most probably by two uncles also mentioned as skippers. 12 When after the French occupation of nearly all continental Europe the meter was set up as a standard for all length measurements, in 1812 a standard work was published in the Netherlands by Jan Hendrik van Swinden giving the values of most of the old local standards in this new system (this work was reprinted in 1971: Swinden, Jan Hendrik van, [1812] 1971. Vergelijkingstafels van lengtematen). The palm is used to measure the thickness of masts (“De palm is een maat om de dikte der masten te meten”); rondpalm = 0.0955 m; diameter palm = 0.030402 m. 13 Soundtoll registers, nr 389486. 14 In 1793 he also paid once more for the municipal harbour crane in Harlingen to put in the mast of his kuff. 15 Municipal Archive Amsterdam, Toegangsnr. 38 (Archief Waterschout), inv. nr 30, Amsterdam den 17en Julij 1786. 16 The complete text of this journal can be found and researched at: http://www.archiefleeuwardercourant.nl/index.do 17 Most probably the Amsterdam foot of 28.31 cm was used in this period for the description of ship dimensions. The Frisian ‘ship foot’ however was with 28.38 cm only a fraction larger. The difference was that the Amsterdam foot was divided in 11 duimen [inches] and the Frisian in 12. 18 Tresoar, Toegangsnr. 13-30 (Oud-gerecht Harlingen), inv. nr 321 (Hypotheken), fol. 211-269. 19 Advertisments in Leeuwarder Courant 1780, 1787, 1788, 1792.

References Bednarz, T. & Kaczor, D. Próba identyfikacji osiemnastowiecznego wraka W-27 na podstawie analizy porównawczej badań archeologicznych i źródeł archiwalnych. Archeologia Podwodna 6, A. Kola (ed.), Archeologia XXXI. Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Toruń. Bednarz, T., 2012. Identification of the 18th-Century Ship Wreck W-27 on the Basis of a Comparative Analysis of Archeological and Archival Sources. In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul. Haagsma, S., 1907. Een blik op Frieslands koopvaardij in ‘t midden der 18e eeuw. Heerenveen. Inwentaryzacja Podwodnych Stanowiska Archeologicznych 2006, wrak W-27, CMM, Gdańsk. Rutecki, P., 1995. Wrak W-27. Podwodne badania archeologiczne osiemnastowiecznego statku towarowego w Zatoce Gdańskiej. Nautologia nr 1. Wumkes, G.A., 1934. Stads- en dorpskroniek van Friesland 17001800 en 1800-1900. Leeuwarden.

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5. Maritime landscapes. The relation between the submerged geological and economical landscape, ships and shipwrecks. The case of the western Wadden Sea (the Netherlands) Seger van den Brenk, Menne Kosian & Martijn Manders

Fig. 1. 3D overview of the western Wadden Sea.

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Introduction

Project Indicative mapping

The Wadden Sea in the south-eastern part of the North Sea basin is a highly dynamic intertidal zone. Since the late Middle Ages intensive ship traffic took place with its peak in the 17th and 18th century. Many ships were lost during storms, and got buried in shoals due to tidal currents. Over 125 shipwrecks from different periods have already been found in the last decades and many more can be expected. Locations of shipwreck sites appear to be randomly spread. But this is not totally true. The geological landscape and its economical use are related to the places where ships went down. This knowledge can help us to predict areas of high archaeological potential. We can predict the places where ships may have wrecked by reconstructing the former landscape using historical maps, depth soundings and geological models. This data can also tell us something about the probability sites have survived over the centuries. Additionally, the research on the relation between geology and geography, economy and shipwrecks tells us a lot about the past use of the Wadden Sea and Dutch maritime history in general.

In 2012, a pilot project was initiated by the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands: ‘Modelling: towards a new indicative map of threats and possibilities.’ The aim of indicative mapping is to provide policy makers with a decision-making tool, to help scientists to predict the potential for scientific work and to inform the public about cultural maritime heritage. It can also tell us about which known archaeological sites are threatened and need protection and where to expect undiscovered (still buried) sites in the future due to natural deepening. In the first phase of the project, a number of representative historical navigation charts were digitized and georeferenced, starting with the oldest available chart of 1584 of Lucas Waghenaer. This resulted in a number of digital bathymetric models from the 16th to the 20th century, revealing the shoals and tidal channels through time. Simultaneously, the available more recent bathymetric models were collected. Since 1925, detailed bathymetric surveys in the Dutch Wadden Sea are carried out

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Fig. 2. Digital bathymetric models derived from digitized historical maps.

Fig. 3. High resolution bathymetric models from the 20th century.

on a regular base. Digital models are available for 1925, 1950, 1975 and every decade since 1975. By combining the bathymetric models, the history of changes in morphology since the 16th century can be visualized. These models can be used for the reconstruction

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of the burial history of known sites up until now, but also to define areas where archaeological sites might get exposed in the future. To test the models, data from a number of known archaeological ship wreck sites were studied in relation to the models. In retrospective, it

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Fig. 4. Combined bathymetric model showing changes in the 20th century.

could be predicted when the wrecks were exposed to the surface which corresponded to the time frame in which they actually were exposed. In 2013 and 2014, the present day models will be extended by geological data in order to provide information on drowned cultural and prehistoric landscapes. From an international perspective the feasibilities are examined to extend the models to the German and Danish parts of the Wadden Sea. The new indicative maps will give us an insight in the potential to find archaeological sites in relation to the geographical position, the depth and in time. This can be used to enrich our knowledge about the past, but also - in cases of infrastructural projects for example – to avoid unnecessary delays and thus costs.

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References Deeben, J., Hallewas, D.P. & Maarleveld, Th.J., 2002. Predictive Modelling in Archaeological Heritage Management of the Netherlands. The Indicative Map of Archaeological Values (2nd generation). Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 45: 9-56 Elias, E.P.L., Spek, A.J.F. van der, Wang, Z.B. & Ronde, J. de, 2012. Morphodynamic development and sediment budget of the Dutch Wadden Sea over the last century. Netherlands Journal of Geosciences 91.3: 293-310.

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6. An approximation to the maritime cultural landscape of Cascais (Portugal) in the early modern period Jorge Vaz Freire

The concept of a maritime cultural landscape, although present in archaeology since the 1980s, has not been sufficiently used in Portuguese research undertakings. Being a vibrant field of scholarly activity, Portuguese underwater archaeology could benefit from a broader view that engages ‘the remnants of maritime culture’ both on land and underwater. The study of the Portuguese coastline around Cascais from a maritime cultural landscape perspective, being one of such approaches, can demonstrate the research benefits of this type of research (Freire, 2012: 17). The project’s main focus is the area which is geographically demarked by two prominent points on the coast – Cabo da Roca and the Fortress of São Julião da Barra. The offshore area has its boundaries at Cabo da Roca to the North and Cabo Espichel to the South (fig. 1). In this maritime region the Tagus River, one of the largest in the Iberian Peninsula, meets the ocean, and in its estuary is situated the Portuguese capital, Lisbon (Dias, Rodrigues & Magalhães, 1997: 53-56). While the diachronic usage of this area stretches beyond the Portuguese period, this paper’s chronology focuses mainly on the early modern age, a period characterized by extensive coastline construction and intense navigation and commerce directly linked to Portuguese maritime expansion. To grasp such coastline maritime usage diachrony requires a synthetic approach through case studies. To understand the relation of maritime space with both land and sea, its changes and continuities and especially what can be designated as maritime culture in the Portuguese context requires examination of several aspects (Braudel, 1972; Westerdahl, 2006: 334350; Rönnby, 2007: 65). In a cultural heritage perspective, human traces that are directly or indirectly related with underwater or land-based archaeological sites have to be considered (Westerdahl, 2008: 212; Ford, 2011: 763-785). From a historical archaeological point of view, historical data as shipwrecks accounts and information directly linked to navigation such as toponymy, cartography, geomorphology, and hydrodynamics offer a wider

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context to this cultural heritage (Westerdahl, 1992: 5-14; Ford, 2009, 2011: 763-785; Duncan, 2006). Furthermore, intangible cultural heritage including maritime ethnography and religious traditions gives us a cognitive view into the culture of this maritime space (Ramsley, 2011: 879-904; Ilves, 2004: 163-180). A reflection on the naval activity of a littoral space is measured by the location and occurrence of shipwrecks, through the historical and archaeological record, which permits an analysis of the commercial and navigation dynamics of a region (Breen, Quinn and Forsythe, 2007: 5). Historians have identified, through primary and secondary sources, around 200 shipwrecks on the coast of Cascais dating from the 15th to the 20th century (Guinote & Frutoso 1998; Silva & Cardoso, 2005; Castro, 2001: 37, 128-131). We were involved in a project that systematized this information using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) which allowed to distinguish zones of higher incidence of shipwrecks. The project revealed that the access area to the Tagus river estuary, the coastline near the Bay of Cascais, Cabo da Roca, and Cabo Raso are the locations with the most recorded wrecks, usually as a result of navigation errors, strandings, storms, fires and collisions (Freire, Bettencourt & Fialho, 2012: 366-367). The historical analysis of maritime activity on the coast of Cascais is complemented by the spatial distribution of underwater archaeological sites that have allowed the identification of artifacts of multiple cultural provenances and the definition of greater archaeological potential areas (Freire, Bettencourt & Fialho, 2012: 367). Between 2005 and 2012, more than 30 archaeological sites with a chronology dating from the Roman period to the 20th century were found in the area around São Julião da Barra, the Bay of Cascais, and Cabo da Roca. Looking closely to the ongoing work in São Julião da Barra (fig. 2), the artefacts detected can be dated from the early modern period including iron cannons and anchors, local and imported ceramics, and other nautical objects which testify the daily life aboard ships and the vibrant commercial life of Portugal in this period

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Fig. 1: Portugal and Cascais (Map: the author).

Fig. 2: Spatial distribution of artefacts in São Julião da Barra archaeological complex (Map: José Bettencourt).

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(Alves, 1994; Afonso, 1998; Castro 1999, 2001, 2000; Sara, 2002; Coelho, 2008; Freire, Bettencourt & Fialho, 2012b). In the early modern period, the Portuguese material and patrimonial culture was directly linked to the commercial and political dynamics of the overseas empire. Lisbon was a cosmopolitan trade centre where ships and boats landed and departed every day, carrying goods from across the globe. England, Netherlands and France had the closest diplomatic and economic relations with Portugal, and these connections were also borne out in the constant reference in written sources of vessels from all three nations (Freire & Fialho, 2012: 307-308). Moments of diplomatic tension led to various naval blockades of Lisbon, a very damaging economic warfare to such a maritime city. Notable episodes include the Spanish blockade of Lisbon during the Portuguese civil war which led to Portugal’s loss of independence to Spain in 1580. Another example is the English blockade reacting against the asylum given to Prince Rupert (1649-1650) during the English Civil War (Murteira, 2008: 227; Salgado, 2009: 60-69). Given the importance of the Tagus estuary to access Lisbon, the protection of its approach, the Cascais coastline, and its entrance was always considered a priority by Portuguese rulers. Initially, commercial vessels provided the protection of this area, but later a combined defensive system of fortified towers and patrol ships was implemented (Boiça, Barros & Ramalho, 2001: 18). The Tower of Santo António de Cascais was an advanced lookout point at the entry of the Tagus river inlet channel, and was protected by battlements adapted to artillery that had an extensive range over the bay and towards the open sea (Ramalho, 2010: 25). In the 16th and 17th centuries this maritime defensive system proved to be insufficient in the face of more advanced pyroballistics that Turkish and French corsairs utilized to devastate the entrance of the Tagus (Fialho & Freire, 2006: 7). Therefore, in the early modern period coastal fortifications were improved with the construction of approximately two dozen military structures (fig. 3), including the Cidadela of Cascais and the Fortress of São Julião da Barra (Ramalho, 2010: 11). The fortified landscape of Cascais was thus based on a strategy devoted to the military protection of the entrance of the river, precisely where the navigation channels were thinner, by the establishment of a nuclear axis in the defence equipment with the construction of the Fortress of São Julião da Barra, the Fortress of São Lourenço da Cabeça Seca, and the Cidadela of Cascais, all surrounded by a safety net of smaller forts that were essential to the cohesion of the defensive system as a whole (Boiça, 2011: 25-29). Due to their strategic locations, these fortifications were also used as points of control of maritime and navigational activities. This helps to explain the existence of lighthouses in some forts, specially the Guia Fortress, (1523), São Julião da Barra (1761), Cabo da Roca (1772) and Santa Marta (1868) (Boiça 2008). These lighthouses not only warned of unsafe areas along the coast but also

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indicated small harbours or shelter coves where ships might take refuge (Freire, 2012: 53-56). Both the Guia and Santa Marta lighthouses signal the proximity of the port of Cascais, and the São Julião da Barra announces the existence of a small harbour in Paço de Arcos, in Oeiras County. The lighthouse at Cabo da Roca signal a group of coves, namely the small fishing port of Porto Touro which is often overlooked but that has archaeological materials dated from the Iron Age, the Roman Period, and the early-modern age (Encarnação & Cardoso, 1993: 150). Some forts and lighthouses (fig. 3) were also used as landmarks or guides to assist in the input and output of the inlet channel. These conhecenças (fig. 4) the popular Portuguese title for ’maritime expertise’ are well documented in cartographic representations since the 17th century. One example is the map used for inlet marine pilot training designed by the Italian engineer and architect Leonardo Turriano (1622) which used the Guia Lighthouse, the Fortress of São Julião da Barra and the Fortress of São Lourenço da Cabeça Seca as navigational routes. This knowledge was still being used in 1882 by the Hydrographical Section of the Geodesic Portuguese Ministry of Public Works for input and output orientation in the inlet channel (Moreira, 1998: 51-67). Important evidence of navigation and wrecks that occurred on the Cascais coast, and that is often ignored as an element of maritime investigation, is the stone crosses (fig. 3) that dots the coastline. With the exception of the Guia Fortress cross (1663), the majority is undated, but has similar architectural elements. Therefore, a comparative taxonomy, allows us to arrive to a general timeframe: the early modern period. These fragments from the past were usually constructed to pay tribute to maritime tragedies that occurred on the Cascais coastline. These crosses are geographically placed between Guia and São Julião da Barra fortresses, representing the possibility that they were also used as navigational warning and signalling points (Freire, 2012: 72-73). Located on the western side of the Iberian Peninsula, the Cascais coastline is one of the Portuguese regions affected by postglacial submersion, resulting in deep valleys and a rough coastal topography, between the Bay of Cascais and Cabo da Roca. The scenario changes between the Bay and the entrance of the Tagus estuary, where the coastline is made up of a succession of beaches and low cliffs (Souto & Martins, 2009: 10-11). Privileged by the natural orientation of the coast that offers protection against the prevailing winds from the northern quarter, and by the existence of natural shelters, the Cascais coastline allows an excellent navigability, facilitating the entry and exit from the mouth of the Tagus River (Blot, 2003: 56). This coastal area also benefits from a hydrography with oceanic and fluvial influences, featuring strong tidal currents associated to estuary ebbs and flows (Dias, Rodrigues & Magalhães, 1997: 53-66). Its dynamics and own diversity are conditioned by the existence of two sandbanks known as cachopos (Carvalho & Freire, 2009: 855-856). The seabed

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Fig. 3: Spatial distribution of fortresses, lighthouses and stone crosses (Map: the author).

Fig. 4: The conhecenças and the hydrography of the mouth of the Tagus river (adapted from Chapman 1861).

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is almost sandy or muddy, characteristics of a strong estuary dynamic that impacts the entire maritime space of Cascais at least to the area around Guia. Currently, the hydrodynamics of this location creates a water jet in the estuary exit at ebb tide. This jet produces an anti-cyclonical vortex and beyond the river mouth, two other adjacent vortices: one at the northern margin and another at the south oft the entry of the inlet channel. The water leaves the estuary at the southern vortex and is formed by the exiting water and the re-circulated water, known as the Coriolis Effect (fig. 1), that will be deflected in the form of a circumventing current at Cabo Raso and Cabo da Roca, forcing the water to the north. In other words, Guia marks the border in the hydrodynamic and morphodynamic behavior of the Cascais coastline (Freire et al., 2009: 234). This geomorphological limit allows us to consider two types of navigation along the coast of Cascais: maritime and fluvial. The transition between them occurred at the port of Cascais, which was at the same time protective, supportive and piscatorial. It was here that the historical figure of the piloto da barra (harbor pilot) emerged. His function was crucial in sailing the ships into and out of the Tagus estuary. This was done through two channels of access to the river that were separated by cachopos: the Northern channel, known in the early modern period as the Santo António da Barra route or the Carreira de Gião, and the Southern channel named the Carreira da Alcaçova. The navigation along the northern channel was done close to the coast while in the south it was more distant. Both inlets were supported by cartography that represented the coastline and that diagrammed its orientation for support and navigation (Boiça, 1998: 23-31). To understand the organization of maritime space in Cascais we need to observe and analyse several natural barriers and other marks that could be helpful in navigation, the so-called transit points (Westerdahl, 2006: 339-341). This space is limited and organized by a hydrographical frontier, affected by hydrodynamic processes, defining the influence area of the Tagus estuary and the Atlantic Ocean’s penetration zone (Fernandes, 2003: 2325). This hydrodynamic record is complemented on land by the axis of defence of the river mouth. The two vortices are located exactly where the Cidadela of Cascais and the Fortress of São Julião da Barra were built, opposite to one to another, and is the site where the largest number of shipwrecks is documented. Thus, the Guia Fortress and the Cidadela of Cascais also operated as navigational marks on the coast and in a transitional, intermediate area, right before the entry of the Tagus estuary, demarcated naturally by the cachopos and artificially by the Fortress of São Julião da Barra and by the Fortress of São Lourenço da Cabeça Seca. The popular tradition in the region of Cascais is strongly marked by religion and folklore, consistently projecting the contemporary Portuguese thinking about their experienced maritime reality (Dias, 2001: 114-134).

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One of the first examples, according to the oral inventory and the personal communications of Francisco Alves indicates that the east wing of the Fortress of São Julião da Barra was called ‘the end of the world’ as a reflection of the several shipwrecks that occurred there over the centuries. Other oral information refers that the area near Cabo da Roca, notorious for its navigational difficulties, is traditionally called the ‘path of sorrow’. In this same region, the well-known tale of Almoí� nhas Velhas tells the story of ‘land piracy’ done by locals that used torches to attract ships to the rocky shore. Another legend of this coastline is the reference to the existence of groups of malefactors operating in an area called Boca do Inferno (Hell’s Mouth) (Freire, 2012: 70; Fialho & Freire, 2006: 6). The landscape of these legendary and gloomy places fed a religiosity that can be seen in processions in honour of Our Lady of the Navigators, Our Lady of Porto Seguro (Safe Port) and Our Lady of the Cape, in which appeals to the divine against the rigors of the sea and, paradoxically, requests for abundances of riches from the sea are made. During difficult times, prayers and promises were made such as in the ex-voto of 1685 in the name of Simões Faria “for being saved from the great torment of Cascais and as men who were saved, prostrated themselves and gave thanks to Our Lady of the Navigators.” Ex-votos are examples of gratefulness to a divine power and the strong connection that the people of Cascais had and continue to have with the holy beliefs. Even today, this religiosity can be seen in processions, masses and blessings for these important saints (Encarnação & Dias, 2004). In conclusion, at this moment, the study of the Cascais coastline through a maritime cultural landscape approach is unique in Portugal. We have presented several elements of maritime cultural landscapes that are crucial in the application of this concept to the Portuguese case. First, are the similarities between various historical periods, especially in the continuity of historical structures. Second, is the perception of identity as a legacy of ancient practices, mainly seen through religion and folklore. Next, is the coordination of historical structures based on land and the mutual assistance between these forts, lighthouses and stone crosses in coastal defence. Finally, is a combination between land culture and sea culture as a guideline for the entry and exit to the mouth of the Tagus River, especially through transit points and geographical aspects. In the future we hope to continue to characterize this landscape within a coastal archaeology framework because the greatest contribution of this study is to provide conceptual tools for the interpretation and management of both, physical and metaphysical cultural heritage. References Afonso, S.L. (ed.), 1998. Nossa Senhora dos Mártires: a última viagem. Pavilhão de Portugal Expo 98 / Verbo, Lisboa.

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6. An approximation to the maritime cultural landscape of Cascais (Portugal) ... Alves. F., 1994. São Julião da Barra. Projecto de Arqueologia Subaquática. Relatório dos trabalhos efectuados em 1994. Arqueonautica, Centro de estudo, Lisboa. Braudel, F., 1972. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the age of Phillip II. Collins, London. Breen, C., Quinn, R. & Forsythe, W., 2007. A Preliminary Analysis of Historic Shipwrecks in Northern Ireland. Historical Archaeology 41.3: 4-8. Blot, M.L.P., 2003. Os Portos na Origem dos Centros Urbanos: Contributo para a Arqueologia das Cidades Marítimas e Fluvio-Marítimas em Portugal. Instituto Português de Arqueologia. Trabalhos de Arqueologia 28, Lisboa. Boiça, J., Barros, M. & Ramalho, M.M., 2001. As fortificações Marítimas da Costa de Cascais. Câmara Municipal de Cascais e Quetzal Editores, Cascais. Boiça, J., 1998. Zarpar e arribar a Lisboa na época da navegação Moderna. In: S.L. Afonso (ed.), Nossa Senhora dos Mártires: a última viagem. Pavilhão de Portugal Expo 98 / Verbo, Lisboa: 23-31. Boiça, J., 2008. Farol Museu de Santa Marta. Câmara Municipal de Cascais. Boiça, J., 2011. Cascais no Sistema defensivo do Porto de Lisboa. Revista Monumentos 31 (Abril 2011): 24-33. Carvalho A. & Freire J., 2009. Cascais y la Ruta del Atlántico. El establecimiento de un puerto de abrigo en la costa de Cascais. Una primera propuesta. Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión. Actas del XI Coloquio Internacional de Arte Romano Provincial. Hispania Antigua, Serie Arqueológica de L´Erma di Brestchneider (Vol. II): 855-864. Castro, F., 2001. The Pepper Wreck: Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of The Tagus River. Doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX. Castro, F., 1999. Projecto SJB2. Relatório dos Trabalhos Efectuados em 1999. College Station, TX. Castro, F., 2000. Pewter Plates from São Julião da Barra. College Station, TX. Coelho, I.P., 2008. A cerâmica oriental da carreira da índia no contexto da carga de uma nau – a presumível nossa senhora dos mártires. Tese de Mestrado. Faculdade Ciências sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Dias, J.A., Rodrigues, A. & Magalhães, F., 1997. Evolução da linha de costa em Portugal desde o máximo glaciar até a actualidade: síntese dos conhecimentos. Estudos do Quaternário, APEQ, 1: 53-66. Dias, G.J.A.C., 2001. A religião dos Pescadores Portugueses. Os Pescadores, Oceanos. Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses; 47 e 48: 114-135. Duncan, B.G., 2006. The Maritime Archaeology and Maritime Cultural Landscapes of Queenscliffe: A Nineteenth Century Austra­ lian Coastal Community. Doctoral dissertation. James Cook University. Encarnação, J. d’ & Dias, F.A., 2004. Festas de tradição no Concelho de Cascais. Elo publicidade and Câmara Municipal de Cascais. Encarnação, J. d’ & Cardoso, G., 2005. A presença romana em Cascais: um território da Lusitania Ocidental. Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, Lisboa.

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Fernandes, R., 2005. Modelação Operacional no Estuário do Tejo. Dissertação para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ecologia, Gestão e Modelação dos Recursos Marinhos, Universidade Técnica, Instituto superior Técnico. Fialho, A. & Freire, J., 2006. Cascais na rota dos naufrágios. Câmara Municipal Cascais. Freire, J., Blot, J-Y., Vieites, A., Fialho, A. & Reicherdt, F., 2009. Missão de Avaliação e de Levantamento do sítio Submarino do Clipper Thermopylae. Revista portuguesa de Arqueologia 12.1: 222-243. Freire, J., 2012. À vista da Costa: A Paisagem Cultural Marítima de Cascais. Tese de Mestrado. Faculdade Ciências sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Freire, J. & Fialho, A., 2012. Paisagem Cultural Marítima. Uma primeira aproximação ao litoral de Cascais. Velhos e Novos Mundos. Congresso Internacional de Arqueologia Moderna. Centro de História de Além-Mar, da Universidade Nova de Lisboa e a Universidade dos Açores: 305-312. Freire, J., Bettencourt, J. & Fialho, A., 2012. ProCASC - Estudo, va­ lorização e monitorização do complexo Arqueológico Subaquático de São Julião da Barra/Carcavelos – relatório dos trabalhos de 2011. Câmara Municipal de Cascais, Centro de História Além-Mar, Lisboa. Freire, J., Bettencourt, J. & Fialho, A., 2012b. Sistemas de Informação Geográfica na gestão do Património Cultural subaquático: a experiência da Carta Arqueológica Subaquática de Cascais. 2ª Jornadas de Engenharia Hidrográfica, 20,21,22 de Junho. Instituto Hidrográfico, Lisboa: 365-368. Ford, B.L., 2009. Lake Ontario Maritime Cultural Landscape. Doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX. Ford, B., 2011. Coastal Archaeology. In: A. Catsambis, B. Ford & D.L. Hamilton (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archae­ology. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 763-785. Guinote, P., Frutuoso, E. & Lopes, A., 1998. Naufrágios e outras perdas da “Carreira da Índia”. Lisboa: Grupo de Trabalho do Ministério da Educação para as comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses. Ilves, K., 2004. The Seaman’s Perspectives in Landscape ­Archaeology, Landing Sites on the maritime cultural Landscape. Estonian Journal of archaeology 8.2: 163-180. Moreira, R., 1998. As Máquinas fantásticas de Leonardo Turriano: a tecnologia do Renascimento na barra do Tejo. In: S.L. Afonso (ed.): Nossa Senhora dos Mártires: a última viagem, ­Pavilhão de Portugal Expo 98 / Verbo, Lisboa: 51-67. Murteira, A., 2008. O Corso Neerlandês contra a Carreira da Índia no primeiro quartel do Século XVII. Anais de História de Além-Mar. Centro de História de Além-Mar, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Universidade dos Açores (Vol. IX): 227-264. Ramalho, M.M., 2010. Fortificações Marítimas. Roteiros do Pa­ trimónio de Cascais nº3. Cascais. Ransley, J., 2011. Maritime Communities and Traditions. In: A. Catsambis, B. Ford & D.L. Hamilton (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 879-904.

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Rönnby, J., 2007. Maritime Durées: Long-Term Structures in a Coastal Landscapes. Journal of Maritime Archaeology 2: 65-82. Salgado, A., 2009. Portugal e o Atlântico. Organização militar e acções navais durante o período Filipino (1580-1640). Tese de Doutoramento. Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa. Sara, R. B., 2002. The Artifact Assemblage From the Pepper Wreck: An Early Seventeenth Century Portuguese East-Indiaman That Wrecked in the Tagus River. Master Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX. Silva, M. E. & Cardoso, G., 2005. Naufrágios e Acidentes Marítimos no Litoral Cascalense. Junta de Freguesia, Cascais. Souto, H. & Martins, L.S., 2009. Cascais, Tradição e Indústrias nas Pescas, Apogeu e Dilemas. Câmara Municipal de Cascais, 1.

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Westerdahl, C., 1992. The Maritime Cultural Landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21.1: 5-14. Westerdahl, C., 2006. From River to Sea Catching the Monsoon, Concepts of the Maritime Landscapes. In: L. Varadarajan (ed.): Indo-Portuguese Encounters, Journeys in Science, Technology and Culture. Indian National Science, New Delhi and Centro de Historia de Alem-Mar, Universidade de Lisboa, Lisbon and Aryan Books International, New Delhi (vol. 1): 334-350. Westerdahl, C., 2008. Fish and Ships. Towards a theory of maritime culture. Deutches Schiffahrtsarchiv 30. Wissenschaftliches Jahrbuch des Deutchen Schiffahrtsmuseums 2007: 191-236.

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7. Excavations at Three Quays House by the Tower, in the heart of medieval London’s shipwright’s quarter (England). Work in progress Damian M. Goodburn

Terms of reference for this paper This paper is an initial summary of the main evidence relating to medieval ship and boat building from the site of Three Quays House, in the City of London. The excavations, by Museum of London Archaeology (MoLA), finished in 2012. It was a large and complex urban waterfront site which had to be excavated in a great number of rather small trenches along with some more open areas. The waterlogged conditions preserved both organic and inorganic structures and finds from the Roman to post-medieval periods in very large numbers. The bulk of the earlier structures were built of timber and included river walls, quays, dock inlet walls, jetties, drains and building foundations. Ship and boat timbers, woodworking tools and other material bearing on our theme were also found, in quantity, associated with the various structures and deposits. The particularly complex post-excavation sorting, linking, phasing and assessing of the archaeological evidence is ongoing (Spring 2013; still ongoing), led by the main excavation supervisor M. McKenzie assisted by P. Thrale and a large team of specialists including this writer. In due course a detailed publication will be produced covering the full range of evidence. This brief summary must be viewed as work in progress only dealing with the medieval nautical evidence which will also be subject to further analysis alongside all the other material. All the evidence found (possibly apart from one hollowed fragment) appears to relate to the building of clinker planked vessels where a shell of hull planking was erected on a keel and end posts fastened with iron rivets, with framing added later. More dating from preliminary tree-ring analysis and study of associated dateable finds is now becoming available. However, the initial treering dating was reduced in its accuracy by the removal or abrasion of sapwood on most reused timbers and frequent use of very young oaks with few annual rings for the new waterfront woodwork. Currently no tree-ring

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dates are available for the southern third of the site where the later material was found, but this will follow. Some background; systematic waterfront archaeology in the ancient port of London All of the land bordering the River Thames in the historic port area of London has been extended out into the river from the Roman period onward. The waterlogged land created by this land-filling over the tidal foreshores has been found to preserve the timber infrastructure of the historic port. Systematic excavations have investigated much of this area, starting on the northern bank (the modern ‘City of London’) during its redevelopment over the last 40 years. Most of the work was led by G. Milne until the early 1990s (Milne & Milne, 1982; Milne, 1985; Milne, 1992). Meanwhile P. Marsden had already started to pioneer local nautical archaeology based on relatively complete vessels sunk or abandoned in Thames and its tributary. He also started to investigate fragmentary boat and ship finds from the earlier waterfront excavations (Marsden, 1994 and 1996). In particular, Marsden analysed substantial parts of a late 12th-century clinker vessel found as articulated hull planking reused in a timber river wall just west of the Three Quays House site (Marsden, 1996: 41-54). From the mid 1980s this writer has also been investigating and recording reused and fragmentary ship and boat finds from the London region and some of this evidence has been summarised in previous ISBSA proceedings and elsewhere (Goodburn, 1991, 1994, 2000a, 2003, 2009). Many excavations have shown that in the early medieval period, up to c. AD 1200, boat and ship timbers were widely reused along the waterfront and evidence of repair and breaking vessels was also widely spread. By contrast, in the later medieval period nautical woodwork was much rarer on the City waterfront and confined to the Southeast corner, where our site is situated

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Fig. 1. The location of the Three Quays House site, looking east towards the Tower of London and Tower Bridge. The picture also shows several of the small shuttered trenches in which much of the waterfront site was excavated (Photo: M. McKenzie).

just west of the Tower of London (fig. 1), and the southern Southwark shore and some outlying tributary channels. The work of shipwrights and related craftspeople was clearly being more tightly regulated, presumably as a result of the concerns of powerful fellow city inhabitants as clinker ship building was periodically a very noisy activity when hull boards were riveted in place. The development of guild organisation must also have been a factor. The remarkable survival of some documentary sources for London ship and boat building from the 1290s on, also shows that much work was co-operatively led by several master shipwrights, rather than just one and that in some cases the men were neighbours (see below). Documentary evidence, a very brief outline Again this aspect of research into medieval shipwrights living and working in the Three Quays House area will be updated and drawn together but a number of published extracts have been available for some time and supplement the archaeological evidence. The earliest date from the 1294-6 accounts for building of two large clinker built galleys and their support vessels (Johnson, 1927). These accounts list payments for different phases

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of work and raw materials and sometimes note their source. Most importantly they also name leading master shipwrights who supervised the work. Arnaldi de Bayonne was marginally the best paid with William Turk and Robert of Winchelsea the day to day joint supervisors. The work is thought to have taken place on or close to, the Three Quays House site, the western part of which had the historic name Galley Quay. The distinctively named Turk family of shipwrights owned property on the western side of the site for many generations from the mid 14th century. Amazingly they are still well known as boatyard operators on the Thames even in the 21st century! Work by Dyson and Spencer has also collected references to named medieval London shipwrights and their property holdings (Dyson, 1974, 1996; Spencer, 1996). The references mentioned shipwrights William Talworthe, Walter Sakyn and John de Stokflete as building clinker built estuary barges known as ‘showts’ in 1386. They all lived and had, or rented, yard space in the area of our site. Dyson also found evidence of another family of shipwrights who lived and worked on or next to the site from the late 13th to early 15th centuries, the Palmers. Importantly the historical research also sheds light on aspects invisible in the archaeological record, such as showing that it was common for shipwrights to own

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double plots of land, one plot leading to the river and the other across the narrow parallel road just inland ( Dyson, 1996). Initial work on the archaeological evidence for the location, extent and layout of timber frontages suggests that some of these holdings may be correlated directly with archaeological evidence (McKenzie, personal communication.). The nautical woodwork, tools, fastenings, debris deposits and other finds clearly show that much of the site was occupied by shipwrights from perhaps as early as the mid 12th to the 15th or early 16th centuries. Archaeological evidence analysed in detail can also be used to explain and test features of the nautical historical references (Goodburn, 2002: 224-228). The range of reused ship and boat timbers and related evidence found All the nautical woodwork found appears to have derived from clinker built – ‘keel’-type vessels although there were clearly variations in the details of form and size. Earlier medieval evidence shows that there were many types of larger vessels visiting the port reflecting connections with the rest of northern and western Europe (Goodburn, 1994). However, despite some historical evidence for the use of cog style craft and the presence of Hanse merchants in London, no clear evidence of cog style construction, such as iron sintels, were found at Three Quays House. Other styles of ship construction were evidenced in reused planking found in one of the latest timber river walls on the site in the Southeast corner. The vertically set planks are clearly derived from some form of flush laid, carvel built ship and provisionally dated to circa the late 15th to 16th centuries. As the adoption of carvel building systems was a fundamental change in nautical technology in Britain, it is hoped this material will be more closely dated in the near future. Many types of evidence for clinker boat and ship building were found at our site, mainly in the form of reused or abandoned old ship and boat timbers. But the material also included finds and infrastructure very rarely, if ever, found in Southeast England, such as a boat building strong-back beam in-situ. Strong back beams supported the keel above ground during building. The example from this site was made from an old ‘T’ form keel of oak attached to piles. A small amount of roughed out timber was also found together with several deposits of wood chips, almost all of oak and derived from secondary shaping and fine trimming of timbers. Scatters of wooden and iron fastenings and waterproofing materials, such as tarred animal hair and two barrels containing wood tar were also found. Study of samples of this material will shed light on the supply of secondary ship building materials. The initial tree-ring and finds dating shows that the bulk of the material dates from the 13th to mid 15th centuries with smaller amounts dating from the 12th century and a little post-medieval material. In what is left of the space allocated for this paper its seems

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Fig. 2. One of the reused T-shaped oak keels found on the Three Quays House site. Later medieval period, keel inverted (Photo: P. Thrale).

useful to briefly discuss the nautical evidence and highlight its potential for more analysis in the near future. This will proceed in the order which medieval clinker, ‘keel’-type vessels were built, from the keel up. Keel timbers found Five sections of keel timbers were found reused in river and dock walls and in the strong back mentioned above. All hewn (shaped with axes) from whole straight oak logs, four to a T-shaped form (fig. 2) and one a little larger than the others with rabbets in the top corners. Three of the T-shaped examples were c. 150 mm deep by c. 170  mm wide and probably derived from large boats or small ships, with one from a smaller vessel. Interestingly, they were of a deeper form than that from the Blackfriars 3 boat thought to have been a ‘showt’ (clinker built estuary barge; Marsden, 1996: 62). Three used end posts or ‘stems’ found Other back bone members included three reused or abandoned oak stem timbers of varied form (fig. 3). All were tangentially faced and hewn from sawn slabs of curved oak like the slightly later examples found at

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Fig. 3. Line drawing of two oak stem timbers and a combined stem and keel ‘apprentice timber’, c. 13th to 14th century, from Three Quays House; a) convex stem from a shallow draft vessel with haul out hole and hood end nails; b) angular stem with haul out hole, hood end nails and part of a vertical stem to keel scarf; c) a carefully carved combined stem and keel with no signs of use in a vessel, probably an apprentice piece (Drawing: the author).

a boatbuilding site of the 15th century, at Poole on the south coast (Watkins, 1994: 31). These stems were not rabbeted for the hood end boards which must have been bevelled to fit. Two of them were cut to a gentle curve (fig. 3a), but one was cut to a more angular knee-like shape (fig. 3b) resembling that of the Gedesby ship of circa 1300 from southern Denmark (Bill, 1999). They all had worn holes probably used for hauling the parent vessels out of the water like that found in the Gedesby vessel. An ‘apprentice piece’: a fine curved stem and section of keel in one piece One particularly surprising boat timber found was a very carefully hewn and carved combined stem and keel timber (fig. 3c). It had been cut from a curved oak section grown to almost the correct shape but barely large enough, so that sapwood survived in several places. Indeed, in one place the wane or ‘bark’ edge was also left and had been neatly patched. The stem was ‘V’ shaped with shallow rabbets which graded into a T-form keel circa 120 mm deep and the exposed length had to be cut to lift at 2.7 m long. This item has to be viewed as a masterpiece of three dimensional carving in grown

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timber and resembles the shape of stems used in some recent traditional Thames clinker vessels but in those they were made in at least three separate sections. The small number of iron nails and location of sapwood showed that the timber could never have been used. A likely explanation for its presence is that it was some form of apprentice piece designed to prove the skill of a trainee shipwright. Shipwright’s apprentice piece displays, including stems, were still made into the 1970s in Chatham Royal Dockyard if not elsewhere in England (personal observations of a now defunct display at the dockyard in 1997). This appears to be unique material evidence of aspects of the craft training of later medieval shipwrights. Sections of articulated hull boards The most numerous nautical timbers found were sections of hull planking still riveted together. These were reused as sheathing in river, dock and quay walls. The boards used were all of oak and the vast majority were radially cleft and hewn as in the earlier medieval clinker boards found in London of local origin (Goodburn, 1994). However, there were some sections of reused hull planking incorporating some sawn planks together with

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radially cleft boards. The thickness and proportions of the planks and boards indicated that they derived from a range of vessels from boats to large seagoing ships, the thicknesses varying from circa 18-20 mm to over 45 mm thick. So far the limited tree-ring analysis has shown that the bulk of the boards came from the local region but a few were imported from as far away as Ireland (Tyers, 2012). Some of the boards found were tapering hood end sections. Circular merchants marks were found on one board. All the lap fastenings were iron rivets with quadrilateral roves and waterproofing material of tarred hair. This material will be collated and compared with similar material from London, Dublin, Bergen and elsewhere during further analysis. Planks with oar ports Three examples of hull planking were found with large rounded holes which were probable oar ports, as found in the Galley timbers found on the Southwark shore in 1999 (Goodburn, 2003). In one case the ‘orloke’ holes were particularly clear in a sawn oak plank hewn on one face so as to have an integral rubbing strip along its upper edge. Framing elements Mostly these survived as sections of the straighter futtocks from medium sized to smaller vessels, all hewn from relatively small oak logs, leaving some sapwood and even waney edge. A small number of floor timber fragments from larger vessels were also found with widths (sideing) of up to 300 mm and depths (moulding) of 200 mm. All had clear axe cut notches (‘joggles’) for the plank laps. The frame fastenings were treenails mainly of willow or poplar with oak wedges and carved heads set outboard. Miscellaneous nautical timbers Other ship timbers found included one heavy, notched and curved stringer timber nearly 400 mm wide, which must have come from a really large vessel. Two halves of a short but robust mast step timber were found with a width of 350 mm and depth of 230 mm with recesses for three floors timbers. There were also other timbers which are yet to be identified but appear to be of ship origin. Boat and shipbuilding tools A number of woodworking tools were found, in some cases certainly of nautical origin. Perhaps the rarest was a well preserved pair of small oak ‘nippers’ or clinker

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Fig. 4. The small oak clinker boat builders clamp or ‘nippers’, 14th century, in fresh condition and 280 mm long (Photo: P. Thrale).

boat building clamps (fig. 4). Other tools include two axes, many spoon auger bits including very small ones suitable for lap nail holes. A small ‘bread knife’ saw with its wooden handle was also found, possibly used for fine work, such as cutting scarf ends. The potential for further analysis of the Three Quays House nautical evidence Only two other medieval sites in Britain have yielded parallel waterlogged archaeological evidence for medieval ship and boat building and in both cases they were principally timber store areas (Goodburn, 2000b: 22; Watkins, 1994). It is clearly important to compare a full range of the nautical timbers and related material from this site with evidence from other sites and individual boat and ship finds, e.g. the slightly earlier Danish rural shipbuilding and repair site at Fribrodre and the Magor Pill wreck of the 13th century (Skamby-Madsen & Classen, 2010; Nayling, 1998). The combination of the archaeological and historical sources will be critically synthesised and should lead to further subtle insights into the activities at the site and how it varied through time. Another area that we hope to explore further is the tree-ring based sourcing of the nautical timbers found. The discovery of the building region for the Newport Ship, announced at the symposium, of the basque region straddling southwest France and northeast Spain powerfully demonstrates the

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potential of this work (Jones et al., this volume). Further analysis work on the varied well preserved evidence from this MoLA excavation will shed considerable light on the work and lives of shipwrights as a community in the medieval port City of London. Acknowledgements The recording and sampling work carried out on the nautical material found at this site would have been impossible without the hard work of the MoLA site team lead by M. McKenzie, A. Telfer and P. Thrale. P. Thrale also co-ordinated much of the recording of the nautical woodwork assisted by this writer and other site staff. The initial tree-ring study by I. Tyers was also useful, as was initial microscopic wood species identification work by K Stewart. References Bill, J., 1999. Shallow watercraft from medieval Denmark, the identification of a specialised regional ship type. In: P. Pomey & E. Reith (eds), Construction Navale Maritime et Fluvial. Proceedings of the Seventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Tatihou 1994. Archaeonautica 14 (1998). CNRS Éditions, Paris: 87-102. Dyson, T., 1974. Early Development of the Customs, and the Topography and Descent of Wool Quay. In: T. Tatton-­ Bro­wn, Excavations at the Custom House Site, City of London, 1973. Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeology Soc. 25: 143-145. Dyson, T., 1996. Three medieval London shipbuilders. In: P. Marsden, Ships of the Port of London Twelfth to Seventeenth Centuries AD. English Heritage, London: 215-216. Goodburn, D., 1991. New light on early ship and boatbuilding in the London area. In: G. Good, R. Jones & M. Ponsford (eds), Waterfront Archaeology, proceedings of the third international conference, Bristol, 1988. CBA Research Report 74, Council for British Archaeology, York: 105-115. Goodburn, D., 1994. Anglo-Saxon Boat Finds from London are they English? In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 97-104. Goodburn, D., 2000a. New Light on The Construction of Early Medieval Frisian Sea-Going Vessels. In: J. Litwin (ed.), Down the River to the Sea. Proceedings of the Eight International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Gdansk 1997. Polish National Maritime Museum, Gdansk: 219-224. Goodburn, D., 2000b. Review of Recent Work on the Archae­ ology of Ship and Boatbuilding on the Thames 1300-1800.

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In: S. Rankin (ed.), Shipbuilding on the Thames and Thames Built Ships, Redriffe Chronicle: 18-23. Goodburn, D., 2002. An Archaeology of Early English Boatbuilding Practice c. 900-1600 AD; based mainly on finds from SE England, University College London, unpublished Phd Thesis, 2 vols. Goodburn, D., 2003. Rare Fragments of a 13th Century Clinker Galley Found in London and the Use of the Irish Wildwoods for Shipbuilding. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow books, Oxford: 289-295. Goodburn, D., 2009. A Newly Discovered Lost Tradition of River­barge Building on the Thames (16th to 18th centuries). In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and exchange in nautical technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz: 451-458. Johnson, C., 1927. London Shipbuilding AD 1295. The Antiquaries Journal 7: 424- 437. Jones, T. et al., 2017. Physical and digital modelling of the Newport medieval ship original hull form. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and maritime landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Marsden, P., 1994. Ships of the Port of London First to the Eleventh Centuries AD. English Heritage, London. Marsden, P., 1996. Ships of the Port of London Twelfth to Seventeenth Centuries AD. English Heritage, London. Milne, G. & Milne, C., 1982. Medieval Waterfront Development at Trig lane, London. London and Middlesex Archaeology Society, Special Paper 5, London. Milne, G., 1985. The Port of Roman London. Batsford, London. Milne, G., 1992. Timber Building Techniques in London c. 9001400. London and Middlesex Archaeology Society, Special Paper 15, London. Nayling, N., 1998. The Magor Pill Medieval Wreck. CBA Research Report 115, York. Skamby-Madsen, J. & Klassen, L., 2010. Fribrodre; A late 11th century ship handling site on Falster. Jutland Archaeology Society Publications 69, Moesgaard. Spencer, B., 1996. Expenditure on Shipbuilding and Repair by London Bridge. In: P. Marsden, Ships of the Port of London Twelfth to Seventeenth Centuries AD. English Heritage, London: 209-212. Tyers, I., 2012. Spot-dates 2 for Three Quays Site Code TEQ 10. Unpublished Tree-ringreport. Watkins, D., 1994. The Foundry Excavations on Poole Waterfront 1986/7. Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society Mono Series 14, Dorchester.

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8. Maritime regionalism in the Mediterranean maritime landscape Matthew Harpster

Introduction Past maritime archaeological activity in the Medi­ terranean Sea has focused on associating an assemblage of archaeological material in a maritime context with groups inhabiting the terrestrial landscape of the Mediterranean. This approach creates a Mediterranean maritime space populated by merchant ships that are ‘Byzantine’, ‘Etruscan’ or ‘Muslim’, for example, and are extensions of the terrestrial group moving across the sea. Perceiving the maritime landscape of the Mediterranean Sea as a domain inhabited by a separ­ ate community, in contrast, means that these ships on the seafloor are agglomerations of terrestrial elements, but represent the activities of a community on the sea. The ships’ identities and activities, thus, are not solely ‘Byzantine’ or ‘Muslim’, but are representative of the needs and habits of the community, a multi-­ cultural stew of people similar to those inhabiting the Mediterranean Sea today. Starting from this alternative view, and using a new methodology, this paper will highlight how particular maritime networks and regions in the Mediterranean maritime landscape may be deciphered, how they prompt new perspectives of the connections and networks across the sea, and how they may refashion our understanding of past maritime activity. Discussion Based on creating links between material culture and recognized historical groups, events or even items, an idiographic or particularistic approach commonly manifests itself with labels that embody that connection. Thus, objects in museums may become ‘Etruscan’ or ‘English’, but these affiliations are packed with implications. Indeed, whereas debates over the categorization of artifacts was once rather academic, sweeping changes in the humanities and social sciences in

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the middle of the 20th century revealed the depth and importance of the way we fashion the past through the labels we create. As a result, an extensive collection of studies have demonstrated how uses of identity and implied ethnicity have shaped archaeology, history, our creation of landscape, and the formation and maintenance of nation states (see e.g.: Kramer, 1977; Geary, 1983; Just, 1989; Tambiah, 1989; Lowenthal, 1990; Clogg, 1992; Shennan, 1994; Romanucci-Ross & DeVos, 1995; Emberling, 1997; Lewis and Wigen, 1997; Jones, 1997; Silberman, 1998; Franklin and Fesler, 1999; Hall, 2000; El-Haj, 2001; Tanyeri-Erdemir, 2006; Trigger, 2007). As this discussion progressed among archaeologists working on land in the 1970s and 1980s, maritime archaeology grew as a new means of investigating ­archaeological data under water. Moreover, similar to terrestrial archaeology, maritime archaeologists create and apply labels within their topic and shipwrecks on the seafloor become ‘Venetian’, ‘Chinese’ or Mary Rose. Indeed, regardless of the subject matter, this categorization plays the same fundamental role by fashioning a common interpretive framework within which additional interpretation may take place. Information collected from Australian ships informs the Australian history we write, as we may learn more about Australian seafaring practices. Just as identification and affiliation issues arise related to work on land, they occur within maritime archaeology as well, sometimes acknowledging the difficulties inherent in creating or assigning an idiographic label (Basch, 1972: 50-2; Kenchington & Rice, 1983: 83-4; Hocker, 1991; Maarleveld, 1995; Ahlstrom, 1997; Wachsmann, 1998: 4, 211-2; O’Shea, 2004; Bachhuber, 2006; Beltrame, 2007; Royal, 2008; van Zandt, 2009; Greene et al., 2010: 437; 2011: 312; Bass, 2011: 10; Eriksson & Rönnby, 2012: 360; Maarleveld, 2012). Interpretive and methodological questions also emerge, critiquing both the presence and dominance of this approach within the discipline (Martin, 1977; Lenihan & Murphy, 1981: 73-4; Watson, 1983: 29, 33; Lenihan, 1983: 44-6, 63; Fontenoy, 1998: 51-2;

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Gould, 2000: 2; Harpster, in press). The recent debate over the identification of Site 31CR314 off the coast of North Carolina, said to be Queen Anne’s Revenge, encapsulates many of these problems (Rodgers et al., 2005: 25; Moore, 2005; Miller et al., 2005). An alternative to this idiographic interpretive approach, however, one that creates a context and meaning solely from the archaeological record, arises by combining new trends within archaeology and the social sciences. One of these trends is the continually growing corpus of archaeological data. In the Mediterranean region, less than 50 underwater sites had been investigated by 1950, but approximately 1200 had been studied – to varying degrees – by 1990 (Parker, 1992: 548, fig. 1). More are certainly known by now; the Oxford Roman Economy Project inventoried 1646 Mediterranean sites by 2011 (Wilson, 2011: 34). As A.J. Parker has demonstrated, the continuing growth of the dataset means that particularistic or idiographic approaches may no longer be the only means of model­ ing the past (Parker, 1984; 1992, 2008). As other authors have also posed, this corpus may now create a maritime context that was unavail­able decades earlier (Hocker, 2004: 1-2; Catsambis, et al., 2011: xiv). The creation of this context, however, emerges from implications within the much broader second trend – the development of perspectives on the construction of landscapes. The recognition and archaeological study of a landscape as a socially-constructed space emerged in the 1970s partially from a systemic perspective of culture incorporating elements both natural and artificial. Cultural resource management efforts also played a role by recording the distribution of material assemblages through modern space, as did efforts to move archaeological investigations beyond the limiting concepts of ‘site’ or ‘monument’.1 Aerial photography provided new perspectives on the emplacement of archaeological sites within the environment, whereas new analytical methods have emerged to model human movements and interactions (Darvill, 2010: 60-1). Through the adaptation and modification of these ideas, and the Kulturlandschaft coined by 20th-century German cultural geographers, Christer Westerdahl presumed that as an agrarian community may create a cultural landscape with its agrarian material heritage, an equivalent should exist for items related to maritime activity (Westerdahl, 1980: 312, 322; 1992: 5-6; 2011: 734). Thus, as he surveyed the Bothnian coast of Sweden in the 1970s, Westerdahl introduced his neologisms ‘maritime cultural landscape’ and ‘maritime cultural center’; by the end of his work in 1979, he had identified approximately 200 of these centers along the coastline (Westerdahl, 1980: 322-4, 328; 1992: 5). Westerdahl’s taxonomy was initially functional, but it was soon evident that this was a new way of perceiving a maritime space as a cognitive landscape – one that has constructed human activity, and one that has been constructed by human activity. As a result, over the following years Westerdahl has explored the material and immaterial components of a

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maritime landscape, as well as the maritime culture that inhabits and creates the space (Westerdahl, 1994). Westerdahl’s studies on maritime landscapes are the most prevalent within maritime archaeology, but they are not unique within the discipline. During a similar period, A.J. Parker’s work was forming related perceptions of Mediterranean maritime space by analyzing the distribution of wrecks across the sea floor. In 1984, Parker argued that the concentration of wrecks in the Strait of Bonifacio demonstrates a preference for that route (Parker, 1984: 101). More recently, he applied Westerdahl’s ideas to the Mediterranean and wrote of the region’s maritime landscape with subsidiary local and foreign zones of activity.2 Building on these two authors, the concept of a maritime landscape has continued to spread through maritime archaeological scholarship, encompassing studies of fish traps, coastal spaces as middle grounds between the land and the sea, studies of northern European coastlines and, in 2011, a volume of essays (Bannerman and Jones, 1999; Bertelson, 1999; Westerdahl, 2011: 740-2; Ford, 2011; van de Noort, 2011). A New Methodology Combining the expanding wealth of archaeological data on the sea floor with new philosophies of archaeological landscapes to model a maritime space and to create an alternative context to understand past seafaring practices, requires the acknowledgement of two elements that are common to investigations of maritimity.3 The first is that a maritime landscape is not an awkward replication of the cultural and spatial orthodoxy of nation states or empires that surround it, but a construct of the people inhabiting the space with items and characteristics emblematic of their own activities. The second is that a maritime landscape has strong spatial, experiential and cognitive components but, for most of the space, a minimal level of physical modification. Unlike a terrestrial space, which fosters organization, characterization and understanding through its physical alteration, the inherent dynamism of the sea inhibits conventional attempts to confine it within tangible cultural needs. Amalgamating these two elements into a new methodological approach means, first, recognizing that the growing collection of shipwrecks within our corpus are items of a maritime community operating within a landscape of their own creation; an idiographic nomenclature with ships from an empire, culture or nation, then, is no longer necessary within this perspective. Second, it means that vital to understanding this inhabited space, including its cognitive or cosmological characteristics, is the modeling of its relatively intangible spatial foundations. Within the Mediterranean region, where this spatial modeling is being tested, authors have already proposed the presence of particular maritime zones or a spatial

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Fig. 1. A site catchment analysis conducted on 455 sites drawn from Parker’s 1992 catalogue. Links have been drawn between wreck assemblages (red dots) and the sources of all items found in those sites.

Fig. 2. The sites from fig. 1 with homogeneous assemblages.

hierarchy within the area based upon economic or historical presumptions (Mattingly, 1988: 54; McCormick, 2005: 90-1, 522; Schmidts, 2012: 153-4). Similarly, Burr and Rougé used Greek and Roman written sources to chart the sea’s ancient regions (Burr, 1932; Rougé, 1966: 41-5). Subdivisions of the Mediterranean maritime landscape arise by testing this archaeological methodology as well, but manifest through a site catchment analysis of the corpus of sites on the seafloor. Like Parker’s studies, the wrecks are the raw data, but the result is an accretion of zones highlighting the spatial patterns underlying the maritime landscape. When applied on land, site catchment analysis often investigates the presence of raw materials at a site by determining the origins of those items, so investigators may find that wood in a house was from a nearby forest or fish from a local lake. Natural or artificial features invariably inform the results, but a community with a single settlement and two sources may have a roughly triangular inhabitation area, whereas additional sources may create an increasingly multisided region. The resulting links, however, also have strong social

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characteristics as they represent both the repeated movement of people within a particular space and the inhabitation of the environment. As Casey proposed, this is the creation of place from space (Casey, 2010). This concept was applied to the corpus of wreck sites in the Mediterranean with a key interpretive change. When conducting site catchment analysis on land, investigators are studying the movement of people through their landscape because the assemblage represents something that was once stationary. Applying the same analytical procedure to a shipwreck assemblage, however, models the movements of the ship because the assemblage not only represents something that was once mobile, it was mobile in an environment otherwise deleterious to unaided human activity. The ship enables the creation of a maritime place within space. The agglomeration of links between an assemblage and the sources of its contents thus roughly demarcates the area in which one ship may have been operating, whereas the superimposition of these links from many sites models the spatial hierarchy of the Mediterranean maritime landscape. In fig. 1, portraying data from 455 entries in

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Parker’s 1992 catalogue, links are drawn between wreck assemblages (red dots) and the sources of all items found at those sites.4 Items originating in Italy or farther westwards are linked with orange lines to the sites in which they were found, blue links connect items originating in the Adriatic and Aegean regions, and green links connect items originating in sources farther eastwards. The apparent complexity of fig. 1 implies what we may intuit – that ships in the ancient Mediterranean were sailed freely throughout the sea. Of the 455 sites in fig. 1, however, only 11% are heterogeneous assemblages as they contain material from more than one of these three regions. If, for the time being, these particular sites are removed, then the contents of the remaining 89% reveal a fundamental pattern (fig. 2): ships lost in the western Mediterranean carried material almost exclusively from that region, as did ships lost in the Adriatic and Aegean, or the eastern Mediterranean. Additional analysis of Parker’s catalogue reiterates this patterning by reviewing an additional 290 entries, each characterized by typological information. Among these entries, amphorae originating in western Mediterranean sources such as North Africa (Morocco to Tunisia), Spain, France and Italy are most commonly found in wrecks in the western Mediterranean basin (fig. 3). Amphorae distributed from sources in the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean basins, in contrast, are rarely found west of Italy (fig. 4).5 Rather than ships traversing an indeterminate Mediterranean space from east to west, or an empty

plane populated with ‘Greek’ or ‘French’ ships, this new methodology has fashioned the Mediterranean into a constructed maritime landscape with a tripartite structure. Ships were operating within one of three particular maritime domains within the Mediterranean basin and, equally, represented the interests and activities of the maritime communities that constructed and inhabited each space. Conclusions This spatial patterning of the Mediterranean maritime space may represent a new means of interpreting the corpus of sites on the seafloor, as well as a new means of modeling a past maritime habitus. Primarily, this regionality represents an alternative means of interpreting the wrecks we investigate as they may no longer be representative of singular cultures or homogeneous communities on the land. The ‘Greek’, ‘Roman’ or ‘Muslim’ ships that we see in the archaeological record may, instead, be of a particular maritime community. If so, this would have fundamental implications on both the way that we perceive past seagoing activities and the way the maritime past is valorized by the present. On the one hand, the ancient Mediterranean Sea becomes a heterogeneous stew of people operating ships representative of their own interests and habits within territories demarcated by gradients independent of political and military borders on land. On the other hand,

Fig. 3. The distribution of Western Mediterranean amphorae types among sites on the floor of the Mediterranean Sea.

Fig. 4. The distribution of Eastern Mediterranean amphorae types among sites on the floor of the Mediterranean Sea.

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these results impact current national and international mechanisms that protect maritime cultural resources by fashioning culture-historical connections between our modern interests and our perceptions of antiquity. Rather than entangling maritime heritage within a modern iteration of an ancient culture, it may now be more prudent to rely on a site’s proximity to its nearest shore.6 This regionality also establishes a framework to reinterpret the nature of Mediterranean maritime space. One pursuit, for example, is determining the correspondence between these regions and the ancient subdivisions of the Mediterranean already examined by Burr and Rougé. A second pursuit investigates the nature of movement: if ships did operate exclusively within one of these three zones, then the gradients between the zones are where ships from each community met, embodying Westerdahl’s transit points or pivots. Much like a railway station, these are the nodes where networks communicate with each other and where individuals and goods move from one means of movement to another. It was in the gradient along the southwestern coast of Asia Minor that Saint Paul changed ships during his third and fourth missionary voyages (Levine & Brettler, 2011: 240, 249). Saint Willibald and his companions did the same as they traversed the Mediterranean in the early 8th century AD, during their pilgrimage to the Holy Land (McCormick, 2005: 130 Map 5.1). Other types of testing are necessary for other purposes. All of the data in this analysis has been taken from Parker’s catalogue, which is now over 20 years old. It is clearly necessary to update the dataset with new sites to counter any possible bias implicit in Parker’s work, and to take advantage of the wealth of new sites now available, such as the collections of wrecks in Pisa or Istanbul (Bruni, 2000; Kocabaş, 2012). Similarly, new information updates preliminary conclusions in Parker’s catalogue, such as the recently published volumes on the 11th-century AD site at Serçe Limanı, or the 5th-century BC wreck at Ma’agen Mikhael (Black, 2003; Bass et al., 2004: 2009). Challenges will arise from these tests, requiring the modification or possible abandonment of present theories, but undeniable is that the maritime archaeological dataset in the Mediterranean is now large enough to generate meaningful results from statistical analyses. Even if the results presented in this paper are ultimately wrong, it nevertheless demonstrates that the longstanding practice of integrating our archaeological data into a broader historical narrative to generate meaning may not be the only way to practice our discipline. Notes 1 Davis & Thomas, 2010: 33-4; Darvill, 2010: 60-3. In particular, see Blackman & Branigan (1977: 13) for the cultural resource management aspect of their work on Crete.

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2 Parker, 2008: 192; see also 1992: 8 and 1996: 100 and the ‘low-profile local traffic’ along the southern French coastline. Lenihan & Murphy made a similar proposal (1981: 73). 3 For examinations of Mediterranean maritime space beyond maritime archaeology, see Braudel, 1949; Rougé, 1966: 41-5; Mattingly, 1988: 54; McCormick, 2005: 90-1, 522. Studies of other maritime spaces may be found in Chaudhuri, 1985; Reid, 1988, 1993; Lambert et al., 2006. In particular, Lewis & Wigen (1997: 204-5) argue for the creation of a new maritime spatial hierarchy, and see Malinowski (1922: 219-36) for an early, if unintentional, examination of a Pacific Islander maritime landscape. 4 Data in Parker’s catalogue was divided into three groups for this analysis: entries with geographic information (455 entries), entries with only typological information (290 entries), and entries with none of this data (354 entries); approximately 65 % of Parker’s entries were among the first two categories, thus informing this analysis. 5 See Opdebeeck (2005), who drew similar conclusions in his study of Roman-era shipwrecks and cargo. 6 Compare Article 11.4 in the UNESCO 2001 Convention to The Council of Europe’s report on underwater cultural heritage; see Roper (1978: 67-8).

References Ahlström, C., 1997. Looking for Leads. Shipwrecks of the past revealed by contemporary documents and the archaeological record. The Finnish Academy of Science, Helsinki. Bachhuber, C., 2006. Aegean Interest on the Uluburun Ship. American Journal of Archaeology 110: 345-63. Bannerman, N. & Jones, C., 1999. Fish-trap types: a component of the maritime cultural landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 28: 70-84. Basch, L., 1972. Ancient wrecks and the archaeology of ships. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 1: 1-58. Bass, G.F., 2011, The Development of Maritime Archaeology. In: A. Catsambis, B. Ford & D.L. Hamilton (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 3-22. Bass, G.F., Matthews, S.D., Steffy, J.R. & Van Doorninck Jr, F.H., 2004. Serçe Limanı: an Eleventh-Century Shipwreck. Volume I: The Ship and its Anchorage, Crew and Passengers. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, TX. Bass, G.F., Brill, R.H., Lledó, B. & Matthews, S.D., 2009. Serçe Limanı, Volume II: the glass of an eleventh-century shipwreck. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, TX. Beltrame, C., 2007. The Discovery of a Medieval Galley in Turkey? A Review. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36: 420-22. Bertelson, R., 1999. Settlement on the divide between land and ocean. From Iron Age to Medieval Period along the coast of Northern Norway. In: C. Fabech & J. Ringtved (eds), Settlement and Landscape, Proceedings of a conference in Arhus, Denmark. Aarhus University Press, Aarhus: 261-7.

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Black, E. (ed.), 2003. The Ma’agen Mikhael Ship: the Recovery of a 2400-year-old Merchantman. Volume 1. Israel Exploration Society and The University of Haifa, Jerusalem. Blackman, D. & Branigan, K., 1977. An Archaeological Survey of the Lower Catchment of the Ayiofarango Valley. The Annual of the British School atAthens 72: 13-84. Braudel, F., 1949. La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II. A. Colin, Paris. Bruni, S. (ed.), 2000. Le navi antiche di Pisa, Ad un anno dall’inizio delle recherché. Edizioni Polistampa, Firenze. Burr, V., 1932. Nostrum Mare. Ursprung und Geschichte der Namen des Mittelmeeres und seiner Teilmeere im Altertum. Verlag von W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart. Casey, E., 2010. Place in Landscape Archaeology: A Western Philosophical Prelude. In: B. Davis & J. Thomas (eds), Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. Left Coast Press, California: 44-50. Catsambis, A., Ford B. & Hamilton, D.L., 2011. Preface. In: A. Catsambis, B. Ford & D.L. Hamilton (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Oxford University Press, Oxford: xiii-xvii. Chaudhuri, K.N., 1985. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Clogg, R., 1992. A Concise History of Greece. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Darvill, T., 2010. Pathways to a Panoramic Past: A Brief History of Landscape Archaeology in Europe. In: B. Davis & J. Thomas (eds), Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. Left Coast Press, California: 60-76. Davis, B. & Thomas, J., 2010. Landscape Archaeology: Intro­ duction. In: B. Davis & J. Thomas (eds), Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. Left Coast Press, California: 27-43. El-Haj, N.A., 2001. Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Territorial Self-Fashioning in Israeli Society. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Emberling, G., 1997. Ethnicity in Complex Societies: Archaeological Perspectives. Journal of Archaeological Research 5: 295-344. Eriksson, N. & Rönnby, J., 2012. ‘The Ghost Ship’. An Intact Fluyt from c. 1650 in the Middle of the Baltic Sea. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41: 350-61. Fontenoy, P., 1998. A Discussion of Maritime Archaeology. In: L. Babits and H. van Tilburg (eds), Maritime Archaeology, A Reader of Substantive and Theoretical Contributions. Plenum Press, New York: 47-52. Ford, B. (ed.), 2011. The Archaeology of Maritime Landscapes. Springer, New York. Franklin, M & Fesler, G. (eds), 1999. Historical Archaeology, Identity Formation, and the Interpretation of Ethnicity. Colonial Williamsburg Research Publications, Virginia. Geary, P., 1983. Ethnic Identity as a Situational Construct in the Early Middle Ages. Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 113: 15-26. Gould, R., 2000. Archaeology and the Social History of Ships. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Greene, E., Leidwanger, J., Leventhal, R.M. & Daniels, B.I., 2010. Toward Best Practice in Mediterranean Underwater

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Archaeology. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39: 437-9. Greene, E., Leidwanger, J., Leventhal, R.M. & Daniels, B.I., 2011. Mare Nostrum? Ethics and Archaeology in Mediterranean Waters. American Journal of Archaeology 115: 311-9. Hall, J.M., 2000. Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Harpster, M., (in press). Shipwreck Identity, Methodology, and Nautical Archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory. Hocker, F.M., 1991. The Development of a Bottom-Based Shipbuilding Tradition in Northwestern Europe and the New World. Ph.D. Dissertation, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX. Hocker, F.M., 2004. Shipbuilding: Philosophy, Practice and Research. In: F.M. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The Philosophy of Shipbuilding, Conceptual Approaches to the Study of Wooden Ships. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, TX: 1-11. Jones, S., 1997. The Archaeology of Ethnicity. Routledge, London. Just, R., 1989. Triumph of the Ethnos. In: E. Tonkin, M. McDonald & M. Chapman (eds), History and Ethnicity. Routledge, London: 71-88. Kenchington, T.J. & Rice, E.L., 1983. Identification of the Ellen. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 12: 83-4. Kocabaş, U., 2012. The ‘Old Ships’ of the New Gate. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul. Kramer, C., 1977. Pots and Peoples. In: L.D. Levine & T.C. Young (eds), Mountains and lowlands; essays in the archaeology of greater Mesopotamia. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica VII: 99-112. Lambert, D., Martins, L. & Ogborn, M., 2006. Currents, visions and voyages: historical geographies of the sea. Journal of Historical Geography 32: 479-93. Lenihan, D.J., 1983. Rethinking Shipwreck Archaeology: A History of Ideas and Considerations for New Directions. In: R. Gould (ed.), Shipwreck Anthropology. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque: 37-64. Lenihan, D.J. & Murphy, L., 1981. Considerations for Research Design in Shipwreck Archaeology. In G.P. Watts (ed.), Underwater Archaeology: The Challenge Before Us. The Proceedings of the Twelfth Conference on Underwater Archaeology. Fathom Eight Special Publication, San Marino: 69-75. Levine, A-J. & Brettler, M.Z., 2011. The Jewish Annotated New Testament, New Revised Standard Version Bible Translation. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Lewis, M. & Wigen, K., 1997. The Myth of Continents, A Critique of Metageography. University of California Press, Berkeley. Lowenthal, D., 1990. The past is a foreign country. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Maarleveld, T., 1995. Type or technique. Some thoughts on boat and ship finds as indicative of cultural traditions. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24: 3-7. Maarleveld, T., 2012. The maritime paradox: does international heritage exist? International Journal of Heritage Studies 18: 418-31. Malinowski, B., 1922. Argonauts of the Western Pacific. Routledge, London.

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8. Maritime regionalism in the Mediterranean maritime landscape Martin, P.F., 1977. Letters to the Editor. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 6: 265-6. Mattingly, D., 1988. Oil for Export? A comparison of Libyan, Spanish and Tunisian olive oil production in the Roman Empire. Journal of Roman Archaeology 1: 33-56. McCormick, M., 2005 (2nd ed). Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, A.D. 300-900. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Miller, J.W., Callahan, J.E., Craig, J.R. & Whatley, K.M., 2005. ‘Ruling Theories Linger’: Questioning the Identity of the Beaufort Inlet Shipwreck: A Discussion. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 34: 339-41. Moore, D., 2005. Technical Comments Relating to ‘Ruling Theory’ and the Identification of the Beaufort Inlet Wreck. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 34: 335-9. O’Shea, J.M., 2004. The identification of shipwreck sites: a Bayseian approach. Journal of Archaeological Science 31: 1533-52. Opdebeeck, J., 2005. Shipwrecks and amphorae: Their relation­ ship with trading routes and the Roman economy in the Medi­ terranean. M.Sc. Dissertation, University of Southampton. Parker, A.J., 1984. Shipwrecks and Ancient Trade in the Mediterranean. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 3: 99-107. Parker, A.J., 1992, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and Roman Provinces. BAR-IS 580. Tempus Repartum, Oxford. Parker, A.J., 1996. Sea Transport & Trade in the Mediterranean. In: E.E. Rice (ed.), The Sea and History. Sutton Publishing, Gloucestershire: 97-109. Parker, A.J., 2008. Artifact Distributions and Wreck Locations: The Archaeology of Roman Commerce. In: R.L. Hohlfelder (ed.), The Maritime World of Ancient Rome. Proceedings of “The Maritime World of Ancient Rome” Conference held at the American Academy in Rome 27-29 March 2003. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor: 177-96. Reid, A., 1988. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, Vol. I. Yale University Press, New Haven. Reid, A., 1993. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, Vol. II. Yale University Press, New Haven. Rodgers, B.A., Richards, N. & Lusardi, W., 2005. ‘Ruling Theories Linger’: Questioning the Identity of the Beaufort Inlet Shipwreck. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 34: 24-37. Romanucci-Ross, L. & DeVos, G.A., 1995. Ethnic Identity: Creation, Conflict, and Accommodation. AltaMira Press, Maryland. Roper, J., 1978. The Underwater Cultural Heritage, Report of the Committee on Culture and Education. Council of Europe, Strasbourg. Rougé, J., 1966. Recherches sur l’Organisation du Commerce Maritime en Méditerranée sous l’Empire Romain. Imprimerie Nationale, Paris. Royal, J.G., 2008. A Medieval Galley Discovered in Turkey: A Reply. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 37: 388-90.

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Schmidts, T., 2012. Between East and West in the Roman Empire: Skippers and Shipowners from the Eastern Mediterranean. In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul: 149-56. Shennan, S., 1994. Archaeological approaches to cultural identity. Routledge, London. Silberman, N., 1998. The Sea Peoples, the Victorians, and Us: Modern Social Ideology and Changing Archaeological Interpretations of Late Bronze Age Culture. In: S. Gitin, A.M. Gitin & E. Stern (eds), Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Israel Exploration Society, Jerusalem: 268-75. Tambiah, S.J., 1989. Ethnic conflict in the world today. American Ethnologist 16: 335-49. Tanyeri-Erdemir, T., 2006. Archaeology as a Source of National Pride in the Early Years of the Turkish Republic. Journal of Field Archaeology 31: 381-93. Trigger, B., 2007 (2nd ed). A History of Archaeological Thought. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. UNESCO, 2001. Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. UNESCO, Paris. Van Zandt, D., 2009. A Systematic Method for the Identification of Historic Era Shipwrecks. MA Thesis, Flinders University, Australia. Van de Noort, R., 2011. North Sea Archaeologies. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Wachsmann, S., 1998. Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, TX. Watson, P.J., 1983. Method and Theory in Shipwreck Archaeology. In: R. Gould (ed.), Shipwreck Anthropology. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque: 23-36. Westerdahl, C., 1980. On oral traditions and place names. An introduction to the first stage in the establishment of a register of ancient monuments for the maritime cultural heritage. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 9: 311-29. Westerdahl, C., 1992. The maritime cultural landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21: 5-14. Westerdahl, C., 1994. Maritime cultures and ship types: brief comments on the significance of maritime archaeology. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 23: 265-70. Westerdahl, C., 2011. The Maritime Cultural Landscape. In: A. Catsambis, B. Ford & D.L. Hamilton (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Oxford University Press, Oxford: 733-62. Wilson, A., 2011. Developments in Mediterranean shipping and maritime trade from the Hellenistic period to AD 1000. In: A. Wilson & D. Robinson (eds), Maritime Archaeology and Ancient Trade in the Mediterranean. Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology Monographs, Oxford University Press, Oxford: 33-55.

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9. Ship iconography on the Penteskouphia pinakes from Archaic Corinth (Greece). Pottery industry and maritime trade Eleni Hasaki & Yannis Nakas

Introduction Ancient Corinth was a major ceramic production centre during the Archaic period. The Corinthian potters of the 6th century BC left us an unparalleled corpus of terracotta pinakes (votive tablets), depicting Poseidon, potters at work and ships, themes otherwise rarely depicted on contemporary vase-painting, along with the more common themes of horsemen, warriors and animals. The Penteskouphia pinakes (1,030 examples from about 1,200 fragments) are painted in black-figure technique and have imagery on one or both sides yielding a total of almost 1,400 scenes. This assemblage came to light during an illicit excavation by a farmer in 1879, followed by a brief survey by the American School of

Classical Studies at Athens in 1905 (fig. 1).1 Fragments of pinakes from 1905 join with some of the 1879 pinakes, helping us to determine the approximate location of the looting carried out by the farmer, or possibly, where he dumped the pinakes that were of poor quality and preservation. Currently the majority of pinakes are kept in Berlin (Antikensammlung), with fewer examples in Ancient Corinth (Ancient Corinth Museum: Geagan, 1970; Von Raits, 1964) and in Paris (Louvre Museum: Rayet, 1880). On both one-sided and two-sided pinakes, depictions of Poseidon and warriors are the most numerous. Depictions of ships (2%) rank last, behind scenes of Poseidon (20%), males, warriors, and various figures (18%), horses and other equestrian imagery, e.g. chariots (11%), animals (9%), potters at work (7%) and a few other scenes of work and myth (4%). Almost one third of the scenes (29%) cannot be identified, in the current state of preservation. The scenes are painted on very small surfaces measuring, on average, 10 cm in height, 14 cm in width and 0.5 cm in thickness, much smaller than the renowned Archaic wooden pinakes from Pitsa (to the NW of Ancient Corinth), also made by Corinthian artists.2 Many pinakes are pierced which suggests that they were meant to be attached to something, or hung as votives at a sanctuary, on sacred trees or in sacred areas within the pottery workshops. Ship iconography

Fig. 1. Map of Corinthia and Penteskouphia (Y. Nakas).

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Depictions of ships (some less certain than others) have been suggested for 27 Penteskouphia pinakes almost equally distributed among one sided and two-sided pinakes (Catalogue 1-27): 14 one-sided (1-14) and 13 twosided (15-27). Some scenes can only be reconstructed on paper from fragments belonging to all three museum collections (15). Ship scenes are combined more commonly with depictions of potters at work (15, 16, 17, 18), with horse riders (19, 20, 21) and Poseidon (22, 23); one

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9. Ship iconography on the Penteskouphia pinakes ...

is combined with (24) and finally with an unidentified figure (25). No pinax carries depictions of ships on both sides and as all ship pinakes are fragmentary, no plaque preserves a complete rendering of a ship. It is not always easy to determine whether the combination of scenes on both sides was intentional or accidental or which side (if any) was considered the primary one. Finally, certain fragmentary scenes (7, 9, 12, 22) have been tentatively identified as ships, mainly due to the lack of any better parallels and interpretations. Some scenes were added to ship imagery (e.g., 3 originally misidentified as a ceramic kiln) and others removed (e.g. F 658, actually representing the footwear of a clothed male, or F 659+703+fr. actually depicting figures, and not a ship). Other scenes may tentatively point to the general world of ship-building, but no ship is depicted: for example, the two-sided pinax F 899 which depicts on one side a kiln scene and on the other side possibly a scene of males on a ship with one figure depicted on a larger scale than the others. Similarly on MNB 2858 a bearded man fells a tree either to provide fuel for the potters or to provide shipbuilders with raw material. This first comprehensive study involving autopsy of the pinakes (by Eleni Hasaki) provided dimensions on all pinakes and both themes on the two-sided pinakes that were not available in earlier publications as well as introduced thirteen previously unpublished examples (1, 2, 6, 7, 10, 12, 13, 16, 17, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27). The best assemblage of the pinakes is to be found in Lucien Basch’s seminal work of 1987 where ten Penteskouphia pinakes were discussed and illustrated relying however mostly on published illustrations (3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 15, 18, 21, 23)(Basch, 1987: 234-239, figs 486-494). A more recent article by Palmieri (2009) discusses a total of thirteen scenes, adding a few more (14, 19, 20) to Basch’s list. The depictions represent examples from both warships (11) and merchant ships (18), with the first group being slightly larger. The ships are often summarily rendered, in an ‘abbreviated’ form most probably due to the small surface of the preserved fragments (the largest preserved surfaces are on 5, 6, 14, 18, 22). One can identify the hull of the ship (26) or rams in the shape of a boar’s head (23) (a convention widely used by Greek vase-painters), crew or warriors aboard the ship (5, 6, 11, 26, up to five people depicted) and often waves or fish representing the sea (5, 11). The fragments, albeit small, depict in a very concentrated manner many constructional details, such as on (23) where the ram, the stolos, the gunwale, and perhaps a mechanism for heaving or tying the anchor or for attaching the hypozoma undergirding rope can be clearly seen.3 On what seems to be a boom gallow, the head of a person can be distinguished (4). Pinax (3) displays various parts of a long ship in a very basic way. Some representations of masts are presented with the single depiction of furled sails (18). No cargo is depicted, and it is uncertain whether the horizontal line of jugs on (18) served both as a decoration for the pinax and/or as an indication of its cargo.4 There is no

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preferred orientation for the ships, as some face left (11, 23, 26), while other face right (3, 5, 18, 19). Black-figure technique with detailed use of incisions and added colours prevailed with the occasional use of silhouette and outline technique. The quality of the paintings is rather crude, perhaps pointing to apprentice works (6), while a few display a higher level of skill (5, 11, 15). On one pinax (19) we can also see an instance where the painter changed his mind and instead of completing the scene he started with a striding male, he replaced it with a ship scene showing a warrior who tries to embark by stepping on the ship’s ram. What is unique at Penteskouphia is the presence of various items of weaponry aboard the ships, i.e. shields and spears (5, 26). And whereas shields are not uncommon in contemporary ship images (Basch, 1987: figs 501-504, 510-511), the bundle of spears is a motif virtually unknown throughout the Aegean. This could be an indication of the fact that 6th-century Corinthian sailors made sure to have their galleys well-equipped and protected against enemies and pirates and that this was so important that it was documented in contemporary art. Only one inscription is preserved in the existent scenes (15) and it has been associated with various degrees of confidence with the Spartan oecist of Taras (Φάλανθος) or as a personal name of the dedicant (Παντάγαθος) (Wachter, 2001). In the absence of inscriptions, we rely on some visual clues, such as the Triton possibly depicted next to the ram of this ship that may allude to the mythological Argonaut story (5) (Palmieri, 2009 with earlier bibliography). Fish (F 460), dolphins (F 691+808; F 779; F 780) and some maritime hybrid creatures (F 813; F 834) complete the visual references to the sea world in the Penteskouphia corpus. There is no evidence for dedications of pinakes with ship iconography in major Corinthian sanctuaries. It seems that Penteskouphia pinakes were a very localized phenomenon and their makers probably set them up in smaller religious settings near or even within their workshops.5 The twenty-seven depictions on Penteskouphia clay pinakes join an even smaller group of three vase-paintings from Corinthian Archaic vessels (aryballos: BMFA inv. 01.8100; 575–550 BCE) and few terracotta and metal ship models, mainly from the sanctuary of Poseidon at Isthmia.6 Similarities, nevertheless, with the Penteskouphia ships are noteworthy. Ships carry the boar-shaped ram, the double bird’s head aphlaston and are generally low and without any significant over-structures (Wachsmann, 1996 for bird devices on Mediterranean ships). All seem to be monoremes, although there is a possibility that one of them is a bireme. No round ship representation survives from this period in Corinth and a few clay models from Isthmia could as well represent fishing boats (Basch, 1987: figs 465–496).

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Discussion The Penteskouphia assemblage with boat iconography raises questions, but provides no answers, concerning an otherwise unknown aspect of contemporary Corinthian craftsmanship, economy, and society: shipbuilding, the still unlocated shipyards of ancient Corinthia, and their topographical relationships to the active pottery and tile workshops. Thucydides (1.13), however, reports that the Corinthian Amenokles was the first to introduce the triremes in Greece, following (or copying?) the Phoenician shipbuilders, whereas Herodotus (1.33-8) and Aristotle (Politics 1315b) report that pharaoh Necho employed Corinthian shipbuilders for the construction of a naval fleet (cf. Demetriou, 2012: 107). This is a good indication not only of the relations between Corinth and the Levant but also of an active local shipbuilding community which, under the control of the local aristocracy and then by the ambitious tyrants Kypselos and Periander, sought to improve the local navy by adapting new ideas from abroad (Salmon, 1984). It does seem odd that the clay industries of Corinth, a polis surrounded by sea, home to the famous, albeit obscure, diolkos (used for ship-hauling or as cargo-­ carrying) and fatherland to pious worshippers of sea god Poseidon, did not promote ship iconography on the medium they worked with (Pettegrew, 2011; 2013; Koutsoumba and Nakas, 2013). It is more likely that people involved directly or indirectly in the maritime business (including those promoting the export of Corinthian ceramics), most likely promoted ship/maritime iconography in more costly materials such as metalwork or stone sculpture; nor can we exclude other perishable materials such as textiles or paintings.7 The few models of ships, depictions of Poseidon and tridents surviving from Isthmia, may reflect a much larger corpus of wealthy dedications to the deity who could reveal or bury clay resources (as earth shaker) and provide calm seas for the maritime trade.8 Outside Corinth, vase-painters rarely depicted ship scenes on pinakes and the Protoattic plaque from the Sanctuary of Athena at Sounion is a notable exception.9 Instead, they preferred depictions of ships in connection with stories of gods or heroes. From the contemporary Attic François Vase to the great Attic potters of the late 6th century BC, most of the attributes of the Penteskouphia ships, find exact parallels in the extremely rich ship iconography on Athenian vase-painting (Morrison and Williams, 1968). The potters who produced the Penteskouphia pinakes promoted three themes, that were otherwise rare or completely absent from their everyday repertory: depictions of Poseidon (one other known depicted on a Corinthian red-ground crater)10, ship depictions and scenes of potters at work (never depicted on vases).11 They even combined these three unusual themes in six two-sided pinakes (15-18; 22-23). The selection and the occasional combination of these themes, along with

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the prevalence of depictions of Poseidon, may indeed provide a clue to the puzzling choice of these scenes, and more importantly to the nebulous nature of the Penteskouphia assemblage: at no other site and in no other period in Greek antiquity, did potters produce such a vast number of individually made and decorated pinakes. Eleni Hasaki, in her forthcoming monograph of the Penteskouphia pinakes has argued that this unusual phenomenon may be linked to the severe competition that the galloping Athenian pottery industry was causing to the established Corinthian potters whose products had dominated the Mediterranean ports for centuries.12 From 550 BC onwards, Corinthian pottery steeply declined both in numbers and in quality, attempted unsuccessfully to imitate the intense red appearance of the Athenian ceramics and ultimately lost the war in the markets.13 She also argues that the Penteskouphia pinakes represent deep, intense pleas and prayers to Poseidon by some Corinthian potters (especially those relying on exports) for protection and sustained prosperity in times of economic stress for fine Corinthian pottery in the Mediterranean markets involved in maritime trade. The mercantile boats, originating from Corinth or elsewhere, would soon replace the fine Corinthian pottery with other wares more desirable to the markets east and west of Ancient Corinth. As history unfolded, both the maritime and ceramic supremacy that Corinth had long enjoyed was soon taken over by the Athenians. Therefore the few votive pinakes from Penteskouphia with ship imagery, when combined with the unparalleled plethora of Penteskouphia scenes of potters at work, may offer a rare insight into the intimate concerns of the Corinthian potters at a time of economic stress, when their carefully-regulated kiln firings, which took them generations to master, produced drinking vessels that were not wanted to fill the ships in their busy emporia. Catalogue Inventory numbers starting with C-63 are housed in the Ancient Corinth Museum. Inventory numbers with F and I are housed in the Berlin Antikensammlung. AntDenk refers to the original illustrations of some pinakes in the Antike Denkmäler. All dimensions are in cm. One sided pinakes (cat. nos. 1-14)

1. C-63-224+C-63-213. H. 6.1. W. 7.6. Th. 0.4. The bow of a galley, with a boar’s-head ram, a stem-castle, a stolos and traces of oars (fig. 2a). 2. C-63-267. H. 4.5. W. 4.8. Th. 0.6. Possibly an image of the side of a round ship, with stays extending towards the (missing) mast (fig. 2b). 3. F 621+2 frr. H. 9. W. 4. Th. 0.7. AntDenk 39.20. A long ship with a ram, a stolos and two rudders at the stern.

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Fig. 2. Depictions of ships on Penteskouphia pinakes; a) cat. no. 1 (C-63-224+C-63-213); b) cat. no. 2 (C-63-267); c) cat. no. 26 (C-63-125); d) cat. no. 6 (F 648); e) cat. no. 24 (C-63-163 sides A and B) (Courtesy of American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excavations).

Fig. 3. Depictions of ships on Penteskouphia pinakes; a) cat. no. 5 (F 647+656); b) cat. no. 11 (F 654+781+I82?); c) cat. no. 15 (F 601+MNC 211+C-63-203+C-63-250+C-63-251); d) cat. no. 18 (F 831) (reconstructions by Y. Nakas).

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4. F 646. On museum display. H. 6.2. W. 5.5. Th. 0.7. The middle part of a round ship. Part of the mast and square sail, a possible boom gallow, as well as the head of a sailor are preserved. 5. F 647+656. H. 7.7. W. 7.1. Th. 0.7. AntDenk 29.12. The stern of a galley. Three oarsmen facing the bow, a standing man and the helmsman are portrayed, as well as a bundle of spears at the aphlaston (fig. 3a reconstructed). 6. F 648. H. 8.8. W. 7.3. Th. 0.5. AntDenk 24.17. Possible image of a ship’s deck with human figures. A series of lines at the top probably indicate stays (fig. 2d). 7. F 649. H. 4.5. W. 4. Th. 0.7. Part of a ship’s hull with stays. 8. F 650+fr. H. 3.8. W. 10. Th.1.2. AntDenk 24.16; Pernice 1897, fig. 16. Part of a long ship with a boar’s-head ram and a stolos. Parts of a parapet preserved. 9. F 652. H. 3.4. W. 3.8. Th. 0.6. Possible part of a ship’s hull preserving the oar ports with their tholes. 10. F 653. H. 3.7. W. 4.5. Th. 0.6. The higher part of a ship’s endpost (possibly the stolos) with part of the gunwale and a stay visible. 11. F 654+781 (+I 82?). H. 8.8. W. 5.5. Th. 0.9. I 82: H. 9. W. 4.3. Th. 0.7. Parts of a long ship (bow and stern). The helmsman with his two rudders is drawn at the curved stern. A warrior and a bundle of spears are seen at the bow, as well as a figure (triton?) over the waves (fig. 3b reconstructed). 12. F 657. H. 5.5. W. 4. Th .0.5. Possible part of a ship’s hull. 13. F 659+703. H. 8.5. W. 4.9; Th. 0.8. AntDenk 40.20; Pernice 1897, fig. 18; Geagan 1970, fig. 13a-b. Possible image of galley’s curved stolos. 14. I 81. H. 10.2. W. 6.7. Th. 0.9.

19. F 835+C-63-450. F835: H. 6.2. W. 4.2. Th. 0.7. C-63-450: H. 5.9. W. 3.6. Th. 0.6. AntDenk 23.8. Side A: ship. Side B: horses. The boar’s-head ram of a galley with a hoplite standing on it. Part of a stolos is visible (fig. 4). 20. F 3924+fr. H. 4.5. W. 5.9. Th. 0.7. Side A: horseback riders. Side B: ship. 21. I 152. H. 9. W. 5.2. Th. 1. AntDenk 40.12 Side A: horseback rider. Side B: ship. Part of the central part of a ship, with stays and brails above it.

Two-sided pinakes (cat. nos. 15-27) Ships & Potters at Work

15. F 601+Louvre Museum inv. MNC 211+ C-63-203+C63-250+C-63-251. H. 4.6. W. 2.8. Th. 0.7. AntDenk 29.18; Geagean1970, fig. 16a-b; IG 341; Wachter 2001, COP 67. The suggested size of 13.8 x 19 would have placed this pinax among the largest of the Penteskouphia pinakes (fig. 3c reconstructed).14 Side A: ship. Side B: potters collecting clay. Parts of a galley (bow and stern). The stern preserves a karhesion in the form of a double bird-head device with a bundle of spears. The stern castle with the rudders is protected by round shield. An oar is also pictured. The bow bears a simple ram but it is very damaged (fig. 3c reconstructed). 16. F 616. H. 5.9. W. 5.9. Th. 0.5. AntDenk 8.12. Side A: ship. Side B: potters at kiln firing. 17. F 655. H. 4.8. W. 6.7; Th. 1.0. Side A: ship. Side B: unclear 18. F 831. H. 10. W. 7.2; Th. 0.8. AntDenk 8.3. Side A: ship. Side B: potters collecting clay. A round ship (the bow is missing) equipped with a curved aphlaston with spears and stylides and a mast with a karhesion and stays. The sail is furled around the lowered yard. A series of vases are also pictured at the plaque’s top (fig. 3d reconstructed).

Ships & Horseback riders

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Fig. 4. Penteskouphia pinax cat. no. 19 (F 835) (Museum Courtesy, Antikensammlung, Berlin).

Ships & Poseidon

22. F 832. H. 6.5. W. 9.5. Th. 0.8. Side A: Poseidon. Side B: ship. Crude image of a ship preserving the top part of its hull and a schematic representation of the mast, yard and stays. 23. F 833. H. 6.6. W. 5.8. Th. 0.8. AntDenk 29. 21. Side A: Poseidon. Side B: ship. The bow of a galley with a boar’s-head ram and a stolos.

Ships & Animals/Figure/Unclear

24. C-63-163. H. 4.4. W. 5.4. Th .0.8. Side A: ship. Side B: animal (Bull?). A badly preserved sherd portraying the stem of a galley. A stolos and a rail are barely visible (fig. 2e). 25. F 651. H. 5.5. W. 4.6. Th. 0.6. Side A: ship. Side B: figure. The end of a ship’s hull, with the perpendicular join of the keel and the post. 26. C-63-125. H. 5.2. W. 5.4. Th. 0.4. Side A: ship. Side B: unclear. Crude image of the curved stern of a ship. Part of a rude

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9. Ship iconography on the Penteskouphia pinakes ... representation of a long ship (?) with oars and a square sail (fig. 2c). 27. F 836. H. 5.7. W. 5.3. Th. 0.5. Side A: ship. Side B: unclear.

Notes 1 For illustrations, see AntDenk i, 1886 [1891], 3–4, pls. 7–8; ii,

2 3

4

5

1893–1894 [1908], 8, pls. 23–24; 1895–1898 [1908], 6, pls. 29–30; 1899–1901 [1908], 3, pls. 39–40. Furtwängler, 1885; Pernice, 1897; Washburn, 1906; Payne, 1931; Kiderlen & Strocka, 2005. Hasaki, 2012a, b; Hasaki forthcoming. LIMC s.v. Poseidon (E. Simon). Orlandos, 1965. One Pitsa plaque (National Museum Athens, inv. A 16464) measures 33 x 15 cm. Morrison et al., 2000: 169 (for hypozomata). For the terminology of the different parts of the ancient Greek ships, see Svoronos, 1914. For depictions of transportation of goods, especially pottery, both by land (usually in carts) and by sea, see Chatzidimitriou, 2010. In that, they differ markedly from the later dedications of Athenian potters on the Acropolis which clearly represent renewed esteem for the craft and a celebration of the potters’ elevated social status in the Athenian economy (Karoglou, 2010).

6 Basch, 1987: 237–239, figs 495–500. Archaic boat models from Isthmia: in bronze (inv. IM 2090: Raubitschek, 1998: 10, cat. No. 36, pl. 7) and in clay (inv. IM 175, 2429; 2580, 2641). To these images we should add the rough clay model of a galley, possibly from Corinth (British Museum inv. 901 “said to be from Corinth.”) dated to around 500 BC. 7 Mylonopoulos (2003: 337-360) for the emphasis on metal votives in Peloponnesian sanctuaries to Poseidon. 8 For the importance of maritime trade during antiquity, see Osborne, 1996. 9 For the Sounion plaque (National Museum Athens, inv. 14935/3588), see Basch, 1987: 202–203, fig. 421; Karoglou, 2010, cat. No. 183, fig. 125. 10 A horse-rider with a trident is labeled as Poseidon. Bari Archaeological Museum inv. 6207; Lorber, 1979: 85–86, cat. No. 135, with line drawing; Amyx, 1988: 583, No. 97. 11 Interestingly, the captain on (4) wears the same broad-rimmed hat (pilos) as some kiln workers (F 608, F 610, F 802, F 806, F 810, F 816). 12 Hasaki, 2012a; Hasaki forthcoming. Recent discoveries in maritime archaeology confirm that in the Geometric and Archaic periods, Aegean ships were both capable of large cargoes and seaworthy for long distances. For Corinthian pottery in shipwrecks see Mark, 2005: 40–42. 13 Salmon, 1984; Risser, 2001. At any rate, the red-ground Corinthian vases had a limited circulation beyond Corinth. 14 Geagan, 1970: 57, figs 16a, b. For a larger pinax, see F 367+372+398+399 measuring H. 28 cm x W. 17 cm. It is now lost but has been illustrated in AntDenk ii.30.18 and Pernice, 1897, 12, fig. 1.

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References Basch, L., 1987. Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique. Institut hellénique pour la préservation de la tradition nautique, Athènes. Chatzidimitriou, A., 2010. Transport of goods in the Mediterranean from the Geometric to the Classical Period. Images and Meaning. Bolletino di Archeologia on line I: 1–20. Demetriou, D., 2012. Negotiating identity in the ancient Mediterranean. The Archaic and Classical Greek multiethnic emporia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Furtwängler, A., 1885. Königlichen Museen zu Berlin. Beschreibung der Vasensammlung im Antiquarium, 2 vols. W. Spemann, Berlin. Geagan, H.A., 1970. Mythological themes on the plaques from Penteskoufia. AA (JdI) 85: 31–48. Hasaki, E., (forthcoming). The Penteskouphia pinakes from ancient Corinth and their imagery of potters at work. Hesperia Supplements, American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Hasaki, E., 2012a. Craft apprenticeship in ancient Greece: Reaching beyond the masters. In: W. Wendrich (ed.), Archaeology and apprenticeship: acquiring body knowledge in the ancient world. The University of Arizona Press, Tucson: 171–202. Hasaki, E., 2012b. Workshops and technology. In: T.J. Smith & D. Plantzos (eds), A companion to Greek art. Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford: 255–274. Karoglou, K., 2010. Attic pinakes. Votives images in clay. (BAR IS 2104). Archaeopress, Oxford. Kiderlen, M. & Strocka, V.M. (eds), 2005. Die Götter Beschenken. Antike Weihegaben aus der Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. Biering and Brinkmann, München. Koutsoumba, D. & Nakas, Y., 2013. Δίολκος. Ενα σημαντικό τεχνικό έργο της αρχαιότητας, (The Diolkos: a significant technical achievement of antiquity. In: K. Kissas & W-D. Niemeier (eds), The Corinthia and the Northeast Peloponnesus: topography and history from prehistoric times until the end of antiquity. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Loutraki 26-29 March 2009. Athenaia 4, Munich: 91–206. Lorber, F., 1979. Inschriften auf korinthischen Vasen: Archäologischepigraphische Untersuchungen zur korinthischen Vasenmalerei im 7. und 6. Jr. v. Chr. Mann, Berlin. Mark, S., 2005. Homeric seafaring. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, TX. Morrison J.S. & Williams, R. T., 1968. Greek oared ships, 900-322 B.C. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Morisson, J.S., Coates, J.F. & Rankov, N.B., 2000. The Athenian trireme: The history and construction of an ancient Greek warship (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Mylonopoulos, J., 2003. Πελοπόννησος οἰκητήριον Ποσειδῶνος. Heiligtümer und Kulte des Poseidon auf der Peloponnes. Kernos Supplément 13, Centre International d’ Étude de la religion Grecque Antique, Liège. Orlandos, A., 1965. Pitsa. EAA VI: 201–204.

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Osborne, R., 1996. Pots, trade, and the Archaic Greek economy. Antiquity 70: 31–44. Palmieri, M.G., 2009. Navi mitiche, artigiani e commerce sui pinakes corinzi da Penteskouphia. In: F. Camia & S. Privitera (eds), Obeloi: Contatti, scambi e valori nel Mediterraneo antico: studi offerti a Nicola Parise, (Tekmeria 11). Pandemos, Paestum: 85–104. Payne, H.H.G., 1931. Necrocorinthia. A Study of the Corinthian Art in the Archaic Period. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Pernice, E., 1897. Die korinthischen Pinakes im Antiquarium der königlichen Museen, Jd I: 9-48. Pernice, E., 1898. Ein korinthischer Pinax. In: K. Mauser (ed.) Festschrift für Otto Benndorf zu seinem 60.Geburtsage gewidmet vin Schülern, Freunden und Fachgenossen. Hölder, Wien: 75–80. Pettegrew, D.K., 2011. The Diolkos of Corinth. AJA 115: 549–574. Pettegrew, D., 2013. The Diolkos and the Emporion: How a Land Bridge Framed the Commercial Economy of Roman Corinth. In: S.J. Friesen, S. James & D.N. Schowalter (eds), Corinth in Constrast: Studies in Inequality. Leiden: 126-142. Raubitschek, I.K., 1998. Isthmia VII: The metal objects (1952-1989). American School of Classical Athens at Athens, Princeton N.J. Rayet, O., 1880. Plaques votives en terre cuite trouvées à Corinthe. Gazette Archéologique 6: 101–107.

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Risser, M.K., 2001. Corinth VII.5 = Corinthian Conventionalizing Pottery. American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Princeton N.J. Salmon, J.B., 1984. Wealthy Corinth: A history of the city to 338 B.C. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Stillwell, A.N., 1952. Corinth XV.2 = The Potters’ Quarter: The Terracottas, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Princeton N.J. Svoronos, J.N., 1914. Stylides, ancres hierae, aphlasta, stoloi, akrostolia, embola, proembola et totems marins. Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique 16: 81–152. Raits, H.A. von, 1964. The Pinakes from Penteskoufia. M.A. thesis, Univ. of Cincinnati. Wachsmann, S., 1996. Bird-Head Devices on Mediterranean Ships. In: H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis IV, 4th International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity, Center for the Acropolis Studies, Athens, 28-31 August 1991. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens: 539–572. Wachter, R., 2001. Non–Attic Greek vase inscriptions. Oxford University Press. Oxford. Washburn, O.M., 1906. Excavations at Corinth in 1905: Preliminary Report. AJA 10: 17–20.

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10. The Zuiderzee (the Netherlands). Highway, fishing ground and power landscape André F.L. van Holk

The province of Flevoland, situated in the centre of the Netherlands, consists entirely of new land made out of a former inland sea, called the Zuiderzee. In 1932 the Zuiderzee was closed off from the sea by a big dam, the Afsluitdijk (literary ‘closing dam’). The next step in the 'Zuiderzee-project' was to create new land. The three largest polders that were transformed from sea to land were drained between 1943 and 1968 (Noordoostpolder 1943, Oostelijk Flevoland 1957 and Zuidelijk Flevoland 1968). It is the largest ship-cemetery on land in the world. To the present day 430 shipwrecks are known to have been wrecked there (see van Popta, this volume). The wrecks date from the 13th to the beginning of the 20th century. In this paper I will focus on the Zuiderzee, as a maritime cultural landscape between the 15th and 17th century. This term was first introduced by Westerdahl in 1980 and further developed by the same author (1986). Three kinds of landscapes will be distinguished: the Zuiderzee as a crossroad and highway (transport landscape), as a fishing ground (ecological and resource landscape), and as a battlefield (power landscape). Shipwrecks excavated in the province of Flevoland will be used as a starting and example for the different landscapes. The focus will not so much be on the ships themselves, but on the context in which they operated; on the meaning of these shipwrecks, or, to put it in other words: the story they have to tell. Transport landscape The first landscape to be discussed is the transport landscape: here, the Zuiderzee is considered as a crossroad and a highway. Today the IJsselmeer and Markermeer (combined they encompass the former Zuiderzee) are experienced as barriers. The waters function as a sweet water reserve and are used for recreational sailing. Before 1932, at the time of the Zuiderzee optimal use of this water highway was made by water transport. The Zuiderzee facilitated intensive inland shipping of bulk

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goods, parcel cargo and passengers. Exact numbers of ships are not known, but some estimates exist. Filarski (1995: 45-49) for example reckons with an inland fleet of 10,000 vessels in the 19th century. For the 17th century De Zeeuw (1978: 20-21) gives a figure of 8,000 vessels as estimate of the total size of the inland fleet. The first example is that of a so-called beurtschip, a cargo vessel used in regular service shipping (fig. 1). This service, developed in the 16th century, was unique in Europe. It meant that a dense network of transport facilities was spread out over the Dutch Republic. Towns made arrangements among each other to maintain a regular shipping service between fixed places (comparable to bus, train or plane nowadays). The schedules differed in frequency from for example a connection maintained three times a day to a connection made three times a week. In the 18th century 800 beurtschepen sailed to 121 destinations each week. So there existed a network of connections all over the Dutch Republic. Contemporary visitors of the Dutch Republic often mention in their travel accounts the easiness of travelling across the Netherlands. In 1980 and 1981 a beurtschip was excavated in Lelystad, in the eastern part of Flevoland. The ship was built in 1587 and wrecked around 1620. It is probably of a type called wijdschip, which means it was too wide to pass the Donkere Sluis (sluice) in Gouda, which had a width of 4.68 m. So it was confined to a certain transport zone. The vessel sailed at fixed moments in time. Ten percent of Dutch shipping was organised in this way. The vessel was packed with an enormously varied cargo. In the hold was found – amongst other things – a wooden chest filled with eggs. Some eggs were still intact at the time of excavation! At the right-hand side of the chest a small storage space was made, probably for change (money). The eggs were most likely transported to the Amsterdam market by a farmer or his wife. The cargo of the beurtschip indicates the vessel was on its way from either Hasselt or Zwolle to Amsterdam. A nearby hinterland of Zwolle is the area of Twente

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Fig. 1. Excavation of a beurtschip at lot B 71, Oostelijk Flevoland (Photo: RCE, Lelystad).

with the regional centre of Almelo. You would not expect any shipping going on in this area; in obsolete geological terminology it is a deluvial area (high sand from the Pleistocene era). Research showed, however, that this area should be regarded as a maritime cultural landscape as well, strewn with captains inns and small rivers and even a real harbour in Almelo. The little volume of water which was available was used to the last drop. Temporarily sluices were built to force the water table to rise sufficiently high for small ships to pass. Every stretch of water (again several separated transport zones) had their own vessels. Besides that it is interesting to note that already at the beginning of the 17th century, farmers around Almelo specialised in egg production. So the eggs in the box might well originate from that area. Amsterdam, the big, very fast growing metropolis, had its network, as a kind of tentacles, extended to the smallest villages and towns – and drained the hinterland for food supplies. The specialisation of farmers – producing cash crops – was only possible by the extensive transport network across water. Another very interesting group of artefacts retrieved from the wreck is the collection of mowing tools of so-called hannekemaaiers. They were seasonal agricultural workers from Westphalia in Germany. From written sources we know that from 1600 onwards 10,000 of these workers crossed the Zuiderzee each summer

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to work for the rich farmers in the Dutch coastal provinces - in this case Holland. The farmers cultivated new agricultural land (polders that were drained), but there were not enough domestic labourers to work the land. So they had to recruit hannekemaaiers. They mowed grass to make hay, which was fodder for the cows, the milk of which was made into cheese. So these hannekemaaiers formed a vital link in the food production chain (van Holk, 2014: 34-35). This again was only made possible by the extensive use of inland transport facilities! At that time the economy of the Dutch Republic functioned as an integrated market, as has been shown by the economic historians De Vries and Van der Woude (1995). The next example of the Zuiderzee as a transport landscape for commodities is the transport of peat, which was not done by regularly organised shipping, but rather by tramp shipping. In 1990 a vessel was excavated at lot ZL 1 in the southern part of Flevoland, with remains of a cargo of peat (Oosting & van Holk 1994). The vessel has a dendrochronological date of 1586 and sank after 1605, according to the date of some of the finds: a stoneware jug with a pewter lid made in Zwolle in or after the year 1605, and a lead token bearing 1596 as inscription. The enormous amount of peat consumed in Holland (mainly Amsterdam) could only be transported economically over water, across the Zuiderzee. In this

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trade alone, 4,000 ships were active in the 17th century annually. The demand for peat must indeed have been great. The sides of the vessel at lot ZL 1 were for this purpose equipped with a somewhat provisional bulwark to increase cargo capacity. On the stem and stern draft-marks were carved. When the ship should be loaded to mark V, the vessel would carry 63 tons of peat. The volume of the hold was too small to stow this amount of peat. So it seems that part of the peat was carried as deck cargo, a situation which was not unusual, as can be seen on iconographic sources. The increase in weight due to a wet deck-cargo in bad weather may have caused the wrecking of the vessel. A closer look at the dimensions of the ship show a rather slender vessel, with an overall length of 20 m and a beam of 4 m. So the length to width ratio of this ship is 5:1. The question could be raised to what extend these dimensions were determined by the maritime infrastructure. The building of dikes, to protect land against flooding, started in the Netherlands already in the 11th century. This must have had a tremendous impact on shipping. Behind the dikes waterways were made accessible by sluices with fixed dimensions. This could be the explanation for the relative narrowness of the vessel. It is interesting to note that the construction at deck level before the mast seems to imply that the mast could be lowered quite easily. This was another advantage to sail under fixed bridges and fixed upper structures of sluices. On these grounds it seems plausible that this vessel was used both on the Zuiderzee as well as on

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inland waters. Written sources about the transshipment of peat in settlements along the east coast of the Zuiderzee refer to both small inland ships and larger ‘seagoing’ (Zuiderzee-going) ships. It is also possible that obstacles like sluices near the place of destination had to be passed which made adjustments to the vessel necessary. The examples show that from an economic point of view, the booming development of the Dutch Republic was only possible through optimal use of the Zuiderzee as a transport landscape! Resource landscape The Zuiderzee was not only a highway, it was also an important source of food – in this case fish. The most important fishing vessel of the Zuiderzee in the 15th and 16th century was the waterschip (see Joep Verwey, this volume). In the centre of the hold of these vessels a fishwell (Dutch: bun) was situated (fig. 2). The fish-well was a watertight compartment of the hold that contained water. The water was continually refreshed because the hull planks of the fish-well were perforated with small holes. This way, the catch could be transported fresh to the harbour. These waterschepen must have been a very successful design for their function and operational environment. The vessel kept its medieval hull form (fine run fore and aft), until the beginning of the 19th century! Waterskippers had their home-ports mainly in Holland, specifically/particularly on the western coast

Fig. 2. Excavation of a waterschip at lot K 84-II, Oostelijk Flevoland (Photo: RCE, Lelystad).

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of the Zuiderzee; Amsterdam was the main home-port. They used running fishing gear, as opposed to their colleagues from the east coast of the Zuiderzee. They were used to fish with standing nets. Waterskippers as well as other fishermen were organised in guilds. This meant, among other things, that they had to bring their catch to their home-port. This, in fact, stems from a traditional regulation going back to the Middle Ages. It was an ego-centred service policy of towns to ensure the regular supply of food. As the number of inhabitants of the towns in Holland grew very rapidly, the need for cheap, protein-rich food rose as well. Waterschepen crossed the Zuiderzee before the prevailing westerly winds. With ever greater fleets the fishermen arrived at the fishing-grounds of the east coast. Waterskippers mainly caught freshwater fish. However the Zuiderzee was turning from a freshwater lake into a saltwater/ brackish inland sea. The process of salinization started in the western part of the Zuiderzee. This served as an extra drive for fishermen from the west coast to sail in an easterly direction. Arriving at the east coast, the waterskippers destroyed the standing nets of the local fishermen with their running fishing nets. This resulted in a war on fish during the 16th and 17th century. We are quit well informed about this war on fish, because an elaborate exchange of letters between the rulers of Holland (Charles V) and on the other hand Overijssel and Gelderland (Charles of Gelria) about this conflict survived in the archives. In essence the conflict was the clash between the upcoming ‘new’ economy of Holland and the old economy of the east coast. Besides that, it was also a clash between two styles of fishing: that of standing net fishing (fyke nets) and that of fishing with running gear (trawl nets). The conflict was at its fiercest in the mid-sixteenth century.

In the seventeenth century periodical outbreaks took place (see for example Ypma, 1962; Deelder et al., 1973: 221-242; van Holk, 1994: 29-53). Some fishermen were killed and others were put in jail. Waterskipper Jan Backer from Amsterdam was the last unfortunate victim in this conflict; he was shot in 1626 before the fortified town of Blokzijl in the province of Overijssel. Other means, next to warfare, to stop the waterschepen were the construction of palisades. Poles were driven into the seabed so the waterschepen would get stuck (with their trawl nets). In the inventory of one of those waterschepen from the second half of the 16th century some weapons were found: a sword (Dutch: rapier) and a halberd. Were they related to the war on fish? It is possible, but the next wreck to be discussed might indicate otherwise. Power landscape Now we come to the last type of landscape: the power landscape. In two consecutive campaigns, the last one having been conducted in 2012, the International Fieldschool of Maritime Archaeology Flevoland excavated a cargo vessel, with estimated dimensions of 16.6 m in length, a width of 5.6 m and a depth of 2 m (fig. 3). The provisional felling date of the wood used for building the vessel based on dendrochronology is after 1553. So there seems to be a comparable building date to the waterschip just mentioned. In the hold the remains of cargo were present: a couple of iron bars and three barrels filled with chalk (fig. 4a). Initially this ‘mixed cargo’ – as opposed to a single bulk cargo - was interpreted as the cargo of a lighter, transporting cargo from seagoing ships too big to sail the Zuiderzee to Amsterdam and anchored on the Texel Roads. This idea was also inspired by the

Fig. 3. Excavation of a cargo vessel at lot E 34, Oostelijk Flevoland (Photo: RCE, Lelystad).

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Fig. 4. Cargo and weapons on board of cargo vessel OE 34. a) barrel filled with chalk in the hold (Photo: IFMAF).

b) rapier in the hold (Photo: IMAF).

composition of the cargo – amongst others consisting of iron bars – of the Aanloop Molengat wreck, foundered at the entrance of the Waddenzee (Maarleveld, this volume). The resemblance of the wreck, in detail, to the B&W 4 wreck, excavated in Copenhagen (Lemée, 2006), opened other interpretations to the function and sailing area of the vessel. The vessel, quite probably of a type called wijdschip, could have been active in the trade to the Baltic. The vessel has a very full, bluff bow, while the hull aft is of fine fashion. The ship did not have leeboards (in any case there were no indications of the mounting of leeboards). During the reconnaissance excavation in 2003 the first rapier was found, while during the final excavation two

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more (fragments of) rapiers came to light (fig. 4b). What is the meaning of these swords? When we return to the waterschip, it is known from written sources that about 90 per cent of these fishing vessels had Amsterdam as their home port. In 1568 the Revolt of the Dutch against Spain started: the beginning of the Eighty Years War. The rebels under William of Orange called themselves sea beggars (Dutch: watergeuzen, French: gueux de mer). As their name indicates they operated as privateers mainly on the water, mostly but not solely against the Spanish. They were also active on the Zuiderzee and turned this inland sea into unsafe water. The city of Amsterdam supported the King of Spain, Philip II, and initially did not take part in the Revolt. So from the point of view of

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the watergeuzen ships from Amsterdam were the enemy and therefore subject to attack. The weapons on board of the watership and the wijdschip might indicate the presence of an armed escort on board of vessels that had Amsterdam as home port. This hypothesis needs to be researched further. The watergeuzen did indeed block the entrance of Amsterdam to the Zuiderzee. In 1573, the Battle on the Zuiderzee took place. The watergeuzen defeated the Spanish fleet under the Count of Bossu. One year later, Amsterdam joined the rebels in their revolt. Conclusion The concept of the maritime cultural landscape puts the isolated finds of ships in context, and in a meaningful mutual relationship. As a highway and crossroad for traffic and as a rich fishing ground it is understandable why this inland sea was of strategic importance and, subsequently, more than once the stage of battle. In the Dutch Republic clever and optimal use was made of ships and free wind energy. A pre-modern capitalist society could emerge, together with a new materialistic world view. Last but not least even the organisation of transport was pushed to its limits: at least from the 17th century onwards skippers took their wives and children on board as crew to cut down costs (van Holk, 1997a, b). In the capitalistic world view there was no room for the tabu of women on board as members of the crew. The wife was skipper, mother, cook and mate. The children had to work on board from an early age on, even to the degree that some of the first words they came to know were port and starboard. In the long run, however, the effect was that skippers transformed from well-known, relatively sedentary inhabitants of the shore to unknown water nomads, with no permanent home or address, discriminated by their fellow inhabitants on the shore. In short, a subculture, isolated from society at large. But the story has a happy ending: in the Netherlands a large part of inland transport over water is still organised as family-business: inland skippers still sail their barges with their wives (and small children). References Deelder, C.L. & Huussen jr., A.H., 1973. Opmerkingen betref­ fende de kuilvisserij op de voormalige Zuiderzee, voornamelijk in de zestiende eeuw. Holland 5: 221-242. Filarski, R., 1995. Kanalen van de Koniong-Koopman. Goederen­ vervoer, binnenscheepvaart en kanalenbouw in Neder­­­­ land en België in de eerste helft van de negentiende eeuw. NEHASeries III.

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Holk, A.F.L. van, 1994. Kuilen en voorhouders, de uitrusting van waterschepen. In: R. Reinders & M. Bierma (eds), Vis en visvangst, inleidingen gehouden tijdens het zevende Glavimans symposion, Vlaardingen, 23 april 1993. Groningen: 29-53. Holk, A.F.L. van, 1997a. Archeologie van de binnenvaart. Leven en wonen aan boord van binnenschepen 1600-1900. Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschappen, Nederlands Instituut voor Scheeps- en onderwaterarcheologie/ ROB(NISA), Ketelhaven/ Ministerie van Verkeer en Waterstaat, Rijkswaterstaat Directie IJsselmeergebied, Lelystad. Holk, A.F.L. van, 1997b. Family life on board: the Dutch boat people between 1600 and 1900. In: M. Redknap. (ed.), Artefacts from wrecks. Dated assemblages from the Late Middle Ages to the Industrial Revolution. Oxbow Monograph 84. Oxford: 219-228. Holk, A.F.L. van, 2014. Maritime archaeology, mind-set and money, the IFMAF and the Zuiderzee. Education, research, awareness and management. In: W.H. Metz (ed.), Maritime archaeology. Symposium ter gelegenheid van het 75-jarige bestaan van de Stichting Nederlands Museum voor de Anthropologie en praehistorie in het kader van de zesendertigste Kroon-voordracht gehouden te Amsterdam op 14 maart 2014. Amsterdam: 9-77. Lemée, C.P.P., 2006, The Renaissance Shipwrecks from Christianshavn. Ships and boats of the North. Volume 6. Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde. Maarleveld, Th., 2017. The Aanloop Molengat site (Wadden Sea, the Netherlands) and Europe anno 1635. The historical interpretation of a strategic cargo. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Oosting, R. & Holk A.F.L. van, 1994. The excavation of a peat-barge found at lot LZ 1 in Zuidelijk Flevoland. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in ancient shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 215-221. Vries, J. de & Woude, A. van der, 1995. Nederland 1500-1815. De eerste ronde van moderne economische groei. Amsterdam. Westerdahl, C., 1986. Die maritime Kulturlandschaft. Schiffe, Schiffahrtswege, Häfen – Überlegungen zu einem For­ schungsansatz. Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv 9. Bremerhaven: 7-58. Ypma, Y.N., 1962. Geschiedenis van de Zuiderzeevisserij. Dissertation, Amsterdam. Zeeuw, J.W. de, 1978. Peat and the Dutch Golden Age. The historical meaning of energy-attainability. A.A.G. Bijdragen 21. Wageningen: 3-31.

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11. Physical and digital modelling of the Newport medieval ship original hull form (England) Toby Jones, Nigel Nayling & Pat Tanner

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Recording

Physical modelling

The Newport ship was excavated, disassembled and raised in 2002. The waterlogged timbers were stored in freshwater during the cleaning and subsequent documentation process. Given the size and nature of the assemblage, contact digitizing was chosen as the primary documentation method. Four FaroArm contact digitisers were utilized by archaeologists to record salient features like edges, wood grain and fasteners. The data was captured and displayed in Rhinoceros 3D modelling software and organized using a custom layering system. The archaeologists tasked with recording the timbers were given published standards and trained to ensure consistency and efficiency (Jones, 2009a; 2009b; Nayling & Jones, 2012).

The digital solid models were grouped into batches and sent electronically to the Manufacturing Engineering Centre (MEC) at Cardiff University in Wales. The digital models were scaled at 1:10 and created using an additive manufacturing process known as selective laser sintering (SLS). The physical model pieces were made using polyamide-12, a finely ground nylon dust that was laid down in thin layers and selectively fused together using a laser. The resulting pieces are strong and flexible, with chamfers, bevels, and scarfs clearly discernible, even at 1:10 scale. Batch size varied between 50 and 100 pieces, and the turnaround time was usually around 10 working days (Jones & Nayling, 2011: 54-60; Soe et al., 2012: 443 – 450).

Digital modelling

Model assembly

The digital modelling process involved taking the wire frame drawing created during the data capture phase and converting it into a digital solid model. The digital data, as recorded with the contact digitiser, consisted of a series of points and polylines. This data had to be simplified and converted into ‘rails’ and ‘cross-sections.’ These rails and cross-sections were used to create ­facets that together defined the faces of the ship timber. The facets were then joined together to create a closed solid polysurface which was then converted into a polygon mesh. The fasteners were created by building pipes along an axis drawn between the inboard and outboard centre-points of each through fastener. These pipes were then subtracted from the polygon mesh, creating fastener holes of the correct size and orientation. The digital solid models were checked for integrity and then converted into the .stl file format for physical model manufacturing.

The model was assembled in the perceived original construction sequence. The keel was laid and planking was attached using threaded micro-fasteners. Selected floors were inserted after the planking had reached the turn of the bilge, with additional planking being added one strake at a time. Futtocks were then added, followed by the maststep/keelson, stringers and riders. Many displaced timbers were also modelled and some were definitively reattached to the model. Repair planks (tingles) were coloured red for contrast and attached to the outer hull, while other elements, such as hatch covers, were coloured blue. Further use of colour would be considered in the future as a way of highlighting specific functional timber groups. The stern of the vessel was missing, and an adjustable straight sternpost was added to the model. A similar structure was added to the bow, which created anchor points from which to run ribbands fore and aft.

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Fig. 1. The assembled 1:10 scale model of the Newport medieval Ship with ribbands used to ghost in missing areas. The human figurines were also made to the same scale, representing an adult approximately 1.8 m (6 ft) tall (Photo: Toby Jones).

At various stages in the model assembly, the geometry of the hull form was documented using contact digitisers and hand held laser scanners. This data was overlaid and measured at regular frame station intervals to see how the hull form changed at specific areas and times during reassembly. The laser scan data was sectioned so that it could be directly compared to the line data captured by the contact digitizer.

common fasteners and edges and then best fit against the laser scan of the composite hull form model. Areas of agreement were noted and areas of divergence were examined for clues that might reveal the cause of the distortion, and whether, in specific areas, the composite hull model (laser scan) or individual timber (digital model piece) was a more accurate representation of the original hull form. Using Rhinoceros software, a set of lines was fitted to the model and faired using curvature analysis. The resulting hull form will soon be tested in the Rhino plugin ORCA, which allows for sophisticated hydrostatic and hydrodynamic modelling. The utilisation of accurate 3D-digital geometric records coupled with digital and physical modelling is proving to be an effective method for determining the original hull form and creating a viable ‘minimum reconstruction’ (CrumlinPedersen & McGrail, 2006: 57). Further case studies will help to refine the innovative methods used on the Newport Ship Project.

Rhinoceros 3D-modelling

Acknowledgements

Individual digitally modelled timbers (.stl files) were fitted together in Rhinoceros modelling software using

The Newport Medieval Ship Project is funded by Newport City Council and various other organizations including

The modelled hull form was used as a foundation, with ribbands running along the strakes and then crossing areas of missing hull before terminating into the stem and stern posts. Cross section ribbands were clamped using spring clips and cable ties at every fifth frame station. The ribbands and cross sections were faired by eye resulting in a reasonably fair hull form which served as a basis for further digital analysis and correction (fig. 1). Laser scanning the model

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the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council, Cadw, and the Friends of the Newport Ship. The digital and physical modelling programme is directly supported by a CyMAL: Museums, Archives and Libraries Wales Innovation and Development Grant (2012-m-027-023) entitled ‘Digitally reconstructing the Newport Medieval Ship: 3D designs and dynamic visualisations for recreating the original hull form, loading factors, displacement and sailing characteristics.’ References Crumlin-Pedersen, O. & McGrail, S., 2006. Some Principles for the Reconstruction of Ancient Boat Structures. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 35.1: 53–57. Jones, T., 2009a. The Three-Dimensional Recording and Digital Modelling of the Newport Medieval Ship. In: E. Laanela & J. Moore (eds), ACUA Underwater Archaeology Proceedings 2009. PAST Foundation, Columbus, Ohio: 111-116.

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Jones, T., 2009b. The Newport Medieval Ship: Her ThreeDimensional Digital Recording and Analysis. SKYLLIS. Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie 9.1: 36-41. Jones, T. & Nayling, N., 2011. ShipShape: Creating a 3D Solid Model of the Newport Medieval Ship. In: F. Castro & L. Thomas (eds), ACUA Underwater Archaeology Proceedings 2011. Society for Historical Archaeology, Tucson, Arizona: 54-60. Nayling, N. & Jones, T., 2012. Three-dimensional Recording and Hull Form Modelling of the Newport Medieval Ship (Wales, UK). In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul: 319-324. Soe, S., Eyers, D., Jones, T. & Nayling, N., 2012. Additive manufacturing for archaeological reconstruction of a medieval ship. Rapid Prototyping Journal 18.6: 443-450.

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12. Shipbuilding traditions in East Asia: a new perspective on relationships and cross-influences Jun Kimura

Introduction Through millennia, East Asian regions, including the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, the Korean peninsula, and the Japanese archipelago have developed through beneficial interactions. Cultural, political, socio-economical exchanges among these regions have been recognized in this regard. However, the development of shipbuilding technologies is yet to be fully argued in terms of a trans-regional perspective. The formation of material culture and ideology has been sustained by shipping across the major seas of East Asia: the Yellow Sea, the East China Sea, and the South China Sea. The seagoing ships often carried people and cargo from multiple national origins. The movement of the humans and goods within the regions have been traced beyond national borders. The history of shipbuilding technologies, however, has been pursued only within the confines of national history (Ishii 1957; Kim 1994; Xi et al., 2004). This paper addresses the dynamics of the East Asian shipbuilding traditions over centuries in the light of technological innovations, diffusion, and hybridization at a regional level. A conceptual framework to elucidate the historical dynamics of the shipbuilding tradition will be constructed with a trans-regional perspective. The shipwreck archaeology of seagoing ships from China, Korea, and Japan will be reviewed with special attention for their structural details and construction methods, which contribute to the understanding of the ‘Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition’, ‘East China Sea shipbuilding tradition’ and ‘South China Sea shipbuilding tradition’ (fig. 1). A chronological and spatial linkage of these shipbuilding traditions will be discussed in an attempt to broaden the significance of the archaeologically discovered hybrid ships in the Southeast Asian waters.

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Evolution in shipbuilding and trans-regional perspective The innovations discovered through archaeology illuminate specific individuals, groups, or societies in terms of their idiosyncrasy or relative advancement. Archaeological assessment determines the specific culture that has chronologically evolved in history by relative dating methods. In the same manner, the identification of the advent of innovations in shipbuilding technology is an attempt to locate specific ship designs and constructions in a chronological order in history. Ordering the innovations in shipbuilding technology is not depicted as a simple linear evolution but as a complex endogenous growth, considering exogenous influences. This can be oriented to the improvement of ship structures and construction methods, but evolution of ship design is not always improvement, as is proven with cheaper ships being preferred when economic circumstances deteriorate. The history of technology is presented as a cycle of innovations, ranging in periods from the adoption of a new idea to the practice of the idea. Such cycles are attributed to people who choose to pursue different technical methods in order to satisfy particular needs or demands from individuals and societies. Archaeologists try to identify what needs and demands lead to developments. In shipwreck archaeology, the design of a VOC- ship as seen in a shipwreck, is a good example to exemplify the complexity of innovation (Adams, 2001). Detailed study on the Amsterdam has revealed the hull features that developed with multi-functional ways to satisfy five different tasks relating to the Dutch East India Company’s demands (Gawronski, 1991). In theory, diffusion of innovations occurs as the consequence of the acceptance of the innovation. It can be

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Fig 1. Map of East Asian regions (Map: the author).

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interpreted quantitatively and the rate of adoption of a specific innovation in societies follows a certain pattern (Rogers, 2003). Such attempts to identify systematically the spread of innovations are recognized as a diffusion model in archaeology (Johnson, 1999). In the archaeological study of watercraft in Asia, a model of diffusion refers to the dissemination of the boatbuilding technology of the Austronesian language-speaking peoples stretching across Southeast Asia and even to southern East Asia (Hornell, 1946; Lape et al., 2007). Southeast Asia is a region that developed with cultural interactions and integrations, and in many Asian societies consequent cultural hybridity can be historically recognized (Reid, 2010). The idea of the hybridity, from both endogenous growth and exogenous influence, has been incorporated in the identification of a type of hybrid ship (Manguin, 1984).

demonstrates that the evidence of the technological hybridization can ubiquitously be identified on excavated ships in the regions more than previously thought. The concept of the hybridization has been dismissed in the study of East Asian shipbuilding traditions. Researchers in China, Korea, and Japan respectively developed a linear evolution theory in the interpretation of the transition of shipbuilding. The previous studies have hardly argued technological interaction in the innovation of shipbuilding between these countries. The approach here does not necessarily follow the segment of the shipbuilding traditions proposed in the previous studies. The section below outlines trans-regional innovation identified in ships excavated in the Yellow Sea and East China Sea areas. The review extends to ship remains in Southeast Asia which led to a new perspective on the hybridization theory in the South China Sea.

Excavated ships in East Asian regions with key features

Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition

With regard to historical development of shipbuilding technologies in East Asia over centuries, this paper

The Yellow Sea is shallow and has been considered a relatively safe sea for navigation. Japanese envoys sent

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as delegates to the court of the Sui (AD 581-618) and Tang (AD 618-907) Dynasties in China passed through the strait lying between the Korean Peninsula and Japan, and then sailed up along the western side of the Peninsula and crossed over the Yellow Sea to land in northern China. The type of sailing ships used for the historical voyages is barely indicated in 11th- century iconography (Ishi, 1957). The archaeological investigation of a few riverine boats found in Jiangsu and Zhejiang Provinces, North China and dating back to the Tang Dynasty provide an insight into the depiction of the early envoy ships (Xi et al., 2004; Xi, 2008). The excavated ships show flat bottom, bulkheads and iron fastenings. The riverine and canal transportation developed over several hundred years from the Sui Dynasty to the Yuan Dynasty (AD 1271-1368) (Shiba, 1968). The shallow seas and canals made flat bottom design most appropriate in north China. The ships built in the area were not only for fluvial traffic but also for coastal and seagoing voyages. The estuarine area of Hangzhou Bay was the southern border of the area where flat bottom ships could still roam. Shipbuilding industries along the coast of the bay traditionally constructed various types of flat bottom ships. Some of the shipyards were operated by the government. It is noted that a flagship of the fleet of Ming Admiral Zhen He, presumably flat bottom ship, was built on the shipyard next to the river, near Nanjing, to the north of Hangzhou Bay (Church, 2010). Nanjing came to the major supply of the seaworthy flat-bottom ships. The iconography of a trader from Nanjing visiting Nagasaki during the Edo Period (AD 1600-1868) depicts a representative configuration of such ships in the region (Oba, 1974; 2003) The sphere of the construction of flat bottom ships has been defined within the area of northern East Asia (McGrail, 2001). The tradition of building flat bottom ships stretches to the Korean Peninsula and probably even to Japan. The archaeological finding reported in previous studies of ships dating back to the Goryeo Dynasty (AD 918-1392) is testimony to a long tradition of Korean shipbuilding, (Green, 1983; McGrail, 2001). A total of nine Goryeo traders has been found by the Korean National Institute from the 1980s up to 2011 in the waters and inter-tidal zones of the western coast of the Korean Peninsula, facing the Yellow Sea. The excavated ship remains, assigned to the late 11th-14th centuries, show a flat bottom with the transom bow and stern forming a box shaped-hull (Sasaki & Lee, 2010) (fig. 2). The planks are edge-fastened with rabbeted seams making the hull planking appear clinker-built. The use of wooden fastenings is a feature common to all the vessels. Beams are used to impart transverse strengthening. Flat bottom and the usage of beams are also features of the Japanese shipbuilding tradition, as depicted on iconographical sources, though hull remains of coastal and seagoing Japanese ships have yet been found. In contrast, many dugout canoes have been archaeologically

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found. Under the circumstance, a linear development theory, which hypothesizes hull evolution from planked-up dugout canoes to coastal ships, started to be insisted on in the 1950s. It has been accepted as the dominant theory until now (Ishii, 1957; Greenhill, 1976; Farris, 2009). The theory to elucidate the Japanese shipbuilding traditions is worth being reconsidered with the possibility of exogenous influence based on the fact of early migration of skilled ship carpenters from the Korean Peninsula. The 14th- and 15th-centuries historical accounts and iconography are valuable sources to identify the structural characteristics of medieval Japanese traders and evidence of the early interaction with shipbuilding in the Korean Peninsula. At least, it is recognized that shipbuilding in the Korean Peninsula could have been influential within the Yellow Sea region on account of the finding of a hybridized hull of a 14th-century coastal ship (Penglai ship No.3 and 4) in Penglai, Northern China. The construction of this Chinese ship includes some features identified as coming from Korean shipbuilding technologies (Kimura, 2010). East China Sea shipbuilding tradition The East China Sea is bounded by Southern Japan, the Ryukyu archipelago, and Taiwan. Details of the shipbuilding developed along the coasts of these islands before the 10th century are not known. Japanese pilgrims and delegates who crossed this sea to land at Mingzhou (Ningbo) to get to the Tang court, had to travel on poorly constructed sailing ships from China (Reischauer, 1940). Around this time ships for long distance voyages could be similar to the ships for riverine environments in northern China. The coast of China facing the Taiwan Strait was close enough to the zone of the boatbuilding tradition of Austronesian language speaking people that influence from this lasting tradition must be considered. The substantial development of the shipbuilding traditions in the East China Sea region probably occurred after the 10th century, coincident with the maturity of socio-economy, technologies, and some industries through the periods of the Song (AD 960-1279)–Yuan (AD 1271-1368) Dynasties (Shiba, 1968). While the polities of the two dynasties are completely different (the latter established by the Mongolian), the state of maritime activities showed continuous growth which led to the emergence of important port cities, such as Ningbo and Quanzhou where there were maritime trade office and officers designated for the administration of overseas trading. How the condition of these international ports on the coasts of middle China has had its impact on the innovation of shipbuilding will not be discussed here. One only speculates that foreign merchants staying in the ports might have imparted new knowledge into societies and commercial sectors, including shipbuilding industries.

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Fig 2. Ship lines of the 14th-century Korean coastal trader (Anjawa ship) (Drawing: the author).

Fig 3. Ship lines of the 14th-century Shinan ship (Drawing: the author).

The excavated ships dating from the Song to Ming Dynasties around Ningbo, known as the Ningbo ship and Xiangshan ship, exemplify one shipbuilding tradition. They are relatively large vessels, probably for coastal sailing, measuring over 20 m long (Green, 1997; Kimura, 2010). The hulls are relatively narrower than the long distance ships of the period. The two ships have round bottoms with a keel, transitioning from U-bottom to flat bottom in cross sections from the bow to the stern; there are sharp V-sections in the bow and a U-section through the midbody and stern. The strakes show a single layer constructed by baulks rather than planks. The transverse structures are bulkheads fastened by frames and brackets. Notably, the two ships excavated in Penglai on the Yellow Sea, dating to the early 14th century, are similar in structure and construction methods to the ones found in Ningbo. The finding of the similar types of ship in these two regions of China is indicative of a standardization of the construction of coastal ships around the Ming Dynasty’s periods if locally built. The uniformity can be partially due to administrative policies, including the Ming Ban (a ban on maritime activities) and the control of piracy. Discovered artefacts on board suggest that carrying firearms on board became common around this period.

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The finding of the 13th-century Quanzhou ship in the 1970s was a milestone in the study of Chinese maritime history and shipbuilding technology (Merwin, 1977; Burningham and Green, 1997). Technologies used for the hull of the Quanzhou ship relate to the East China Sea traditions in that the principal longitudinal structure is a keel with step-joints, and bulkheads fastened by half frames and brackets divide the hull to compose holds, similar to the above mentioned ships. However, the use of sharply rising garboards and the planking method are different. The steep deadrise that extends from garboards forms a V-shape cross sections of the hull. The hull planking is multiple-layered, so the outer planks function as sacrificial sheathing. The Fastening material is primarily iron, which is the common practice in Chinese shipbuilding industries except for the southern coasts and inland. The Shinan ship, a Chinese ship dating to the early 14th century discovered in the waters off the south of the Korean Peninsula, is an another asset to identify further details of East China Sea traders (Green, 1983; Lee, 1991). Its cargo indicates that the ship probably departed from the area near Ningbo but the ship was lost in Korean waters on its way to Japan. Timber used for the hull is mostly Chinese camphor, a species frequently

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used in shipbuilding in middle and southern China. The hulls of the two 13th- and 14th-century seagoing traders are similar in terms of their wide beam with a shallow freeboard (fig. 3). Discovered shipwrecks known as the Nanhai No.1 in the waters of the Guangzhou Province and the Huaguang Reef No.1 in the Paracel Spratly Islands (Xisha Islands) are potentially comparative sources, as they have been identified as Song Dynasty’s traders, but archaeological reports with the details of the excavated hull are yet to be published. South China Sea shipbuilding tradition Establishing supremacy in the southern coasts of China was attempted by rulers of central China to secure direct access to the South China Sea. Kingdoms based in Guangzhou including Nanyue (Nam Vet 204 BC-111 BC) and Southern Han (AD 917-971) are representative of countries that established powerful independency in the south by controlling maritime trade. Guangzhou has historically served as a destination for merchants and sailors taking sea routes from the Indian Ocean, and has been entered by ships from various places, including Arabia and Persia, India, Sri Lanka, the Malay-Indochina Peninsulas, and Insular Southeast Asia. Guangzhou was a melting pot as well as an entrepot in trading interactions between the central court of China and the South China Sea and Indian Ocean regions. Considering its geographical position and historical background, the shipbuilding traditions in Guangzhou could show similarity with Southeast Asian indigenous boatbuilding traditions rather than with the other regions of the Chinese mainland. Southeast Asian boatbuilding tradition generally refers to the following features; the use of wooden fastenings and stitched planks represent typical planking methods in the region. The advent of a technique, called lashed-lug brought the installation of frames and thwarts into the hull and made possible the construction of large seaworthy ships (Horridge, 1982). This was the prevalent technique through the first millennium and is illustrated by ship remains found broadly through the South China Sea regions. Manguin (1984; 1993) has pointed out that Chinese technology was integrated in Southeast Asian shipbuilding. Hybrid features are evidenced in shipwrecks found in Southeast East Asian waters, dating back to the 14th century and later (Flecker, 2007). Ships of this hybrid tradition have a keel and hollow deadrise. The transverse components are bulkheads and usually half frames. The hull planking is multiple layered and the main planking (innermost planking) is edge-dowelled. The planking is fastened to the frames and bulkheads with iron fastenings. The precise sequence of innovation that lead to the hybrid ships has not yet been fully adduced in detail, and factors that facilitated the technological innovation, such as diaspora and migration of skilled carpenters from China into Southeast Asia,

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remain disputable issues. At least, chronologically the advent of the hybrid ships followed the East China Sea traders’ active engagement in the South China Sea trading during the 13th and 14th centuries. The identification of the chronological linkage between the East China Sea and South China Sea is worth being reviewed by other archaeological and historical evidence, relevant to the growth of societies, material culture, and various industries in the regions. The ban on maritime activities initiated by Ming rulers during the 14th and 15th centuries affected the settlement of Chinese residents in mainland Southeast Asia including Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam who developed the production of ceramic and silk to take advantage of the decline of export of those products from China. The historical dynamism of 15th-century Southeast Asia followed by contact with Europe has been reviewed (Wade, 2010). The perspective on the 15th-century dynamics should broadly include substantial changes on the state of the shipbuilding industries on some coasts of mainland Southeast Asia where Thailand, in particular, became a main supplier of a ‘gulf trader’ which sailed across the South China Sea with local and Chinese commodities. The growth of Thailand shipbuilding technologies was recognized among East Asian merchants in the 16th century; Japanese merchants ordered seagoing vessels from Thai manufactures (Nagazumi, 2001). These ships were engaged in voyages between Japan and some Southeast Asian countries, and were known as a ‘red seal ship’ because of a rea sealed letter which were given to authorized merchants for overseas trade by the Tokugawa Shogunate. They are depicted in iconographical resources with hybrid features in outfitting (fig. 4). Conclusion The examination of excavated ships from different countries in East Asia leads to better understanding of the development of shipbuilding on a regional level. An innovation theory based on a trans-regional perspective reveals a few key features in East Asian shipbuilding traditions: firstly, early interaction developed between shipbuilding technologies in the Korean Peninsula and Japanese shipbuilding traditions; secondly, we have witnessed the identification of two major types of seagoing ships in the East China Sea; and thirdly, the formation of the South China Sea shipbuilding traditions chronologically followed the advent of East China Sea traders in the South China Sea and by identifying the hybridization features in the excavated ‘gulf traders’, we assume technological innovations that resulted from the interaction of the two shipbuilding technologies. The three major segments of the shipbuilding traditions underlay the technological innovations in ship construction in East Asia. By linking the innovations chronologically, we can understand the dynamism of the regional shipbuilding development.

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Fig 4. Historical painting of the 17th-century Japanese Red Seal Vessel, a seagoing ship that conducted a voyage to Vietnam (Courtesy of Museum of Marine Science in Tokyo).

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References Adams, J., 2001. Ships and boats as archaeological source material. World Archaeology 32.3: 292-310. Burningham, N. & Green, J., 1997. Description of the Quanzhou ship. In: Jeremy Green (ed.), Maritime archaeology in the People’s Republic of China. Special publication No.1 Australian National Centre of Excellence for Maritime Archaeology, Western Australia Museum, Fremantle: 32-48. Church, S. K., 2010. Two Ming Dynasty shipyards in Nanjing and their infrastructure. In: Jun Kimura (ed.), Shipwreck ASIA: thematic studies in East Asian maritime archaeology. Maritime Archaeology Program, Adelaide: 32-49. Farris, W.W., 2009. Shipbuilding and nautical technology in Japanese maritime history: origins to 1600. The Mariner’s Mirror 95.3: 260-283. Flecker, M., 2007. The South-China-Sea Tradition: the Hybrid Hulls of South-East Asia. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36.1: 75-90. Gawronski, J.H., 1991. The archaeological and historical research of the Dutch East Indiaman Amsterdam (1749). In: Reinder Reinders & Kees Paul (eds), Carvel Construction Technique. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 1988. Oxford: 81-84. Green, J., 1983. The Shinan excavation, Korea: an interim report on the hull structure. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 12.4: 293-301. Green, J., 1997. Chinese shipbuilding in a historical context. In: Jeremy Green (ed.), Maritime archaeology in the People’s Republic of China. Special Publication No.1 Australian National Centre of Excellence for Maritime Archaeology, Western Australia Museum, Fremantle: 1-18. Greenhill, B., 1976. Archaeology of the boat: a new introductory study. London. Hornell, J., 1946. Water transport: origins and early evolution. Cambridge. Horridge, G.A., 1982. The lashed-lug boat of the eastern archipelagoes, the Alcina MS and the Lomblem whaling boats. Maritime monographs and reports, Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, London. Ishii, K., 1957. Nihon no fune (Ships in Japan). Sogensha, Tokyo. Johnson, M., 1999. Archaeological theory: an introduction. Blackwell, Oxford. Kim, Z-G., 1994. Sok hanguk seonbaksa yeongu (Research sequel to the history of Korean ships). Seoul National University Press, Seoul. Kimura, J., 2010. Historical development of shipbuilding technologies in East Asia. In: Jun Kimura (ed.), Shipwreck ASIA: Thematic Studies in East Asian maritime archaeology. Maritime Archaeology Program, Adelaide: 1-25. Lape, P.V., O’Connor, S. & Burningham, N., 2007. Rock Art: A potential source of information about past maritime technology in the South-East Asia-Pacific region. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36.2: 238-253. Lee, C-E., 1991. A study on the structural and fluid characteristics of a rabbeted clinker type ship (The sunken ship salvaged

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Jun Kimura Off Shinan). In: International Sailing Ships History Conference: Proceedings, Shanghai China (Dec. 4th-8th, 1991). Shanghai Society of Naval Architecture & Marine Engineering and the Marine History Researchers’ Association (CSNAME). Editorial Office of Shanghai Shipbuilding and Editorial Office of Marine History Research, Shanghai: 154-168. Manguin, P-Y., 1984. Relationship and cross-influence between Southeast Asia and Chinese shipbuilding traditions. In: SPAFA consultative workshop on research on maritime shipping and trade networks in Southeast Asia. Cisarusa: 197-212. Manguin, P-Y., 1993. Trading ships of the South China Sea: shipbuilding techniques and their role in the history of the development of Asian trade networks. The Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36.3: 253-280. Manguin, P-Y., 2010. New ships for new networks: trends in shipbuilding in the South China Sea in the 15th and 16th centuries. In: Geoff Wade & Sun Laichen (eds), Southeast Asia in the fifteenth century: the China factor. NUS Press, Singapore: 333-358. McGrail, S., 2001. Boats of the world: from the Stone Age to Medieval Times. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Merwin, D., 1977. Selections from Wen-wu on the excavation of a Sung Dynasty seagoing vessel in Chuan-chou. Chinese Sociology and Anthropology IX (3): 3-106. Nagazumi, Y., 2001. Shuinsen (Red seal vessel). Yoshikawa­ kobunkan, Tokyo. Oba, O., 1974. Scroll painting of Chinese junks which sailed to Nagasaki in the 18th century and their equipment. The Mariner’s Mirror 60.4: 351-362. Oba, O. (ed.), 2003. Nagasaki tokanzu shusei (The compilation of paintings of the Chinese residences (Tokan) in Nagasaki). Kansai Daigaku Shuppanbu, Osaka. Reid, A., 2010. Hybrid identities in the 15th-century straits. In: Geoff Wade & Sun Laichen (eds), Southeast Asia in the fifteenth century: the China factor. NUS Press, Singapore: 307-332. Reischauer, E.O., 1940. Notes on T’ang Dynasty Sea Routes. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 5.2: 142-164. Rogers, E.M., 2003. Diffusion of innovations, 5th edition. Free Press, New York. Sasaki, R. & Lee, C.H., 2010. Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392), shipwrecks in Korea. In: Shipwreck ASIA: thematic studies in East Asian maritime archaeology. Maritime Archaeology Program, Adelaide: 56-73, Shiba, Y., 1968. Commercial activities during the Sung Dynasty. Kazamashobo, Tokyo. Wade, G., 2010. Southeast Asia in the 15th century. In: Geoff Wade & Sun Laichen (eds), Southeast Asia in the fifteenth century: the China factor. NUS Press, Singapore: 3-43. Xi, L. (ed.), 2008. Chuan wenhua (Ship culture). China Communication Press, Beijing. Xi, L., Yang, X. & Tang, X. (eds), 2004. Zhongguo kexue jishu shi: jiaotong juan (The history of science and technology in China: transportation). Science Press, Beijing.

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13. The Zaanstreek district as a maritime industrial landscape (1580-1800). A maritime landscape in the heart of the Noord-Holland province (the Netherlands) Piet Kleij

The Zaanstreek district is situated in the heart of the Noord-Holland province in the Netherlands. In the south it borders on the territory of Amsterdam (fig. 1). Its landscape is flat and virtually treeless, dissected by numerous ditches and canals, and it is always windy. Today the Zaanstreek is far from the sea and not directly connected to it. However, between 1500 and 1872 the situation was very different. At that time the Zaanstreek was directly connected to the Zuiderzee (now Lake IJssel but then an inland sea) via a wide inlet, the IJ, and through the Zuiderzee to the North Sea. Important sources of revenue in this land of water were – besides animal husbandry – freshwater fisheries

Fig. 1. The Zaanstreek on a map of 1683 by Johannes Dou (GAZ, adaptation P. Kleij).

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on the surrounding lakes, herring fisheries on the North Sea, whaling in the Arctic, and trade both within the Netherlands and with the Baltic region, South Europe, the Caribbean and North America. Also important were associated industries such as ship building and sailcloth production. In short: between 1500 and 1900 the core area of the Noord-Holland province was a vast maritime-industrial landscape. How did this landscape look like and how was it organised? Europe’s first large-scale industrial area The Zaanstreek is cut in half by the eponymous river Zaan, which flows from north to south. At the Zaan estuary was the region’s most important town: Zaandam. Between 1580 and 1780 the Zaanstreek housed over 1,000 industrial wind mills and numerous other industries, most of them directly or indirectly related to shipping. The most important of these maritime factories and workshops were shipyards – for seagoing vessels, whale boats and barges – hardtack bakeries, anchor smithies, compass workshops, carpenter workshops turning out masts and blocks, rope-walks and sailcloth factories. Hundreds of sawmills supplied the shipyards with beams, planks and wainscot,1 while the hemp mills supplied the sailcloth industry2 and the flour mills the hardtack bakeries. Whale-oil refineries and coopers are other examples of trades that also worked directly for the maritime industry. Not directly connected to the maritime industry were the linen bleachers, starch factories, oil mills,3 paper mills, fulling mills,4 tobacco mills, snuff mills, shell sand mills,5 run mills,6 mustard mills, wig powder mills, cacao powder mills, cement mills, fodder mills, hulling mills for barley and rice, paint mills, putty mills, smalt mills and sawdust mills. However, many of these used ingredients or raw materials imported from all over the world by ships from Zaandam and other towns in Holland. A good example is Brazil wood from the Dutch colonies Essequibo, Berbice

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and Surinam (South America) which was ground to a pigment by Zaanstreek mills before being processed into various paints. The mills’ (finished) products were subsequently traded to the rest of Europe via the ports of Zaandam and Amsterdam. During the first half of the 18th century hundreds of these companies together employed well over ten thousand people of both sexes and all ages, who worked six days a week, 12 to 14 hours a day. When the winds were favourable the mill hands in some mills stayed all week on the mill, making eighteen-hour days, eating and sleeping on the mill, and allowed to go home only on Sundays for a bath and to attend church (Boorsma, 1968: 41-42). Never before in Europe had an industrial landscape on this scale existed, and it existed only here, in the Zaanstreek. The enormous scale of its industrial production, its huge workforce, its advanced wind-powered mechanisation, its many mills, and a number of early-capitalist phenomena such as raising capital by issuing shares and establishing insurance companies, have earned the Zaanstreek the reputation of being Europe’s first truly industrial zone. This early industrialisation also involved large-scale exploitation of workers (male, female and children), a phenomenon later repeated in other emerging industrial regions in England and elsewhere in Europe. The hub in this industrial web along the river Zaan were the (at least) twenty-one so-called grootscheepswerven, shipyards were the large (Dutch: groot) seagoing ships were built (fig. 2). Without this maritime core the Zaanstreek could not have developed into Europe’s first truly industrial region, and without ships from Zaanstreek the role of the Dutch merchant fleet in the 17th and 18th century would probably have been less significant than it was. Infrastructure A major factor, though by no means the only one, in the transformation of the Zaanstreek in the 17th and 18th century into an industrial zone was the presence of an extensive network of navigable waterways which were more or less directly connected to the sea. The Zaandam harbour and its shipyards were situated on the Zaan estuary and on the IJ. The south of the village of Westzaan, the location of yet more large shipyards, bordered the IJ. And the IJ, via the Zuyderzee, was – as said before – the gateway to the North Sea and beyond. A dam in the river Zaan blocked direct access to the river, but the dam contained sluices which allowed barges, smaller vessels and timber rafts to sail from the IJ up the river. Along the Zaan were the villages of Koog aan de Zaan, Zaandijk, Wormerveer and the western part of Wormer, each with their own industries. Sluices in the dikes which lined the Zaan gave access to deep and wide vaarsloten, transport canals, leading into the interior on both sides of the river. These reached

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towns and industries further away, such as Krommenie, Krommeniedijk, Assendelft, the north of Westzaan, the east of Wormer, Jisp and Oostzaan. Finally, from these larger canals hundreds of smaller waterways gave access to even the remotest whale-oil refineries, warehouses or mills. This extensive network of waterways in the Zaan­ streek facilitated the exchange of products between local factories. For example, timber produced by mills further afield could be transported directly to the shipyards on the Zaan estuary through the canals. This in turn allowed a spatial differentiation of the various types of industry. A map of the 17th- and 18th-century Zaanstreek industries shows how certain activities were clustered in certain sectors (fig. 3). The spatial differentiation of the industry was largely unregulated by central authorities; historical documents or earlier studies contain no references to active involvement of a provincial or national government in policies to regulate the distribution of industrial activities in the Zaanstreek. Only local authorities, and specifically town councils, sometimes interfered. Clearly the location of the various Zaanstreek industries was determined by other factors. But by which ones? The location of the grootscheepmakerijen As mentioned earlier, the grootscheepmakerijen, shipyards for seagoing vessels, formed the core of the maritime industry. In the Late Middle Ages and later on in the 16th century, shipyards were still scattered throughout the region, for example in the northern towns of Krommeniedijk, Wormer and Jisp. After 1580, however, the construction of these large vessels was concentrated in the south, around the Zaan estuary in Zaandam and in southern Westzaan. One of the reasons for this was the increase in vessel size towards the late-16th century, which made it increasingly difficult for finished ships to sail through shallow canals or the equally shallow northern section of the Zaan, and the sluices which linked the inland villages to the river could no longer accommodate them either. The new shipyards needed deep water, and that meant the town of Zaandam, where the Zaan entered into the IJ, and south Westzaan which bordered on the IJ itself. Only yards which built barges, fishing vessels and smaller craft stayed in the northern towns and villages. The distribution of supply industries and associated industries over the landscape A number of supply companies depended on the grootscheepswerven. First of all the sawmills, of which the Zaanstreek between 1580 and 1780 had 344, the majority (295) in Zaandam and Westzaan. Most of the 46 Westzaan sawmills were within 1.4 km from the shipyards, while

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Fig. 2. A grootscheepmakerswerf in Oostzaandam, owned by Jacob Lam, 1786 (GAZ).

most of the 60 sawmills on the eastern river bank in Zaandam were less than 1.3 km from the yards, about the same distance. In Zaandam the situation was a little different on the west bank, where most of the town’s sawmills (189) stood; here, the maximum distance between the mills and the grootscheepswerven was 1.8 km. The reason for the greater distance was probably the many sawmills on the west bank, more than on the east bank or in Westzaan, which made a greater distance for some mills unavoidable. The proximity of the mills to the yards (fig. 4, right of the blue line) is easily explained. The construction of a large seagoing vessel required an enormous quantity of timber, some of it very heavy or large (beams for the keel and deck; hull and deck planks) and awkward to handle. Transporting such items over large distances was to be avoided. This was achieved by minimising the distance between the sawmills and the yards. In addition, the mills’ proximity lowered the costs for those shipyards, compared to yards that used more distant mills. This gave the Zaanstreek shipyards an edge over their rivals. Hundreds of other Zaanstreek mills which were not directly associated with the shipyards, such as oil mills, paint mills or paper mills, were also out in the fields but further away, as all land near the shipyards was preferably used for sawmills. The same applies to anchor smithies and other large ironworks. These factories produced large metal items such as heavy bolts, anchor chains and of course the anchors themselves. The heavy

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weight of these products made it necessary to locate the factories close to the shipyards, and most of them therefore stood in Zaandam and Westzaan (fig. 4, right of the blue line). The Zaandam anchor smithies were right next to the shipyards, on the Hogendijk and the Zuiddijk (Ankum et al., 1991: 21 and 299). Besides the sawmills and the ironworks were many more supply industries, such as block and mast making and barge construction. This is not the place to go into detail on all these, often small and highly specialised, supply industries. However, two of the more interesting examples, beeldsnijderij or wood carving and the kompasmakerij or compass making, shed some light on yet another factor which influenced the location of the various supply industries: the question whether a particular industry was a company’s main activity or merely a sideline. In the 17th and 18th century a vessel’s stern and other structural elements were often richly decorated with carved images and ornaments. At first the woodcarvers who produced them worked exclusively for the shipyards but after 1700 they were also involved in housing construction. The most conspicuous element of the characteristic Zaanstreek architecture style which developed in the 18th century was the gable with its carved wooden ornaments (fig. 5) These ornaments were very similar to those used on ships, and both were produced by the same specialists. The names and addresses of eight woodcarvers are known; they all lived

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Fig. 3. The distribution of the maritime industry and the associated industry on a map of 1794 by Klaas Sem (GAZ, adaptation P. Kleij and Erfgoed in Kaart).

Fig. 4. The industry that had to be close to the shipyards is situated right of the blue line, the industry that didn’t had to be close to de shipyards is situated left of the red line (on a map of 1794 by Klaas Sem, GAZ, adaptation P. Kleij and Erfgoed in Kaart).

in Zaandam (Ankum et al., 1991: 64-65). Although houses with carved ornamentation were built everywhere in the Zaanstreek, the woodcarvers seem to have resided mainly near the shipyards, since decorating vessels was their main occupation. A large ship required far more decoration than a house did, and many more vessels than houses were being constructed every year. House decoration was merely a sideline. In the compass industry the situation was reversed. Compass making was a sideline, practised by specialists whose main occupation was clock making (Ankum et al., 1991: 408). In the 17th and 18th centuries the Zaanstreek

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was well known for its clock making, and clock makers resided in the villages along the Zaan: Zaandam, Koog aan de Zaan, Zaandijk and Wormerveer. Like in the woodcarving industry the location of a compass workshop was therefore determined by a company’s main activity: compasses would be produced wherever clock makers plied their trade. In the 16th century and possibly even earlier, the presence of the shipyards stimulated the development of sailcloth factories and hardtack bakeries. At that time the sailcloth factories, who often combined sailcloth weaving with rope making, supplied shipyards in the

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entire region. As a result they were scattered throughout the Zaanstreek. After 1580, however, the industry was concentrated mainly in the north, in the towns of Krommenie, Krommeniedijk, Assendelft, WestzaanNoord and Wormer, a distance of c. 10 km from the grootscheepswerven of Zaandam and Westzaan. Those northern towns housed hundreds of weaving sheds, but also 24 hemp beaters, boiling houses (where the crushed hemp stalks were being softened by boiling in preparation for spinning) and the space-consuming garentuinen, drying yards. Although the vessels required vast quantities of sailcloth and rope these industries did not need to be as close to the yards as possible, unlike the sawmills. Newly constructed ships were often sold from Zaandam and Westzaan without sails or rigging, and towed to the buyer’s base of operation such as Amsterdam, Rotterdam or Hoorn to be rigged there. As the grootscheepswerven of Zaandam and south Westzaan purchased only a small proportion of the total production, concentrating the sailcloth industry in these towns was therefore unnecessary. Moreover, bolts of sailcloth and coils of rope are fairly light and easy to handle, which made transporting them over large distances less problematic than the transport of heavy beams or anchors. Any sailcloth required by the Zaandam or Westzaan yards could easily be brought in, despite the distance of c. 10 km. However, most sailcloth produced in the Zaanstreek was exported and sold to customers elsewhere in the Netherlands, or even beyond, in France, England, Spain, Russia, North America (Nieuw-Amsterdam, after 1672 New York), South Africa (Kaapstad, now CapeTown) or the East Indies (Batavia, after 1949 Djakarta). Whether the sailcloth factories and rope-walks were in the north or the south of the Zaanstreek was irrelevant for the export market. However, the almost 300 sawmills in the south near Zaandam port made land a scarce and therefore expensive commodity there, while there was more room in the north. This made the north a much cheaper area for the space-consuming sailcloth industry (fig. 4, left of the red line). Also the hardtack bakeries clustered in the north, in the towns of Wormer and Jisp which housed over 80 of them. Early in the 16th century Zaanstreek skippers and fishermen were probably the main buyers of Zaanstreek hardtack, but from the end of that century onwards the bakeries also exported their products to other regions. In the 17th and 18th centuries a veritable fleet of barges carried the hardtack to Zaandam, Amsterdam, Hoorn and Enkhuizen, or even further away: Friesland, Groningen, Hamburg, Copenhagen, Sweden and Norway. Fourteen flour mills were needed to produce the flour to sustain such a large production (Mol, 1966: 103-110). With regard to transport, the hardtack industry resembled the sailcloth industry. Most of the hardtack was exported, and the small caskets with tack were light and easily handled. The hardtack bakeries could therefore afford to avoid the expensive plots near the

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Zaandam shipyards and to settle in the north instead, where land was cheaper and the canals formed excellent transport routes to the Zaan and the IJ from where the goods could reach buyers in the Netherlands or elsewhere in Europe (fig. 4, left of the red line). Interference by town authorities with the location of industries was limited to cases where the production formed a fire hazard or a public nuisance. This definitely applied to the whale-oil refineries. The blubber of the whales killed and brought home by Zaanstreek whalers was boiled down to extract the oil. Since almost all Zaanstreek towns and villages were involved in whaling, nearly all of them had whale-oil refineries. The earliest whale-oil refinery stood in Jisp (build in 1640), right at the centre of the village. However, the stench made the village council decide to relocate the production to the fields outside the village. Other Zaanstreek villages also banned whale-oil refineries from built-up areas and insisted that they would be placed in a wide circle around the village (Moelker, 1976: 205-207). The inevitable stench made whale-oil production one of the few documented examples of active interference by authorities with the location of a specific industry. However, these cases involved only village authorities, the lowest administrative level, and the councils took care to keep even the obnoxious whale-oil refineries within their own boundaries. Dispersal or relocation to other Zaanstreek villages did not occur. Conclusion The industries that formed the maritime industrial complex of the Zaanstreek were clearly scattered throughout the region. Within the landscape, some of the factors influencing the location of specific industries were natural, such as the need for shipyards building seagoing vessels to be near deep, open water. Other factors related to the specific character of the products. Heavy goods that were difficult to transport were produced close to the buyers; examples are beams, hull planks and anchors, which were produced in the proximity of the grootscheepswerven. Companies that made lighter products (sailcloth, rope, hardtack) that were easily transported did not need to be near their customers, and the fact that most of these lighter goods were produced for export outside the Zaanstreek made the location of these industries within the region even less relevant. They were located where land was cheap. In cases involving goods that were produced as a sideline (compasses, carved ornaments), the company’s main activity decided its location. Only when a production process formed a public nuisance would local authorities interfere and pose conditions on the industry’s location; examples are the whale-oil refineries. The presence of an extensive network of waterways and the lack of any government interference allowed companies to select an optimal location (cheapest,

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Fig. 5. Typical Zaanstreek building in Krommenie with carved gable decoration. The woodcarvers who produced this kind of ornaments decorated mainly ships (GAZ).

Fig. 6. The late-16th-century flour mill De Koker in Wormer, which once supplied the hardtack bakeries (GAZ).

favourable winds, proximity to customers). In combination with the various factors mentioned above, this transformed the Zaanstreek into a continuous maritime industrial zone in which windmill power was used on a massive scale to produce large vessels cheaply. These cheap vessels gave Dutch traders an important edge over their rivals from other European countries, and it may partially explain the pre-eminence of Dutch shipping between 1580 and 1730. To many researchers the maritime-industrial landscape of the Zaanstreek is an unknown phenomenon. Some elements are not immediately recognisable as maritime and are therefore often overlooked: a flour mill for hardtack looks like any other windmill and does not immediately evoke images of the sea (fig. 6). Because of this unfamiliarity and invisibility an important driving force behind the heyday of Dutch shipping between 1580 and 1730 is still often ignored by maritime historians: the existence of a large-scale, wind-powered shipping and supply industry, directly north of Amsterdam.

3 4 5 6

Notes 1 Mills which produced wainscot for the inner, exposed surface of cabin walls. 2 Mills in which hemp stalks were pounded and prepared for further processing by the sailcloth industry.

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Mills pressing oil from oil-bearing seeds. Mills producing felt. Mills grinding sand and shells to produce an abrasive. ‘Run’ or ‘eek’, English tan, is ground oak bark used in tanning leather. In the Zaanstreek windmills were employed for the grinding process.

References Ankum, L.A. et al., 1991. Encyclopedie van de Zaanstreek. Wormerveer. Boorsma, P., 1968. Duizend Zaanse molens. Amsterdam. Couwenhove, R., 2001. 250 Zaanse molens. Nieuwe feiten over Zaanse molens. Zaandam. Langewis, L. & Moester, B., undated. Molenkaart van de Zaanstreek. Wormer. Lootsma, S., 1950. Historische studiën over de Zaanstreek (tweede bundel). Koog aan de Zaan. Moelker, H.P., 1976. Het dorp aan de rivier de Ghyspe. Purmerend. Mol, C., 1966. Uit de geschiedenis van Wormer. Wormerveer. Woudt, J.P., 2000. De bedding voor morgen. Vijfhonderd jaar Zaanse nijverheid en handel toegespitst op de jaren 1950 tot 2000. no place. GAZ: Gemeente Archief Zaanstad (Zaanstad Municipal Archives), Zaandam

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14. Crossing the river. Ferries as part of the maritime landscape of the river Main (Germany) Lars Kröger

Introduction The German hydrological map is characterized by its almost ubiquitous large rivers, extensive lake areas in the Northeast and in the northern area of the Alps and, of course, the coastal areas of the North and Baltic Sea. Despite the coastal strip in the north being relatively short compared to other countries such as France, the research on boats and ships in Germany is mainly focused on maritime history on the high seas and only slightly on inland vessels. But a consideration of these inland findings can greatly improve our understanding of communication, trade and commerce in the middle of Europe. Since 2008 a research project is investigating archaeological, written and iconographic sources relating to inland waterways and infrastructure systems

on Main and Neckar to provide a better understanding of their cultural landscape.1 Both rivers are the largest easterly tributaries of the Rhine. The Main with 524 km length flows through the north of Bavaria and southern Hesse, the river Neckar with 362 km length through almost all of Baden-Wuerttemberg. Especially the river Main deposited massive sand and gravel layers in the wide plains traversed by it, which are mined industrially today. So far, a total of 114 logboats have been found in these gravel pits along on the Main – a number that is higher than in any other region in Europe.2 Due to the large amount of available data, it was possible to work out criteria for a typology of logboats used at this river. This could be verified by the form, the use, design and distribution of specific construction components, of the regional distribution, the dating and the wood species

Fig. 1. The four different logboat types of the river Main; type 1 from Schonungen after AD 80; type 2 from Schweinfurt AD 1207/08; type 3 from Lichtenfels around AD 1420; type 4 Aschaffenburg around AD 1375 (Drawing: L. Kröger).

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used. It was possible to define four logboat-types on one river, which in this form is also a novelty in European research (Kröger, 2010). Logboats of the river Main The first type is the typical prehistoric dugout, as found all over Europe (Arnold, 1995). It is characterized by its early dating and an above-average size. The cross section is rounded and frames carved out of the trunk are existing. Generally, oak is used. Central holes can be found, lashes and cut-outs, however, can not. The oldest piece dates to around 235 BC, the youngest after AD 824 (fig. 1). The second type of logboat has a more box-shaped cross-section and is somewhat wider than high. The bow increases at a shallow angle while keeping a constant width, the stern is straight. Customarily, only one pair of holes is drilled in bow and stern. Sometimes an additional individual hole in the bow can be found. Lashes and cut-outs are present in all wrecks of this type. The used wood is oak. The dates suggest the deployment of this type between AD 606 and 1350. It is found only along the Upper Main (fig. 1). This type is replaced by type 3. It also has a box-shaped cross-section, but of a squarer form. Bow and stern are solid blocks. In the earlier pieces the stern is straight, in later ones bow and stern are similar in shape. There are holes in large numbers in the bow and stern, with single or double pairs, and sometimes in triangular orders. Lashes and cut-outs exist in the exterior sides. The timber used is fir. Type 3 can be dated between 1321 and 1633. So far, this type has been found exclusively along the Upper Main (fig. 1). Type 4 has a rounded cross-section. The outer sides are only slightly straightened, the interior is cut at right angles. Bow and stern are half rounded to rounded and exceed the sides. Holes appear only sporadically, lashes and cut-outs, on the other hand, regularly. The wood appears to come exclusively from oak trees. The datings are showing the existence of this type between 1110 and 1446, maybe already in the 11th century. In addition to its appearance Type 4 differs from types 2 and 3 particularly through its regional distribution. While the other types occur exclusively along the Upper Main, this design exists only along the Lower Main (fig. 1 and fig. 2a).3 So far a total of 66 logboats have been dated dendrochronologically. In two cases, 14C analysis were used. No fewer than 88 logboats have been documented by the author. Based on the collected data it could be determined that the change between the types 2 and 3 took place in the mid of the 14th century at the Upper Main. Thanks to written sources it is known that wood harvesting rights in the region changed significantly in this time because of a wood shortage – especially oak (Sperber, 1968: 19 ff.). In 1342 a flood disaster, recorded all over Central Europe, exacerbated this situation. The

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need to rebuild ships, mills and other infrastructure on the rivers certainly led to a massive and rapid price increase for high-quality building materials (Bork et al., 2011; Tetzlaff et al., 2001; Weikinn, 1958: 197 ff.). It is conceivable that a ban was placed on the use of oak as construction material for logboats. Probably the logboat-builders were forced to switch to a different type of wood. This, however, changes the shape of the logboats. The logboats types 2-4, with sometimes only 26 cm width, were too narrow to use as a standalone watercraft. This, combined with the large number of occurring lashes, cut-outs and holes may indicate that they were parts of larger constructions that can be designated as ‘monoxyle floating bodies’ as defined by Hirte (Hirte, 1987: 5 ff.). These logboats are most commonly interpreted as ferries (Ellmers, 1973: 50 ff.; McGrail, 1978: 44ff.; Ossowski, 1999: 212ff.). Detailed investigations on floating bodies were conducted and published by Chr. Hirte (1987). By archaeological finds he could prove the use of logboats for ferries on the upper and middle reaches of the Elbe, Oder, Weser, Rhine, Neckar, Main and Lippe. It is notable that there are no ferries with this design from the German coastal areas or lakes known up to now. The reasons for this lay almost certainly in the use of the ferries. While it may be easier to lead a network of paths around smaller lakes, it is probably more appropriate to use barges for further distances over open water (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1997: 300ff.; Bill/Hocker 2004; Kühn 2004; Kröger in print). Based on recent reconstructions of ferries (Ossowski, 1999: fig. 142; Lagadec, 1983: fig. 8; Zimmermann, 1987: fig. 8; Herzig, 2003: fig. 4; Garbsch, 1986: 26), known ethnological parallels (Adameck & Schween, 2000: fig. 16; Kapitän, 2009: 142 ff.), and the observation of the findings in the river Main area, a ferry-reconstruction for the finds from the river Main was attempted. As already described, we find lashes, cut-outs and drill holes on the logboats of the river Main. In three cases, transverse bars are still preserved. However, the cover and its mounting did not survive and thus have to be reconstructed. Also, the direct connection between the logboats at the bow and stern cannot be explained without supplements (Kröger, 2011). For the ferries of the river Main it is also likely that the platform surface was constructed of wooden planks. They were probably placed across the logboats and connected via the lashes and willow lashing. A simple, stable and yet flexible solution is to fix the planks with the help of half-round timbers placed on the logboats. This is a hypothesis since corresponding finds were not preserved. Due to the larger quantity of finds and better state of preservation, so far the Type 3 is best suited for reconstruction. Many logboats of this type show two vertical pairs of holes at the bow and at the stern. A possible conclusion would be that two bars, nailed on the endings, were pointing in the opposite direction. Another interpretation is to see the four holes as a mount for only one bar.

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Fig. 2. a) Distribution of the different logboat types along the river Main. b) Distribution of medieval river crossings along the river Main (Geobasedata: DGM ASTER © USGS 2010; Hydrogeologische Karte 1:200.000 © BGR 2010 (Cartography: L. Kröger).

It is known from the construction of rafts that the transverse beam was connected using willow bindings (Delfs, 1952: figs 12-13). This design is easy transferable to ferries. This means that not all holes necessarily received a bar with wooden pegs, but that a number of them could be used for willow bindings. Using such a construction, compounds could be created that were flexible enough to make good use of in the water. Furthermore, smaller nailed strips are known in timber rafting. Similar constructions can also be found on some bow and stern blocks of logboats. The nailed strips ensured that the interconnected logboats could not drift apart or were not compressed too much, while the horizontal bars bound with willow provided the necessary torsion stiffness stability against sagging. However, the beams at the front and rear made it difficult or impossible to drive onto the platform from these sides (Kröger, 2011). The collected results and ideas are incorporated into a drawing of a reconstruction of a logboat-ferry for the region of the river Main (fig. 3). The basis for this drawing is a logboat found in the Schonunger bay at Schweinfurt. It was dendrochronologicaly dated to the year 1481. For the partial reconstruction (fig. 3, top left) a logboat which dates to around the year 1420 and found in the upper reaches of the river Main in the area of Bamberg was used.

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Ferry-stations along the river Main Documentation and interpretation of archaeological remains of logboats can enhance our knowledge of the appearance of ferries. Nevertheless, their informational value to the organization of ferries, their ownership and meaning within the cultural landscape is severely limited. For this reason, in addition to the known archaeological finds, a short insight will be given of the written sources on the use of ferries and other river passages in the Middle Ages and the early modern times. Before AD 1000 only a few reports on the shape of river crossings are known, and those are subject to debate as to their trustworthiness. There seems to be consensus about a bridge from 989 in Aschaffenburg as “pontem construxit apud Aschaffburg” (Fischer, 1989: 41). Our knowledge about the crossings dated between AD 1000 and 1300 increases considerably; we know of seventeen locations mentioned in the written sources. Customarily, these are ferries. The number of river crossings dated between AD 1300 and 1500 rises again, as 59 are known. But it is highly questionable that this reflects the actual number of the existing river crossings, because written sources probably did not survive for every place (fig. 2b).

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Fig. 3. Reconstruction of a logboat-ferry (Drawing: L. Kröger).

At the end of the 19th century 131 river crossings are known in the area of the river Main up to Michelau in the district of Lichtenfels. That means that every 3 to 3.5 km there is a possibility to cross the river. At this time the majority of crossings was still made by ferry. Fixed bridges existed before 1500 only in the major cities of Frankfurt am Main, Aschaffenburg, Würzburg, Ochsenfurt, Kitzingen, Schweinfurt, Eltmann, Hallstadt and Lichtenfels. Already in the Middle Ages these cities had the right to build a bridge. This right was conferred on them by the Emperor. It was a great concern to the rulers that the boat traffic on the Main could proceed undisturbed without being hindered by unauthorized buildings. This can be seen for example in the regulation of Friedrich I ‘Barbarossa’. In 1157 he proclaimed that apart from three places all toll collection stations on the Main were to be closed down, thus prohibiting the disruption of shipping in any form (Weiland, 1893: No. 162, 225). With the changes due to infrastructural needs and the opportunities offered by new construction techniques, the existing ferries were continuously replaced by bridges from about 1880 onward. Comparing the situation on the river Main with the results of the investigations on the river Neckar it is noticeable that in the 17th century there is an entirely different situation. While along the Main almost no bridges occur, on the Neckar south of Heilbronn bridges are apparently exclusive and almost no ferries appear. This is shown in various city views in the Kieserschen forest map, which was created between 1680 and 1687

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(Mason & Schiek, 1985). On a stretch of 140 km, the section of the Neckar between Heilbronn and Tübingen shows sixteen bridges but only three ferries.4 One reason for this is most likely the unique situation that the Neckar is theoretically navigable, but the city of Heilbronn did not allow this. A privilege conferred by King Ludwig IV ‘der Bayer’ in 1333 allowed the later free imperial city to divert or block the river at its own discretion. An uninterrupted navigation of river Neckar up to Plochingen was completely prevented until to the year 1821 (Dumitrache & Haag, 2001: 35 ff.). Towns and villages were permitted to casually build solid river crossings without running the risk of hampering shipping by bridges. With pictorial sources like the Kiesersche forest maps it is quite easy and reliable to recognize the character of the crossing. This is not always given in written sources. The translation of sometimes indiscriminately used terms in written sources in Latin such as pontem, passagii or vadum is quite difficult. In practice they were uncritically translated as bridge or ford which is obviously quite a difference, but a translation as a general river crossing is more acceptable. This is similar to the German terms such as varbrucken (driving-bridge). This does not mean a solid bridge, but a type of ferry. In a source issued for the village Obernburg in 1344 a “ ...vadum [...] quod vulgariter dicitur eyn far..” is mentioned, in the translation of the classical Latin a “ford, which is generally called a far (ferry)”.5 But this shows that vadum can represent not only a ford, but was also be used as a term for a ferry.

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Especially in regional local chronicles in the area of the river Main it is generally assumed that prior to the ferry and the subsequent bridge a ford existed first. But reliable evidence for longer periods and not just isolated in dry summer months, is missing completely. So it is my opinion that places with the suffix -furt (-ford) do not automatically have to lead back to a pre-urban settlement at a flat spot near the river, but generally refer to the ability to cross the river.6 As has been the case with bridges the installation of ferries was controlled by the territorial rulers and optionally given as a privilege to the lower nobility, monasteries and other church institutions. This was regulated per so-called Fährsprengel (administrative district of one ferry-station). With the grant of the authorization to establish a ferry-station the person entrusted with this task was allowed to operate a ferry and use the income for himself. At the same time it was also assured that in this section of the river no second ferry could be built with the purpose to ensure income. In return, the fief owner expected a ferry stood by, enabling the passage over the river. To ensure this the feudal receiver, mostly local fishermen or other people familiar with the river, usually leased the ferry over a period of a few years. Depending on the lease the ferry-boats were provided to the leaseholder. It is important to know that two different ships were in use at supra-regional ferry-stations. First a Nachen or Schelch, a smaller boat which was used for the transportation of people. Next to this boat, the Fahrbrücke, a wide and shallow vehicle for transportation of carts and animals was deployed as well. The presented logboat-ferries are presumably early type of boat we can see in the Fahrbrücke. Depending on local regulation the ferrymen could keep the income via fares for their livelihood. They could have part-time work as long as this did not prevent them from their duties at the ferry. For this they often

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received a cottage for their family, together with a small garden for growing vegetables for personal use together with the authorization to establish a ferry-station, and, in rare cases, even a patch of vineyard. The feudal lords did not pay for the crossings, the village and town people were also exempt. But they usually had to provide a Fährlaib, a large loaf of bread to the ferryman as a kind of annual season-ticket. From about the 17th century onward the charge was converted into a monetary payment. For inhabitants of the region, foreigners and Jews different fares existed, similarly for the passage of carts of different sizes or livestock. The crossings were also more expensive during strong currents, for instance caused by snowmelt. During this time, the work for the ferryman was particularly difficult and dangerous, so the prices were often doubled. The ferries were punted. This is repeatedly mentioned in the lease agreements. During the 19th century many of these ferries were converted to cable ferries, so-called ‘flying bridges’. With the establishment of the chain boat navigation until 1912 all anchorages required for these ferries had to be removed from the river beds. The crossings were rebuilt as high cable ferries with a wire rope and a deflection pulley (Markt Triefenstein, 1982). The operation of ferries with independent motors started in the second half of the 20th century. In addition to the supra-regional developments ferries are always site-specific identification points. This allows to survey many individual regional events in connection with ferries. So for example the sinking of a ferry in Miltenberg filled with Saxon soldiers who were on their way to the Rhine in1814. The ferry tilted to one side and 62 soldiers and the ferrymen died. This event was not only a topic for stories or a drawing (fig. 4), but although two memorial stones commemorating this catastrophe still exist (Neubert, 2013).

Fig. 4. Capsizing ferry at Miltenberg with Saxon soldiers on board, 1814. (Drawing: G. O. Müller, around 1860, pencil/paper. In: Neubert, 2013: 248).

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Discussion The featured discussion shows that ferries are an important connecting point between river and road systems. They are predestined to make an important contribution to cultural landscape research. The outstanding quality and quantity of archaeological finds, complemented by very good written records in the region together with cartographic material facilitate a detailed continuous study from the Early Middle Ages to the modern era which in this form is unique. The investigations on the rivers Main and Neckar will be continued and published by 2016 in a monographic form. Notes 1 The research project is being carried out by the author at the Otto-Friedrich University of Bamberg, Chair of Medieval and Post Medieval Archaeology. The project is supported by funds from the German Research Foundation (DFG) since 2011. 2 On the Neckar, so far only eight finds are known. These are not enough to form an own typology for this river. 3 The gaps in the middle sections of the river Main are because gravel pits do not exist in these areas. Without sand excavation no logboats will be found. 4 Sadly the maps all burnt during the Second World War. Fortunately, photos of the maps as well as a facsimile of the village views were made before. Nevertheless, a small area south of Stuttgart is missing, so it cannot be excluded that further crossings existed. 5 Unpublished document of the Stift of St. Peter and Alexander in Aschaffenburg on June 9, 1344 in the City Archives of Aschaffenburg, U 1658. 6 On the river Main these are Frankfurt, Trennfurt, Kirschfurt, Lengfurt, Ochsenfurt, Hirschfurt (now Hirschfeld), Schweinfurt, Wonfurt and Hassfurt.

References Arnold, B., 1995. Pirogues monoxyles d’Europe centrale - construction, typologie, évolution. Musée cantonal d’archéologie, Neuchâtel. Adameck, M. & Schween, J., 2000. Großräumige Kulturkontakte an der Weser in der Vor- und Früh­ geschichte. Mit Überlegungen zur Weserschiffahrt und zum Landverkehr. In: N. Humburg (ed.), Die Weser-EinFluß in Europa. Leuchtendes Mittelalter. Verlag Jörg Mitzkat, Holzminden: 8–23. Bill, J. & Hocker, F.M., 2004. Haithabu 4 seen in the context of contemporary shipbuilding in Southern Scandinavia. In: K. Brandt und H.J. Kühn (eds), Der Prahm aus dem Hafen von Haithabu. Beiträge zu antiken und mittelalterlichen Flachbodenschiffen. Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster: 43–53. Bork, H-R., Beyer, A. & Kranz, A., 2011. Der 1000-jährige Niederschlag des Jahres 1342 und seine Folgen in

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Mitteleuropa. In: F. Daim, D. Gronenborn und R. Schreg (eds), Strategien zum Überleben. Umweltkrisen und ihre Bewältigung. Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, Mainz: 231-242. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1997. Viking-Age Ships and Shipbuilding in Hedeby/Haithabu and Schleswig. Viking Ship Museum, Schleswig/Roskilde. Delfs, J., 1952. Die Flößerei im Stromgebiet der Weser. Dorn, Bremen. Dumitrache, M. & Haag, S., 2001. Heilbronn. Archäolo­ gischer Stadtkataster Baden-Württemberg, Band 8. Landes­ denkmalamt Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart. Ellmers, D., 1973. Kultbarken, Fähren, Fischerboote. Vorgeschichtliche Einbäume in Niedersachsen. Die Kunde N. F. 24: 23-62. Fischer, R., 1989. Aschaffenburg im Mittelalter. Geschichts- und Kunstverein Aschaffenburg, Aschaffenburg. Herzig, F., 2003. Ein Einbaum aus dem Main bei Schweinfurt. Nachrichtenblatt Arbeitskreis Unterwasserarchäologie, Band 10: 61–64. Hirte, C., 1987. Zur Archäologie monoxyler Wasserfahrzeuge im nördlichen Mitteleuropa. Eine Studie zur Repräsentativität der Quellen in chorologischer, chronologischer und konzeptioneller Hinsicht. Diss., Kiel. Garbsch, J., 1986. Die Vergangenheit auf dem Wasser: unter Wasser. In: J. Garbsch (ed.), Mann und Ross und Wagen. Transport und Verkehr im antiken Bayern. Prähistorische Staatssamlung München, München: 18–29. Kapitän, G., 2009. Records of traditional watercraft from South and West Sri Lanka. Archaeopress, Oxford. Kröger, L., 2010. Die Einbäume des Mains. Neue Forschungen zu alten Hölzern. Skyllis, Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie 10. 1: 37-44. Kröger, L., 2011. Einbäume des Maingebietes. Fähren als verbindendes Element eines mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Wegesystems. Log boats of the Main region. Ferry links in a medieval and early-modern route system. In: F. Bittmann, J. Ey, M. Karle et al. (eds), Flüsse als Kommunikations- und Handelswege. Verlag Marie Leidorf, Rahden/Westf: 115–128. Kröger, L., (in print). Früh- und Hochmittelalterliche Binnenschiffe in Mitteleuropa. Ein Überblick zum aktuellen Stand der Forschung. Přehled výzkumů 2014. Archäologisches Institut der Akademie der Wissenschaften der Tschechischen Republik, Brno. Kühn, H.J., 2004. Ein hochmittelalterlicher Fährprahm im Haddebyer Noor (Haithabu Wrack IV). In: K. Brandt & H.J. Kühn (eds), Der Prahm aus dem Hafen von Haithabu. Beiträge zu antiken und mittelalterlichen Flachbodenschiffen. Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster: 9–16. Lagadec, J-P., 1983. Le flotter de Radeau de Flavigny-surMoselle (Meurthe-et-Moselle). Gallia 41: 201-207. Markt Triefenstein (ed.), 1982. Homburg am Main. 880 Jahre Weinbau – 550 Jahre Stadt, Band 2. Triefenstein. Mauerer, H-M. & Schiek, S., 1985. Andreas Kieser und sein Werk. Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart. McGrail, S., 1978. Logboats of England and Wales. British Archaeological Reports, Greenwich.

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14. Crossing the river Neubert, H., 2013. Der Untergang der Sachsen im Jahr 1814. In: R. Riepertinger et al. (eds), Main und Meer. Primus Verlag, Augsburg: 248. Ossowski, W., 1999. Studia nad łodziami jednopiennymi z obszaru Polski - Study on Logboats from Poland. Centralne Muzeum Morskie, Gdańsk. Sperber, G., 1968. Die Reichswälder bei Nürnberg. Mitteilungen aus der Staatsforstverwaltung Bayerns 37. Frankenverlag Lornez Spindler, Nürnberg. Tetzlaff, G., Börngen, M. & Raabe, A., 2001. Das Jahr­ tausendhochwasser von 1342 und seine meteoro­logischen Ursachen. In: Deutsche Vereinigung für Wasserwirtschaft, Abwasser und Abfall e.V. (ed.), Hochwasser – Niedrigwasser – Risiken: 5-22. Deutsche Vereinigung für Wasserwirtschaft, Abwasser und Abfall e.V., München.

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Weikinn, C., 1958. Quellentexte zur Witterungsgeschichte Europas von der Zeitenwende bis zum Jahre 1850. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin. Weiland, L., 1893. Monumanta Germaniae Historica. Constitu­ tiones et acta publica Imperatorum et Regum. Societas aperiendis fontibus, Hannover. Zimmermann, W., 1987. Der Fund des Einbaums im Jahre 1953. In: D. Ellmers & W. Zimmermann (eds), Die Heilbronner Einbaum-Fähre. Städtische Museen Heilbronn, Heilbronn: 11–20.

1-6-2017 20:42:24

15. Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model Kristian Løseth

Introduction The purpose of this paper is to examine several 16th-­ century sources of navigational information and convert these into GIS data. The resulting model will be used to take a closer look at what kind of knowledge was needed for navigating the Norwegian coast. A review of place-names and landscapes mentioned in these sources will also be performed to find out what kind of areas were of importance for sailors in the 1500s. The 16th century is an exciting period in Norwegian history. The Dutch emerged as the most dominant trade power, and the influence of the Hanseatic League weakened. The Dutch needed vast amounts of timber for shipbuilding, building of dykes for land reclamation and for piles used as foundation for buildings. This led to a great demand for timber and in the 16th century there was a large abundance of timber in Norway available for export. This led to a lively contact between towns along the Norwegian coast and the Netherlands. Several towns on the coast of Southern and Eastern Norway emerged in this period. Another consequence of this contact was an extensive emigration from Norway to the Netherlands. Furthermore, quite a number of Norwegian sailors took hire on Dutch East Indiamen. This extensive shipping led to a need for systematizing the knowledge needed for navigating Northern European waters. The kind of knowledge needed existed among the people that sailed in these waters. At the end of the Middle Ages a hand written rutter exists with navigational information about Northern Europe. In the 16th century the first printed rutters emerge. And at the end of the 16th century, Lucas Janszoon Waghenaers atlas of nautical charts, Spieghel der zeevaerdt, was printed. These are the first practical sea charts of the Norwegian coast. These maps met the requirements for use on board ships. They had enough information for sailors that navigated along the Norwegian sea-routes (Ginsberg, 2012: 1). In this paper I will take a closer look at these rutters and Waghenaers atlas to see what kind

isbsa13.indb 102

of knowledge was needed for navigating the waters of Southern and Eastern Norway in the 16th century. The books Das Seebuch, dated to the late 1400s, is a collection of sailing instructions for Northern European waters (Sauer, 1997). This work includes two records of Norwegian place-names. These are directions between Walcheren, in the Dutch province of Zeeland, and Lindesnes and Skudenes on the Norwegian coast. From the mid-1500s we have two printed rutters for Nordic waters (Knudsen, 1913). Both of these books are Dutch, and reflect the importance of Dutch shipping in the 1500s related to timber trade. Johannes Knudsen (1913: 307) believes that these are printed versions of earlier hand-written rutters. The earliest of these rutters is titled De kaert van der zee and was printed in Holland by Jan Seuerszoon, probably in 1532. In 1541 Jan Jacobszoon published a new edition of this book called Dit is die Caerte van der zee. The parts of these books that mention Nordic waters are similar to such a degree that Knudsen regard it as natural to treat them as one. These rutters contain detailed descriptions about sailing into several places along the Norwegian coast. In 1568 a book called Søekartet offuer øster oc vester søen (Rutter of the eastern and western sea) is printed by Lorentz Benedicht. This is the first handbook on navigation written in Danish (Benedicht, 1915). Benedicht’s text is essentially a translation of the Dutch rutters. But there are some additions, namely figures and drawings of shorelines with landmarks. I will also use the atlas Spieghel der zeevaerdt by Lucas Janszoon Wagenaer, first printed in 1584. In addition to the maps of the coasts of Northern and Western Europe, the atlas contains written descriptions on navigating these waters. These descriptions are often quite similar to the descriptions found in the rutters. In the late 1500s and onwards, the vitality of the Dutch economy

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15. Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model

stimulated the development of sea charts (Ginsberg, 2012: 2). Waghenaer’s atlas has a special position in the history of map-making. In English sea charts were called ‘waggoners’ for a very long time. A late example is the cartographer John Seller who mentions his plans for making a ‘sea waggoner’ in 1669, i.e. a sea chart (Ginsberg, 2012: 7). The Dutch rutters are thoroughly treated by Johannes Knudsen in a paper written in 1913. Accordingly, Benedicht’s rutter gets a similar treatment by Knudsen in a facsimile-edition from 1915. Below is an excerpt from all the mentioned books describing how to sail into Lindesnes, the southernmost part of mainland Norway. The text from Jacobszoon is presented in Dutch – to show the similarity between his and Benedicht’s text. The Waghenaer text is somewhat different, but the similarities are striking: Jacobszoon: waert sake di een ma in seyle wil de dat Ooster gat bi der Noese so sal hi vaste bi d’Nose in seile op ee ooste wint en saihe wachten voor die bisscops boden die leyt midde in dat gat boue wateren wanneer ghi dragen later door dat gat daer ghi legge sult daer leyt een bode in daer wachtet y voor en settet achter dat landt daer ghi wilt (Rogge, 1885: XXXVI: 1). Benedicht: Vaare det saa ath nogen vilde seyle ind i det østre gaff ved Nessit (Lindesnes) / hand maa seyle ind hart ved Nesit met ith Østen veyr/ och hand skal tage sig vare for de Biskops boden (Bispen)/ som ligger mit udi gaffuit offuen vandit/ Oc naar i lade drage igjennem det gaff der som i skulle ligge/ der ligger en bode udi/ der tager eder vare for/ oc setter saa bag landit huort i ville (Benedicht 1915: 115). Benedicht (English translation by author): If someone wants to sail into the eastern gap by Lindesnes / he has to sail hard in by Lindesnes in eastern wind / and he has to watch out for Bispen / which lies in the middle of the gap over water / And when he goes through the gap where he is to lie / there is a rock / that he has to watch out for / and set in behind the land where he wants. Waghenaer: “If you sail into the Naze of Norway, enter Westward thereof North northwest, leauving the rock called the Bishop boden on your Larbord, which lieth in the midst of the Channell: Beyng cleare of the same you must carefully as you go inwards beware of another Rocke that lieth under water: but within it you shall cast anker right against a white Church. If you will enter on the west side of Maensounde sayle in North north east, but shun the Rockes, which lie under water on the starborde, about the innermost Isle. And beyng cleare of them, anker in .9.or.10. fatham” (Ginsberg, 2012: 9-10).

isbsa13.indb 103

103

Method As previously mentioned, the rutters are thoroughly treated by Johannes Knudsen in a paper from 1913. Knudsen compares the texts and comments on similarities and differences. He investigates directional information and distances, especially with regard to inconsistencies and errors. Benedichts book gets a similar treatment in Knudsens introductory comments in the facsimile edition (Benedicht, 1915). I have tried to extract relevant information from the different texts to create a GIS model witch is useful for understanding how sailors navigated the Norwegian waters in the 16th century. This is done by categorizing information about navigation found in the following chapters of Benedicht’s rutter: LXI - her begynder hurledis mand skal seyle i Norge, LXIII – hvorledes mand skal Seyle i det Vestre gaff and chapter LXII – Dette er Rosen langs ud met Norge where Benedicht gives directions and distances between several places along the coast. The information is divided in the following categories (fig. 1): • ‘Recognizing land’: some of the descriptions feature information on recognizing land, often related to sea marks. • ‘Wind’: wind directions and how to sail according to these. • ‘Skerries’: descriptions of rocks and skerries – often with directions regarding what side of the obstacle one should sail. • ‘Natural sea mark’: features in the landscape used for navigation. • ‘Constructed sea mark’: man-made constructions used for navigation. • ‘Depth’: indications of water depth. • ‘Distance’: indications of distance. Table 1 provides a list of place-names mentioned in the rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas. Several of the placenames are marked as uncertain. Examples of this are Mels and Sparul. Knudsen investigates several different spellings of these names and their occurrences in other maps. His conclusion is that they represent Gjeslingene, Udvåre, Tvisteinen, Ryvingen or similar places in the archipelago outside Mandal (Knudsen, 1913: 315). These examples are probably the most insecure place-names found in the descriptions. Several of the other uncertain place-names are significantly easier to correlate to modern place-names. In other cases, the place-names are used in other contexts than we are used to. Langesund is one example which in Waghenaer is used as a name for the entire watercourse towards Skien. This is probably related to the fact that Langesund was the name of the toll district which encompassed a much larger area than the town of Langesund (Nymoen, 2009: 107-108). Also, several places are indicated only by a description

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104

Kristian Løseth

Fig. 1. Overview of the different categories of navigational information.

isbsa13.indb 104

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15. Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model

105

as destinations, e.g. “if you want to sail to Hesnes” (Benedicht, 1915: 115 – Authors translation). In other cases, the names are not mentioned as destinations, but we know from their role as destinations from other historical sources. Destinations

Fig. 2. Place-names from table 2.

– typically skerries and islands with sea-marks or significant shallows. In many cases it is possible to locate these places on modern maps – especially when using Waghenaer, in which case the maps can be correlated to the descriptions. Table 2 provides an examination of place names mentioned in the rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas. I have sorted these names in the categories ‘navigation’ and ‘destination’ (fig. 2). The category navigation is given to place-names for skerries to be avoided, landscapes that have to be recognized and other kinds of information needed for navigation. Bispen, a rock outside Lindesnes, is an example of a place name that is found in all rutters and maps. ‘Destination’ is relatively self-explanatory. In several cases, places are mentioned explicitly

The development of these early rutters and atlases was driven by needs related to trade; the most important commodity in the 1500s was timber. Timber is explicitly mentioned in Waghenaer’s description of Southern Norway: “From all these hauens are transported great store of Oken beames, rafters, railes, and all kinde of Oken woode and timber: and some sawed bordes, and planckes, which in the lowe countreyes are much imployed in buildinges” (Ginsberg, 2012: 10). In his description of Eastern Norway he states the following: “From all these hauens come deale bordes, great and little mastes, rayless, rafters, timber to make hoopes, fire woode and such like stuffe fit for building” (Ginsberg, 2012: 11). We can look closer at two of the destinations that I consider representative for the kind of places that sailors visited as part of this trade: Skien and Mandal. Skien was given commercial town rights in 1358, but had the characteristics of a town already from the 11th century (fig. 3). From archeological investigations we know of a substantial export of whetstones from Eidsborg far inland in Telemark. The Bøle ship (c. AD 1380), found in the Skien river with a cargo of whetstones is an example of this (Nymoen, 2011). Skien has consequently been an entrance to the Skien watershed which leads far inland. There is evidence for extensive trade several hundred years before the timber trade in the 1500s. In other words Skien’s significance as a port of

Fig. 3. Place-names around Skien in Waghenaer and on a modern map (Waghenaer – Original in the National Library of Norway; Modern map – base map: Norge Digitalt).

isbsa13.indb 105

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isbsa13.indb 106

471130

477283

479710

495064

499554

507994

503432

517494

523989

543041

587838

601405

609439

624210

6458395

6468248

6466031

6481695

6492999

6499165

6495754

6527588

6525425

6540750

6594999

6569615

6565520

6562426

Merdø

488546

440787

479321

6466124

6475915

412137

6430026

6437160

Hesnes

381797

6433495

Skjebergkilen

Gressvig

Elingårdkilen

Son/ Oslofjorden

Langesund

Kragerø

Kil

Sandøyfjord

Lyngør

Oksefjorden

Tromlingene

Hesnes (2)

Vigkilen

Homborsund

Flekkerøy

Skjernøysund

Revøysund

Grønsfjorden

384139

6434376

Place

Easting

Northing

XXXVII-16

XXXVII-15

XXXVII-14

XXXVII-13

XXXVII-12

XXXVII-11

XXXVII-10

XXXVII-9

XXXVII-8

XXXVII-6

XXXVII-4 og 5

XXXVII-4

XXXVII-3

XXXVII-2

XXXVII-1

XXXVI-5

XXXVI-4

XXXVI-3

XXXVI-2

XXXVI-1

Caerte van der zee

LXIII-17

LXIII-16

LXIII-15

LXIII-14

LXIII-13

LXIII-12

LXIII-10 and 11

LXIII-9

LXIII-8

LXIII-6 and 7

LXIII-5

LXIII-4

LXIII-3

LXIII-2

LXIII-1

LXI-4

LXI-4

LXI-3

LXI-2

LXI-1

Benedicht

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

Waghenaer

1

1

1

Recognizing land 1

Wind

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Skerries

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Natural sea mark

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Constructed sea mark

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Depth

Table 1. Places with sailing directions mentioned in rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas – with navigational categories. Coordinates in WGS 84 – UTM 32 N.

1

1

1

1

1

1

Distance

Søstrene;Skjebergkilen

Gressvik;Søstrene;Færder;Onsøy?

Færder;Elingårdkilen

Langesund;Færder;Larvik;Stavern;Tønsberg;Bastøy;Oslo;Koppervik;Oslofjorden;Lammeren?

Langesund;Jomfruland;Frierfjorden;Brunlanes;Bjørnø/Skjæregg

Jomfruland;Kragerø?;Kil;Kilsfjorden

Jomfruland;Kil;Kilsfjorden

Oksefjord;Sandøyfjord?;Risør;Jomfruland

Tromlingene;Lyngør;Oksefjord;Sandøyfjord

Merdø;Oksefjord;Sandøfjord?;Tromøysund

Tromlingene;Merdø;Ytre Torungen;Mersit

Vigkilen;Hesnes;Kobbernaglen;Graaholmen;Tromlingene

Vigkilen

Hesnes;Homborsund

Flekkerøy;Hellesund;Fossen?

Merdø;Lyngør;Tromlingene

Hesnes;Kobbernaglen;Gråholmen;Tromlingene;Merdø

Skjernøysund;Kua;Kalven;Spaerl?;Mandal;Udøy?

Revøysund;Markø;Sagbomflu?;Grønsfjorden

Grønsfjord;Lindesnes;Bispen;Korshavn

Places

106

Kristian Løseth

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isbsa13.indb 107

6432909 6431983

Navigation

Navigation

Navigation

Destination

Lindesnes

Bispen

Sveinane

Korshavn

6447356

6430604 6433053

Navigation

Markø

6427989

Navigation

Destination

Navigation

Bonden

Tromøya

Molen

6479734

Destination

Navigation

Navigation

Østergab

Hellebåene etc.

Destination

Navigation

Navigation

Tromøy kirke

Vestergab

Arendal

6476380 6475389

Destination

Merdø

Tromøysund

6475495

Navigation

Tromlingene

6464336

6486765

6481953

6486878

6480479

6478797

6475915

6481695

6465170

Navigation

Navigation

6466124

Kobbernaglen

Destination

Hesnesøya

6427743

6432490

6431173

6425842

6432356

6432103

Gråholmen

Destination

Navigation

Mandal

Ødøy

Navigation

Destination

Navigation

Navigation

Gjeslingene

Ryvingen

Svartskjær

Navigation

Kalven

Bankefjorden

6426122

Navigation

Kua

6430026

Navigation

Destination

Sagbomflu

Skjernøysund

6433495

Destination

Destination

Kleven

Revøysund

6429068

6428776

6430964

6434376

Destination

Destination

Lyngdal

Grønsfjord

6431216

Destination

Sælør

N

Type

Place

499948

492666

499163

488143

486839

488673

489310

487714

492067

488546

495064

478491

478407

479321

415960

409010

407193

407226

411029

393763

410579

410608

412137

381541

380975

381797

410128

381887

383129

382160

385662

384139

387562

381748

E

0

1

0

1

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

0

1

0

0

0

0

1

1

1

0

1

1

1

1

0

1

1

1

0

1

Certain

tEijlandt va Trom

De voort van Trom/Tromsont

De vos van Mardou

Tooster gat van Mardou

Twester gat van Mardou

De kerck op Mardou

Mardou/tEijlandt van Mardou

Hesnes

Mely

Kalff

Koen

Scheerzondt

Clooff

Bisschops

Nues

Maenzondt

Galmesel

Selloer

Waghenaer map

Table 2. Place-names from rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas. Coordinates in WGS 84. – UTM 32 N.

de lange clippe

clippe van Tromzont

nieu holmen

t’Ooster gat van Mardou

Maerdou

Drommelen

Hesenes

Oedendal

Melou

den hoeck

de Clippe

Calf

Koe

Schaer sondt

cloof

de witte Kerck

een clippe vinden onder water

Der Noess

Maesondt

Waghenaer text

Kircke aff Merdøen

Merdøen

Drommelingen

Graaholm

Kognael

Hessenes

Sparui/Spaerl

Mels

Kalffuen

Koen

Skersund

Schilt

Marcu

Vestre gaff

bode

Biskops boden

Nessit

Østre gaff

Benedicht

kercke va Merdo

Maerdo

Drommelinge

Grauweholm

Cognagel

Hessenessen

Sparui

Mels

Kalf

Koe

Scheresont

Schilt

Mercu

wester gat

bode

bisscops boden

Noese

Ooster gat

Jacobzoon

15. Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model 107

1-6-2017 20:42:26

isbsa13.indb 108

Navigation

Vestergap

6440467 6444061

Destination

Navigation

Randøysund

Stanggapet

6437959

Destination

Indre Ulvøy

6441733

Destination

Navigation

Ulvøysund

Destination

Mellom Måkeholmen og Ertholmen

Vestre gap mot Ulvøysund

6441733

Navigation

Klovholmene etc.

6442326

6441407

6442561

6441724

Destination

Navigation

Ribevika

Kvåsefjorden

6441101

6439807

Navigation

6437231

Navigation

Navigation

Østergapet

6439357

Svarten, Svertingen

Navigation

Jøngeholmskjæret

6446885

6437117

6439770

6442498

6434859

6435185

6439273

6439603

6437160

6499165

6498267

6488862

Kinn

Destination

Destination

Flekkerøy

Oddernes

Navigation

Destination

Vågsbygd

Møvig

Destination

Navigation

Østergap

Destination

Destination

Flekkerøy

Ny Hellesund

Destination

Lyngør

Helgøya

Navigation

Leia mot Lyngør

6497923

Destination

Navigation

Tvedestrand

Leia mot Oksefjord (Ytre Møkkalasset)

6488688 6490578

Navigation

Navigation

Ytre Møkkalasset

Hesvika

N

Type

Place

Table 2 continued.

453440

452769

454044

454044

452055

451803

453168

449477

447682

443044

446972

445590

440615

441951

440571

439875

439451

432028

431001

440238

444289

440787

507994

509474

500503

496111

499921

500571

E

1

1

1

1

0

0

1

0

1

0

1

1

0

1

1

1

0

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

0

0

Certain

Eijlandt

Twester gat van Wolfsondt

Wolfsondt

baksiden av Wolffzondt

De sondt van Reperwijck

Reperwijck

Tgat van Ransondt

Ransondt

Tooster gar van Vlecker

Otter nes

Teijlandt van Vlecker

Vlecker

De vos

Heijligen

Heijligen sondt

Twester gat van Vlecker

Vlecker

Longen

tgat van Longen

tgatt van Oxefoert

Waghenaer map

Wolffzondt

de dry Warderen met alle de Clippen

Reperwijk

die clippe met de twee Warder

de swerte clippen

het Ooster gat

de clippe daer de Galge staet op

Heylighesondt

t’wester gat van Fleckeroer

Fleckeroer

Longhen

Hoogeland

westerhoeck

blinde clippe in t’gat

Waghenaer text

fossen

Østre gaff

Fleckerøen

Longe

Benedicht

de Vos

Ooster gat

Vleckero

Longe

Jacobzoon

108

Kristian Løseth

1-6-2017 20:42:26

isbsa13.indb 109

6445043 6449710

Navigation

Navigation

Måkholmgapet

innenfor Ramsholmen

6441680

6540358

Destination

Destination

Knarrdalsstrand?

Porsgrunn

6546546

Destination

Destination

Brevik

Navigation

Breivik-/Eidangerfjorden

Frierfjorden

6547958

Destination

Stathelle

6556034

6555166

6551233

6545247

6539836

Navigation

Navigation

Langøya

Gamle Langesund

6525425

6527588

6527587

6518393

6540750

Navigation

Leia mot Kil

6509048

6524891

Destination

Destination

Risør

Langesund

Navigation

Jomfruland

6493790

Destination

Navigation

Torskebåen

6483204

Kragerø

Navigation

Tromøysund

6495754

6492999

Navigation

Destination

Sandøfjord

Destination

Destination

Oksefjord

6473133

Jomfrulandsgapet

Navigation

Ytre Torungen

6468248

6463095

6457147

6457639

Kil/Kilsfjorden

Navigation

Destination

Hesnesbregen

Vigkilen

Navigation

Krygelvarde

6463171

Destination

Destination

Morviga

Ved Skarveskær

6455410

Navigation

Homborsundleia

6458395

Navigation

Destination

Blindleia

Homborsund

6444299

6445361

Navigation

Destination

6441306

N

Østre gap mot Ulvøysund

Destination

Ytre Ulvøy

Gamle Hellesund

Type

Place

Table 2 continued.

537849

535520

535519

539575

540519

540350

544115

543432

543041

523989

517494

536147

528159

513846

534093

505814

492140

503432

499554

487608

477283

480004

471379

470246

473627

468063

471130

458508

456810

457476

456130

454753

453653

E

1

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

0

1

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

0

0

0

1

0

1

1

1

0

1

1

1

Certain

Poelsche gronden

Kaeleers

Noortwester water

Kalbijn

Tmoes water

Stadt Hil

Oude Langes

Conincx Eijlandt

Conincx hauen

Oost kiel

West kiel

tgat van Oost kiel

tgat van West kiel

t’Ioffer landt

Tromsondt

Oxefoort

Mieu holmen

Clippen van hesnes

Marwick

Twester gat

Amersondt

Blindt sondt

Tgat van olde hil sondt

Olde hil sondt

Toster gat van Wolfsondt

Eijlandt van Wolfsondt

Waghenaer map

Langezont

oude Langesund

De Conincxhauen

West-kiel

Jofferlandt

en banck in zee

Tromzont

Santfoert

Ocxevoert

een Clippe met een Warder op de Westsyde

Bak øya 30 favner

Hamerzont

binnen de clippen

oude Hylzondt

Waghenaer text

Langesund

Abbenford

Kil

øster Risen

Jomffruland

Suider (?)

Sandfiord

Ochsefiorden

yderste Nyholm

Kirckefiord

Hammersund

Benedicht

Langesont

Kijl

oster Rijsen

Jofferlant

Furdt

Santfuert

Ossenfurt

uterste Meuholmen

Kierckefuert

Hamersonten

Jacobzoon

15. Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model 109

1-6-2017 20:42:26

isbsa13.indb 110

6546534

Destination

Destination

Navigation

Skjebergkilen

Akerøy

Akersund

Navigation

Navigation

Rauerkalven

Onsøy

Navigation

Rauer

6565520

Destination

Navigation

Gressvig

Destination

Elingårdkilen

Søstrene

6569615

Navigation

Jeløya

6609188

6548748

6546927

6562426

6563471

6569118

6566987

6553133

6591033

6573917

Navigation

6594999

Navigation

Navigation

Oslofjorden

6623653

Svelvik?

Destination

Drammen

6621677

6595455

6624469

6642364

6570557

Sletter

Destination

Destination

Holmestrand

Koppervik

Destination

Bunnefjorden

6641864

Destination

Destination

Oslo

6583113 6590615

Navigation

Destination

Bastøy

Løvøysund

Akershus

6560533

Destination

Navigation

Tønsberg

Fulehuk

6543614 6537500

Destination

Navigation

Viksfjord

6540189

6538314

Svenner

Destination

Destination

Larvik

Navigation

Færder

Stavern

6548340

Navigation

Skjæregg

6551644 6537275

Navigation

Navigation

6562746

N

Vannveien inn mot Skien

Destination

Skien

Mølen (Brunlanes)

Type

Place

Table 2 continued.

607827

608078

624210

605781

597141

596643

601555

609439

601405

592562

595094

580440

587838

567666

570689

574683

596784

597132

598492

582602

586918

591426

580920

565897

564381

560015

560016

587419

543086

547566

535519

534984

E

1

1

0

0

1

1

1

1

0

0

1

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

0

1

1

1

0

0

1

1

Certain

Akersont

I: Akersondt

Schiffel

I:Roghe

De Susters

Graswijck

Elsanghe

Tmonnicke Eijlandt

I: de Slecht

Soen water

Braeckenes

Coperwijck

Holmstrant

De Bodem

Akershuijs

Ansloo

Lausondt

Bast

Vuijle hoeck

Swijnen

Muijhol

Stavange

De Laerwijck/Haerwijck

Farder

De Baers

De nesse

Lange sondt

De buij

Waghenaer map

Aeckerzont

Schiphil

Roeghe

De Susters

Lammeren

Zoenwater

Braeckenes

Coperwijk

Anfloo

Bas’n

Thonsberghen

Stauanghe

Laentijck

Farder

Baers

Nesse

Waghenaer text

vestre land

Kallfuen

Roge

Systrene

Grassvig

Elsange

Slecto

Sønvandit

Verø

Baers

Nesit

Benedicht

westlant

kalf

roghe

susters

graswijk

Elsange

Sletto

Verdero

baers

Nesen

Jacobzoon

110

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15. Post-medieval sea-routes: a GIS model

trade continued as timber became the most important export commodity. The rapids found in Skien made it an important transitional point for transport. These same rapids could be used for water-driven sawmills. Access to a vast hinterland and waterpower resulted in Skien becoming Norway’s most significant center of timber trade at the end of the 16th century (Gundersen, 1998). Skien’s significance is reflected in the rutters and Waghe­naer’s atlas. Mandal is defined by historian Finn-Einar Eliassen as a “self-grown” town, which by certain criteria could be called at ‘town’ approximately by the year 1720. For the purpose of this paper it is interesting to take a closer look at what kind of place Mandal was in the 1500s (fig. 4). Eliassen states that there is no evidence that Mandal was densely populated or had any trade of great significance in the middle ages (Eliassen, 1995: 33). But Mandal had the right preconditions for developing into a town when the timber trade increased in the 1500s. Eliassen describes Mannefjorden, the fjord which Mandal is situated in, as a bay facing the North Sea with a short distance across. Furthermore, Mandal has two good harbors in close vicinity: Kleven and Bankefjorden. Kleven’s significance as a harbor is demonstrated by the fact that the natural sea marks Kua and Kalven are found on the majority of maps made from the 16th century and onwards. The Mandal River has been an important route of transport in the valley and its outlet constitutes a natural junction in the landscape. Last but not least, timber was abundant in the area. Around Mannefjorden the forest grew all the way down to the shore (Eliassen, 1995: 34). By looking at Skien and Mandal as examples of destinations in the rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas we get an impression of what these sources tell us. The directions for sailing into these places are extremely thorough. Looking at Waghenaer’s map, we see that the waterways leading into Skien are drawn with more detail than most other areas in the map. Skien is an example of a place that continued to be an important town during this period. Other places, like Mandal, had all the right preconditions for participating in the timber trade from the 1500s. Only later Mandal developed into a town. Conclusions This examination of navigational information in 16th-­ century rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas has given some insights into seafaring in this era. Converting this information into GIS-data has made it possible to look at this information in relation to landscape and society. The fact that sea marks, both natural and man-made, are mentioned extensively, clearly shows the significance of knowing where you are in the landscape. Other types of information occur more sporadically (wind, anchorage etc.). This need for recognizing the landscape is also expressed through the coastal profiles found in

isbsa13.indb 111

111

Benedicht and Waghenaer. The man-made sea marks are mentioned in a manner which indicates a well-­ established system. This corresponds to a passage from Pietro Querini’s travel account in which he describes he was shipwrecked on the island of Røst in the Lofoten archipelago in the 15th century. He tells us that the Norwegians navigated by means of cairns that were placed on islands along the sea routes (Wold, 2004: 187). Between 1791 and 1803 a collection of maps called ‘the Grove Charts’ of the Norwegian coast were published. These came with booklets containing information about harbors and sea routes along the coast authored by Poul de Löwenörn – director of the Danish Hydrographical Office. The level of detail in these descriptions is much higher than the 16th-century rutters, but it is still interesting to see that quite a lot of the information given in the 16century rutters and maps is repeated. We actually know that Löwenörn owned a copy of Benedicht’s rutter (Knudsen, 1915: XI). Several of the destinations mentioned in the 16th century sources were significant because of the timber trade of the period. When Löwenörn writes his description, a number of these places have developed into towns. It is interesting to see that the information contained in these rutters still is relevant 250 years later. By using Mandal and Skien as examples I have been able to give some insight into these rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas as sources to understand aspects of 16th-century society. Mandal had no particular central function before the timber trade expanded. Skien, on the other hand, was a well-established port of trade already in mediaeval times. These are two quite different places that both had the right preconditions for participating in the timber trade from the 16th century and onwards. Perspectives This short paper only hints at the vast amount of information that exists in these sailing descriptions. Several of the atlases made in the 17th century and later were large showpieces that adorned the shelves in the homes of rich Dutch citizens. What makes the rutters especially interesting is the fact that they were in practical use by sailors. The information in these books reflects the needs of sailors. More detailed studies of the landscape mentioned in these works could be of great interest. By looking at the descriptions and relating them to topography and local history it should be possible to gain further knowledge about some of the underlying reasons for the significant timber trade starting in the 1500s. In addition to this, we can see that the prerequisites are given for development of towns in Eastern and Southern Norway. The rutters and Waghenaer’s atlas also describe the society in the 1500s. It is interesting to see which places are mentioned, and which are not. Kua and Kalven, the

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Kristian Løseth

Fig. 4. Place-names around Mandal in Waghenaer and on a modern map (Waghenaer – Original in the National Library of Norway; Modern map – base map: Norge Digitalt).

natural sea-marks in Kleven by Mandal, are mentioned in nearly every rutter and sea map from the 16th century onwards. Nowadays these two landscape features are considered insignificant. The Hvaler archipelago, which is a significant landscape today, is not to be found in the earliest maps. The trade and contact that led to the need for these rutters and atlas placed lasting marks in the landscape of Southern and Eastern Norway. These sources have a great potential for unveiling more knowledge about the area’s history from the 16th century onwards. References Benedicht, L., 1915. Søkartet offuer øster oc vester søen – prentet i Kiøbenhaffn aff Laurentz Benedicht; med indledning og oplysninger ved Johannes Knudsen. Tidsskrift for søvæsen. København. Eliassen, F.-E., 1995. Mandal bys historie – Den førindustrielle byen ca 1500-1850 – Bind I. Mandal kommune, Mandal. Ginsberg, W.B., 2012. Sea Charts of Norway – 1585-1812. Septemptrionalium Press, New York. Gundersen, T., 1998. Skien – knutepunkt for handel gjennom 1000 år – en oversikt over Skiens historie i tida før 1358. Forl. Grenland, Porsgrunn. Hoem, A.I., 1983. Utviklingen av sjøkartene over norskekysten til 1814, In Norges sjøkartverk Kystens – historie i kart og beskrivelser 1932-1982. Norges sjøkartverk, Stavanger: 9-74.

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Knudsen, J., 1913. De første trykte Lodsbøger over de nordiske Farvande (1532 og 1541). Tidsskrift for Søvæsen 84. aarg. København: 345-362. Knudsen, J., 1915. Indledning. In: Søkartet offuer øster oc vester søen – prentet i Kiøbenhaffn aff Laurentz Benedicht; med indledning og oplysninger ved Johannes Knudsen. Tidsskrift for søvæsen. København, IX-XVII. Nymoen, P., 2009. Marginale steder eller marginale kilder? Undervannsarkeologisk blikk på små handelshavner. In: J. Brendalsmo, F-E. Eliassen og T. Gansum (eds), Den urbane underskog – Strandsteder, utvekslingssteder, og småbyer i vikingtid, middelalder og tidlig nytid. Oslo: 93-131. Nymoen, P., 2011. Bøleskipet – og brynesteinseksport fra Norge, In: L. Appel og K. Langsted (eds), Ressourcer og Kulturkontakter – Arkæologi rundt om Skagerrak og Kategat. Kulturhistoriske skrifter fra Nordsjælland 1, Helsingør: 83-99. Rogge, H.C., 1885. Dit is die caerte van der zee, facsimile of 1541 original, Leiden. Sauer, A., 1997. Das Seebuch – das älteste erhaltene Seehandbuch und die spätmittelalterliche Navigation in Nordwesteuropa. Deutches Schiffahrtsmuseum, Schriften 44, Hamburg. Westerdahl, C., 2011. Ancient Sea Marks – A Social History from a North European Perspective. Deutsches Schiffartarchiv 33: 71-155. Wold, H.A., 2004. Querinis reise – historier om en historie. Orkana, Stamsund.

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16. The Aanloop Molengat site (Wadden Sea, the Netherlands) and Europe anno 1635. The historical interpretation of a strategic cargo Thijs Maarleveld

Introduction In the development of maritime archaeology in the Netherlands, the Aanloop Molengat site, west of Texel (fig. 1) has a special place. Discovered in 1984, its rich cargo of metals and ingots was the occasion to extend heritage protection to include underwater shipwreck sites and to let research prevail over quick and dirty salvage (Maarleveld, 1993). Building on a small group of professionals and large numbers of volunteers, methods for fieldwork under exposed North Sea conditions were developed and tested. Around thirty articles, specialist and interim reports were published while fieldwork continued, but it was only in 2011, that the balance could be drawn up, thanks to an Odyssee-grant from the

Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research. The grant permitted a team that was coordinated by Alice Overmeer and Wilma Gijsbers in Lelystad with assistance of the project’s original director, Thijs Maarleveld in Denmark, to make the collected data digitally accessible and to evaluate the collected information as a whole. Another 18 specialist reports and catalogues were prepared and integrated in a ‘final’ publication, not in the form of a traditional monograph, but in the format of a multi-layered, digitally enhanced article in the open-­ access Journal of Archaeology in the Low Countries, an interesting new avenue in archaeological publishing (Maarleveld & Overmeer, 2012). The present paper illustrates that ‘final’ is a very relative concept, as it always leads to new research and considerations. Now that the

Fig. 1. The location of the Aanloop Molengat site in the high-energy zone at the entry of the Texel tidal inlet of the Wadden Sea (Drawing: Th.J. Maarleveld, RCE).

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Thijs Maarleveld

114

archaeological data is consolidated, it becomes a challenge to see whether it can be interpreted in the context of the historical narratives relating to the period, but even more to see whether the independently consolidated archaeological data can contribute to the interpretation of the historical processes, not only by providing an anchoring point in the longue durée but also in the context of more cyclical and contingent processes. This is what this contribution intends to do. The Aanloop Molengat ship and its cargo Analysis of cargo and site plan (fig. 2) lead to the inevitable conclusion that the Aanloop Molengat ship is Dutch. Its carrying capacity was at least 550-600 ton. This is derived from its measurements and internal organisation, but also from the measured and calculated weight of its cargo (Table 1). Moreover, the ship was well-armed. Eleven cast-iron gun barrels were found across and around the wreck-site. The guns are 9-pounder semiculverines, large guns for large ships. In view of the overall dimensions of the ship and the fact that its upper works broke away, it is assumed that the ship originally carried more 9-pounders, or even heavier armament. Table 1. Measured weight Aanloop Molengat cargo. Pins Cloth Wrought Iron products Cast Iron products Leather Ivory Tin Lead Iron / Steel Mercury Total

? >1,500 kg >16,000 kg 2,000 kg 100 kg 1,600 kg 30,000 – 50,000 kg 510,000 – 570,000 kg 375 kg > 550 000 – 600 000 kg

The total weight of the Aanloop Molengat cargo is no less than 550 to 600 tons. This translates into more than 280 – 303 last, to use the measure of the day, if we accept the proposition that a last is 1.975 tons. The Aanloop Molengat ship was a large ship: 300 last in the terms of the day. It was departing from the Texel Roads in the Wadden Sea when it sank in the approaches (Aanloop) of the Molengat gully that connects the Texel tidal inlet with the North Sea. This must have taken place between 1635 and 1640 (or 1648 at the latest), with a major loss in the beginning of November 1638 as a likely – yet unconfirmed – candidate.1 The cargo that the ship carried derived from the Dutch Republic, the Amsterdam staple, although most of it was sourced from elsewhere. It had been brought to the Republic across borders of war and despite any limitations on the transport of strategic goods.

isbsa13.indb 114

The only product in the cargo that was probably produced in Amsterdam itself is pins, a regular produce of domestic industry in the city. The pins come in four sizes, just like they should according to a deed relating to their production (Van Dillen, 1929: nr. 789). Woollen fabrics, represented by leaden ‘cloth’-seals from the cities of Leiden and Delft, are the only other product in the cargo that was actually fabricated in the Dutch Republic. But more woollen fabrics were sourced from Hondschoote in the western tip of Flanders, then in the Spanish Netherlands, now in France, and from Mons in Spanish Hainaut. The Leiden seals are consistently stamped with the date 1635. It is the earliest possible date for the ship’s last departure. Leiden and Hondschoote were competing centres of factory-based production of woollen cloth of varying quality and colour. Both were booming in the 1630ies (Posthumus, 1939; Coornaert, 1930). On contemporary production in Hainaut we know very little. At least part of the present consignment was top quality purple herensaai and saye de seigneurs, a nonfelted fabric, woven in a twill pattern. The production of these expensive fabrics would later decrease in favour of cheaper cloth (laken). The fact that production could hardly keep up with the market combined with the consistent reference to a single production year, is the core of the argument that shipment occurred relatively shortly after production in 1635. It is likely that barrels with wrought iron products such as nails come from Brabant (or Liège). It is therefore that the map (fig. 3) shows a third arrow from the Spanish Netherlands, east of those from Hondschoote and Mons. A consignment of leather was most probably brought into the Amsterdam staple from the WestIndies (Latin America and the Caribbean), before having been loaded onto this ship. Ivory comes from Africa. A more substantial part of the cargo consists of non-ferrous metals. It was their discovery that made Aanloop Molengat into a maritime archaeological milestone, as – at least formally – it settled the prevalence of heritage legislation over salvage practice in the Netherlands (Maarleveld, 2006). Tin of high quality comes from Bohemia, mined under royal – Habsburg – statutes. A smaller portion comes from Saxony, not under Habsburg rule, not catholic, but protestant. Interestingly, however, Bohemian and Saxon tin is jointly packed in spruce barrels. It has been traded through several hands along the Elbe to Hamburg and onwards to the Republic, as overland routes were certainly blocked as a result of the Thirty-Years’ War (Terhorst, 2012). A shipment of lead was mined in little Poland, in the area of the mining town Olkusz, close to Craców. Polish sources refer to embargos on its transport at times of war (Molenda, 2001: 36). Apparently such embargos were easily overcome down the Vistula and through Gdánsk. Equally strategic as lead is iron or early industrial steel, as the detailed metallurgical studies by Joosten and Nienhuis (2012) show the material in the cargo to be. It is produced from low phosphorous

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16. The Aanloop Molengat site (Wadden Sea, the Netherlands) and Europe anno 1635

115

Fig. 2 (above and left). Overall plan of the Aanloop Molengat site, indicating the different categories of cargo (drawing A. Overmeer / A. Vos RCE).

Historical background

and low manganese ores, but it is presently impossible to say where it comes from. Certainly not from the Netherlands, but Sweden and Bavaria are equally likely candidates. Bavaria suggests itself on the basis of the modern process and the contemporary appreciation of Bavarian steel (Witsen, 1671: 119). That would mean that it would have been sourced from Habsburg – and thus enemy – territory through Hamburg; if from Sweden, it is sourced through the Kattegat route, just like the Polish lead. The close relationship between the Amsterdam merchant coterie and Swedish iron and steel production is well-established (Helmfrid 1963; Klein, 1965). The origin of precious mercury carried in lead-capped square storage bottles can likewise not be determined on the basis of its intrinsic qualities.

isbsa13.indb 115

In the history of the Dutch Republic the year 1635 lies almost exactly halfway between the end of the twelveyear truce in 1621 and the conclusion of peace with Habsburg Spain in 1648, which settled the Dutch Revolt and the Eighty Years’ War. Around 1635 the war faction in the States-General and stadhouder Frederik Hendrik tried to intensify campaigns against the Spanish in the Southern Netherlands, whereas others, with strong backing from the merchant class in the Province of Holland and the City of Amsterdam would rather liaise with Spain in order to reduce negative impact on maritime trade. In that respect, the Spanish outsourcing of war in the form of intense privateering from Dunkirk was a particular menace. Competition for control between the military faction and merchant interests that favour a diplomatic solution date from before the conclusion of the Twelve Years' Truce in 1609, but continued unabatedly (Poelhekke, 1953; Israel, 1995). On the wider European scene, 1635 lies in between the Bohemian rebellion against Habsburg rule that started off the so-called Thirty Years’ War in 1618 and its conclusion in 1648, at the same general peace conference in Münster, Westphalia that settled the peace between the Dutch Republic and Habsburg Spain. As religious fervour was both fed and overruled by power politics, the Thirty Years’ War is a mightily complicated conflict including all sorts of troubles and military campaigns. In historical analysis it is commonly broken down in four phases (Pagès, 1972). In 1635 the second or ‘Swedish’ phase had just come to an end. At the battle of Nördlingen (6 September 1634) the alliance of Swedish and protestant-German forces trying to defeat the imperial – Habsburg – troops had not been successful, but had suffered a severe beating themselves. As

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Thijs Maarleveld

Fig. 3. Verifiable links of the Aanloop Molengat ship projected on the more or less contemporary map of Europe by Willem Jansz. Blaeu. Amsterdam is given pride of place, as the ship was probably fitted out from there. The green star indicates the origin of the timber of its keel. The other red stars and arrows indicate origin and route of the cargo prior to being loaded on board (with Africa and the Caribbean outside the map). The blue arrows indicate the ship’s probable itinerary towards the Mediterranean, with France as destination for its cargo. A star is placed on Brittany as it is there that Louis XIII and Richelieu as well as their successors laid out extensive arsenals.

a consequence Saxony, one of the leading protestant states in Germany, prepared a separate peace with the emperor. This so-called Peace of Prague was concluded in May 1635. It isolated the Swedish troops on the middle European scene and shifted the balance of power in favour of imperial and catholic forces, but also in favour of the Habsburg dynasty. For France such a shift favouring Habsburg was unacceptable. So far, France had only marginally taken part in the war, although it had been intensely involved through diplomacy and by financially supporting parties that would weaken Habsburg power. It had, for instance subsidized the military campaigns of the Seven Provinces in the Spanish Netherlands as late as in April 1634. From now on, however, Louis XIII and his minister Richelieu were more inclined to active interference, and the ‘French’ phase of the war began. French troops were sent to central Europe. In February 1635 the relationship with the Seven United Provinces was sealed with an assertive military treaty, and in May of the same

isbsa13.indb 116

year France declared war on Spain (Houtman-Desmedt, 1979; Deyon, 2011). Historical interpretation With the data on ship-size, armament and cargo consolidated, it becomes possible to give this information a role in our understanding of the past. At a very basic level the Aanloop Molengat assemblage and interim reports have long started to inform us on specific production processes. But, all things considered, it is also possible to take our interpretation a step further and to develop a historical narrative relating to the cargo as a whole. Where does it fit in the 1630s as we interpret them in economic, political and social history; or in the history of specific nations? All nations linked by the red arrows in fig. 3 are implied, as they all have ‘verifiable links’ with the assemblage.2 But the Dutch Republic

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16. The Aanloop Molengat site (Wadden Sea, the Netherlands) and Europe anno 1635

stands out; it was there that the ship was built, outfitted and laden. And so does the destination, even though the cargo never arrived. Having been sourced through what we denote as the ‘Amsterdam staple’, the cargo could go anywhere. But actually, the specific context leaves only a limited number of possibilities that make sense in terms of reviewing and rewriting historical narrative. Size and armament suggest a ship that was engaged in the Mediterranean trade, which with reference to the Straits of Gibraltar was called Straatvaart (E.M. Jacobs in Maarleveld & Overmeer, 2012). Ships in this trade were generally tramping, meaning that they would take profitable cargo to and from whatever port en route. Leaving the Dutch Republic they might load cargo destined all the way for the Levant, but that would be more exception than rule. Moreover, nothing would prevent Dutch merchants to trade with enemy powers or their subjects (Bruijn, 1980: 141). This implies that a destina­ tion for the first haul in France, Northern Spain, or Portugal would be as likely as any Mediterranean port. Nevertheless, the composition of the Aanloop Molengat cargo makes many a destination unlikely. Of course it is possible to conceive of the cargo as separate shipments. But both the consignment of iron or steel (510 to 570 tons) and the consignment of lead (30 to 50 tons) are so substantial that it is more natural to consider the cargo as a unity, destined for one client. Considering the strategic nature of the goods, this client is most likely to be a public party, a sovereign and a belligerent one (at the time there were hardly any exceptions in Europe). The central European Habsburgs would not, however, source these materials so indirectly through the Atlantic; neither would the Sublime Porte or any subordinate unit in the Ottoman Empire (Casale, 2010). Habsburg Spain is different; it certainly traded with merchants from the Dutch Republic (Ebben, 2011). But the Iberian Peninsula itself is rich in ores. Portugal and Spain would certainly import copper (Glamann, 1971) and occasionally lead (Chirikure et al., 2010), but lead and iron, and also tin and mercury are available from local sources, with production dominated by the crown (Fernández de Pinedo Fernández, 2007). It would be like bringing coal to Newcastle, to bring iron bars to the Spanish king. On the way to the Mediterranean, however, lies the coast of France. France also had resources of its own, but industrial production lagged behind the demands of the centralizing state (Deyon, 2011). In view of its military ambitions, however, France did have money to spend to compensate for lacking supplies (Pagès, 1972). The story that the Aanloop Molengat assemblage seems to push onto us, is that the ship may have been destined for the Mediterranean, but that the cargo was destined for France. The direct corollary of this interpretation is that the supply of these strategic goods was part of – or a consequence of – the military treaty that the negotiators for the States General had struck with Louis XIII and Richelieu on 8 February 1635. As the

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treaty between France and the Dutch Republic included the possibility of dividing the Spanish Netherlands between the two, it is commonly referred to as the Traité de Partage. In Dutch national history the treaty has been very contentious from the beginning. It was under the pressure of the imminent arrival of Cardinal-Infant Don Ferdinand as new governor and military leader in the Spanish Netherlands that the military faction could convince the province of Holland’s representative Adriaen Pauw to agree with the deal in the first place (Geyl, 1948: 420 et seq.). Don Ferdinand was the Spanish king’s brother and had been critically successful at Nörd­lingen, which gave extra weight to his appointment. After having dealt with the Swedish and German opponents of the Austrian Habsburgs, he was to find a military solution to the Spanish king’s problems in the Netherlands. In the Republic the appointment favoured the military faction and the alliance with France alike. Resistance was not only fed by merchant interests; internal politics were also at stake. Any military success would risk favouring the regal and centralizing ambitions of Frederik Hendrik who as stadhouder was the Republic’s military leader, but hardly more than that. Holland and the Amsterdam merchant class including Adriaen Pauw were his powerful opponents, but could be brought round in early 1635. The military bond with France of 1635 was already contentious when it was forged, but as it provided a basis for French expansion northwards later in the century under Louis XIV, it definitely got an infamous reputation (Geyl, 1959: 190 et seq.). Moreover, as the agreed demarcation did not conform to the linguistic boundary, it was considered a major breach of community spirit, treason rather, to the Dutch speaking population of the southern Low Countries in national history as written in the 19th and early 20th century (Presser, 1975: 217). What the Aanloop Molengat cargo seems to confirm, however, is that the merchant party wholeheartedly profited from the opportunity that the Traité de Partage created, whether the supply was an integral part of the deal or just its consequence. This kind of opportunism characterizes entrepreneurial behaviour of the group to which Adriaen Pauw and for instance arms dealer Louys Trip belonged (Klein, 1965). A younger peer was Cornelis Witsen (1605-1669) who like many others was deeply involved in shipping (Elias, 1963). He seems to have been even less supportive of the ambitious stadhouder than Pauw. The fact, however, that he was equally opportunistic in matters of political and economic profit, certainly supports the arguments to interpret the Aanloop Molengat cargo in the context of that military cooperation. He was the father of Nicolaes Witsen, the writer on shipbuilding (Witsen, 1671) and may well have been involved in one or several aspects that led to the shipping of the Aanloop Molengat cargo. This inference is further explored elsewhere, where it is suggested that a range of charters that he collected includes a charter

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for a series of stocky 130 ft vessels, according to which the Aanloop Molengat ship may actually have been built in the late 1620ies or early 1630ies (Maarleveld, 2013). The Traité de Partage of 1635 and its aftermath is an episode of military, political and commercial history that has been shunned away from, as it was not particularly honourable to either the military factions or the development of Holland’s trade. In the context of French national history it more or less disappeared as well. After all, the expansion northwards – then and later – remained confined to a very limited zone, including Dunkirk and Hondschoote as places relevant to the present story. The truth of course is that the Aanloop Molengat cargo – consigned by Cornelis Witsen’s relations or not – did not come any further than the place where it was discovered three and a half centuries later. The supplies did not in any way profit the French or the Republic’s military operations. Richelieu had to find other supplies of metal, ivory and purple saye de seig­ neurs. It is only after the archaeological information has been weighed and analysed that the story is stirred up and added to with new inferences. Conclusion Research into the context of the Aanloop Molengat wreck-site leads to a few daring suggestions on how its archaeological data inform us on European political history between 1635 and 1640. It is suggested that the ship was destined for France that had ordered its cargo as part or consequence of a contentious deal which did not find pride of place in the respective national histories of France and the Dutch Republic. It also leads to reflection on the source quality and the nature of Nicolaes Witsen’s work on shipbuilding. And finally, comparison of the number of timbers over four meter of ship length leads to an indicative index that helps in recognizing Dutch-flush shipbuilding in field-archaeology. But these latter two points are subject of a separate article. Acknowledgements The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research and all contributors to the project’s fieldwork and ‘final’ publication are most heartily thanked. The responsibility, however, for any interpretation beyond the documented data rests with the author. Notes 1 On-going research by Hell (cf. Hell & Gijsbers, 2012), see also Maarleveld & Overmeer, 2012. 2 The expression ’verifiable link’ figures in the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural

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Heritage. It is an important marker for integration of heritage approaches (Maarleveld, 2012).

References Bruijn, J.R., 1980. Scheepvaart in de Noordelijke Nederlanden 1580 – 1650. Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (NAGN) 7. Fibula-Van Dishoeck, Haarlem: 137-155. Casale, G., 2010. The Ottoman Age of Exploration. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Chirikure, S., Sinamai, A., Goagoses, E., Mubusisi, M. & Ndoro, W., 2010. Maritime Archaeology and Trans-Oceanic Trade: A Case Study of the Oranjemund Shipwreck Cargo, Namibia. Journal of Maritime Archaeology 5.1: 37-55. Coornaert, E., 1930. La draperie-sayetterie d’Hondschoote (XIVe-XVIIIe siècles). Un centre industriel d’autrefois. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris. Deyon, P., 2011. La France Baroque, 1589-1661. In: G. Duby, Histoire de la France. Larousse, Paris: 513 -558. Dillen, J.G. van, 1929-1974. Bronnen tot de geschiedenis van het bedrijfsleven en gildewezen van Amsterdam (RGP). Nijhoff, ‘s Gravenhage. Ebben, M., 2011. Apocalyps en Siglo de Oro, 1598-1700. In: R. Fagel & E. Storm (eds), Het land van Don Quichot. De Spanjaarden en hun geschiedenis. Athenaeum - Polak & Van Gennep, Amsterdam: 127-166. Elias, J.E., 1963. De Vroedschap van Amsterdam 1578 – 1795. Israel, Amsterdam. Fernández de Pinedo Fernández, E., 2007. Antecedentes de la Minería Española Contemporánea: La Minería en la Corona de Castilla (1515 – 1715). In: M.Á. Pérez de Perceval Verde, M.Á. López-Morell & A. Sánchez Rodríguez (eds), Minería y Desarrollo Económico en España. Sintesis, Madrid: 47-68. Geyl, P., 1948. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Stam. Deel I (Tot 1648) Herziene Uitgaaf. Wereldbibliotheek, Amsterdam/ Antwerpen [available at: www.dbnl.org]. Geyl, P., 1959. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Stam. Deel II (16481751) Herziene Uitgaaf. Wereldbibliotheek, Amsterdam/ Antwerpen [available at: www.dbnl.org]. Glamann, K., 1974. European Trade 1500 – 1700. In: C.M. Cipolla (ed.), The Fontana Economic History of Europe. Vol.2, The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Collins / Fontana, Glasgow: 427-526. Hell, M. & Gijsbers, W., 2012. Geborgen of gezonken, gered of verdronken. Papieren getuigen van scheepsrampen rond Texel (1575 - 1795). Tijdschrift voor Zeegeschiedenis 31.1: 42-59. Helmfrid, B., 1963. Norrköpings stads historia 1568-1719. Norstedt, Stockholm. Houtman-Desmedt, H., 1979. De Eindfase van de oorlog in het Zuiden 1633-1648. Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (NAGN) 6. Fibula-Van Dishoeck, Haarlem: 385-395. Israel, J.I., 1995. The Dutch Republic. Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477 – 1806. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Joosten, C. & Nienhuis, J., 2011, Slakinsluitsels in een smeed­ ijzeren baar uit het 17e eeuwse scheepswrak Aanloop Molengat. Internal report RCE, Amsterdam/Amersfoort.

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16. The Aanloop Molengat site (Wadden Sea, the Netherlands) and Europe anno 1635 Klein, P.W., 1965. De Trippen in de 17e eeuw: een studie over het ondernemersgedrag op de Hollandse stapelmarkt. Van Gorcum, Assen. Maarleveld, Th.J., 1993. Aanloop Molengat of lading als aanleiding. In: R. Reinders & A. van Holk (eds), Scheepslading. Inleidingen gehouden tijdens het zesde Glavimans symposion. Glavimans Stichting, Groningen: 32 - 43. Maarleveld, Th.J., 2006. Chapter 8, The Netherlands. In: Sarah Dromgoole (ed.), The Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. National Perspectives in Light of the UNESCO Convention 2001. Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden / Boston: 161-188. Maarleveld, Th.J., 2012. The maritime paradox: does international heritage exist? International Journal of Heritage Studies 18/4: 418-431. Maarleveld , Th.J., 2013. Early Modern Merchant Ships, Nicolaes Witsen and a Dutch-Flush Index. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 42.2: 348-357. Maarleveld, Th.J. & Overmeer, A.B.M., 2012. Aanloop Molengat – Maritime archaeology and intermediate trade during the

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Thirty Years’ War. Journal of Archaeology in the Low Countries 4: 95-149. Molenda, D., 2001. Polski Ołów na Rynkach Europy Środkowej w XIII-XVII Wieku. Studia i Materiały z Historii Kultury Materialnej LXIX. Polska Akademia Nauk, Warszawa. Pagès, G., 1972. La guerre de trente ans, 1618 – 1648. Payot, Paris. Poelhekke, J.J., 1953. Politieke ontwikkeling der Republiek onder Frederik Hendrik tot 1643. Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (AGN) VI. De Haan, Utrecht: 231-260. Posthumus, N.W., 1939. De geschiedenis van de Leidsche Lakenindustrie, Nijhoff, ‘s Gravenhage. Presser, J., 1975. De tachtigjarige oorlog. Elsevier, Amsterdam/ Brussel. Terhorst, T., 2011. Stageverslag Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed Afdeling Scheepsarcheologie. Internal report RCE/ UVA, Lelystad/Amsterdam. Witsen, N., 1671. Aeloude en Hedendaegsche Scheeps-bouw en Bestier. Casparus Commelijn, Broer en Jan Appelaer, Amsterdam.

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17. Artefacts from the late medieval Copper wreck (Gdańsk, Poland) Beata Możejko & Waldemar Ossowski

The Polish Maritime Museum in Gdańsk has been recording and excavating the remains of a shipwreck known as the Copper wreck, discovered in the Bay of Gdańsk, since the 1970s. This work has led to the recovery of a unique assemblage of artefacts comprising the ship’s cargo and the crew’s equipment. The shipwreck was discovered in 1969 during the course of a dredging operation in the roadstead of the port of Gdańsk, around 4 km north of the present-day entrance to the port. The wreck lay in a sand bed at a depth of approximately 15.5 m. Having been reported to the Polish Maritime Museum, it was recorded in the museum’s accession register as wreck W-5. In 1975 the largest surviving parts of the hull were brought to the surface together with the cargo. The recovery of further material continued up until 1981 (Smolarek, 1985). The shipwreck was relocated in 2011. Further work on the scattered remains around the main site was carried out in 2012, bringing to light additional parts of the cargo and individual artefacts (Ossowski, 2014a: 111-117).

What remains of the ship indicates that she sank because of a fire, evidenced by the burnt portions of many of the hull sections and much of the cargo. Having gone down, the ship then fell over onto her starboard side. The ship’s load and the mixed layer of molten tar, iron corrosion products and sand protected parts of the hull from degradation. It is estimated that the extant remains represent approximately one quarter to one fifth of the original hull (fig. 1). The most recent dendrochronological analysis of samples taken from the hull date its construction to after 1400. The timber used came from the territory of Gdańsk Pomerania (Krąpiec & Krąpiec, 2014). Jerzy Litwin’s publications, which include a detailed structural analysis of the Copper wreck, suggest that the ship was a holk, built in either Gdańsk or Elbląg. The hull’s state of preservation, in particular the absence of the stem, preclude a full reconstruction of its original appearance (Litwin, 1980; 1985; 2014). Among the goods being transported aboard this vessel were slabs of copper, barrels of iron, bundles of

Fig. 1. The Copper wreck. Distribution of cargo inside the shipwreck, 1975 (Drawing: Lech Nowicz).

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iron bars, oak staves, and barrels full of tar (Ossowski, 2014b). Attempts at estimating the weight of cargo being shipped indicate that at least 26,047.3 kg of goods were recovered (tab. 1). This amounts to 26.26% of the 99-ton load capacity calculated for the reconstructed hull of the Copper wreck (Ż�rodowski, 2014). Table 1. Copper wreck’s cargo. Material

assortment

copper iron iron iron tar / potash oak oak wax undefined

ingots bars in bundles flat bars in bundles nuggets in barrels barrels short planks long planks (wainscot) lumps barrels

number 226 63 11 44 15 243 96 40 15

total weight 1361.6 kg 10 458 kg ca 1870 ca 6600 kg ca 2250 kg 364.5 kg 883.2 kg ca 10 kg ca 2250 kg

The recovered portion of the cargo includes around ca 1361 kg of copper in the form of 226 porous oval slabs of various size with diameters of 13.8–61 cm. Individual slabs weigh from 1.65 kg up to 17.6 kg. In recent years the most modern analytical methods have been used to examine the Copper wreck’s cargo, thus providing a fuller picture of the transported raw materials and the techniques used in their manufacture (Garbacz, Rzadkosz & Suliga, 2014). Physicochemical analysis of the copper cargo has led to the identification of two grades of raw material differing in copper content and in the amount of impurities in the form of other elements. The composition of the grade I material falls within the following ranges: copper Cu 82.3–93.2%, lead Pb 1.23– 3.37%, tin Sn 0.95–2.89%, arsenic As 0.28%–1.53%, iron Fe 0.49–2.28% and trace quantities of silver. Grade II material is composed of: Cu 95.7–98.3%, Pb 0.023–1.25%, Sn 0.00%, As 0.69–1.28%, Fe 0.13–0.25% and trace quantities of silver. At present, we are, however, unable to say whether these differences are evidence of different raw material provenances, or whether they reflect the use of different copper extraction technologies. Other than copper, the greatest mass of recovered freight consisted of iron bars tied together in 63 bundles (fig. 2). These wedge-shaped iron bars are 50–60 cm long and 5–6 cm wide. A single bundle contains around 80 bars , weighing 109–235 kg in total. Moreover 11 bundles were discovered comprising longer and much thinner bars. These represent product blanks which were used for making tools and swords with a low carbon content. Most of the 74 barrels removed from the wreck site were filled with iron nuggets. The barrels are made of oak staves bound with hazel-wood hoops. The provenance of the iron is more difficult to determine. Iron was exported from Hungary, as evidenced by archival records, but another major producer at that time was Prussia, including Gdańsk, where unforged nodules of

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iron imported from Sweden were used to manufacture goods. Alongside the metals, another group of goods making up the Copper Wreck’s cargo were woodland products. Wood tar was transported in larger cylindrical barrels with capacities of 69–99 l. The excavation of the amidships section of the hull led to the discovery of over 40 lumps of wax weighing around 10 kg in total, which was a highly valued commodity at the time, primarily because of its demand for liturgical purposes (candles). Wax was procured almost exclusively from the Polish state’s eastern territories, particularly from Ruthenia – hence it was the trading domain of Lvov (Myśliwski, 2006). A large part of the cargo consisted of radially split wooden planks (wainscot). A total of 96 oak boards were found, measuring 1.8-2.5 m in length and up to 30 cm in width. They were used to make supports for panel paintings and in the production of tables, doors and stairs. Short staves measuring 79–85 cm long, up to 15 cm wide and 1.5–2.5 cm thick represent another type of timber product found on board the Copper wreck. Analysis of staves and planks reveals that they came from trees which grew in Gdańsk Pomerania and northeast Poland (Krąpiec & Krąpiec, 2014). Ceramic vessel sherds were also discovered on the shipwreck (Kościński, 2014). Most of this assemblage consists of pottery sherds from vessels of Western European origin – stoneware jugs from Siegburg, partially glazed pipkins from the Netherlands, as well as, probably locally made, reduced ware cooking pots. Like pottery found on other late medieval shipwrecks, this assemblage also demonstrates that stoneware jugs were commonly used aboard ships for storing, serving and drinking liquids. The pottery originating from the territories of present-day Belgium or Holland present in the shipwreck, but very rarely found in Gdańsk, may attest to the ship’s earlier voyages to ports in this region or a region where this kind of pottery was exported to. A fundamental feature of the crew’s diet was likely a daily hot meal in the form of a soup, stew or gruel served with melted fat or boiled meat. Plant remains noted on the shipwreck include onions, garlic (Badura, Możejko & Ossowski, 2013), broad beans and hazelnuts, walnuts and plum stones. The plant foods are composed of specimen that could have been stored for lengthy periods of time without losing their nutritional value and flavour – a particularly useful attribute on long sea voyages. Thus, it can be assumed that the plants listed above were part of the food rations for the ship’s crew. Other finds discovered on the Copper Wreck include elements of personal weapons and armour in the form of crossbow bolts and parts of a cuirass (Ossowski, 2014c). The ship was also equipped with one or more cannons, as evidenced by the presence of nine stone cannonballs made of igneous and sedimentary rock representing erratics from post-glacial sediments. Their diameters range from 9.4 cm to 12.5 cm, and their weight from 1006

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Fig. 2. The Copper wreck. Records made of iron bundles after their recovery.

g to 1925 g. The cannonballs were found in the amidships section of the vessel, suggesting that they had been positioned on the main deck. The goods stored in barrels, as well as the planks and bundles of iron bars, were stamped with merchants’ marks composed of a combination of lines set at various angles (fig. 3). The number of merchants’ marks noted on the surviving goods recovered from the Copper wreck indicates that the cargo may have belonged to several dozen owners. Unfortunately, the available written records studied to-date contain no references to the maritime disaster which befell this ship in 1408. Maritime disaster may have been noted in early 15th-century records if the crew survived or, more importantly, if the cargo being carried by the ship was washed ashore. When this happened, the crew (in particular the captain), the owners of the commodities, agents and merchants all made petitions to reclaim the washed up goods put in storage by those who found them. With no mention of the Copper wreck in written records, we may be dealing with a situation in which the crew may have survived, but the cargo was irrevocably lost. It has to be remembered that we do not

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have any comprehensive records for this period, so the existence of a reference about the sinking of a ship (if no claims were made on the cargo) was often a matter of chance. Thus, the following observations attempt to set both the wreck and its cargo in a broader context and present any analogies that could be found in extant primary sources. In the early 15th century, Toruń and Gdańsk were part of the Teutonic State in Prussia, whilst Krakow was capital of the Kingdom of Poland. As a result, trade between Toruń and Krakow was fraught with various difficulties arising from political tensions between the Teutonic Order and Poland and their often conflicting economic interests. The process of transportation taking Slovakian copper from Krakow to Flanders must have consisted of several stages and demanded an appropriate logistics strategy. Scholars have established that the greatest expansion of copper mines in Spiš, located along the Rivers Turiec, Nitra and Hron, took place during the 14th-century Angevin period. Copper mines of the time were located in two centres, the first encompassing Gelnica, Smolnik (Smolnitz), Rudabanya, Jelšava, Telkibánya, Rožňany

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123

Fig. 3. The Copper wreck. Merchants marks on barrel heads.

and Spišská Nová Ves. The second centre comprised an alliance of seven towns: Banská Š�tiavnica, Kremnica, Banská Bystrica, Libeta, Baka, Bélabánya and Ujbánya (Pieradzka, 1936). One of the principal trade centres for copper (as well as other commodities) was Koší� ce (Halaga, 1975). Copper was shipped from Hungary along the River Poprad, and then along the Dunajec and the Vistula to Krakow and then from from Krakow to Toruń, next along the Vistula to Gdańsk, from where the copper was sent by sea to Flanders (Kutrzeba, 2009: 179; Pieradzka,1936: 190-192). Bruges was at the time an important commercial centre with a Hanseatic kontor, whose merchants traded various commodities with Flanders and other parts of Western Europe. Merchants formed groups known as Flandernfahrer, the vast majority of them being townsmen from Lübeck, though customs lists and other records also mention residents from Toruń and Gdańsk (Oliński, 2001).

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This at least can be supposed from the accounts (1401–1402) of Kraków merchant and broker, Heinrich Smet, who twice undertook trade trips to Bruges, taking (amongst other things) copper via Toruń and Gdańsk (Pawiński, 1872: 58-73). It is worth taking a closer look at Heinrich Smet’s trade links, as they provide a good illustration of the supranational trade links of the day. On his journey to Bruges in 1401, he was escorting goods which included a consignment of copper. Heinirch Smet’s accounts reveal that copper imported from Slovakian/ Hungarian mines to Krakow in 1401 was weighed there, one hundredweight costing two Krakow marks (each worth 48 marks), being valued in Gdańsk at two grzywny and 22 skojce (scoti). The price of this raw material in Gdańsk in 1402 was identical. Further data is not available until the 1450s, which, because of inflation factors, means it cannot be used for comparative purposes. We know that in the late 1380s the price in Gdańsk of a

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Fig. 4. Copper transport in the 15th century: example of the Krakow travel of the merchant Heinrych Smet in 1401 and 1402 (drawing by Waldemar Ossowski).

hundredweight of copper ranged from three to five grzywny and six skojce (depending on the quality) (Hirsch, 1858: 258; Pieradzka, 1935: 195). In total, Heinrich Smet transported 107 hundredweights of copper (i.e. threeand-a-third last) in 1401. Other goods shipped in 1401 by this Krakow merchant included wax from Lvov and animal skins from Hungary. It can also be deduced from Smet’s records that copper was transported overland from Krakow to Toruń (fig. 4). In 1401 Heinrich Smet set off for Krakow on the 15th of March, appearing in Toruń on the 29th of March, whilst in 1402 he departed on the 16th of March and had already reached Toruń by the 25th of March. The second trip may have passed more quickly thanks to better weather conditions – the thawing of winter snows, etc. In Toruń, the copper being transported by Heinrich Smet was reloaded into barrels (25 in this instance) and taken on board what was probably a river ship. The goods were taken from Toruń directly to Gdańsk, where they were packed onto a seagoing vessel, probably a holk, which was to carry them to Bruges, or rather to its port – the town of Sluis. The journey by river from Toruń to Gdańsk would have taken no more than three days, whilst the passage from Gdańsk to Sluis may have taken anything from two weeks to over a month. The duration of a Hanseatic sea voyage was entirely dependent on the driving force of prevailing winds. We know that in

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1402 Heinrich Smet was in Toruń on Saturday the 25th of March, hence on the eve of Easter Sunday, thus it is doubtful that he would have set sail on this important religious feast day, unless he managed to depart on the Saturday. It is safest to assume that he embarked on his journey on the 27th of March, and we know that he was in Sluis by the 5th of May. Hence, the passage from Toruń to Gdańsk took three days, and though there is no certainty as to when he set off from Gdańsk to Sluis, his sea crossing would nonetheless have lasted several weeks. Unfortunately, the last recorded mention of Heinrich Smet dates from 1402 (his second voyage) – six years before the Copper wreck disaster. An important role in trade negotiations of the late 14th century was played by the Prussian merchant Johann Pilge, Lieger. As representative of the Großschäffer of Königsberg, Pilge sold grain, leather, furs, wax and various types of metal, including copper, on behalf of his Teutonic employer. Thus, he shipped consignments of broadcloth, herbs, spices, sugar and fruits that were exotic for the Hanseatic market, such as figs. To clear his transactions with the Großschäffer, Johann Pilge kept a book of accounts from 1391 to 1399 (Franzke, 2012). Its first page was stamped with a merchant’s mark depicting a cross pattée fitchée. The crucial piece of information here is that an identical mark appears on one of the barrels recovered from the Copper wreck. Bearing

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17. Artefacts from the late medieval Copper wreck (Gdańsk, Poland)

in mind the identical marks, the chronology of these events, and the fact Johann Pilge shipped copper to Bruges, we can conclude with some certainty that the doomed Copper wreck was also carrying his goods, and that the merchant’s mark on the barrel can be linked to him. Unfortunately, none of the other extant marks on the barrels from the Copper wreck correspond to Johann Pilge’s trade partners. In summary, it can be concluded that the written sources known to us do not record the sinking of the Copper wreck. Through the use of analogies and the analysis of extant sources we can, however, conclude that ships (in this case a holk) generally had several shareholders, and, likewise, cargos usually belonged to multiple owners. In the case of the Copper wreck, the fact that her cargo was the property of many individuals is evidenced by the number of extant merchants’ marks. These owners may have been from Gdańsk (e.g. Johann Pilge), but also from Toruń and Krakow. It cannot be precluded (without detailed identification of the merchants’ marks) that representatives from Lübeck were also among the proprietors of the cargo aboard the Copper wreck. References Badura, M., Możejko, B. & Ossowski, W., 2013. Bulbs of onion (Allium cepa L.) and garlic (Allium sativum L.) from the 15th-century Copper Wreck in Gdańsk (Baltic Sea): a part of victualing? Journal of Archaeological Science 40: 4066-4072. Franzke, C.A., 2012. Die persönlichen Handelrechnungen des Preussischen Kaufmanns Johannes Plige (1391-1399). Hansische Geschichtsblätter 130: 1-59. Garbacz-Klempka, A., Rzadkosz, S. & Suliga, I., 2014. The cargo of the Copper Ship in the light of metallurgical research. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 301-338. Halaga, O.A., 1975. Košice – Balt. Vỳroba a obchod v styku vỳchodoslovenskỳch miest s Pruskom (1275-1526). Košice. Hirsch, Th., 1858. Danzigs Handels-und Gewerbsgeschichte unter der Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens. Leipzig. Kościński, B., 2014. The pottery. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 393-418. Krąpiec, M. & Krąpiec, P., 2014. Dendrochronological analysis of the Copper Ship’s structural timbers and timber cargo. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 143-160.

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Kutrzeba, S., 2009. Finanse i handel średniowiecznego Krakowa, Kraków (reprint). Litwin, J., 1980. “The copper wreck”. The wreck of a medieval ship raised by the Central Maritime Museum in Gdańsk. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 9:3: 217-225. Litwin, J., 1985. The copper ship of Gdańsk Bay; recent recoveries from wreck, cargo and site. In: J. Haarmann (ed.) 5th International Congress of Maritime Museums Proceedings, Hamburg: 42-50. Litwin, J., 2014. Medieval Gdańsk – centre of shipbuilding and maritime trade on the Baltic. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 15-56. Możejko, B., 2014. Shipping and maritime trade in Gdańsk at the turn of the 14th century: the maritime and commercial background of the sinking of the Copper Ship in 1408. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 57-76. Myśliwski, G., 2006. Strefa sudecko-karpacka i Lwów. In: S. Gawlas (ed.), Ziemie polskie wobec zachodu. Studia nad rozwojem średniowiecznej Europy, Warszawa: 247-319. Oliński, P., 2011. Przedstawiciele kupiectwa toruńskiego w Brugii w latach 1360-1390. Zapiski Historyczne, 66.1: 7-21. Ossowski, W., 2014a. The Copper Ship excavations. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 77-120. Ossowski, W., 2014b. The Copper Ship’s cargo. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 241-300. Ossowski, W., 2014c. Equipment and personal belongings from the Copper Ship. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 339-386. Pawiński, A., 1872. Notatki kupca krakowskiego w podróży do Flandryi z r. 1401-1402. Biblioteka Warszawska 3: 58-73. Pieradzka, K., 1936. Trzy wieki stosunków handlowych pomiędzy Gdańskiem a Węgrami, Rocznik Gdański 9/10: 191-197. Smolarek, P., 1985. The Development of the Archaeology of Boats and Ships in Poland. In: C.O. Cederlund (ed.), Postmedieval Boat and Ship Archaeology. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology. BAR International Series 256, Oxford: 421-437. Żrodowski, C., 2015. An attempt to create a digital reconstruction of the Copper Ship. In: W. Ossowski (ed.), The Copper Ship. A medieval ship and its cargo. Badania Archeologiczne Narodowego Muzeum Morskiego w Gdańsku 2, Gdańsk: 197-240.

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18. Shipwreck distribution: a spatial analysis of shipwrecks in the province of Flevoland (the Netherlands) Yftinus van Popta

This paper is based on research carried out by the author at the University of Groningen, and of which the preliminary results were presented at the International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology 13. The main objective of the research was to provide spatial information on the distribution of shipwrecks in the province of Flevoland. Until now, no reliable overview of shipwrecks was available, although many sources claimed to know the amount of wrecks and the location of wreck sites in Flevoland. It is however crucial for research with a spatial component to be able to rely on primary sources like databases and distribution maps. Therefore, a database was made that (1) contains primary information on all shipwrecks in Flevoland and (2) is connected to a Geographic Information System (GIS) in order to provide spatial information. Before these sources are introduced, a short history is given of the area of research. From land to lake The province of Flevoland represents a reclaimed part of the former Zuiderzee: a large inland see that was connected to the North Sea and situated in the heart of the Netherlands. In the past, this area was largely influenced by fluvial and marine sedimentation (Menke et al., 1998: 15) and has altered from an area with lakes (Flevomeer phase; pre-roman period) into one large lake with the characteristics of a lagoon (Almere phase; early medieval) into an inland sea (Zuiderzee phase; late medieval – AD 1932) and finally into an artificial lake and polder (IJsselmeer phase; > AD 1932). The Zuiderzee phase is the most important phase in this research as almost all shipwrecks are late medieval or post-medieval and therefore related to the era of the Zuiderzee. The development of the Zuiderzee is however more complicated than we might expect, as there are multiple transitions. For example, the geographical transition from Almere to Zuiderzee started in the 12th century after several storm tides had created a connection between

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the North Sea and the Almere (Buisman, 1995: 362). The geological and biological transition was very gradual: the water in the south and west part of the sea remained largely fresh until the 17th century (Hogestijn, 1992: 107109). The historical transition happened in the 13th century and is based on the first time that the word Zuiderzee (in this case Sudersee) is mentioned in a written source (van der Heide, 1965: 15). It means that the oldest known shipwrecks in Flevoland, dating back to the 13th century, can be related to both the Almere (geological, biological) and the Zuiderzee (geographical and historical). In this case, a combination of geographical and historical data is used to determine the transition from Almere into Zuiderzee at the beginning of the 13th century. From object-orientated to spatial There is no doubt that shipwrecks, of which many have been surveyed in Flevoland, are of great importance as archaeological sources, but they are too often documented as isolated and materialistic objects, without considering historical, political, social and geographical context. There is need for new interdisciplinary approaches in modern day maritime research. Much more should be done with the large amounts of data; wreck contexts should be assessed and synthesized and a spatial dimension should be added. This would improve maritime archaeological explanation and theory and opens up new ways to analyse shipwrecks in Flevoland. The maritime cultural landscape is one of the most important theoretical concepts within maritime archaeology (Westerdahl, 2008) and very suitable for an interdisciplinary and spatial approach. The concept has never been applied to one of the most important Dutch maritime landscapes: the Zuiderzee. The aim of my PhD-research is to reconstruct and investigate the maritime cultural landscape of the Zuiderzee in the period of c. AD 1100 – 1400, using the theoretical approach proposed by Westerdahl and

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Fig. 1. Spatial distribution of the 423 shipwrecks in the province of Flevoland (Map: Y.T. van Popta/RuG).

projecting it on the Zuiderzee in order to contribute to the development of a theoretical framework for modern day maritime archaeological research in the Netherlands. It focuses on the interrelation between landscape

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development (geomorphology), occupation (eroded settlements), shipping (wrecks) and the socio-economic background by integrating and comparing the information obtainable from the never thoroughly exploited

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– yet innately relevant – dataset of historical, geological and (maritime) archaeological data from the Zuiderzee. Creating a spatial and digital workspace/dimension for my PhD-research with basic information and some first interpretations/results was the primary goal of this research. Shipwrecks in Flevoland There are multiple sources that contain information on shipwrecks in Flevoland (e.g. databases, archives, websites), although none of them is considered to be complete or fully reliable. It is, however, of great importance that spatial research is based on a reliable dataset. Therefore, a new database was created (Shipwreck Database Flevoland) that contains expert judged data of all available sources on shipwrecks in Flevoland, resulting in 423 records with primary information on type of ship, date (construction and wreckage) and site location (fig. 1). These 423 records should not be interpreted as the total amount of shipwrecks in Flevoland. There are multiple reasons to believe that Flevoland contained many more wrecks. First of all, multiple young (iron) shipwrecks were removed shortly after the reclamation of land was finished, with poor to none documentation as a result. Second, every now and then a new wreck is discovered due to disturbance of the soil (e.g. ploughing, draining, construction work): shipwrecks that are positioned just below the surface are discovered relatively quick, but the chance of discovering a wreck at a depth of 3 or 4 m below the surface is small. Furthermore, there are parts of Flevoland, like the Oostvaardersplassen, that are designated as nature reserve; in other words, the soil in those parts cannot be disturbed, leaving no chance to find shipwrecks. Finally, there is a possibility that discovered shipwrecks are not reported by landowners. The totality of the 423 shipwrecks is not documented in the same way: in some cases the type of ship or date of wreckage is unclear and in other cases only general coordinates of wreck sites are available. All this information is also incorporated in the database. As the database is created in a Microsoft Access-format, all data can be uploaded to spatial computer programs. Density analysis The information of the Shipwreck Database Flevoland is uploaded in a Geographic Information System (GIS), in this case ArcGIS, that contains topographic information on the province of Flevoland. The wreck sites are represented by dots without a spatial dimension. A buffer of 500 m is created among each point for several reasons: (1) a wreck site does not necessarily has to represent the place of wreckage, (2) each wreck site needs to be visible

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on a map as an area with spatial characteristics, and (3) a wreck site is more than the shipwreck itself, it can also contain ship structure and parts of the inventory in its immediate surroundings. The first step in making a density map of the shipwrecks was to create a grid that covers the whole province of Flevoland. In order to prevent biases that are based on the orientation of the grid (north-south orientation), multiple test-grids were made with different cell sizes: cells of 1 km2 (1x1 km), 4 km2 (2x2 km), 9 km2 (3x3 km) and 16 km2 (4x4 km). The grid with cell sizes of 1 km2 was chosen for the overall interpretation of the shipwreck density as it has the highest resolution. The second step was to calculate the average density of shipwrecks in Flevoland. Based on 423 sites, there is an average of 0,30 shipwrecks per km2 (van Popta, 2012: 98). Some distinction can be made between the three main regions of Flevoland: the average density per km2 in the Noordoostpolder is 0,39 shipwrecks, in Eastern Flevoland 0,28 and in Southern Flevoland 0,22. These differences in density are caused by several factors. First of all, many shipwrecks are found by ploughing as a plough can hit a wreck and pieces of wood become exposed. It means that there is a low hit ration in finding shipwrecks within an area with a high degree of urbanization, although wrecks can be found when soil is disturbed for the construction of houses and other kinds of infrastructure. A second factor that causes regional differences in shipwreck density is the laying of drainpipes that can remove the constant surplus of surface water. The drainage density is much higher in the Noordoostpolder (8-16 m between pipes) than in eastern and southern Flevoland (24-48 m). A third factor is the moment of reclamation: the Noordoostpolder has a longer history of research as it was reclaimed in 1942-1943, whereas Eastern Flevoland was reclaimed in 1957 and Southern Flevoland in 1968. With all these biases in mind, the results of the density analysis can be examined. The areas with the highest and lowest densities were selected in ArcGIS for further examination, providing seven clear concentrations of shipwrecks and 12 large empty areas (fig. 2). There is however a way of reasoning that needs to be explained before an interpretation can be made concerning the lack or presence of shipwrecks. For example, if a large concentration of shipwrecks is found in some part of Flevoland, does it mean that it represents a busy shipping lane or the nearness of an important seaport? Or, does it mean that the concentration of wrecks represents an avoidable place that caused the wreckage of many ships (e.g. shallows and sandbanks)? An answer to these questions can differ for each of the pinpointed concentrations and low-density areas and can only be found if the presence or absence of wrecks is related to the maritime cultural landscape.

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Fig. 2. The largest areas with a low density are depicted on the left map. The right map contains the most clear and relevant high-density spots. 1: Kuinre, 2: Schokland, 3: IJssel estuary, 4: Zuiderzee junction, 5: Elburg, 6: Pampus, 7: southeast corner of the Zuiderzee (Map: Y.T. van Popta/RuG, see also: van Popta, 2012).

Fig. 3. Historical map of the Zuiderzee on which an unknown island is depicted (Detail from map: Provinces Unies des Pays Bas, 1648: Y.T. van Popta/RuG).

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Low density and lost islands It is beyond the scope of this article to explain all the low and high density spots in Flevoland. Therefore, the choice was made to focus on the most interesting and eye-catching ones. Of all the low density spots, the largest one is also considered to be one of the most interesting areas. In this case, the area corresponds largely with a nature reserve called Oostvaardersplassen (fig. 2, low density area 7 and 11). The total size of this low density spot is approximately 72 km2 and there are only two shipwrecks known within it. Based on the overall density of 0,3 shipwrecks for each km2, the expected amount of shipwrecks within this area could reach 20 or more. The difference between the expected and known amount of shipwrecks in this area can be explained by the fact that the soil in this reserve is still largely undisturbed. Many shipwrecks were found during ploughing and draining, but as the Oostvaardersplassen is a nature reserve, no soil disturbance is allowed. It means that there are definitely shipwrecks in this area, but not yet found. Another interesting low density spot is found in the Noordoostpolder region, approximately 7 km north of the former island Urk (fig. 3). This spot has a size of almost 12 km2 and corresponds roughly with an unknown island. Unknown, in this case, means: the island is only depicted on a map of the Zuiderzee that is called Provinces Unies des Pays Bas (1648). There is no information or documentation on the origin and name of this island. It could, on the one hand, mean that the map is incorrect and that the producer made a mistake by drawing Urk twice. On the other hand, the shape of the island could also represent a shallow part of the Zuiderzee or a former (flooded) island. This could also explain the lack of shipwrecks within the area. Neither way, archaeological research (coring) is necessary to provide an explanation for this low density spot.

Medieval Kuinre gained considerable influence, not only attributable to the so-called Lords of Kuinre, but also to its strategic location near the Zuiderzee coast (Mooijweer, 1992: 127; de Boer et al., 2001: 9). Moreover, as sailing formed the principle mode of bulk transport in the 16th century, and considering the maritime and fluvially strategic position of Kuinre, it was perhaps primed to become of socio-economic importance. In addition, many objects of archaeological importance, such as pottery fragments, animal bones, bricks and cannons have been found in the reclaimed area near Kuinre, corresponding with the high density area. It is very probable that these objects originate from Kuinre, its castles, ships or submerged settlements in the surroundings.

High density and former seaports Of the seven high density spots in Flevoland, the concentration near the settlement of Kuinre is the most remarkable. It has the highest density of shipwrecks in the whole province of Flevoland, as there are 15 known shipwrecks within an area of only 8 km2 and five of these wrecks are positioned within 1 km2 (van Popta, 2012, 101). The shipwreck density in this area is 16 times higher than the average density in Flevoland. There seems to be a connection between the concentration of wrecks and the former seaport of Kuinre. Although Kuinre is one of the smallest seaports along the east coast of the Zuiderzee, yet it played a remarkably important but hardly known role in Dutch history. The relicts of multiple castles, a sconce, many shipwrecks and also written sources nonetheless testify to this past importance.

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Fig. 4. Concentration of shipwrecks near the island of Schokland with information on the date of wreckage. The historical map of 183-1855 is used as basis (Y.T. van Popta/RuG).

Another high density spot is related to the former island of Schokland. It has a size of approximately 18 km2 and embeds the remains of 22 ships (fig. 4). The distribution of shipwrecks in this area can be split up in two smaller concentrations, one just north of the island and the other one on the southwest side. There is no doubt that the presence of shipwrecks in this area is related to the island of Schokland because (1) the settlements

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on Schokland could only be reached by ships, (2) fishing was the main occupation of the islanders and (3) the island itself functioned as a roadstead during storms (Geurts, 1991: 41). The former island of Urk is also highlighted on the density map, although it has a lower density than Schokland. A third clear concentration is situated near the estuary of the IJssel river, with a size of 15 km2 and 20 known shipwrecks. The link between this area and the IJssel river is clear: for centuries, there has been intensive shipping towards and from the IJssel river in order to reach important ports like Kampen, Deventer, Zwolle and Zutphen (Bosscher et al., 1973: 61). The already mentioned way of reasoning that more ships sank on busy shipping routes seems to explain this situation, although the estuary of the IJssel in time became a shallow and dangerous place for ships, due to the continuous transportation of sand by the river IJssel. To conclude This research is a first step in understanding 500 years of Zuiderzee in a spatial way. The distribution of shipwrecks is definitely not random, as is depicted in figs 1 and 2, but instead highlights areas with high and low densities. There is a unique explanation for each one of them: a low density can mean that the soil is undisturbed and shipwrecks therefore are not found yet (e.g. Oostvaardersplassen). It can also mean that a low density area represents an inaccessible place (e.g. shallows) for ships. High densities of shipwrecks can also be linked to shallows as ships could wreck on, for example, sand banks. However, there seems to be a stronger connection between shipwrecks, settlements/islands and shipping routes (e.g. Kuinre, Schokland and the IJssel estuary). It means, in overall terms, that the distribution of shipwrecks in Flevoland is caused by cultural (contemporary and historical) and natural environmental

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factors. The results contribute in the first place to a better spatial understanding of the Zuiderzee and are a first step in evaluating the dynamics of the maritime cultural landscape as a whole. References Boer, P.C., Doesburg, J. van & Hanraets, A.E.M., 2001. Burchten op de bodem van de zee: aanvullend archeologisch onderzoek naar de burchten van Kuinre. Rijksdienst voor Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, Amersfoort. Bosscher, P.M., Heide, G.D. van der, Vlis, D. van der & Vroom, U.E.E., 1973. Het hart van Nederland: steden en dorpen rond de Zuiderzee. De Boer, Bussum. Buisman, J., 1995. Duizend jaar weer, wind en water in de lage landen. Deel 1: tot 1300. Van Wijnen, Franeker. Geurts, A.J., 1991. Schokland: de historie van een weerbarstig eiland. Walburg Pers, Zutphen. Heide, G.D. van der, 1965. Archeologie van de Zuiderzeebodem. Museum voor Scheepsarcheologie Ketelhaven, Ketelhaven. Hogestijn, J.W.H., 1992. Schokland in de late Middeleeuwen. In: N. Huizinga, Schokland revisited. Cultuur Historisch Jaarboek voor Flevoland. Walburg Pers, Zutphen: 95-112. Menke, U., Laar, E. van de & Lenselink, G., 1998. Flevobericht nr. 415. De geologie en bodem van Zuidelijk Flevoland. Rijkswaterstaat, Directie IJsselmeergebied, Lelystad. Mooijweer, J., 1992. ‘De “status” van Kuinre, Blokzijl en Zwartsluis gedurende het Ancien Régime.’ Overijsselse historische bijdragen: verslagen en mededelingen van de Vereeniging tot Beoefening van Overijsselsch Regt en Geschiedenis 107: 115-144. Popta, Y.T. van, 2012. Knooppunt Zuiderzee. Een ruimtelijke analyse van scheepsvindplaatsen in Flevoland. Paleoaktueel 23: 97-104. Westerdahl, C., 2008. Fish and Ships. Towards a Theory of Maritime Culture. Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv 30. Wissenschaftliches Jahrbuch des Deutchen Schiffahrts­ museums 2007: 191-236.

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19. Children in maritime communities of practice Morten Ravn

Maritime communities face the sea and interact with it on a daily basis. This interaction forms both a community of practice and an identity among the community’s members. The process of becoming an experienced member of a community of practice is socially constructed. The traditions and tricks of the trade are transferred from one generation to another in a dialectic interaction between the individuals and the structure of the community. In historic maritime communities of practice, many basic skills were learned and adopted during childhood. Children became involved, and thus acculturated, by watching able seamen and fishermen at work, hearing maritime tales and re-enacting situations related to life at sea. Viking-Age ship models, interpreted as toy boats, are used here as an archaeological example of how toys might be understood as tools, allowing children, through play, to make first contact with seamanship and perceptions of life at sea. Communities of practice A community of practice should be understood as a specific practice that is shared by actors and which is defined and delimited by the structure of the practice community. By focusing on practice, the relationship between the actor and the structure becomes the focus of attention. The actor and the structure are placed on an equal footing and are not perceived as working against each other. They only exist in the context of their relationship and they can only be understood in their totality, by studying the relationship between them (Hjelmslev, 1966: 21-22). A community of practice is both unique and universal. It is unique in the sense that it is determined by social and resource conditions, and, consequently, by time and place. It is universal in the sense that the common practice creates a relationship across time and place.

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Paticipation Educational theorist Etienne Wenger has worked extensively with communities of practice. According to Wenger, the community of practice is characterised by relationships between three types of participation: ‘full participation’, ‘legitimate peripheral participation’ and ‘marginal participation’. The relations between the participants and the structure of the community are analysed through the concepts of: ‘negotiation of meaning’, ‘learning in practice’, ‘creation of community’ and ‘creation of identity’ (Wenger, 1998: 5, 47-102). When ­children play, and thus approach the community of practice, they can be perceived as marginal participants. They have a desire to one day become part of the adults’ community of practice. Their actions, i.e. the play, will not be perceived as directly contributing to the community of practice, but once their actions are no longer regarded as a game, but as legitimate participation, their activities then become legitimate within the structure of the community of practice, but peripheral in relation to its full members (Østergaard, 2009: 137). Toy boats Ship models are an archaeological group of artefacts that might help clarify maritime learning in historical times. Ship models are found all over Europe and were produced in many different shapes and sizes (fig. 1). Some are extremely detailed and several of these are interpreted as toy boats, even with holes for the mast and oars (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1997: 172). It is also likely that miniature anchors and sails were used with the toy boats (Drescher, 1983: 184). Children of the past, who grew up in maritime lifemodes, have followed and marginally participated in the adults’ work of fishing, trans-shipment of goods,

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Fig. 1. Ship model/Toy boat excavated at Haithabu. Note the hole, probably for the mast, and the numerous oar holes. The hole to the right could have been used for the attachment of a side rudder (Drawing: Wikinger Museum, Haithabu).

building and maintaining boats and ships etc. They have heard sailors talk about long voyages and military expeditions to distant places, and perhaps their father, mother, uncle or the children themselves have made a toy boat. Through maritime-oriented play, e.g. with toy boats, the long voyages and dangerous adventures were constructed anew. Together with the marginal participation, their play prepared the children for later legitimate, peripheral participation. The transfer of tradition in a community of practice begins with the youngest of the marginal participants, the children. Through a growing participation and reification, children form the basic preconditions for the subsequent actual learning process. Children’s play is an important element in the mobilisation of labour and the continued creation of knowledge and skills within the community of practice and society in general. Acknowledgements

References Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1997. Viking-Age Ships and Shipbuilding in Hedeby/Haitabu and Schleswig. Ships & Boats of the North, Vol. 2. The National Museum of Denmark, The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde and Archäologisches Landesmuseum der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseum, Schleswig and Roskilde. Drescher, H., 1983. Metalhandwerk des 8.-11. Jahrhunderts in Haithabu auf Grund der erstattabfälle. In: H. Jahnkuhn, W. Janssen, R. Schmidt-Wiegand & H. Tiefenbach (eds), Das handwerk in vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Zeit. Teil 2. Vandenhoeck, Göttingen: 174-192. Hjelmslev, L., 1966. Omkring sprogteoriens grundlæggelse. Akademisk Forlag, København. Østergaard, M.K., 2009. Livsformer og maritim identitetskonstruktion i Marstal. Unpublished master’s thesis. University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen. Wenger, E., 1998. Communities of practice. Learning, meaning, and identity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

For help and support I would like to thank research coordinator Anton Englert, The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, and Diarmuid Kennan, ABC Translation.

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20. Trekvaart Landscape. Canals, towpaths and barges in 17th-century Groningen (the Netherlands) Reinder Reinders

The trekvaart landscape comprises the network of canals (trekvaarten), constructed for passenger transportation, and associated elements such as towpaths (trekpaden), tollgates, ferry houses and barges (trekschuiten). In this paper I shall focus on this landscape in the province of Groningen. In the late 16th century, the city of Groningen was in Spanish hands – until 1594. In that year the city was taken after a siege by Stadtholder Willem Lodewijk of Nassau, and the entire Province of Groningen (Stad en Lande) became part of the Republic of the Seven United Provinces. The Republic was fighting to shake off Spanish rule during the Eighty Years’ War, from 1568 until 1648. Groningen was an inland port

situated on the Reitdiep, a canalized, tidal river. A tortuous sailing route - via Reitdiep, Lauwerszee, Waddenzee and Friese Gat - connected the city with the North Sea. Network of trekvaart routes In the 17th century, the City and the Province of Groningen established a dense network of canals (trekvaarten) and towpaths which connected the port of Groningen with many villages in the hinterland (fig. 1). Horse-drawn barges provided a reliable passenger transport system, which remained in use until the end

Fig. 1. Network of 17th-century canals (trekvaarten) in the province of Groningen (Map: the author).

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of the 19th century, when railways took over. As early as the beginning of the 17th century, perhaps even from 1594, there was already a regular ferry service between Groningen and the seaport of Delfzijl, an intiative of the the City of Groningen. In 1654 the Fivelingo service was taken over by the Province (Reinders et al., 2013). The City of Groningen invested considerable capital in establishing the trekvaart route to Oldambt, the eastern part of the province, and to the extensive peat-cutting districts which were exploited by the City. It is not exactly known when the City of Groningen opened the first section of the canal to the Oldambt district. Jan de Vries believes that a ferry service was run between Groningen and Zuidbroek by as early as 1622 (de Vries, 1981). Meindert Schroor disagrees, and argues that it was not before 1654 that the first canal-and-towpath route in the province of Groningen was constructed (Schroor, 1991). At any rate, an ordinance regarding the scheduled service to Zuidbroek was published in 1628. In my opinion, the first ferry between Groningen and Foxhol was already operated by 1612 when the connection between river Hunze and Foxhol came about; the service was later extended to Zuidbroek (1628), Winschoten (1631) and Nieuweschans on the German border (1696). The construction of a connection between Groningen, the villages of the Westerkwartier district, and Dokkum in Friesland was a large-scale enterprise, a joint initiative of the City of Dokkum and the Province of Groningen. In 1652 a patent was granted for the construction of a canal. The City of Dokkum spent no less than 250 thousand guilders on the construction of the Stroobosser Trekvaart, the canal linking Dokkum to Stroobos on the border between the two provinces. The connection was completed in 1656, allowing the first barges to cover the distance of 46 km between Groningen and Dokkum in just seven hours; that is almost 7 km/h. An interesting map of the canal to Stroobos was drawn by Beckeringh, who travelled by barge while engaged in mapping the province of Groningen (Reinders et al., 2013: 41). However, this was not the first scheduled service between the two provinces. Between 1594 and 1656 a service is known to have been operated between Leeuw­ arden and Groningen, as can be seen on a map of 1646. In the early 17th century no fewer than 20 barges at Groningen were used on this route. Presumably these early services made use of existing waterways and nat­ ural watercourses; the barges were perhaps also equipped with a sail to cross the Bergumer Meer and they used the Kolonelsdiep canal that was dug around 1575 by the Spanish Stadtholder Casper de Robles (Reinders et al., 2013: 22). The Groningen network was linked, via Dokkum and Leeuwarden in Friesland, and across the Zuiderzee, to the canals of Holland and the western Netherlands. The trekvaart networks in Holland and Groningen were different in that in Holland the network interconnected cities, while in Groningen it radiated from the port of Groningen to numerous villages in its hinterland. The

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connection between Dokkum and Groningen was a bold joint venture, but soon problems arose and the service was divided into two separate parts, with passengers having to change barges at Stroobos. Between 1660 and 1664, the agricultural north of Groningen was connected to the city with the completion of the four-pronged, later three-pronged, route into Hunsingo. The construction of these canals and towpaths was another initiative of the Province of Groningen. Soon after the construction of the official - publicly - funded routes, private initiatives were taken to connect villages to the network of canals. In 1659 the village of Slochteren was connected to the Groningen-Delfzijl route via the Slochter Trekvaart canal (fig. 1). Trekvaart landscape Important components of the trekvaart landscape include not only the canals, but also the towpaths and posts along the route. As an example of a trekvaart, the Warffumerdiep of 1664 is shown; not a straight canal, because existing natural watercourses were used in the construction of this route (fig. 2). The network of canals was used not only by trekschuiten, the passenger barges, but also by regular freight services in beurtschepen, by barges carrying bulk cargo, and by market boats from small villages heading to Groningen with passengers and goods on market days. Like many other villages in Hunsingo, Stitswerd had its own small harbour, or rather, a swing basin for the market boat (fig. 2). Each route had its own towpath along one side of the canal, to be used by the horses (or people) that pulled the barges. Skippers were not allowed to berth their boats alongside a towpath. Along the route, signposts indicated distances, and posts with rollers facilitated the passing of canal bends without the barge running into the convex bank. The trekvaart landscape comprised not only canals, towpaths and posts with rollers but also ferry houses, quayside taverns, stabling facilities for horses, hay barns, tollbooths, tollgates, bridges to cross side-channels, quays, revetments, locks and bridgemasters’ and lockkeepers’ houses. Figure 2 shows the changeline bridge near the stopover at Haene Til listed as a protected monument. At the starting point of each route in the city of Groningen, taverns served as ferry houses. Many taverns had stabling facilities – called snikstal – for the horses that pulled the barges. One of the taverns provided stabling for as many as 120 horses. The ferries to Foxhol and Oldambt departed from quays near a small gate in the city walls as indicated on a 17th-century map: foxholler veer and oldamster veer. By the 1870s the situation had not changed very much; the ferry house on the corner, to the left, is nowadays a restaurant (fig. 2). Along the routes, stopovers were situated near tollgates or bridges; they were pick-up points for passengers.

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Fig. 2. Trekvaart landscape (Map: the author).

Taverns with stables sprang up where barges required a change of horses; for instance the tavern at the stopover Ten Post (fig. 2). Mind the winding course of the canal,

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the towpath, rollers and the tavern near the bridge. Another example is the stopover near the bridge called

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Fig. 3. Farry outside the Ebbingepoort gate, city of Groningen (Photo: Fr. Jul. Von Kolkow, collectie Groninger Achieven, 1785-13589).

Bieuwketil. The bridge and ferry house are both listed as protected monuments, but unfortunately not the canal. Barges, crew and passengers Relatively little is known about the barges that performed the ferry services. Until the 19th century the barges were made of wood, and afterwards iron hulls were used. The common name for a barge in Groningen was snik, the skipper was called a snikvaarder and the jockey a jager or snikjong. None of the many barges have survived, but photographs and models give a clear idea of the two types that were used in the 19th century, called farry and barge. The farry had a cabin and an open fore and aft deck. The tow mast was moveable, to enable the barge to pass under a fixed bridge (a til). The mast could be moved towards starboard or to port, depending on the sailing direction, to facilitate a straight course. The barge was larger than a farry and was drawn by two horses. A photograph taken of a farry outside the Ebbingepoort gate in the city of Groningen clearly shows two tubular mast steps for moving the mast to starboard or port (fig. 3). A drawing of the barge between Harlingen and

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Leeuwarden was published in 1838 by Van Loon; 20 m long, 3.30 m wide, perfectly adapted to the narrow and shallow canals (fig. 4). The barges were operated by crews of three: the skipper at the helm, his mate at the mast to hitch and unhitch the towline running from the mast to the horse on the towpath. Lowering and raising the mast was another task for the mate. A commissioner supervised the departure and arrival of the barges and collected the fares. A jager or snikjong (jockey), often a boy, would ride the horse that pulled the barge. Up to 20-30 passengers would sit on the benches in the cabin, which was usually separated into a first- and a second-class compartment. Ordinances for each route provide information about departure times in summer and winter and the fares for the trip. From Groningen, barges departed to Winschoten twice daily, and four times a day to Zuidbroek. Fares for the trip from Groningen to Winschoten and intermediate stopovers were modest. Toll collection Along each trekvaart route, tolls were collected to cover maintenance expenditures. The Province of Groningen

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Fig. 4. Barge designed by Van Loon (1838).

levied tolls from the extensive network of trekvaarten in the districts of Westerkwartier, Hunsingo and Fivelingo, to the west and north; and Groningen City did so along the trekvaart to Oldambt, the eastern part of the province. Passenger barges were toll-free; other barges were charged, while tolls were also levied on the use of the towpath by travelers and their animals. For the collection of tolls, the towpath could be closed by a gate like the tollgate at Onderdendam. This was situated at a strategic point where the three Hunsingo routes converged. Adults, animals and boats using the canal or the towpath were charged for each section of the route. Many boats, other than the barges for passenger transportation were in fact towed by men, women or even children. Unfortunately not one of the tollbooths or -gates along the trekvaart routes survives, but a photograph taken around 1930 gives an excellent impression of a tollgate and tollbooth-cum-tavern near the stopover at Foxhol (fig. 2). Trekvaart heritage In the 18th and 19th centuries, the network of routes was considerably expanded, and many villages operated their own ferry service or market boat to the city of Groningen. Many elements of the trekvaart heritage are preserved in the waterway landscape of Groningen

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and deserve to be protected in relation to each other, rather than as separate monuments as is now the case: a ‘canalscape’ as integral element of the maritime cultural landscape of Groningen. In my view the Cultural Heritage Agency and the Province of Groningen should take the initiative to develop an integrated plan of protection and development and to coordinate existing initiatives to promote boating on the canals, cycling on towpaths, relaxing in old ferry houses and skating tours in wintertime. The network of trekvaarten in the province of Groningen is an important part of the region’s cultural heritage, and offers excellent opportunities for recreational development in a historically meaningful context. References Loon, F.L. van, 1838. Handleiding tot den burgerlijken scheepsbouw. Workum. Reinders, H.R., Westing, H. van, Abelen, T., Anker, E., Boersma, F., Krist, J. & Volkerink, D., 2013. Trekschuiten in de provincie Groningen. In: J. van den Akker & R. Oosting (eds), Maritiem Cultuurlandschap. Amsterdam: 21-60. Schroor, M., 1991. Trekvaarten in Friesland en Groningen. Noorderbreedte (themanummer): 20-23. Vries, J. de, 1981. Barges and Capitalism. Passenger transportation in the Dutch economy (1632-1839). Utrecht.

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21. Big and small business. The Mediterranean trade relations of Antiphellos (Kaş, Turkey) Michaella Reinfeld

Introduction The modern harbour town Kaş, ancient Antiphellos, is located in Lycia on one of the most frequented sea routes of the ancient world. From the Lycian coast merchant ships reached the Aegean in a short time, or they went further with favourable northwest winds, to Cyprus, the coast of the Levant and Egypt. The discovery of the Bronze Age shipwreck at Cape Uluburun near Kaş is one of the most significant pieces of evidence of a Mediterranean trading network, which was based on the knowledge and use of shipping routes along the shore or across open sea. In the following I will use the example of the ancient polis Antiphellos to discuss causes and conditions for shipping and maritime trade on the Lycian coast. On the basis of underwater archaeological findings, local and regional economic relations can be reconstructed that had influence on the political, cultural and socio-­ economic development of the region.

Landscape conditions as factors of economic development Kaş (fig. 1) is located in the south of the Teke Peninsula, in the province of Antalya on the southwest coast of modern Turkey. In antiquity this area was called Lycia. It was bordered to the west by the region of Caria, in the east by Pamphylia and in the north by Pisidia. Directly across Kaş is the Greek island of Kastelorizo (Καστελόριζο), which belonged to Rhodes in antiquity. Rhodian influence was exerted early on the Lycian coast. The Lycian peninsula is formed by the foothills of the Taurus Mountains, which divide the landscape geographically and climatically. Protected by these karst mountains, the coastal region has a Mediterranean climate with hot, dry summers and mild winters. In contrast to the coast, a Central European climate with mild summers and cold winters prevails in the highlands. Despite numerous freshwater springs that flow at the fringe of the mountains, the coastal cities had to

Fig. 1. View of the modern seaport of Kaş.

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rely on cistern systems. Even ancient Antiphellos had a large cistern system that extended from the ancient theatre down to the harbour. An ancient spring tapping on the southeast side of the Ç�ukubağ Yarımadası indicates that water of the karst springs was used, but it was not enough to meet the water needs of the harbour city. There are also springs originating below the water surface in the area around Kaş. But these were not in use by this time, since they were under water. Many rooms carved into the rock in the area of the Northern Port (Port Vathy) are now partially below sea level. They witness the lowering of the coast since ancient times by 2 to 4 m (Kolb & Kupke, 1992: 5, 8). Economic resources and transport routes The mild climate and fertile soils favoured the development of Lycia to an agrarian landscape, whose main products were wine, olive oil, cereals, legumes and small livestock. Furthermore, cedar, which was desired for house and shipbuilding, was struck in the hinterland. Extensive surveys by Tübingen University in Yavu Highlands traced a wealth of rural central cities, settlements and farmsteads, which were connected by a dense road network (Brandt & Kolb, 2005: 83-89; Ruffing, 2012: 105). Even the transport of agricultural products by landlords and farmers to port cities was secured by well paved roads and paths. Running from west to east, a rural road linked Antiphellos with Phellos, its partner city in the mountains since Roman times. From Phellos led the road to Kyaneai and Myra with its harbour town Andriake, which was an important trans-shipment centre for the Egyptian grain fleet (Kolb, 2008:

366; Zimmermann, 2004: 48). Beyond that the Tabula Peutingeriana recorded a coastal road running from Patara to Antiphellos, Korydalla and Phaselis to Attaleia. Due to the difficult terrain the itinerary can also refer to stations of the shipping route (Brandt & Kolb, 2005: 17). Strabo (Strab. geogr. 14, 3, 2 = Horace, 1989: 312-313) already noted that the Lycian coast was well equipped with harbours, but he also pointed to the dangers of the rugged coast for shipping. Nevertheless, shipping probably played a more important role than the transport of goods through the steep mountains. Numerous natural harbours along the Lycian coast not only facilitated the export of agricultural products from the hinterland but made also trade and communication possible with the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean (Foss, 1994: 1). The major harbours that were involved both in local and international trade were Telmessos, Patara, Antiphellos, Timiussa, Andriake, Olympos and Phaselis. What did Antiphellos itself contribute to the economic power of the cities? The first indications for the presence of an infrastructure for trade in Antiphellos were discovered by the French Charles Texier who in 1836 noticed structures in the rock which he identified as rock-cut granaries. Because of their size he assumed that the harbour city was involved in grain trade (Texier, 1849: 200). Whether these rock-cut rooms actually served for the storage of grain or whether they were parts of residential buildings, as was the case in the Northern Harbour, cannot be clarified as no building traces remained. The same possibly applies to oil and wine presses or pottery workshops, which must have existed, but did not survive. Only on the south side of the Ç�ukubağ Yarımadası still evidence of an economic structure can be detected. Here rock-cut basins

Fig. 2. Rock-cut tomb in Antiphellos.

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are situated which probably served for processing or store fish. Such fish tanks were an important economic base of Lycian harbour towns. Pliny the Elder informs us about a specific regional export item. He reports that the softest sponges were removed near the walls of Antiphellos. Suspended over a sick person, these should help healing from various diseases (Plin. nat. 31, 131 = König, 1994: 86-87). The relationship of Antiphellos to Phellos Kaş was most likely founded in the Classical period under the Lycian name Habessos. At this time, Habessos was probably of minor importance as it only served as the harbour of the Lycian central place Wehnti (later Phellos). Other traces of Lycian culture in the vicinity of Kaş are most visibly preserved in the typical Lycian grave architecture: sarcophagi and rock-cut tombs. They date mainly to the 4th century BC and show Greek influence (fig. 2). Since the 7th century BC Greek influence was exerted by the island of Rhodes. Rhodian cities founded various settlements along the Lycian coast. In the Hellenistic period, Kaş evolved into a Greek polis under the name Antiphellos (Hellenkemper & Hild 2004: 440-441, 802). Remains of Hellenistic buildings are still visible: a theatre, a temple, a protection wall as well as a cistern system are well preserved. The economic boom of Antiphellos in the Hellenistic period was a consequence of good relations with its partner city in the mountains. The upper class of Phellos which exported their agricultural products through the port of Antiphellos was politically active there and used the harbour city as a platform of self-representation by investing generously in their development. In contrast to Antiphellos, Phellos remained a modest city and cultivated its Lycian past. Apparently the mutual dependence of the two cities did not result in a competitive behaviour, but in a political, social and economic interrelationship (Zimmermann, 2005: 244-249). Underwater archaeological research off the coast of Antiphellos Antiphellos has two natural harbours, which are now completely built over. These were the South Port (Port Sevedo or Kaş Limanɩ) and the Northern Port (Port Vathy or Bucak Denizi). Recently, in the Northern Port a modern marina has been created for a few hundred sailing ships. Archaeological research both on land and under water provides circumstantial evidence on the economic position of Antiphellos and Phellos and their integration into a local and international network of communication and trade. Specifically, underwater archaeological discoveries have shed light on the involvement of the harbour city in maritime shipping routes along the Lycian coast. Whether Antiphellos was

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the final destination or just a stopover for ships that sailed off the coast is not clear yet. This would require a more close examination of the archaeological remains in the city, which are largely built over. However, it is possible to draw conclusions about the origin and the route of ships and to determine changes due to political events or economic circumstances. An important step in this direction is the project ’Sualtı Kültür Mirası’ (Underwater Cultural Heritage), initiated by Dr. Güzden Varinlioğlu as part of her dissertation project. Since 2007, with permission of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Turkey, the nonprofit organization SAD (’Sualtı Araştırmaları Derneği’: Underwater Research Society) studies the shipping and trade activities on the Lycian coast focusing especially on the ancient polis Antiphellos. The aim of the volunteer work is systematic exploration, documentation, preservation and presentation of the underwater archaeological sites to create a virtual museum under water. Until now, more than 20 ancient anchorage sites, cargo sites and possible wreck sites have been documented. The numerous find spots demonstrate a lively maritime trading activity on the Lycian coast from Hellenistic to Byzantine periods. The preliminary analysis of these sites which is still in progress supplies indications on the movement of goods on the Lycian coast at the beginning of Late Antiquity. Specifically the question is addressed whether and how maritime transportation of goods has changed over time and which general trading routes can be verified by examining underwater archaeological sites. Maritime transportation networks from Hellenistic to Roman times The previously mentioned economic relations of the Lycian coast known from textual sources and archaeological remains on land are confirmed by the archaeo­logical sites under water. Numerous transport amphorae from anchorages, cargo and wreck sites point to commercial contacts to the Aegean, along the south coast of Asia Minor and to Egypt from Hellenistic to Roman times (fig. 3). Apparently, Antiphellos or the Lycian coast in general kept a close network of exchange with Greek islands of the Aegean, such as Kos and Rhodes. In view of the history of the city and the region of Lycia this distribution seems quite plausible. The first Rhodian settlements founded on the Lycian coast are from the 7th century BC and in the following centuries, the island always had close trade relations and a strong influence on the region. Furthermore, Lycia was not only a stopover for the trip from the Aegean Sea to Cyprus and Egypt. Based on the transport amphorae, indirect or direct commercial contacts with Egypt can be noticed too. Since Roman times, Egyptian grain was stored in the granaries of Patara and Andriake, which are very close to Antiphellos. If we assume that the

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Fig. 3. Distribution of amphorae from Rhodes, Kos and Egypt in the Hellenistic and Roman periods.

Fig. 4. Distribution of Late Roman 1, Late Roman 4 and Late Roman 5/6 amphorae in Late Antiquity.

observations and interpretations of Texier were correct, then Antiphellos could have been involved in the profitable grain trade with Egypt as well. Egyptian wine amphorae, which were found sporadically off the coast of the city, could have been an additional part of a cargo ship loaded with grain that is not preserved due its perishable nature. However, in comparison with large quantities of exported grain, the wine trade between Egypt and the Lycian coast seems to have played only a minor role. At the beginning of Late Antiquity this picture changes, as the trade is now focused primarily on the Syro-Palestinian coast, along the south coast of Asia Minor and Cyprus (fig. 4). From the 5th and 6th century AD ’bag-shaped amphorae’, the well-known Late Roman 5/6, and the so called ’Gaza Amphorae’ or Late Roman 4 demonstrate the trade with the Palestinian coast. Since the 4th century AD the Late Roman 4 spread throughout the Mediterranean, to Britain and the Black Sea (Kingsley, 2001: 53). Late Roman 5/6 amphorae were primarily used for the transportation of wine but could also contain other foodstuffs such as oil, fish sauce, dried fruits, wheat or beans (Kingsley, 1994-5: 45). Late Roman 4 and Late Roman 5/6 amphorae from the shipwrecks of Dor (Israel) were internally coated with pitch,

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indicating that those amphorae, which were intended for export, transported mainly wine (Kingsley & Raveh, 1996: 82). Palestinian wine was transported in whole shiploads (Lloyd, 1984). The wine became so popular that Late Roman 5/6 amphorae were imitated in Egypt as well (Dixneuf, 2011: 142-153). The reason for the sudden appearance of massive imports from Palestine might be associated with the nomination of Constantinople as new capital city of the Roman Empire. As a province of the Roman Empire, Palestine had to deliver taxes in form of wine and other goods to the constantly rising capital. The growing strength of the Church and related religious tourism affected the popularity of the ’holy wine’, which was supposed to have a healing effect. In the following centuries, until the end of Late Antiquity, Palestine exported its wine not only to Constantinople but into the entire Roman Empire and experienced an economic boom. In addition, the ships were probably loaded with textiles, glassware, fruits and other products that are hardly detectable in the archaeological record. Palestine was in need of metal and imported it in return (Kingsley, 2001: 45, 56-58; Kislinger, 1999: 146-147; Claude, 1985: 81-82). In addition, almost everywhere off the coast of Kaş Late Roman 1 amphorae can be detected. This widespread

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type indicates commercial activities in the eastern Mediterranean, as it was probably produced simultaneously in multiple locations along the coast of Asia Minor, in Cyprus, Syria and Egypt. They were primarily used for the transport of wine and olive oil (Williams, 2005: 160-161, Empereur & Picon, 1989: 236). If we compare these general trends in trading activity of Antiphellos with other harbour cities, such as Ephesus which is further to the north, we can notice some significant differences. Firstly, western Mediterranean imports from the Hellenistic and Roman periods are missing. Since the 2nd century BC wine and fish sauce were increasingly imported from Spain and Italy to Ephesus (Bezeczky, 2012). Apparently, these products reached the minor harbour cities in the south only to a small extent and via the large commercial harbour cities. Probably the long voyage obstructed to achieve the expected profit or the merchant had to follow an official mandate. On the other hand, since the 1st century AD Lycia was a Roman province and therefore an intensive contact with the western Mediterranean can be assumed. Moreover, we recorded at least one inscription that informs us about trading activities of merchants from Lycia as far west as Sicily (IG XIV: 404). Another possibility is, of course, that the relevant underwater archaeological evidence is still waiting to be discovered. Secondly, another inscription provides evidence for trade relations between Lycia and the Black Sea at the transition to Late Antiquity. Constantinople intensified trade relations with the Black Sea and even Lycian merchants already made the long journey along the coast of Asia Minor to acquire exotic products from the Black Sea region. The inscription in the tomb of the shipowner, captain and merchant Eudemos, who was buried with his nephew in Olympos, is evidence of such trade contacts at the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century AD. Eudemos probably even had the citizenship of Chalcedon. He was not only a ship-owner and merchant, he was also member of the upper class of Olympos and held several positions in the Lycian League (Adak & Atvur, 1997: 22-25). This is quite an interesting fact, as it is an indication of the capacity of merchants to gain wealth and to exert influence in politics. Apparently, the long and extensive travel was profitable enough to take that risk. Conclusions A precautious reconstruction of the maritime economic area of Lycia in general and the ancient harbour town Antiphellos in particular is possible by considering all relevant kinds of sources. These include inscriptions, literary and archaeological evidence. The latter is preserved only fragmentary in the case of Antiphellos. According to our preliminary research, an economic area that notably focused on the southern Aegean and the south coast of Asia Minor appeared in Hellenistic

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and Roman periods. This economic-geographical concentration reflects the massive influence of Hellenistic Rhodes. In the Hellenistic period Antiphellos experienced an economic and cultural prosperity due to its location on a maritime transport hub and its economic resources, mainly in the form of agrarian products. Even after the integration of Rhodes and Lycia into the Roman Empire the mutual relations were pursued. It is interesting to observe that there is – so far – no evidence for trade between the area of Antiphellos and the western Mediterranean region. Since the 2nd century BC the trade of Ephesus with the western Mediterranean flourished. In contrast, minor coastal towns in the south obviously very rarely enjoyed the western Mediterranean products. They mainly benefited from an active exchange with the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean. With the nomination of Constantinople as capital city also the organization of shipping changed geographically in Late Antiquity. Now, both the large state-subsidized Annona fleets and the trade of private ship owners were concentrated in the east to meet the growing needs of the new capital. This demand was covered to a large extent by Egypt and by cities of the Syro-Palestinian coast. For Alexandria (Egypt) the new capital city was a more profitable business than with Rome. Constantinople was much closer to it than Rome, and henceforth more trips could be made per annum and thus more profit generated. From Palestine the so-called ’Gaza wine’ was imported and consumed in the Mediterranean. Probably the wine owed its widespread popularity not only to its supposed quality but also to its origin from the Holy Land. With increasing Christianization the popularity of the wine consequently increased (Riley, 1975: 30; Kislinger, 1999: 144147). Until Middle Byzantine period Antiphellos was a bishop’s see and imported the holy wine from his new trading partner Palestine. Late Roman 4 und Late Roman 5/6 amphorae were found everywhere along the coast and confirm an intensive trade with Palestine. In this context, it is conceivable that trade with the small harbour cities of Asia Minor was not subject to a strict state control and rather carried out by private merchants. Moreover, the archaeological sites off the coast of Antiphellos indicate that since Late Antiquity maritime trade was mainly carried out by small to medium sized cargo ships. This trend is often cited as an argument for private commercial enterprises, but merely confirms a general trend which is also reflected in numerous other wreck sites along the Turkish coast and elsewhere. A distinction between state-controlled and private trade based on the quality of ship construction alone is difficult to establish for Late Antiquity. There were other products, such as timber, agricultural products and sponges (which were praised by Pliny the Elder for their quality) which certainly had a higher value than the basic foodstuffs such as wine and oil. The question which other goods next to wine and oil were imported to Antiphellos unfortunately remains

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unanswered for now. Also a number of other questions still have to be addressed. How was the trade organized in Antiphellos? Where there private ship-owners who acted at their own risk and were able to gain political influence and wealth as was the case in Olympos? How did the situation change in Late Antiquity? Which role played the church by this time? To find answers on these issues, more research in the epigraphic and literary sources as well as within the city of Kaş is necessary. Acknowledgements Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Güzden Varinlioğlu for our good cooperation since the last years and for giving me the opportunity to work on this exciting material for my doctoral thesis. I also owe great thanks to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism and the General Directorate for Cultural Heritage and Museums. With kind permission of the ministries Dr. Güzden Varinlioğlu was allowed to conduct research on the Lycian coast for her dissertation project ’Recoding the Nautical Archaeology: Virtual Museum of Underwater Cultural Heritage’ and I was allowed to work in various museums in Turkey. Last but not least, I would like to thank my friends and colleagues of the ’Sualtı Araştırmaları Derneği’ and all our volunteers for their tireless efforts in the project, their constant help and great teamwork. References Adak, M. & Atvur, O., 1997. Das Grabhaus des Zosimas und der Schiffseigner Eudemos aus Olympos in Lykien. Epigraphica Anatolica 28: 11 – 31. Bezeczky, T., 2012. Roman Amphorae in Ephesus. Forum Archaeo­­logiae 62/III/2012, (22.03.2013). Brandt, H. & Kolb, F., 2005. Lycia et Pamphylia. Eine römische Provinz im Südwesten Kleinasiens. Mainz. Claude, D., 1985. Der Handel im westlichen Mittelmeer während des Frühmittelalters. Bericht über ein Kolloquium der Kommission für die Altertumskunde Mittel- und Nord­ europas im Jahre 1980. Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Zeit in Mittelund Nordeuropa. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissen­ schaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge 144. Göttingen. Dixneuf, D., 2011. Amphores Égyptiennes. Production, typologie, contenu et diffusion (IIIe siècle avant J.-C. – IXe siècle après J.-C.). Alexandria. Empereur, J.-Y. & Picon, M., 1989. Les régions de production d’Amphores Impériales en Méditerranée Orientale. In: Amphores Romaines et Histoire Économique: Dix ans de Recherche. Actes du colloque de Sienne (22-24 mai 1986), École Française de Rome, Palais Farnèse, Collection de l’École Française de Rome 114. Rome: 223-248.

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Foss, C., 1994. The Lycian Coast in the Byzantine Age. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 48: 1-52. Hellenkemper, H. & Hild, F., 2004. Lykien und Pamphylien. Tabula Imperii Byzantini 8. Denkschriften, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 320, Wien. Horace, L.J., 1989. The Geography of Strabo. Cambridge, Massachusetts (a.o.). IG: Inscriptiones Graecae. Berlin 1903 ff. Kaibel, G. (ed.), 1890. Inscriptiones Graecae. Inscriptiones Siciliae et Italiae additis Graecis Galliae, Hispaniae, Britanniae, Germaniae inscriptionibus, Vol. XIV. Berlin. Kingsley, S.A., 1994-5. Bag-Shaped Amphorae and Byzantine trade: Expanding Horizons. Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 14: 39-56. Kingsley, S.A., 2001. The Economic Impact of the Palestinian Wine Trade in Late Antiquity. In: S.A. Kingsley & M. Decker (eds), Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. Proceedings of a conference at Somerville College, Oxford, 29th May 1999. Oxford: 44-68. Kingsley, S.A. & K. Raveh, 1996. The Ancient Harbour and Anchorage at Dor, Israel. Results of the underwater survey 1976 – 1991. British Archaeological Reports International Series 626. Oxford. Kislinger, E., 1999. Zum Weinhandel in frühbyzantinischer Zeit. Tyche. Beiträge zur alten Geschichte, Papyrologie und Epigraphik 14: 141-156. Kolb, F., 2008. Burg – Polis – Bischofssitz. Geschichte der Sied­lungs­ kammer von Kyaneai in der Südwesttürkei. Mainz. Kolb, F. & Kupke, B., 1992. Lykien. Geschichte Lykiens im Altertum. Mainz. König, R., 1994. C. Plinius Secundus d. Ä. Naturkunde. Medizin und Pharmakologie: Heilmittel aus dem Wasser. Zürich. Lloyd, M.F., 1984. A byzantine shipwreck at Iskandil Burnu, Turkey: Preliminary Report. M.A. Thesis, Texas A & M University, pp 1-136, (22.03.2013). Riley, J.A., 1975. The Pottery from the first Session of Excavation in the Caesarea Hippodrome. Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research 218: 25-63. Ruffing, K., 2012. Wirtschaft in der griechisch-römischen Antike. Darmstadt. Texier, C., 1849. Description de l’Asie mineure faite par ordre du gouvernement français de 1833 à 1837. Paris. Williams, D., 2005. Late Roman Amphora 1: A study of diversification. In: M. Berg Briese & L.E. Vaag (eds), Trade Relations in the Eastern Mediterranean from the Late Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity: The Ceramic Evidence. Acts from a Ph.D.seminar for young scholars, Sandbjerg Manorhouse, 12-15 February 1998. Halicarnassian Studies 3. Odense: 157-168. Zimmermann, M., 2004. Feldforschungen in Phellos (Lykien) 2003. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı 22.1: 45-52. Zimmermann, M., 2005. Eine Stadt und ihr kulturelles Erbe. Vorbericht über Feldforschungen im zentrallykischen Phellos 2002-2004 mit einem Beitrag von Christof Schuler. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 55: 215-270.

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22. The shipwreck (EP1-Canche) of a fluvial-maritime coaster of the first half of the 15th century from Beutin (Pas-de-Calais, France). Its nautical environment and functional context Eric Rieth

Introduction Based on an anthropological problem, which was implicitly formulated in the 1840s by the future admiral Pâris (1806-1893), the “father” of nautical ethnography (Rieth, 2010), the French ethnologist François Beaudouin introduced in 1970 his study of the coastal fishing vessel of Berck (Pas-de-Calais, north France) in the following way: “… the study of boat and nautical techniques constitutes the best access to the seaman; we endeavour for that to highlight the way in which the boat is determined in its form, its structure, its dimensions, even its origins by a great number of geographical, historical and techno-­economic factors, like man himself but in a visible and durable way. Contrary [as ethnologist], we will try to show how… [the boat] can testify to these multiple factors and constitute a document of great value for the ethnologist” (Beaudouin, 1970: 1). This definition presents boats and ships as historical objects of the present time, in correspondence with the specificity of ethnological studies. Similarly, it applies to the case of boats and ships as historical objects of ancient history particular to the ‘long term character’ of archaeological studies. It is within the framework of this particular historical reading of boats and ships in relation with the maritime landscape, that we shall examine the case of the EP1-Canche shipwreck of the first half of 15th century, located in the Canche river, near the village of Beutin (Pas-de-Calais, northern France). 1 The EP1-Canche shipwreck During the last ISBSA in Istanbul, in October 2009, we gave a presentation on the preliminary results of the, at that time unfinished, underwater excavation and on the interpretation, mainly from the point of view of the history of medieval shipbuilding (Rieth, 2012). Now, we shall limit ourselves to a short recall of the main features of the shipwreck, and then, we shall examine

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the results of the studies undertaken since the Istanbul symposium.2 Let us start with the dating. According to the conclusions of the dendrochronological analysis, the felling of the oaks used for the supplies of the shipyard, was during the winter of AD 1425-1426 and, in all probability, the construction of the ship took place during the year AD 1426. The nautical environment, which is today a narrow river, was a lateral channel of a zone of high estuary consisting of various channels, according to the geomorphological studies carried out at the archaeological site. Therefore, the date of shipwreck or abandonment of the ship remains unknown. The double pointed hull, with stem and stern post, is ‘bottom-based’ built with an important particularity. The structure and morphology of the flat bottom change between the central part of the hull – the ‘body’ – and the two ends. In the central part, the flat bottom is made of five carvel strakes, and the sides are composed of four strakes, two lower carvel strakes and two higher overlapping strakes. The two overlapping strakes are fastened together by iron nails which were clenched inboard by hooking (fig. 1). At the hull extremities, the flat bottom is reduced solely to the central strake. The other strakes are hence integrated into the overlapping strakes of the sides. These architectural characteristics of the wreck represent, among others, ‘architectural fingerprints’ specific to the ‘architectural family’ of cogs in correspondence with the definition given of ‘cog-likevessels’ by Ole Crumlin-Pedersen: “When a vessel fulfils our criteria, it is a cog in our archaeological terminology, and those that only match some of the features may be a cog-like-vessel or vessel with isolated cog features, whatever the original terminology for such a vessel may have been” (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2000: 239). In terms of archaeological typology, the shipwreck of Canche could be thus defined as a ‘regional model of the architectural family of cogs’ particular to the fluvial-maritime nautical environment of the Channel. From the archaeological data, a series of research models on a 1:15 scale was built by Jean-Louis Gaucher

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Fig. 1. Reconstructed axonometric view of the central part of the hull (Drawing: Bernard Dangréaux).

with the objective of reconstructing the structure and overall shape of the hull (Rieth & Gaucher, 2010). The reconstructed plan of the hull-form shows the main dimensional and proportional characteristics summarized in the following table: 1 Overall length between perpendiculars (between stem and stern post) (L1): 14 m 2 Sheer length between stem and stern rabbet (L2): 13.55 m 3 Bottom length (L3): 11.20 m 4 Extreme breath (outer planking) (b): 2.79 m 5 External height (H): 1.53 m 6 b/L1 ratio: 1:5 (breath/overall length) 7 b/L2 ratio: 1:4.8 (breath/sheer length) 8 b/L3 ratio: 1:4.2 (breath/bottom length) 9 h/L1 ratio:1:9.1 10 h/L3 ratio:1:7.3 11 h/b ratio: 1:1.8 On the basis of the reconstructed plan of the hull and on that of the position of the mast-partner (IND 204), two hypothesis on square rigging were established by comparison; on the one hand with other archaeological reconstructions, those of square rigging of the Kollerup

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and Kölding cogs, Denmark (Westphal, 1999: 111; Hocker & Daly, 2006: 193); on the other hand with the ratios of proportions of contemporary handbooks on rigging: −− Hypothesis 1: square sail of 35/38 m2 −− Hypothesis 2: square sail of 70/75 m2 A three-dimensional model of the reconstructed hull, followed by an analysis of its hydrostatic characteristics and stability, was done by Pierre Poveda (CCJ. CNRS/ University of Provence, France). The most significant results, for our matter, are summarized as follows: 1 Light displacement (sea water), unrigged hull: 5.61 t 2 Light displacement (sea water), hull rigged (hypothesis 1): 5.87 t 3 Light displacement (sea water), hull rigged (hypothesis 2): 5.96 t 4 Maximum tonnage (load capacity) with a freeboard of safety of 2/5 height: 19.66 t 5 Load displacement (sea water): 25.62 t 6 Light draft (sea water): 0.28 m 7 Loaded draft (sea water): 1.03 m Compared with these architectural characteristics and the typological relation of the ship with the ‘cog family’,

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Fig. 2. Reconstructed perspective view of the hull (Drawing: Pierre Poveda: CCJ. CNRS/AMU).

Fig. 3. Reconstructed exploded view of the hull (Drawing: Pierre Poveda: CCJ. CNRS/AMU).

the two principal questions which now arise are those of the function and the zone of navigation. Function and zone of navigation The definition of the function of the ship can be considered from two points of view. The first relates to the connection between the central open space of the hull and the two fore and aft decked parts (fig. 2). The open part of the hull extends 8.25 m in length with a volume

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of about 24.6 m3; the fore decked part is 3.60 m long with a volume of about 2 m3; and the aft decked part is 1.35 m long with a volume of approximately 0.80 m3. Obviously, the open central part of the hull, more than nine times bulkier than the fore and aft decked parts, appears advantageous in the design of the ship, which was organized around a vast open central hold and two decked parts for ship-handling, shelter for the crew (fore decked part), and arrangement of the equipment (aft decked part).

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The second point of view to be considered is that of the structure of the hull quantifiable in terms of estimated weight (fig. 3): approximately 1.9 t for the frames; 2.1 t for the bottom and the side planks; and 1.6 t for the internal structure (ceiling planks, filling pieces, stringers, beams). These values indicate a relative heavy construction which, from the point of view of the architectural design, seems to represent the logical technical answer to a function of transport of an important cargo (19.66 t maximum tonnage), and also, as we shall examine later, to a constraining fluvial-maritime environment. Let us add two details. On the one hand, the fixed bottom and side ceiling planks as well as the filling-pieces laid out in the space between the futtocks seem to indicate that the ship is fit to transport cargoes in bulk (cereals, local peat). In addition, the relative heavy construction of the ship (5.61 t unrigged hull, that is to say a ratio weight unrigged hull:1 m L1 (overall length): 400 kg:1 m) does not appear to have penalized the maximum capacity of load (19.66 t), which is in a favourable ratio (weight unrigged hull/maximum capacity of load) from about 1:3.5 (that is to say a ratio maximum capacity of load: 1 m L1 (overall length): 1.40 t:1 m). After the question of the function is answered, the other is that of the zone of navigation to which the architectural characteristics, in particular the morphology, of the ship are adapted. The general geometry of the hull (ratio of lengthening l:L1 of 1:5, ratio height h:b of 1:1.8, flat bottom, sharp ends) indicates, in all appearance, a hybrid design referring, on the one hand, to a river zone of navigation (raised ratio of lengthening, reduced ratio of height in particular), and, on the other hand, to an estuarial and coastal zone of navigation (sharp ends with stem and stern post in particular). Moreover, the choice of a relative heavy and rigid construction, and that of fore and aft decked parts of the hull, consolidate this adaptation of a ‘river tradition’ morphology or, at least, of an ‘influenced river’ morphology, to an estuarial and maritime environment. The flat bottom related to a ‘bottom-based’ construction represents a morphological and structural characteristic shared by the various zones of navigation reducing, in particular, the draft, an absolute necessity to sail under riverine conditions where the water is often shallow, and creating the right beaching conditions in the estuary for loading and unloading operations in a maritime zone (the Channel) where the rise and fall is very important. Lastly, with its ratio of lengthening, its flat bottom and its little height, which form as many revealing characteristics of an architecture of a ‘river tradition’, the ship appears to have, according to the results of hydrostatic calculations, a transverse stability (in light and load displacement) implying a program, in the techno-economic meaning of the expression, of coastal navigation limited in distance and mainly practicable under good weather conditions (of wind and sea). Fitted with a sail of 38 m2 (hypothesis 1), the ship could have sailed in theory without reducing its sail until a wind of 23 knots (5

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Beaufort); with a sail of 75 m2 (hypothesis 2), the theoretical limit of sailing without reduction of the sail would have been about 13.5 knots (3 Beaufort). To sum up, the ship could be defined, morphologically, structurally and functionally, as a transport sailing ship intended for fluvial-maritime navigation. Her architectural features of a fluvial tradition would be adapted to the particularities and constraints of the hybrid navigation environment. Nautical area Now let us approach the third aspect of this article, that of the nautical area (fig. 4) (Pomey & Rieth, 2005: 38-41). This area must be distinguished from the nautical environment as it is today, as it compromises a geo-historical point of view, and not only an environmental point of view. In a certain way, the concept of nautical area can be compared to that elaborated by Christer Westerdahl “traditional zones of transport geography in relation to ship types” (Westerdahl, 1994; 1995). This concept brings us to another concept, also defined by Westerdahl, the ‘maritime cultural landscape’ (Westerdahl, 1991). According to the concept of ‘traditional zones of transport’, the EP1-Canche wreck could be localized in the ‘zone of transport 8’ in correspondence with the river basins of northwest France and with the southern sectors of the Channel (Westerdahl, 1995: 226). This ‘zone of

Fig. 4. The nautical area of the three estuaries: Canche (7), Authie (8) and Somme (9) (based on Atlas Maritime, G. Bonne. Paris, 1778).

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transport 8’ has, in addition, a maritime and river watershed with the ‘zone of transport 6’. This kind of ‘nautical border’, at the same time of natural and cultural importance, is defined by Westerdahl as being located between the southeast of Jutland, the estuaries of the Rhine and the Scheldt and the river basins of Switzerland. An important aspect to bring the identification of the EP1Canche shipwreck closer to the regional fluvial-mari­ time type of the ‘cog family’ or ‘cog-like vessels’: this nautical area or ‘zone of transport 6’ is considered by Westerdahl as a “model zone for the hypothetical analysis of the ancestry of the cog… as river-ship-type first adapted for the Channel and later for coast-hugging roads of the North Sea” (Westerdahl, 1995: 226). In correspondence with the architectural charac­ teristics and hull-shape of the fluvial-maritime coaster EP1-Canche which technically limits its performance-scope to coastal navigation, the nautical area of the ship could be defined as a ‘micro-zone of transport 8’ circumscribed with a coastal strip of about 20 nautical miles (approximately 40 km) in length between three estuaries/bays and three coastal rivers of different size: in the north, the Canche, in the centre, the Authie, and in the south, the Somme. Several particular characteristics of this regional nautical area of the Channel have to be underlined. First of all, the maritime part of this area can be divided into two coastal sectors, one in the south, between the bay of the river Somme and that of the river Authie, of about ten nautical miles in length (approximately 20 km); and the other in the north, between the bay of the river Authie and the estuary of the river Canche. This sector has the same length of ten nautical miles. Assuming a reasonable average speed of 3 knots, the ship could have found a sheltered bay after a maximum of 3.5 hours of navigation. Secondly, the two poles of this nautical area – the system bay/river Somme in the south and the system estuary/river Canche in the north, the latter being much more open to maritime influences during the Middle Ages than today –, penetrate inside the land, via the rivers Somme and Canche, for a length of about 15 km to the two medieval ‘harbour centres’ of Abbeville and Montreuil-sur-Mer. Abbeville, on the river Somme, appears as a point of narrowing of sea transport, whereas Montreuil-sur-Mer appears as a point of rupture of load for sea transport. These two urban centres represent, moreover, two very significant illustrations, in terms of historical economy of water transport, of these ‘fluvial-maritime port cities upstream’ (“upstream a river”) according to the typology of the medieval seaboard towns of northern Europe suggested by Jan Bill (1999: 254) and applicable to our regional nautical area. Thirdly, within the framework of this medieval economy of water transport, no document, to our knowledge, exists to suggest the existence, parallel to the fluvial-maritime navigation, of a purely river navigation

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calling upon a specialized river shipping on the Canche, between the estuary and Montreuil-sur-Mer or on the Somme, between the bay and Abbeville. Finally, this regional nautical area between the rivers Somme and Canche, with its hinterland, forms a continuous and complementary system of coastal, estuarial and river commercial circulation in connection with the nautical cartographic model of Atlantic Europe as François Beaudouin defined it (Beaudouin, 1994: 12-13). Conclusion At the end of this paper, a last aspect needs to be considered. It has to do with the relation between the ship EP-1 Canche from Beutin which, from the point of view of archaeological typology, can be regarded as a regional type of the family of the cog, and from the point of view of historical typology, the models of regional boats and ships attested in the regional written sources of the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern times. The two typologies, indeed, do not merge. Let us consider two revealing examples. In 1378, the existence of a different tax is mentioned for ‘flat-bottomed vessels’ or ‘vessels with keel’, going up Canche towards Montreuil-sur-Mer. The second category is more heavy taxed than the first one (Leroy, 2008, II, I, 35: 68-69). This double taxation on the basis of a distinction between two architectures (of form and structure) is found in later documents on the river Somme. In 1647, a chronicle specifies that along the quays of Abbeville, “… vessels with keel are moored… but mainly gribanes… which are without keel… ”, this second designation could be interpreted as a ‘bottom-­ based’ construction. These gribanes, gribannes, gribennes – flat-bottomed, ‘without keel’ – seem to be mainly associated with a fluvial-maritime regional navigation situated between the Somme and the Canche. However, it is to this same nautical area, or this same ‘micro-zone of transport’, that ‘our ship’ of the Canche belongs. Its ‘bottom-based’ construction seems to be close to that of the gribanes, the fluvial-maritime coaster characteristic of the Picardy economy of water transport during the Middle Ages and modern times. The ship of Canche: a gribane of the 15th century? The hypothesis seems probable now. Notes 1 Thanks to Professor Deborah Cvikel, University of Haifa, for her reading and correction of my article. 2 The underwater excavation of the wreck was realised under the direction of the author from 2005 to 2010. For preliminaries publications, cf.: Rieth, 2009; Rieth & Texier, 2009; Rieth & Gaucher, 2010; Serna 2009.

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References Beaudouin, F., 1970. Le bateau de Berck. Institut d’Ethnologie (Mémoires de l’Institut d’Ethnologie V), Paris. Beaudouin, F., 1994. L’économie motrice pré-mécanique. Les chemins qui marchent. Neptunia 160: 1-13. Bill, J., 1999. Port topography in medieval Denmark. In: J. Bill & B.L. Clausen (eds), Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town. Publications from The National Museum, (Studies in Archaeology and History, vol. 4), Copenhagen: 251-261. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2000. To be or not to be a cog: The Bremen cog in perspective. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 29.2: 230-246. Hocker F.M. & Daly, A., 2006. Early cogs, Jutland boat builders, and the connection between East and West before AD 1250. In: L. Blue, F.M. Hocker & A. Englert (eds), Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 187-194. Leroy, I., 2008. La localisation et les caractères archéologiques du site portuaire de Quentovic. Étude préliminaire du cadre historique et géographique (littoral et basse-Canche). Mémoire de fin d’études en histoire de l’art et archéologie (2 vols), UCL, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgique. Pomey, P. & Rieth, E., 2005. L’archéologie navale. Editions Errance, Paris. Rieth, E., 2009. L’épave du XVe siècle EP1-Canche, Beutin (Pasde-Calais): un premier bilan archéologique (2005-2008). Revue du Nord. Archéologie de la Picardie et du Nord de la France 383: 203-242.

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Rieth, E., 2010. François-Edmond Pâris (1806-1893) aux origines de l’ethnographie nautique. In: E. Rieth (ed.), Tous les bateaux du monde. Editions Chasse-Marée/Glénat/Musée national de la Ma­rine, Grenoble: 9-21. Rieth, E., 2012. 15th-Century EP1-Canche Wreck (Pas-de-Calais): A Fluvio-Maritime Coaster of Cog Tradition in the North of France? In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between the Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayinlari, Istanbul: 217-223. Rieth, E. & Gaucher, J.-L., 2010. Archéologie nautique et modélisme de recherche: l’épave de la première partie du XVe siècle de Beutin, Canche (Pas-de-Calais). Cahiers d’Archéologie Subaquatique 18: 171-204. Rieth, E. & Texier, P., 2009. L’épave médiévale de la Canche. Archéologia 463: 40-47. Serna, V., 2009. Milieu nautique, espace navigant: approche archéologique du paysage fluvial de l’épave de Beutin (Pas-deCalais). Revue du Nord, hors-série (11e Rencontres internationales de Liessies. Lit mineur, lit majeur, lit voyageur), Collection Art et Archéologie 14: 63-80. Westerdahl, C., 1991. The Maritime Cultural Landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 22.1: 5-14. Westerdahl, C., 1994. Maritime cultures and ship types: brief comments of the significance of maritime archaeology. The International Journal of Nautical Archeology 23.4: 265-270. Westerdahl, C., 1995. Traditional zones of transport geography in relation to ship types. In: O. Olsen, J. Skamby Madsen & F. Rieck (eds), Shipshape. Essays for Ole Crumlin-Pedersen. The Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde: 213-230. Westphal, V., 1999. Die Kollerup-Kogge. Das Logbuch 34: 103-115.

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23. ‘Smoking Guns’. New research on two early modern maritime battlefields in the Baltic: Mars (1564) and Svärdet (1676) Johan Rönnby & Niklas Eriksson

In the summer of 2011 two new spectacular shipwrecks were discovered after years of searching in the central Baltic Sea. The wrecks consisted of the well-preserved remains of Mars from 1564 and Svärdet (‘The Sword’) from 1676. Both were large royal Swedish naval ships that went down after tough and lengthy battles. The discoveries were made by survey teams of the companies Ocean Discovery, Deep Sea Production and Marin ­mätte­knik AB. The finders of the wrecks cooperated closely with maritime archaeologists from MARIS at Södertörn University in the research project ‘Ships at War – Early-Modern Maritime Battlefields in the Baltic’. Drawing on experience from the ‘Ghost Ship’ project (Eriksson & Rönnby, this volume), this survey includes

not only advanced deep-water archaeology and new methods for recording, but also an historical and archaeological attempt to interpret sunken naval ships like this in a new way. Mars The Battle of northern Ö�land in 1564 was but one of the many bloody clashes fought both on land and at sea during the Nordic Seven Years War, which took place from 1563 to 1570. The ship Mars was under the command of Admiral Jacob Bagge and was the largest in the Swedish navy, which comprised 38 ships, both large and

Fig. 1. Preliminary plan of the Mars wreck site. The bow has disintegrated due to the explosion and the remnants of the hull have broken up into three pieces (Drawing: Niklas Eriksson/MARIS).

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small, in total. Mars was built at Björkenäs shipyard, just north of the Swedish town of Kalmar. The ship was completed and armed with a large number of newly cast bronze cannons in the spring of 1564. Despite the ship’s short career, Mars is legendary. As one of the most famous warships to have sailed the Baltic Sea, its wreck has been one of the most sought after. The 1500s was a time of transition in terms of naval warfare. Boarding tactics, where the warring ships latched together to enable hand fighting, were replaced by regular artillery battles, where the ships fired on each other from a greater distance. The events outside Ö�land in the summer of 1564 are illustrative of this development. The battle lasted for two days. On the first day Mars managed to sink the Lybeckian ship Långe Barken using the heavy artillery it carried. The following day Mars was attacked through boarding. The enemy ships had approached Mars with grapnels and rope, throwing spears and burning ‘fire-balls’ down, on the deck. The ship caught fire and in the heavy smoke Admiral Bagge made the decision to give up and strike the colours. About 100 Swedes were taken on board the enemy ships, while the burning Mars was boarded by between 300 and 400 men of the enemy contingent. Shortly after boarding, the fire reached the powder storage and the ship was blown up and sank. Around 600-700 Swedes were left on board as the ship sank (cf. Börjesson, 1942; Ekman & Unger, 1942; Ekman, 1942; Glete, 2010). Obviously, the foundering of the giant Mars was a triumph for the allied forces and they were quick to use this for propaganda purposes. Pamphlets describing the victory over the giant Swedish ship were soon in print. However, there are no contemporary documents that provide a clear indication of how large Mars really was. Over the past 400 years there has therefore been much speculation on the ship’s impressive dimensions. According to a contemporary chronicle the ship was “ten feet longer than the cathedral in Lübeck”. Another measure of a ship’s size is by the number of guns present,

and there are many conflicting reports and calculations based on this. Some state that the ship should have had just over a hundred guns while others indicate as many as 172! (compare Anderson, 1939; Ekman, 1939; Glete, 2010: 358; Kuylenstierna, 1880: 125-132). According to eye-­ witnesses the ship’s foremast flew straight up in the air – like a crossbow bolt – when the powder keg exploded. The remains of the ship that were found at a depth of 75 m outside Ö�land in the summer of 2011, further underscore the extent of this violent catastrophe. The ship’s forward portion is almost completely wiped out, and what remains of the heavily framed hull has been broken up into three coherent pieces (Eriksson, 2012, in print a). The evidence suggests that the ship broke up into three pieces while it was still on the surface at the time of the explosion. In contrast to the dramatic sinking, the past four hundred years have been remarkably uneventful down in the depths. Over time, the wood softened and iron corroded, but over all Erik the XIV’s old ship is remarkably well preserved. Large hull structures with cannon ports, deck knees and rigging details are still coherent and show clear traces of fire and bombardment. The metal in bronze cannons, bearing the Vasa dynasty’s coat of arms, reflects the diver’s flashlights under thin layers of sediment. Information regarding 16th-century warships is scarce. The number of archaeologically investigated wrecks is negligible and the representations that have been made are based primarily on written sources and images. With the discovery of the wreck, we are suddenly faced with a nearly complete ship from a long gone time. The initial surveys of Mars reveal many both unusual and surprising constructional features that differ from later ships of war. From a Swedish perspective Mars is also a relatively early example of carvel construction technique, with its only parallel in the contemporary Elefanten (cf. Adams, 2003: 87-99). The field-type gun-carriages, the proportionally small gunports, and so on, are all characteristic features of Mars

Fig. 2. An illustration from a manuscript by Rudolf van Deventer in 1585-87. It shows a large Swedish warship fighting a smaller Danish vessel. The ship has many characteristics in common with Mars (Photo: Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen).

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Fig. 3. Preliminary sketches of the hull remains of Svärdet. The old warship is fairly intact from the mainmast and towards the bow (Drawing: Niklas Eriksson/MARIS).

(cf. Eriksson, 2012, in print a). The hull is lavishly built with tightly placed frames made from compass timbers. The heavily built up hull stretches up to and includes the higher gun-deck. Above this deck Mars has a high stern castle, which is of a lighter construction. It is a late medieval design that has lingered on to the early modern ship. These high platforms were primarily intended for combat through boarding, and not to withstand bombardment from heavy artillery. In this sense Mars can be seen as a ship that was built in the transition between ships designed for boarding warfare and the floating artillery platform. Svärdet If Mars may be regarded as more or less a ‘prototype’ of the sailing gun platform, the second discovery, made not far from Mars, definitely represents the fully fledged man-of-war. The 86-gun-ship Svärdet was built by the master shipbuilder Jacob Voss at Skeppsholmen in Stockholm and launched in 1662; 99 years after Mars! Just like Mars, the ship Svärdet went down during fierce

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battle. In 1676, on June 1 the Swedish Navy fought against the allied Dutch-Danish naval force. The event is known as the Battle of Southern Ö�land and is often referred to as one of the largest defeats ever of the Swedish fleet. The conflict, known as ‘The Scanian War’, took place from 1675 to 1679. Early on in the battle, without even opening fire against the enemy, the largest ship in the Swedish Navy, Kronan, capsized and was blown up. Admiral Lorentz Creutz was on board. Vice Admiral Claes Uggla, who was on board Svärdet, now became the Navy’s high commander. In the confusion that followed on the explosion of Kronan, the Swedish ships broke their formations and were scattered over a large area. Svärdet was surrounded by enemy ships. Among the vessels that fired broadside after broadside against Svärdet was the Churprinsen, in the hands of the Danish admiral Niels Juel, and the ship Christian V, where the notorious Dutch naval hero Cornelis Tromp was in command. In the massive bombardment that lasted for one and a half hours, Svärdet was dismasted. The fight came to an end as a Dutch fireship, named t’Hoen, set fire on Svärdet. As with Mars the fire soon reached the powder storage, which then exploded. About 600 people, including Claes

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Uggla, followed the ship to the bottom (cf. Glete, 2010; Lundgren, 1997; Grandin, 1982). The loss of the fleet’s two greatest ships within a few hours was a major blow to the great power of Sweden and its attempt to dominate over the Baltic Sea. A large portion of the guns from Kronan were raised soon after sinking, but Svärdet sank too deep for the divers and salvers of the 1600s. As the wreck and its location were forgotten the story of the events of June 1, 1676 and Admiral Uggla’s hopeless struggle against the enemy fleet grew to great proportions, which can only be described as a hero cult. To some extent the cult originates in the fact that the battle as a whole was a veritable fiasco. Admiral Uggla, who was rock solid in doing his duty, and rejected Tromp’s offer of quarter, became a character to compare with those who had survived and returned home. These were the men who were blamed for the defeat (see Hammar, 2007). The event was a popular episode in 19th-century national-romantic history writing (cf. Cederlund, 1997). Several battle scenes showing ‘Svärdets last fight’ were painted, naval vessels were named after Claes Uggla and, and Admiral Uggla is portrayed as a role model (Kuylenstierna, 1880: 125-132; Melin, 1845: 282). Oscar II, king of Sweden between 1872-1907, even wrote a poem about ‘Claes Uggla på Svärdet 1676’ (Claes Uggla aboard Svärdet 1676) published in his collection of poems Ur svenska flottans minnen (From the Swedish Navy’s Memories) (1859: 16-20).

Research perspectives: everyday space and maritime battlefields In general these new findings, together with already known wrecks of the Baltic Sea, such as Kraveln (1525), Vasa (1628) and Kronan (1676), provide an opportunity for insight into the formative period of Sweden’s history as a nation state (Adams & Rönnby, 2013). They also shed further light on the way this process played out and, in doing so, reveal not only the ship as an important tool of European state building, but also as a manifestation and agent of societal change. But these wrecks can also provide an archaeological dimension to these familiar events in the grand narrative of the Swedish nation state and its navy. In addition to offering the possibility of studying technical issues related to the ships themselves, their construction, armament, rigging and the like, these more or less complete wrecks may be reconstructed into nearly complete environments for the people on board. In a way, they let archaeologists go on board and witness the situation themselves. Information concerning the internal arrangements of early modern ships is generally scarce, especially prior to the mid-1600s. One way is to view ships - at the moorings as well as at sea and during battle - as the physical frameworks for their crews and thus as mediators governing the everyday practices and actions of both commons and officers. Phenomenologically inspired analysis of buildings,

Fig. 4. Some of the large guns of the lower gundeck of Svärdet still rest in their ports (Photo: Jonas Dahm).

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which highlights ‘agency’ and ‘lived with experience’, has been around for quite some time within landscape archaeology and architectural studies (cf. Bollnow, 1994; Eriksdotter, 2009; Johnson, 2003; Upton, 2002). Regarding shipwrecks, however, it is a relatively untried approach (cf. Eriksson, in print b). The well-preserved wrecks like Mars and Svärdet may be very suitable for this kind of analysis. The ongoing documentation of the two wrecks also emphasizes the violent course and the chaotic, deadly and dangerous environment on board during the battles. Thus, in this way, both Mars and Svärdet also offer unique snapshots of the situation on board during the fight. The bow part of Svärdet is still quite intact while the upper gundeck is marked by the fire. The hull-sides are tattered by the enemy cannon-­ balls. The wreck provides a frozen moment of the battle, not least as several very large 36-pounder guns are still placed in the ports of the lower gun deck, giving the impression that they have just been in use. The wrecks of Mars and Svärdet are not just remains of ships, they are well-preserved ‘maritime battlefields’. Marine archaeological investigations can provide new insights into unknown issues related to practical solutions in naval battles during early modern times. But the scope for research is more extensive than this. The new opportunity to study this ‘battlefield space’ also invites discussions and reflections regarding mental and psychological aspects associated with warfare in general, and human behaviour in such situations and environments. References Adams, J., 2003. Ships, Innovation and Social Change. Aspects of Carvel shipbuilding in Northern Europe 1450-1850. Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 24. Stockholm. Adams, J. & Rönnby, J., 2013. One of His Majesty´s ’Beste Kraffwells’: the wreck of an early carvel-built ship at Franska stenarna, Sweden. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 42.1: 103-117. Anderson, R.C., 1939. The Mars and the Adler. The Mariners Mirror 25: 296-299. Bollnow, O. F., 1994. Vara-i-rum och ha-rum. Swedish translation by William Fovet and Björn. Sandmark, chapter 1 in part V, in Mench und Raum, In: Nordisk Arkitekturforskning, No. 1 Börjesson, H., 1942. Sjökrigsmateriel och skeppsbyggnad under äldre Vasatid. In: O. Lybeck (ed.), Svenska Flottans historia, Vol. 1. Allhem, Malmö: 45-88. Cederlund, C.O., 1997. Nationalism eller Vetenskap, svensk marinarkeologi i ideologisk belysning. Stockholm, Carlssons. Ekman, C., 1939. The Swedish Ship Mars or Makalös. The Mariners Mirror 25: 1-10.

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Ekman, C., 1942. Stora kraveln Elefanten. In: O. Lybeck (ed.), Svenska flottans historia, Vol. 1. Allhem, Malmö: 89-99. Ekman, C. & Unger, G., 1942. Svenska flottans sjötåg fram till Kalmarkriget. In: O. Lybeck (ed.), Svenska flottans historia, Vol. 1. Allhem, Malmö: 168-181. Eriksdotter, G., 2005. Bakom fasaderna: Byggnadsarkeologiska sätt att fånga tid, rum och bruk. Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 36, Lund. Eriksson, N., 2012. Inledande skeppsdokumentation. In: J. Rönnby (ed.), Skeppet Mars (1564). Fältrapport etapp I, 2011. Södertörns högskola, Huddinge: 7-15. Eriksson, N., in print a (2013). Skeppsarkeologisk analys. In: J. Rönnby (ed.), Skeppet Mars (1564). Fältrapport etapp II 2012. Södertörns högskola, Huddinge. Eriksson, N., in print b. Sailing, eating, sleeping on board two 17th century ships: Tapping into the potential of Baltic Sea shipwrecks and an archaeology of Space. In: J. Rönnby & J. Adams (eds), Archaeological interpretations of Shipwrecks. Eriksson, N. & Rönnby, J., 2017. The ‘Ghost Ship’ (Gotska Sandön Island, Sweden). Deep-water archaeology in the Baltic Sea. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Glete, J., 2010. Swedish Naval Administration 1521-1721, Resource Flows and Organisational Capabilities. BRILL, Leiden/Boston. Grandin, G., 1985. Slaget vid Öland, In: B.A. Johansson (ed.), Regalskeppet Kronan. Höganäs: 130-151 Hammar, A-S., 2007. Att fäkta som en ärlig man. D-uppsats, Umeå. Lybeck, O. (ed.), 1942. Svenska flottans historia (Vol. 1). Allhem, Malmö. Johansson, B.A., (ed.).1985. Regalskeppet Kronan. Bonnier, Höganäs. Johnson, M., 2003. Behind the castle gate: from Medieval to Renaissance. Routledge, London & New York. Kuylenstierna, A., 1880. Svenska bragder och stordåd. Ute och hemma i krig och fred. Efter äldre och nyare källor skildrade. P. Palmquists Aktiebolag, Stockholm. Lundgren, K., 1997. Stora Cronan: Byggandet, Slaget, Plundringen av Öland – En genomgång av historiens Källmaterial. Lenstad bok och bild, Färjestaden. Melins, G.H., 1845. Lärobok i fäderneslandets historia. Bok­ handlare Looström, Stockholm. Oscar Fredrik, 1858. Ur svenska flottans minnen. Brudin & Co, Stockholm. Rönnby, J. (ed.), 2012. Skeppet Mars (1564). Fältrapport etapp I 2011. Södertörns högskola, Huddinge. Rönnby, J. (ed.), 2013 (in print). Skeppet Mars (1564). Fältrapport etapp II 2012. Södertörns högskola, Huddinge. Upton, D., 2002. Architecture in Everyday Life. New Literary History 33.4: 707-723.

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24. Sea journeys and ships of the Roman emperors Thomas Schmidts

Introduction When the Roman Empire yielded its maximal expansion, the provinces reached from Britain to North Africa and the Middle East. Extended voyages by the emperors were sometimes necessary. The intensity of these travel activities is rather variable (cf. Halfmann, 1986). Some emperors never left Italy while others – like Hadrian – spent large parts of their reign travelling. The motivations for the voyages varied. Most important were military campaigns, province inspections for cities and troops. Some of these trips, especially to Egypt with its cultural heritage, can also be characterized as ancient tourism. The entourage of the emperors could be numerous, even up to 5,000 men (Halfmann, 1986: 110). For a city an imperial visit was a big honour but also a big burden, because it had to take care for the supply and accommodation of the entourage. There is no doubt that most of the voyages were ­conducted overland on well prepared roads which connected all parts of the empire. According to literary sources, sea voyages were considered as comfortable. Augustus preferred this way of travelling wherever it was possible (Suet. Aug. 82,1). Because of the dangers and logistics, Philo of Alexandria (leg. ad Gaium 250-1) advised emperor Gaius (Caligula) not to travel directly to Alexandria by sea. Ancient writers are usually more focussed on the aims and the acting persons than on the procedure of an imperial voyage. But there are some passages in the ancient sources which inform us that they used ships, e.g. what type of ship. Excellent sources for these vessels can be found in the contemporary coinage, which is the main focus of this paper. With regard to the sources, it concentrates on the period from the 1st to the 4th century AD.

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Imperial sea voyages from literary and epigraphic sources Some examples between the 1st and early 3rd century AD illustrate the procedures and problems of imperial sea voyages. The most detailed report conveyed by Tacitus concerns the trip of the imperial prince Germanicus, who was the stepson and designated successor of Tiberius. Between AD 17 and 19 he travelled from Italy to Egypt. That he indeed used ships is conveyed for the first part of the voyage. He crossed the Adriatic Sea and went through the Aegean and the Sea of Marmara and visited many places, especially sanctuaries (Tac. ann. 2,53-55; Halfmann, 1986: 168-169). When Claudius travelled to Britain in AD 43 he used a ship from Ostia to Massilia (Suet. Claud. 17,2). This is one of the few examples of the use of imperial seafaring towards the provinces in the West. Of course it was always necessary to cross the English Channel when emperors like Claudius, Hadrian or Septimius Severus intended to travel from Gaul to Britain. Hadrian, who is the most famous of the imperial travellers, often left Rome for years. In AD 131 he navigated from Asia to Greece along the Aegean Isles (HA, H 13,1). Some inscriptions prove the use of ships during voyages in Eastern Mediterranean (cf. Halfmann, 1986: 112; 127, 200-201). Sometimes the ship-types which were used are mentioned: • a quinqueremis by Caligula for a short-distance trip along the Thyrennean coast in 41 AD (Plin. nat. 32,1,4) • a merchant vessel form Alexandria to Rhodus and from there to Rome a triremes (mentioned in plural) in AD 70 (Ios. bell. Iud. 7,2,1) • a freighter (onearia navis), probably a grain vessel by Titus, son of Vespasianus, when he went directly from Alexandria to Italy in AD 71 (Suet. Tit. 5,3)

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• a merchantman by Hadrian for a transfer in the Aegean to Ephesus in AD 129 (IK 15: no. 1487-1488). The use of warships is presumably underrepresented, due to the fact that these were the standard vessels for the transfer of an emperor. The dangers of seafaring which had been an argument for an overland voyage are shown by the already mentioned trip of Claudius who was in danger of shipwrecking twice and of Marcus Aurelius who survived a heavy storm in AD 176 (HA MA 27,1). Caracalla had to be rescued in AD 214 when he was in danger of shipwrecking after a yardarm was broken (HA Cc 5,8). Traianus’ column The scenes LXXIX-LXXX on Traianus’ column depict the crossing of the Adriatic Sea by the emperor when he started his campaign of the 2nd Dacian war in AD 105 (fig. 1). Three ships are shown ready for departure in the harbour which might have been Ancona or Ravenna. The vessel of Traianus in the middle of the illustration differs from the other two. The emperor travelled by a bigger military vessel, which was three-banked, while the others are two-banked, and had two beams along the hull and different decorations at the bow. At the stern a vexillum marks the vessel. A lantern above the cabin shows that the fleet was sailing by night. Traianus, dressed with tunica and sagum (cloak), is standing at the stern (Cichorius, 1900: 11-26; Basch, 1987: 445-452).

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The biggest class in the imperial navy was the hexeris, a six, named Ops (ILS 2835) which can be classified as the flagship of the main squadron based at Misenum (Casson, 1995: 142, 156). For the two Italian fleets also a type of quinqueremis, a five, is attested (Kienast, 1966: 120-121, n. 153a). The scenes LXXX-LXXXII on Traianus’ column (Cichorius, 1900: 35-47) deliver an impression of the procedure of such a trip. His arrival in Dalmatia, probably at Iadar, was celebrated by a huge crowd with sacrifices. Then the emperor travelled overland along the coast with his entourage, while the ships loaded with equipment were following them. The combination of seaborne and overland voyage does not seem to have been unusual. Coin evidence Coins are an excellent source for the sea voyage of the Roman emperors. There are two different monetary systems in the Roman Empire, the imperial and the provincial coinage. In both categories, ships were depicted on the reverses. Although warships were a common motif during the Late Republican era in the 1st century BC, they are – apart from one exception – missing in the in the coin representation of the 1st century AD. But they appear again on the reverses from the time of Hadrian in the early 2nd century until to the 4th century AD (Höckmann, 1996; Schaaff, 2003). The link to the sea voyages of the emperors are the reverse legends connected with ships as reverse depictions. The often used legend

Fig. 1. Traianus’ Column. The scenes LXXIX-LXXX (After Cichorius, 1900).

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Fig. 2. Distribution of provincial mints mentioned in the text. – 1 Anchialus – 2 Perinthus – 3 Nicaea – 4 Patrae – 5 Corinthus – 6 Ephesus – 7 Ake/Ptolemais – 8 Alexandria.

‘FELICITATI AVGVSTI’ denominates the good fortune of the emperor, what seemed to be especially important during sea voyages. The other important legend is ‘ADVENTVS AVGVSTI’ which denominates the arrival of the emperor which was celebrated with a specific ceremony. Additionally the legend ‘TraiectVs AVgVsti’ refers to the passage of the emperor. In the provincial coinage also reverses with ships and the legend ‘ADVENTVS AVGVSTI’ are known. But this is limited to the coins of Roman colonies, which used Latin for reverse legends in contrast to other poleis in those provinces of the Roman empire, where Greek was the first language. Therefore, some Greek terms were used to show imperial travelling: Epedemia for the stay of the emperor, Kataplous for his arrival by ship and even the term Sebastophoros which can be translated as carrier of the emperor. Also provincial coins which are displaying the emperor larger than life on board of a vessel were included in this category. This could also be a hint for the presence of the emperor. But their conclusiveness is less clear than that of the legends. Especially Andreas Alföldi (1937) interpreted these coin motifs – as those with the ‘FELICTATI AVGVSTI’-legends – as rather symbolic but in all cases mentioned here a travel activity as at least possible. The cities which edited coins that are related to sea journeys of the emperors are distributed between Greece and Egypt (fig. 2). Some of them are important harbour cities. Perinthos in Thrace was one of the main

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stations for military logistics between the Balkans and Asia Minor. Ephesos was important for commerce as for military logistics. Alexandria was the port from which the bulk of grain for the supply of the capital Rome was transported. Coins and sea voyages from Nero to Constans Nero’s famous voyage to Greece in AD 66/67 (for details cf. Halfmann, 1986: 173-177) is the first one which can be proven by coins. It left its marks in the coinage of Patrae (RPC I 1272) and Corinthus (RPC I 1203-1204). The reverses with the legend ‘ADVENTVS AVG(usti)’ celebrate his arrival. They show a rather large military vessel of a higher class (Bockius, 2012: 376) which can be identified as a five or six of one of the Italian fleets. The depictions of the coins of Patrae are in detail more elaborated (fig. 4.1). A curious issue from Alexandria is datable to the years 66/67 (fig. 4.2). The reverse shows a merchantman and the legend ‘Sebastophoros’ (RPC I 5296. 5306). In this case it seems likely to identify the vessel with one of the huge transporters with a length of more than 50 m which crossed between Alexandria and Italy (cf. Casson, 1995: 184-189). However, a voyage of Nero to Alexandria took place. It was probably planned by the Roman authorities and communicated to the administration of Alexandria, which decided to

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Fig. 3. Coin reverses which are connected to imperial sea voyages. Imperial coinage: 1) Hadrianus, Sestertius (RIC 706) – 2) Hadrianus, Sestertius (RIC 706 Var.) – 3) Lucius Verus, Sestertius (RIC 1325) – 4) Marcus Aurelius, As (RIC 1192 Var.) – 5) Septimius Severus for Caracalla, Denarius (RIC 120) – 6) Gordianus III (RIC 132). – Constantius I., Multiple Aureus (RIC 34) – Constans, Brass Medaillon (RIC 338); Scale 1,5:1 (1-4; after Schaaff, 2003, Nos 21g. 25a. 39a. 46a. 54k; Kraft, 1958, pl. XII.9; Toynbee, 1944, pl. VIII.4; XVII.9).

celebrate this event with this special coin reverse. An alternative explanation, that Nero used this type of vessel for his voyage to Greece (Gölitzer, 2004: 130) seems less likely in view of the coins from Greece which clearly showed warships. The first reflections of sea voyages in the imperial coinage were issued during the reign of Hadrian (fig. 3.1-2). The legend ‘FELICITATI AVgVsti’ praises the good fortune of the emperor. But we cannot say, if the cause for this issue has been a single situation like distress at sea. According to their size, the depictions on the bronze coins (RIC II: 431, Nos 703-706; 433, No. 718) are more detailed than the silver denarii (RIC II: 364 Nos 209-210; 368, No. 239-240). All of them show military vessels with a comparable hull shape. It is quite probable that this ship was the flagship. Details like the number of oarsmen, the shape and number of vexilla differ. The galleys are single-banked (fig. 3.2) or two-banked (fig. 3.1). If this is not a mistake or a simplification, one should consider if there were big single-banked warships as Lionel Casson (1995: 155-156) already proposed. One might also point to ship 2 from the Nemi Lake; a single-banked polyeris (Bockius, 2012: 370). The sea voyages of Hadrian have only left scanty evidence in the provincial coinage. A coin of Corinthus (fig. 4.3) conveys the arrival of the emperor by ship (Schaaff 2003: 18, No. P 8), which might be related with a residency in AD 124/125. After visiting Egypt in AD 130, Hadrian left Alexandria by ship. The

coin (fig. 4.4) displays him sitting on the deck of a military vessel with a vexillum at the bow (Schaaff, 2003: 45 No. P 145), which is not depicted as detailed as it was usual on imperial coins. Antoninus Pius, the successor of Hadrian, governed for 23 years and is known as the emperor who never left Italy (HA AP 7,1). But a coin of Perinthus shows the emperor at the bow of a military vessel of a higher class (fig. 4.5). This motif is clearly linked to the arrivals of Septimius Severus (fig. 4.6, see below). This suggests that he had conducted or at least planned a trip, for which also other sources can be taken into account (Schönert, 1965: 41, 158 no. 393). During the reign of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-180) imperial bronze coins with the legend ‘FelicitaTI AVgVsti’ were issued on a large scale: in AD 162-163 also with the portrait of the co-emperor Lucius Verus on the obverse, when he went to a military campaign against the Parthians (RIC III: 319-320, Nos 1325-1340) in AD 176, the obverses showing the portraits of himself (RIC III: 307-308 Nos 1192-1201) or his son Commodus (RIC III: 334, No. 1513; 337, No. 1550 with ‘FELICITAS CAES’) while the reverses mostly show Neptunus on deck of a galley (fig. 3.3-4). The latter edition can be connected with a literary source that Marcus had suffered a very severe storm (see above). The ship representations generally look less elaborated than those of the Hadrianic period. On some pieces of better quality a two-banked oaring system is visible.

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During the reign of Septimius Severus (AD 193-211) gold and silver coins (fig. 3.5), mainly with the portrait of his son Caracalla on the obverse and on the reverse the legends ‘adventvs Avgg/Avgvstor’ were issued (RIC IV/1: 119 Nos 178a-b; 221 Nos 57-58; 230 Nos 120-121). They celebrate the return from the Eastern provinces in AD 202. Three persons – Septimius, Caracalla and his younger brother Geta – can be seen sitting in the cabin of a warship. One section of oarsmen seems to be illustrated by dots, which are visible below the deck. Provincial coins from Perinthus at the Sea of Marmara show the same reverse type for Septimius Severus (fig. 4.6) as for Antonius Pius (fig. 4.5). The emperor is standing at the bow of a warship. The Greek legend ‘Epedemia B’ points at the second stay of Septimius in Perinthos, probably in AD 196 or 197 (Schönert, 1965: 41-42, 172 No. 462). A coin series showing a standing emperor on deck of a military vessel was issued by the city of Anchialos (fig. 4.7), situated on the shore of the Black Sea. The reverses are quite similar while the obverses show the portraits of Septimius and his sons Caracalla and Geta (Schaaff 2003: 21, Nos P 21. 25. 28). The occasion might have been the voyage from the eastern provinces back to Rome in AD 202. Coins of Nikaia in Asia Minor from the sole reign of Caracalla depict the emperor sitting on a deck of a

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Fig. 4. Coin reverses which are connected to imperial sea voyages. Provincial coinage: 1) Nero/Corinthus – 2) Nero/Alexandria – 3) Hadrianus/Corinthus – 4) Hadrianus/ Alexandria – 5) Antoninus Pius/Perinthus – 6) Septimius Severus/Perinthus – 7) Septimius Severus/Anchialus – 8) Severus Alexander/ Perinthus. Scale 1.5:1 (after Schaaf, 2003, Nos P 7a. P16a. P21b. P60a. P141c. P145a; Schönert, 1965, Nos 393. 463. 782).

military vessel together with city goddess Tyche holding Dionysos as a child (fig. 4.8) or with the Egyptian god Sarapis (e.g. Schaaff, 2003: 27, No. P 60-61). But the interpretation of this coin-type is difficult, as Nikaia is situated 30 km inland at a big lake. The coin might reflect a delegation of the city which welcomed the emperor at the coast but it may also be a hint that the depiction of an emperor on a ship may be possible as a more general motif. However, Caracalla certainly stayed in this area (Halfmann, 1986: 223-230). For Severus Alexander who probably stayed in Perinthos when he undertook his campaign against Parthians (AD 231-233), a local medallion (fig. 4.9) depicts the emperor standing on deck of a military vessel with the city godess Tyche and Sarapis, who holds the rudder (Schönert-Geiß, 1965: 43, 240 No. 782). The representation of the ship is reduced to the hull. Also a coin of Ptolomais (Akko) shows him standing on a ship with the city goddess Tyche (Schaaff, 2003: 40, No. P 121). During the reign of Gordianus III, imperial gold and bronze medallions (fig. 3.6) show a two-banked warship with oarsmen and soldiers on deck (RIC IV/3: 11. 28 No. 132., 50 No. 323). The legend ‘TRAIECTVS AVGVSTI’ can be interpreted as passage of the emperor. This is a clear evidence for the transit from Europe to Asia Minor when Gordianus went with his troops to the East in AD 242. He

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24. Sea journeys and ships of the Roman emperors

probably crossed the Sea of Marmara launching from Perinthos. Ephesos issued an interesting coin-type for Philippus I (AD 244-249) (Karwiese, 2012: 205 No. 949). The legend was ‘KATAPLOVS’ which means arrival by ship. This has also a special meaning, because Ephesos was the harbour city in the Roman province of Asia, where all officials had to land when they were arriving the first time (Halfmann, 1986: 234). In the late 3rd and 4th century AD military vessels are a common feature on the reverses of Roman coins. But links to voyages of the emperors are rare; only two transits to Britain can be proofed. The famous golden multiplum of Constantius Chlorus, the father of Constantine the Great, shows the recapture of Britain in AD 296 (fig. 3.7). According to literary evidence Constantius crossed the British channel with two fleets. The military vessel on the reverse is a Neumagen-type, which was a characteristic military vessel for the Northern regions of the Empire during that era (RIC VI: 143-144. 167; Bockius, 2012: 378). In AD 342 Constans, the emperor of the Western Roman Empire conducted a military campaign during the winter to defeat those barbarians who invaded the Roman provinces in Britain. The bronze medallion shows Constans standing on deck of a military vessel fighting against the god Oceanus in the sea (fig. 3.8). The legend ‘BONONIA OCEAN(ensis)’ is related to the city Boulogne-sur-Mer, where the passage started. A lighthouse is visible on the left side. Remarkably the transit was realised in winter, which was considered as very dangerous and a time of the year when the ancient seafaring was normally interrupted (Kraft, 1958: 180-181). Conclusions Evidence for sea voyages of the Roman emperors is based on literary, iconographic and especially numismatic sources. The emperors mostly used the biggest military vessels of the Roman fleet, preferably a hexeris or quinqueremis. Coastal shipping was often combined with land voyages. An exception was the crossing of long distances over the open sea by oversize grain freighters for the passage from Alexandria to Italy. Roman imperial and provincial coins depict ships which are related to the emperors. The quality of the illustrations differs and the study of details is complicated because of their small size. The variety and the change of features like the hull prove that ships were not only depicted as mere symbols. But contemporary imperial coin issues can differ considerably from each other. Therefore, it seems that the dye cutters did not have to illustrate one single ship exactly. For this reason, with isolated representations it is difficult to answer technical questions on ship building. One has to consider series of coins and take the reason of the coin issue into account.

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References Alföldi, A., 1937. A festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth century. Institute of numismatics and archeology of the Pázmány-university. Budapest. Basch, L., 1987. Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique. Institut Hellénique pour la préservation de la tradition nautique, Athens. Bockius, R., 2012. Römische Kriegsschiffe. In: Th. Fischer (ed.), Die Armee der Caesaren. Archäologie und Geschichte. Verlag Friedrich Pustet, Regensburg: 366-390. Casson, L., 1995. Ships and seamanship in the ancient world. John Hopkins University Press. Baltimore. Cichorius, C., 1900. Die Reliefs der Traianssäule. Dritter Textband: Commentar zu den Reliefs des zweiten Dakerkrieges. Verlag Georg Reimer. Berlin. Gölitzer, E., 2004. Entstehung und Entwicklung des alexandrinischen Münzwesens 30 v.Chr. bis zum Ende der julisch-claudischen Dynastie. Akademie-Verlag. Berlin. Halfmann, H., 1986. Itinera principum. Geschichte und Typologie der Kaiserreisen im Römischen Reich. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart. Höckmann, O., 1996. Schiffsbilder auf antiken Münzen. In: R. Albert (ed.), Rom und Rhein - Macht und Münzen: Festschrift zum 31. Süddeutschen Münzsammlertreffen 1996 in Mainz anläßlich des 75jährigen Bestehens der Numismatischen Gesellschaft Mainz-Wiesbaden von 1921. Numismatische Gesellschaft Speyer e.V, Speyer: 61-82. IK 15: Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien. Die Inschriften von Ephesos. Teil 5: Nr. 1446-2000 (Repertorium). Habelt Verlag. 1980. ILS: H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. Berlin 1892-1916. Karwiese, St., 2012. Die Münzprägung von Ephesos. Katalog und Aufbau der römerzeitlichen Stadtprägung mit allen erfassbaren Stempelnachweisen. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte der Universität 14. Öster­ reichische Forschungsgesellschaft für Numismatik, Wien. Kienast, D., 1966. Kienast, Untersuchungen zu den Kriegsflotten der römischen Kaiserzeit. Antiquitas 1.13. Habelt Verlag. Kraft, K., 1958. Die Taten der Kaiser Constans und Constantius II. Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 9: 141-186. RIC: Roman Imperial Coinage. 10 Vol. London, 1923–1994. RPC I: A. Burnett et al., Roman Provincial Coinage Vol. I: From the death of Caesar to the death of Vitellius (44 BC - AD 69). British Museum Press, London. Schaaff, U., 2003. Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit mit Schiffsdarstellungen im Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum. Kataloge vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer 35, Mainz. Schönert, E., 1965. Die Münzprägung von Perinthos. Griechisches Münzwerk. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin. Toynbee, J.M.C., 1944. Roman medaillons. Numismatic Studies 5. The American Numismatic Society, New York.

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25. The maritime landscapes of the Oued Loukkos (Lixus/Larache, Morocco) Athena Trakadas

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Introduction

Methods

The Oued Loukkos is one of the largest tidal rivers penetrating the coast of northern Morocco, debouching into the Atlantic near the city of Larache (fig. 1). Situated presently 4 km inland on a plateau above the Loukkos is the site of Lixus, which, during the PunicoMauretanian, Roman, and Early Islamic periods (6th century BC – 8th century AD), served as a transit point in the region’s marine and terrestrial communication and trade routes (Aranegui & Habibi, 2005; Aranegui & Hassini, 2010; Aranegui Gascó, 2001). Tituli picti found on fish-salting amphorae in southern Spain note that during the 1st century AD these products derived from the portuensis Lixitana (port of Lixus) (Liou & Rodrí� guez Almeida, 2000: 11). Whether portuensis indicated a general harbouring or anchorage area or built structures on the shore at this time is far from clear. Until now, the location of possible port(s) and/or zone(s) of land-marine interface at Lixus have only been hypothesised; additionally, these theories assume the ‘present’ location of the Loukkos and do not consider almost three millennia of riverine migration and coastal progradation. Since 2009, the Oued Loukkos Survey (OLS), whose partners include Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine (Morocco), Department Sciences de la Terre at Université Mohammed V – Agdal (Morocco), and Centre for Maritime Archaeology at University of Southampton (UK), has investigated the Loukkos basin (Trakadas, 2012: 176–185). The survey questions were: What was the past coastal and/ or riverine environment of the region and where were land-­marine interface activities? Were there anchorage and/or beaching zones or built port and/or dock facilities? How has the environment changed over time, and did the location of activities shift? Characterising the Loukkos basin’s environmental history greatly contributes to the understanding of the rise and abandonment of the site of Lixus, and also provides a picture of the human place within the changing maritime landscapes.

1 Archaeological survey conducted along the Loukkos’ banks and surrounding Lixus to document any exposed cultural remains. This includes walk-over, resistivity and magnetometer surveys and testtrench excavations. 2 Geological survey consisting of sediment sampling and coring along the riverbanks and in the present riverbed, with recovered organics radio-metrically dated. 3 Hydrographic survey conducted in the river using a sub-bottom profiler and an AUV equipped with multi-­beam and side-scan sonars. Preliminary results The preliminary results of the OLS outline the recent evolution of the Loukkos basin and provide an emerging image of the ancient maritime landscape (fig. 1) (Trakadas, 2012: 184–185). The hydrographic data reveal several layers of sediment deposition in the riverbed, indicating changes in course of the meandering lower river – although the relative chronology of these is clear, absolute dating has not yet been determined. The geological survey data characterise the evolution of the landscape. Exposed compact shell layers discovered in the Loukkos’ banks suggest a sudden change from saline to fresh water – which could indicate a major marine event that created a closed lagoon for some time. These shells, radio-carbon dated to c. 3,000-4,000 BP, establish a chronology for the deposition of the southern marine terrace in the Loukkos basin and situate Lixus on the northern edge of a broad lagoon prior to settlement. It remains to be determined whether the lagoon was still present to this extent when vessels began to visit Lixus in the 6th century BC, and whether the situation changed during subsequent occupation, particularly with the portuensis Lixitana of the 1st century AD.

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Fig. 1. Lixus, the Oued Loukkos, and a tentatively-proposed reconstruction of the region’s maritime landscape circa 3,000-4,000 BP (in dark green) based on data obtained during the OLS survey. Noted archaeological and geological materials are OLS findings (Map: Athena Trakadas; Google Earth base image).

The archaeological survey has identified several areas of previously unknown cultural material. Resistivity survey and test trenches west of the plateau of Lixus revealed fish-salting basins, several Late Roman burials and various layers of complete amphorae and walls (H. Hassini, personal communication). This area has been proposed as a port (Aranegui Gascó, 2007: 373–375), but it is clear that the layers’ composition and structure are not indicative of harbour remains, and the local topography has been considerably changed due to quarrying in the last two centuries. The resistivity work south of Lixus and north of the present river has revealed the presence of several walls. These could be the remains that were tentatively suggested to be ancient quay walls in the 19th century, and maybe relate to a port and/or harbour basin (Martinière,1890; Tissot, 1878: 211–212). These walls extend under a modern road and buildings; tracing and dating them will be the focus of future investigations.

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Acknowledgments This project’s success has been due to the assistance of Prof. Lloyd Huff, Center for Coastal & Ocean Mapping, University of New Hampshire (USA); Prof. Nadia Mhammdi, Mohamed Ali Geawhari, and Hasnaae Jirari, Department Sciences de la Terre at Université Mohammed V – Agdal; Dr. Aomar Akerraz, Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine; Hicham Hassini, Conservateur du site archéologique de Lixus; and Ocean Server Technology, Inc. (USA). References Aranegui, C. & Habibi, M. (eds), 2005. Lixus-2. Ladera Sur. Universitat de València, València. Aranegui, C. & Hassini, H. (eds), 2010. Lixus-3. Área suroeste del sector monumental (Cámaras Montalbán) 2005-2009. Universitat de València, València.

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Aranegui Gascó, C. (ed.), 2001. Lixus. Colonia fenicia y ciudad púnico-mauritana anotaciones sobre su ocupación medieval. Universitat de València, València. Aranegui Gascó, C., 2007. Apuntes sobre el urbanismo de Lixus (Larache, Marreucos). In: J.L. López Castro (ed.), Las ciudades fenicio-púnicas en el Mediterráneo occidental. Universidad de Almería Centro deEstudios Fenicios Púnicos, Almería: 369–381. Liou, B. & Rodríguez Almeida, E., 2000. Les inscriptions peintes des amphores du Pecio Gandolfo (Almería). Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome. Antiquité 112: 7–25.

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Martinière, H. de la, 1890. Recherches sur l’emplacement de la ville de Lixus. Bulletin Archéologique du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques 1890: 134–148. Tissot, M., 1878. Recherches sure la géographie comparée de la Maurétanie Tingitane. Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belle-Lettres 9: 139–322. Trakadas, A., 2012. Navigating the al-bahr al-Muzlîm: an assessment of the investigation, mitigation and preservation of Morocco’s maritime cultural heritage. Journal of Maritime Archaeology 7.1: 165–192.

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26. The harbour landscape of Aegina (Greece) Ioannis Triantafillidis & Despina Koutsoumba

Introduction

.

In the 1st century BC Strabo (viii. 6. 16) exclaims with regard to the island of Aegina: “Now what need have I to say that the island is one of the most famous? For it is said that both Aeacus and his subjects were from there. And this is the island that was once actually mistress of the sea and disputed with the Athenians for the prize of valour in the sea-fight at Salamis at the time of the Persian

War”. The islanders of Aegina controlled a supreme naval power that dominated the seas of the Greek world, and far beyond that, before the Classical period and up until its defeat under the Athenian might. Ancient references alone give us evidence about Aeginetan ‘Thalassocracy’, but also the material remains offer clear evidence of a thriving maritime society, adapted to the needs of sealife, a society which after adapting to its environment transformed its natural environment to its needs.

Fig. 1. The Island of Aegina and the location of the underwater archaeological site in front of the town Aegina.

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Right in front of the modern town of Aegina, which is built on top of the ancient town, both at the coast and mainly underwater numerous remains of the ancient commercial and naval harbour infrastructures are a testimony to a highly sophisticated and advanced maritime society (fig. 1). A fortified naval harbour with ship sheds, a commercial harbour, breakwaters and underwater reefs are part of an elaborated and multifunctional harbour complex that has not yet been studied thoroughly. It is promising numerous answers to accordingly numerous questions about harbour facilities, their architecture, technology, topography, logistics and a series of other social, economical and technological aspects. References of various travellers about the harbour and its underwater structures offer the some concise information for research into the history of the harbour of Aegina. In the 1960s, Paul Knoblauch visited Aegina four times (1964, 1965, 1966 and 1969) and surveyed the visible remains underwater and above water. His work covers a territory of approximately 2,700 m2. His findings have been very significant although he did only surface surveys and did not proceed in any excavations. In 1988, the Greek Underwater Archaeological Service conducted an underwater survey under the direction of Demetrios Chaniotis, who mentions in his report the ancient harbour’s remains that Knoblauch’s survey did not bring up. This paper focuses on a 19th-century Admiralty Chart by the Hydrographical Office of the UK (UKHO), one of the oldest detailed depictions of the harbour, and a satellite picture in order to discuss the Aegina harbour landscape and the underwater structures in front comprising it (fig. 2). Brief history of Aegina’s town and port The town of Aegina has a human presence from the Neolithic period evident at Kolona hill, with a period of prosperity in the Bronze Age 2600-2500 BC (Welter, 1938b). Consecutive periods of habitation are present up to the 7th century BC, when the Kolona hill became a religious centre, the Acropolis of Aegina, while the town was relocated south to it next to the harbours. This period constituted the highest point of prosperity for Aegina. The golden era of Aegina lasted until 458 BC when the Athenian supremacy brought an end to it at the naval battle of Kekryfaleia, consequently destroying Aegina’s fleet, fortifications and harbour facilities (Thucid.1.105). During the late 4th century BC the town underwent a short revival with some reconstructions of the infrastructure, possibly including some port facilities (Demosthenes: 211). In the Hellenistic Period the town of Aegina must have had a short revival under the Pergammene rule, but no clear evidence exist for the state of the harbour. In all probability, during early Roman times the harbour still existed (Welter, 1938a: 484). Then, for centuries, reuse of the material was common practice until around the end of the first

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millennium, when the site was finally abandoned and the settlement was moved further inland. The harbour has been in use from 15th century onwards – however without any evidence of a harbour settlement. The area has been repopulated since the beginning of the 19th century, having less than a dozen buildings in the Port in 1810. After the Greek War of Independence against the Ottoman Empire (1821-1830), the town started growing in numbers of people and buildings, reaching a climax in 1828 when it became the first capital of the Independent Greek State, with numerous architectural remains adorning the modern city. At this point, a radical change of the landscape took place, and during the short period that Aegina was Capital of Greece parts of the Temple of Apollo at Kolona and other ancient buildings had been used for modern harbour works and the creation of public buildings (How, 1971: 205 ff). After 1829, the Capital was moved to Nafplion and the town led a relatively quiet existence of a rural city. The rapid urbanization of the last 50 years (related to Aegina’s proximity to Athens) not only covered the ancient site both at land and at the coast, but outreached it in a great extent. At present, the modern town of Aegina covers the site of the ancient town entirely, as well as some of the harbour structures close to the coast. By the fluctuation of the sea level urban features have disappeared underwater and the landscape has changed significantly. This is a crucial issue when studying ancient ports and coastal areas. In Aegina’s case in all probability we have to take a sea level rise into account of c. 1cm every 10 years for the last 5,000 years, according to recent geological research (Poulos et al., 2009). So far, no geophysical research has been published on Aegina. The Thomas Graves UK Admiralty Chart Ancient Aegina’s harbour facilities have been included in numerous local publications of varying scientific level which often contain only a poor quality map of the town and its coast. During our research in the local library the reference to the map (in reality a chart) that has been the source (directly or through other reprints) of most of the above-mentioned maps was traced. What was discovered is a reference to a rather precise chart which was purchased from the Hydrographical Office of the UK (UKHO) (fig. 2). The chart is entitled “Town and Ports of Aegina” and was produced in 1839. It is signed by Thomas Graves, Commander of H.M.S. Beacon, and compiled as the result of a surveying expedition by the British Royal Navy in the Aegean Sea. The chart was initially published by the Hydrographic Office of the Admiralty in 1843 and later a corrected edition was published in 1861. On the left side it has the view of Aegina from the anchorage, as it was used in those times by captains in order to understand the landscape from the site that they approach. On the left part of the chart is the compass

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Fig. 2. Chart of the harbour of Aegina from 1838 (OCB 1515 A2/ Courtesy of Hydrographic Office of United Kingdom).

pointing north and at lower part of the chart one sees the map scale, which is divided in cables, yards and sea mile. The key on the upper right part shows the coordinates of the Temple of Venus and the explanation of the metadata in the chart: ‘m’ stands for mud, ‘r’ for rock, ‘s’ for sand and ‘wd’ for weeds. There are three fathoms lines for 1, 2 and 5 fathoms. Finally, bathymetry is given in feet. The other part of the map is covered by the plan of the city of Aegina, the coastline and the underwater environment. Except for the bathymetry and the metadata, the chart also includes seven land marks from North to South written as follows: 1 Remains of an ancient mole 2 Cape Skendiriotti/ Temple of Venus 3 Lazzeretto 4 Ancient Mole 2 5 Lighthouse

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6 Ancient Mole 3 7 School/Museum Interrelation of Antiquities in Chart with attested antiquities This chart is probably the most detailed chart of the area up to the present day, revealing important traces of the ancient harbour landscape. Two further elements of maritime significance that do not exist anymore are surviving in this chart, a) the Lazzereto, i.e. the quarantine building of Aegina which was built in the period when Aegina was the capital of the Greek state, and b) a ruined tower, demolished in late 19th century, the latest phase of which belonged to the Venetian Period because it was rebuilt by Morosini (Chandler, 1817: 17). The tower

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Fig. 3. Aerial picture of the archaeological remains at the harbour of Aegina. a: Northern Breakwater, b: Naval Harbour (Kryptos Limen), c: Commercial Harbour, d: Quay built in 1828-9, e: Southern Breakwater, f: Manmade Reefs.

foundations are probably surviving under the building currently hosting the Sailing Club of Aegina. Our focus will be on the ancient harbour elements that are found underwater. As it is obvious from the landmarks, in three cases features in the water are marked as ancient moles, two correctly and one incorrectly. Those three features together with other features of the sea bed are going to be interrelated to satellite pictures and archaeological research that took place the last 50 years.

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Naval Harbour Starting with the most recognizable remains, in front of the town of Aegina and a bit to the north one sees the remains of the naval harbour (figs 2, 3.b), obviously the harbour referred as Kryptos Limen by Pausanias (II, 29, 6 ff). According to Knoblauch (1973: 73-79), it is a fortified harbour, the walls of which have an average of 2.8 m, with two square towers protecting the entrance.

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26. The harbour landscape of Aegina (Greece)

The bases of those towers are still to be seen and their exact measurement is not clearly determined. At the north-west corner six ship sheds have been identified. They are 6.6 m wide, while the interior width varies from 5.75 to 6.17 m (mostly 5.77 m), and their back end was found intact. There are indications from an in situ observation while snorkelling that the ends of these ship sheds may be preserved. The harbour basin varies from 0.10 m to 2.3 m in the centre. The curved coast from the ship sheds at the north-west corner and clock-wise to the southeast mole are no more than 1 m on average. The whole area is covered by mortar, stones and ceramic sherds, in all probability remains of the ship sheds. Knoblauch (1973: 83) dates this harbour to 480 BC with a reconstruction phase in AD 750. Commercial Harbour The commercial harbour (fig. 3.c) has not been studied because it is covered by modern harbour works from the late 1960s. It was oval shaped and probably had two towers securing the entrance, similar to the naval harbour. Physical proof is difficult to obtain, since their possible location is under a church on the northwest quay and under a modern building on the southwest, at the location where the Venetian tower once stood. The 1960s major construction works also covered the ancient quays. Thus the south, east and north quays may be preserved almost intact while the southwest partially lays under the modern harbour. In Grave’s Chart the southern mole is referred to as ancient. The later had also a Venetian phase evident from the tower of Morosini mentioned above. The southern quay wall that has been destroyed during those works is the one connecting the commercial harbour with the naval one. This part had our particular interest, since in the early 19th century a number of small basins were observed behind it: a possible connecting channel and a site dock, according to Cockerel (1860: 1), who included this feature in his plan of the city of Aegina at the port. The proposed date for the commercial harbour by Knoblauch (1973: 81) is 480 BC. Breakwaters There are two underwater structures missing from the chart. While in the bay north of Kolona a fortification wall is mistakenly mentioned as remains of an ancient mole, a substantial structure of 241 m was not included in the soundings by Thomas Graves. It stretches some 300 m into the sea, its foot being c. 67 m away from the coast at a depth not exceeding 2 m. The first 55 m of the mole is horizontal, then the mole declines and ends at a depth of 4.15 m. Its construction consists of stones and blocks of various shapes with sizes up to 0.5 m x 0.4 m.

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Ceramic shreds are scattered all over the structure (fig. 3.a) (Knoblauch, 1973: 59-68). A second underwater structure has been located by the Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities south of the modern harbour. Its course can be vaguely traced in the chart and is visible in the satellite picture. It has an ellipsoid shaped curving to the south, the edges of it pointing northwest and northeast. It is built in the same manner with the breakwater in the North Bay. Its foot is circa 100 m from the coast and stretches around 350 m into the sea. Its width varies between 20 and 26.5 m (Chaniotis, 1988). The measurements are approximate, since the structure has not been surveyed (fig. 3.e). The above two structures seem to have been functioning as breakwaters. The northern one is dated by Knoblauch (1973: 83) in the last quarter of the 19th century BC, while the southern is still undated but in all probability seems contemporary to the northern breakwater. Manmade reefs Pausanias (II, 29, 6 ff.) mentions how difficult it is to reach Aegina, due to underwater rocks and round shaped reefs, which he attributes to Aeacus, the mythical founder of Aegina, who built them on purpose as a defence against the pirates and the enemies who may have tried to attack them. In this case the chart gives a very interesting hint (yet not very accurate and thus a bit misleading) about those reefs, which have similar heights between 2.4 m to 3 m under the sea surface. Knoblauch considered them as rocky reefs and did not investigate them during his underwater expeditions. Their existence, however, had been known to the locals; especially to mariners, fishermen and divers who had troubles with them and in various cases could see them through the glass bottom bucket from their boats, or while diving. The Underwater Archaeological Service had already located them and surveyed them in 1988 but the sudden death of chief investigator, Mr. Chaniotis, left them unpublished until now. After this investigation the Underwater Archaeological Service declared the whole area a protected archaeological site. Pausanias in this case seems to be half correct. It may have been not Aeacus who built those reefs, but in any case they are indeed built on purpose and are not natural rock formations. They extend for a length of c. 1,700 m, starting from the axis of the North breakwater and stretch in south-southeast direction to a point c. 245 m north of the seaward edge of the south breakwater (fig. 3.f). Chaniotis (1988) identified 45 individual constructions in five groups. The depiction of long reefs in Graves’ chart is due to missing the gaps between the reefs during the collection of soundings. They have the shape of truncated cones. Moreover, they appear to be constructed without use of a hydraulic mortar used in Roman times. Finally, we see no similarities with

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elements of other artificial harbours, like Caesarea Maritima or Cosa (Raban, 1992; Lewis, 1973). Its building material is similar to the material used to build the two breakwaters, comprising small and large stones of irregular shapes, with sizes varying from 20 to 90 cm. Their height from the seabed varies between 3.3 to 4.6 m. while their perimeter is c. 25 m- 20 m- 15 m from their base upwards with a flat top (Chaniotis, 1988). The fact that on average their tops are at 2.7 m leads us to think that they were built in a period when they were slightly below water so they could function effectively as underwater obstacles. This leads to their dating around 6th and 5th century BC, probably in the same period the two harbours were built, or a bit later when the Aegenitans felt the harbours were threatened. If the latter is the case, then they would be built sometime between 491459 BC, the period the Athenians were a serious threat for Aegina. The possibility of them being part of a breakwater is impossible since they could not function as such due to their ineffective distribution, with gaps between them. This construction is very interesting and seemingly unique. Conclusion We are indebted to the work of P. Knoblauch that put a strong basis to the study of this beautiful and magnificent site, and to D. Chaniotis for his discoveries. The chart of UKHO offers a view of the site before modern urbanization and radical transformation of the seafront took place. Furthermore, it is the only evidence until now of a rather precise source for the Kryptos Limen and the commercial harbour before their modern development. The above information will be an invaluable guide for future research to locate ancient structures under the overlaying streets and other surface constructions. The harbour complex of Aegina is a maritime landscape that has attested human presence through a series of chronological events from Prehistory, to the Archaic, the Classical, the Hellenistic, the Roman, the Byzantine, the Frankish, the Catalan, the Ottoman and the Venetian period. Moreover, it was redeveloped since the time of the modern Greek State’s foundation (1830) and up to

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the present, with the harbour of Aegina being currently the second most busy passengers’ port in Greece with around 2,000,000 passengers every year. Studying this massive harbour landscape will enable us to have a good understanding of the site, aiming to obtain valuable data for the archaeological research of the ancient Town of Aegina and the history of its harbour. Our research will also contribute to the creation of a unique underwater archaeological site both comprehensible and reachable to the general public and to the local community. References Chandler, R., 1817. Travels in Asia Minor and Greece (Vol. II, 3rd edition). London. Chaniotis, D., 1988. Dienergeia prokatartikis ypovrychias ereunas sto thalassio choro anoichta tou archaiou kai Emborikou limaniou tis Aeginas. Report to the Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities Protocol Number 2385/14.7.1988, unpublished. Cockerell, C.R., 1860. The Temples of Jupiter Panhellenius at Aegina, and of Apollo Epicurius at Bassae near Phigaleia in Arcadia. London. Demosthenes. In Aristocratem. http://www.poesialatina.it/_ns/ Greek/testi/Demosthenes/In_Aristocratem.html. How, S.G., 1971. Imerologio apo ton Agona 1825-1829. Karavias, Athens. Knoblauch, P., 1973. Die Hafenlagen der Stadt Ägina. Archailogikon Deltion 27: 50-85. Lewis, J.D., 1973. Cosa: an early Roman harbour. In: D.J. Blackman (ed.), Marine Archaeology. Colston Papers: 233-259. Pausanias, Book II. Zacharopoulos, Athens. Poulos, S.E., Ghionis, G. & Maroukian, H., 2009. Sea-level rise trends in the Attico–Cycladic region (Aegean Sea) during the last 5000 years. Geomorphology 107: 10–17. Raban, A., 1992. Sebastos: the royal harbour at Caesarea Maritima — a short-lived giant. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21: 111–124. Strabo. Geographica Book VIII. Zacharopoulos, Athens. Thucydides, 1942. Historiae in two volumes. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Welter, G., 1938a. Aeginetica XIII-XXIV. Archäologischer Anzeiger: 480-540. Welter, G., 1938b. Aigina. Berlin.

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27. The two shipwrecks of La Natière (Saint-Malo, France). An archaeological contribution to the Atlantic maritime landscape of the first half of the 18th century É�lisabeth Veyrat

Dotted with reefs and swept by strong currents created by one of the highest tidal ranges in the world (more than 12 m), the coast of Saint-Malo is well-known for being hazardous. For more than two centuries, the city of St. Malo was a central hub and an active port for ships from all over Europe ranging from small vessels to major frigates, engaged in commercial trading, cod fishing in Newfoundland, privateering and illegal trade. The combination of a hostile environment and the constant traffic of ships brought both risk and misfortune to numerous vessels over the centuries. So it was not a surprise when, in 1995, a well preserved archaeological site was discovered off the rocky barrier of La Natière, in front of St. Malo. Located just next to the main navigation channel to the port, the two reefs that constitute the Natière barrier are only visible at very low tide. They are a perfect example of what is called a ’ship-trap’. Between 1999 and 2008, a largescale excavation project was carried out by the French Ministry of Culture (Département des Recherches Archéologiques Subaquatiques et Sous-Marines: DRASSM) and ADRAMAR (Association pour le Développement de la Recherche en Archéologie Maritime), during ten successive archaeological campaigns, under the supervision of DRASSM director Michel L’Hour and the author (L’Hour & Veyrat, 2000; 2001; 2002; 2003; 2004). The duration of the excavation program was determined by several factors, such as the size of the site with remains scattered across nearly 1,000 m2, the water depth, which, depending on the tide, varied between 8 and 19 m, and the fact that the divers could only work during slack tides. During the excavation it became clear that the site consisted not of one but two large shipwrecks. They were roughly situated parallel to each other and were for convenience designated as Natière 1 and Natière 2. The topography of the reef and the presence of a sandy bottom provided excellent protection for both wrecks. The remains of the Natière 1 wreck consist of 31 m of the ship’s starboard side, from the keel up to the deck. The other wreck, Natière 2, was also preserved on its

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starboard side, from the keel to the second deck, for a length of 36 m. By combining archaeological clues with archival and historical data the two shipwrecks could be identified as the frigates Dauphine and Aimable Grenot. Natière 1: the Dauphine (1704), a royal 300-tonne frigate from Le Havre The oldest of the two wrecks (Natière 1) was the Dauphine, a 300-tonne frigate built at the royal shipyard of Le Havre in 1703. This light frigate, with a single deck, 30 guns and 18 oars, was under command of Captain Michel Dubocage. It was escorting a captured English ship, the Dragon, when it sank at the entrance to St. Malo on December 11, 1704. The discovery of the Dauphine brings forward a fairly unexplored page of the French privateering era. The Dauphine is one of the frigates built by the French King Louis XIV and entrusted to private outfitters for ‘Commerce Raiding against the State’s Enemies’. Archival research provided a better understanding of the social and financial context of the Dauphine’s outfitting. According to the treatise signed in 1703 between King Louis XIV and the outfitters, the King provided the ship, with all its rigging, gear and ordnance, plus 10 soldiers, while the outfitter supplied food and paid the crew, including the royal clerk appointed by the King (table 1).1 One fifth of the gains was for the King. The main outfitter of the Dauphine was Jacques Duval D’Epremesnil, who was the most famous outfitter in Le Havre at that time and worked together with his uncle Claude Houssaye. In total twenty-one people took part in the outfitting and financing of the first campaign of the Dauphine. Among them there were the royal shipwright (constructeur des vaisseaux du Roi) Philippe le Cochois, who built the ship in Le Havre, some dockyard officers, merchants and craftsmen from Le Havre, and a few men from Rouen and Paris. As expressed by a note from the superintendent of Le Havre dockyard,

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Table 1. The Dauphine outfitting background (Le Havre Dockyard, 1703).

The Dauphine outfitting background Historical context : The War of the Spanish Succcession (1701-1714) The King Louis XIV

Le Havre dockyard Shipwright: Philippe le Cochois

chooses

hull, rigging, gear & ordnance

provides

10 soldiers (compagnies franches

provides

Le Havre Outfitters: Jacques Duval d’Epremesnil & Claude Houssaye (nephew & uncle)

Dauphine

de la Marine)

provide pay choose

21 private sponsors (from Le Havre, Rouen Paris) Rouen,

builds

Treatice for 3 years (nov (nov. 1703)

1703-1704

Food supplies the crew (even the royal clerk) Captain: Michel Dubocage (27)

Share parts for outfitting & gains (N.B. One fifth of captures is given to the King)

The three Grenot Historical context : The War of the Austrian Succession (1740 (1740-1748) 1748)

Launched 08/1744

Granville Outfitter: François Léonor Launched Couraye y du Parc 10/1745 (1719-1754)

Launched 01/1747

Comte de Thorigny Charles Grenot renamed

Grand Grenot

Captain Michel Clément

Sunk near Morlaix (France) March 1745

18 guns

Table 2. The three Grenot of Leonor Couraye du Parc (Granville Harbour, 1744-1749).

Profit: 348 789 L

Sunk at Granville (France) July 1746

40 guns

Profit: 823 566 L

Aimable Grenot = Natière 2 shipwreck

Captains: Pierre Houssaye then Hugon des Preys 40, then 28 guns

Sunk at St. Malo (France), May 1749

Profit: 670 676 L (in French royal pounds)

Duval d’Epremesnil wanted to send the Dauphine North to attack small Dutch and English supply convoys which were protected by only 24 to 30 guns.2 His primary goal was to gain immediate profit, not glory. Natière 2: the Aimable Grenot (1749), a privateer 400-tonne frigate from Granville The other shipwreck (Natière 2) was identified as the Aimable Grenot, a 400-tonne frigate built in Granville in 1747 by the private ship owner Leonor Couraye du Parc, aged 28 at the time. Archival sources tell us that this frigate took part in two major corsair campaigns prior to the

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signature of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in October 1748, which brought the War of the Austrian Succession to a close. After this, it was used for trading with Cadiz in Spain. It sank on May 6, 1749, as it left St. Malo ’for a voyage to Cadiz, loaded with canvas and other goods from the area’.3 Until today, very little research has been done on French privateers from Granville which is partly due to the destruction of the archives during WWII. Nevertheless it is clear that this city, which is only a few hours sailing from St. Malo, developed in the 18th century a vivid activity of privateering, with strong joint interests and partnership with St. Malo. Leonor Couraye du Parc was the most important outfitter in Granville at

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27. The two shipwrecks of La Natière, Saint-Malo (France)

173

Recruiting the crew of L’Aimable Grenot 2nd course, course 1748 140 120

St‐Brieuc Granville

100 80

75,5%

60 40 20 0

22,5%

St-Brieuc

Granville St-Malo

Romain de Hooge Carte nouvelles des costes de Normandie et de Bretagne, 1693

Fig. 1. Recruiting the crew of L’ Aimable Grenot (2nd course, 1748).

the time and has successively launched three privateer frigates; the Charles Grenot (18 guns), the Grand Grenot (40 guns) and the Aimable Grenot (40 guns) (table 2). The three frigates provided, during the four last years of the Austrian Succession War, more than 1.8 million French royal pounds of gains and benefits, of which 670,000 pounds by the Aimable Grenot alone. The ships were named in honour to Charles Grenot, a Marine commissioner in Granville based in St. Brieuc on the North coast of Brittany. We can expect that Grenot was a rather good friend of Léonor Couraye du Parc, unless the name giving was merely flattery in return of some special gratifications. The crew lists of the Aimable Grenot during its privateering period have been preserved in French archives. The study of the composition of the crew can help to understand possible links and profit-sharing between the ship-owner and this Marine commissioner. For its first trip, more than 83% of the 388 crew men and nearly all the officers came from Granville but 14% of the men came from St. Brieuc. For the second trip a few months later, 73% of the crew came from Granville while 22% originated from St. Brieuc (fig. 1). Could this proportion of crew members from St. Brieuc be explained by the fact that Charles Grenot, Commissioner in St. Brieuc, was precisely in charge of crew repartition among French navy and private ship-owners? This hypothesis suggested by Michel Aumont, one of the specialists on Granville privateers in the 18th century, seems to be reasonable and acceptable. Furthermore, the important number of novices and youngsters among the crew of the Aimable Grenot (the total amount of those unskilled men being more than sailors) might indicate some difficulty to find qualified sailors. In that point of

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view, the help of Charles Grenot could have been rather decisive. Two privateer frigates down the Channel; a key-role Built and outfitted in Le Havre and Granville, in Normandy, Dauphine and Aimable Grenot clearly have different backgrounds, one being royal and the other being private, but both wrecked on the very same spot in St. Malo. Even if they are not directly issued from St. Malo, these ships had a strong link with the maritime trading hub of St. Malo in this period. To this port the Dauphine escorted its English capture and this is where the Aimable Grenot took canvas and goods for its further travel to Cadiz. According to the archives, both Dauphine and Aimable Grenot displayed in less than two years of privateering a key role in international exchanges and Atlantic maritime trade, by means of captures and commerce raiding. From October 1703 to December 1704, the Dauphine captured at least nine foreign ships from the North coasts of Brittany to Dunkerque, for a total gain of 340,000 French royal pounds. In 1747-1748 the Aimable Grenot captured at least 17 ships coming from various countries, for a total gain of 670,000 French royal pounds. The social and financial impact of these catches for St. Malo, Le Havre and Granville, as well as for other linked cities, such as Morlaix in Brittany, is obvious. The two ships played a role of accelerators, bringing new items and providing money to the outfitters, to the crew and to the local economy of those cities and their surroundings.

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Fig. 2. Drawing showing the pump well & pumps. Cross-section of the Royal frigate Estoille (watercolour by Gueroult, AnF, 6JJ89 page 74) (Photo: Maritime Museum of Tatihou, France).

Shipbuilding and social landscape From an archaeological point of view, both shipwrecks can provide a clear focus on this particular period and help to understand the social and cultural landscape, closely linked to the outfitting, supplies, exchanges and material culture on board. A few examples will follow. When comparing the cross-section of the shipwreck of the Dauphine with a drawing of the pump well and pumps of the royal frigate Etoile by Gueroult4 (fig. 2) some identical features come to light: a single deck, a slender square keel, a larger keelson and a sharp bottom at the master frame. This leads to the conclusion that the Etoile in this drawing is in fact the light frigate with the same name which was built in 1703 in the royal dockyard of Le Havre, in the same year and by the same shipwright as the Dauphine. The Etoile and the Dauphine were sister ships. The archaeological data and the iconographical sources help to define some of the specific technical features used by shipwright Philippe le Cochois. Furthermore, the archaeological study points out the unusual way he built the Dauphine, using, for example, a large amount of filling pieces, directly inserted between the frames under the keelson. Numerous features on the Aimable Grenot shipwreck reveal details on the general situation in Granville

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shipyards regarding outfitting supplies, such as, for example, proof for shortage in suitable timbers and some possibly botched cordage. Those observations have to be linked to what we know of the shipbuilding context of the frigate. Archives do mention that Aimable Grenot was built in Granville, most probably according to the regulations of a St. Malo shipbuilder. Combining the historical data with the archaeological features of the shipwreck, the priorities of the outfitter regarding the construction of the ship can be better understood. What were the main preoccupations of the ship-owner; for which purpose and what life span was the ship built? We can guess that after Léonor Couraye du Parc had built two previous ships that lasted eight and 19 months each, he now would plan for a ship of limited life. He did not want to waste time and money on a ship that would be short lived anyhow. Furthermore, his main aim would have been to get quick and efficient profit. From this point of view, the living quarters of the crew were far less important than the efficiency of the ordnance, even more since the crew shared the same objective of quick profit. Accordingly, the archaeological study has shown that the second deck was entirely dedicated to the ordnance, while the crew and the kitchen settled on the lower, dark and stuffy first deck. It becomes clear that although the living conditions on board were extremely poor, the powerful ordnance platform made the Aimable Grenot a successful privateer allowing her to get quick profit in a short period at sea. An amazing testimony of the relationship between Léonor Couraye du Parc, the outfitter of the Aimable Grenot, and the Marine Commissioner Charles Grenot, is offered by a fragment of a tricorn hat of a large wooden figurehead, found in 2007 in the very bow of the wreck (fig. 3). According to the archives, the frigate was fitted with a full size figurehead of Grenot. The archaeological evidence of such a figurehead lightens the

Fig. 3. A part of a figurehead tricorn (Nat 2860) points out the identity of the ship and the socio-political context of its outfitting (Photo: Teddy Seguin, ADRAMAR).

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27. The two shipwrecks of La Natière, Saint-Malo (France)

Dauphine,  1703                                     (Natière 1 Wreck)  France

Angleterre

Flanders Belgique Pays‐Bas Allemagne Baltic area Baltic area Spain World

Tin glazed earthenware, Rouen Glazed earthenware, Saintonge Norman stoneware, Ger Stoneware, Beauvaisis Stoneware, Puisaye , y Mortar, le Puits en Velay Pewter plates, Le Havre Pewter dishes, St.Malo Pewter double button, Brittany ? Wine glass bottles Gunner scale, London Blunderbusses, London Tobacco pipes, Bristol P t Pewter porridger id Pewter spoon Pewter plates Pins wooden case Pewter screwcaps Sharpening stone, Viersalm Bellarmin jugs, Frechen Oaken cask, Poland ? Oaken cask, Poland ? Earthenware jar Macaca sylvanus, Morocco Rhizophoraceae wood, Tropical area Coconut, Tropical area Tobacco, Virginia Acrocomia  spp endocarpia, Carribean area

Aimable Grenot, 1749                                (Natière 2 Wreck)

Table 3. The origin of artefacts from the two shipwrecks of La Natière.

Tin glazed earthenware, Rouen Glazed earthenware, Saintonge Norman stoneware, Ger Glazed earthenware, Giroussens Pewter jug, Rouen Pewter dishes, St.Malo Wine glass bottles

Wooden handles "pile à godets" nested weights, Nuremberg Lignum Vitae, Carribean area Calabash, South America Cast iron ingots, Maryland Tobacco, Virginia Sweet pepper seeds, South America Green tea, Asia or India Blue & white porcelain, China

socio-political context of the launching of the ship, the personality of the ship-owner and the relationships (or even profit-sharing) between the private outfitter and an important royal commissioner. La Natière: a double testimony on exchanges from the Oceanic World over The origin of various artefacts found on the two shipwrecks of la Natière illustrates the close relationships between the ports of Granville, Le Havre and St. Malo, where to two frigates were connected to, and the supply networks in France, Europe and the entire Atlantic World (table 3). Among the numerous artefacts of French origin appear tin glazed earthenware from Rouen, green lead glazed earthenware from Saintonge and south-western France, large stoneware pots and bottles from Normandy and various pewter wares from Le Havre and St. Malo. There was a large number of items from England, such as pewter plates from London, brass blunderbusses, clay tobacco pipes with ‘TO’ inscriptions and a rare boxwood gunner’s scale or gauge marked ‘1648 IC’. Most of these objects might have belonged to crew members of the English captured ship the Dragon, who were lodged aboard the Dauphine on the day of her wreckage. In this respect, those artefacts are conclusively showing violent collisions between English ships and the Dauphine, rather than peaceful trade exchanges. Also other countries in Europe were represented by the finds, among which sharpening stones from Belgium, wooden Dutch handles, an oak cask from the Baltic area, two German bellarmine jugs from the Rhine area and

isbsa13.indb 175

175

a jar of presumed Spanish origin. More than just captured items, these artefacts bear witness of massive and significant exchanges within Europe, displaying growing supply networks which provided the most suitable items for the right function aboard the ships and for the right price. Moving even further away from St. Malo, Le Havre and Granville, some finds are clearly related to the global Atlantic world-economy, in relation to privateering and exchange systems Asian or Indian green tea, American tobacco and iron ingots, Caribbean lignum vitae, mangrove wood, coconut bowls, sweet pepper seeds in a Norman stoneware pot, cod fish in a calabash gourd and even a Macaca monkey. These archaeological finds materialize and enhance the fact that the two frigates

Fig. 4. A clay pipe (Nat 1158) and its carved wooden case (Nat 1175), Natière 1 shipwreck (Dauphine, 1704) (Photo: Frédéric Osada, Images Explorations).

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themselves are places of exchange within a more global system of influence. One particular find from the Dauphine shipwreck (1704) explicitly marks the maritime European exchange: a beech wood case for a shortened clay tobacco pipe, carefully carved in the shape of a pistol (Nat 1175) (fig. 4). For the moment, it is assumed that it was made by a crew member and that it embodies almost symbolically two of the favourite activities of sailors from all over the world: smoking and knife wood carving. Some similar archaeological evidence has been found in maritime context.5 It can be assumed that these boxes were fairly popular; sailors either had the occasion to copy these themselves or they could buy one during a stopover. The two shipwrecks of La Natière are an amazing evidence of the system of connections within Europe, America and Africa which existed despite, or rather thanks to wars, frontiers and national networks boosted by central powers. They clearly show how the Atlantic maritime landscape provided exchange between the social communities of Western Europe. The ships sailed from port to port and goods came from one ship to another, such as the unique English gunner’s rule from 1648 which finishes its life aboard a French royal frigate 55 years later. More than Norman, British or French, the la Natière shipwrecks represent, as a matter of fact, ships of the World. Notes 1 Dauphine’s treatise, October 20th, 1703 (Archives Dépar­ tementales de Seine-Maritime, Rouen, 216 BP 385, f ° 50 & 51). 2 Letter from Silly to the King, November 3rd, 1703 (Archives Nationales de France, Paris, B3 120, f° 377). 3 Requête pour faire travailler au sauvetage de l’épave, May 6th, 1749 (Archives Départementales d’Ille-et-Vilaine, Rennes, 9B302). 4 Drawing showing the pump well & pumps. Cross-section of the Royal frigate Estoille, watercolour by Gueroult, without date (Archives Nationales de France, Paris, 6JJ89: 74).

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5 A few tobacco pipe wooden boxes have been found on other European shipwrecks, in particular: the Uelvesbüll wreck (Kuhn, 1999), the Mynden wreck (Jens, 2004), a French Mediterranean shipwreck (Joncheray, 2006: 160). None of them is shaped as a pistol as the Natière box. The best parallel is the wooden case of the Science Museum in London (http://www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/broughttolife/objects/display) or a French drawing of the Morelli invention brevet of 1845 (Raphael, 1991: 134).

References Jens, A., 2004. Fregatten Mynden: a 17th-century Danish Frigate Found in Northern Germany. The International journal of Nautical Archaeology 33.2: 264-280. Joncheray, Jean-Pierre, 2006. À la découverte de l’archéologie sous-marine. Hors-série Subacqua. Kuhn, H.J., 1999. Gestrandet bei Uelvesbüll, Wrackarchäologie in Nordfriesland. Husum. L'Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 2000. Un corsaire sous la mer. L’épave de la Natière, archéologie sous-marine à Saint-Malo, volume 1. Edition Adramar. L'Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 2001. Un corsaire sous la mer. Les épaves de la Natière, archéologie sous-marine à Saint-Malo, volume 2. Edition Adramar. L'Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 2002. Un corsaire sous la mer. Les épaves de la Natière, archéologie sous-marine à Saint-Malo, volume 3. Edition Adramar. L'Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 2003. Un corsaire sous la mer. Les épaves de la Natière, archéologie sous-marine à Saint-Malo, volume 4. Edition Adramar. L'Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 2004. Un corsaire sous la mer. Les épaves de la Natière, archéologie sous-marine à Saint-Malo, volume 5. Edition Adramar. Raphael, Maurice, 1991. La pipe en terre, son périple à travers la France.

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B. Regional Watercraft

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28. Connecting maritime landscapes. Or early modern news from two former ‘Baltic Cogs’ (Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, Germany) Mike Belasus

The term ‘cog’ has a long tradition in German historical and archaeological research. It was derived from the written sources by historians at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century and used to describe a medieval type of large cargo ship that was used by the Hanseatic League. At the beginning of the 20th century German scholars like Bernhard Hagedorn or Walter Vogel were trying to define the terms for ships from written sources even though they were in doubt about the possibility of such attempt (Hagedorn, 1914: 6; Vogel, 1915: 465). During this period the term ‘cog’ became a symbol for the Hanseatic League which was seen as a predecessor of the German Empire. The First World War put an end to this detailed research on ships in Germany but by then the term ‘cog’ was an integrated part of the public idea of the Hanseatic League and German history during the late medieval period. About fifty years later Paul Heinsius picked up on this topic but without mentioning any doubts (Heinsius, 1986). His technical definition of the medieval term ‘cog’ was mainly relying on contemporary depictions of ships. In 1962 the term ‘cog’ became archaeological even though no archaeologist was involved when art historian Siegfried Fliedner used Heinsius’ definition for the interpretation of a well preserved shipwreck that was found in the river Weser in Bremen (Pohl-Weber, 1969: 18). Later on the archaeologist Detlef Ellmers was using the so-called Bremen cog to refine the definition by distinguishing several technical features from this find. Among others he regarded iron caulking clamps, so-called sintels, and characteristic double clenched nails as determining features (Ellmers, 1985: 60). The latter he referred to as ‘cog nails’ and even today many archaeologists in Germany and abroad use this term for describing a double clenched nail. In 1996 the society for underwater archaeology in the German state Mecklenburg-West Pomerania was cooperating with the State Heritage Authority in a search for possibly medieval wrecks which had been discovered on the West coast of the island Hiddensee in the Baltic Sea in 1966 (Rauschert, 1967: 241-246). During

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this survey the Hiddensee 12 wreck was discovered unexpectedly further south of the survey area (fig. 1). It was named Gellen Wreck referring the Southern spit of the Island. Apart from a cargo of limestone slabs from Ö�land a few eroded artefacts were found around the site. These were dated to the medieval period (Förster, 2009: 79). The visible structure of the ship was built in clinker technique from conifer wood covered with axe marks. Iron corrosions that were first regarded as the remains of sintels were later identified as the remains of double clenched nails which held the overlapping planks together (Förster, 1997: 5). The excavation later revealed a second flush layer of planking. As a result the excavator preliminary dated the wreck to the 13th or 14th century (Förster, 1997: 13). This dating was later confirmed by dendrochronological analysis. It was believed that Hiddensee 12 was built after 1378 AD.1 In 1997 ship timbers were found on the West coast of the island Poel (fig. 1). They had similarities to the Hiddensee 12 timbers. Therefore a similar dating was assumed. A preliminary dendrochronological analysis seemingly confirmed the building of the ship in the 14th century (Förster, 2009: 225). The wreck itself was discovered in spring 1999. Contrary to Hiddensee 12 no artefacts were found that could be related to the wreck. A later dendrochronological analysis of the wreck dated it to after 1369 AD with a probable origin of the timbers in Mecklenburg or Finland.2 Both ships were excavated, recovered, documented and published (Förster, 2009). It was obvious that these clinker build ships were not fitting in the detailed technical definition of a ‘cog’ like the late medieval ship from Bremen. Still the seemingly late medieval origin and the shipbuilding features of the wrecks, above all the double clenched nails led to the hypothesis of a special Baltic Sea version of the ship type ‘cog’, the so called ‘Baltic Cog’ or ‘Frisian-Nordic Hybrid’ (Lüth and Förster, 1999: 8-13; Förster, 2009: 253). This hypothesis was following Heinsius’ idea of regional subtypes of the medieval ‘cog’ first published in his thesis in 1956 (Förster, 2009: 255; Heinsius, 1986: 55). Hiddensee 12

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Hiddensee12

Stralsund

Poel 11 Wismar

Fig. 1. The sites of Hiddensee 12 and Poel 11 on the Balic Sea coast of the German state Mecklenburg-West Pomerania (Map: the author).

and Poel 11 were believed to be extraordinary large cargo vessels from the Southwest of the Baltic Sea, probably build somewhere in what today is called MecklenburgWest Pomerania (Förster, 2009: 256). From 2008 until 2011 both shipwrecks became part of a research project on medieval ship finds from the Southwest Baltic Sea funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG)3 (Belasus, 2012: 199-203). Comprehensive dendrochronological analysis was carried out for a better understanding of timber resources and origins. The conifer wood used for Poel 11 and Hidden­see 12 raised specific questions due to the fact that it is not a common material in medieval or early modern shipbuilding in the Southwest Baltic Sea area. Moreover some of the technical features of the ships could be regarded as unusual among the recorded medieval shipwrecks. As a result of the analyses the medieval dating of both ships could not be confirmed. Poel 11 was dated to 1773 or shortly after with a provenance in Southwest Finland but no dendro-curve was matching with Hiddensee 124. Instead the high number of common specific technical features gave reason to assume a similar date and origin as Poel 11. A recently carried out 14C analysis is supporting this hypothesis giving a possible dating between 1650 and 1955.5 Considering these results both ships had to be excluded from the medieval context. A revision of the excavation documentation and recovered artefacts from Hiddensee 12 was carried out to share more light on the dating of the wreck6. Accordingly most of the medieval artefacts were found in the upper layers of the site or in the area around the site. Their surfaces have signs of erosion and give

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a scattered impression, e.g. all potsherds belong to different vessels. The measurements of the limestone slabs on the wreck give reason to believe that a Swedish measurement system was used that was not introduced until 16057. In the deeper layers younger artefacts were found during the excavation. The excavator regarded some of them as belonging to the ship and others as being washed in during the centuries after the ship’s loss (Förster, 2009: 102). The distribution of these artefacts shows that the ship had most probably a cabin in the aft. Bricks from a possible fireplace in this area were formerly interpreted as medieval (Förster, 2009: 137). A typological analysis revealed a production date not before 1500.8 Some fragments of roof tiles with s-shaped cross section from the same area were interpreted as medieval remains of a former cargo (Förster, 2009: 134). In fact this type of roof tile was first introduced in the Netherlands during the 15th century and found its way to the west of Germany during the 16th century (Hesse, 2005: 266). Two pewter spoons from the same area were regarded as being lost at the site by fishermen or during salvage. One of them has a producers mark on its handle which belongs to Johann Petter Fagerström who produced pewter ware in Kalmar in Sweden between 1798 and 1837 (Förster, 2009: 139).This links the spoon to the cargo of limestone slabs from Ö�land which were usually shipped from Kalmar (Wilson, 1983: 105). The dating of the spoon explains the existence of an oak plank underneath the hull that was dated to after 1831.9 A caulking iron was found underneath the hull as well. According to a typology by Fred Hocker and Karel Vlierman its shape was not in use before the 16th century but was not changing shape until today (Hocker & Vlierman, 1996:

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181

Fig. 2. Cardboard and plywood research model of Poel 11 in 1:20 scale (Model: the author).

82). Taking all information in consideration it is most likely that Hiddensee 12 was built in the late 18th or early 19th century and was lost after 1831. The dendrochronological analysis has shown that apart from pine also spruce10 was used for framing timbers. The planks of both ships were produced with axes from tangentially cleaved logs (Förster, 2009: 229). On most of the ship timbers axe marks are still visible. Both vessels were built in clinker technique. Only a fragment of the keel/stem post construction and the lower part of the stern post of Poel 11 were found. The stem construction element can be described as an intermediate piece similar to a ‘lot’ in Viking Age ship building (Bischoff & Jensen, 2001: 212). It is straight towards the keel but curved upwards towards the fore end. The timber was excluded from the wreck context because it was made from oak (Förster, 2009: 185). A research model in 1:20 scale could prove its position in the bow of the vessel (Fig. 2). The sternpost fragment was made from a pine log of poor quality and has a two and a four feet depth mark in Roman numerals on the portside two Swedish feet apart. The overlapping clinker strakes are fastened to each other by double clenched iron nails. The planks within the strakes are butt-end joined. In Poel 11 the ends were nailed to the framing while in Hiddensee 12 they were likewise nailed to the frames or covered with thin lashing boards from the inside at positions without frame. The luting material was cattle hair and tar. In both cases a secondary caulking of the clinker hull was carried out. In the case of Poel 11 it was possibly hemp (Förster, 2004: 176; 2009: 154). The timbers of Poel 11 give the impression of a ship that was not used for a long time but was already repaired during the building process. A number of long patches were nailed on top of some planks before the frames were put in.11 They cover longitudinal cracks

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caused by the use of unseasoned timbers, that dried out during the building process. Underneath these patches a tar soaked felt was used in multiple layers to make the cracks watertight. The framing timbers were fastened to the planks with one treenail per frame station. Unlike many other examples of clinker build ships these had no pronounced heads but were locked with square wooden pegs from the outside and wedged from the inside. Both ships have evidence of a very systematic preparation for the drilling of the treenail holes. For every position a triangular notch was cut with an axe into the upper face of the frames. Positions where plank ends were nailed to the frames were marked with a cross to exempt them from treenail connections. The space between the frames differs considerably between both ships. In Hiddensee 12 it is 24 cm in average while in Poel 11 it is only 9 cm in average. A closer look at the planking pattern reveals that the hull of Poel 11 was constructed with a wide transom stern. The planks in the aft of the ship run straight towards the end and the sixth strake on each side is getting wider. The remaining frame fragments in the aft are curving tightly outwards in this area. A similar pattern can be observed in some boat types from South Finland (Törnroos, 1978). The hull of Poel 11 has a flat and wide bottom with a relatively hard turn of the bilge (fig. 3). Like other Nordic vessels it has a characteristic s-shape in cross section with a deep keel. The bow section was made wide with a curved stem post at least in the lower part of the hull. Naturally straight grown pine and spruce logs were suited well to fit into this hull shape. The plank pattern and the shape of some frame fragments as well as signs for a cabin in the find distribution make a transom stern most likely for Hiddensee 12. The cross section of the hull shows a considerable deadrise (fig. 3). This shape obviously caused problems with the available material of straight conifer logs. Therefore every second

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Fig. 3. Reconstruction hypothesis of the midship cross-sections of Hiddensee 12 (top) and Poel 12 (below). The grey colour indicates the preserved part (Drawing: the author).

frame was constructed from two half frames that were connected by an anchor stock block. While Poel 11 has no signs of ceiling planking, it is indicated in Hiddensee 12 by holes of vanished iron nails in the top faces of the floor timbers. The most distinctive feature of Hiddensee 12 is the second layer of flush planking which was nailed to the clinker layer after it was levelled out with filling battens. The second layer was fastened with iron nails and treenails. The dendrochronological analysis of the planking was giving no evidence for a later addition of the second layer12 and there is no technical difference in the plank production or measurements. Considering the

fact that the clinker hull shows no signs of repairs it is possible that the second layer was added already during the building process. Hiddensee 12 and Poel 11 fit well into the historical background of peasant shipping and shipbuilding in the area of the Stockholm archipelago, Aaland Islands and southern Finland where it had a long tradition (G:sonBerg, 1986: 66-67). Finland belonged to Sweden until 1809 and the sites of Hiddesee 12 and Poel 11 were under Swedish rule until 1809 and 1815. Rural shipping and shipbuilding was separated from that in the towns by different laws (Kaukiainen, 1986: 15-16). As a result the

Fig. 4. The distribution of early modern vessels based on the clinker builing method. Rhombus: Double clench nails. Circle: rivets. Red: conifer wood. Yellow: oak. Grey: not mentioned. A: Alternating clinker in the upper structure. H: carvel in the upper structure. D: flush second planking (Map: the author).

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traditional clinker tradition was kept alive with minor changes until the first half of the 20th century. Features like the plank production from cleft boards could still be observed in the early 20th century (Hasslöf, 1953). These vessels shared the features of conifer wood and double clenched nails. In the archaeological context their early modern distribution is restricted to the north of the Baltic (fig. 4). Further south oak and rivets are dominant. The distribution is a result of the restrictions on peasant shipping in the Swedish kingdom (Kaukiainen, 1993: 27). Peasant shipping played a vital role in the infrastructure of the sparsely populated country. Especially the capital Stockholm was depending on the delivery of firewood and food from rural Finland. Towards the 18th century the vast Finnish timber resources began to attract seafaring countries like Britain and the Netherlands causing an economic boom in Sweden (Kuisma, 1997: 144-152; Kaukiainen, 1993: 22-23). Shipping capacity became scarce. Peasant seafarers participated in this business with their own timber and ships that they even build for export (G:son-Berg, 1986: 67).These activities continued among the rural population even after Finland became a part of Russia. The archaeological and historical sources confirm that peasant vessels became longer during that time (G:son-Berg, 1986: 67). Hiddensee 12 and Poel 11 belong to the biggest clinker built ships with a length of about 25 m and 28 m. They show features of a very rational shipbuilding process. The economic impulse produced by the timber boom caused the shipbuilders to take over features from modern carvel building methods like headless treenails and butt-joined planking instead of the labor intensive use of treenails with heads and long scarfs. The features of constructed frames in Hiddensee 12 must have been a compromise to the ships shape. With the second layer of flush planking and ceiling planking the clinker construction must have been invisible. According to historical sources one reason for this solution could have been a double tax on clinker built ships in Sweden which was regularly avoided by such methods (Eriksson, 2010: 80). In fact the double layer and similar derivations like ‘half-carvel’ construction or ‘alternating-clinker’ in the upper hull can be observed in the archaeological record from the 16th century onwards (Alopaeus et al., 2011; Eriksson 2010; Grundval Nielsen, 2010; Ossowski, 2006; Mäss, 1994). A very practical reason for the ‘half-carvel’ construction was the possibility to use thicker planking in the upper part in order to stabilize a larger hull (Hasslöf, 1972: 58). Considering this it is most likely that Poel 11 was built this way. The rough character of the construction of Poel 11 with almost no signs of wear and its wide hull implies a fast build ship most likely for the transport of balk timbers from Finland where it was built in about 1773. It was lost most likely not much later on its way to Wismar in Swedish Pomerania. By connecting the origin of artefact inventory with the construction features of the vessel

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it is legitimate to assume that Hiddensee 12 was built in southwest Finland and sold to an owner in Kalmar as a carvel ship. It was used to carry limestone slabs from Ö�land. The ship was lost most probably on its way to Stralsund after 1831 which was by than a part of Prussia. Neither Hiddensee 12 nor Poel 11 is some kind of ‘Baltic Cog’. The double clenched nail is the only feature connecting them to late medieval ships of the Bremen type. Notes 1 Dendrochronological report DAI Berlin, April 19th, 2004, on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/ Germany. 2 Dendrochronological report DAI Berlin 08.03.2004 on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/ Germany. 3 Project DFG LU 537/14‐1 “Ships and shipping in the middle ages – evaluation of the archaeological sources from Mecklen­ burg-West Pomerania” at the German Archaeo­ logical Institute’s Roman-Germanic-Commission, Frank­ furt/­ Main. Project Leader: Friedrich Lüth, Researcher: Author. 4 Dendrochronological report dendro.dk, January 4th, 2011, on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/Germany. 5 14C reports Leibniz Labor für Altertumsbestimmung und Isotopenforschung, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel/Germany, November 19th, 2012 and April 25th, 2013 on file at the Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Archäologie und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin. 6 Excavation documentation on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/Germany. 7 Swedish cubit of that time was the Rydaholmsalnen of 59.38 cm. It was introduced by King Karl IX of Sweden in 1604 and was valid from 1605 until 1863. 8 Typology report Büro für bauhistorische Untersuchung und Dokumentation, Greifswald/Germany, March 14th, 2009, on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/Germany. 9 Dendrochronologicalreport DAI Berlin, August 26th, 1998, on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/Germany. 10 Dendrochronological report dendro.dk January 4th, 2011, on file at Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/ Germany. 11 The excavator wrongly interpreted these ­ longitudinal patches as a constructive feature for stiffening the hull (Förster, 2009: 212). Their uneven distribution and the evidence of cracks underneath these patches contradicts this assumption. 12 Dendrochronological report dendro.dk, January 4th, 2011, on file at the LandesamtfürKultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin/Germany.

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References Alopaeus, H., Ulfhielm, B. & Dahlström, J., 2011. Engmanvraket. Arkeologiskundersökningoch documentation. Rapport 2011, 1. Länsmuseet Gävleborg, Gävleborg. Belasus, M., 2012. Small Ships and Tall Ships. Archaeological evidence for social changes during the high and late medieval period in the Southern Baltic? In: J.C. Henderson (ed.), Beyond Boundaries. The 3rd International Congress on Underwater Archaeology, IKUWA 3 London 2008. Habelt, Bonn: 199-203. Bischoff, V. & Jensen, K., 2001. Ladby II. In: A.C. Sørensen, Ladby - A Danish Ship-Garve from the Viking Age. The Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde: 181-245. Ellmers, D., 1985. History of the cog as a ship type. In: KlausPeter Kiedel & Uwe Schnall (eds), The Hanse Cog of 1380. Förderverein DSM, Bremerhaven: 60-69. Eriksson, N., 2010. Between clinker and carvel. Aspects of hulls build with mixed planking in Scandinavia between 1550 and 1900. In: Algirdas Girininkas (ed.), Underwater archaeology in the Baltic Region. University Press, Klaipėda: 77-84. Förster, T., 1997. Das Gellenwrack. Zum Stand der Untersuchungen an dem mittelalterlichen Schiffswrack vor Hiddensee. Survey report, Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege, Schwerin. Förster, T., 2004. Große Handelsschiffe des Spätmittelalters. Untersuchungen an zwei Wrackfunden des 14. Jahrhunderts vor der Insel Hiddensee und der Insel Poel. Doctoral dissertation, Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität, Greifswald. Förster, T., 2009. Große Handelsschiffe des Spätmittelalters. Untersuchungen an zwei Wrackfunden des 14. Jahrhunderts vor der Insel Hiddensee und der Insel Poel. Convent, Bremerhaven/ Hamburg. Grundval Nielsen, B., 2010. Converted clinker vessels from the 16th – 17th century. A case study of the Ostsee Bereich IV, Fischland, Fpl. 77. Masters Thesis, Maritime Archaeological Program. University of Southern Denmark, Esbjerg. G:son-Berg, K., 1986. Peasant Seafaring and Government Restrictions. An Example from Vätö Parish in Roslagen in Sweden. In: Peasant Seafaring in the Baltic. Seminar in the City of Kotka 1984. Kouvola: 61-72. Hagedorn, B., 1914. Die Entwicklung der wichtigsten Schiffstypen bis ins 19. Jahrhundert. Gräfe, Hamburg. Hasslöff, O., 1953. Båtar med täljda bord samt Arkeologiska båtfynd och levande tradition. Västerbotten: 171-184. Hasslöff, O., 1972. Main Principles in the Technology of Shipbuilding. In: O. Hasslöf, H. Henningsten & A.-E. Christensen (eds), Ships and shipyards sailors and fishermen. Introduction to maritime ethnology. Roskilde/Bagger: 25-72.

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Heinsius, P., 1986 (1956). Das Schiff der hansischen Frühzeit. Böhlau, Köln. Hesse, S., 2005. Dachziegel als Quelle kulturhistorischer Information. In: W. Mälzer, Mittelalterarchäologie und Bauhandwerk. Beiträge des 8 Kolloquiums des Arbeitskreises zur archäologischen Erforschung des mittelalterlichen Handwerks. Mocker und Jahn, Soest: 223-231. Hocker, F. & Vliermann, K., 1996. A small cog wrecked on the Zuiderzee in the early fifteenth century. NISA, Lelystad. Kaukiainen, Y., 1986. The Economic Background of the History of Finnish Seafaring. In: Peasant Seafaring in the Baltic. Seminar in the City of Kotka 1984. Kouvola: 15-27. Kaukiainen, Y., 1993. A History of Finnish Shipping. Routledge, London/New York. Kuisma, M., 1997. Green Gold and Capitalism. Finland, Forests and the World Economy. Historical Journal/Historiallinen Aikakauskirja 2: 144-152. Lüth, F. & Förster, T., 1999. Schiff, Wrack, „Baltische Kogge“. Archäologie in Deutschland 4: 8-13. Mäss, V., 1994. A unique 16th century Estonian ship find. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in ancient shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 189-194. Ossowski, W., 2006. Two double-planked wrecks from Poland. In: L. Blue, F. Hocker & A. Englert (eds), Connected by the sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 259-265. Pohl-Weber, R., 1969. Fund und Bergung der Bremer Kogge. Strombettuntersuchungen im Umkreis um die Koggefundstelle. In: H. Abel (ed.), Die Bremer Hanse-Kogge. Fund, Konservierung, Forschung. Monographien der Wittheit zu Bremen 8, Bremen: 15-38. Rauschert, M., 1967. Wrackerkundung bei Hiddensee. Ein Unternehmen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft UnterwasserForschung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Poseidon 6: 241-246. Törnroos, B., 1978. Östålänska Fiskebåter för roch Nu. Medde­ landen Från sjöhistoriska Museet vid Åboakademi, 13. Jakobstads Tryckeri, Jakobstad. Vogel, W., 1915. Geschichte der Deutschen Seeschiffahrt I. De Gruyter, Berlin. Wilson, E., 1983. Swedish limestone paving in 17th- and 18th-century English buildings. Post-Medieval Archaeology 17: 95-109.

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29. The ubiquitous hūrī� . Maritime ethnography, archaeology and history in the western Indian Ocean Lucy Blue, Julian Whitewright & John P. Cooper

Introduction Since 2000, the Centre for Maritime Archaeology at the University of Southampton has undertaken ethnographical research in collaboration with other scholars into the hūrī� , a class of vessel originally built as logboats and found throughout the Arabian Sea, Red Sea, and Gulf (fig. 1). This vessel takes its name from the Hindi hōŗ�ī� , from the Sanskrit hoda, and this has been transmitted as hūrī� (plural hawārī� ) by Arabic-speaking traders of the vessel throughout the western Indian Ocean. While the project does not claim to be comprehensive or exhaustive in its study of these vessels, it

nevertheless represents the first systematic attempt to study hūrī� s within the context of the broader Indian Ocean region within which they have traditionally operated. This paper outlines the basic characteristics of the hūrī� s that have been studied, along with an overview of their distribution, variation and previous study. We will then offer two case studies which illustrate the contribution that ethnographic fieldwork such as this can make to our understanding of the construction and use of watercraft in the past. The full intention is to publish a comprehensive edited monograph that addresses the detail and variety of hūrī� s everywhere they have been studied through the region.

Fig. 1. Hūrī� ready for use on the beach at Calicut, Kerala. This example used for fishing by a single fisherman, it is rigged for sailing as well as being propelled with a single paddle when leaving/returning to the beach. It is primarily a logboat hull, with some small areas of repair. A false frame is visible underneath the sail and adjacent to the central thwart in the photograph (Photo: J. Whitewright).

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Background of the hūrī� Logboats are known to have operated in the Indian Ocean/Red Sea region for at least two millennia; they are described in the 1st-century AD Periplus Maris Erythraei passage 15 (Casson, 1989; Schoff, 1912), and an archaeological example of a logboat similar to modern hūrī� s has been excavated from the contemporary hamlet of Patannam, ancient Muziris, in Kerala, India (Selvakumar, 2011). Manufacture of hūrī� s has traditionally been associated with southern India, where they are still built, and from where they were exported on the decks of trading dhows around the western Indian

Ocean region (Villiers, 1940: 329; Le Baron Bowen, 1952: 198). In the 20th century, Boxhall (1989: 295) noted that “the small hūrī� a canoe… is to be found on almost every coast of the Indian Ocean.” Historically, hūrī� s have been noted across a broad geographical range extending from the northern waters of the Red Sea, to the Horn of Africa, as far up the Gulf as Kuwait, all along the shores of Arabia and also in Southern India. The present project has recorded examples from Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, Yemen, Zanzibar, Oman, the UAE, as well as Kerala in Southern India. This project is certainly not the first to have identified and addressed these vessels. Previous studies have been

Fig. 2. (Above) Plan of a fully log-based hūrī� . Housed in the collection of the International Sailing Craft Association, Eyemouth. The ‘false frames’ created by the builder as a series of transverse ridges left proud of the vessel’s hull can be clearly seen in the profile view. (Below) Plan of plank-built hūrī� recorded at Quseir, Egyptian Red Sea coast (Drawing: University of Southampton).

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conducted, mainly in the Arabian Peninsula, by pre­ eminent maritime ethnographers of the 20th century, such as Hornell (1920: 148), Moore (1920: 138) and Prados (1997). In addition, more recent published material has originated from specific work in the Gulf (Agius, 2002: 119-125; Weismann, pers. comm.), mainland Yemen (Prados, 1997) and Socotra (Jansen van Rensburg, 2010). However, the present project has been able to study hūrī� s on a local, regional and inter-regional scale, resulting we hope, in a more comprehensive study that also allows scope for comparisons between vessel types over time and space. Characteristics of the hūrī� A hūrī� can be broadly classified as a small canoe-like vessel normally operated as fishing or pearling craft, a harbour boat, or a vessel tender. Traditionally, such vessels are constructed as logboats, although plank-built versions have by now been widely documented, especially in the Red Sea (fig. 2), while in some areas fibreglass versions are produced. Where differences in construction occur, the observed commonality of function, overall form, and name, has enabled such vessels to be grouped together. In keeping with their logboat origins, hūrī� s are traditionally double-ended and propelled by paddle or sail; the former for shorter journeys or harbour work, and the latter for longer distances. They typically range from 3.5-10 m in length. If it can be said that if there is an original type of hūrī� , then the log-based form found in historical and archaeological sources and briefly described above is probably it: log-based vessels of this type seem to have a considerable antiquity in the region (see above). Because of this, it is tempting to see their use as continuing from antiquity to the present day, and to date there is nothing to contradict this view. In their purest form, such vessels have no additional features such as extensions or projections, although a notable feature is that they are usually constructed with a series of ‘false frames’ hollowed out of the inside of the vessel (figs 1 and 2). Similar features have been documented in the archaeological record of other logboats from a range of temporal and spatial contexts (e.g. McGrail, 1998: 75-6; Ossowski, 2009: fig. 3; Radić Rossi, 2009: 137-142), including the vessel from Muziris (Selvakumar, 2011). The potential interpretative significance of these features is returned to below. Variation of hūrī� features Although the logboat forms the basic vessel type, there is a huge geographical variation among boats identified as hūrī� s by their owners and users, a variety comparable to that witnessed in other logboat types, past and present (examples in McGrail, 1998: Chapter 6). Among logboats, these include expansion and/or extension to

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increase freeboard, incorporation of a transom stern to receive an engine, or extending the bow to increase seaworthiness. Plank and fibreglass built versions may likewise be double ended or have a transom stern. These display a desire to perpetuate the hūrī� concept even after the original Indian logboats became unavailable: plank and later fibreglass variations can be seen as local attempts to continue to ‘have the same boat’ even after the supply from the original point of manufacture has ceased. Many of the log-based hūrī� s recorded during the project had been modified by extending the sides of the vessel, and it is clear from the cross-sections recorded in the illustrated example (fig. 3) that it takes the form of a classic extended logboat, with only a single washstrake added (in a lap-strake technique). Other boats have side or wash-strakes added in a flush-laid manner. The addition of strakes is typically associated with the insertion of frames: clinker extensions invariably have stepped frames. Some examples noted in Mokha, Yemen had been altered more radically, with the entire vessel cut in half amidships, and the two halves re-joined using planking along the base of the hull that widened (expanded) and lengthened the hull considerably. In addition to the wide variation in log-based hūrī� s noted above, plank-built versions are to be found, particularly in the Red Sea, and today in greater numbers than the log-based original. These are built in the same overall tradition as other fishing vessels in this area; mixed construction, based generally on master frames around which the lower planks are assembled, with additional frames added as the planking rises. They retain the hūrī� name: in general they are the same size, serve the same function, and fill the same niche in maritime communities as the log-based original: from a distance they even look similar. These craft seem to have come into existence as a result of the dwindling supply of logbased hūrī� s from Kerala some 30 years ago as a result of timber shortages. The solution to this problem has been to construct a boat to fulfil the purpose of a hūrī� , that carries the same name, but is built in the local building tradition, using imported timber. Some examples of plank built hūrī� s, mainly from the southern Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, are obviously more seaworthy in their form, with extended bows and additional wash-strakes. This type of vessel was recorded by Prados (1997) along the Tihamah coast in Yemen (Red Sea) in the early 1990s. It was originally based on imported logboats from India but gradually modified to become a plank-built vessel. As Prados (1997: 186) states “although unrelated in technology and form to their predecessors, contemporary huwari are their functional equivalents.” A wide range of fastenings are visible across the hūrī� types we observed. A log-based hūrī� by definition does not have much requirement for fastening during its initial construction. However, when logboats are extended and plank-built variants constructed, a

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Fig.3. (Above) Plan of log-based hūrī� with extended planked sides recorded at Massawa, Eritrea (University of Southampton). (Below) Plan of recently constructed carved-plank hūrī� recorded near Calicut, Kerala. The vessel is a plank-built by carving planks from a single tree and assembling them to resemble a logboat, including ‘false frames’. (Drawing: University of Southampton).

variety of fastenings are used including clenched iron or copper nails driven from outboard to inboard, and roved iron nails. Plank-built hūrī� s are for the most part fastened together using iron nails, again secured from outboard to inboard. A variation to this are plank-built hūrī� s that were encountered during our work in Kerala, where builders adopted a planking technique utilising a stepped edge-to-edge joint secured with rove iron nails (see the first case-study below). Repairs to the main log hull also display a variety of fastenings and materials, often the result of cannibalising other vessels or

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artefacts. The damaged area of the hull is cut out, and a patch is made from a variety of materials, including defunct logboats, glass fibre, metal and plastic: the patches are held in place by a variety of fastenings ranging from iron nails, tacks and staples, to multiple small bamboo dowels. Hūrī� s therefore illustrate as much variety in their construction detail as in their outward form, yet remain a single vessel category within the perception of their builders and users.

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Case Studies Both case studies presented here draw, appropriately, on fieldwork conducted in Kerala, the original place of hūrī� construction. The first addresses the conception of vessel form through the building of a log-based, plankbuilt vessel that has been conceived to have the outward appearance of a logboat. The second considers a specific feature that appears in hūrī� s throughout their geographical distribution; these are the ‘false frames’ visible on hūrī� logboats that are carved during construction. The latter case-study has clear implications for maritime archaeology because of the presence of similar features on archaeologically documented vessels. In addition, besides contributing to the accompanying academic discussion associated with them (McGrail, 1998: 75-6), it more fundamentally speaks to a wider appreciation of reasoning behind the variety of approaches to boat construction through time and space. First case study: the conception of vessel form The (apparently original) method of hūrī� construction in Kerala entails the hollowing-out of a single log to form a vessel that we classify as a simple logboat. To this base has been added such variations as described above, including internal frames and added planks, as a means to construct what we term extended logboats. Recently, hūrī� builders in Kerala have adopted another building method – in essence, a shell-based method of building in which planks together with a log base, are carved from a suitable tree and fastened together using stepped overlapping joints in the plank-edges described above and secured using roved iron nails (figs 3 and 4). This Keralan approach is undoubtedly a plank-built vessel, even though the result is in essence very different from the plank-built hūrī� s constructed in parts of the Red Sea. Apart from the obvious shell-based (Kerala) and mixed/frame-based (Red Sea) difference, the resulting vessel form is conceived to look exactly like the log-based hūrī� s that would have been built in earlier generations, when large timbers were readily available. Indeed, from a distance it is often impossible to tell the difference between the Keralan log-based, plank-built vessel and its logboat counterpart, especially when the characteristic dark sealant has been applied. The planks are often derived from a single tree large enough to produce many carved planks, but which is not big enough to permit the full-scale hollowing out required by the original technique. Based on our observations in other parts of the Indian Ocean, where older log-based hūrī� s have been repaired and maintained using similar techniques, it is probable, that this Keralan log-based, plank-built method was originally developed as a means of repairing vessels. As the available timber needed for hūrī� building diminished, it was utilised to build entire boats. Thus, a great many

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of the plank-built vessels, such as those of the Red Sea, developed organically in response to a need to repair a hūrī� or from a desire to extend or expand with planks; however those studied in Kerala were pre-determined as log-based, plank-built boats that could be built as a means to replicate the fully logboat hūrī� . It is worth considering that no two vessels are the same, other than in their overall outward appearance, because the planks used to create each vessel are carved into a different shape each time, depending on the nature of the original tree. This ethnographic perspective offers the opportunity to explain and interpret a specific building process. Based on archaeological observations of building methods alone, possibly from only one or two archaeological examples glimpsed in fragmentary form, it is likely that Keralan log-based, plank-built hūrī� s would be classified as a separate vessel type from the full logboat original. Taking as an example the widely adopted, rigorous schema set out by McGrail (1998: 4-11) we would classify the difference between these two vessels as, in the case of the log-based hūrī� , a structural class C1 of “shell-built by reduction” while in the case of the Keralan log-based, plank-built hūrī� , structural class C4 of “shell-built by reduction and construction”. In reality of course, both building methods should be considered as complementary ways of producing the same vessel and both techniques could be, and are, used by the same builder. The approach chosen depends on the availability of timber: both techniques share many of the tools, skills, materials, social contexts and thought-processes required to shape the vessel. Furthermore, it is possible to argue that the builder’s mental conception of the finished vessel was the same in either case; clearly evidenced by their twin-like outward appearance. In this regard, as ethnographers, we simply see a hūrī� ; a single vessel, conceived with a single final form and purpose, but reached through quite different building techniques. Similarly, in Arabia the same mental-conception process of mimicry of form has been under way with the construction of plank and fibreglass versions of the hūrī� . Naturally, the outcomes are not nearly as ‘convincing’ as the Keralan mimics, but they seek the same objective: to recreate the original logboat form from available materials. Again, from a conventional archaeological perspective these would be regarded as entirely different construction techniques and underlying technologies, but in essence they are an attempt to achieve the same vessel type. This case study therefore poses an interesting question for maritime archaeologists: do the rigid definitions (frame-first, shell-first, etc) that for so long have aided our interpretation of vessel types actually distract us from engaging with the traditions that originally created them, and obscure the social context we seek to understand behind the artefact? Have we taken the principle of defining a vessel by its construction technique to the

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Fig.4. A false frame on the log-based plank-built hūrī� illustrated in fig. 5. The false frame occupies the log-base of the vessel, but also clearly extends across the additional shell-based planking that is used to form the shape of the vessel’s hull. The iron rivets used to fasten these planks together are also visible. Scale = 20 cm (Photo: J. Whitewright).

point where we must now begin to pay equal attention to the views of the people that built and used them and the manner in which they are perceived by their builders, in order to fully understand such techniques, rather than simply classifying them according to their functional attributes so often emphasised in academic discourse? Second case study: the problem of ‘false frames’ The second case study entails the further study and discussion of the false frames highlighted above. Such features are archaeologically attested and remain a riddle to maritime archaeologists (for a summary see McGrail, 1998: 75-78; 2001: 174-175). Discussions have noted the failure of such features to increase the strength of the hull (e.g. Hornell, 1970: 187), or have been attributed to aspects of the construction process (Lethbridge et al., 1951: 230; Arnold, 1996: 157-8), to help delay timber splitting (Tanner, Pers. Comm.), or are associated with cargo stowage or crew distribution and function (Clark, 1952: 287; Beaudouin, 1970: 86). Recently, Boon & van Rietbergen (2009: 384) have suggested that false frames do not contribute to the transverse strength of the vessel but do enhance the ‘reliability’ of the structure. Given

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the diversity of interpretations, these features are clearly worthy of further investigation. During the recording of hūrī� s in Kerala, the opportunity was taken to visit a number of sites where they were still being built and to interview a recently retired boatbuilder at Chalyam, south of Calicut. In all cases, the hūrī� s observed were either built from a single log, or from a number of carved planks, formed into the shape of a logboat, as described above. It was notable that false frames were included in both types of vessels, and spanned the width of the hull; in the log-based, plankbuilt vessels the profile of the false frame was likewise continued from gunwale to gunwale, across the carved strakes (fig. 4). The boat builder from Chaliyam was able to offer two key pieces of information concerning the use of false frames: firstly, that the primary purpose of including the false frames in the vessel during the building process was as a means to strengthen the hull; and secondly, that the incorporation of such false frames, termed in Malayalam manikil, was a primary feature of hūrī� construction. He elaborated that a vessel without false frames could not be considered a hūrī� . This information regarding the strengthening characteristic of the false frames appears to contradict academic opinion (outlined above), which has argued that

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such features do not add strength to the hull, either laterally or longitudinally. However, the fact remains, that in the opinion of the builder of the vessel, the purpose of the false frames in a hūrī� is to strengthen the hull. We may therefore conclude that, in this particular context, the creation of false frames in a logboat hull takes place for entirely functional reasons in the eye of the boat builder, even though it is considered by many academics to fulfil no such purpose. Such a scenario would be impossible to discern from the archaeological record alone, where interpretation is likely to be based solely on scientific testing or simulation of materials and structure. The boat-builder’s perception of the purpose of this feature is very different, however; it is believed and accepted that such features add strength to the vessel. In such a scenario, the physical reality of whether or not the feature actually adds strength is largely irrelevant; the feature is included because of the builder’s perception of it. It is only through ethnographic investigation that we are able to access such nuanced appreciation of the social context behind physical features that have perhaps been the basis of the continuity of this tradition over long periods of time. To this insight may be added the fact that false frames are one of the defining characteristics of the vessel and one of the features that help to define and distinguish it in the eyes of its builder and the wider maritime society using it. The importance of such features in India can perhaps be seen in their continual re-creation when a vessel is repaired, or when additional elements are added during the building process. Care is taken to ensure that the vessel retains the false frames in a coherent manner, even in plank-built vessels where it is clear that they have no structural benefit. It is of further interest to note that when repairs are made to a hūrī� outside India, operating in a different social context, the false frames are entirely ignored in the repair process, and no attempt is made to ensure their retention on the repair patch. Within the context of Keralan hūrī� building, false frames clearly have a status that goes beyond a simplistic functional operation as part of the vessels structure. Conclusion The investigation and on-going interpretation of the Indian Ocean hūrī� when viewed from an ethnographic perspective demonstrates the value that ethnography offers to the archaeological interpretation of watercraft. The hūrī� , as a class of vessel, demonstrates a great variety of maritime technology; from its various outward forms, to a range of methods of propulsion, building materials, purpose of use, social context and working environment. The modern extant context of this traditional vessel type also means that it has exceptional potential for asking interpretative questions that can

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inform our understanding of maritime archaeological remains. The case studies presented here question our use of two long-held viewpoints regarding the classification of watercraft through their construction tradition, and the interpretation of their outward features from an overtly functional perspective. We recognise that a single ethnographic case study cannot be applied in a generalised way to interpret the breadth of the maritime archaeological record. However, what we are attempting to do is demonstrate different ways of thinking about watercraft. The great strength of ethnographic research is that it presents the opportunity to ask questions directly of the builders and users of vessels. Indeed, in the case of the hūrī� , we can ask questions regarding vessel types and constructional features for which, given the Patannam example cited above, there are direct archaeological parallels. To echo Sean McGrail (1984: 149-150), the investigation of hūrī� s through a maritime ethnographic approach does not offer an explicit answer of how something was done in the past, but it does broaden our perspective of how something might have been done. Our archaeological interpretation must subsequently be richer and more nuanced as a result. References Agius, D., 2002. In the Wake of the Dhow. The Arabian Gulf and Oman. Garnet Publishing: London. Arnold, B., 1996. Pirogues monoxyles d’Europe central. Archéologie Neuchâteloise, Musée cantonal d’archéologie. Beauduin, F., 1970. Les bateaux de l’Adour. Musée Basque, Bayonne. Boon, B. & Rietbergen, E. van, 2009. Aspects of the Analysis of Structure and Strength of Pre-Historic Watercraft. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 377-385. Boxhall, P., 1989. Arabian Seafarers in the Indian Ocean. Asian Affairs 20: 287-95. Casson, L., 1989. The Periplus Maris Erythraei. Princeton University Press, Princeton. Clark, J.G.D., 1952. Prehistoric Europe: the economic basis. Methuen, London. Hornell, J., 1920. The Origins and Ethnological Significance of Indian Boat Designs. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 7: 139–256. Hornell, J., 1970. Water Transport. Origins and Early Evolution. David & Charles, Newton Abbot. Jansen van Rensburg, J., 2010, The Hawari of Socotra, Yemen. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39: 99-109. Le Baron Bowen, R., 1952. Primitive watercraft of Arabia. American Neptune 12: 186–221.

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Lethbridge, T.C., Fell, C.I. & Bachem, K.E., 1951. Report on a recently discovered dugout canoe from Peterborough. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 17: 229-33 . McGrail, S. (ed.), 1984. Aspects of Maritime Archaeology and Ethnography. National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. McGrail, S., 1998. Ancient Boats in North-West Europe. The archaeology of water transport to AD 1500. Longman, London. McGrail, S., 2001. Boats of the World. From the stone age to medieval times. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Moore, A., 1920. The craft of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The Mariner’s Mirror 6.5: 73-136. Ossowski, W., 2009. The Origins of Flat-Bottomed River Craft on the Odra and Vistula Catchments. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 177-188. Prados, E., 1997. Indian Ocean littoral maritime evolution: The case of the Yemeni Huri and Sanbuq. The Mariner’s Mirror 83: 185–198.

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Radić Rossi, I., 2009. Dugouts of Croatia. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz: 133-145. Schoff, W.H., 1912. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. Travel and trade in the Indian Ocean by a merchant of the first century (reprinted 2001). Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi. Selvakumar, V., 2011. Archaeology, literary and ethno­graphic evidence for traditional boat-building in Kerala, South India. In: M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jago-on, B. Orillaneda, & L. Lacsina (eds), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific regional conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, November 8-12 2011. Manila, Philippines: 201-220. Villiers, A., 1940. Sons of Sinbad. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York.

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30. Flat bottomed boats in Spain: the forgotten fleet José Manuel Matés Luque

Introduction In maritime terms Spanish shipbuilding is mainly known due to the Ibero-Atlantic tradition. During the 16th century the development of big ships – with roots in the Middle Ages – is the benchmark allowing Spain and Portugal to be placed in such tradition. Simultaneously, small watercraft evolved differently; some were no longer built, while others were still in use. This paper will briefly outline some flat bottomed boats known in Spain, which draw the attention of ethno- and

anthropological scholars, offering a window into current shipbuilding traditions. Basque Country This area was famous from the Middle Ages onwards by exporting iron ore and Castilian wool to Europe, with new ships types, thus becoming a hinge between the Mediterranean and Atlantic traditions within the Iberian Peninsula, from the North of Portugal and along

Fig. 1. Gabarra still being used in Hondarribia (Photo: J. M. Matés Luque).

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the North of Spain. Many of the ships sailing to America were built here. While they evolved, some small watercraft was also used and some features might have survived in some of the existing - or lately disappeared vernacular river boats. Gabarra/Kabarra Normally towed – although it could carry a mast and a deck. This is a multipurpose big watercraft which could sail along the coast; it is used to assist bigger vessels with their cargo and ballast, to transport people, to act as a coastguard watercraft on the Spanish-French border (Odriozola Oyarbide, 2002: 132-133; 2003: 68-69) and to transport sand (Apraiz Zallo, 1998: 505). Oar and pole could also be used if needed (Aguirre Sorondo, 2003: 644). At the end of the 19th century, some were made of iron, particularly in industrial river towns like Bilbao. Other places known for their use are Hondarribia and Zumaia. Their dimensions may vary between 966 x 202 cm (Apraiz Zallo, 1998: 505), 1,262 x 234 x 52 cm (Aguirre Sorondo, 2003: 643) and 1,450 x 450 x 225 cm (Zabala Uriarte, 1984: 118, 217). Ala A small boat for transporting goods, animals or people, and for fishing which was moved by a pole or oar. Until the 16th century it was used in the river Deba by small owners to take Castilian wool and iron products of foundries in Mendaro, Alzola and Elgoibar to port. In the 18th century the ala was widely used in the river Urumea to carry iron ore and anchors from Hernani and in Oiarzun to take the iron products to Renteria foundries and further up the river (Odriozola Oyarbide, 2002: 133). They were also used to get sand from the riverbed (Apraiz Zallo, 1998: 505) and transport it for building purposes and to get mud from the riverbed to fertilize fields. Their propulsion was by a pole (Aguirre Sorondo, 2003: 646). Alas existed in a small and a big version (in Basque language txikia and handia), the small one measuring c. 800 x 130 x 57 cm (Apraiz Zallo, 1998: 505) and 450 x 180 x 50 cm and the larger one 1,400 x 200 x 50 cm (Aguirre Sorondo, 2003: 646-647). For their mooring places special names were used: alagunia or alatokia, Basque for ‘the place for the ala’ (Izarra Uriarte, 2010: 187-188). Chalana/Txanela/Txalanta/Saltaleko Divided in two types, one is a box shaped vessel with squared stern and stempost steered by sculling and used for transporting people and goods in shallow rivers and harbours. It could be onboard bigger ships as a tender. The second type had a pointed prow and was used to repair and careen ships, and in Hondarribia it was used for the salmon fishweirds (Odriozola Oyarbide, 2002: 137-138; 2003: 70). It also served for sand transport and fishing (Apraiz Zallo, 1998: 505), particularly eels. They measured c. 585 x 147 x 47 cm (Apraiz Zallo, 1998: 505), 300 x 120 x 60 cm and 800 x 150 x 50 cm (Aguirre Sorondo, 2003: 646-647).

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Bombo This could be a big but very shallow watercraft working as a cargo tender and used to get across small firths (Odriozola Oyarbide, 2002: 138). Chinchorro This is a small box shaped boat of c. 300 or 400 x 130 cm (Zabala Uriarte, 1984: 127-128, 219), pointed or square at the prow, with tholepins or oarlocks, or sculled with an oar at the transom (Pueyo, 2008: 4). Galicia This area is full of estuaries which have allowed for the development of different types of small watercraft: some more suitable for open sea, others built for sailing within the estuaries. Features from Atlantic and Mediterranean tradition can be found in the same watercraft like in the dorna, which is dated back to the 13th century (López Carreira, 1996: 184-185), while the tradition of the skeleton first can be dated to 1115 when Genoese shipbuilders built a fleet in Galicia under the command of Bishop Gelmirez (Filgueiras, 1991). This area is full of vernacular boats (Mörling, 2005), but only two will be presented.

Chalana

This is a clinker built boat originating from a combination of the hide boat and the logboat, linking such features to other Celtic people and the navigational routes between Galicia and the British Isles (Alonso, 1991: 109).

Gamela

Often confused with chalanas, gamelas are the most typical flat bottomed boats used for fishing with fishtraps or nets, for catching seafood and as tender boats on bigger ships (Mariño del Rí� o, 1994: 48). Similar features have been found in the Portuguese masseiras - flat bottomed, tholepins, carvel built, suggesting the same origin in Mesopotamia - and in other types of boats in Portugal and on the Mediterranean shores, although there might be a mixture of features from different traditions (Celtic, Nordic) (Alonso, 1991: 106-108), while many watercraft in Portugal could be linked to the Ancient Tartessus, Crete and Ugarit (Filgueiras, 1985: 197). These vessels were firstly recorded in the middle of the 19th century. With one or two crew members they can get close to the rocky shores and are able to sail into the open sea to the islands of Ons and Cies. The internal timbers are placed after the strakes; the pine oars – up to 3.5 m – are thicker to allow counter weight. There are two types of gamelas (Coruxo or Guarda) with different features; the Coruxo measures 450 x 110 cm and the Guarda 480 x 130 cm for use in the estuary and 520 x 140 cm for use on sea (Echenique, 2000).

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Fig. 2. Lines of the gamela (Drawing after: Iñigo Echenique, with permission).

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Fig. 3. Some boats in the Albufera (Photo: J. M. Matés Luque).

Barcas de la Albufera (Valencia) The Albufera is an inland lagoon, separated by dunes from the sea. A fishing area since Antiquity, Muslims were allowed to remain there when the Christians reconquered the area in 1248 (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 42); this explains the use of the lateen sail. Boats in this region have been used for fishing, hunting, transporting goods and people, farming, adapting their shape and size in a variety of ways (VV.AA, 2007). They are skeleton first, caulked and sunk for two to three days with stones for the timber to expand and become watertight (Lluesma Espanya, 2007; 40). There is no relation between length and width as small boats can be wider than big ones to keep the balance or to get through small paths (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 43). Carob, olive or white mulberry wood is used for keels, frames and other timbers while Scots pine is used for planks but nowadays oak and Scots pine are mostly used (Lluesma Espanya, 2007: 39-40). Barquet (363-499 x 97-125 x 20-25 cm) A type also sold outside the Albufera, having no keel and being double ended, which is useful in case it cannot turn round in tight places. Its propulsion is by poling, rope towing, pulling the lagoon vegetation, sailing or using an oar as a starboard rudder when sailing (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 44-45).

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Barquets pescadors (408-499 cm) The most popular and widely used type as it perfoms any task. It is propelled by poling, using oars, rope pulling or sailing (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 45-46). Marimatxo A mixed craft with hull like a barca de carregar and deck as a barquetot, used for farming, it can take 40-50 rice sacs like a mule. Only a few were built in Catarroja in the 1950s (Lluesma Espanya, 2007: 38; Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 46). Barqueta (567 x 726 cm) It is the small sister of the barca pescadora, steered by one person to fish with any fishing tackle (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 46). Barca pescadora (700-750 x 170-190 x 32-36 cm) This is the most popular boat, used for fishing and hunting and as a tender for other boats. The stempost (with some Arab shape on the top part) is flatter than the stern and the rudder has the same height as the keel. It has a mast step although it is shallow to use the nets and fishing tackle. Propulsion is by sailing, rope towing, poling and using oars. Although light, it could take goods up to 25 rice sacs (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 46-48).

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Barquets granoters-d´arrapar (363-408 cm) Being double ended, it is small and light to sail over the vegetation, in shallow water and narrow passageways by poling, using oars, rope towing or pulling the vegetation. The ship is used for hunting and catching frogs (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 45). Barquet de càrrec (635-681 cm) Being nearly double ended, it was built and developed to refill bottoms of fields and to perform other works in rice fields. The carrec is a measure of 150-160 baskets. Propulsion is by poling or rope towing (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 46). Barques de cárrega (> 14 m) They are similar to the pescadoras and appear in sizes of more than 14 m long with carry capacities of 45, 50, 60,

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70, 80, 90 rice sacs. They have a mast step to reinforce the structure. Since the building of better roads they decreased in numbers (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 48). Barquetots (7-11 m) These vessels are the elder brother of the barquets de càrrec. They vary in size: the smaller with 24 rice sacs (= 3 carrecs) and the Titanic with 56 rice sacs (= 7 carrecs). They were preferred for dredging, as the mast is tilted stemwards so the yard is not disturbing while dredging with handtools. The stempost is at 45º and level to the deck; in the past it was double ended but once the axial rudder was adopted, the stern became straight. The keel could be wedge shaped on both ends for reinforcing and avoid leeway. Propulsion is by sailing, poling and rope towing (Lluesma Espanya, 2007: 38; Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 46; Candela Guillén & Orti Piera, 2007: 55). El rabatjol This vessel was used in the 19th century. Due to a bigger demand of goods in Valencia in the 1920s an engine was added to transport people and goods and connect several places within a fixed route. This function ended in 195557 when better roads allowed land transport. The propulsion is by sailing, poling and rope towing (Rosaleny i Romero et al., 2007: 49; Candela Guillén & Ortí� Piera, 2007: 56). The Atlantic rivers of Tajo (Tagus) and Guadiana

Fig. 4. Boat from Tablas de Daimiel (Photo: J.M. Matés Luque, with permission from the Centro del Agua, Daimiel).

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On the Tagus boats have the shape of an isosceles triangle whereas on the Guadiana they are rhomboid. Also the vocabulary for timber is different (Mora Aliseda, 1988: 15-16) and not connected with the vocabulary of shipbuilding (frame, plank, stem). The Tagus boats measure between 293 x 204 x 43 cm and 215 x 160 x 39 cm and the Guadiana ones between 398 x 135 x 39 cm and 365 x 174 x 41 cm. The boats share the same type of oars, having a triangular block to fit into the tholepin, like in curraghs (Mac Cárthaigh, 2008) or in the Portuguese saveiros (Johnstone, 1988: 99-100). Johnstone (1988: 99-100) suggests a Celtic connection which could be related to Ancient times. He also suggested links for boats carved inland between Spain and the Eastern Mediterranean (Johnstone, 1988: 93-95); this link is perhaps via the Atlantic rivers. Thus, in Aliseda (Cáceres) an interesting connection could be done with Johnstone´s idea, that a 7th-century brooch found in this place depicts a hippoi, “a sort of handy cargo lighter, normally without sails, probably flat bottomed”, used in Phoenicia which he connected to the Portuguese saveiros (Johnstone, 1988: 93-94) and also to Ireland due to the similarities with the oars in saveiros.

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Tablas de Daimiel (Castilla-La Mancha) On this wetland reservoir on the Guadiana river and its tributaries boats have also been required for fishing at least from 1575 (Viñas y Paz, 1971: 183-189; quoted by Tallés Cristóbal and Lozano Garcí� a, 1985: 229). Traditionally built by carpenters – like the turf boat from the Somerset Flat (McKee, 1983: 107) with which they share some shape features - the boats vary in sizes but are usually small (350 x 60 x 25 cm) and light to be transported by the fisherman. Any timber (but black poplar) is used although pine is the most common. The hull is made of 10 cm thick woodlogs which are cut into 2 cm thick planks. Four are used for the bottom; then circles are done to cut the fore and aft ends. A number of odd floor frames are added to keep them in place and some curvature is done with a timber in the middle of the boat and a rope attached fore and aft to lift the bottom by twisting the rope - which resembles the Egyptian hogging truss (Casson, 1994: 19; Greenhill & Morrison, 1995: 132-133; McGrail, 1981: 15; Woodman, 1997: 12-13). Once lifted, side frames (carcañuelos) with limber holes are added, followed by the stem and stern post (nariz) and covered with some tin sheet. Caulking is also added although the boat is placed in water to get expanded and become watertight. A boat could last 10-15 years and a long pole was used for propulsion (Tallés Cristóbal & Lozano Garcí� a, 1985: 233-234). Alto Tormes, Salamanca The boats built here are just box shaped watercraft used only when fishing with nets could not be done from the riverbank. They are small and light to be transported by the fisherman himself or on horse (Castellanos Alavedra & Abad González, 1998: 897). Fore, aft, starboard or portside are not fixed and timber names are unique (cuarterones: floor timbers; testeros: fore and aft planks; costanos: side planks). Bottom planks are slightly lifted lengthwise and strengthened with floor timbers. The boats are pulled with a pole with an iron protection (regetón) on its end made by the blacksmith. Conclusions The area and boats shown here are just a few – perhaps the most important ones in Spain –, but other areas and boats were used in the past as well, and need more research to get a full picture of such flat bottomed boats. It is clear that these boats are a great source of information on vernacular shipbuilding and fishing techniques, enhancing our knowledge on ancient paintings, engravings and photographs which show old maritime times. Some might be the result of more ancient types of watercrafts and might also influence others, which will allow understanding of influences, relationships and

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adaptations from one place to another. A further study looking more into the technical issues, line drawings and building techniques is required. Similarly, their shipbuilding vocabulary varies from place to place and some is not linked to sea use, which needs studying. Unfortunately, many boats are endangered as they are no longer needed. They became obsolete because of other means of transport, fishing techniques or economic reasons, thus being abandoned on riverbanks or as a cultural icon on roundabouts, representing a regional view of past times. The movement of re­discovering vernacular watercraft (Agirre Franco, 2000; Apraiz, 2000; Arbex, 2000; Boëll, 2000; Robinson, 2000; Albert Rodrigo, 2007) will be the step forward for their survival so that they will no longer be the forgotten fleet. Acknowledgements Thanks are due to Esther Alonso, Juan Antonio Apraiz, Peter Goodwin, Ane Izarra, Luis Miguel Royo; Iñigo Echenique (Acubens Naval Architets); Cristina Orovio and Alejandro del Moral (Centro de Interpretación y Documentación del Agua y los Humedales Manchegos, Daimiel); Juan Antonio Rubio-Ardanaz (University of Extremadura); Ondartxo, Centro de Construcción e Investigación de Embarcaciones Tradicionales (Pasaia); Elena Vázquez y Juan Carlos Rico (Museo del Traje, Madrid), and to the builders, owners and researchers of Spanish flat bottomed boats. References Aguirre Franco, Rafael, 2000. Ontzi tradizionalen berreskurapena. Variedad de lanchas tradicionales. Su recuperación. In: VV.AA., Ontzi tradizionalak milurteko berriaren atarian. Las embarcaciones tradicionales ante el nuevo milenio. Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval, Donostia-San Sebastián: 58-91. Aguirre Sorondo, Antxon, 2003. Las embarcaciones fluviales en Gipuzkoa. Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Marítimos del País Vasco 4: 639-649. Albert Rodrigo, María, 2007. Les associacions de vela llatina, símbol d´identidad de la transformació entre el medi i els seus habitants. In: VV.AA., La vela latina. Barques a l´Albufera. Diputació de València, Valencia: 58-63. Alonso, Fernando, 1991. Traditional Clinker and carvel techniques in the northwest of Spain. In: R. Reinders & K. Paul (eds), Carvel Construction Technique. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 1988. Oxford: 103-111. Apraiz Zallo, Juan Antonio, 1998. Las embarcaciones del Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval: estudio del patrimonio flotante recuperado. Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Marítimos del País Vasco 2: 487-505. Apraiz, Juan Antonio, 2000. Ontzi ondarea Euskal Herrian: berreskuratu erabiltzeko. Patrimonio naval en el País Vasco: hacia la recuperación activa. In: VV.AA., Ontzi tradizionalak

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30. Flat bottomed boats in Spain: the forgotten fleet milurteko berriaren atarian. Las embarcaciones tradicionales ante el nuevo milenio. Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval, DonostiaSan Sebastián: 112-135. Arbex, Juan Carlos, 2000. Etnografia eta ontzi tradizionalak Espainian. Etnografía y embarcaciones tradicionales en España. In: VV.AA., Ontzi tradizionalak milurteko berriaren atarian. Las embarcaciones tradicionales ante el nuevo milenio. Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval, Donostia-San Sebastián: 92-111. Boëll, Denis-Michel, 2000. Ontzi ondarea: pizkunde baten kronika. El patrimonio náutico: crónica de un renacimiento. In: VV.AA., Ontzi tradizionalak milurteko berriaren atarian. Las embarcaciones tradicionales ante el nuevo milenio. Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval, Donostia-San Sebastián: 12-31. Candela Guillén, José María & Ortí Piera, Ricardo, 2007. Usos tradicionals de la barca a l´Albufera de València. In: VV.AA., La vela latina. Barques a l´Albufera. Diputació de València, Valencia: 50-57. Castellanos Alavedra, P. J. & Abad González, L., 1998. Pesca fluvial tradicional en el alto Tormes. Alimentación y cultura. Actas del I Congreso Internacional. Museo Nacional de Antropología, La Val de Onsera, Huesca: 879-911. Casson, Lionel, 1994. Ships and seafaring in Ancient Times. British Museum Press, London. Echenique, Iñigo, 2000. Madeira de mar. Apuntes sobre a gamela. Galaxia, Vigo. Izarra Uriarte, Ane, 2000. Embarcaciones fluviales tradicionales del río Oria, en Aginaga. Zainak 33: 181-199. Filgueiras, Octavio Lixa, 1991. Gelmirez and the reconversión of the W. Peninsular shipbuilding tradition (XIth-XIIth centuries). In: R. Reinders & K. Paul (eds), Carvel Construction Technique. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 1988. Oxford: 32-41. Greenhill, Basil & Morrison, John, 1995. The archaeology of boats and ships. An introduction. Conway Maritime Press, London. Johnstone, Paul, 1988. The Sea-craft of Prehistory. Routledge, London. López Carreira, Anselmo, 1996. La dorna gallega. Síntesis de tradiciones navales. In: Juan José Achútegui, Juan M. Castanedo Galán, Miguel Cisneros Cunchillos, José Llombart Palet (eds), I Simposio de historia de las técnicas. La construcción naval y la navegación. 26, 27 y 28 octubre 1995, Cantabria: 181-186. Lluesma Espanya, Josep Antoni, 2007. La construcció de la barques a l’Albufera de València. In: VV.AA., La vela latina. Barques a l´Albufera. Diputació de València, Valencia: 38-41.

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Mac Cárthaigh, Críostóir (ed.), 2008. Traditional Boats of Ireland. The Collins Press, Cork. Mariño del Río, Manuel, 1994. A carpintería de ribeira en Porto do Son. Toxosoutos, Muros. McKee, Eric, 1983. Working boats of Britain. Conway Maritime Press, London. McGrail, Sean, 1981. The Ship. Rafts, Boats and Ships. HMSO, London. Mora Aliseda, Julián, 1988. La pesca fluvial en Extremadura. Un modo de vida. Junta de Extremadura, Mérida. Mörling, Staffan, 2005. Lanchas e dornas. A estabilidade cultural e a morfoloxía das embarcacións na costa occidental de Galicia. Consellería de Pesca e Asuntos Marítimos, Xunta de Galicia, A Coruña. Odriozola Oyarbide, Lourdes, 2002. Construcción naval en el País Vasco, siglos XVI-XIX. Evolución y análisis comparativo. Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia-Diputación Foral de Gipuzkoa. Odriozola Oyarbide, Lourdes, 2003. La construcción naval en Hondarribia. 1203-2002, Ayuntamiento de Hondarribia, Hondarribia. Pueyo, Carlos, 2008. Madera & salitre, Cantábrico oriental, Foro Marítimo Vasco, Bilbao. Robinson, John, 2000. Zergatik ditugu gogoko ontzi zaharrak? ¿Por qué apreciamos las embarcaciones tradicionales? In: VV.AA. Ontzi tradizionalak milurteko berriaren atarian. Las embarcaciones tradicionales ante el nuevo milenio. Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval,. Donostia-San Sebastián: 32-57. Rosaleny i Romero, Pilar & Rosaleny i Romero, Joan J., 2007. Tipologies de les embarcacions de l´Albufera de València. In: VV.AA., La vela latina. Barques a l´Albufera. Diputació de València, Valencia: 42-49. Tallés Cristóbal, A.B. & Lozano García, I., 1985. La pesca de cangrejos en Carrión de Calatrava (Ciudad Real). III Jornadas de Etnología de Castilla-La Mancha. Guadalajara: 229-240. Viñas, C., Paz, R., 1971. Relaciones Histórico-GeográficoEstadísticas de los pueblos de España hechas por iniciativa de Felipe II. C.S.I.C., Ciudad Real, Madrid. Woodman, Richard, 1997. The History of the Ship. Conway Maritime Press, London. Zabala Uriarte, Aingeru, 1984. Untzi Arkitektura Euskal Herrian. XIX eta XX mendeak. Arquitectura naval en el País Vasco.Eusko Jaurlaritza, Gobierno Vasco.

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31. The moliceiros of the Ria of Aveiro (Portugal). A case study of nautical ethnography Mathilde Pilon

Introduction

Moliceiros are boats which form the core of an agro-­ river-maritime system in the Ria of Aveiro, a lagoon in North Portugal. During the 19th and 20th centuries they have been used for the harvest and the transport of a mixture of seaweeds, called moliço, which local farmers used to fertilise the sandy land around the Ria. These boats have been the subject of a study project which combined historical sources and ethnographical fieldwork related to the moliceiros which still exist today in the Ria of Aveiro and the local population. This study attempts through a nautical ethnographical approach to understand the relations between the moliceiros and the natural environment and the social setting (Les moliceiros thesis). This paper will discuss a number of features of

these boats. Firstly the fact that moliceiros are workboats and their analysis as technical objects shows how these boats were adapted to their specific use and local environment. Simultaneously, the harvest itself of moliço also contributed to the construction of the specific landscape of the Ria of Aveiro. The causes of the declining use of these boats also make clear how closely related moliceiros were with this natural environment. Finally, the moliceiros have a social and identity value, which is expressed by the richly painted panels with figurative scenes on the boats. Although there are numerous hypotheses to explain the presence of these paintings, it is undeniable that this is a testimony of the particular value that these boats had during their period of use and still have today, even if their original use is ended.

Fig. 1. The moliceiros Pardilhoense and Zé Rito sailing during the regatta São Paio da Torreira, September 2012 (Photo: © Etelvina Almeida).

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31. The moliceiros of the Ria of Aveiro (Portugal)

The moliceiros : work boats adapted to an activity and the local environment The lagoon of Aveiro is located in the north of Portugal, south of Porto and north of Coimbra. The formation of this lagoon began in the 11th century, when the formation of two sandy dune ridges gradually closed an previously open bay on the Atlantic Ocean. Parallel to the coastal dune formation, which extended from the 11th into the 18th century, the alluvial deposits by three rivers contributed to the creation of a veritable maze of water, where land and water are in constant interaction. After this slow natural evolution of the space of the Ria of Aveiro a period of human intervention on the environment started at the end of the 18th and in the 19th century. By 1757 the lagoon was totally closed by the dunes.

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To permit communication between the lagoon and the sea an artificial mouth was created in 1808 and subsequently consolidated (Amorim, 2001, 2001a). As a result of this historical evolution a particular environment emerged. The water in the estuary outside the channels which connect the artificial mouth to the fishing port and commercial port of Aveiro is generally very shallow, between 1 and 2 m. In this environment where water and earth are closely interconnected and the road network was poorly developed, river transport was, until the second half of the 20th century, essential for all activities in the lagoon. Different types of boats were built in the Ria of Aveiro, which each served a particular activity. The mercantels were used for the transport of salt, while bateiras, caçadeiras and chinchorros were (and still are) used for fishing. Although each boat

Fig. 2. The harvesting of moliço on a moliceiro (Archive image).

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has its own characteristics, they all belong to a group of vessels which share the same general features, directly related to the environment and the activities for which they were designed: they are flat-bottomed boats, with a shallow draft and a low freeboard. Within this class of Ria of Aveiro boats, the moliceiros take up a special place, for historical and symbolic reasons. In the late 19th and early 20th century, the activity of harvesting and transporting moliço was the main activity in the Ria of Aveiro. In addition, the construction of moliceiros was for the local shipbuilders most prestigious, due to the difficulty of implementing planking (each plank is realised of a single piece of wood, which is bent on boat length). They are flat bottomed boats with a very low draft designed for the shallow waters of the Ria. When the boat is loaded with seaweed the draft is only 40 cm. Also, the general design of the boat is adapted to the harvesting of seaweed along the board. The freeboard is low, in particular in the middle, to permit to harvest with rakes. The front part is sloped and covered by a foredeck, thanks to which the boat can be propelled by poling, starting from this foredeck for a good support for the first push with the pole. From there the poling manoeuvre continues by walking along the gunwale. Poling was possible thanks to the shallow water and was mainly applied in narrow channels, where sailing is difficult. The double gunwale is notably wide to permit to walk on it. It is also used to put boards to raise the height of the freeboard when the boat was loaded. The moliceiro is designed as freight boat, able to carry heavy fresh seaweed with a large amount of water: one daily harvest could reach up to three or five ton. Because of the shallow waters of the Ria of Aveiro the hull could not be deep. The length makes up this shallowness: a moliceiro is usually 15 m long, for 2.75 m of width. Apart from poling the moliceiro was also propelled by sailing. The sail is a lugsail rigged on a yard. The mast is almost in the middle of the boat, held in place by an important mast thwart. A bowline is used to hold the leech forward when sailing close-hauled. This system is specific to the rigging with an large space between the mast and the stem and is mainly used with the square sail rigs. This simple rig is appropriate for a workboat, it is above all functional, can be handled by a small crew (usually consisting of two men) and the high sail can pass over the cargo of seaweed. The large width of the rudder at the bottom makes it effective even if the water depth is low and the boat has low speed (the large rudder is a characteristic of river boats). The system of up-haul also corresponds to the use of the boat. This rope system can be moored to the front, which allows to steer the boat along its entire length, even when the moliceiro is operated by a single man. Moliceiros are built in pine and stone pine by local shipbuilders in shipyards on the coast of the lagoon. The construction begins with the bottom of the boat which is made of five planks. On this floor the 23 frame timbers,

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Fig.3. The agriculture in the Ria of Aveiro, in 1943 : the land fertilized thanks to the moliço (in green)(Photo: © Castro 1943).

the stem and the stern are set up. Then the shipbuilder can place the planking, the gunwale and the cover of the front and the back part. This way of shipbuilding requires thorough practical know-how, because no plan is used by the shipbuilder, but only templates and a small cane with marks (pau-de-pontos). During the entire 20th century this know-how was transmitted from father to son. At the beginning of the century there were about 50 shipbuilders, but when the activity of the moliceiros declined, at the end of the century, the sons didn’t continue the job of their fathers and grandfathers, and today only three shipbuilders permanently work in the Ria of Aveiro. Because of financial difficulties in ship building the continuity of this craft and the specific shipbuilding know-how is threatened. As the building of a moliceiro is a complicated and at the same time prestigious endeavour, the shipbuilder of each moliceiro can be identified thanks to the painted mark on the rudder. The moliceiros and the harvest of moliço as a part of the construction of the landscape The formation and the development of the moliço, and as such also the functioning of the moliceiros, are closely linked to the evolution of the Ria itself. There is a fundamental relation between agriculture and moliceiros. The moliço, a mixture of seagrass and seaweed, is a double

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31. The moliceiros of the Ria of Aveiro (Portugal)

contribution to the sandy soil around the Ria: it provides an organic input, which helped to create humus, and a chemical input, mainly due to nitrogen and potash. The harvest of moliço was essential in the creation process of the landscape of the Ria de Aveiro. The settlement process of the coastal strip shows the role of moliço: it helped to create humus on which vegetation developed, fixing the dune and creating pasture for livestock and farmland. At the end of the 19th century, the harvest of moliço was the main activity in the Ria of Aveiro, as showed by an official report of that period (Ministerio da Marinha e Ultramar, 1888), which also mentioned four other activities in the area: freight, salt extraction, harvesting of bulrush and reed, and fishing. Whether in terms of value of production, number of employees or the number of boats, this report shows the predominance of the harvest of moliço, which represents around half of the total percentage of each activity. As a result of the economic value and the environmental impact of this activity, several regulations were set up at the end of the 19th century to try to reduce the conflicts between the harvest of moliço and fishing and to preserve both resources (Maira, 1887). The docks and the landing stages, located all around the Ria, are part of the landscape. They were used to unload goods in general and more particularly the moliço. These docks developed either through consolidation of canal banks or in small ports made up of two parallel embankments. Landing stages or docks were located both on the coast of the Ria and at the end of rivers, at the limit of navigability. The moliço was carried by moliceiros as close as possible to the farmland to limit transport by road. A study from 1934 reported the quantities of moliço unloaded in each dock, of which there were more than one hundred, located especially in the north part of the lagoon (Junta autonoma da Ria e Barra de Aveiro, 1936). Today some of these are still visible in the landscape. The landscape also offers clear links to the causes of the decline and the end of the activity of the moliceiros. While moliceiros saw the apogee of their activity at the end of the 19th and early 20th century, their numbers declined from the mid-20th century and then fell sharply in the 1970s. The 1980s and 1990s marked the end of the harvest of molico. The comparison of historical sources shows that different causes are interlinked. Environmental causes (increased tidal range, and the rate of salinity in the mouth and pollution) and a possible decrease and disappearance of moliço cannot be invoked as the initial cause of the decline of the activity, because several sources report an overabundance of moliço in the 1960s (Lopes, 1968; Silva, Duck, Catarino, 2004). However, environmental changes, particularly sedimentation, caused the disappearance of moliço at a later stage in the 1980s and 1990s. Nevertheless, human causes explain the decrease of the moliceiros activities around the middle of the 20th century. In fact, this period corresponds to the time of rural exodus and

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emigration. Between the 1950s and 1960s the population of the rural part of the Ria, where the harvest of moliço was highly developed, has decreased, due to the emigration towards neighbouring cities, the Tagus, Northern Europe or the American continent. Departures for cod fishing had also a strong impact on the workforce of the Ria of Aveiro. Men practicing the harvest of moliço and farmers, at this period, left the Ria of Aveiro, resulting in a decrease of the activity of moliceiros. Moreover, the work was hard and poorly remunerated. In addition to these two causes, the evolution of the economy and the national political context also impacted the activity of moliceiros. In fact, the decline of the harvest of moliço is directly related to developments within national farming. In the 1970s and 1980s farming in Portugal changed from a local family farming system, which was intensive on small properties, to a more mechanised agriculture on larger plots and using chemical fertilisers. The introduction of chemical fertilisers has undeniably led to a decrease in demand of moliço. This national change is directly related to the political context of the dictatorship and more precisely its termination. One of the basic features of the ideology of the Estado Novo of Salazar (1933-1974) was maintaining a traditional rural economy, in which moliceiros had their rightful place, as opposed to modernity and industrialisation. Ethnographic studies devoted to moliceiros during this period illustrate this national ideology (Castro, 1943). The collapse of the dictatorship meant the end of this economy that could not be maintained without State support. The country then turned to modernisation and thanks to the entry into the European Union (1986) has benefited from aid to development. The new economy directly affected the traditional rural activities. The various causes of the decline and the end of moliceiros activities illustrate how these work boats were an integral part of the human and geographical environment of the Ria de Aveiro, right from the beginning of their use until the very end. The relation between the moliceiros and the local population The moliceiros are strongly linked to local popular traditions, as can be clearly recognised from the presence of four painted panels on each boat (Sarmento, 2008).The panels represent four different figurative scenes connected to a written legend, dealing with five main subjects: comic scenes, scenes devoted to moliceiros, the Ria and the daily life, religious scenes, panels dealing with fidelity and love, and, finally, representations of historical personalities. Such figurative painted panels, which are usually extremely rare on work boats, are a testimony of the particular value which moliceiros had already in the time that they were used to harvest moliço. The subjects represented are often nostalgic and show the worries of the local population about its environment. The

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Fig. 4. The bow of the moliceiro Zé Rito painted with a nostalgic scene evoking the past of the Ria of Aveiro. The rear part of the moliceiro Antonio Garete painted with a comic scene, 2012 (Photo: © Mathilde Pilon).

comparison between the panels which had been painted before the decline of the activity of the moliceiros and those painted today shows that artistic style is different today, with less naive representations and more faithful to reality. The moliceiros also have a longstanding identity value in local Ria of Aveiro. The painted panels and the design of the stem can be seen as a testimony of the particular place which the harvesters of moliço took in local society. Indeed, the development of the local agriculture hinged on the supply of moliço. Secondly, the moliceiros were promoted, during the dictatorship of Salazar, as an expression of the ‘Portuguese soul’ (Lage, Ferreira, Chaves, 1940; Sarmento, 2009). Their aesthetic value was promoted as an expression of a popular art in the official ethnographic works, in the Museu de Arte Popular inaugurated in Lisbon in the 1940s and in the national tourism promotion. On a touristic map published in 1953 the most beautiful moliceiros are represented, reduced to their front part (ROTEP de Í� lhavo, 1953). The moliceiros kept their identity value also after the end of the dictatorship. The close relation between the local population and the boats is still today visible in the Ria of Aveiro. Besides many tourist objects, the image of a moliceiro had already been chosen for a package of butter in 1984, and moliceiros are also represented on the pavement of a street of the city of Aveiro. The image of moliceiros and their identity value can also be found outside the Ria

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of Aveiro, for example on a ceramic panel on a house in Lisbon. Today the moliceiros always exist in the Ria of Aveiro, even if there is no more moliço to harvest. Between 2010 and 2011, 51 moliceiros have been observed in the Ria, 40 of them were in capacity to navigate or in maintenance. The moliceiros are no more work boats but they are used for tourist tours in the city of Aveiro and at the same time owned by local inhabitants who want to preserve the boats in their landscape and organise regattas. Even if the evolution of the use of the moliceiros has led to some functional and aesthetic changes, it allowed the preservation of these boats, as tangible and intangible heritage. References Amorim, I., 2001. O porto de Aveiro no séc. XVIII : percursos de investigação – um ponto da situação. In: I. Amorim, A. Polónia & H. Osswald (eds), O litoral em Perspectiva Historica, secs XVI a XVIII – Actas Facultade de Letras da Universidade do Porto. Ed. Instituto de Historia Moderna, Centro Leonado Coimbra: 47-57. Amorim, I., 2001a. Recursos maritimos e tecnologia no séc. XVIII – pesca, sal e moliço no litoral e na Ria de Aveiro. In: I. Amorim, A. Polónia & H. Osswald (eds), O litoral em Perspectiva Historica, secs XVI a XVIII – Actas Facultade de

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31. The moliceiros of the Ria of Aveiro (Portugal) Letras da Universidade do Porto. Ed. Instituto de Historia Moderna, Centro Leonado Coimbra: 185-204. Castro, D.J. de, 1943. Estudos etnogràficos “Aveiro, Moliceiros 1”. Ed. do I.A.C., Porto. Junta autonoma da Ria e Barra de Aveiro, 1936. Pôrto e Ria de Aveiro, noticia sôbre o seu valor economico. Ministério das obras publicas e comunicações, Direcção geral dos serviços hidraulicos e eléctricos, Aveiro. Lage, F., Ferreira, P. & Chaves, L. (eds), 1940. Vida e Arte do Povo Portugês. Secretariado da Propaganda Nacional, Lisboa. Lopes, A.S., 1968. O problema do moliço na Ria de Aveiro. Aveiro e o seu distrito, n° 5: 23-33. Maira, F., 1887. Regulamento da pesca e exploração da Ria e costas do litoral de Aveiro. Imprensa Aveirense, Aveiro. Ministerio da Marinha e Ultramar, 1888. A Ria de Aveiro e as suas industrias, memoria justificativa e projecto de regulamento para o exercicio da pesca e colheita do moliço, elaborado pela commissão nomeada por portaria do Ministerio da Marinha e Ultramar de 16 de Abril 1883. Imprensa Nacional, Lisboa.

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Les moliceiros de la Ria d’Aveiro (Portugal) aux XXème et XXIème siècles : objets techniques d’histoire et de patrimoine, produits touristiques. Thesis of master degree TPTI, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Universidade de Evora, Università degli studi di Padova, directed by Eric Rieth. Rotep de Ílhavo, 1953. Barco Moliceiro, Foto do Capitão João dos Santos Redondo, map 10. In: C. Sarmento, 2009. A construção do texto etnografico: fontes documentais sobre a Ria de Aveiro e o Barco Moliceiro. Sal, Boletim Municipal de Cultura, Aveiro 10.09: 24. Sarmento, C., 2008. Cultura Popular Portuguesa : Praticas, discursos e representações. Afrontamento, Porto. Sarmento, C., 2009. A construção do texto etnografico: fontes documentais sobre a Ria de Aveiro e o Barco Moliceiro. Sal, Boletim Municipal de Cultura, Aveiro 10.09: 22-31. Silva, J.F. da, Duck, R.W. & Catarino, J.B., 2004. Seagrasses and sediment response to changing physical forcing in a coastal lagoon. Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 8: 151-159.

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32. Use and tradition of the currach in the 21st century (Ireland) Darina Tully

Introduction In Ireland there is a wide variety of vernacular craft still in use. One of the primitive types of boat is the currach, (curach or curragh), a form of skin boat which is generally accepted to be of ancient origin. Currachs are in use along most of the west coast of Ireland, and this living tradition of boat usage, rooted in the past but persisting into the present, affords an opportunity to study the use, tradition and operation of this ancient technology. The west coast of Ireland has long been of interest to the student of European origins, with its repository of cultural survivals (Evans, 1957: xiv), and it has attracted anthropologists and folklorists since the late 19th Century. Early anthropologists mention voyages in currachs as part of their experience (Browne, 1895; Marstrander, 1909; Mason, 1934; Flower, 1944), but it was folklorists such as Evans (1957) and Danaher (1966) that specifically included currachs in their research. It had been argued that boats are a particularly important source of material for evaluating technological and social development (Filgueiras, 1980: 3), and it has also been recognised within maritime archaeology that the understanding of the development of boat structures can be enhanced by the study of vernacular boats (Greenhill, 1976: 22). The study of ethnographic evidence is suggested as one of the methods for interpreting nautical life (Hasslöf, 1972: 21-26; McKee, 1983:14; McGrail, 2000: 3; Meide, 2011: 235). This paper

will focus on recent ethnographic work on the use and tradition of the currach in Ireland. History of skin boats in Ireland “Currach, or Curragh, a boat peculiar to Ireland, especially its western coast, used for local traffic, it is of great antiquity” (Kemp, 1976: 218). While excavated evidence of ancient skin boats is insubstantial, it is generally agreed that along with floats and log craft, they were probably one of the earliest craft used by man. An assessment of available technological skills indicates that skin boats could have been used from the Palaeolithic era, and in Mesolithic times, when Ireland was first settled, multiple hide boats (joining several hides) would have been possible (McGrail, 2000: 11). The early use of skin boats has been documented in the classical world. The 6th-century BC Ora Maritima mentions skiffs of skin (Cunliffe, 2001: 66). Herodotus writes of curious craft, circular in shape and made of hides (Radice, 1994: 77). In the 2nd century BC, Strabo, the geographer, writes of skin boats in Galicia and descriptions are also found in Pliny, Solinus and Julius Caesar (Hornell, 1938: 7-9). Romero (1976) looked at prehistoric contact between Galicia and the British Isles, and went on to give archaeological evidence of relations with Ireland and Galicia, such as the similarities in rock carvings and distribution of bronze cauldrons, hill forts and chevaux-de

Fig. 1. Aran style currach, Inisheer Beach.

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32. Use and tradition of the currach in the 21st century

frises. Romero hypothesised that these journeys could have only been undertaken in skin boats. We know boats were used in prehistoric times as the majority of Islands around the coastline of Ireland are rich in archaeology. There is also a wealth of coastal monuments and fortifications that realistically could also only have been accessed by boats. In some cases archaeological evidence indicates the movement of substantial amounts of material goods to support these settlements. We are not sure what type of boats were used by the early seafarers since Ireland was settled around 10,000 years ago, “but it is certain that they came here by skin or bark covered boats or wooden canoes” (O’Sullivan & Breen, 2007: 29). The earliest references to skin boats in Ireland occur in mythology. There was a strong oral tradition of stories describing voyages (Imramha) undertaken to strange and wondrous lands, usually across the western seas. While dating is difficult, the earlier stories are pagan, with a continuity of themes into the early Christian period. Stories of some of the voyages of early Christian Monks retain elements of earlier tales (Porter, 1998: 94). The currach, coracle and leather boat are frequently identified as the craft in these mythological tales. These epic sagas and poems often have similar themes and motifs to tales from the European tradition. The legends of lost islands, such as ‘Atlantis’ and ‘Hy-Brasil’, seem to be universal. The tale of The Voyage of Bran is believed to be one of the oldest in the Irish tradition. In this story, strange women entice Bran and his company to build a hide boat, and journey to lands across the sea to Bresail or the fairyland (Meyer, 1895: 4). The Voyage of Maeldúin is particularly interesting, in that the currach is described as constructed from three hides, noi tre chodlidi, which would indicate a medium size currach of around 5m. In The Voyage of Teigue, where his wife is carried off by invaders, a classical theme, Teigue builds a currach “with twenty five thwarts”, and covers it with “forty oxhides of hard bark soaked leather” to pursue the kidnappers (Hornell, 1938: 77). There is a wide body of literature supporting the use of skin boats as being a mode of transport for the early Irish Monks, on their journeys around the coast and to their island monasteries. Voyages further afield, such as that of St Columcille to the Island of Iona in AD 563 are also documented (Porter, 1998: 99). A 6th-century Latin account of the building of a large currach is given in the Imramh of St Brendan (Hornell, 1938: 79). There are also numerous published sources on the legend of St Brendan in Burgess and Strijbosh (2000). The first possible physical evidence for a currach in Ireland is a small gold model boat from an Iron Age hoard found in Broighter, Co Derry. This model is on display in the National Museum of Ireland, but what it actually depicts has been the subject of much debate. While some believe it to be a votive offering of a wooden seagoing vessel (O’ Kelly 2002: 138), it is also possible that the vessel was modelled on a currach (Cunliffe, 2001:67). Others (O’Sullivan & Breen, 2007: 102) also think it could

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possibly be a depiction of a skin boat. An 8th-century pillar stone at an ecclesiastical site near Bantry, West Cork, depicts a boat with four oarsmen, a helmsman and two passengers. This engraving has been the subject of many discussions (Hourihane & Hourihane, 1979; Breen & Forsythe, 2004: 53). The Bantry boat engraving is widely interpreted as depicting a currach, and its obvious similarities to a modern currach have been the subject of much analysis (Johnstone, 1980:129). In the Medieval period, Giraldus Cambresis (Gerald of Wales) gives us an account of a currach in the Irish Sea after his visit to Ireland in 1183. “Shortly afterwards they caught sight of a small skiff putting out from the land towards themselves. The boat was narrow and oblong, made of wickerwork, and covered on the outside with sewn hides of animals” (Radice, 1988: 111). From the mid18th century there are numerous references and drawings supporting the widespread use of skin boats. A 1750 report of a funeral procession to Aranmore, Co Donegal, cites 60 to 80 currachs (Evans, 1957: 237). In 1796 we have mention of “portable wicker vessels” on Inland waterways (Croker, 1968: 120). A late 18th-century account of currachs in County Clare is detailed in ‘Lloyds Tour of Clare’ (Lloyd, 1780), and for the 19th century there is a wide body of literature detailing the use of currachs in Ireland including fishery reports, travelogues and the National Folklore collections. Currach Characteristics The present currachs are round hulled keel-less craft, though there is some pictorial evidence for keels in the past (Mac Cullagh, 1993:40; Breen & Forsythe, 2004:97). Currachs are light, buoyant craft, easy to build and easily carried by a few men. Infrastructure such as harbours and piers is not required for their use (McCaughan, 1982: 162). Currachs also require minimal materials for their construction. A study evaluating their stability and the parameters of different weight loads has shown that a currach can carry a very high ratio of cargo for their size and when operated properly have a high intrinsic stability (Tully, 2003: 96) The currach is formed by first constructing rigid single or double gunnels from hardwood or close grained spruce. The larger currachs generally have the double gunnels to give extra strength. The gunnel assembly is then inverted and a light frame work is constructed from hazelwood or oak lathes which are then covered with a skin material. Formerly the skin was cow hide, but for over a century most currachs have been covered with tarred canvas, and more recently with glass reinforced plastic (GRP), or lightweight nylon and petroleum based black paint. In some areas the framework shape is now formed from light planks with a roughly fully boarded hull. The various shapes found are characterised by the angle of the bows and the shape of the ribs. Some types have developed a large amount of rocker in the hull, fore

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Fig. 2. Three oar Clare style currachs with light lath framing.

and aft curvature that makes the boat turn and manoeuvre more easily. The larger currachs have considerable sheer in the bows, in some cases giving a very high raked angle, which is thought to have evolved to aid launching and use in rolling sea waves. There is a wide range of currach styles, and with the exception of the Boyne currach, they are all used along the Atlantic coastline. Factors which influence boat design are the function or functions which the boat is required to undertake, the physical environment it operates in, outside influences, historical events and economic and social conditions (Tully, 1996: 6-7). Different currach styles also display slight differences in the bladeless oars that are used to propel them. Some oar styles use single thole pins, while others use double thole pins to secure them. There are also differences in how the currachs are stored, such as on 1 m high wooden trestles in Kerry, on large stones or beer barrels in Aran, and in specific stone lined pens in parts of Mayo. These cultural traditions, which can be harder to explain, have been found to influence continuity and change in regional varieties of boats (McCaughan 1988: 103). Earlier studies have shown that cultural elements which can change radically and rapidly in one location can survive in other places for a long time, even over millennia (Hasslöf, 1972: 25). Currachs can be sorted into three types. • Those with a light lathe frame, such as the Kerry Naomhóg, the West Clare Canoe, and the Aran type currach. • Those that have fully boarded frames such as the Connamara, Inishturk, and Achill types.

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• The more primitive group, which still use, in full or in part, hazel framing, such as the Dunfanaghy style, Donegal paddling currachs and Boyne style coracle. Traditionally, Naomhóg currachs are from 4.8 m to 7.6 m in length by 1.17 m wide. The West Clare and Aran currachs are around 6.4 m by 1.17 m. Achill currachs are from 4.87 m to 5.49 m. The smaller paddling currachs of Owey and Tory Islands are around 3m in length, but can be as small as 1.82 m to 2.4 m. The Dunfanaghy style currach is typically around 4.8 m. These dimensions vary widely as there is quite a regional diversity in styles to be found. Skin boat survey The earliest documented indication of the numbers of boats and currachs comes from The First Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the State of the Fisheries (1837). Reporting was not consistent, but we can establish from the survey that the use of currachs or canoes was widespread. In 1923, the Congested Districts Board, as part of a nationwide study, documented the numbers of boats (including currachs) and associated crews around the coast. Their results gave the number for open boats as 1,245, employing 5,000 men, and the number for currachs as 1,138, employing 4,500 men (Mac Carthaigh, 1998). While British Coracles and Irish Currachs (Hornell, 1938) was the seminal study on currachs and is still widely quoted today, it is not specific about the numbers of currachs in use. Hornell describes currachs in the following areas: Dingle, The Blasket Islands, Baile

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Fig. 3. A fully boarded Connemara style currach.

na nGall, The Maharees, Scattery Island, Kilkee, Quilty, The Aran Islands, Renvyle, Inishbofin, Inishshark, Insihturk, Achill, The Iniskeas, Blacksod , Broad Haven, Ballycastle, Aranmore, Bunbeg, Tory Island, Dunfanahy, Sheephaven, and Mulroy Bay. It should be noted that Hornell did not visit all of the areas and some of his currach lines plans were taken from the National Museums boat collection. Hornell also reproduced many of the National Museums ‘Mason Collection’ photographs. Extensive historical research was carried out between 1995 and 2006 on currachs in preparation for the publication of The Traditional Boats of Ireland (Mac Carthaigh, 2008). Partial surveys of currach numbers in various areas have been undertaken including Kerry (Tully, 2003), Achill (Meide, 2005), Achill (Tully & Starkie, 2006), Donegal (McPolin, 2006), Clare (Tully, 2008), and Galway (Lynch et al., 2009), but no comprehensive survey of all currachs in use in Ireland in a single season. In 2010 an audit was undertaken to see how currachs have survived into the first decade of the 21st Century. Methodology In 2010 a physical survey of the currachs in Ireland was undertaken on a county by county basis. Every pier, harbour, beach and landing area that could be identified along the west coast was visited. Known areas of use in Cork, Dublin and Lough Neagh were also visited. Observations of types, size and usage were recorded on a specifically designed data entry form along with a photographic record. Published historical and archaeological works, cartographic and geographic information, along with oral history accounts, mainly from the National folklore collections, were consulted. Sources used for previous studies of currachs were compiled and local communities of fishermen, boat builders and rowers were identified. A list of prepared questions was drawn up, with allowance for impromptu stories and personal experiences to be recorded as recommended by Buckley (1976) and Ó� Súilleabháin (1963). Where possible, opportunities were taken to row and journey in currachs and to observe boats in construction. Participant observation can help us to understand forms and functions of

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maritime traditions and one can become a more effective observer by taking an active role in an activity (Taylor, 1992). Information on distances, speed and loads carried are important in calculating the possible capabilities of skin boats in earlier times. Oral accounts of short journeys and longer voyages that had been undertaken using currachs were also collected. A number of currachs were identified for recording in full lines plans. Results of the audit The 2010 survey found 688 currachs in use. There were approximately 535 currachs used for fishing or for leisure, while another 153 currachs were identified for racing use. Comparisons with the previous partial surveys seem to indicate that the use of the currachs has stayed reasonably stable over the last two decades. A much wider distribution of currach craft was found than that identified by Hornell (see table 1). Supplementary data on journeys and distances covered, along with speeds attained and sea conditions, crew and cargo, were also recorded. Study of this data indicates that the large currachs can average 4 to 5 miles (6 to 7km) an hour under oar propulsion, and the more primitive types, such as the Dunfanaghy style, made of hazel, can average 3 miles an hour. On long journeys currachs can average 20 to 40 miles (32 to 60 km) per day depending on the weather. Some boats used an additional small lug sail. Long voyages around the coast and to Scotland were generally taken as a series of shorter day-long sections, but direct journeys across the Irish Sea and to mainland Europe were also undertaken. Line of sight staged journeys in open boats as far as Shetland were documented. Further information was also collected on the navigation and operation of the currachs, and crew behaviour. These findings concur with earlier work such as Waddell (1997) where he hypothesized that early people probably moved around on short coastal journeys, and the short distances across the Irish Sea were well within the capabilities of primitive boats. “Travel by water, whether river or sea, must often have been considerably easier than travel by land” (Waddell, 1997: 40). One

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Owey island type

Gola island type

Bunbeg type

Dunfanaghy type *

Replicas & one-offs

Totals

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

50

0

0

0

8

0

0

0

0

0

1

9

1

11

8

23

0

61

Galway1

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

4

0 28

8

13

6

118

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

178

Galway2

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0 66

0

3

9

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

79

Kerry

0 28

7

8

21

8

6

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

78 89

0

Tory island type

Rosses paddling

3

0

Achill tenders

0

0

Achill type

1

0

Killary type

3

0

Inishturk

3

0

Connemara racing

Inishkeas

Connemara fully boarded

Connemara canvas (laths)

1

0

Aran canvas

0

0

Aran grp

31

Doolin tenders

0 0

Doolin currachs

4 0

Doonbeg tenders

0 0

Scattery island

0 0

2 Man west clare

3 Man west clare

0 0

Hybrids

2 0

2 Man naomhog

0 0

3 Man naomhog

Clare Donegal

Total currach populations

4 Man naomhog

Fibreglass canoes

4 Man racing naomhog

2 Man fibreglass naomhog

Table 1.

Mayo1

3

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

3

1

1

0

35

0

35

0

1

2

2

0

1

2

2

0

Mayo2

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

67

14

3

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

84

Other counties

8

8

9

0

2

0

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

2

4

0

0

3

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

25

2

3

69

Totals

11

38

16

8

23

13

8

33

0

1

3

7

1 30

18

14

73 130

38

9 102

14

4

3

12

1

12

35

27

4

688

Total working and leisure currachs

535

Total racing currachs

153

Table 2.

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Journey type

Currach type

Origin

Dest

Dist (mls)

Long distance

Aran 3h

Holyhead

Howth

60,0

96,0 17 Hrs

Weather poor. Three rowers

Long distance

Naomhog 3h

Ballycastle

Mull kintyre

30,0

45,0 7 Hrs

Stop over at rathlin /good weather

Long distance

Naomhog 3h

Rathlin

Islay

45,0 6 Hrs

Good weather /part sailed

Long distance

Naomhog 4h

Sligo

Rathlin

200,0

320,0 6 Days

Bad weather sail and oar

Long distance

Naomhog 3h

Dingle

Dingle

800,0

1280,0 48 Days

One man/ sail and oar

Long distance

Replica 12 oar

Portrush

Portrush

800,0

1280,0 40 Days

13 Crew /leather 9m boat

Long distance

Naomhog 3h

Wexford

Wales

80,0

128,0 22 Hrs

Good weather

Long distance

Naomhog 4h

Cork

Kilmore quay

100,0

160,0 4 Days

Via ballycotton/helvick /dunmore

Long distance

Replica 12 oar

St michaels mt

Brittany

94,0

150,0 34 Hrs

2 Replica boats travelled together

Long distance

Aran 3h

Dublin

The shannon

89,5

144,0 4 Days

Two rowers. Included portage

Long distance

Aran 3h

Kildare

Waterford

118,0

190,0 6 Days

Two rowers, downriver

Local

Inishturk

Inishbofin

Cleggan

6,0

9,0 1.5 Hrs

Regular journey

Local

Inishturk

Inishturk

Cleggan

11,0

17,0 3.5 Hrs

Occasional journey

Local

Inishturk

Inishturk

Clare is

7,8

12,5 2 Hrs

Regular journey

Local

Inishturk

Inisturk

Old head

12,5

20,0 3.5 Hrs

30,0

Dist (kms)

Time

Comments

Usual journey with animals

Local

Inishturk

Inishturk

Roonagh qy

9,1

14,5 3 Hrs

Regular journey

Local

Inishturk

Inishturk

Renvyle

9,1

14,5 3 Hrs

Regular journey

Local

Inishturk

Inishbofin

High island

6,3

10,0 2 Hrs

Regular journey

Local

Inishturk

Inishbofin

Inishshark

1,0

Local

Inishturk

Inishbofin

Renvyle

9,0

Local

Inishturk

Renvyle

Crump

1,0

Local

Inishturk

Inishturk

Achill

21,3

Local

Naomhog 3h

Ballycastle

Rathlin

Local

Naomhog 4h

Youghal

Cappaquin

Local

Naomhog 4h

Cappaquin

Youghal

Local

Naomhog 4h

Ross island

Laune river

3,1

5,0 1 Hour

Local

Naomhog 4h

Ross island

Open sea

9,3

15,0 2.5 Hrs

1,6 0.25 Hrs 14,4 3 Hrs 1,6 0.25 Hrs

Regular journey from westside 1 Man regular postman journey Regular journey

34,0 6 Hrs

Occasional journey

11,0 1.5 Hrs

05/12 Rowed good weather

16,0

25,6 5 Hrs

Up tidal river

16,0

25,6 3 Hrs

Return downstream with tide

7,0

Regular journey Historical journey to open sea

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32. Use and tradition of the currach in the 21st century

of the interesting statistics is that a four oar currach, with the possibility of carrying up to a ton of cargo, can travel from Ross Island, County Kerry to the open sea in 2.5 hours. This could have been a possible route for exporting iron ore in the Bronze age. These results also give empirical data to support the work of those such as O’Sullivan and Breen (2007) and Cunliffe (2001) that have looked at the connections, trade and exchange systems of the lands along the European Atlantic fringes in prehistoric times (see table 2). In addition to auditing the numbers of currachs found, an experimental laser scanning of a full size, rare Scattery Island currach was undertaken, using a Trimble laser scanner. While laser scanning technology has been established as one of the most accurate ways to document ships timbers, this was the first time that a full size boat was recorded using a scanner outdoors in the field. The data was then exported into a 3D modelling software application, and thence into a naval architecture program which could produce a lines plan (fig. 4) process the hydrostatic data. From this data it was possible to do calculations of the boats performance and hydrostatic characteristics (Tully & Tanner, 2012). Sub­sequently a Faro laser scanner was used, which had an integral power unit and hard disc which proved to be more flexible for field work. An Inishturk style currach, a Maharees and a Blasket Island naomhog were also

211

scanned for evaluation (Tully, 2012). While detail on the experimental laser scanning is outside the scope of this paper it should be noted that preliminary work on the processing of the data confirms the anecdotal evidence of the sea worthiness of the currachs. Conclusions The currachs still found in Ireland are not only important heritage objects in their own right, but are also a focus for the continuity of a range of traditions within communities. While 688 boats were documented there are quite a few more that were not covered by the audit. Nevertheless, this result still shows a significant number of currachs in use at the time of the survey. Many of these craft currently operate in dynamic coastal environments. Local rowing journeys from 20 to 40 miles can be easily undertaken along with longer sea voyages. Line of sight journeys from the west coast of Ireland as far as Shetland were documented along with longer sea voyages to France and Spain. The reasons for the variety of styles of currachs are not clear but it could simply be that “local boat types are responses in varying degrees, to function, environment and tradition” (McCaughan, 1978: 2). The continued deployment of the skin boat technology is mainly based

Fig. 4. Lines plan of Scattery Island currach, produced by laser scanning.

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around the transmission of knowledge within communities with a long tradition of currach use. Ethnographic studies can let us hypothesize a prehistoric form of a custom, based on the experience of the contemporary performance (Boyes, 1980: 6). We can thus conclude that the study of vernacular craft, such as currachs, can give us an insight into what was possible in the distant past, such as regional mobility, early navigation and the exploitation of resources through fishing, hunting and trading. References Boyes, G., 1986. Survivals Theory and Traditional Customs. Folklife 25-26: 6. Browne, C., 1895. The Ethnography of the Mullet, Inishkea islands, and Portacloy, County Mayo. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy (3rd Series) 111, No. 4. Buckley, A. et al., 1976. Collecting Oral History. Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, Cultra. Burgess, S. & Strijbosch, C., 2000. The Legend of St Brendan, A Critical Bibliography. Dublin. Croker, C., 1968. Researchers in the South of Ireland. Dublin (First published 1824). Cunliffe, B., 2001. Facing the Ocean. The Atlantic and its Peoples. Oxford. Danaher, K., 1966. Irish Country People. Cork. Evans, E., 1957. Irish Folkways. London. Filgueiras, O., 1980. The Decline of Portuguese Regional Boats. Maritime Monographs and Reports, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Flower, R., 1944. The Western Island, Oxford. Greenhill, B., 1976. The Archaeology of the Boat. Connecticut. Hasslöf, O., 1972. The Concept of a Living Tradition. In: O. Hasslöf et al. (eds), Ships & Shipyards - Sailors and Fishermen. Rosenkilde & Bagger, Copenhagen. Hornell, J., 1938. British Coracles and Irish Curraghs. London. Hourihane, C.P. & Hourihane, J.J., 1979. The Kilnaruane Pillar Stone, Bantry, Co Cork. Journal of the Cork Historical & Archaeological Society (JCHAS) 84 (240): 67-70. Johnstone, P., 1988. The Sea-craft of Prehistory. London and New York. Kemp, P., 1976. The Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea. Oxford. Lloyd, J., 1780. Lloyd’s Tour of Clare. (Reprinted 1986, Whitegate, Clare). Mac Carthaigh, C., 1998. Congested Districts Board and Irish Fisheries, unpublished conference paper, Department of Irish Folklore, University College Dublin. Mac Carthaigh, C., 2008. Traditional Boats of Ireland. Cork. McCaughan, M., 1978. Irish Vernacular Boats and their European Connections. Ulster Folklife 24.1.

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McCaughan, M., 1983. Continuity and Change in Irish Boat Building Traditions. In: J. de Courcy Ireland, Ireland and The Sea. Clare. McCaughan, M., 1988. Ethnology and Irish Boatbuilding Traditions. In: O. Filgueiras, Local Boats. Oxford. Mac Grail, S., 1987. Ancient Boats of North West Europe. London. Mac Grail, S., 2000. Boats of the World. Oxford. Mac Cullagh, R., 1993. The Irish Currach Folk. Dublin. Mac Polin, D., 2007. The Donegal Currachs. Donaghadee, Northern Ireland. Mason, T., 1936. The Islands of Ireland. London. McKee, E., 1983. Working Boats of Great Britain. London. Meide, C., 2006. Achill Island Maritime Archaeology Project: Report on Archaeological and Historical Investigation, 20042005. Unpublished report for Dept. of Environment, Heritage and Local Government. Meide, C., 2011. The Achill Yawl: vernacular boats in historical context on Achill Island, Ireland. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 40. 2: 235-255. Meyer, K., 1895. The voyage of Bran, Son of Febal. London. O’Kelly, E., 2002. The Iron Age. In: P. Wallace & R. O’ Floinn (eds), Treasures of the National Museum of Ireland. Dublin. Ó Súilleabháin, S., 1963. A Handbook of Irish Folklore. Dublin. O’Sullivan, A. & Breen, C., 2007. Maritime Ireland, An Archae­ ology of Coastal Communities. Gloucestershire. Porter, G., 1998. An Bád Leathair: A Review of Irish Currachs. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Wisconsin. Radice, B., 1994. Herodotus, The Histories. London. Radice, B., 1988. Gerald of Wales, The History and Topography of Ireland. London. Romearo, Prof., 1976. Prehistoric Atlantic relations between Galicia and he British Isles, and systems of navigation. Vigo. Taylor, D., 1992. Documenting Maritime Folklife: An Introductory Guide. Washington. Tully, D., 1996. The History of Small Boats in Ireland, unpublished BA thesis, Saor Ollscoil na hEireann. Tully, D., 2003. The Use and Tradition of Currachs on the Dingle Penisula. Unpublished MSc Thesis, University of Ulster, 2003. Tully, D., 2008. Clare Traditional Boat and Currach Survey. Clare County Council. Tully, D., 2012. Currach laser scanning project. Unpublished report, Local heritage research grant scheme Ref. R03252. Tully, D. & Starkie, J., 2006. Achill Island Curragh Pen Survey. Unpublished report, Local heritage grant scheme Ref. 14582. Tully, D. & Tanner, P., 2012. The Application of 3D Laser Scanning for Recording Vessels in the Field. Nautical Archaeology Newsletter (2012 Spring edition). Waddell, J., 1997. A Tale of Two Landscapes: The Irish Sea in Prehistory. In: T. Collins, Decoding the Landscape. (2nd edition), Galway.

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C. Design

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33. The Libro di navigar. A new treatise on Venetian shipbuilding from the 14th century Mauro Bondioli

Venetian written sources on shipbuilding A part of our knowledge of medieval and post medieval Mediterranean shipbuilding comes from texts of a Venetian origin. These texts were compiled from the first half of 15th century to the end of 17th century and are often organized in a systematic manner (Bondioli, 2003). More than 170 years have passed since Augustin Jal published and commented on a fragment of the first known Venetian manuscript on shipbuilding: the Libro di marineria, better known as Fabrica di galere. Of the eleven texts that I have listed below, two are still unpublished (Nos 6, 11), nine have been published in the original language, six in their full version (Nos 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10) and three only partially (Nos 2, 4, 5). Of these nine, four have been translated into English, two completely (Nos 1, 10) and two partially (Nos 2, 5), and one has been partially translated into French (No. 4). Thus, what we presume to know about Venetian shipbuilding is in reality based on at most about 82% of the sources (and even less considering the partial editions): a percentage that falls to at best 45% for the exclusively English or French reading public, that is unable to directly decipher the hard Venetian technical dialect. The following manuscripts are known: 1 The Libro di Michele da Rodi (c. 1435-1445). Private collection (McGee et al., 2009). 2 The Libro di Zorzi ‘trombetta’ da Modone (c. 14441450). London, British Library, ms. Cotton Titus A XXVI (Anderson, 1925). 3 Ragioni antique spettanti all’arte del mare et fabriche de vasselli (mid/late 15th century). Greenwich, National Maritime Museum, ms. NVT 19 (Bonfiglio Dosio, 1987). 4 Libro di marineria (probably collated in the early 16th century by Giovanni Battista Ramusio). Florence, National Library, ms. Magliabechiano, cl. XIX, cod. 7 (other copies in Milan, Ambrosiana Library, ms. H 149 inf.; Wien. Ö�sterreichische Nationalbibliotek, ms. 6391) (Jal, 1840).

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5 Domenego de Todaro de Nicolò (called Il Frate (The Monk), better known as pre’ Todaro), Instructione sul modo di fabricare galee (mid-16th century). Venice, Marciana National Library, ms. it. cl. IV cod. XXVI (5131) (another copy in Venice, State Archive, Archivio Proprio Contarini, b. 19) (Lane, 1934). 6 Alessandro Picheroni della Mirandola, Disegni di biremi, triremi, quadriremi, (c. 1563-1565). Venice, Marciana National Library, ms. it. cl. VII, cod. CCCLXXIX (7588). 7 Hieronimo and Nicolò Secula, Modo di far galee grosse e sottili (mid-16th century). Venice, State Archive, Memorie per servire ai vacui dei Commemoriali, vol. I: 185-188 (another partial copy in Venice, State Archive, Archivio Proprio Contarini, b. 11) (Bondioli, 1996). 8 Misure de navilii (c. 1567). Venice, Marciana National Library, ms. it., cl. VII, cod. CXXV (7460) (Nicolardi, forthcoming). 9 Misure di vascelli et cetera di ... proto nell’Arsenale di Venetia (mid-16th century). Venice, State Archive, Archivio Proprio Pinelli, b. 2 (Tucci, 1963: 64). 10 Baldissera Drachio Quintio, La visione (1594). Venice, State Archive, Archivio Proprio Contarini, b. 25 (Rossi, 2002; Lehmann, 2001). 11 Steffano Conti de Zuane de Michel, L’architettura navale (1686). Treviso, Civic Library, ms. 1784 (other copy in London, British Library, mss. Additional, 38655).1 To this list of manuscripts, we are now able to add three new shipbuilding texts, of which I will discuss the oldest one discovered thus far. This codex has the modern title of Libro di navigar and it is preserved in the Angelo Mai Civic Library in Bergamo (Italy) with the reference code MA 334 (ex Sigma VII.29). This text is not only directly related to the private maritime environment of the city of Venice, but pertains to the broader context of Mediterranean knowledge.

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Maritime contents of Libro di navigar The MA 334 is a polygraph zibaldone of miscellaneous texts of 111 folios, written in Venetian language, mostly copied from earlier originals, with disparate contents composed at various times by different authors (Agrimi, 1976: 13-15; Van Egmond, 1980: 47-51). The most part of the codex was probably composed from the 1370s to the 1390s with sporadic additions by later authors in the 1430s to the 1470s. Thirty folios of the codex are dedicated to maritime matters and were composed by a single hand: probably a copyist who collated different written sources. We could divide this grouping of folios into two parts: the first concerns navigation issues and consists of new and copious instructions on the table of marteloio (ff. 20v-25v) and some pilot books assembled together (ff. 57r-61v and ff. 32r-38r). The second part concerns the ship equipment (e.g. rigging, masting, sailmaking, anchors) and seems to come from a single homogeneous text written by a Venetian seaman, probably a learned merchant-mariner, who travelled along the coasts of the Eastern Mediterranean Sea (ff. 41r-47v, 16r-18v and 25v-26r). In his discussion of the cut of sails, the author describes the use of the moleskin of Crete island and Damietta in Egypt and the cotton canvas of Syria for sails (f. 20r), in contrast to all other Venetian texts that usually indicate the use of sail cloth (i.e. chastellana: canvas) of local origin (e.g. Ragioni antique: f. 3r). Moreover, the text contains some proportional rules for the construction of round ships. In particular, one of these building recipes indicates that a ship with a single deck has a fondo (or the distance between the two floor surmarks) that is half the maximum breadth: “a ship of a single deck, with a fondo of 10 ft, should have a maximum breadth of 20 ft. If the fondo was 13 ft, the maximum breadth should be 26 ft. This is meant for any vessel, large or small: in breadth it should have twice the measure of the fondo” (f. 41r). This is interesting technical information considering that the ships described in the Venetian manuscripts from the first half of the 15th century to the mid-16th century, have a fondo approximately from onethird to two-fifths of the bocca (maximum breadth). This shows the diversity in the shape of the midship frame for various types of merchant ships at different times. In conclusion, considering the presence of several reading errors and various repetitions in the text, it is likely that this naval part was copied from an original source probably dated to the first half of the 14th century. The shipbuilding recipes These fascinating building recipes give a touch of color to the cultural background of late medieval shipbuilders, but we must ask ourselves how reliable are these formulas? To seek an answer to this question I have tried

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to compare this ‘master frame formula’ with the reconstructed midship frame of the late medieval shipwreck of Contarina I (Occioni-Bonaffons, 1900) (fig. 1a) with a geometric aid for ship proportions described in a newly discovered late 16th-century document (Bondioli, forthcoming) (fig. 1b). With regard to the Contarina shipwreck, comparison between its master frame and the proportional rule for the fondo in the manuscript shows an interesting correspondence with respect to the reconstructed width in relation to the maximum breadth. Beside verbal building recipes for arithmetic matrices, to be found in early manuscripts, there are also geometric methods for generating hull shape proportions as is shown in fig. 1c, presenting a geometric method of generating hull proportions based on newly discovered 16th-century manuscript. It is interesting how this system overlaps with the master frame from the Contarina shipwreck in this tentative comparison. Additionally this geometric method gives us the position of the fondo and the position of the first wale at half of the maximum breadth, the same measure deduced above using the proportional rule from the manuscript of Bergamo. The 16th-century geometric system also provides the width at two additional heights, the trepie and seipie, along with the position of the second wale. These last two terms are mentioned several times in the technical texts of Venetian shipbuilding and represent one-third (trepie) and two-thirds (seipie) of the maximum depth (fig. 1c). The use of proportional rules, such as I have just described, is not limited to the 14th or 16th century. In fact, the persistence of their use is clearly documented at the end of the 17th century (Conti 1686: 42v) (fig. 2a). The persistence of such concepts shows the long Middle Age of certain aspects of the culture design in shipbuilding employing circles and squares. Continuing to apply this proportional geometric method to the Contarina I but replacing the large circle with the square ABCD, we can observe that its perimeter could represents the ship’s length at the maximum depth level (fig. 2b). The long Middle Age of a design culture on shipbuilding In a very basic conceptual view of the frame-first design system, the volume of the complex solid of the ship can be viewed as the sum of a series of cross sections distributed at regular intervals along a line (fig. 2c). The shapes of these cross sections are obtained by the progressive modification of a source shape, as it slides along a line away from the original source location. In contrast in a shell-first system, the definition of such a volume is obtained by overlapping longitudinal layers. Thus, in frame-first design system three elements are required: −− To determine the profile of the source shape; −− To establish an adequate number of intervals at

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Fig. 1. A) Archaeological plan of the shipwreck Contarina I with the reconstructed midship frame. B) Geometrical aid for ship proportion from a Venetian document of the late 16th century. C) Geometric method of generating hull proportion at the midship frame (Contarina I).

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Fig. 2. A) Proportional method of ship design in the 17th century from Stefano Conti (1686). B) Comparison of the proportional geometric rules of the hull to the shipwreck of Contarina I.C) Basic use of the narrowing gauge to design the frame profiles.

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33. The Libro di navigar

which to place the progressively modified sections; −− To identify a narrowing and rising system that allows for the progressive modification of the sections according to homogeneous and continuous curve. Obviously, in order to obtain a harmonious curve it is necessary to apply the narrowing system at regular intervals. The irregularity of the distances between frames that is commonly found on shipwrecks should not be confused with the theoretical application of such a narrowing system. In fact, these irregularities are most often the result of the building practices or difficulties encountered during construction. Nonetheless, knowing the general rules of design and the construction tools system, even with the presence of such irregularities, it is possible to trace the original theoretical curves used on the project. Of course all this presupposes that there is sufficient archaeological evidence to pursue such study. The general rules of shipbuilding, preserved in the historic records are only fully accessible after a synoptic analysis of all the sources (Bondioli, 2003). Amazingly, the central element for the correct realization of such a complex design and construction project is a simple wooden stick, with narrowing marks drawn or inscribed on it. Once this gauge is applied to a template (based on part of the source shape) it becomes a mold. Such tools are also used for building a memory record for the development of hull shapes (Bondioli, 2009; 2010). Until now the state of our knowledge of geometric narrowing methods for the late Middle Age was the following: 1. The oldest written evidence for the existence of geometric narrowing methods is a Venetian manuscript of the mid-15th century written by Zorzi ‘trombetta’ da Modon. 2. These methods can be classified into two main groups: A Curves generated from the perimeter of a quarter/half of a circle or of a complete circle. B Curves generated by the use of an incremental triangle or a wooden stick (brusca) (Crescentio, 1601: 11-12) for arithmetic sequences employing triangular numbers. The Libro di navigar now allow us: 1 To backdate from the mid-15th century the use of systems such as the incremental triangle (f. 25v) and the quarter of a circle (f. 26r). 2 To backdate from the beginning of 17th century the use of the brusca (f. 25v). 3 To backdate the use of a system based on dividing the perimeter of a complete circle (f. 18v). Previously this method was only documented in a French manuscript from the end of the 17th century (Fennis, 1983: 12 and fig. A12).

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4 To know the correct application of utilizing the incremental triangle. Geometric narrowing methods With regard to the ‘quarter of a circle method’ it is interesting to observe that the author of the maritime part of Libro di navigar describes this system using the term galipo (ff. 17v, 25v and 26r) when referring to the mold instead the usual Venetian word of sesto. Galipo is a term of uncertain origin2 that was transformed in the western Mediterranean into galibo, garibo or garbo, from which comes the French gabarit. This is a clear indication that in the Eastern Mediterranean, the familiar sailing grounds of our author, there was a laboratory for technical exchange between different individuals from different societies. The ‘method of the circle’, as its name implies, is based on the division of the entire perimeter of a circle, and it is applied at the level of the maximum breadth in order to obtain more width at the tail frame. The Venetian shipbuilders called the enlargement tool legno in ramo or simply ramo and in French it is referred to as trebuchet. In the manuscript drawing the author indicates the division of the circle with initials in each quarter area and the position of the narrowing marks with crosses (fig. 3a). Having divided the circle, the shipwright transcribes the marks onto a wooden gauge. By applying this gauge at the top of the mold of the futtock (and then rotating the mold to the appropriate mark) the shipwright obtains a progressive enlargement of the maximum width of the frames (fig. 3b). The method of the incremental triangle is based on triangular numbers, a progressive arithmetic series already known in the 1st-2nd century AD thanks to the work of Nicomachus of Gerasa (Nicomachus, 1926). Until now we thought that the use of this method (as shown in other shipbuilding treatises) entailed an error in the length of the gauge, equal to the value of one of the parts into which the major cathetus or leg of the triangle is divided (fig. 3c). Fortunately, with a simple cross the author of the manuscript of Bergamo has shown us the correct way to use the incremental triangle. With the author’s system, the major cathetus of the triangle, that is equal the length of the gauge, is divided into the same number of parts as the number of increments desired plus one more. The triangle is then constructed by ignoring this additional division. In this way the sum of the various heights exactly equals the desired length of the gauge and cancels the common error that I mentioned earlier (fig. 3c).

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Fig. 3. A) Geometrical rule from Libro di navigar. B) Application of the gauge of ramo. C) Correct way to apply the geometrical method of the incremental triangle from Libro di navigar.

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Fig. 4. A) Method for measuring and recording the hull shape of a galley from Venetian and Genoese laws (early 14th century). B) Method to define the position of the temporary ribbands at the hull ends. C) Method to define the position of the temporary ribbands at the master frame and tail frames.

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Open questions

Conclusion

At present there are still some open questions pertaining to geometric narrowing methods: 1 When were the narrowing methods born? 2 Is the introduction of narrowing methods conceptual linked to the frame-first system of construction? 3 What may have been the characteristics of the first narrowing methods?

Combining all the elements discussed thus far, allows me to propose a hypothetical method for recording hull shapes along at least three different heights4 or longitudinal layers, with the whole length of the ship divided into 12 equal parts, six forward and six aft of amidship (fig. 4d). If we accept this method as a feasible possibility, then I think we must also consider the possibility that the shift from the longitudinal vision of a shell-first system to the transversal vision of a frame-first system was a radical upheaval from the structural point of view but not from the design point of view. Perhaps, in terms of design the two systems have more in common, than we previously suspected. If so, it may be that the source of the narrowing methods may is not directly related to the structural method of frame-first construction. In conclusion, if the technical and historical development of geometric narrowing methods is viewed in evolutionary terms, then it might be possible that the more ancient tools to control the hull shape would be simpler ones. In this case the brusca and the ‘quarter of a circle’ methods are the best candidates from all the known reduction methods. However, we do not know how many others are lost to history or are yet to be uncovered in other unknown manuscripts like the Libro di navigare.

Obviously it is not possible to definitively answer these questions. However, I would like to present some observations. First I want to point out that in the late Middle Age there were two forms of technical language for describing hull shapes. The first form was the language of shipbuilders. They used conspicuous points of the skeleton as parameters for defining some of the important dimensions of the hull. All shipbuilding texts share this feature. Thus the measurement method of the shipwrights was influenced by the structural characteristics of the construction method. The second form was the language of ‘valuers’ or the individuals responsible for measuring the size of vessels to estimate their burden volume, usually for tax purposes. Their measurement method was independent from the structural characteristic of the construction method.3 It is particularly remarkable that in the first half of the 14th century, the Venetian and Genoese sources present the same method for measuring hull shapes in vessels to be applied to law decrees that regulate ship dimensions (Vitale, 1951: 124, 141, 163; Marin, 1800: 211-212). These do not take into account the structural characteristic of the construction method or any conspicuous points of the ship’s skeleton (fig. 4a). During the course of my studies, I have found evidence for the possible existence of a wooden guide placed beyond the tail frames at the beginning of the rakes in the bow and the stern. This temporary wooden ‘scaffold-like’ structure served to keep the ribbands in their correct position (Bondioli, 2010: 154). The shape of this virtual frame was obtained by following the narrowing curve that was used for all the other pre-designed frames. This means that the Venetian shipbuilders were able to design the shape of the hull beyond the tail frames. However they did not position a real frame, but raised such a wooden simulacrum in its place. Furthermore, after deciphering the instructions contained in another Venetian document (Ragioni antique: ff. 56v-58r), I uncovered a design correspondence between the partition into horizontal layers of fondo, trepie and seipie in correspondence with the position of the ribbands on the tail frames (fig. 4c).

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Acknowledgements The author would like to thank Dr. Mariangela Nicolardi and Dr. Stefano Tosato. Notes 1 The manuscript of Treviso seems to be an autographic first draft in which the quality of the drawings is higher than the copy conserved in the British Library of London. 2 About the origins of the term (Arab qàlib, latin calapus navis and Greek κάλαπους), see La Cecla, 1990: 28. 3 About a 13th-century Byzantine document for determining vessel burden by dividing the ship into equal vertical and longitudinal sections, see Harpster & Coureas, 2008. 4 Could these three different heights be the trepie, seipie and bocca signaled by the ribbands (fig. 4c)?

References Agrimi, J., 1976. Tecnica e scienza nella cultura medievale. Inventario dei manoscritti relativi alla scienza e alla tecnica

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33. The Libro di navigar medievale (secc. 11.-15.). Biblioteche di Lombardia, Florence: 13-15. Anderson, R.C., 1925. Italian naval architecture about 1445. The Mariner’s Mirror XI: 135-163. Bondioli, M., 1996. L’arte della costruzione navale veneziana tra il XV e il XVI secolo: riflessioni e nuovi documenti. In: F. Ciciliot (ed.), Navalia. Archeologia e Storia. Savona: 139-155. Bondioli, M., 2003. The art of designing and building Venetian galleys from the 15th to the 16th centuries. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow books, Oxford: 222-227. Bondioli, M., 2009. Early shipbuilding records and the book of Michael of Rhodes. In: D. McGee et al. (eds), The book of Michael of Rhodes: a fifteenth-century maritime manuscript, vol. III. Cambridge (MA): 243-280. Bondioli, M., 2010. Il problema dello studio dell’arte della costruzione navale mediterranea nel tardo medioevo, tra ricerca storica e analisi archeologica. Proceedings of the I Convegno Nazionale di Archeologia, Storia, Etnologia Navale. Bari: 149-155. Bondioli, M., forthcoming. Vettor Fausto e la marina architectura del Rinascimento veneziano: i falsi miti. Proceedings of II Convegno Nazionale di Archeologia, Storia, Etnologia Navale. Cesenatico. Bonfiglio Dosio, G. (ed.), 1987. Ragioni Antique spettanti all’arte del mare et fabbriche de vasselli; manoscritto nautico del sec. XV. Venice. Conti, S. (de) Z., 1686. L’Architettura Navale. Biblioteca Comu­ nale of Treviso, ms. 1784 (other copy in London, British Library, mss. Add. 38655). Fennis, J., 1983. Un manuel de construction des galères (1691). Amsterdam-Maarssen. Harpster, M. & Coureas, N., 2008. Codex Palatinus Graecus 367: a Thirteenth-Century method of determining vessel burden? The Mariner’s Mirror XCIV: 8-20.

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Jal, A., 1840. Archéologie navale, vol. I. Paris: 1-106. La Cecla, F., 1990. Un certo garbo. La ricerca folklorica 21, La cultura del mare: 25-28. Lane, F.C., 1934. Venetian naval architecture about 1550. The Mariner’s Mirror XX: 24-49. Lehmann, L.T., 2001. Baldissera Quinto Drachio. La visione del Drachio. Amsterdam. Marin, C.A., 1800. Storia civile e politica del commercio de’ Veneziani, vol. V. Venice. McGee, D., O’Long, P. & Stahl. A.M. (eds), 2009. The book of Michael of Rhodes: a fifteenth-century maritime manuscript, 3 vols. Cambridge (MA). Nicolardi, M., (forthcoming). ‘Misure de navilii’: un nuovo documento di costruzione navale veneziana della seconda metà del XVI secolo. Atti del II Convegno Nazionale di Archeologia, Storia, Etnologia Navale, Cattolica. Nicomachus of Gerasa, 1926. Introduction to Arithmetic, translated by Martin Luther D’Ooge, with studies in Greek arithmetic by Frank Egleston Robbins and Louis Charles Karpinski. New York. Occioni-Bonaffons, G., 1900. Sulla scoperta di due barche antiche nel territorio del Comune di Contarina in provincia di Rovigo nel gennaio 1898. Relazione della Commissione eletta dalla Reale Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, Venice (reprinted in: Miscellanea di Storia Veneta, s. II, vol. VII. Venice, 1901: 3-63). Rossi, F., 2002. La visione di Drachio. Transcription available: http:// archimedes.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/docuserver /images/archimedes/drachio/ text/ (last accessed 8 July 2012). Tucci, U., 1963-64. Architettura navale veneziana. Misure di vascelli della metà del Cinquecento. Bollettino dell’Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo V-VI: 277-293. Van Egmond, W., 1980. Practical Mathematics in the Italian Renaissance. A Catalog of Italian Abbacus Manuscripts and Printed Books to 1600. Florence: 47-51. Vitale, V., 1951. Le fonti del diritto marittimo ligure. Genoa.

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34. The oar system of the Venetian Quinquereme Joseph Eliav

Introduction For an early modern war galley, size and speed were advantageous but irreconcilable; a galley could be large or it could be fast, but it could not be both. Heavily armed large galleys could be excellent fighting platforms but size and weight made them very slow. Vettore Fausto, a scholar of Greek classics aspiring to become a shipwright, proposed in 1525-6 to build a large war galley that would be as fast under oar as a regular war galley (Fausto, 1526). His galley would be a Quinquereme with five oars per bench instead of the standard three so that the extra oars would provide additional propulsive power to compensate for the higher water resistance due to her larger size and weight. However, in the then-standard three-oar configuration the first oar restricted the range of motion of the second, which in turn restricted that of the third; a fourth oar would be practically useless, let alone a fifth. The master shipbuilders of the Venetian Arsenal objected to the program; in their expert opinion an effective five-oar-per-bench system was not feasible. Nevertheless, the government decided in 1526 to go ahead with the project and three years later, on May 23 1529, the Quinquereme won a rowing race with a galera sottil (Sanudo1: 363-4).‎Fausto had evidently succeeded in building the supposedly impossible oar system. Fausto’s Quinquereme is by no means an obscure episode but its design has remained unknown. Auguste Jal was the first, and as far as I can tell the only one, to tackle the enigma on geometrical grounds but by extrapolation of the three-man design to five men. Jal concluded that the galley had to be 75 m long; by an eyewitness report, its length was 49 m (Jal Vol. I: 346-389).‎ This paper presents and substantiates a solution for Fausto’s oar system. Historical sources provide only three pieces of factual information about the design of the Quinquereme. The first step is to generate a technically feasible design for an oar system with five effective oars that is consistent with the known facts. Two such designs are presented below but at this stage they are

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mere hypotheses; Fausto could have used any or none of them. Fortunately, two pieces of eyewitness evidence actually exist; these are no new discoveries yet their significance became apparent only in conjunction with the two hypothetical design solutions. One corroborates both hypotheses but confirms none; the other has an explicit link to the Quinquereme and validates the key elements of one of the proposed solutions. Known facts The sources provide the following facts about the design of Fausto’s Quinquereme: −− The oar system was alla senzile, five men operated five oars. −− It was “28 passi (49 m) long, 3 passi longer than a light (galley).” (Sanudo: 363). −− It had 28 benches per side, according to Lazar de Baif, the ambassador of France in Venice at Fausto’s time (Baif: 34-35). −− The pitch (interval between consecutive benches) can be derived directly from these data. Baldissera Drachio’s galera sottil was about 44 m long with 24 benches and a pitch of 1.25 m. The Quinquereme had four benches more and was longer by 5 m, so the pitch had to be 1.25 m, the same as Drachio’s. No extrapolation Fausto could not simply make the benches longer to accommodate the two extra men. Two rules determined the length and gearing of galley oars. By the rule formulated by Alessandro Zorzi in the 16th century, the centerline of the third oarsman’s body could not be further from the gangway than half the distance from the gangway to the outrigger. By Contarini’s rule oar gearing was 2:1, i.e. two thirds of the length of the oar outboard of the outrigger and one third inboard (Contarini, 1593).

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By these rules, had Fausto extrapolated the standard configuration, the oar of the pianero (the man nearest to the gangway) would become 16.5 m long instead of the regular 10.5 m and would be too heavy for a single person to handle. The longest oars the Arsenal could produce were 12.5 to 13.3 m long, according to the Proto of the oar makers, in the Arsenal (Balbi, 1593). The two extra men, the pianero and the man next to him were too far from the outrigger and therefore their oars would become too long. Since there was no way to move these men closer to the outrigger, Fausto had to move the outrigger closer to the men. Possible solution 1: double outrigger This solution practically combines two oar systems. The three oarsmen furthest from the gangway are located, relative to the outrigger, just as the three oarsmen of a galera sottil, with the same oars, the same geometry and the same rowing motion (darker color in fig. 1). The tholepins of the other two oars are on a second outrigger, inboard of the first one, so that the distances from men to tholepins are the same as those of the pianero and postizio on a galera sottil (lighter color in fig. 1). A vertical separation between the two outriggers can alleviate mutual interference among oars of adjacent benches. Possible solution 2: parallel rowing In this design the tholepins are located on a diagonal beam parallel to each bench (fig. 2). Man-to-tholepin

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distances are all the same; all oars are of the same size and gearing and they stay parallel to each other throughout the rowing cycle. The pitch is 1.25 m, no man restricts the range of motion of another and there are no oar crossings. With this design, all oarsmen could be fully and equally effective, which was Fausto’s main goal. Design solutions in contemporary drawings Both design solutions appear in drawings by contemporary architects. Alessandro Picheroni’s manuscript Disegni di Biremi, Triremi, Quadriremi (Picheroni, 1540) contains top-view and cross-section drawings that clearly show the two outrigger designs. Picheroni’s manuscript also contains an elaborate study of parallel rowing geometry followed by two top-view drawings of three oar arrangements. One is the standard arrangement with all tholepins on one outrigger and oars of different lengths. The other is a parallel configuration with oars of the same size and tholepins on diagonal support beams that are parallel to the benches. A third drawing shows the parallel design with no less than seven oars per bench. Andrea Palladio mentions in 1556 having consulted Picheroni on the construction of wooden bridges, if Picheroni was an authority on wooden structures at about the middle of the 16th century, his career as an architect must have started some years before that (Palladio, 1570: Libro Terzo, Cap. VIII). According to Venetian records the Quinquereme was still in the Arsenal in 1544, listed as: gallia da 5 remi, faustina. Picheroni could see her there and, being obviously interested in

Fig. 1. Double outrigger design solution.

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Fig. 2. Parallel rowing, oarsmen in back and forward positions (note: spacing of the tholepins is intentionally shorter than the spacing of the men, for reasons given further below; therefore the oars are not quite parallel).

Fig. 3. Antonio da Sangallo the Younger: Quinquereme.

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ship design, it would hardly be a conjecture to assume that he did. However, there is no explicit link to the Quinquereme and even given that he had seen her, it is hard to determine whether Picheroni documented Fausto’s design or studied his own concepts. Therefore, Picheroni’s designs corroborate both my hypotheses but do not validate any of them. On the other hand, a sketch by the architect Antonio da Sangallo the younger, kept in the Gabineto disegni and stampi degli Uffizi in Florence, is explicitly annotated: Quinquereme (fig. 3). Da Sangallo used to sketch interesting mechanical devices he saw during his travels. There are many such sketches in the collection of more than 1500 sketches at the Uffizi in Florence; this is the only design of a ship among them. The Quinquereme was certainly an innovation and its oar system was an interesting design idea, so da Sangallo sketched it when and where he saw it. The main feature in the sketch is a set of beams with carved oarlocks at regular intervals, positioned between the gunwale and the outrigger. Schematic outlines of oars and oarsmen dismiss any doubts about the function of these beams and oarlocks. The normal viewpoint for sketching a ship would be from above looking down, but this sketch shows it from below looking up. Da Sangallo sketched what he saw; he saw the ship shored on trestles, he saw it from below and that is how he sketched it. This also explains why the silhouettes of the five oarsmen are so out of place; there were no men and no oars when he saw the ship, da Sangallo added them just to put the beams and oarlocks in context. This sketch is an eyewitness record of the oar system of Fausto’s Quinquereme, explicitly annotated as such, made by an expert architect-engineer who certainly understood what he saw and had the skill to draw it correctly. It is therefore as close to positive proof that Fausto used parallel rowing as one can expect. Details and more dilemmas The parallel rowing hypothesis and its validation solve the enigma of Fausto’s oar system in general terms, yet the solution remains incomplete. Parameters such as the width of the outrigger assembly, the spacing of oarlocks, the location of the oarlock beams relative to the benches and their vertical inclination are still unknown. Historical sources do not answer such questions, so trial and error is one’s only resort. A 1:15 scale model served this purpose. Two additional dilemmas come up. First, Fausto’s use of oarlocks instead of tholepins was rather unique and I hoped that experimenting with the model would help reveal his reasons. The second dilemma goes beyond the Quinquereme. If parallel rowing could make all five oars of the Quinquereme effective, it surely could do the same for a regular trireme; yet, there is no indication of any trireme with parallel rowing.

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The model The 1:15 scale model of the mid-section of the Quinquereme (fig. 4) was used for trying out variations of type and dimensions of the outrigger and of its spatial position relative to the hull, using several interchangeable frames installed on a scaffold, with adjustable location, height and tilt relative to the hull, some with carved oarlocks and some with tholepins. Conclusions: a The oars have to pass beneath the outrigger beam, otherwise that beam limits their range of motion in elevation. Some vertical clearance between the outrigger and the oarlock beams is necessary to extract the oars out of the water. b The distance of 1.25 m between adjacent benches is sufficient for a full rowing cycle by all five oarsmen without reducing the range of motion of any of them. c A frame with the same spacing of oarlocks as the spacing of the men on the bench worked just fine but the total width, outrigger to outrigger, became 38 piedi. A ship that wide could not get out of the Venetian Arsenal. The exit gate was wide enough for a Galera Grossa or a Lepanto galleass, both about 30 piedi wide. In 1593, when Giacomo Contarini sought the advice of experts on improvements to the oar system of large war galleys, he asked how the galleys would exit the Arsenal if their outriggers would be wider (Contarini, 1593 1v). Fausto’s ship got out of the Arsenal, so it could not be much wider than 30 piedi, surely not 38. To reduce overall width, the spacing of oarlocks has to be shorter than the spacing of men and therefore the oars are not quite parallel, as shown in fig. 2. d To use tholepins rather than oarlocks, a significant vertical separation was needed between the outrigger beam and the tholepin beams and the outermost tholepin had to be located right under the outrigger; otherwise the oars interfere with the outrigger beam. This probably explains the choice of oarlocks. e The following configuration provided the smoothest motion: total width about 30 piedi, oarlock beams parallel to the benches, the innermost oarlock just above the gunwale at about the height of the bench and the frame slightly inclined vertically. Performance of the Quinquereme The regatta of May 23 1529, when the Quinquereme won a rowing race with a galera sottil, the Cornara, was the ultimate test of her oar system and she passed it with flying colors (literally); but did she? The regatta was a ‘must win’ situation for those who had supported Fausto politically; their personal prestige was at stake. First among them was the Doge, Andrea Gritti, who made the regatta a grand affair of state with all Venetian

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Fig. 4. ‘Rowing’ the model (top: forward position; bottom: back position; first and fifth men only).

nobility, clergy and foreign ambassadors in attendance. The Quinquereme had to win; failure was not an option. The question is not whether the ship won the race, that she certainly did, but whether she won because she was faster or because victory was ‘prearranged’. The regatta took place in the north entrance to the lagoon, from the Adriatic to the Castel Nuovo, now known as Fort Sant’Andrea, on the west side of the channel where the dignitaries were assembled. Fausto gave the other galley a head start of two galley lengths (Bembo, 1529) and Sanudo reports that‎when the signal was given “…the two galleys came rowing, racing each other; the Cornara was ahead but as they almost reached the castle the Quinquereme was on top and… passed her by...” (Sanudo: 363). If spectators saw the signal and the head start, the entire race was within sight of the Castel Nuovo. Land on the other bank and a bend in the channel limit the field of view from the Castel Nuovo; therefore the start could be at not more than 2,000 m from the tribunes. Over this course, the Quinquereme closed the gap of two galley-lengths, or about 90 m. The speed ratio calculated from these data is:

VCornara = 0.95 ~ 0.96 VQuinquereme

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The Quinquereme had more propulsive power than the Cornara, but also more water resistance; she could win only if:

PowerQuinquereme PowerCornara

≥

RQuinquereme RCornara

where R is the total water resistance:

R = 1 ρV 2 S (C F + C R ) 2 (Where: R = resistance, ρ = water density, V = speed, S=wetted area of the hull, CF and CR are the coefficients of friction resistance and residual resistance, respectively). Ships of different sizes but with similar hull shapes have the same friction resistance coefficient if the Reynolds Numbers are the same. Reynolds Number is :

VL

ν (V=speed; L=length of the ship at the waterline; ν=­­ dynamic viscosity of the water).

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Ships of different sizes but with similar hull shapes have the same residual resistance coefficient if the Froude Numbers are the same. Froude Number is:

V gL (V=speed; L=length of the ship at the waterline; g=gravity acceleration). Modern naval architects use these similarity laws to estimate the water resistance of a ship from the resistance of a small model measured in a tow tank. However, because the model is much smaller than the ship and because the laws are incompatible, this process is no simple matter. Analysis of the regatta with the same similarity laws had the advantage of the model (Cornara) and the ship (Quinquereme) having nearly the same Reynolds Number and the same Froude Number; therefore, only minor corrections were required. By this analysis, the water resistance of the Quinquereme was 1.6 to 1.8 times the resistance of the Cornara. A comparison of propulsive power, taking into account the larger number of oars and the relative efficiencies of oarsmen on one bench, showed that the Quinquereme had 2.2 to 2.4 times the power of the Cornara. These are engineering approximations, but the difference between the ratio of water resistance and the ratio of effective power is too large to be upset by inaccuracies. The Quinquereme was indeed faster than the regular galley, just as Fausto had promised she would be.

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References Baif, L. de, 1537. De Re Navali Liber. Balbi, N., 1593. Letter to Giacomo Contarini, March 16th 1593. Archivio di Stato Veneto (ASV), Archivo Proprio Contarini, busta 25. Bembo, P., 1529. Letter to Giovan-Battista Ramusio, May 24th, 1529. Contarini, G., 1593. Del fabricar galee. Archivio di Stato Veneto (ASV), Archivio proprio Contarini, busta 25. Contarini, G., 1593. Letter to Galileo Galilei, March 28th 1593. Archivio di Stato Veneto (ASV), Archivio Proprio Contarini, busta 25. Da Sangallo, Antonio the Younger, ca 1512-1546. Sketches, Fol. U1114A. Gabineto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizzi, Firenze. Drachio, B., 1594. Visione. Archivo di Stato Veneto (ASV), Archivo Proprio Contarini, busta 25. Fausto, V., 1526. Letter to the Council of Ten, May 23rd, 1526. Archivo di Stato Veneto (ASV), Consiglio dei Dieci, filza I. Jal, A., 1840. L’Archeologie Navale. Paris. Palladio, A., 1570. I quatro libri dell’Architettura. Picheroni, A., 1540. Disegni di Biremi, Triremi, Quadriremi. Bibliotheca Nazionale Marcianan (BNM), Mss. It. VII: 379 (7588). Sanudo, M., 1970. I Diarii. Farni, Bologna. Zorzi, A. Un breve sommario in sustanza di tutte quelle cose che si doveriano fare per la real diffesa del Stato della Serenissima Republica di Venezia. Archivo di Stato Veneto (ASV), Archivio proprio. Contarini, busta 40; Bibliotecca Nazionale Marciana (BNM), Archivio Proprio Contarini, busta 10.

Notes 1 Marino Sanudo was a Venetian statesman who kept a detailed diary for some 35 years, which was published in 1970 (see References) in 58 volumes. ‘L’ means volume 50 and this is the way he is usually referred to.

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35. Moulds and architectural signs in the skeleton first construction. A methodology to reconstruct the original hull shape of the Cais do Sodré shipwreck (Lisbon, Portugal) Mariangela Nicolardi & Filipe Castro

The Cais do Sodré shipwreck, Lisbon, Portugal The Cais do Sodré shipwreck was uncovered in 1995, during the excavation of an underground train station near downtown Lisbon, Portugal. The ship remains were lying horizontally at a depth of around 6.5 m below the water table, listing 14° to starboard. Presumably lying on the ancient riverbed approximately 120 m offshore from the Lisbon waterfront, the ship’s timber was 14C dated to around 1500. The area was eventually covered by a 19th-century landfill. The orientation of a breast hook and the remains of a whipstaff suggest that the ship’s bow pointed north, in the direction of the shore. Found at night, the excavation machines dug through the centre of the shipwreck, and destroyed the section that contained the master frame(s) and the mast step arrangement. The contractor declared the find to the proper authorities and requested support from the Ministry of Culture to record the site in situ, before its removal to a conservation facility. No effort was made to recover the timbers removed by the machines from the Municipal garbage dump. The contractor delivered the timbers to the services of the Ministry of Culture, which unfortunately showed little interest in the shipwreck and let the timber dry and warp (Castro et al., 2011). With the help of a theodolite a site plan was produced in situ, after which the ship structure was tagged, disassembled, packed and sent to the Portuguese cultural heritage services (Rodrigues, 1995). Carpenter marks were observed during the disassembly process but not thoroughly recorded. Drawings of the warped floor timbers in scale 1:10 and 1:20 were produced in 2001 and 2002 (Castro, 2001, 2002). The ship timbers were studied by archaeologist Paulo Rodrigues, who wrote a thesis on this shipwreck at the Sorbonne University under the supervision of Dr. Eric Rieth. A paper was published in the proceedings of a 1998 meeting held in Lisbon, dedicated to the archaeology of Iberian Atlantic ships (Rodrigues et al., 2001). After the tragic death of Paulo Rodrigues, Filipe Castro was granted permission in 2010

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to finish the recording, organize the original drawings, and reconstruct the total station data. The presence of carpenter marks and Roman numerals on some frames of the Cais do Sodré shipwreck has parallels both in archaeological evidence, observed in other wrecks, and in historical references, such as in the treaties of shipbuilding written from the 15th century onwards. These sources have been the subject of several studies aimed at understanding the cultural history of technical knowledge which is at the basis of the principles and methods of design and construction of the structural elements of the hull’s shape (e.g. Palou et al., 1998: 137-189). Following these studies, it was decided to develop a further line of research, parallel to the results obtained in the study of the wreck of the Cais do Sodré (Castro et al., 2011), in order to formulate a complementary reconstructive hypothesis of the original shape of the ship’s hull. This paper compares the archaeological data of the wreck with the technical information obtained from contemporary written sources in order to formulate a tentative hypothesis on the original design of the shipwright. Here, the development of the aft section of the wreck, which is best preserved, will be illustrated. The role of written sources in the original hull shape reconstruction process The reconstitution of the original shape of the hull of a ship is undoubtedly a crucial and delicate phase in the methodology of archaeological research. This step, starting from the documentation of the structural remains of the hull, includes: 1 remodeling of the structural components of the warped wreck; 2 reassembly and reconstruction of the fragmented remains; 3 relocation of the elements that have undergone spatial dislocation into their original position;

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4 integration of the missing parts of the hull. This research is done preliminary to the more complex study of the vessel in its threefold aspects of machine, functional artefact and closed community (Muckelroy, 1978: 216). On the other hand it is clear that “the degree of fulfilment and precision of such a reconstruction depends first and foremost on the archaeological remains. Abundant remains allow more complete reconstructions. But to this obvious quantitative notion one must add a qualitative notion. Precise archaeological data allows reliable reconstructions” (Pomey & Rieth, 2005: 143; translation by the authors). In the presence of sufficient and well-documented archaeological remains, the professional competence and scientific rigor of the archaeological team play an essential role ensuring that from the reconstruction of the ship emerges a technically and historically accurate picture. Nevertheless, the reconstruction remains an interpretative hypothesis in which, as pointed out by the ironic but equally pragmatic pen of J. Richard Steffy: “the success of a reconstruction is largely restricted by the ingenuity of its investigator, not the extent of hull survival” (Steffy, 1994: 6). In his reconstruction activity, the archaeologist usually compares archaeological evidence and documental iconographic and ethnographic sources. Furthermore, in light of the modern definition of naval archaeology, which survived the processual archaeology of the 1960s-early 1980s essentially based on new quantitative scientific techniques, the use of shipbuilding written sources is recognized as useful and complementary to archaeological research (Palou et al., 1998: 137-139). This excludes de facto those historical periods and geo-cultural areas in which the technical written documentation surviving to our days is poor or completely absent. One should not forget that “it is the archaeological data acquired during the excavation that fundamentally leads the historical interpretation of a shipwreck” (Pomey & Rieth, 2005: 182; translation by the authors). In fact, the wreck represents the fundamental reference for idiographic archaeological research, as only the material evidence can attest the incontrovertible truth of its particular reality. Therefore, written sources can contribute to the analysis and interpretation of the findings, but this should never “invert the research process by a priori privileging the written documentation and assigning a mere complementary and illustrating value to the archaeological data” (Pomey & Rieth 2005: 182; translation by the authors). Questions and objectives of preliminary study The existence of texts on shipbuilding in Italy is well attested from the middle of the 15th century onwards. In Iberia they date to the second half of the 16th century.1 Of all the types of vessels that existed in those times, we

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have the written testimony of only a few of them, and for only short periods of their existence. Specifically in the Mediterranean area, from an archaeological viewpoint this means that there are no technical texts pertaining to all excavated medieval or post-medieval shipwrecks. Moreover, it is often impossible to know whether or not a particular shipwreck belongs to a specific ship type described by the written record. The first question is therefore: how can technical texts be used in the reconstruction of archaeological hulls? Taking a cue from what is suggested by Mauro Bondioli (1996, 2003), a possible solution would be a synoptic analysis of all shipbuilding texts. This would provide: −− a large amount of technical and statistical shipbuilding information; −− the individualisation of ‘general rules’ that governed clusters of shipbuilding systems; −− the establishment of theoretical models to explain the transmission and evolution of these basic rules of ship design. The results of this analysis would provide both a theoretical historical basis to analyse, interpret and tentatively reconstruct specific conceptual ship models, described in the written records, and a cultural-technical knowledge employed by the shipwright to conceive and build a particular hull shape. Thus, it is possible to compare the archaeological remains with the ancient shipbuilding knowledge to propose a hypothesis of the original hull shape by using the same shipwrights’ design tools such as wooden moulds and geometrical methods to narrow and rise the bottom of the frames. The second question is: what must we know in order to reconstruct the original methods and tools used by the shipwrights? The answer is threefold: −− defining the shape and the position of the midship frame in relation to the keel; −− determining the number and shape of pre-designed frames, and their position in relation to the keel; −− identifying the geometrical method that produces the progressive narrowing and rising observed in a preserved cluster of shipwreck’s frames. As far as the historical-archaeological method of analysis applied to the Cais do Sodré case-study is concerned, the technical information was collected from a large sample of the known Mediterranean and Iberian shipbuilding treatises. Later, in order to obtain a theoretical model which can be compared to the archaeological finds, the research has involved five main steps: −− step 1: reconstruction of the external midship floor timber mould; −− step 2: preliminary remarks and considerations on the rising line; −− step 3: reconstruction of the external profile of predesigned frames;

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−− step 4: determination of narrowing and rising method; −− step 5: reconstruction of the final theoretical mould and rising gauge; −− step 6: testing of the design tools on the aft preserved floor timbers. Step 1: reconstruction of the external profile of midship floor timber mould It was assumed that the floor timbers closer to the middle section of the hull are the contiguous frames No. 99 and No. 100. By overlaying the profiles of the two surfaces of the bow, these two floor timbers look identical (fig. 1a).2 This means that neither one was object of the narrowing and rising process. So they can be considered part of a group of central floor timbers. This first step enabled us to obtain the external profile of the mould and detect the presence of the rising line and its eventual type of belonging. To determine these features, we need to define: −− the external profile of the turn of the bilge; −− the length of the flat amidships to be narrowed; −− the presence of the rising line; −− the type of rising line. To determine the profile of the turn of the bilge, floor timber No. 99 was overlaid on floor timber No. 100. It was observed that they have approximately the same curve. Based on the best-preserved frame No. 99, a hypothetical turn of the bilge was built by tracing a straight line tangent at its flat. According to the above, it was assumed that the flat amidships measured on floor plates Nos 99 and 100, which show no narrowing, is the full width of the bottom which is then to be progressively narrowed (fig. 1b). Step 2: preliminary remarks and considerations about the rising line For the purpose of trying to identify the type of the midship floor timber of the Cais do Sodré ship, nine main possible hypotheses have been considered (fig. 1c). Among these, hypothesis F2 has been identified as the most plausible on the basis of the following field observations about the floor timbers No. 99 and No. 100: −− they present a type of rising called ‘stella morta’ (literally ‘dead rising’) in the Venetian language (fig. 1d) (Conti, 1586: f. 30r). This kind of rising corresponds to a dimensional value that, in this case, seems to be constant for all the frames and does not affect the incremental stella viva (literally ‘active rising’), so the hypotheses A, B and C can be excluded. −− the external profile of their rising is rectilinear and tangent at the turn of the bilge, so hypotheses D1, D2, E1 and E2 can be excluded.

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−− the thickness of the floor timbers has an internal lower-floor profile with respect to the flat level (Crescentio, 1601: 20; Gaztañeta Yturribalzaga et al., 1992), so hypothesis F1 can be excluded. Step 3: reconstruction of the external theoretical profile of predesigned frames From the observation of the floor timbers of the wreck, it is evident that these are characterized by both a narrowing and an ‘active rising’, which values must be added to the constant height of the ‘dead rising’. The ‘active rising’ is that part of the floor timber that progressively rises according to a geometrical method. Thus, the external profiles of the moulded frames were obtained by overlaying the theoretical mould on the archaeological drawing of all the floor timbers, and by tracing a tangent rectilinear rising line from the edge of the keel to the turn of the bilge. Once the flat bottom of the mould was completely narrowed it was possible to estimate a value for the total height of the active rising. The latter was obtained by subtracting the ‘dead rising’ from the distance between the top of the keel and the flat bottom of the mould. Step 4: determination of narrowing and rising method Step 4 includes: −− assumptions about the number of frames between the tail frame and the midship frame; −− identification of the theoretical position of the tail frame; −− identification of the narrowing and rising methods. It is not possible to differentiate these three aspects from each other because they are closely interconnected. To solve these questions, the only possible solution was to develop a series of hypotheses and to proceed with the test and exclusion method. Theoretically the narrowing and rising methods produce two curves, one on the horizontal level and one on the vertical level. These two curves can be mutually coherent only on condition that they can be expressed on a number of offsets placed at equal intervals (fig. 2a). However, during the practical construction of the ship, it was often difficult for the shipwright to comply with the regularity of these intervals. This aspect has also been documented on the wreck of Cais do Sodré. Despite the conflicting theoretical aspects of the archaeological evidence, as far as the geometric reconstruction of the narrowing and rising’s original method is concerned, the irregularity of the position of the frames on the keel is not an unsolvable problem. In fact, a curve created by connecting points placed at irregular intervals may coincide with a theoretical curve created

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Fig. 1. A) Overlapping of the frame profiles Nos 99 and 100. B) Similarity of frame No. 99 and No. 100 and hypothesis of mould profile. C) Different types of floor timbers. D) Dead rising of frames Nos 99 and 100.

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Fig. 2. A) Combined application of narrowing and rising method. B) Comparison of theoretical narrowing curve based on equal intervals and the unequal actual intervals of frames. C) Tracing method and theoretical reconstruction of the original mould and rising gauge.

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Fig. 3. A) Identification of construction marks. B) Theoretical profiles of floor timbers using the mould.

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Fig. 4. Theoretical reconstruction of floor timber profiles overlaying the reassessed frames.

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by a geometric reduction method developed on regular intervals under these conditions (fig. 2b): −− the extreme points in which the two curves are developed must be placed at the same distance; −− this distance must contain the same number of intervals of the frames; −− the two curves must have the same width to be shared. In the Cais do Sodré case, different methods of geometric narrowing (incremental triangle, brusca, quarter of circle, rabo de espada, scoeto, pavion) were taken into account and applied to a different number of intervals. It was found that the best fitting narrowing and rising method is the ‘quarter of circle’, which produced two suitable curves when using the archaeological data. On the basis of what has been said previously, the ‘theoretical tail frame’ seems to be frame No. 82. The ‘theoretical tail frame’ is the point where the total width of the flat amidships is at its narrowest point. The identification of the ‘theoretical tail frame’ does not correspond to the ‘real tail frame’ that the shipbuilder probably wanted to indicate in his original idea, but only the last predesigned floor timber. It is likely that the ‘true tail frame’ was No. 86 (marked with the Roman numeral XVIII), although we cannot advance a hypothesis about this choice. It is also not clear why Roman numerals were marked on frames, sometimes on the right side, sometimes on the left side, and sometimes upside down. Step 5: reconstruction of the final theoretical mould and rising gauge Once a theory was adopted, the results obtained allowed us to reconstruct the floor timber mould and the gauge narrowing with their narrowing and rising points (fig. 2c). Step 6: testing the design tools on the preserved aft floor timbers For this type of skeleton-first construction, the shipwright started by tracing the shape of the central section and, in order to obtain the profiles of most of the frames, applying geometric narrowing and rising methods to the mould. During this operation, the shipwright might leave visible traces on the timber. In the case of Cais do Sodré shipwreck, three different types of construction marks have been identified: −− vertical signs: indicating the outer edges of the keel; −− horizontal signs: indicating the bottom line where the mould was placed; −− oblique signs: indicating the remarkable point of the turn of the bilge.

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The only floor timbers that present all of these signs are Nos 87, 90, 91, 99 and 100 (fig. 3a). The theoretical profile of the floor timbers obtained with the mould (fig. 3b) was overlaid on the original archaeological drawings of the floor timbers. The rising gauge was applied. Thus, the reassessment of the preserved floor timbers was obtained by a pivoted movement of the right and the left part of the floor timber and by considering the spatial references of the carpenter marks present on the frames (fig. 4). Conclusions The purpose of this short paper is to illustrate a methodological protocol for the reconstruction of the original hull shape of a shipwreck according to shipwrights’ knowledge contained in written sources by using original design tools indicated by E. Rieth with the French terms of “maî� tre gabarit, la tablette et le trébuchet” (Rieth, 1996). This protocol aims to provide the archaeologist a complementary technical support relating to the shipbuilder’s architectural design perspective by conferring an historical added value to the modern reconstruction ship plan which is based on the ‘three-view projection’, commonly designed as a ‘lines drawing’. In fact, although the engineering ship plan correctly represents the hull volume as a complex solid, from the graphical point of view the partition of the hull in standard sections cannot highlight how the structure of the skeleton was conceived and realized by the shipwright. For this reason, the three view plan should to be adapted by following structural criteria employed in the original design. Thus the aforementioned protocol becomes essential for the understanding of the cultural evolution of the technical knowledge of the shipbuilder. Acknowledgements Thanks to Frederick M. Hocker, Taras Pevny and Stefano Tosato for helping with their interesting suggestions. Notes 1 A partial list of shipbuilding treatises is available on the web-site http://nautarch.tamu.edu /NAPwiki/index.php/ Category: Treatises. 2 All graphic operations of this paper were performed by Mariangela Nicolardi by scaling the original scanned archaeological drawings (provided by Texas A&M University) in 1:1 scale with the support of AUTOCAD software.

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Mariangela Nicolardi & Filipe Castro

References Bondioli, M., 1996. L’arte della costruzione navale veneziana tra il XV e il XVI secolo: riflessioni e nuovi documenti. In: F. Ciciliot (ed.), Navalia. Archeologia e Storia. Savona: 139-155. Bondioli, M., 2003. The art of designing and building Venetian galleys from the 15th to the 16th centuries. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 222-227. Castro, F., 2001, Relatório dos trabalhos de registo arqueográfico das madeiras do navio do Cais do Sodré, Verão de 2001, on file in IPA/CNANS’ library. Castro, F., 2002, The Cais do Sodré Ship Frames – 2002 Field Season – ShipLab Report 4. on file in IPA/CNANS’ library, 2002, and in Nautical Archaeological Program Library, Texas A&M University. Castro, F., Yamafune, K., Eginton, C. & Derryberry, T., 2011. The Cais do Sodré Shipwreck. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 40.2: 328-343. Conti, S. (de) Z., 1686. L’ Architettura Navale. Biblioteca Comunale of Treviso, ms. 1784 (other copy in London, British Library, mss. Add. 38655).

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Crescentio, B., 1601. Nautica Mediterranea. Rome. Gaztañeta Yturribalzaga, A. (de), González, F.F., Apestegui Cardenal, C. & García, F.M., 1992. Arte de fabricar reales: edición comentada del manuscrito original. Barcellona. Muckelroy, K., 1978. Maritime Archaeology. Cambridge. Palou, U., Rieth, É., Izaguirre, M., Jover, A., Nieto, X., Pujol, M., Raurich, X. & Apestegui, C., 1998. Excavaçions arqueològiques subaquàtiques a Cala Culip, vol. 2. Girona. Pomey, P. & Rieth, E., 2005. L’archéologie navale. Paris. Rieth, É., 1996. Le maitre-gabarit, la tablette et le trébuchet. Essai sur la conception non-graphique des carènes du Moyen Age au XXe siècle. Paris. Rodrigues, P., 1995. Relatório Preliminar dos trabalhos de desobstrução e registo arqueográfico dos restos do navio encontrado no Cais do Sodré, nas obras do Metropolitano de Lisboa. I.P.P.A.R., Lisbon. Steffy, J.R., 1994. Wooden ship building and the interpretation of shipwrecks. College Station, TX. Texas A&M’s Nautical Archaeology Program Wiki, 2012. Shipbuilding Treatises. Available: http://nautarch.tamu.edu/NAPwiki/index.php/ Category:Treatises [last accessed 20 September 2012].

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36. Structural design, stress of materials and repair costs. Some reflections about the repairs of the triereis Emilio Rodrí� guez-Á�lvarez

The aim of this paper is to define a hypothetical model for the repair of triereis damaged in combat or by its use, as well as to analyse the economic implications of these repairs for the trierarchos. In order to achieve this I pay special attention to the structural design of the hull, since it was the most affected part of the warship by the ramming strategies of naval warfare, as well as to the nature of the materials with which the ships were constructed. A hypothesis for their repair will be defined, as well as some estimates of the costs in resources and money for the repair of the hulls. Finally, special attention will be given to the effect of the ‘horizontal hypothesis’ to the construction and maintenance of the Athenian Fleet in the 4th century BC. Nature of the evidence The evidence for this study can be divided in three categories, considering its degree of relationship with the archaeological record: direct, indirect and experimental. Direct evidence includes the structural remains of several hulls that have been excavated and recovered for the period 1300-300 BC (McGrail, 2001: 145). No Greek military vessel has been yet recovered in the Mediterranean; it has been argued that the positive flotation of warships and their recovery after battle has created this bias in the record (Fields, 2007: 8; Morrison, 1993: 14; Morrison, Coates & Rankov, 2000: 127). The Greek verb kataduein, although usually translated as ‘sink’, would be better translated as ‘swamp’ (Morrison, Coates & Rankov, 2000: 127). In Xenophon, for example (Hellenica 1.7.32 in: Marchant and Underhill, 1979) a general escapes in a ship which had been ‘sunk’ (katadusēs neōs). Following McGrail (2001: 142; for a different perspective, see Morrison, 1993: 11), indirect evidence includes archaeological, iconographic and literary evidence related to the triereis. Most of the relevant sources are quoted elsewhere in the text, but a complete list can be found in Morrison & Coates (1989: 1-15), Morrison

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(1993: 11-20) and Morrison et al. (2000: 45-99). Finally, experimental evidence includes the results of the ‘three-dimensional hypotheses’ (McGrail, 1993: 4) or reconstructions, of two vessels: the Kyrenia 2, the replica of a 3rd-century BC transport ship found in the north coast of Cyprus (Steffy, 1985) and the Olympias, the experimental reconstruction of a 4th-century BC Athenian trieres (Coates & Morrison, 1985; Morrison & Coates, 1989; Coates et al., 1990; Shaw, 1993; Morrison et al., 2000). Shipbuilding in Antiquity Triereis were built in the Eastern Mediterranean tradition of shell-first construction. The planks are fastened edge to edge from the keel to the gunwale using pegged mortise-and-tenon joints, reinforced with internal transverse timbers fastened with copper nails. With this method, mortises were carved in the planks of the hull, which are fastened together using tenons (gomphoi), pieces of wood inserted in the mortises, designed to avoid the horizontal displacement of the planks. The use of pegs (tuloi), cylindrical pieces of wood transversally inserted through the planks and mortises, controls the vertical displacement. This horizontal and vertical control of the mortises, which acts as an internal frame for the hull, is one of the main advantages of this fastening (Steffy, 1985: 90; McGrail, 2001: 148). Casson considers that this technique was already in use in the Archaic Period, using as evidence the passage of the Odyssey in which Odysseus builds the boat to leave the island of Calypso (Casson, 1964; Homer Odyssey 329345 in: Stein, 2008). Mark (2005: 28- 31), however, interprets this passage as literary evidence of the use of laced joinery as late as the 8th century BC. Direct evidence for the use of this method in the triereis was found in the planks recovered inside the Athlit ram (2nd century BC) (Steffy, 1991: 29- 30). The hull of the Kyrenia, despite

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Fig. 1. Process of construction of the Kyrenia 2 (Gardiner, 1996: 42).

being a cargo ship, constitutes the best example for this kind of technique (Steffy, 1985). The construction material also conditioned the structural capabilities of the triereis. The hull was made of soft woods because of the need of a light construction in order to execute the fast tactics of this type of naval warfare (Fields, 2007: 6). Our main source of information for timber in naval construction is Theophrastus, who recorded the use of several woods for the construction of the hulls. Keels and internal frames would be made of hard woods, mainly oak, or drun (quercus cerris) (Enquiry into Plants 5.7.2 in: Hort, 1916). To lighten the ship, acacia, or akantha (Acacia decurrens) was used sometimes instead of the oak for the internal framing (Enquiry into Plants 4.2.8 in: Hort, 1916); it also has the advantage of the natural curvature of the trunk, that matches that of the frames and increases their strength. The hull of the warships was made of fir, or elatē, (abies possibly cephalonica) because of its lightness; in the case of the merchant-ships, pine or peukē, (pinaciae) was used because it does not decay (Enquiry into Plants 5.7.1-3 in: Hort, 1916); it seems that performance was more important than durability in the design of the warship although, when elatē was not available, peukē was used instead (Aristophanes Knights 1300-1310 in: Sommerstein, 1981). Morrison et al. see in this a possible explanation for the differentiation in the naval records between ‘fast’ triereis, which would be made of fir, and

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the rest, made of pine (2000: 180, IG 22 1627.313). Masts and spars were made from elatē since they have straight trunks (Enquiry into Plants 5.1.7 in: Hort, 1916); and, finally, pegs were made from oak, since their structural importance requires a hard-wood. Hulls also needed to be watertight. In order to achieve this, a coat of pitch was applied. It seems that the shipbuilders relied on this and not on caulking the triereis, the process by which fibrous material were driven between the planks to make the hull watertight. It is generally considered that the triereis were not caulked, since no traces of this has been found in the archaeological record or in the literature, although Morrison et al. suggested (2000: 184), based on a passage in Herodotus, that flax was used to this purpose. Although the fibre was available at this time in Greece, their argument, based Herodotus tending to make the point that the Egyptians make everything just opposed to the Greeks (Histories 2.96.2 in: Godley, 1920) is very weak. As opposed to this, we have indirect evidence for the pitching of the ships. In two comedies of Aristophanes (Acharnians 190 in: Henderson, 1998; Frogs 364 in: Henderson, 2002), pitch is mentioned alongside the ships. The best evidence comes from an inscription of 330 BC, in which a substance, hypaloiphē, classified as white and black is listed. For Morrison et al. (2000: 187) these “substances for the application to a ship’s bottom” would be resin mixed with lime or wax. There is no doubt, however, that the black substance was pitch. Ancient and contemporary damages As any other technological device, the use of the triereis affected its performance and life expectancy due to a variety of reasons. The damages of a hull can be divided into damage by use and combat damage. With regard to the first one, this was mainly caused by the nature of the wood used in the construction of the hull. Soft woods tend to leak, which causes the ship to under-perform both in sailing and combat, and makes necessary the construction of proper structures to regularly house and repair the ships when they were not in service. The structures were named neosoikoi, or ship-sheds. The best examples of ship-sheds are preserved in the military harbour of Zea (Blackman, 1968: 182), presently under excavation by a team of Danish archaeologists (Zea Harbour Project n.d.) and in an outpost close to the temples of Sounion (Mee and Spawforth, 2001: 100; Fields, 2007: 8). They were usually complemented by arsenals in which the equipment for the maintenance of the ships were stored, the one designed by Philo in Athens being the best-known example, since we know of its existence both from the epigraphic (IG 2² 1688; Pritchett and Pippin, 1956) and the archaeological record (Blackman, 1968: 181-186; Catling, 1988-1989: 15; Mee & Spawforth, 2001: 94-95).

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241

Fig. 2 and 3. Damage of the hull of the Olympias due to funghi (The Trireme Trust n.d.).

Fig. 4. The Athlit ram (after Steffy, 1991: 12). The red line indicates the position where the measurements for the analysis were taken.

The most serious damage in this category was caused by a biological agent, the sea-worm. The term refers to different species which used to get attached to the hull and start to eat the wooden fibres of the hull, causing

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liking and holes that, in time, could seriously affect the integrity of the ship (Morrison et al., 2000: 186; Fields, 2007: 11). The effects of the teredon were recorded both in Theophrastus and Pliny the Elder, who recommended

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the use of different woods to attenuate the effect of the sea-worms in the hull (Enquiry into Plants 5.4.4 in: Hort, 1916; Naturalis Historia 16.79 in: Rackham, 1945). A second organic agent which has shown its devastating effect in contemporary times is fungal rot. After the trials of the Olympias between 1987 and 1990 (Morrison & Coates, 1989; Coates et al., 1990; Shaw, 1993), the ship was stored in an open space in the Naval Museum of the Peiraeus. This caused that the fungi from surrounding trees infected the lower planks of the hull. As a consequence, several holes appeared on the ship, and repairs were necessary to make the ship seaworthy again (The Trireme Trust Newsletter 21, 23, n.d.). The second type of damage for the warships was, obviously, combat. The oared ships evolved from a mere platform from where the fight was organized as a land battle to proper naval battles due to the introduction of the embolos, the ram. Made out of bronze, the ram was the central part of the ship, and also the most expensive single part of the equipment. For that reason, the Naval Inventories list several rams coming from recorded dismantled ships (IG 22 1623. 113-123, 1628.498), since they could be easily reused. This in my opinion implies some sort of standardization in their design and manufacture. Although naval warfare implied several manoeuvres and tactics that sometimes we do not fully understand (Casson, 1994: 76-82; Morrison et al., 2000: 50-93), it is assumed that the main aim in those combats was ramming the side of the hull of the enemy ship to immobilize it. Thus, by consequence the ship after the battle would present one or more holes caused by the enemy rams. The best example of an actual embolos is the known as the Athlit ram (Casson & Steffy, 1991)(fig. 3). This bronze ram, dated in the 2nd century BC (Murray, 1991: 66), was located just offshore of the city of Athlit, in modern day Israel (Linder, 1991: 3-5). For the purpose of our study, it allows us to measure an actual ram and thus infer the possible dimensions of a hole caused in combat. Considering that the height of the Athlit ram is 0.95 m and its width 0.44 m (Steffy, 1991: 12-13), this gives us a damaged surface of 0.456 m². The ‘horizontal hypothesis’: technological and economic implications Once we have studied how damage could be cause to the hull, is time to address how this damage can be repaired and what the economic cost of this process is. The first point we have to consider is how the ship was built. I have defined the pegged mortice-and-tenon construction a ‘vertical process’, since the planks are fixed vertically to the structure of the hull, in order to be fixed to the tenons of the former plank. However, this effective ship-building building technique presents a problem when we intend to repair the hull instead of constructing it. The planks can be fixed in a vertical axis to the

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tenons because there is nothing over the new plank that could hinder its adjustment. But in the case of the repairs, extensive parts of the hull will be covering the damaged area, making adjustment of the planks to the tenons in a vertical axis impossible. The only plausible solution to repair these damages is fixing the planks in a horizontal axis: the internal frames would be nailed to the hull and then the new planks are adjusted horizontally and nailed to these frames. It would be possible, although highly improbable, that ships were repaired drilling out the pegs and disassembling big sections of the hull. Although there is no direct evidence of triereis to test this hypothesis, the data provided by the Kyrenias and other shipwrecks support if not its validity, at least the plausibility of this model. The excavation of the Kyrenias revealed different repairs of the hull. Most of them consisted in patches of lead or wood nailed to the surface of the hull (Steffy, 1985: 96-97). The quality of these repairs was relative low, with the exception of the keel, that needed to preserve enough structural resistance (Steffy, 1985: 97). Although we must assume a better quality in the repairs of these warships, two important considerations must be borrowed from the Kyrenias: first, that there is no evidence of the removal of large sections of planks to repair the hull, and, secondly, that the expenditure must be an element to consider when we study the repairs. A recent article by Pomey et al. (2012) on the transition from shell to frame-first construction includes an extensive selection of repairs in pegged mortice-and-tenon hulls in which caulking and sewing planks were used to repair several types of damage without removing the planks above the affected area. This is the case of the Jules Verne 7 (Marseilles, France), an early example of the use of pegged mortice-and-tenon in Greek naval construction that, however, still presents several sewn areas in key structural parts of the hull, as well as, exclusively, for the repairs (Pomey et al., 2012: 292). Some of the planks, such as those in the Tantura E shipwreck (Israel), show extensive repairs, rather than replacement of planks (Pomey et al., 2012: 271). Bearing these ideas in mind, and though we do not have direct evidence of the expenses derived from repairing a trieres, the epigraphic data provenance from the Naval Records of Athens can help us to estimate the costs both in material and human labour. Fields (2007: 36, after IG 2² 1629.577-584, 667-673; 1628.353-368; 1631.446-448, 462-466) estimated that the construction of a new hull was 5,000 drakmai. If we take into account that the price for new gear of a trireme was between 2,169 drakmai (for equipment with a heavy sail), and 2,299 drakmai (for equipment with a light sail), the total cost of a new trireme was between 7,169 and 7,299 drakmai. Who paid for this? The establishment of the institution of the trierarchia made the state responsible for ship, crew, and damages derived from storm or combat, while the trierarchos of the ship covered the expenses deriving from the regular maintenance and the replacement

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of gear. Robbins (1918: 364) estimated 1,200 drakmai in expenses for repairing a single trieres after battle. This figure is highly interesting because, although it includes gear and other elements not related to the specific repairs of the hull, it demonstrates that repairing a warship was cheaper than even just the gear for a new one. So, when considering the cost we have to distinguish between the prices of the raw materials and the salary of the workers. We do not have direct references in the epigraphic record to the amount of materials and their prize, and even the prices of wood for other uses tend to be scarce. However, we know that in 413 BC king Perdikas of Macedonia signed a treaty with the Athenians in order to export oar timber only to Athens at the discount price of 5 drakmai apiece (IG I³ 89.31, 117, 182). If the dimensions of an oar are 4.2 m long and a maximum thickness of 0.15 m (in the blade, Morrison et al., 2000: 172), this makes 0.62 m² for a single piece of wood. Taking into account the wood wasted in the preparation of planks, we can assume that the price of the material to repair a single hole in the hull (0.456 m²) would be close to the 5 drakmai paid for the single piece in Macedon. With regard to the salary of the workers, again our evidence is indirect, but not for that less useful. In different building account we can read how carpenters earned 5 drakmai per ft worked (0,296 m) (IG I³ 475.28, 293-294). If we take into account our estimate of 0.456 m², this leaves us an equivalent of around 15 drakmai. In a later piece of evidence, the Papyrus Florentinus (P. Flor. 1.69), we read that the salary in Roman Egypt for tasks fulfilled in a shipyard was 8 drakmai to the sawyers for the preparation of planks and 7 drakmai to the shipwrights for fixing to the hull the planks assumed before. Thus, bearing these figures in mind and assuming a team of two sawyers and two shipwrights (fig. 1), the total expense in material and force of labour for the repair would be close to 35 drakmai. I do not argue that this is the single repair a warship needed after a battle, and it is more than possible that not only one but several of these holes required treatment, as well as the gear and other structural elements of the ship. However, a rammed ship becomes obviously inoperative until repaired, and my statement is that this task did not require enormous investments, not even close to the 5,000 drakmai of a new hull, which helps to explain the grand scale of the Athenian fleet, especially during the economic constrains of the 4th century BC. Conclusions and further implications In this paper it has been argued that the horizontal method for repairing the ships was not only the most advantageous method from a technological point of view, but also the most advantageous economically spoken. The quickness and cheap price of a horizontal

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repair and the little time it required should encourage its adoption in the shipyards well before the classical period. I also consider them the most obvious precursor of the frame-first construction, that started to appear in the Late Roman Empire/Early Medieval Ages, precisely in a moment of major economic stress. In the case of the Athenian fleet, this hypothesis can help us to understand much better the reasons why, after the defeat in the Peloponnesian Wars, Athens was able to reconstruct so quickly a new fleet on which the construction of her second empire relied. During the 4th century BC the Athenian fleet grew even bigger than in the fifth; in the year 323 BC, just before the naval battle of Amorgos, the Athenian fleet numbered 315 triremeis, 50 quadriremeis and 7 quinqueremeis (Fields, 2007: 38). It can be argued that at this time the ships were classified in four different categories (from worse to better): third, second, first and special. However, it is also true that the vast majority of the fleet was classified in the two best categories. In Zea we could find 50 select, 30 first, 46 second and only 8 third class triereis in 357 BC (Fields, 2007: 38). And this unprecedented increase was only possible through the economic repairs which the horizontal model permits - not only in the Athenian ships, but also in the triereis captured to the enemy, that, once repaired, were added en thus expanded the Athenian navy (IG 2² 1606). Even in the worst scenario created by Robbins (1918), the Athenians only needed to spend 1200 drakmai in those captured ships, instead of the 7,299 drakmai needed for a brand new ship. And this fact helps us to demystify in part the traditional belief of a declined Athens during this period due to the economical impossibility of maintaining a first class fleet. References Blackman, D.J., 1968. The Ship-sheds. In: J.S. Morrison & R.T. Williams (eds), Greek Oared Ships, 900-322 B.C. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 181-192. Casson, L., 1964. Odysseus’ Boat (Od., V, 244-257). The American Journal of Philology 85: 61-64. Casson, L., 1994. Ships and Seafaring in Ancient Times. University of Texas Press, Austin. Casson, L. & Steffy, J.R (eds), 1991. The Athlit Ram. A&M University Press, Austin. Catling, H.W., 1988-1989. Archaeology in Greece 1988-1989. Archaeological Reports 35: 3-116. Coates, J.F., 1989. The Reconstruction. In: J.S. Morrison & J.F. Coates (eds), An Athenian Trireme Reconstructed. The British Sea Trials of Olympias, 1987. British Archaeological Report International Series 486. Archaeopress, Oxford: 17-25. Coates, J.F. & Morrison, J., 1985. Authenticity in the Replica Athenian trieres. Antiquity 61: 87-90. Coates, J.F., Platis, S.K. & Shaw, J.T., 1990. The Trireme Trials 1988, Report on the Anglo-Hellenic Sea Trials of Olympias. Oxbow Books, Oxford.

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Fields, N., 2007. Ancient Greek Warships, 500-322 BC. Osprey Publishing, Oxford. Gardiner, R., 1996. The Earliest Ships, the Evolution of Boats into Ships (Conway’s History of the Ship). Naval Institute Press, London. Godley, A.D., 1920. Herodotus The Persian Wars, books I and II. (Loeb Classical Library). Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Henderson, J., 1998. Aristophanes Acharnians; Knights. (Loeb Classical Library: 178). Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Henderson, J., 2002. Aristophanes Frogs; Assemblywomen; Wealth. (Loeb Classical Library: 180). Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Hort, A.F., 1916. Theophrastus Enquiry into Plants, vol. I. (Loeb Classical Library: 70). Harvard University Press, Cambridge. IG: Inscriptiones Graecae (1873- ). Linder, E., 1991. The Discovery. In: L. Casson & J.R. Steffy (eds), The Athlit Ram. A&M University Press, Austin: 3-5. Marchant, E.C. & Underhill, G.E., 1979. Xenophon Hellenica. Arno Press, New York. Mark, S., 2005. Homeric Seafaring. Texas A&M University Press, Austin. McGrail, S., 1993. Experimental Archaeology and the Trireme. In: Timothy Shaw (ed.), The Trireme Project, Operational Experience 1987-1990. Lessons Learnt. Oxbow Monograph 31. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 4-10. McGrail, S., 2001. Boats of the World, from the Stone Age to Medieval Times. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Mee, C. & Spawforth, A., 2001. Greece, an Oxford Archaeological Guide. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Morrison, J.,1993. Triereis, the Evidence from Antiquity. In Timothy Shaw (ed.), The Trireme Project, Operational Experience 1987-1990. Lessons Learnt. Oxbow Monograph 31. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 11-20. Morrison, J.S. & Coates, J.F. (eds), 1989. An Athenian Trireme Reconstructed. The British Sea Trials of Olympias, 1987. British Archaeological Report International Series 486. Archaeopress, Oxford. Morrison, J.S., Coates, J.F. & Rankov, N.B., 2000. The Athenian Trireme: The History and Reconstruction of an Ancient Greek

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Warship (2nd edition). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Murray, W.M., 1991. The Provenience and Date: The Evidence of the Symbols. In: L. Casson & J.R. Steffy (eds), The Athlit Ram. A&M University Press, Austin: 51-66. Pomey, Patrice, Kahanov, Yaacov & Rieth, Eric, 2012. Transition from Shell to Skeleton in Ancient Mediterranean ShipConstruction: analysis, problems, and future research. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 235–314. Pritchett, W.K. & Pippin, A., 1956. The Attic Stelai, Part II. Hesperia 25.3: 178-328. Rackham, H., 1945. Pliny the Elder Natural History, books XIIXVI. (Loeb Clasical Library: 4). Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Robbins, F.E., 1918. The Cost to Athens of her Second Empire. Classical Philology 13.4: 361-388. Shaw, T., 1993. The Trireme Project, Operational Experience 19871990, Lessons Learnt. Oxbow Monograph 31. Oxbow Books, Oxford. Smith, C.F., 1965. Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War, books VII and VIII. (Loeb Classical Library: 169). Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Sommerstein, A.H., 1981. Aristophanes Knights. Aris & Phillips Ltd, Warminster. Steffy, J.R., 1985. The Kyrenia Ship: An Interim Report on Its Hull Construction. American Journal of Archaeology 89: 71-101. Steffy, J.R., 1991. The ram and bow timbers: a structural interpretation. In: L. Casson & J. R. Steffy (eds), The Athlit Ram. Texas A&M University Press, Austin: 6-39. Stein, Ch., 2008. Homer The Odyssey. North Atlantic Books, Berkeley.

Electronic resources:

The Trireme Trust n.d. Available at: http://www.triremetrust. org.uk/index.asp? page=image1&id=74 (accessed 6 No­vem­ ber 2011). Zea Harbour Project n.d. Available at: http://www.zeaharbourproject.dk/ (accessed 1 December 2011).

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37. The curious case of the De Witte Oliphant of 1755 Jeroen van der Vliet

Introduction In the Navy Model Collection at the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam is a rigged plank-on-frame ship model of the merchantman De Witte Oliphant of 1755 (inv.no. NG-MC-1210; fig. 1). Since the 1980s it has been suggested on several occasions by Bas Kist, then curator of history at the museum, that the model might actually represent a slave ship. Only three other models in Dutch museum collections are believed to be of ships used in the slave trade: the D’Keulse Galy of 1747 (Het Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam; inv.no. S.1198), the D’Elisabet Galy of 1762 (Zeeuws Maritiem muZEEum, Flushing; inv.no. 15101) and the Wachthond of c. 1800 (Maritiem Museum, Rotterdam; inv. no. M241). The Dutch slave ship Remarkably little is known about the construction and subsequent use of Dutch slave ships during the 17th and 18th century, the key element in making transatlantic slave trade possible. Lack of documentary evidence has led to the general belief that Dutch slave ships were not built as such, but were regular merchantmen only to be converted on the African coast to take in their human cargo prior to their transatlantic crossing. These adaptations primarily involved installing a temporary extra tween deck to accommodate the slaves, adding a few more heads and building an extra galley for the preparation of the food that they required (Postma, 1990: 142; Enthoven, 2001: 43, 55). In a recent study of the slave ship Leusden, which sank in 1738 at the mouth of the Marowijne River in Surinam with great loss of life, Leo Balai rejects the long-lasted idea of the converted merchantmen (Balai, 2011). Based on newly discovered correspondence from the Dutch West India Company (WIC), the owners of the Leusden, he concludes that the company did order ships to be built specifically for the slave trade. Back in 1681

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the board of directors decided to draw up a charter in which they set down their specifications. Unfortunately, the precise content of this document has not survived. Other correspondence does shed some light on it because six years later the Zeeland chamber of the WIC complained that they were unable to hire ships that met these specifications, whereupon the directors decided to allow its regional chambers to order the construction of ships ‘with such deep decks as were required for the slave trade in accordance with the resolution’ (Balai, 2011: 125). The board of directors also suggested the Leusden to be used as building template for nine more vessels. This can only mean that the WIC was pleased with the ship’s design. But in what ways did a slave ship differ from a common merchantman? In general the main function, for instance the cargo it was to carry, and the regions it operated in much defined the shape and rigging of the ship. If a client wanted to transport heavy cargoes on stormy Atlantic routes, the resulting ship differed in design from one that would be operating primarily in the Mediterranean and had to be fast to outrun Barbary privateers. Fast ships used to be narrower; extra stable vessels broader in the beam; heavy grain transports required shallower draughts. The WIC made a distinction between negotieschepen (merchant ships), cruijsschepen (literally cruisers, commonly used to patrol in African coastal waters to deter interlopers of the slave trade monopoly) and slaeffschepen (slave ships). These slave ships required a deep deck and were in general rather broad in the beam. It is very likely that the slave ships owned by the private slave traders who took over from the WIC once its monopoly was lifted in 1738 adhered to the same design requirements. The ship model The model of the De Witte Oliphant came to the Rijks­ museum as one of some 1,600 objects collected by the

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Fig. 1. The model of the De Witte Oliphant (Collection Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam).

Department of the Navy. The Navy Model Collection was founded in 1817 and consisted largely of scale models and nautical objects (Stevens & de Jonge, 1995; Lemmers, 1996). It was transferred almost integrally to the Rijksmuseum between 1883 and 1889. The model of the De Witte Oliphant was most probably acquired by the Department after 1858 as it is not listed in a catalogue J.M. Obreen compiled of the collection in that year (Obreen, 1858). How a model of a merchantman ended up in a naval collection at all, remains something of a mystery. It is conceivable that it was previously owned by one the keepers of the Navy’s model collection. The model measures 205 cm in height – from keel to mast top – has an overall length of 220 cm and is 77.5 cm wide. It represents a three-master without sails and is rigged with topgallants or extended masts – a remarkably high rigging for a merchant ship. The model has 22 gun ports, but no cannon has survived. On the

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quarterdeck a striking octagonal glass dome admits light to the captain’s cabin immediately below. The figurehead is a crowned golden lion. The flat stern is decorated with two more lions holding a crowned cartouche with the inscription ‘LAL’; it is unknown to whom or what these initials refer. Under the windowed transom, the words De Witte Oliphant and the year 1755 are picked out in gold letters (fig. 2). The model also features two anchors, a windlass, deck hatchways and hatches and a ship’s bell. The ship’s wheel is actually attached to the mizzen mast. From the davits on the stern hangs a single-masted longboat with six oars. The ship model once flew the Dutch tricolour, but the flags and pennants were in such a bad condition that they now have been stored separately. In 2011 a small research project was carried out to find out more about the model and its provenance. Armed with new information about the Leusden, the dimensional features of the model of the De Witte Oliphant

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Fig. 2. The stern of the De Witte Oliphant (Collection Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam).

were compared with those of the known slave ship. The preliminary findings have first been published in more detail in the Rijksmuseum Bulletin (Hoving & van der Vliet, 2012). Three aspects of the model of the De Witte Oliphant indicate the use of its life-size equivalent in the slave trade: its decoration, rigging and dimensions. 1 The carvings of two black men dressed in grass skirts on the ship’s stern make a strong visual reference to the African trade. These so-called moriaentjes or ‘blackamoors’ were commonly found on Dutch tobacconists’ signs and advertisements (Duco, 2003). The shop of the tobacco merchants Johannes Lubelink & Son of Amsterdam was named ‘De Witte Oliphant’. It featured a blackamoor seated on an white elephant while smoking a pipe as its shop sign (fig. 3). Neither the depiction of blackamoors nor the name of De Witte Oliphant point directly to the trade in slaves, but the plantations in the Americas made exclusive use of African slave labour to harvest the tobacco crop. 2 The model features exceptionally tall masts. As a rule a mast was extended with two smaller mast sections: the topmasts. From the beginning of the 18th century the topmasts sometimes received an extra extension, the royal topgallant, which could also carry sail. It was primarily slave ships that first carried these additional sails in the hope of making better speed. The

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steady trade winds that blew these ships from Africa to America allowed the use of much taller rigging, which was seldom seen on other merchantmen. It was not until the 19th century that royal topgallants began to appear on warships too, and even then it depended on the region in which they operated. Rough seas with fickle winds were not the best conditions for a ship carrying too much sail; it made the ship less stable and even top-heavy. In those cases the royal topgallants were struck and the topmasts might be removed temporarily. 3 The model is rather broad in the beam for an ordinary merchantman. Although a scale is not given the model is likely to the scale of 1:22; being built to the Amsterdam 11-in foot where 1 in (2.6 cm) in the model equals to 2 ft (22 in = 57.2 cm) in the actual ship. Using this scale, a life-size De Witte Oliphant would measure 30.91 x 9.33 x 3.70 m or 109 x 33 x 13 ft. A general shipbuilding rule from the time, as can be found in the publication Aeloude en hedendaegsche Scheepsbouw en Bestier by Nicolaes Witsen of 1671 prescribes that the beam of a ship must ideally be a quarter of its length (Witsen, 1671: 65). With an overall length of 109 ft, the beam of the De Witte Oliphant ought to measure 27¼ ft where it is 33 ft, at least 5¼ ft more than Witsen advises. This makes the difference in width between

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Conclusion The model of the De Witte Oliphant, like the ship Leusden, is intentionally too wide and too deep for an ordinary merchantman. The extra width not only produced a more stable ship, it also provided larger deck space – two properties that must have been extremely useful to carry slaves. All this additional space came at a price: it made the vessel much slower. This is where the royal topgallants of the De Witte Oliphant come in and why it is a feature to be found primarily on slave ships. It was born out of necessity to keep the journey, which could take two to three months on average, as short as possible. The constant south-easterly trade winds on the voyage from the west coast of Africa to the Caribbean would make the use of this tall rigging practicable. References

Fig. 3. Vignette or tobacco wrapper from the firm Johannes Lubelink & Zn., tobacco merchants of Amsterdam, mid 18th century (Collection Pijpenkabinet, Amsterdam).

the Witte Oliphant and an average armed merchantman around 2 m. The same applies to the depth of the ship. General shipbuilding rules specify a tenth of the ship’s length for a standard depth – 11 ft in this case. The De Witte Oliphant is 13 ft deep – more than half a metre more. These measurements compare well to those found by Balai of the ship Leusden which measured 120 x 32 x 13 ft. Although the measurements of the ship model are slightly more extreme than those of the Leusden ­– the extent to which the shipwright departed from the ‘Witsen standard’ is quite evident.

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Balai, L., 2011. Het slavenschip Leusden. Slavenschepen en de WestIndische Compagnie, 1720-1738. Walburg Pers, Zutphen. Duco, D.H., 2003. Verpakkingen van kerftabak, www.pijpenkabinet.nl/Artikelen/verpakkingen kerftabak/art-verpakkingen kerftabak.html. Enthoven,V., 2001. Pinassen, jachten en fregatten. In: R. Daalder et al. (eds), Slaven en schepen. Enkele reis, bestemming onbekend. Primavera Pers/Stichting Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Leiden/Amsterdam: 43-57. Hoving, A. & Vliet, J. van der, 2012. A Bespoke Eliphant. Rijksmuseum Bulletin 12:2: 130-143. Lemmers, A., 1996. Techniek op schaal. Modellen en het technologiebeleid van de Marine 1725- 1885. De Bataafsche Leeuw, Amsterdam. Obreen, J.M., 1858. Catalogus der Verzameling van Schepen, van het Departement van Marine. Algemeene Lands-drukkerij, The Hague. Postma, J.M., 1990. The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 16001815. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Stevens, H. & Jonge, C. de, 1995. The Art of Technology. The Navy Model Collection in the Amsterdam Rijksmuseum. Inmerc, Wormer. Witsen, N., 1671. Aeloude en hedendaegsche Scheepsbouw en Bestier. Amsterdam.

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D. Construction and Typology

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38. The Nydam ship finds (Denmark) and the crystallization of North European shipbuilding tradition during the Roman Iron Age Ronald Bockius

This contribution is dedicated to the memory of Ole Crumlin-Pedersen. A few months before he passed away he encouraged the author during a visit in his house to deal with the Nydam boats from the perspective of Roman shipbuilding. This article presents a synopsis of the results to be printed in German language in the forthcoming Nydam-publication. Introduction The Nydam ship finds from the younger Roman Iron Age are for a long time seen in a constructional sense as the ancestors of Migration Period and Viking Age shipbuilding. They provide us with the earliest substantial evidence of either North European clinker construction and of rowing in prehistoric Baltic seafaring. Scholars familiar with the archaeological material and involved in the subject since long incline to the opinion that the Nydam boats were products of a genuine Nordic technique tradition (Engelhardt, 1865: 12-15; 1866: 32-33; Tuxen, 1886: 63-65; Brøgger & Shetelig, 1951: 33-41; Å�kerlund, 1963: 133-150, 159-160). The research department for Ancient Navigation (Forschungsbereich Antike Schiffahrt) of the RömischGermanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz took part in a German-Danish project dedicated to old and current ship finds from the Nydam bog.1 The project is considered to review this remarkable discovery of the 19th century, and to publish all ship related finds in a two volumes´ monograph. The scope of the author who is since 2011 in charge with ship technical analyses, is to prove and to determine the position of the Nydam boats in terms of technical history in the context of ancient shipbuilding traditions all over Europe. It has been the late Ole Crumlin-Pedersen who on the one hand claimed the northern heritage of the Nydam type. Its constructional origin he traced back to Bronze and Iron Age plank boats while he considered the custom to artificially expand dugouts as a catalyst. On the

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other hand he interpreted certain constructional features as influences adopted from Roman boatbuilding in the Roman provinces. Crumlin-Pedersen identified the scarfs between keel and posts of the oak ship from AD 315/320 as of the same type usually found with Roman ship wrecks (Rieck & Crumlin-Pedersen, 1988: 121122; Crumlin-Pedersen, 1990: 111-113; 1997: 185, 187). On the contrary, he distinguished the more complicated moulded slots of other pre-Migration Period ship finds from Denmark and Sweden as a Nordic phenomenon, as it might be the case also for north European boats of sewn construction from the pre-Roman Iron Age and later periods. In his latest book entitled ‘Archaeology and the Sea’ Ole Crumlin-Pedersen pointed at the resemblances of the oared Nydam boats and the Mainz vessels of the 4th century AD, both having a military background, both showing comparable interior structures connected to oar propulsion. He dealt with innovations in Northern European boat building introduced from the Roman or Romano-Celtic sphere and adopted by Nordic boat builders (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2010: 68).

Fig. 1. Nydam B. Half-section of the boat according the current reconstruction.

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Map 1. Distribution of Nordic rowlocks of the Roman Iron Age and their contemporaneous iconographic evidence outside the Baltic area. – Dots: substantial finds; Asterisk: iconographical evidence (after Bockius, 2013).

Nobody denies that the Nydam boats and related plank-built vessels of the late-Roman period from the area are embedded in the evolution of Nordic ship construction. Components as the rowlocks made from forked timber are boat fittings found only in the Western Baltic and South Scandinavia, although there is single iconographic evidence from the Athenian agora (Damianidis, 2011: 87-88, figs 2-3)(map 1) which probably show an oared vessel of barbarian invaders of the later 3rd century AD. The process to transversally reinforce clinker-built hulls by lashing rigid frames to the planking on which monoxyl cleats were left to fasten the ribs (fig. 1) also appeared to be a ship technical custom of the Western Baltic in the Roman Iron Age. However, what is of concern is that it is true for its constructional combination only, not for its components in detail. Here we have to set the first question-mark. The

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system of lashing solid ribs to clinker-built hulls is wellknown from ships and boats from the North in Roman Iron Age, and still from the Migration and early Viking periods. But what is the situation with clinker construction and rigid frames in pre-Roman shipbuilding of Northern Europe? Ribs To begin with ribs: wooden frames carved from grown wood were used in Pharaonic Egypt since the middle of the 3rd millennium BC at the latest, and they occur in any Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic and Roman Period plank-built vessel found in the Mediterranean and the Roman provinces between Danube and Britain. Not so in watercraft of the Bronze Age and Iron Age from

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Northern and North-western Europe. The latter ones are stiffened by transverse timbers stuck through monxyl cleats as is shown by ship finds from England and Wales (e.g. McGrail, 1981; 1996; Wright, 1994; Marsden, 2004). This method can be traced back also from prehistoric woodwork on the continent, from the late Neolithic period onward (Bleicher et al., 2011: 20-21; Jahrbuch Archäologie der Schweiz 94, 2011: 234). Other pre-Roman vessels found outside the Mediterranean are likewisely without solid frames: the ship-body of the 4th-century BC Hjortspring boat is made from five slightly overlapping lime-tree strakes stitched together. Her hull was attached to non-rigid frameworks each constructed from a bent hazel-wood branch which was kept in shape by horizontal and perpendicular ash-wood reinforcements, and by a lime-tree thwart to seat two paddlers. What we see here is anything but frames typical for plank-built ships. It is rather typical for boats coated with animal skin (Valbjørn, 2003a: 137-139, figs A3.1 & 3; 2003b: 116-124; Indruszewski, 2011: 689-696. On the Hjortspring boat, its reconstruction and context see Crumlin-Pedersen, 2003a; 2003b). Where do rigid frames in the North originate from? The most ancient boat ribs found in this part of Europe are known from a large expanded logboat of the 2nd century AD which was discovered in Northern Germany at Vaaler Moor, a bog located at the base of the peninsula of Jutland, not so far south from Nydam (Hirte, 1987: 726, 728-734; 1989: 113-118, - BP 1820±55, cal. AD 198±69). The radiocarbon dating of the Vaale dugout (Lanting, 1998: 73 no. 85) puts this find close to Nydam A, the chocked oak boat built in 190 AD (Bonde & Daly, 2000; Bonde, 2001: 355-356) which according to its preserved cleats had been reinforced by wooden ribs. However, there are other middle and late Roman Iron Age relics of boats and dugouts showing rigid frames, but there is no older evidence outside the Mediterranean and the Roman provinces. As it seems, frames have to be interpreted as an innovation to the North, perhaps introduced from shipbuilding of the Romano-Celtic area or of the Mediterranean. Or were ribs an independent development without an outer impulse? Clinker-construction Regarding ancient clinker-construction: is there a Northern European origin or not? Certainly Nordic, but if we look in detail one could start to doubt. However, the distinction in ancient shipbuilding between a carvelbuilt group in the south and clinker-built vessels in the north of Europe is not quite correct. It is true that ancient Mediterranean ship hulls were always of carvel construction but in the same area we find iconographic evidence (fig. 2) and in the Rhine area even substantial remains of ship cabins and interior constructions which proof the use of overlapping planks. This is certainly not the same as clinker-construction (McGrail, 2004),

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however indeed it shares a morphological feature. Lapstrake-construction is typical for a type of Roman barges found especially in the lower Rhine region (Bockius, 2000; Groot & Morel, 2007; Jansma & Morel, 2007). Such inland vessels show overlapping side planking, edge-joined by iron nails. Moreover single ship finds from the Netherlands and Belgium are preserved with cabins and cabinet structures built with lapstrake-construction (De Boe & Hubert, 1976: 233; De Boe, 1978: 27; Haalebos, 1996: 483-485 figs 6-7 pl. 67,2; 74,2-76,1; Jansma & Morel, 2007: 123-127 fig. 6.14; 140-141, 146-147 fig. 7.5 & appendix). Contrary to the clinker method the planks of such ships and ship interior are nailed to each other, or nailed to a backward framework. In other words, they are not fastened together by iron rivets. Nevertheless was the usage of rivets well-known to Mediterranean shipbuilding since Hellenistic times, though not to connect edge-joined strakes (Indruszewski, 2009: 412-419 figs 3 & 5; 2011: 566-568 table 1 fig. 16, 588-589, 663-676 figs 46-48). Iron roves and rivets are also known from late pre-Roman Iron Age belt fittings in the Swedish provinces of Ö�stergötland and Godland (Bockius, 2013). Roman origins Is it thinkable that the origin of clinker-construction was inspired from the Roman world? George Indruszewski (2009; 2011) in his contributions on the origin of the clinker method could imagine that. If it is true, the formula could be: inspiration of lapstrake construction from the Roman world + replacement of the prehistoric Northern European sewn edge-joining by rivets = clinker construction. Although the archaeological sources point to that direction, the problem is still not solved. Before we focus on the ship archaeological conditions in the western Baltic, a short look to the Roman provinces might be helpful. Indruszewski cited the relic of a clinker-built vessel re-used in a harbour construction in Bordeaux, France (fig. 3). This plank fragment, first published in the ISBSA 10 proceedings in 2006 (Sibella, Atkin & Szepertyski, 2006: 293, fig. 47.4), is dated by dendrochronology to the late 2nd century AD at the earliest. The author was still not successful yet to get the ancient dating of this remarkable find confirmed other than by personal communication (Patricia Sibella), but there is no hard evidence which contradicts that date. Indeed, some other proof can be proposed which could support this date. In addition to the rivet fastening along both edges of the plank and with a fragment preserved which can be identified as the remainder of another plank, the better preserved piece clearly shows traces of a repair – a long crack was kept close by dovetail tenons, without any doubt a technique typical for Mediterranean architecture, wood-working and the like since Antiquity, but not for classical shipbuilding in Antiquity. Notwithstanding the geographical hint received by that feature, it is not of great worth

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Fig. 2. Relief scene (Cichorius XXXIV) of Trajan´s column showing a Roman inland cargo vessel with stern cabin built by overpapping planks (lapstrake construction?) (Photo: from a copy in the Museum of Ancient Navigation, RGZM Mainz).

Fig. 3. Bordeaux harbour. Re-used plank fragment of a clinker-­ built vessel dated after 174 AD (after Indruszewski, 2011).

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to accurately date the Bordeaux ship find. However, for dovetail joinery many parallels could be found in the Mediterranean and some in the Roman provinces also, but in Northern Europe only a few. The eldest evidence of the use of dovetail tenons outside the classical sphere is dated to the 1st and 2nd centuries AD: this is related to two expanded dugouts, Egernsund and Vaale, found in the far south of the Jutland peninsula (Rieck & CrumlinPedersen, 1988: 88; Hirte, 1989: 119, 125, fig. 8). What can we learn from such a phenomenon? It seems to us that local shipbuilding of this region close to the modern Danish-German border to which also Nydam belongs, had met technical impulses from the south earlier than other parts of the Baltic and Scandinavia. That would not be entirely surprising, because the utmost south of the Jutland peninsula represents the geographical transit from the continent to the north. In fact, a look at the distribution map of Roman Iron Age rivets (map 2) reveals something similar. These iron rivets are found in bogs, boat graves and settlements, and in Norway they are also found in ship shelters, called naust. The earliest evidences of ship rivets occur in the southwest of Denmark and in the German section of Jutland peninsula. Dated to the 2nd century AD at the earliest, the Scandinavian material appears to be younger, 3rd and 4th century AD, if complications of radiocarbon dating especially in Norway are considered.2 From this it seems that clinker-construction spread from the continental area of the western Baltic to Scandinavia and Britain as it did in later periods likewise to the continental North Sea coast. The picture drawn here based on the interpretation of ship archaeological indications points to the view that Jutland and the Danish isles were reached by innovative technologies prior to Scandinavia. Alike do distribution

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Map 2. Distribution of Roman Iron Age clinker construction (iron roves & rivets), c. AD 150 to 400 (after Bockius, 2013).

Map 3. Distribution of Late Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age logboats (1st century BC to 3rd century AD). – Dugouts (dots) and expanded logboats (triangles). – Blank symbols: constructional interpretation/dating uncertain (after Bockius, 2013).

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maps of Roman Iron Age expanded logboats (map 3) and of the contemporary boat grave custom (Müller-Wille, 1995: 104-105, figs 7-8) intimate the preponderance of innovations of both technical, social and religious background in the western Baltic. This is not surprising as in the same area, namely on Jutland and the western Danish isles, there is clear evidence of intensive Roman trade and Germanic imports of prestige goods and weapons of Roman and Romano-Celtic origin: such contacts might have promoted technological transfer. Discussion How to prove Roman influence from ship related artefacts? Because of the limited space available we will focus on only two topics; one which throws light on ancient shipbuilding of the area of today Denmark (1), the other includes all north European plank-built ships of the Roman Iron Age in the North (2). In the cemetery of Hedegård, a place situated in central Jutland which is rich of Roman weapons and other imports, also an east-west oriented boat grave was discovered (Madsen, 1994; 1999: 88-90, figs 32-33). Its wooden container consisted of poorly preserved remains of an expanded (?) logboat. Besides very few re­mains of the deceased only an iron knife and some pottery vessels have been found. At the bottom of the decayed boat four iron staples occurred which proved the previous repair of a crack of the dugout (fig. 4). Dating of this unique evidence: the older period of the Roman Iron Age, presumably phase B2 (AD 70/160). As it seems this discovery is the earliest evidence for the use of iron staples in pre-Migration period boatbuilding of Northern Europe. However, iron staples were used as repair means on Roman inland ships found along the Rhine and Danube (map 4). Especially in ancient barges found in the Roman Balkan provinces we see iron staples

in large numbers as edge-joints (Bockius, 2003: 171-176, figs 26.3-4.7; Gaspari, Erič & Š�malcelj, 2006: 286-288, fig. 46.5). Finally to the aspect of caulking or, more correctly, luting: in contrast to Bronze and Iron Age plank boats in Northern Europe and contrary to the methods to make prehistoric and younger logboats watertight (Bockius 2002; 2006), ship finds from Nydam and Norway, dating to the late 2nd, 3rd and 4th century AD were luted by strips of woven wool impregnated by a mixture of animal fat and birch tar (Færøyvik, 1937; Fett, 1953: 57; Magnus, 1980; Fasteland, 1996: 24-25; Bockius, 2013). The combination of wool fabric soaked with pitch is typical for Roman barges found in the Rhône-Saône region (Rieth, 2011; 68-72; Guyon & Rieth, 2011: 96-100, figs 4-5.9; Lonchambon, 2011: 124-127, figs 6-7.9; Marlier, 2011: 147-149, fig. 24; Djaoui, Greck & Marlier, 2011: 160, 162-163) where such material, like in ancient Denmark rags of high-quality cloths (Möller-Wiering, 2011: 82-83, 85-87, 93-94, 97-98, 120-121, 130, 158-160, table 11.4. For the Saône-Rhône-group cf. Médard, 2011), had been pressed into the seams during the process of planking – carvel planking in Southern France, clinker planking in the North. How to interpret such ship technical coincidences? It seems that soon after the Roman occupation of Gaul and of the zone behind the Germanic limes ship technical innovations rather of Gallo-Roman than Mediterranean origin set off to Northern Europe. So far as routes of interaction can be traced back at all, most paths lead us to the mouth of the Rhine which served as a junction. From there Roman goods produced in Gaul reached ancient Denmark in high quantities, especially in the 2nd century AD. Danish archaeologists strongly believe in seaborne trade from the mouth of the Rhine, along the Dutch and German North Sea shoals to Jutland or even through the Kattegat (Lund Hansen, 1987; 2007; Rasmussen, 1995; Grane, 2007). In any case

Fig. 4. Hedegård, Ejstrup district, Jydland. Boat grave of the elder Roman Iron Age. Traces of an (expanded?) dugout with a crack repair at the bottom made from four iron staples (‘jernklamper’) (after Madsen, 1994).

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Map 4. Distribution of iron staples found with shipwrecks of the Roman period. N. European finds from nautical environments (boatgrave; Ejsbøl bog) (after Bockius, 2013).

such interrelations, carried either by trade and/or by Germanic auxiliary troops of the Roman army migrating home to their farm-steads (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2010: 68), would be the best explanation for the travel of ideas or, in other terms, for technological transfer. In due course ideas might have travelled to the Western Baltic where ideological influences are well attested (Dyhrfjeld-Johnsen, 2007), or Germanic mercenaries or traders may have seen technical solutions they were unfamiliar to before. However, what can be extracted from Roman Iron Age shipbuilding as extraneous features and methods was partly copied, partly rather taken over as inspiration and transformed into the indigenous boatbuilding tradition, namely the constructional components of clinker planking, types of timber joinery, the luting system and, not to forget, the rigid frame. It seems that Northern European shipbuilding during the 1st and 2nd centuries AD became an amalgam of regional and foreign ship technology, certainly not a mere reproduction of Roman technical procedures and working methods. What has been developed on such a background in the late-Roman period formed peculiar standards which became the origin of Migration period and Viking shipbuilding in Northern Europe.

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Notes 1 http://www.schloss-gottorf.de/zbsa/forschung/projekte/ projekte-mensch-und-gesellschaft/cluster-orte-und-mittel-maritimer-kommunikation-in-der-nordeuropaeischenfruehgeschichte/Nydam-Die-Boote/Nydam-Die-Boote. 2 On the dating of pre-Migration period boat rivets in the Western Baltic and South Scandinavia see Bockius 2013. The oldest evidence from Britain (Richborough, pit no. 98: Lyne 1996: 149) is dated around 400 AD; the oldest evidence from the Netherlands (Wijnaldum: Reinders & Aalders, 2006: 113115, figs 8-9; 122, table 1. On dating Gerrets & de Koning 1999: 74-85; 96-97, 102-110, figs 2-3;7-10) and Northern Germany (Fallward near Wremen: Schön, 1999: 43-48; 76-97; Capelle, 2004: 51-52) belongs to the 5th century AD at the earliest.

References Åkerlund, H., 1963. Nydamskeppen. En Studie i tidig Skandinavisk Skeppsbyggnadskonst. Göteborg. Bleicher, N., Mäder, A., Motschi, A., Riethmann, P. & Schwörer, P., 2011. Die Rettungsgrabung Parkhaus Opéra. Archäologie Schweiz 34.3: 16-23.

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Blue, L., Hocker, F. & Englert, A. (eds), 2006. Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford. Bockius, R., 2000. Antike Prahme. Monumentale Zeugnisse keltisch-römischer Binnenschiffahrt aus der Zeit vom 2. Jh. v. Chr. bis ins 3. Jh. n. Chr. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 47.2, 2000 (2003): 439-493. Bockius, R., 2002. Abdichten, Beschichten, Kalfatern. Schiffs­ versiegelung und ihre Bedeutung als Indikator für Technologietransfers zwischen den antiken Schiff­bau­ traditionen. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentral­ museums Mainz 49: 189-234. Bockius, R., 2003. A Roman river barge(?) found in the Danube near Prahovo, Serbia. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 169-176. Bockius, R., 2006. Coating, sheathing, caulking and luting in ancient shipbuilding. In: Blue, Hocker & Englert, 2006: 117-122. Bockius, R., 2013. Zur kultur- und technikgeschichtlichen Stellung der Schiffsfunde aus dem Nydam-Moor. In: A. Rau (ed.), Nydam mose – Die Boote. Die Altfunde und die Grabungen 1989-1999. Jysk Arkæologisk Selskabs Skrifter. Boetto, G., Pomey, P. & Tchernia, A. (eds), 2011. Batellerie GalloRomaine. Pratiques régionales et influences maritimes méditerranéennes. Bibliothèque d´Archéologie Méditerranéenne et Africaine 9, Aix-en-Provence. Bonde, N., 2001. Dendrokronologiske undersøgelser 2000. Arkæologiske udgravninger i Danmark 2000: 333-356. Bonde, N. & Daly, A., 2000. Dendrokronologisk Undersøgelse af „den sønderhugne egebåd“ fra Nydam Mose. NNU Rapport 3 (http://www.nnu.dk/dendro/nnu3_00.htm). Brøgger, A.W. & Shetelig, H., 1951. The Viking Ships. Their Ancestry and Evolution. Oslo. Capelle, T., 2004. Schiffsbestattungen und Schiffsgräber. Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 27: 50-52. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1990. Boats and ships of the Angles and Jutes. In: S. McGrail (ed.), Maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons. Papers presented to a conference at Oxford in November 1988. Council for British Archaeology, Research Report 71. London: 98-116. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1997. Large and small warships of the North. In: A. Nørgård Jørgensen & B.L. Clausen (eds), Military Aspects of Scandinavian Society in a European Perspective, AD 1-1300. Publications from the National Museum, Studies in Archaeology & History, vol. 2. Copenhagen: 184-194. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2003a. Initial analysis and reconstruction of the boat. In: Crumlin-Pedersen & Trakadas 2003: 23-36. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2003b. The Hjortspring boat in a ship-­ archaeological context. In: Crumlin-Pedersen & Trakadas 2003: 209-233. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2010. Archaeology and the Sea in Scandinavia and Britain. A personal account. Maritime Culture of the North 3. Roskilde.

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Crumlin-Pedersen, O. & Trakadas, A. (eds), 2003. Hjortspring. A Pre-Roman Iron-Age Warship in Context. Ships and Boats of the North 5. Roskilde. Damianidis, K., 2011. Roman ship graffiti in the Tower of the Winds in Athens. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 41/1: 85-99. De Boe, G., 1978. Roman boats from a small river harbour at Pommeroeul, Belgium. In: J. du Plat Taylor & H. Cleere (eds), Roman shipping and trade: Britain and the Rhine provinces. Council for British Archaeology, Research Report 24. London: 22-30. De Boe, G. & Hubert, F., 1976. Binnenhafen und Schiffe der Römerzeit von Pommeroeul im Hennegau, Belgien. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 6.3: 227-234. Djaoui, D., Greck, S. & Marlier, S. (eds), 2011. Arles-Rhône 3. Le naufrage d’un chaland antique dans le Rhône, enquête pluridisciplinaire. Arles. Dyhrfjeld-Johnsen, M.D., 2007. Roman Ideological Influences. In: Grane, 2007: 67-82. Engelhardt, C., 1865. Nydam Mosefund. 1859-1863. Sønderjydske Mosefund 2, Copenhagen. Engelhardt, C., 1866. Denmark in the Early Iron Age. London. Fasteland, A., 1996. Valderøybåten og Halsnøybåten – gamle funn i nytt lys. Arkeo, Bergen: 23-26. Færøyvik, B., 1937. Farkoster I Norderlandi fyrr vikingertidi. Årshefte Foreningen Bergens Sjøfartsmuseum: 5-23. Fett, P., 1953. Oldsamlingens tilvekst 1953. Årbok Bergen, no. 4: 56-57. Gaspari, A., Erič, M. & Šmalcelj, M., 2006. Roman river barge from Sisak (Siscia), Croatia. In: Blue, Hocker & Englert, 2006: 284-289. Gerrets, D.A., & Koning, J. de, 1999. Settlement development on the Wijnaldum-Tjitsma terp. In: J.C. Besteman, J.M. Bos, D.A. Gerrets, A.A. Heidinga & J. de Koning, The Excavations at Wijnaldum. Reports on Frisia in Roman and Medieval times, vol. 1. Rotterdam: 73-123. Grane, Th. (ed.), 2007. Beyond the Roman Frontier. Roman Influences on the Northern Barbaricum. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, Suppl. XXXIX. Rome. Groot, T. de & Morel, J.-M.A.W. (eds), 2007. Het schip uit de Romeinse tijd De Meern 4 nabij boerderij de Balije, Leidsche Rijn, gemeente Utrecht. Rapportage Archeologische Monumentenzorg, no. 147. Amersfoort. Guyon, M., & Rieth, É., 2011. Les chalands gallo-romains du Parc Saint-Georges. In: Boetto, Pomey & Tchernia, 2011: 89-101. Haalebos, J. K., 1996. Ein römisches Getreideschiff in Woerden (NL). Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 43.2: 475-505. Hirte, C., 1987. Zur Archäologie monoxyler Wasserfahrzeuge im nördlichen Mitteleuropa. Eine Studie zur Repräsentativität der Quellen in chorologischer, chronologischer und konzeptioneller Hinsicht. Unpublished dissertation, University of Kiel. Hirte, C., 1989. Bemerkungen zu Befund und Funktion der kaiserzeitlichen Stammboote von Vaale und Leck. Offa 46: 111-136.

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38. The Nydam ship finds (Denmark) ... Indruszewski, G., 2009. The Origin of the Clinker Hull Construction – a Technological Intercourse of European Dimension. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 409-420. Indruszewski, G., 2011. The origin of the “clinker construction” method in Roman and Post-Roman shipbuilding in Europe. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 56/2, 2009: 539-74. Jansma, E. & Morel, J-M.A.W. (eds), 2007. Een Romeinse Rijnaak, gevonden in Utrecht-De Meern. Resultaten van het onderzoek naar de platbodem “De Meern 1”. Rapportage Archeologische Monumentenzorg, no. 144, vols A, B & appendix, Amersfoort. Lanting, J.N., 1998. Pochodzenie i rozprzestrzenianie dłubanek europejskich (Dates for origin and diffusion of the European logboat). Materiały Zachodniopomorkie 44: 43-113. Lonchambon, C., 2011. Le chaland du pont romaine de Chalonsur-Saône: réflexions sur le système d’étanchéité. In: Boetto, Pomey & Tchernia, 2011: 119-128. Lund Hansen, U., 1987. Römischer Import im Norden. Warenaustausch zwischen dem Römischen Reich und dem freien Germanien während der Kaiserzeit unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Nordeuropas. Nordiske Fortidsminder, Ser. B, vol. 10. Copenhagen. Lund Hansen, U., 2007. Barbarians in the North – The Greatest Concentration of Roman Weaponry in Europe. In: Grane, 2007: 105-130. Lyne, M., 1996. Lyne. Roman ships´ fittings from Richborough. Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 7: 147-149. Madsen, O., 1994. Midtjysk søfart. Skalk 1994, No. 4: 8-12. Madsen, O., 1999. Hedegård – a rich village and cemetery complex of the Early Iron Age on the Skjern river. An interim report. Journal of Danish Archaeology 13 (1996-1997): 57-93. Magnus, B., 1980. Halsnøybåtens tekstiller. Arkeo, Bergen: 22-25. Marlier, S., 2011. L’épave Arles-Rhône 3: étude préliminaire d’un chaland gallo-romain. In: Boetto, Pomey & Tchernia, 2011: 133-151. Marsden, P., 2004. Description of the boat. In: P. Clark (ed.), The Dover Bronze Age Boat. Swindon: 32-95. McGrail, S. (ed.) 1981. The Brigg “Raft” and her Prehistoric Environment. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 89, Oxford. McGrail, S., 1996. The Bronze Age in Northwest Europe. In: R. Gardiner (ed.), The earliest ships. The Evolution of Boats into Ships. Conveyʼs History of the Ship. London: 24-38.

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McGrail, S., 2004. To clench or to rivet: that is the question. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 33: 149-153. Médard, F., 2011, Textiles archéologiques et archéologie navale: l’exemple des tissues gallo-romains du Parc Saint-Georges. In: Boetto, Pomey & Tchernia, 2011: 103-117. Möller-Wiering, S., 2011. War and Warship. Textiles from 3rd to 4th-century AD Weapon Deposits in Denmark and Northern Germany. Oxbow Books, Ancient Textiles Series 9, Oxford. Müller-Wille, M., 1995. Boat-Graves, Old and New Views. In: O. Crumlin-Pedersen & B. Munch Thye (eds), The Ship as Symbol in Prehistoric and Medieval Scandinavia. Publications from the National Museum, Studies in Archaeology & History, vol. 1. Copenhagen: 101-110. Rasmussen, B.M., 1995. Brokær. Ein Reichtumszentrum der römischen Kaiserzeit in Südwestjütland. Acta Archaeologica 66, Copenhagen: 39-109. Reinders, R. & Aalders, Y., 2006. Frisian Traders and the Clinker Technique. In: T. Arisholm, K. Paasche & T. L. Wahl (eds), Klink og seil – Festskrift til Arne Emil Christensen. Oslo: 109-121. Rieck, F. & Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1988. Både fra Danmarks Oldtid. Roskilde. Rieth, É., 2011. L’épave du chaland gallo-romain de la place Tolozan à Lyon: approche d’une tradition régionale de construction “sur sole” en relation avec l’architecture navale maritime méditerranéenne. In: Boetto, Pomey & Tchernia, 2011: 61-72. Schön, M.D., 1999. Feddersen Wierde, Fallward, Flögeln. Archäologie im Museum Burg Bederkesa, Landkreis Cuxhaven. Cuxhaven. Sibella, P., Atkin, J. & Szepertyski, B., 2006. Contributions of maritime archaeology to the study of an Atlantic port: Bordeaux and its reused boat timbers. In: Blue, Hocker & Englert, 2006: 290-294. Tuxen, N.E., 1886. De nordiske Langskibe. Aarbøger Nordisk Oldkyndighed Historie, no. 2, vol. 1: 49-134. Valbjørn, K.V., 2003a. A hypothetical “Hjortspring skinboat”. In: Crumlin-Pedersen & Trakadas, 2003: 137-140. Valbjørn, K.V., 2003b. Hvad Haanden former er Aandens Spor. Hjortspringbåden rekonstrueres, Nordborg. Wright, E.V., 1994. The North Ferriby Boates – a Final Report. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 29-34.

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39. New Roman shipwrecks from Isola Sacra (Rome, Italy) Giulia Boetto, Alessandra Ghelli & Paola Germoni

Introduction In 2011, an extensive programme of preventive archaeological research was organised by the City of Rome and the Special Superintendence of Archaeology of Rome (SSBAR) of the Italian Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Tourism. During these campaigns two shipwrecks were discovered in Isola Sacra (Fiumicino, Rome), right bank of the river Tiber.1 The archaeological programme was part of the construction project of a new bridge over the Tiber (Ponte della Scafa) and the related road system. In Isola Sacra five areas covering a total surface of about 4 km2 have been systematically investigated by digging test trenches for detecting any possible archaeological remains.2 The shipwrecks were situated in trench 4 (area 4), measuring 20 x 25 m, covering a surface of about 500 m2, situated 300 m to the north of the present riverbed of the Tiber. The first shipwreck, named Isola Sacra 1, was found at the beginning of February 2011. The excavation, study and documentation took about five months (from the end of March until the beginning of October). During this process, a second shipwreck, Isola Sacra 2, laying perpendicular to Isola Sacra 1 and partially covering it, was discovered. Only the southern side of Isola Sacra 2 could be investigated and documented. In October 2011, the drain pumps were stopped so the groundwater table could rise and the trench was completely filled up with water. By flooding the shipwrecks, which were previously covered with geotextile, the wooden structures could be kept waterlogged. At present, the SSBAR is organising the continuation of the project to salvage, preserve and consolidate Isola Sacra 1 and, possibly, to excavate and fully document Isola Sacra 2.3 The context and the date of the wreckage The Isola Sacra region is well known for its necropolis from the Imperial era and for the Late Antique basilica

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of St. Hippolythus (Germoni, 2011). Isola Sacra is situated between Ostia, the colony founded by Rome in 386 BC at the mouth of the Tiber, and the Fiumicino, the secondary outlet of the Tiber (fig. 1). This artificial canal, known also as fossa traiana, assured the connection between the Tiber and Portus, the maritime port of ancient Rome constructed by emperor Claudius in the mid-1st century AD, 3 km to the north of Ostia (Keay et al, 2005; Keay & Paroli, 2011). Over time significant changes occurred in the Tiber delta’s landscape, mainly because of the progression of the coastline toward the sea and the transformation of the ancient harbours and other submerged archaeological sites into land sites (Arnoldus-Huyzeldveld, 2005). In accordance with our knowledge about the ancient topography of Isola Sacra and its landscape, the trench where the shipwrecks were discovered is situated behind the Roman coastline and the reconstructed path of the via Flavia, the Roman road parallel to the coastline connecting Ostia to Portus (fig. 1). Consequently, the shipwrecks could not have been the remains of vessels beached on the ancient shore. Only by a full excavation of the area it would be able to define the context and the date of the wreckage and, finally, to produce data about the construction and function of the vessels. The excavation of trench 4 delivered a stratigraphic sequence of about 3 m between the bottom on which the vessels rested and the actual ground level. The stratigraphy consisted of layers of silted mud (yellow in the upper part and grey in the lower part), alternated with grey sand of different grain sizes. The archaeological findings consisted of fine, coarse and fire ceramics, amphorae, coins and organic materials (animal bones, baskets, wickers etc.). This material is chronologically homogeneous and datable to the 3rd century AD. On the basis of the chronological and stratigraphic data, it seems that the Isola Sacra vessels wrecked before the first half of the 3rd century AD due to a flood of the river Tiber. The comparison of the excavation data with the results of the analysis of a series of soil cores drilled in the area adjacent to the

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Fig. 1: The ship find at Isola Sacra (star) in relation to the ancient topography of the Tiber delta; the dotted line indicates the actual coastline (from Keay et al., 2005, fig. 8.1).

excavated trench4 in combination with geophysical surveys in the region of Isola Sacra5, will contribute to a better definition in the future of the circumstances and the causes of the wreckage. Isola Sacra 1 The remains of Isola Sacra 1 (figs 2-4) are about 12 m long and 4.88 m wide, covering a total surface of 60 m2. The shipwreck is oriented NW-SE but, to simplify the fieldwork and the documentation process, the orientation has been established to N-S. The western side, identified as the port side, lays at a lower level than the eastern side, as the difference in height is about 1 m.6

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Between the stem (south) and the stem (north) the difference in height is important too.7 Despite significant deformations in the general shape of the vessel, the transverse section at the main frame shows a flat frame with a sharp turn of the bilge. Given the preservation of the port side until the gunwale, it has been possible to estimate the amidships inner hull depth at circa 1 m. The longitudinal section shows an impressive deformation and an S-shaped keel despite that it seems possible to reconstruct a curved stem and a transom bow above the waterline. The keel, without chamfer to allocate the garboards, is 11.5 m long, 6-8 cm in width amidships and forward 10 cm in width and 11-12 cm high. The keel is connected with a scarf joint to the stem transitional timber which is 1.40 m long and 10-11 cm wide. This

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Fig. 2: The excavation area with the position of the two shipwrecks Isola Sacra l and 2 (Survey and drawing: G. Luglio, courtesy Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, SSBAR-Ostia).

timber, with triangular rabbets for the garboards and the strakes’ ends, is higher than the keel. The difference in height is visible at the level of the scarf as the transitional timber sticks out the flat inner face of the keel. The transom, a single piece of carved wood, was found not in its original position but shifted under a stringer, forward. The transom is semi-circular in shape, 58.5 cm wide, 30 cm high and 9.5-1 1.5 cm thick. It is chamfered to allocate the keel and strake ends, fastened with nails driven from the outer surface of the hull. Hull planks are 18 to 29 cm wide and 27.5 mm thick. They are edge-joined by a close setting of pegged mortise-and-tenons joints. Pegs, which are averagely 9 mm in interior diameter, are spaced 15.6 cm centre-to-centre. Mortises are 6.3 cm wide, 3.5-6 mm thick, 4-4.8 cm deep and spaced 10.8 cm. Tenons are smaller than mortises and are 3.8-4.5 cm wide, 30-50 mm thick. Their reconstructed length is 8 cm. The general planking-pattern consists of ten strakes at starboard side and twelve at port side. The tenth strake, situated at the bilge, is the lower whale on both sides. It is 10-12 cm wide

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and 50-76 mm thick. Except for the garboards and second strakes, planks are joined with diagonal scarfs to form strakes. The third strake and the whales end forward with drop stealers. Thirty-seven frames survived, the position of seven additional frames is detectable thanks to the fastening visible on the planking. The frames are on average 6.4 cm width and 9.2 cm high, with room-and-space of 17.7 cm. They are connected to the planking by treenails (15 mm internal diameter) and copper nails. There is no evidence of floor-timbers connected to the axial carpentry by mean of bolts or nails. Limber holes are rectangular in shape (4 cm wide, 2.5 cm high) and parallel to the keel. Five forward futtocks survived. They are not connected to the lower frames. Two futtocks have the upper ends shaped for tying rope rigging.8 One has a very complex shape and a lateral 32 cm high groove toward the stem, to wedge in one or two toe-rails to raise the level of planking above the gunwale. The second bollard has an arm 90° bent inside the vessel. The general framing-pattern is of alternating floor-timbers and half-frames. Some

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Fig. 3: The shipwreck Isola Sacra 1; in the background the southern side of Isola Sacra 2 is visible (Photo: G. Luglio, courtesy Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, SSBAR-Ostia).

half-frames overlap the keel, one extremity crossing the keel so that the butt-joint of some half-frames projected beyond the central axis. A timber, not complete, 1.60 m long, 8.5 cm wide and 13 cm thick, is set parallel to the keel over the frames. It is connected to the frames by iron nails. This inner post served to maintain the transom in place. The stringers, set over the frames and nailed to them at regular intervals with iron nails, consist in five strakes on starboard side and seven on portside. The seventh stringer at portside had, along the upper edge, three notches where transverse thwarts were inserted.9 Finally, the hull was made watertight by an internal and external coat

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of pitch. The hull structure is based on a longitudinal strake-oriented concept and the building process is shell-first (Pomey, 1998 and 2004; Pomey & Rieth, 2005; Pomey et al., 2011). Isola Sacra 1 belongs to the family of the horeia type vessels. The horeia type vessels, characterized by a transom bow, are service boats used in harbours or possibly fishing boats, especially the smaller ones (Boetto, 2009). The discovery of Isola Sacra increases the archaeological corpus of the horeia-type vessels discovered in ancient harbours of the Western and Central Mediterranean at Toulon (Brun, 1999) and Naples (Boetto, 2005).

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Fig. 4: Planimetric drawing of Isola Sacra 1 (Survey and drawing: G. Luglio, courtesy Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Tourism, SSBAR-Ostia).

Isola Sacra 2 The second shipwreck, Isola Sacra 2, is perpendicular to Isola Sacra 1 and partially covered by it. The stem and stem extremities of Isola Sacra 2 are continuing beyond the trench sides. For this reason only the upper part of the southern side could be excavated for a total length of 14 m. Moreover, the excavation revealed the presence of two transverse beams (figs 2, 3). The planks of the southern side of Isola Sacra 2 are edge-joined by a close setting of pegged mortise-and-tenons joints. Pegs are spaced averagely 15.6 cm apart (centre-to-centre). Mortises are 6.6 cm wide, 5-9 mm thick and spaced 9.2 cm. The planks are 11.5-22 cm wide and about 30 mm thick. Four planks have patch tenons driven from inside the hull.10 These repairs are very common in Greco-Roman edge-joined ships with mortise-and-tenons fastening (Steffy, 1985 and 1999). Twenty-two frame ends survived but 15 more frames could be positioned thanks to the presence of the fastenings (treenails and copper nails) which were still visible on the planking. The frames are 7.4 cm wide and 10.3 cm high, spaced in average 17.2 cm. An internal reinforcement is also set in a space between the frames. This element, rectangular in shape and with smoothed angles, is 30.5 cm long, 15 cm wide and 9.5 high. It is connected to the planks by iron nails driven from inside the hull. The southern side of Isola Sacra 2 also has the remains of three stringers nailed to the frames by iron nails. One of the two transverse beams is 16 cm in high and 18.5 cm wide near the side of the ship, increasing towards the central axis of the ship till 29.5 cm. The transverse beam is not connected to the frames or to the planks, but is set

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in place by its own weight. The second beam, found at a distance of 1.70 m from the first one, was probably connected to the planks by an iron nail. It has also a recess (32 cm long, 3.5 cm deep) to accommodate a longitudinal plank, the function of which is at the present unknown. Few Mediterranean Roman shipwrecks have still preserved transverse beams: the best known is the Laurons 2 shipwreck (France) from the end of 2nd century AD (Gassend et al., 1984). Conclusion The discovery of two shipwrecks in Isola Sacra was completely unexpected on the basis of present knowledge about the regional topography. It occurred about 50 years after the finding of the well-known shipwrecks of Fiumicino in the port of Claudius (Boetto, 2006a, 2006b, 2008 and 2010). The completion of the excavation in Isola Sacra and the following reconstruction process of the original shape of Isola Sacra 1 will contribute to our knowledge about the activities in the maritime port of Rome. Notes 1 A first preliminary article about the discovery and the architecture of the vessels has been published in Italian: see Boetto et al., 2012. 2 Area 1 is located to the west of Via della Scafa, about 50 m to the north of the right bank of the Tiber; areas 2 and 5 are situated between Via della Scafa and Via dell’Aeroporto di

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39. New Roman shipwrecks from Isola Sacra (Rome, Italy) Fiumicino while the contiguous areas 3 and 4 are lying to the east of Via dell’Aeroporto di Fiumicino. 3 Different professionals assured all the aspects of this complex fieldwork: P. Germoni (scientific coordination); A. Ghelli (field management); G. Boetto (nautical archaeology); I. Reindell and E. Leoni (field conservation and restoration); ELPIDIA 2000 SRL (archaeological excavation and logistic company); G. Luglio (topography, graphic and photographic documentation); S. Wicha, Archeobois (wood and fibre analyses); F. Guibal, Aix-Marseille University, CNRS, IMBE (dendrochronology); I. Fiore and A. Tagliacozzo, Superintendence at the National Ethnographic and Pre­ historic Museum ‘L. Pigorini’, Rome (archeozoology); Isti­ tuto Superiore per la Conservazione e il Restauro, Rome, and Arc-Nucléart, Grenoble (advisors for waterlogged wood conservation); A. Arnoldus-Huyzendveld, Digiter, Rome, and J.-Ph. Goiran, CNRS, University Lyon 2 (geology and geomorphology). 4 These cores are actually under analysis in Lyon by the team of J.-Ph. Goiran 5 The geophysical survey of Isola Sacra has been undertaken from 2004 by a team of the Southampton University and the British School at Rome under the supervision of the Archaeological Superintendence of Rome. 6 The upper strake of the eastern side (the lower whale) appeared at a depth of 1.40 m below the actual mean sea level. The upper strake of the western side was at a depth of 2.09 m below the actual mean sea level. 7 The stem is at a depth between 1.58 m and 2.37 m below the actual mean sea level; the stem lays at a depth of 3.17 m below the actual mean sea level. 8 These two boats, named Toulon 1 and 2, have been dismantled piece by piece in the 1980s, then consolidated with PEG in the laboratory Arc-Nucléart, Grenoble. At present, the fragments are studied by G. Boetto as part of a project of publication of the archaeological excavation of the ancient port of Toulon. 9 Comparisons come from the shipwreck Jules-Verne 8 (Marseille, 3rd century AD) (Pomey, 1995; Pomey & Hesnard, 2007) and Pisa C (1st century AD)(Bargagli, 2005). 10 Unfortunately, there is no evidence of thole pins as the gunwale of this rowing boat is only partially preserved.

References Arnoldus-Huyzeldveld, A., 2005. The natural environment of the Agro Portuense. In: Keay et al., 2005: 14-42. Bargagli, D., 2005. The wreck C. In: A. Camilli & E. Setari (eds), Ancient Shipwrecks of Pisa. A guide. Electa, Milan: 46-51. Boetto, G., 2005. Le navi romane di Napoli. In: D. Giampaola et al., La scoperta del porto di Neapolis: dalla ricostruzione topografica allo scavo e al recupero dei relitti. Archeologia Marittima Mediterranea 2: 63-76. Boetto, G., 2006a. Les navires de Fiumicino (Italie: architecture, matériaux, types et fonctions. Contribution à l’étude du système portuaire de Rome à l’époque Impériale. Doctorat thèse, Université de Provence, Aix-Marseille 1, Aix-en-Provence.

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Boetto, G., 2006b. Roman techniques for the transport and conservation of fish: the case of the Fiumicino 5 wreck. In: L. Blue, F. Hocker & A. Englert (eds), Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium of Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 123-129. Boetto, G., 2008. L’épave de l’Antiquité tardive Fiumicino I: analyse de la structure et étude fonctionnelle. Archaeonautica 15: 29-62. Boetto, G., 2009. New archaeological evidences of the Horeiatype vessels: the Roman Napoli C shipwreck from Naples (Italy) and the boats of Toulon (France) compared. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 289-296. Boetto, G., 2010. Les navires de Fiumicino, influences fluviales et maritimes. In: P. Pomey (ed.), Transferts technologiques en architecture navale méditerranéenne de l’Antiquité aux temps modernes: identité technique et identité culturelle, Actes de La Table Ronde Internationale, Istanbul 2007. Varia Anatolica, XX, IFEA, Istanbul: 137-150. Boetto, G., Ghelli, A. & Germoni, P., 2012, Due relitti d’epoca romana rinvenuti a Isola Sacra, Fiumicino (Rm): primi dati sullo scavo e sulla struttura delle imbarcazioni. Archaeologia Marittima Mediterranea, An International Journal on Under­ water Archaeology 9: 15-38. Brun, J-P., 1999. Le Var. Carte Archéologique de la Gaule 83.2. Paris. Gassend, J.-M., Liou, B. & Ximénès, S., 1984. L’épave 2 de l’anse des Laurons (Martigues, Bouches-du-Rhône). Archaeonautica 4: 75-105. Germoni, P., 2011. The Isola Sacra: reconstructing the Roman landscape. In: S. Keay & L. Paroli (eds), Portus and its hinterland: recent archaeological research. Archaeological monographs of the British School at Rome 18, London: 231-260. Keay, S., Millet, M., Paroli, L. & Strutt, K. (eds), 2005. An Archaeological Survey of the Port of Imperial Rome. Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 15, London. Keay, S. & Paroli, L. (eds), 2011. Portus and its hinterland: recent archaeological research. Archaeological monographs of the British School at Rome 18, London. Pomey, P., 1998. Conception et réalisation des navires de l’Antiquité méditerranéenne. In: E. Rieth (ed.), Concevoir et construire les navires. De La trière au picoteux. Editions Ėrès, Ramonville-Saint-Agne: 49-72. Pomey, P., 2004. Principles and Methods of Construction in Ancient Naval Architecture. In: F.M. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The Philosophy of Shipbuilding. Conceptual Approaches in the Study of Wooden Ships. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, TX: 25-36. Pomey, P. & Rieth, E., 2005. Archéologie navale. Errance, Paris. Pomey, P., Kahanov, Y. & Rieth, E., 2011. Transition from Shell to Skeleton in Ancient Mediterranean Ship-Construction: analysis, problems and future research. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 235-314.

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Pomey, P., 1995. Les épaves grecques et romaines de la place Jules-Verne à Marseille. Comptes rendus des séances de l’académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, avril-juin: 462-463. Pomey, P. & Hesnard, A., 2007. Marseille, son port antique et les épaves de la place Jules-Veme. In: H. Bernard-Maugiron, Ph. Coeurré, M. Clermont-Joly, J. Duchêne, P. Vaudaine & P. Veysseyre (eds), Sauvé des eaux. La patrimoine archéologique en bois. Histoire de fouilles et de restaurations. Arc Nucléart, Grenoble: 72-76.

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Steffy, J.R., 1985. The Kyrenia Ship. An Interim Report on its Hull Construction. American Journal of Archaeology 89: 71-101. Steffy, J.R., 1999. Ancient ship repairs. In: H.E. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis V, Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium on Ship Construction. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens: 395-408.

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40. The Roman Ouest Giraglia 2 shipwreck (Corsica, France). An architectural study and some thoughts on the ship’s cargo Franca Cibecchini, Sabrina Marlier & Carlos De Juan

Introduction The Ouest Giraglia 2 shipwreck was discovered in 2008 by sports diver and amateur archaeologist Jean-Michel Minvielle at a depth of 34 m at the tip of Cap Corsica (fig. 1). In 2009 the site was surveyed by Minvielle with the scientific collaboration of Martine Sciallano, curator of archaeological and historical museums in Corsica and specialist in dolia shipwrecks since the 1980s (cf. Corsi-Sciallano & Liou, 1985: 26-43, 95-118, 169-171; Sciallano, 1993; Sciallano & Marlier, 2008). This reconnaissance confirmed the imminent scientific importance of the site as a large section of a ship’s hull was preserved together with some complete dolia. Therefore, the French department of Underwater Archaeological Research (DRASSM) decided to organise an one month excavation in 2010 and 2011 and a short survey intervention of some days in 2012 under the direction of Franca Cibecchini, Sabrina Marlier and Jean-Michel Minvielle.

This paper presents some results of the two excavation campaigns which were executed by a multidisciplinary team of 17-20 persons, focusing on the architectural study of the hull and the study of the dolia. Study of the dolia The preservation of the cargo of the wreck seems to be affected by two external factors. Firstly, a (probably deliberate) trawling manoeuvre including at least two, probably three passages from west to east, causing a dispersion of dolia fragments and of three individual dolia (Nos 8, 10 and 14) to more than 55 m distance from the hull. Secondly, a looting operation of the complementary amphora cargo before the trawling action. Only some amphora fragments, mostly consisting of spikes and few necks and bodies, occasionally stamped near the spike, were recovered, mainly belonging to the Dressel

Fig. 1. Plan of the Ouest Giraglia 2 site (DAO: Mourad El Amouri, Arkaeos).

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2-4 amphora type, produced in the coastal workshops of Hispania Tarraconensis. During the 2011 campaign the number and types of the dolia as well as their stamps were recorded and a virtual reconstruction of these big jars was made. The preliminary result is that the site includes at least 13, possibly 14, dolia of three different sizes. The smallest type is attested only by a fragment of a rim (dolium No. 3). The doliolium No. 10 (110 cm high, 90 cm wide) testifies to the presence of a medium size type, like the one from the Diano Marina and Ladispoli shipwrecks (Pallarès, 19951996; Carre, 1993). The biggest type is represented by dolium No. 14 (180 cm high, 170 cm wide). The majority of the dolia is more or less cylindrical – spheroidal, while the long, cylindrical type, known from the Ladispoli and Diano Marina sites, is lacking. To reconstruct the shape of the dolia in 2011 first ’classic’ methods were applied using photo modeller software and CAD to finalise the image on the basis of a drawing of a similar dolium from the Diano Marina wreck. As this method was ultimately too time-consuming and not accurate enough, a new approach was tried. During the last research campaign in Corsica in 2012 another photogrammetric system was tested for a few days on the wreck, in collaboration with Laurent Borel of the CNRS - CeAlex (Alexandria). This method seems to be more accurate and faster in producing profiles of complete dolia and the most important fragments.

In total nine different stamps were recorded. They are all in a planta pedis shape, sometimes associated with a figurative countermark. Three of these characters belong to the well-known Pirani-family, established near the Roman city of Minturnae, between the south of Latium and the north of Campania in Italy. The dolia produced by the slaves or the liberti of this family are known from at least eleven wrecks in the Western Mediterranean basin (Gianfrotta & Hesnard, 1987; Sciallano & Marlier, 2008). On the basis of some amphora and dolia stamps the main dating of the wreck seems to coincide with that of the Diano Marina wreck, dated to about AD 50. Nevertheless, the precise chronology of the wreck is still under discussion because of some other dolia stamps and important details for which dendrochronological analysis has been started together with radiocarbon analysis (ARTEMIS project). Aims of the architectural study The dolia shipwrecks are linked to the economical problematics of the bulk wine trade in the North-western Mediterranean basin between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD. Within this context the question arises whether or not these ships had a specific construction. Was this a type of ship especially designed

Fig. 2. Preserved hull of the Ouest Giraglia 2 shipwreck (Photo: Teddy Seguin).

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and built for the transport of dolia or could it be considered a standard merchant ship simply outfitted to carry dolia? Unfortunately, of the 15 dolia shipwrecks discovered since the beginning of the 1970s, only four (the Diano Marina, Grand Ribaud D, Ladispoli and La Giraglia 1 shipwrecks) yielded specific data on their construction (Pallarès, 1995-1996; Hesnard et al., 1988; Sciallano & Marlier, 2008). It is clear that these wrecks share some constructional similarities (Marlier, 2008), showing a strong hull structure, particularly well-made and neat, with the use of specific wood species, such as oak for the bottom of the hull. Only the Ladispoli shipwreck with its bottom well preserved provided enough clues to suggest that the dolia shipwrecks correspond to particular ships, built for the bulk wine trade (Carre, 1993). The Ouest Giraglia 2 shipwreck, with also a well preserved hull bottom, offers the opportunity to give some concrete answers to the hypotheses about the construction of these vessels. The archaeological remains of the hull measure c. 7.10 by 3 m and are related to the central part of the ship, consisting of the keel, the planking which includes five strakes of the eastern part of the hull and nine of the western part, and 29 framing timbers (fig. 2). The upper part of the framing was very deteriorated by teredo navalis and also by the abrasive current along the seabed. The buried part of the hull was well preserved with no apparent signs of degradation on the planking, except on the circumference of the hull. Furthermore, the hull was still structurally coherent with all elements connected together. The hull was recorded by a team of nautical archaeologists, including Sabrina Marlier, Carlos de Juan and Pierre Poveda. Standard techniques were applied, such as marking, measuring and drawing of the hull structure, including one longitudinal and two transversal sections, together with photography. As the site is relatively deep and dive time limited, it was difficult to realise a classic planimetry of the hull. Therefore a photogrammetric survey was done in 2010 by Carlos de Juan and photographer Teddy Seguin. This resulted in a precise 2D plan with a maximum difference of 20 mm of radius between the software point and the real measure. To complete the recording two sections of the hull were sawn off and raised to be recorded in dry conditions before being put back in place. One was taken from the keel and garboard in the south part of the site and the other consisted of floor timber M109 including a 15 cm wide section of the keel, the two garboards and starboard planks. This last sample gave a lot of information and allowed the construction of a 1:1 scale model by Carlos de Juan (fig. 4). Finally, wood samples were taken from all the preserved structures in order to identify the wood species used for the construction of the boat (fig. 3).

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Description of the architectural remains The keel was preserved for a length of 7.10 m and has a very particular shape: it is polygonal in section and flat. This means that it is slightly wider than it is high. No rabbet is present on the sides of the piece, but it was chamfered along its entire length, for the apposition of the garboard. This is of trapezoidal section, between 20 and 22 cm wide, and the side in contact with the keel was thicker than the side in contact with the third strake. In transversal section, the keel-garboard shows a slight projection with the upper side of the keel being slightly lower than the upper side of the garboard. In the central part of the hull, the garboard is placed against the chamfers of the keel and forms a slight return of the garboard, thus creating a flat bottom cross-section. On the other hand, on the raised section in the south end of the hull, the angle between the keel and the garboard begins to close, indicating one of the ship extremities. The planking is quite simple, carvel build. Only two diagonal scarfs were observed in the western part of the hull, which means that 11 planks were used for nine strakes. The planks were 15.5 to 37 cm wide and their thickness was relatively homogeneous, about 3.8 cm. The garboards were attached to the keel and the planks to each other by quincunx mortise-and-tenon joints. The planking-edge fasteners are set very close to one another. The mortises of the keel-garboard joints were spaced 6.3-6.5 cm for a width of 7.5 cm (ration of about 0.85). The joining pattern of the planking was less tight with mortises 8.5 cm wide for a spacing of 7.5 cm (ratio almost 0.90). The remains of 29 framing-timbers were recorded comprising 18 floor-timbers, five half-frames and four futtocks. The general framing-system shows a particular pattern of some alternating flat floor-timbers and half-frames in the southern part of the hull and a series of flat floor-timbers in the northern part. Four asymmetric floor-timbers could be observed in the western part from the third or the fifth strake which were extended by futtocks. None of the extremities of the half-frames or the futtocks with the floor-timbers were directly connected but were butt-jointed. This particular organisation of the framing-pattern was probably linked to the reinforcement of the hull-framing. In addition, the 10 cm wide frames show a regular and tight spacing of averagely 14 cm. The frames were rectangular in cross-section and 17 to 22 cm high. Their height was constant on each piece, even in the central part of the hull, testifying of long flat floor-timbers. Under the frames some heels and limber holes could be observed. The primary rectangular limber holes were on the axis of the keel and the other triangular limber holes were between the sixth and the seventh strakes. The frames were connected to the planking with treenails and iron nails. The treenails showed a dense

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Aleppo or Brutia Pine

Oak

Stone Pine

Holly Oak

Elm

AL117

Fig. 3. Plan of the shipwreck with wood species identification for each structure of the hull (DAO: Carlos de Juan; Coloring: Sandra Greck, Arkaeos).

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pattern of two to four treenails per plank per frame. The treenails in the eastern part of the keel were systematically placed on the south side of the frames while those in the western part were on the north side. The nails were inserted into the planks from outside. No nails appeared on the back or sides of the frames, as they were driven in with lost tips. Orientation of the ship One bronze bolt was observed in one floor-timber in the north part of the hull (M118) which was inserted from the outside to connect the floor timber to the keel and a not preserved timber on top of it. This timber would have been about 10 cm high, possibly a keelson or the mast-step. However, there were no marks on the back of the frames for the connection of such a timber. Assuming that one extremity of the hull was situated in the south end of the site and that the lacking timber at the north end of the keel would be the mast step, which is not unlikely as over the preserved 7 m of the hull no trace of the mast-step was found, than the bow of the ship would be oriented to the north and the stern to the south. No further indications for the location of the galley or the cabin have been found which would confirm the assumed orientation of the shipwreck (Sciallano & Marlier, 2008: 148). The only finds around the wreck were a sounding lead, a ring anchor and a metallic ring, perhaps for a mast. Xylological studies: some preliminary results A systematic analysis of the wood of different parts of the hull structure and the joining elements by Sandra Greck (Arkaeos association) proved that for each separate (class of) timber a specific wood species was used. For the keel holly oak (Quercus ilex L.) and for the garboard oak (Quercus sp.) was used, but for the planking Aleppo pine or brutia pine (Pinus brutia/halepensis) and stone pine (Pinus pinea L.). The frames were also made of oak (Quercus sp.) and elm (Ulmus sp.) and the joining elements (tenons, pegs and treenails) of holly oak (Quercus ilex L.), common ash (Fraxinus Excelsior L.) and narrow-leaved or manna ash (Fraxinus angustifolia/ ornus). Some conclusions on the characteristics of the ship and a hypothesis about shipbuilding The Ouest Giraglia 2 hull was built according to on a longitudinal and shell-first structural concept. The remains suffered of heavy erosion by current which impeded detail observations, like the transversal carpentry real height. Furthermore, the narrow space between floor timbers did not allow to observe in detail possible height

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differences between the keel and garboard position as is the case in the Ladispoli shipwreck (Carre, 1993). On the other hand, the transversal section at the extreme width of the hull in the middle of the wreck yielded completely new data on the keel’s height and form, rabbets, garboards, third strake shape, nails and external shell characteristics. The Ouest Giraglia 2 shipwreck shows some clear features of a robust hull, such as a strong arrangement of the mortises-and-tenons of the planking, a selection of strong species for the construction of the axial carpentry and also a tight framing-pattern with a succession of flat floor-timbers. The architectural system of shipwreck closely resembles that of the Ladispoli shipwreck, sharing a flat keel, a slight return of the garboard and a particular profile of the keel with the garboards which forms a small projection. This results in a flat bottom structure combined with a reinforced and tight framing system. This particular ship’s structure is probably directly related to the need to carry a heavy dolia cargo. In this respect the Ouest Giraglia 2 confirms the assumptions made on the basis of the construction of a dolia ship model by the nautical Office of the Centre Camille Jullian/CNRS in 2004 (Carre & Roman 2008). Subsequently, the dismounting of the M109 floor timber produced further information on parallels with other shipwrecks. Some pegs related to mortise-andtenon joints for the external hull planking were connected to the floor timber in the same way as in the 2nd century AD Saint Gervais 3 shipwreck (Liou & Gassend, 1990: 239). The M109 floor timber has an asymmetric profile (fig. 4). The part in contact with the keel has a rounded limber hole and a slightly stepped ‘heel’ shape which seems to create a height difference between the keel and garboards, presenting a profile that may coincide with de hull lines. On the lower side of the floor timber ‘heel’ traces of resin were present, as well in other shipwreck keel areas. The treenails were positioned obliquely in the sides to the keel. The lower side had holes which were related to the treenails, as well as three iron nails that fixed the floor timber to the garboards, and two pairs of small holes for mortise-andtenon joints. Study of the joining techniques might give clues about the sequence of steps in the building process. Experiments with the joining methods were done with a polystyrene model of this floor timber and in a second stage with a wooden model. The preliminary outcome is that the building process started with the keel and garboards, maybe followed by a second plank on starboard, and that the asymmetric floor timber was pre-erected to guide the building of the starboard side. The floor timber was glued to the keel in a perfect position and was fastened with iron nails to the garboard. This hypothesis about a pre-erected frame must be confirmed by further study of the Ouest Giraglia 2’s hull, dismounting other floor timbers. Due to the absence of at least one preserved hull end it is at present impossible to reconstruct the dimensions

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Fig. 4. Experimental model of a section of the shipwreck’s hull (M109) (Realization and photo: Carlos de Juan).

and the tonnage of the vessel. The 3D-reconstruction of the cargo which is now being developed might supply some further indications. By comparing other dolia shipwrecks which have ships timbers of similar dimensions such as the keel and frames, it can be estimated that the original vessel was not more than 22 m long, 7 m wide and less than 2 m high (Marlier, 2008: 173). Thus, it belongs to the category of small tonnage vessels, less than 70 t. The reconstruction of the building process in relation to the dolia emplacement still leaves several options open, but in our view, the most probable scenario is that the dolia were inserted in the hull after the underwater body was finished. As the dolia were made of Campanian clay and carried Pirani-family stamps they were therefore produced in near Minturnae. Assuming that shipyards were present in the Minturnae area, the Ladispoli, Ouest Giraglia 2 and probably other dolia shipwrecks could show features of a shipbuilding tradition in this part of the Italic coast, where shipwrights applied their traditional shipbuilding knowledge to construct these particular flat bottom ships in the beginning of the first century AD. Possibly these ships reflect features of a river-­sea architectural system to produce fluvio-maritime type ships in the South Lazio coast which later were transformed into the specialized dolia ones. The dolia ships were specific small boats adapted to this type of transport and, due to their particular construction and modest size were able to sail in different shipping zones and in particular to cross the Rhone bar to go up river. The dolia ships were thus of a fluvio-maritime type.

Gianfrotta, P.A. & Hesnard, A., 1987. Ladispoli e del Grand Ribaud D. In: El vi a l’antiguitat. Economia, producció i comerç al Mediterrani ccidental, Actas, I col.loqui d’arqueologia romana. Badalona: 285-297. Hesnard, A., Carre, M.-B. & Rival, M. et al., 1988. L’épave romaine Grand Ribaud D. Archaeonautica 8. CNRS Editions. Paris. Hesnard, A., 1997. Entrepôts et navires à dolia: l’invention du transport du vin en vrac, In: D. Garcia & D. Meeks (ed.), Actes du colloque International Techniques et économies antiques et médiévales «Le Temps de l’Innovation», Aix-en-Provence, mai 1996. Paris: 130-131. Liou, B. & Gassend, J.-M., 1990. L’épave Saint-Gervais 3 à Fossur-Mer (milieu du IIè siècle pr. J.-C.). Inscriptions peintes sur amphores de Bétique. Vestiges de la coque. Archaeonautica 10. CNRS Editions. Paris: 157-264. Marlier, S., 2008. Architecture et espace de navigation des navires à dolia. Archaeonautica 15. CNRS Editions. Paris: 153-173. Marlier, S. & Sibella, P., 2002. La Giraglia, a dolia wreck of the 1st century BC from Corsica, France: study of its hull remains. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 31. 2: 161-171. Pallarés, F., 1995-96. Il relitto a dolia del Golfo Dianese: nuovi elementi. Bollettino di Archeologia Subacquea, 1-2: 127-139. Sciallano, M., 1993. L’épave à dolia de Cala di Conca (Corse du Sud). Rapport d’expertise (dépôt et consultation DRASSM, Marseille). Sciallano, M. & Marlier, S., 2008. L’épave à dolia de l’île de la Giraglia (Haute-Corse). Archaeonautica 15. CNRS Editions, Paris: 113-151.

References Carre, M.-B., 1993. L’épave à dolia de Ladispoli (Etrurie méridionale), étude des vestiges de la coque. Archaeonautica 11. CNRS Editions, Paris: 9-29. Corsi-Sciallano, M. & Liou, B., 1985. Les épaves de Tarraconaise à chargement d’amphores Dressel 2-4. Archaeonautica 5. CNRS Editions, Paris.

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41. Transport with class. The large Nordic cargo ship from Karschau near Schleswig (Germany) Anton Englert

Introduction In January 2000, the remains of a large clinker-built cargo vessel were found at extreme low water at the hamlet of Karschau, on the north bank of the Schlei fjord, in the ancient border region between Germany and Denmark. The Karschau ship was excavated in 2001 by the archaeological state service of SchleswigHolstein (ALSH) under the direction of Hans Joachim Kühn (Englert et al., 2002). In a landscape dominated by the archaeological importance of the Viking-Age port of Hedeby, the 12th-century ship find of Karschau provides evidence of the continued use of large Nordic clinker-built cargo ships after the Viking Age and the fall of Hedeby in 1066, highlighting the importance of Schleswig as a medieval port of trade at the southern rim of the Danish kingdom. This article presents the dating, dimensions and constructional features of this remarkable ship-find. The size and style of the vessel

make it possible to identify the social status and economic expectations of its owners. Excavation and documentation On 30th January 2000, a strong and long-lasting westerly gale caused a state of extreme low water in the Schlei fjord, so that the tips of frames and the mast biti of a hitherto unknown wreck lay exposed on a shallow sandbank c. 60 m off the north bank of the Schlei at the hamlet of Karschau, c. 25 km north-east of the city of Schleswig (fig. 1). A local inhabitant discovered the wooden remains just outside his garden at the waterfront. After a few reconnaissance visits at the site, an intensive underwater investigation was carried out from 2nd to 10th of May 2000 (Englert et al., 2000). All loose-­ lying timbers, which were in danger of floating away or being attacked by shipworms were recovered from the

Fig. 1. The wreck site off Karschau in the Schlei fjord near Schleswig, Germany (Drawing: Arnold Hebel, ALSH).

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site and taken to Schleswig for preservation. One year later, from 5th of June to 27th of July 2001, the ship-find from Karschau was fully excavated. All remaining parts of the wreck were recovered by SCUBA-diving archaeologists, geologists and biologists from the centre for scientific diving of the University of Kiel. All recovered finds were cleaned, photographed, registered in a database and transported to the conservation unit of the Archäologisches Landesmuseum in Schleswig (Stiftung Schloß Gottorf). After the completion of the excavation, all non-wooden finds such as caulking material, linden-bast rope, bones and plant material were passed on to specialists for further investigation. The wooden finds were drawn in full scale on transparent plastic film. Afterwards, the drawings were digitally scanned for documentation and for the purpose of building a cardboard model in 1:10 scale. Finally, all wooden parts were treated with polyethylene glycol (PEG) for conservation. All recovered parts of the Karschau ship remain in the care of the Archäologisches Landesmuseum in Schleswig. Description of the preserved parts The Karschau find consists mostly of the port-side afterbody of a large clinker-built ship (fig. 2). The wreck site including all disconnected timbers covered an area of c. 20 x 6 m. The coherent afterbody measured 12 x 3.5 m, lying about parallel to the shore with the after stem pointing east-northeast. The uppermost parts of the wreck lay at c. 1.10 m below ordnance datum (Normal Null). Of the planking, there were the remains of 13 strakes (1B-13B) left on port side and of two strakes on starboard side (1S-2S). The two lowest strakes on either side were still reaching as far aft as to the after stem. The after ends of all other strakes are lost together with the upper part of the after stem. Amidships and forward of it, the keel and planking are broken off or eroded. Various loose ship parts were scattered to the west of the coherent remains. Only few of them could be identified as parts belonging to the lost forebody. The remains of 11 frames (4A-14A) were still lying in their original places. The frames consisted mostly of floor timbers, bitis, and biti knees. Above the bitis no beams were preserved. The loose find of a beam stanchion bears witness of deck beams and an afterdeck. The keelson is not preserved. The former positions of the frames 16A and 3A to frame 0 (the frame closest to the mast position) could be recognised from rows of treenails in the planking. The original position of frame 15A could not be established with certainty. After the completion of the cardboard model in 1:10 scale, it was possible to insert the loose-found mast biti and to number all frames in a logical order, beginning from the mast frame (0), counting aft from frame position 1A to the aftermost observed frame position 16A.

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All recovered ship timbers are made of oak (Quercus). According to the analysis of 17 samples, six of them with sapwood preserved, the timber for the Karschau ship was felled c. 1145 in the region around Little Belt, most likely on the island of Funen (Daly, 2007a.). In-laid caulking material made of wool and calf hair staples were found on all lands and on the scarf between after stem and keel (Möller-Wiering, 2000). The seams between the keel and the garboard strakes were covered with tar. There are no saw marks on any of the ship’s parts. Almost all parts show traces of decorative mouldings. All inner edges of the planks are marked with a single groove, often accompanied by a second groove or edge at c. 3 cm distance. All free edges of the keel and the frame elements show a similar single groove. In addition to the moulding, many free-standing edges are bevelled. Some of the timbers appear to have been chopped with axes. The ship was probably broken up after its abandonment. The remaining length of the keel is 7.84 m. All blind nails in the garboard land had square shanks. At its broken-off midship end near frame 4A, the keel has a Y-shaped cross-section, 28.5 cm wide and 17.5 cm high, with pronounced flanges for riveting on the garboards. Forward of frame 11A there sat a plug in a little draining hole. Between frames 11A and 12A, the upper surface of the keel is smooth but substantially worn by the frequent bailing of bilge water with a wooden bailer of some rounded shape. That means that this area had served as the ship’s bailing bilge, probably lying lowest in longitudinal direction, when the vessel was under way. This bailing bilge must have been accessible through removable planks of the after deck. Consequently, the cargo hold cannot have extended further aft than frame 11A. Together with the after part of the keel, a 2.57 m long, lower fragment of the after stem was found. It was scarfed vertically to the keel, from starboard side. On its starboard side there are remains of a proud surface that continued as idealised prolongation of the second strake upward toward the after stem top, parallel to the curvature of its underside. This feature is proof of high aesthetic demands to the shape of the bow and stern. All plank edges were ideally merging at the stem top. The Karschau ship was clinker-built with overlapping planks that were connected to each other by iron rivets. The preserved planks are radially cleft out of oak trunks with only few large knots. They vary in width between 23 and 29 cm. The longest preserved plank, with a length of 5.75 m, belongs to the fourth strake on port side (4B). Their cross-section is elliptical with a thickness of 2.5 to 3.9 cm in the middle and 1.5-2.5 cm along the edges. The fully corroded rivets left half round, half-rectangular holes of 7 mm diameter. The roves of the rivets were rhombic and rectangular shaped with 2.0 to 3.2 cm side length. The average distance between the rivets is 7.5 cm. The sides of the preserved floor timbers are approximately parallel. Their sided width varies between 7.5 and 10 cm. The treenails joining the frame elements to the planking are 3.2 to 3.4 cm in diameter. Their heads

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Fig. 2. Karschau. Torso drawing and cross-sections of the coherent find, with the loose-found mast biti and the reconstructed frames 15A and 16A added (Drawings: Egon Petersen, ALSH, Morten Ravn and Vibeke Bischoff, Viking Ship Museum).

are lentil-shaped. Lars Fischer, University of Kiel, has determined two of the treenails as made of pine, Pinus, and willow, Salix. A treenail wedge was determined as oak, Quercus. The frame spacing increases stepwise from 53 cm at the reconstructed mast position (between the mast frame 0 and frame 1A abaft) to 89 cm just forward

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of the observed bailing bilge (between frames 11A and 12A), averaging 66.4 cm for the preserved length of the cargo hold. Apart from the floor timbers, there are also remains of bitis, i.e. lower beams that lay across every floor timber. The most impressive remainder of the biti-system is the

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mast biti, which was found lying loose, forward of the eroded part of the keel. The mast biti deserves its name from two curved projections, which were left proud on one of its after side in order to give some support to the mast and mast step. Seen in longitudinal direction, the mast biti is a yoke-shaped beam with a deep and wide recess allowing for a tight fit across the non-preserved keelson. Near the stern, several loose frame parts were found. They might be parts of frames 15A and 16A (fig. 3). A floor timber and a biti stanchion belonged to frame 15A. Another floor timber, a biti and a beam stanchion may have belonged to frame 16A. In that case, the beam stanchion indicates the level of a deck beam supporting an after deck. Apart from the mast biti, one sheave-less block and some linden-bast cordage, no parts of the rigging are preserved. Characteristic features, shipbuilding tradition, size and function Iron rivets, animal hair caulking, the presence of bitis and the decorative mouldings place the Karschau ship well into the so-called Nordic clinker-building tradition (Bill, 1997: 154; Englert et al., 2002; see Bill, 2009: 435437 for a revised terminology). The parallel sides of the floor timbers and the observed presence of single groove mouldings are post-Viking-Age features. The biti-system went out of use in Southern Scandinavia after the 12th century (Bill, 1997: 154; Bill, 1995). Mast bitis of a similar shape are known from the ship-finds Ellingå from 1163 (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1992; Bonde et al., 1991: 234-235) and Galtabäck 1 from c. 1195 (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1981: 60-61; Daly, 1998). Carrying a contemporary single square sail, the mast would have been positioned slightly forward of the longitudinal centre of the vessel. If one assumes that the longitudinal centre of the original hull lay near the first frame abaft the mast (1A), and allows for a circular after-stem curvature, an average length over all of c. 26 m emerges. Judging from the curvature of the preserved frames (fig. 2), the vessel had a beam of c. 6.8 m. Its overall size, the probable length-beam ratio of 3.8 and the decreasing frame spacing towards the mast position indicate that this ship was built as a pure sailing vessel, which only occasionally could be manoeuvred by oars. The shorter frame spacing amidships was suitable for carrying heavy loads, so that the ship could be used as a cargo ship for trade or for the logistics of warfare. With these characteristics and a building date of c. 1145, the Karschau ship can best be compared with the slightly smaller cargo-ship-find Lynæs 1 from c. 1140 (fig. 4). Based on the reconstruction of the lines of Lynæs 1, it appears reasonable to roughly estimate the cargo capacity of the Karschau ship to c. 60 t (Englert, 2000: 55-89). With this size, the Karschau ship belongs to the

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largest group of archaeologically known cargo vessels having sailed in Danish waters in the 12th century (table 1) (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1999: 18; Englert, 2003). Within this group, Karschau belongs to a specific class of large cargo vessels built in the Nordic clinker-building tradition, consisting of the ship-finds Roskilde 4, Lynæs 1, Lynæs 2, Karschau, Skanör and Erritsø. Four of them ended their service in fjord waters leading to two of the most important centres of Denmark in the 12th century - to Roskilde and Schleswig. The use of these ships coincides with the urbanisation and Christianisation of the western and southern Baltic Sea area, when an urban culture of trade and craftsmanship developed alongside a traditional land-owning and slave-holding society (Skyum-Nielsen, 1971: 114-119; Andrén, 1985: 253261; Blomkvist, 2005). Seagoing ships of that size, suitable for long and profitable voyages in the entire Baltic and North Sea area, could only be commissioned by the wealthiest members of the Danish society (Englert, 2000: 143-145; Englert, 2003: 278-279). During the second part of the 12th century, ships of the Kollerup-Bremen tradition, ‘cogs’ by archaeological definition, made their entry as heavily timbered cargo ships growing in size, numbers and significance for North European trade (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2000; Hocker & Daly, 2006). Local context The Karschau wreck lay on an eroded headland sticking out into the navigable water depth of 3-4 m. The depth of 1.1 m at the uppermost parts of the wreck coincides with the scientifically assumed average water level in the 12th century (Englert et al., 2000: 36-37). The ship may have been lost due to bad pilotage, storm, or when drifting at anchor. One can neither exclude the possibility that the vessel was taken out of service deliberately. In any case, the state of the wreck indicates that all accessible parts of ship and cargo were removed and used for secondary purposes. Most likely, the ship ended at the northern bank of the Schlei fjord on the way to or from the rich port of Schleswig. The privileged status of the duchy of Schleswig within the medieval kingdom of Denmark was to a large degree based on the strategic position of Schleswig and the Schlei at the root of Jutland in terms of trade and defence. Before Lübeck’s German merchants with their short transport connection to Hamburg and the Elbe inherited Schleswig’s position as an international port around 1200, the Schlei was a highly frequented waterway for communication between the Baltic Region and the trade centres of northwest Europe and the Rhineland (Radtke, 1981; Hoffmann, 1983; Radtke, 1995; Vogel, 1999). The find of the Karschau ship contributes to the historical and archaeological evidence of Schleswig as an important port of trade in the 12th century.

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Fig. 3. Karschau. Frames 16A and 15A, reconstructed from two floor timbers, one biti stanchion, one biti and one beam stanchion found loose near the after stem (Drawings: Egon Petersen, ALSH and Vibeke Bischoff, Viking Ship Museum).

Fig. 4. Hypothetical sail plan of the large Nordic clinker-built cargo ship Lynæs 1 of c. 1140, found at the mouth of the Roskilde Fjord, Denmark (Drawing: Morten Gøthche, Viking Ship Museum).

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Table 1. Dimensions and cargo capacities of large cargo vessels found at the coasts of 12th-century Denmark. All displacements refer to a draught of 60 % height. The cargo capacities of the ship-finds Roskilde 4, Karschau, Lynæs 2 and Kolding are estimated only (References for the other ship-finds in Table 1: Roskilde 4: Myrhøj & Gøthche, 1997; Bill et al., 2000; Gøthche, 2006. Dating: Bonde & Daly, 1998: 298. Lynæs 1 & 2: Crumlin-Pedersen, 1979; Englert, 2000. Dating: Bonde & Daly, 2000: 331; Daly, 2008. Skanör (Knösen): Hörberg, 1995: 123-125; Fransson, 1997. Kollerup cog: Kohrtz Andersen, 1983; Jensen, 1999: B44-45; Hocker & Daly, 2006. Dating: Daly, 2007a: 162-165. Erritsø: Ussing, 1929; Bill, 1997: 165, Fig. 72. Dating: Bonde & Daly, 1998: 295. Kolding cog: Hocker & Daly, 2006. Dating: Daly, 2007b: 78-84). Ship-find

Felling date

Roskilde 4 Lynæs 1 Lynæs 2 Karschau Skanör Kollerup cog Erritsø Kolding cog

1108/1113 c. 1140 after c. 1140 c. 1145 1148/1153 c. 1150 c. 1180 1189

Timber provenance Southwest Sweden Southwest Sweden South Jutland Funen South Jutland South Jutland South Jutland

Length (m) c. 20.5 c. 25 c. 25 c. 26 c. 20 c. 20.9 c. 20 c. 19.25

Ratio L/B

Draught (m) c. 1.5 c. 1.51

Displ. (t)

4.2

c. 1.35

c. 65

c. 42

2.5

0.20

c. 90

c. 70

3.1 3.8

c. 75

3.8

Cargo capacity (t) c. 50 c. 57 50-60 c. 60

Conclusion

References

The Karschau ship of c. 1145 belonged to a distinguished class of large cargo vessels representing a Danish society and economy that underwent rapid change in the face of international influence and competition. At the same time, the Karschau ship and its class also mark the peak of a continuous development in traditional Nordic clinker-boatbuilding with its light hulls, elegant lines and aesthetic standards in Southern Scandinavia, few years before heavily built bottom-based ships were introduced to transport ever growing amounts of bulk cargo within the efficient network of Hanseatic trade.

Andrén, Anders, 1985. Den urbana scenen. Städer och samhälle i det medeltida Danmark. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 8°, Nr. 13. Malmö. Bill, Jan, 1995. Getting into business - Reflections of a market economy in medieval Scandinavian shipbuilding. In: Olaf Olsen et al. (eds), Shipshape. Essays for Ole Crumlin-Pedersen on the occasion of his 60th anniversary February 24th 1995. Roskilde: 195-202. Bill, Jan, 1997. Small Scale Seafaring in Danish Waters AD 10001600. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. University of Copenhagen. Bill, Jan, 2009. From Nordic to North European. Application of multiple correspondence analysis in the study of changes in Danish shipbuilding A.D. 900 to 1600. In: Ronald Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 429-437. Blomkvist, Nils, 2005. The Discovery of the Baltic. The reception of a Catholic World-System in the European North (AD 1075-1225). The Northern World 15. Leiden & Boston. Bonde, Niels, Christensen, Kjeld, Eriksen, Orla H. & Havemann, Kent, 1991. Dendrokronologiske dateringsundersøgelser på Nationalmuseet. Arkæologiske udgravninger i Danmark 1990: 226-242. Bonde, Niels & Daly, Aoife, 1998. Dendrokronologiske undersøgelser fra arkæologiske udgravninger i Danmark 1997 Nationalmuseet. Arkæologiske udgravninger i Danmark 1997: 293-325.

Acknowledgements I am deeply indebted to Dr. Hans-Joachim Kühn for engaging me as a consultant during the primary investigation and the excavation of the Karschau ship, and for letting me analyse it as part of my doctoral dissertation (Englert, 2000: 90-100; see Englert, 2015 for revised and enlarged version). The success of the excavation relied on the attention and assistance of its finder, Gerd Pieper, the professional team of the Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein in collaboration with the Archäologisches Landesmuseum in Schleswig (Stiftung Schloß Gottorf), the highly motivated Arbeitsgruppe Maritime und Limnische Archäologie (AMLA) and the centre for scientific diving of the University of Kiel. I also would like to thank my colleagues from the National Museum of Denmark and the Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde who helped me with the analysis of this find.

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Beam (m) c. 6.6 c. 6.5 c. 6.8 c. 4.92 c. 4.2 c. 7.55

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41. Transport with class Bonde, Niels & Daly, Aoife, 2000. Dendrokronologiske undersøgelser 1999. Arkæologiske udgravninger i Danmark 1999: 326-339. Crumlin-Pedersen, Ole, 1979. Lynæsskibet og Roskilde søvej. 13 bidrag til Roskilde by og omegn’s historie. Roskilde: 65-77. Crumlin-Pedersen, Ole, 1981. Skibe på havbunden. Vragfund i danske farvande fra perioden 600-1400. Årbog 1981, Handels- og Søfartsmuseet på Kronborg: 28-65. Crumlin-Pedersen, Ole, 1992. Ellingåskibet - fundet og genfundet. Årbog 1991, Bangsbo Museum: 31-47. Crumlin-Pedersen, Ole, 1999. Ships as indicators of trade in Northern Europe 600-1200. In: Jan Bill & Birthe L. Clausen (eds), Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town. PNM Studies in Archaeology & History 4, Copenhagen: 11-20. Crumlin-Pedersen, Ole, 2000. To be or not to be a cog: the Bremen Cog in perspective. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 29: 230-246. Daly, Aoife, 1998. Dendrokronologisk undersøgelse af skibsvrag Galtabäck 1 fra Galtabäck, Sverige. Nationalmuseets Natur­ videnskabelige Undersøgelser rapport 37/1998. København. Daly, Aoife, 2007a. The Karschau Ship, Schleswig-Holstein: Dendrochronological Results and Timber provenance. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36: 155-166. Daly, Aoife, 2007b. Timber, Trade and Tree-rings. A dendrochronological analysis of structural oak timber in Northern Europe, c. AD 1000 to c. AD 1650. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Southern Denmark, Esbjerg. Daly, Aoife, 2008. Lynæs J.nr. 2526. Dendro.dk rapport 6 (unpublished). Englert, Anton, 2000. Large Cargo Vessels in Danish Waters AD 1000-1250. Ph.D. thesis, Universität Kiel. Englert, Anton, 2003. Large Cargo Vessels in Danish Waters 1000-1250. Archaeological Evidence for Professional Merchant Seafaring before the Hanseatic Period. In: Carlo Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 273-280. Englert, Anton, Fischer, Jan, Hartz, Sönke, Kühn, Hans Joachim & Nakoinz, Oliver, 2000. Ein nordisches Frachtschiff des 12. Jahrhunderts in der Schlei vor Karschau, Kreis SchleswigFlensburg. Ein Vorbericht. Archäologische Nach­richten aus Schleswig-Holstein 11: 34-57. Englert, Anton, Kühn, Hans Joachim & Nakoinz, Oliver, 2002. Das Wrack von Karschau - ein nordisches Lastschiff aus dem 12. Jahrhundert. In: Christian Radtke (ed.), Beretning fra enogtyvende tværfaglige vikingesymposium. Aarhus: 7-24. Englert, Anton, 2015. Large Cargo Ships in Danish Waters 10001250. Specialised merchant seafaring prior to the Hanseatic Period. Ships and Boats of the North 7. Roskilde. Fransson, Robert, 1997. Knösen - en presentation av vraket Preliminär undersökning Vellinge Kommun, Malmöhus Län, Skanors socken [Höllviken].

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Gøthche, Morten, 2006. The Roskilde ships. In: Lucy Blue et al. (eds), Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxford: 252-258. Hocker, Fred & Daly, Aoife, 2006. Early cogs, Jutland boatbuilders, and the connection between East and West before AD 1250. In: Lucy Blue et al. (eds), Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 187-194. Hoffmann, Erich, 1983. Die schrittweise Ablösung Schleswigs durch Lübeck als wichtigstes Seehandelszentrum an der westlichen Ostsee (ca. 1150-1250). Lübecker Schriften zur Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte 7: 39-46. Hörberg, Per U., 1995. Nuts, Bricks and Pewter - preliminary notes on three new ship-finds in Scania, Sweden. In: Olaf Olsen et al. (eds), Shipshape. Essays for Ole-Crumlin-Pedersen. On the occasion of his 60th anniversary February 24th 1995. Roskilde: 123-126. Jensen, Kenn, 1999. Documentation and Analysis of Ancient Ships. Copenhagen. Kohrtz Andersen, Per, 1983. Kollerupkoggen. Thisted. Möller-Wiering, Susan, 2000. Caulking analysis of the shipfinds Lynæs 1, Karschau & Haderslev. In: Anton Englert (ed.), Large Cargo Vessels in Danish Waters AD 1000-1250. Ph.D. thesis, Universität Kiel: 196-200. Myrhøj, Hanne Marie & Morten Gøthche, 1997. The Roskilde Ships. Maritime Archaeology Newsletter from Roskilde, Denmark 8: 3-7. Radtke, Christian, 1981. Schleswig und Soest. Einige Beobach­ tungen aus Schleswiger Sicht. Soester Zeitschrift 92/93: 433-478. Radtke, Christian, 1995. Die Entwicklung der Stadt Schleswig: Funktionen, Strukturen und die Anfänge der Gemeindebildung. In: Erich Hoffmann & Frank Lubowitz (eds), Die Stadt im westlichen Ostseeraum. Vorträge zur Stadtgründung und Stadterweiterung im hohen Mittelalter 1. Kieler Werkstücke. Reihe A: Beiträge zur schleswig-holsteinischen und skandinavischen Geschichte 14, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, New York, Paris & Wien: 47-91. Skyum-Nielsen, Niels, 1971. Kvinde og Slave. Danmarkshistorie uden retouche 3. København. Ussing, Henrik, 1929. Et gammelt Skib ved Lille Bælt. Politiken 19th July 1929. Vogel, Volker, 1999. Der Schleswiger Hafen im hohen und späten Mittelalter. In: Jan Bill & Birthe L. Clausen (eds), Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town. PNM Studies in Archaeology & History 4. Copenhagen: 187-196.

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42. Construction technique of the Yenikapi 20 shipwreck, found in the Harbour of Theodosius (Istanbul, Turkey) Taner Güler

The Harbour of Theodosius and the shipwrecks The excavations for the Marmaray-Metro transfer station in Istanbul which started in 2004 revealed the world’s largest medieval shipwreck collection. The shipwrecks were found in a former harbour area, that historically was called Portus Theodosiacus, named after the Emperor Theodosius I. After the city of Constantinople became the capital of the Roman Empire, the city population started to grow rapidly. Therefore grain that was coming from Alexandria was very important for the city and it has been indicated that the grain was stored in granaries around the Harbour of Theodosius (MüllerWiener, 1998: 8-9). In the beginning, grain transports were carried out by seagoing ships from Egypt directly to Constantinople. Later, Emperor Justinian had massive granaries built on the island of Tenedos, allowing the ships to unload their cargo here and to avoid unfavourable weather conditions. Therefore transportation of grain was carried out by smaller ships (Müller-Wiener, 1998: p. 18).

After the 7th century, following the Arabian invasion of Egypt, the grain transports between Constantinople and Alexandria ended and the Harbour of Theodosius was used for close-range transportation and fishery. Around the 11th century the west side of the harbour started to silt up by the river Lykos and activities in the harbour moved to the eastern section. Archaeological excavations show that at the end of the 12th century almost all sections of the harbour were silted up and only a small area was left for fishing boats. The Yenikapi 20 shipwreck The Harbour of Theodosius site includes 36 shipwrecks (the largest medieval shipwreck collection so far), which are being studied by experts of the Department of Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects of Istanbul University. The archaeological remains will give unique information about the typology of ships, the construction techniques and the evolution of these

Fig. 1. Cleaning, labelling and documenting the Yenikapi 20 wreck.

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281

Fig. 2. Total Station recording of the ship’s structure.

techniques. Therefore the so-called ‘Yenikapı Byzantine Shipwrecks’ Project is considered as one of the most important projects in current nautical archaeology. The Yenikapı 20 (YK20) shipwreck has been found in the eastern section of the area, 0.70–1.00 m below sea level. The shipwreck is dated to the 9th-10th century according to 14C-dating. The preserved length of the ship is 8.76 m, while the width is 2.30 m. There are 29 timber floors preserved of the original ship in addition to the keel, the mast step, a wale and 21 planks. Studies on the Yenikapı 20 shipwreck were started and completed in 2008. In the field, first a protective tent had been built. After the shipwreck was cleaned, all individual parts were labelled and documented (fig. 1). For in situ documentation a Total Station system was used for 3D drawings and a photomosaic system for an aerial view of the shipwreck (figs 2-3). A new technology for 1:1 scale drawing was used. Thanks to this 3D drawing unit (called Digitizer) it was possible to transfer all ship elements and the details into to a computer digital recording system. Samples have been taken from every piece for 14 C-analysis and based on the results the YK20 shipwreck

was dated to the end of the 9th and beginning of the 10th century. Also wood samples for identifying tree species have been sent to the Laboratories of Istanbul University, Faculty of Forestry (table 1). There were no remains of the mast of the ship, but the mast step has been found intact. The mast step fitted on floor timbers through notches on its bottom side. There are two slots; one for the mast and the other must be for its support. Until the early stages of the Middle Ages, ships were built according to a technique known as ‘shell-based’, which involved the construction of the shell and then fitting the frames in it. The following features indicate ‘shell-based’ construction: −− Symmetry between port and starboard planking, −− Fastening of the garboards to the keel using tree nails. On the other hand, the modern technology called ‘framebased’ involved the construction of the skeleton first and then fitting the planking on it, which required re-planning and designing. One of the most widely accepted theses on the spread of ‘frame-based’ technique is that it required less material, manpower and time. For example, drilling numerous mortises took much time and

Fig. 3. Photomosaic of the Yenikapi 20 shipwreck.

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Table 1. Results of the wood species analysis.

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effort which was needed for the ‘shell-based’ technique and not for the ‘frame-based’ technique. The features indicating ‘frame-based’ construction are: −− Homogeneity of frame dimensions, −− Frames set at close intervals, −− Most of the floor timbers bolted to the keel, −− Lack of edge fasteners.

understand clearly the edge-joint systematic and their building technology in our future studies (Kocabaş et al., 2010). The Yenikapı 20 wreck is important since it exactly reflects an example of the mixed construction used in the Marmara Region at the Mid-Byzantine Period.

How the transition between these two technologies happened is a matter of debate. Like most of the Yenikapı ships that dated to the 9th-10th centuries, YK20 has its planking strakes below the waterline leveled off with their edge-joints in the form of small coaks. This coak system possibly represents the last ring in the transition to ‘frame-based’ construction for it was used minimally. As the Yenikapı shipwrecks are better preserved than those uncovered from under the sea we will be able to

References Kocabaş U., Kocabaş I., Türkmenoğlu E., Güler T. & Kılıç N., 2010. Yenikapı Batıkları Konservasyon ve Rekonstrüksiyon Projesi. Kargir Yapılarda Koruma ve Onarım Semineri II, İstanbul, Seminer Bildiri Kitabı: 70-73. Müller-Wiener W., 1998. Bizans’tan Osmanlı’ya İstanbul Limanları. Tarih Vakfı yurt Yayınları, İstanbul: 8-18.

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43. Barceloneta I. An Atlantic 15th-century ship in Barcelona (Catalonia, Spain) and the evolution of naval technology in the Mediterranean Marcel Pujol i Hamelink, Mikel Soberón Rodriguez, Marta Dominguez Delmás, Yolanda Llergo López, Santiago Riera Mora & Ramon Julià Brugues

Introduction

Historical background

The Barceloneta area of Barcelona was first established when fisherman, sailors and others connected to the sea moved there from the ‘La Ribera’ quarter which was destroyed in 1714, at the end of the Spanish War of Succession. The new buildings which sprang up were built directly on top of the marine sediments which had been accumulating there since the end of the 15th century and it was these sediments which preserved the wreck discovered and excavated there in 2008.1

The area of the shipwreck site, which was called Barceloneta I, dates back to the 13th century. In this period in the Middle Ages the geopolitical situation in the Mediterranean took an important turn for several reasons. During the 11th and 12th centuries almost all maritime trading on the Mediterranean was under the control of two states, Genoa and Venice. They together controlled maritime activity between the most important eastern cities which were connected

Fig. 1. Map of Barcelona and Barceloneta I (Map: M. Soberón).

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with the Silk and Spice routes (Alexandria, Beirut and Constantinople). They were also the gateways through which pilgrims and troops from all over Europe passed on their way to the ports of the Holy Land. In the 11th century almost all of the Iberian Peninsula was in the hands of the Muslims. They controlled an enormous territory in the south known as al-Andalus. However, there were a series of small Christian states in the North: (from east to west) the Catalan counties, the Kingdom of Aragón, the Kingdom of Navarra, the Kingdom of Castille and the Kingdom of León. In the 13th century, there was an important expansion of Christian states in the Iberian Peninsula, to the detriment of al-Andalus. Portugal as well as Castille and León and the Crown of Aragón (made up of the Catalan counties and the Kingdom of Aragón) expanded towards the south, reducing al-Andalus to a minimum, to what would become known as the Kingdom of Granada until it disappeared in 1492. The Crown of Aragón extended along the Mediterranean coast as far as Murcia, and out into the Mediterranean towards the Balearic Islands. In 1282, a revolution known as the Sicilian Vespers broke out in Sicily and the island was taken under control, as was Sardinia at a later stage. Consequently the situation in the Mediterranean changed drastically between the beginning and the end of the 13th century. This was when a third Mediterranean power, the Crown of Aragón, which had its political centre in Barcelona, joined Genoa and Venice. This Crown expanded territorially over the Mediterranean with the clear intention of controlling trade with the Orient, thus becoming Genoa’s biggest rival. Another important factor is that during the Dark Ages trade between the Mediterranean region and the North of Europe was basically carried out by land and river. The expansion of the Christian Kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula allowed the Kingdom of Castille to take control of the Strait of Gibraltar from the middle of the 13th century, which permitted the opening of a new maritime route to Flanders and England, specifically to Bruges and Southampton. There is documentary evidence that Genoese, Majorcans and Catalans were there from the year 1280 and shortly thereafter the Venetians arrived (Garcí� a, 1977). As a result there were vessels sailing regularly from the Mediterranean towards the English and Flemish coasts. From the end of the 13th century the inhabitants of these Atlantic coasts became used to seeing ships sailing from the Mediterranean. Mediterranean ship types in the 13th-15th centuries There were great engineering differences between the Mediterranean and Atlantic worlds. The naval tradition on the Mediterranean was based on the building of ships with a frame-first hull, carvel planking, the use of a lateen sail as a means of propulsion, and the use of two side rudders. Meanwhile the Baltic and Atlantic

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naval tradition was based on shell-first construction, clinker planking and the use of a stern rudder. The border between these two naval traditions was situated in Oporto, in the northern part of Portugal (Lixa, 1991). If the presence of seafarers and merchants from the Mediterranean was normal in Bruges and Southampton, the same could not be said for sightings of English and Flemish ships in the Mediterranean. Throughout the 14th century more than 90% of the Atlantic ships in the Mediterranean came from the Basque Country and Cantabria and these were normally called Biscains as they came from the Bay of Biscay (Pujol, 2012: 169-189). From the 15th century there is documentary evidence of the arrival of ships from Galicia and Portugal, but those coming from Brittany, Flanders or England were always the exception (Carrère, 1967; Treppo, 1968; Garcia Sanz, 1977). Consequently, Atlantic marine engineering present in the Mediterranean from the 14th century had its roots in the Bay of Biscay. Catalan naval iconography clearly shows us the differences between the large merchant ships of the 13th century and those of the 14th century. On representations of the merchant ship during the 13th century we can see it was built using a frame-first hull, carvel planking, side rudders and two masts with lateen sails (fig. 2). Archaeologically speaking, we are aware of two Mediterranean wrecks from the 13th century with the same characteristics illustrated by this iconography. These are the Culip VI, excavated in Catalonia, and the Contarina l, in the North of Italy, near Venice (Rieth & Pujol, 1998; Bonino, 1978). From the 14th century the appearance of the merchant ships changed radically. In Catalan shipping, or at least in the large merchant ships powered solely by sail, frame-first construction and carvel planking are maintained, but the masts are reduced from two to one, and the square sail is adopted as is the stern rudder (fig. 3). The presence of two types of rudders and two types of sails means that they have to be distinguished by some means. In the documentation the Mediterranean sail and rudder is called vela llatina, the ‘lateen sail’, and timons llatins, the ‘lateen rudders’. In other words those from the Mediterranean are traditionally Latin (Pujol, 2012: 187-189). The Atlantic crews are called Biscains, their ships are called coques or cogs, a term of AtlanticGermanic origin. This term became fashionable in the Mediterranean and will become synonymous with the large merchant ship, just like the Mediterranean term navis in Latin, nave in Italian or nau in Catalan. During the 14th century the Latin terms navis sive coca or coca sive navis appear in the documentation, and also the Catalan coca o nau, until the term cog was applied during the second half of the century. In order to distinguish a Mediterranean coca or nau from an Atlantic one, the term Bayonnese, from Bayonne, in the French Basque Country, was added. Atlantic marine engineering is considered Bayonnese: nau baionesa (Bayonnese ship), coca baionesa (Bayonnese

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Fig. 2. Catalan nau, 13th century, Church of Sant Miquel, Montblanc (Photo: G. Alcántara).

cog), also the stern rudder appears as timó baionés (Bayonnese rudder) or sometimes as govern (rudder), always in the singular. Mediterranean iconography however indicates that some merchant ships adopted Atlantic marine engineering, and in archival documents there is evidence of Bayonnese ships being built in Barcelona and replacing the Mediterranean ship typical of the 13th century, which disappears. As a consequence, the term Bayonnese cog or ship ceases to serve to differentiate between Atlantic and Mediterranean vessels, as they both now have square sails and stern rudders. The hull became the distinguishing feature. From the second half of the 14th century the term baionesa disappears from the records and the new term tinclata appears (Pujol, 2006). The coca tinclata (the

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tinclata cogs), nau tinclada (tinclata ships) and barxa tinclata are of Atlantic origin, ships from the Basque Country and Cantabria are so called because of their hulls. Tinclata is a variation of the Latin term clincata, which is in fact a Latinisation of the Germanic term ‘clinker’. The term tinclata in Latin or tinclada in Catalan only appears in Catalan archives and we have no evidence of the existence of this term in the archives from other Mediterranean states such as Provence, Genoa or Venice. This term is found frequently in documents in Catalan archives from the second half of the 14th century until the year 1430 when it disappears. The most likely reason for its disappearance is the adoption of the frame-first and carvel planking method in the north of Portugal and along the entire length of the Cantabrian coast as far as France. The third method is then also used

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Fig. 3. Catalan nau, 14th century, Church of Manresa (Photo: G. Alcántara).

to build large merchant ships during the first half of the 15th century. At the beginning of the 15th century the term nau reappears and the term coca disappears entirely. But if the nau of the 13th century and that of the 15th century serves the same purpose (the transporting of merchandise), their shapes are radically different. A new type of ship has been created, a hybrid of the two naval traditions: that of the Atlantic and that of the Mediterranean. These ships were constructed using a frame-first hull and carvel planking, with a stern rudder and three masts (the foremast and main-mast square sail and a mizzen-mast lateen sail). There are different examples of this new type of ship, but without a doubt

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the most famous is the Mataró model, conserved in the Rotterdam Maritime Museum, the details of which can be seen in the first photographs taken at the beginning of the 20th century (Winter, 1956). At the end of the 14th century and throughout the 15th century, ships with larger dimensions and ever increasing cargo volumes were being built in the Mediterranean. To differentiate between them the standard merchant ship will be called nau, whilst the larger will be called nau grossa. In Italian the term is nave tonda, and in Castille it will be called carraca, a term which will be used as far as the Atlantic coast in Europe. In French the term is caraque, kraek in German. (Eberenz, 1975).

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43. Barceloneta I

The Barceloneta I wreck It is in this historic context of the 15th century that we place the wreck Barceloneta I. The coastline of Barcelona was at that time a long straight line. The shipyards where galleys were built and stored as well as the armament and naval supply stores were situated at the military port to the South. The civilian port, separated from the military one by a small river (currently Les Rambles), was more to the North. The civilian harbour was used by traders and fishermen, and was the place where fishing boats and commercial craft were built, repaired or beached and where the ships at anchor would be loaded and unloaded. The coastline offered no protection for these anchored ships, neither natural nor man-made. If there were easterly storms, the smaller, shallow draft vessels could be beached, but the larger ships would have to flee from Barcelona and seek refuge in another port. Another problem was the fact that the port was divided into two areas by means of a sand bar running parallel to the coast and known as ‘Les Tasques’. There were other points of entry which allowed the deeper drafted ships to approach the coast, but for safety reasons large ships such as the carracas normally stayed outside the sandbar, on a location known as the ‘Surgidor de les Naus’. The port of Genoa, Barcelona’s main competitor, did not have this inconvenience; neither did other ports such as Palma de Mallorca or Naples. Consequently, if the port of Barcelona did not offer shelter from storms at sea, the solution was to build a jetty in order to ensure the safety of the ships as well as safeguarding their loading and unloading. In 1434 the city decided to build a jetty. Work began in 1439 on the ‘Moll de Santa Clara’, which was abandoned without being completed for economic reasons in 1452 (Cabestany & Sobrequés, 1972; Pujol, 2008). From 1439 the south side of the jetty began to fill up with sediment and in 1477 a decision was made to construct a new jetty, the ‘Moll de Santa Creu’, which was also abandoned, uncompleted, for economic reasons. The wreck Barceloneta I was discovered 500 m to the south of the 1439 stone structure of the first jetty, the ‘Moll de Santa Clara’. Different fragments of the hull have been found scattered in this area and these, due to their characteristics, must belong to one single ship. The most important fragment measures some 12 m2, and consists of 11 frames and 11 strakes. The frames were found on the seabed with the strakes uppermost. The strakes are staggered which is typical of vessels with clinker planking, as used in traditional Atlantic ship building. The strakes are some 20-25 cm wide and 2 cm thick, and none have been conserved in their original length. These are overlapped and are fixed together using a nail inserted from the exterior and a rove punched over the inside end of the nail. All the nails have heads of 3.5-3.6 cm in diameter, a square section of 0.6-1 cm, and a maximum length of some 8 cm. The roves are square measuring some 4 x

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4 cm or 4 x 3.8 cm. In the 5-7 cm overlap of the strakes, moss used as a sealant was found. The frames were put in place later with these being cut to adapt to the staggered form of the strake. The curved section found, and given the joints seen at the ends, must correspond to the first futtocks of the bilge. Once put in place, they were fixed using wooden treenails from the outside with these passing through the strake and the frame. The head of the treenail embedded in the plank measures 2.2-2.4 cm in diameter, whilst the diameter of the shaft is 2.2 cm with the length being 17-20 cm. In the main all are circular, except one (in Q9), which is square and nailed from the inside of the boat through the frame and which does not touch the strake. Consequently this would be secured to a piece of the ceiling. Finally, the shape and curvature of the fragment as well as the orientation of the scarves, with their outer ends facing towards the same end of the ship, allow us to identify where the aft and the stern are supposed to be. The direction of the joint of the planks of a single strake indicates that it must be a fragment from below the waterline on the port side.2 All these characteristics clearly show that the building technique is not Mediterranean. Therefore, it is from the Atlantic and whilst the site where it was discovered can be dated to between 1439-1477, its sinking or abandonment would be dated to the 1430s. Other characteristics of the wreck are: • The wood used for the frames, the strakes and the treenails is oak. In the Mediterranean, in mediaeval wrecks, and according to the archival documentation, there is great diversity in the type of wood used in the construction which is reflected in the pieces involved. • All the planks of the strakes are radial, which indicates that they were probably cut by dividing the tree trunk along the length of its longitudinal axis in radial pieces, instead of using a saw. The planks inspected have between 100 and 170 rings and none have sapwood rings or any of the heart of the tree. These characteristics point to trees being relatively old (minimum 120 years). On the other hand, the three frames studied have the centre and sapwood, meaning that the trees used are between 30 and 70 years old. Although the difference in the number of rings between the frames is considerable, their sizes are very similar, which means that the trees were selected for their shape and diameter. • The use of moss in the land of the section is typical of the Atlantic, not the Mediterranean. • The nails with rivets and roves are also from the Atlantic; this technique is not used in the Mediterranean. • The strakes are attached to the frames using wooden treenails. In the Mediterranean iron nails were normally used.

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Fig. 4. Barceloneta I (Photo: M. Soberón).

All these characteristics point to the Atlantic style of ship building. Although in the Atlantic these can also be divided into subgroups, there is strong evidence that these characteristics in particular correspond to a subgroup called Basque-Iberian (Loewen, 1998). Other wrecks included in this subgroup are the Urbieta, the Pontnewydd-Newport, the Cavalaire and the Aber Wrac’h 1, which all have similar characteristics and would all appear to have been built in the Bay of Biscay (Loewen & Delhaye, 2006; L’Hour & Veyrat, 1994; Rieth, 2006; Roberts, 2004). If the wreck was covered by sediment produced after 1439, it must have sunk just before that, in the 1430s (Soberón, 2010). The date of construction according to 14 C-dating of the moss is between the end of the 14th century and the beginning of the 15th century. If the origin of the building technique points to the Atlantic, and the historic and archaeological towards the Bay of Biscay, other clues of a botanical nature can be added to these. The pollen present in the moss belongs to species present in the North Atlantic coast of Spain. The oak wood also corresponds to Atlantic oak, not Mediterranean (Julià & Riera, 2010). It was not possible to date the oak in the different parts of the structure by dendrochronological methods as it did not match with any known Atlantic or Baltic tree-ring calendar. At the same time, this anomaly could also point to the Bay of Biscay, given that the

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dendrochronological scale for the area of the Atlantic between the Loire, in France, and Portugal is still not available. Conclusions The origin of the shipwreck Barceloneta I can be identifiedon the basis of different arguments (be it building technique, historical, archaeological, or botanic evidence), in the North Atlantic coast of Spain, and very probably on the Basque and Cantabrian coastline. The ship was built probably in the beginning of the 15th century. It was abandoned or sunk around 1430 and after it settled the wreck was covered over by marine sediment between 1439 and 1477. The shape and curvature of the preserved structure, as well as the direction of the scarves of the planks of a single strake, indicate that it must be a fragment of the hull from below the waterline on the port side. According to the records, the type of vessel must have been a nau tinclada, coca tinclada or barxa tinclada. Given the similarities between the dimensions of the different pieces and the structure of the Aber Wrac’h 1 and the Cavalaire wrecks, it must have been a ship with a similar overall length and tonnage, around 20 m and 100 tons. For these reasons this is the oldest wreck of Atlantic origin found in the Mediterranean and it is

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43. Barceloneta I

unique, as it was built totally shell-first and with clinker planking. It is also archaeological proof confirming the presence of ships of Basque and Cantabrian origin in Barcelona during the 14th and 15th centuries, as stated in the records which cite the presence of cocas, naos and barxas ‘baioneses’, and then ‘tinclades’. Acknowledgements Gener Alcàntara, Pauline Figuerola Serrano. Notes 1. Under the direction of Mikel Soberón López, CODEX. Arqueologia i Patrimoni. 2. “The orientation of all these scarves, with their outer ends facing towards the same end of the ship, allowed us to identify it as the stern. The reason for such an arrangement is that the seams are submitted to less water pressure when the ship is under way” (L’Hour & Veyrat, 1989: 286; Rieth, 2006: 605).

References Bonino, M., 1978. Lateen-rigged ships. New evidence from wrecks in the Po Delta (Italy) and notes on pictorial and other documents. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 7.1: 9-28. Cabestany i Fort, J. & Sobrequés i Callicó, J., 1972. La construcció del port de Barcelona al segle XV. Cuadernos de Historia Económica de Cataluña VII: 41-113. Carrère, Cl., 1967. Barcelone, centre économique à l’’époque des difficultés (1380-1462), 2 vols. Paris-La Haye. Delhaye, M., 1998. L’épave médiévale de Cavalaire: un exemple de l’évolution navale architecturale avant la Renaissance. Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Marítimos del País Vasco 2. Donostia/San Sebastián: 43-48. Eberenz, R., 1975. Schiffe an den Küsten der Pyrenäenhalbinsel. Eine kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchung zur Schiffstypologie und Terminologie in den iberoromanische Sprachen bis 1600. Herbert Lang–Peter Lang, Bern-Frankfurt. Garcia Sanz, A., 1977. Història de la marina catalana. Aedos, Barcelona. Izaguirre, M., Valdés, L., Mates, J.M. & Pujana, I., 2001. State of the excavation works of the 15th century shipwreck in Urbieta (Gernika, Spain). In: F. Alves (ed.), Proceedings International Symposium on Archaeology of Medieval and Modern Ships of Iberian-Atlantic Tradition. Hull remains, manuscripts and ethnographic sources: a comparative approach. Lisboa: 499-454. Julià, R. & Riera, S., 2010. Usos del sòl i activitats productives a Barcelona a partir de l’analisi paleoambiental de la llacuna litoral medieval del Pla de Palau. Quaderns d’Arqueologia i Història de la ciutat de Barcelona 06: 164-177.

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L’Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 1989. A mid-15th century clinker boat off the north coast of France, the Aber Wrac’h I wreck: A preliminary report. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18.4: 285-298. L’Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 1994. The French Medieval Clinker Wreck from Aber Wrac’h. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 165-180. Loewen, B. & Delhaye, M., 2006. Oak growing, hull design and framing style. The Cavalaire-sur-Mer wreck, c. 1479. In: L. Blue, F. Hocker & A. Englert (eds), Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 99-104. Loewen, B., 1998. Ships and Shipbuilding. Recent Advances in Ship History and Archaeology, 1450-1650: Hull Design, Regional Typologies and Wood Studies. Material History Review/Revue d’histoire de la culture matérielle 48: 45-55. Pujol i Hamelink, M., 2006. Els vaixells tinglats a la Catalunya medieval. Actes del 1er. Congrés d’Història Marítima de Catalunya. Museu Marítim de Barcelona, Barcelona (digital support). Pujol i Hamelink, M., 2008. Tecnología marítima en la Corona de Aragón: construcción naval, navegación e infraestructuras portuarias. In: P. Navascués Palacio (ed.), Ars Mechanicae. Ingeniería medieval en España. Ministerio de Fomento – Fundación Juanelo Turriano, Madrid: 151-166. Pujol i Hamelink, M., 2012. La construcció naval a la Corona d’Aragó. Catalunya (segles XIII-XV). Brau, Barcelona. Pujol i Hamelink, M. & Soberón López, M., 2011. El pecio de Barceloneta I, una embarcación atlántica del siglo XV en Barcelona. Actas de las Jornadas de ARQUA 2011. Cartagena, 3 y 4 de diciembre de 2011. Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, Madrid: 117-123. Rieth, E., 2006. L’épave d’Urbieta (Gernika): une embarcation à clin du milieu du XV siècle. Étude préliminaire. Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Marítimos del País Vasco 5: 603-616. Rieth, E. & Izaguirre, M., 2004. El pecio medieval de Urbieta (Gernika). In: J.M. Unsain (ed.), La memoria sumergida. Arqueología y patrimonio subacuático vasco. Untzi Museoa, Donostia/San Sebastián: 142-151. Rieth, E. & Pujol i Hamelink, M., 1998. L’arquitectura naval. In: X. Nieto & X. Raurich (eds), Excavacions arqueològiques subaquàtiques a cala Culip. 2. Culip VI. Generalitat de Catalunya, Girona: 118-190. Roberts, T.P., 2004. Llong Casnewydd: the Newport Ship – A Personal View. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 33.1: 158-163. Soberón, M., 2010. El port baixmedieval de Barcelona: una visió des de l’arqueologia. L’escullera de 1477 i la troballa d’una vaixell tinglat. Quaderns d’Arqueologia i Història de la ciutat de Barcelona 06: 134-163. Treppo, M. del, 1968. I mercanti catalani e l’espansione della corona aragonese nel secolo XV. Naples. Winter, H., 1956. Die Katalanische Nao von 1459. Magdeburg.

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44. The sewn boat from Cavanella d’Adige (Veneto, Italy). Excavation and first analysis Francesco Tiboni

Introduction The sewn boat from Cavanella d’Adige has been excavated in the summer of 2008, during a research campaign by the Superintendence of Archaeology of the Veneto Region in the area of the so-called Idrovora delle Motte, not far from the Adige river mouth (fig. 1). At first, just a little wooden portion of the hull was uncovered by a mechanical digger. Subsequently, an archaeological excavation was conducted between the second half of

July and the first half of August 2008. In order to protect the wood from dehydration, a low pressure water pump was installed which pumped freshwater coming from an adjacent channel to the site during the entire course of the excavation. At the end of every day, and in some case even during the recording operation, the wreck was covered with wet geotextile and partially or totally submerged.

Fig. 1. Location of the site (Map: F. Tiboni).

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Fig. 2. The wreck elements in situ: stratigraphy (Photo: F. Tiboni).

The wreck was part of an archaeological site with a complex stratigraphy dating to the pre-Roman and Roman era. On the basis of certain stratigraphic features, the find can be dated between the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st century BC. Unfortunately this dating cannot be supported with direct archaeometric analysis, as the laboratory examinations are still in progress and so far only confirm that the wood of the planks and possibly the frames was elm and that of the pegs lime. At time of discovery the wreck was covered by a layer of grey clay mixed with many trunks and branches, possibly legible as an ancient reclamation of a riverside (fig. 2). Thus, we can suppose that this portion of hull, intentionally maintained complete and placed with its outer side, the straight and plain side, upward, has been re-used in Roman time as a sort of gang-plank or, less easily, as a structural part of an embankment of the river-bank.1 The first question we had to solve during fieldwork was to verify if this find was, despite its particular shape, actually the remainder of a boat. On the basis of the general analysis of the construction techniques, the identification of the types of wood, the presence of particular carvings indicating a general shape with a stern and a bow as well as the existence of repairs, the wooden structure can be interpreted, without any doubt, as part of a boat. Or, to be more exact, as the port side of a flat

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bottom sewn river boat of bottom based construction. Moreover, due to its topographical position, in a palaeo-river not far from the river mouth of the Adige, the wreck can be read as another proof of the presence of a complex system of inner navigation in the area in the Roman era, well documented by a lot of discoveries and sites around the Adige river and the Venice Lagoon (Berti, 1986: 19-38). The wreck The port-side of this sewn boat is 5.76 m long, with a general trapezoidal shape tapering from the stern, which is 1.04 m high, to the bow, 0.83 m high (fig. 3). The lower part presents a raised curb emerging from the lower plank for about 2 cm, and another symmetrical curb is visible on the planksheer. The planks are juxtaposed on their edges, side by side in regular rows, sewn together with vegetal fibers, and abutted following a feather nose scheme. Each plank presents sewing holes of 1 cm in diameter, running from the inner face to the seam. All the stitches are of the hidden type and reinforced with the insertion of a cylindrical or conical wooden peg, following the usual scheme of the ancient sutiles naves. The presence of these wooden pegs can be considered the cause for the recorded shape deformation of the holes.

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Francesco Tiboni)

Fig. 3. Plan of the wreck (Drawing: F. Tiboni).

Planking From a structural point of view, the wreck can be divided into two sections, named A and B, abutted following a feather nose scheme. Section A runs from the stern for about 4.50 m and is composed by four planks, longitudinally juxtaposed on their edges. The lower plank is 16 cm wide, 3 cm thick and is fully preserved for a length of 4.50 m. In its lower part the raised curb has been created in which we can notice the presence of regular holes, possibly for the insertion of wooden pegs and treenails to connect the broadside to the ’monoxyle element of transition’ and by this to the flat bottom of the hull. On this curb we can even notice the presence of four little rectangular slots (1.5 x 0.8 cm) placed in correspondence with the frames. The two central planks are about 30 cm wide and one of these presents a repair near its astern end: the repair is made by sewing and is underlined by the presence of caulking remains. The upper plank, that can be considered the planksheer, is carved just like the lower one, in order to create a sort of washboard. This plank progressively tapers about 2° from the stern. Section B, the bow section of the broadside, is more complex in structure, due to the fact that the general shape of the boat needs tapering. In this section there are two planks abutted to the planks of the previous section with a feather nose scheme assured by passing stitches. Between these two planks, there is another little plank, which is abutted to the two planks of the stern section and to another element toward the bow. At the base of the broadside, partially broken during the discovery, there is another plank, which represents the end of the broadside and presents a series of holes. These holes must have been originally shaped to connect a wooden element created to extend the curb we have seen on the lower plank of the previous section. Even on the planksheer of this section the curb is not created

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by carving the plank but fixing a wooden element with treenails and pegs. The framing Although the wreck has been excavated with its outside upward, the analysis of the planks allowed us to recognize a scheme of stitches and scarfs, created across different planks, which can be interpreted as the anchor points of the frames. In an elliptic slot created in the thickness of the plank there are two holes with wooden pegs inserted, which can be interpreted as the passing holes for the vegetable fibers used to sewn the frame to the planks. The holes are placed on the same line, 44 cm long, and this pattern repeats itself every 104 cm. As we saw before, in correspondence with these holes there are little rectangular slots carved on the curb. As one plank was broken we were able to observe one of the frames (fig. 4a) which seems to be very thin with a rectangular section of 7 x 5 cm. The stitches The excavation allowed us to examine many stitches from the lower part of the broadside to the planksheer (fig. 4b). The planks are joined with regular ligature of the ‘X’ type with a pattern of about 7 cm. The holes run with an inclination of about 30° and are now sub-cylindrical, due to the deformation linked to the presence of wooden pegs. At the time of discovery we could not examine any entire stitch as the fibers were broken, but in some cases the vegetal strings were still in place or there were legible traces of them on wood or caulking remains. Particularly the repairs, with better conserved caulking traces, allowed us to examine the ‘X’ scheme

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Fig. 4. Structural elements: a) frame, b) stiches, c) framing-station (Photo: F. Tiboni).

of the ligatures, which can be classified as of E type by Coates (1985). A first analysis of the planks seems to exclude the presence of wooden pegs inserted in their thickness to stop sliding. The general stability of the broadside must have been assured just by the presence of sewed joining. Many authors state that sewing is not enough to stiffen the total wooden assemblage and could only be used to avoid vertical movements. Nevertheless, the study by Beltrame (2002: 372) on the sewn boats of the Adriatic area and the recent discovery of the two planks on the San Francesco nel Deserto island in the Venice Lagoon (Capulli, 2010) suggest that the absence of these wooden pegs to stop the planks could be considered a

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characteristic element of the local boatbuilding tradition. On the other hand, it is important to notice that in this wreck stitches follow a pattern of 7 cm and are all of ‘X’ type, thus we can argue that they could be used to secure the planks from sliding.2 Moreover, according to Coates this particular kind of ligatures (type E) can be considered capable to stop sliding movement even in the presence of the lubricants used to maintain wood. Finally, the presence of sewn frames and the position of the ligatures which fixed them to the hull and passed across two or more planks (fig. 4c), seem to suggest that in the Cavanella d’Adige wreck the skeleton just served to support the stability of the planks and not to prevent sliding movements.

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Francesco Tiboni)

Discussion Planking-sewing appears in the Mediterranean area at least during the 1st millennium BC, but we cannot propose a close parallel between the planking-sewing tradition of Greek maritime shipbuilding and that of the Adriatic area (Pomey, Kahanov & Rieth, 2012). As it has been recently demonstrated in a volume about the Gallo-Roman boatbuilding tradition, there is much archaeological evidence which affirms that in the whole of continental Europe and in the North Adriatic area different traditions appeared and developed, each one responding to local and specific needs. So, the data collected during and after the excavation of this wreck allow us to believe that the Cavanella D’Adige boat must be considered as one of the most important examples of the early bottom based boatbuilding tradition of the Northern Adriatic area. Particularly, according to the technical solution adopted, the Cavanella d’Adige wreck can be read as part of a small and specific group, formed by the Comacchio/ Valle Ponti wreck, the Lido di Venezia wreck, the Corte Cavanella 1 and 2 wrecks, and possibly the Stella River wreck. It could be inserted into the so called ’RomanoPadana’ tradition, for which the Cavanella d’Adige sewn boat is, at present, the elder evidence (Boetto & Rousse, 2012). From a technical point of view, we can easily affirm that the boat presents all the typical elements of this Romano-Padana tradition, as the use of ligatures of the ’X type’ or ’cross ligatures’, the use of ligatures and wooden pegs to fix the frame to the hull and the absence of wooden dowels in the thickness of the planks. And even the use of particular wood species, as elm for the planking and lime for the wooden pegs of ligatures reinforcement, seems confirm this attribution. From a typological point of view the Cavanella d’Adige wreck seems to represent a particular class of boat within the Romano-Padano group: that of river boats, for whom carpenters didn’t use mortise-and-tenons joint nor in quick-work neither in deadwork. The possibility to study for the first time a complete broadside of this class of boat permits us to suggest that the planks of the two sides were connected to the flat bottom possibly with a monoxyle element of transition, or with an ’L’ shaped plank, and that the frames were not used to link the sides to the bottom, as they were laced to the planks with ligatures and wooden pegs but they didn’t seem to continue over the lower end of the broadside. Unfortunately, due to economic and logistic problems, the Cavanella d’Adige wreck has now been re-buried near the Idrovora delle Motte and it has not been possible to complete the study of the entire wreck. Notes 1. This kind of secondary use of portions of sewn planks boats is quite common in this area (Beltrame, 2002; Capulli 2010).

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2. Arnold (1997) first stated that the absence of these vertical wooden elements in the thickness of the planks could be interpreted, in Gallo-Roman boatbuilding, as a consequence of a technological choice linked to the use of the boat.

References Arnold, B., 1997. Embarcation romano-celtiques et construction sur sole. In: E. Rieth, Concevoir et construire le navire. Romaneville Saint Agnese: 73-90. Beltrame, C., 1996. La sutilis navis del Lido di Venezia. Nuova testimonianza dell’antica tecnica cantieristica a cucitura nell’alto adriatico. In: F. Ciciliot (ed.), Navalia. Archeologia e Storia. Savona: 31-53. Beltrame, C., 1997. Sutiles naves e navigazione per acque interne di età romana. Padusa XXXII, XXXIII, 1996/1997:137-146. Beltrame, C., 2002. Le sutiles naves romane del litorale alto-adriatico. Nuove testimonianze e considerazioni tecnologiche. Archeologia Subacquea. Studi, ricerche e documenti III. Roma: 372. Berti, F., 1986. Rinvenimenti di archeologia fluviale ed endolagunare nel delta ferrarese. Bollettino d’Arte 37-38 – Supplemento - Archeologia Subacquea 3. Roma: 19-38. Berti, F., 1992. La nave di Valle Ponti (Comacchio). V Rassegna di Archeologia Subacquea. Giardini Naxos: 219-226. Boetto, G. & Russe C., 2011. Le chaland de Lipe (Ljubljana, Slovénie) et la tradition de construction “sur sole” de l’Europe sud-orientale: quelles influences méditerranéennes? In: Boetto, Pomey & Tchernia (eds), Batellerie Gallo-Romaine. Aix en Provence: 177-191. Bonino, M., 1985. Sewn boats in Italy. In: McGrail & Kentley (eds), Sewn Plank Boats. BAR 276: 87-104. IBrusic, Z. & Domjan, M., 1985. Liburnian boats – their form and construction. In: McGrail & Kentley (eds), Sewn Plank Boats. BAR 276: 67-86. Capulli, M. & Pellegrini, A., 2010. Tavole cucite dall’isola di San Francesco del Deserto (Venezia). In: Medas, D’Agostino, Caniato (eds), Navis IV – Atti del I convegno ISTIAEN. Bari: 263-266. Coates, J., 1985. Some structural models for sewn boats. In: McGrail & Kentley (eds), Sewn Plank Boats. BAR 276: 9-18. Crumlin Pedersen, O. & Mc Grail, S., 2005. Some principles for the reconstruction of ancient boat structures. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 35.1: 53-57. Crumlin Pedersen, O., 2005. The Dover Boat – A reconstruction case of study. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 35.1: 58-71. Dell’Amico, P., 2009. Proposta preliminare per una tipologia delle cuciture nell’ambito della costruzione di natanti. Archeologia Marittima Mediterranea 6: 13-70. Fenwick, V., 2007. The Dover Boat: the Reality of Deep-Mud Rescue. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36.1: 167-184. Marlier, S., 2002. La question de la survivance des bateaux cousus de l’Adriatique. In: Rivet & Sciallano (eds), Vivre, produire et échanger: reflets méditerranéens. Mélanges offerts à B. Liou. Montagnac: 21-32.

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44. The sewn boat from Cavanella d’Adige (Veneto, Italy) Panvini, R. & Tortorici, E., 2005. Epaves de Gela. In: M. Egloff & D. Ramseyer (a cura di), Amphore à la mer! Epaves grecques et étrusques, Catalogue d’exposition. Hauterive: 88-89. Parker, A.J., 1992. Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman Provinces. Oxford. Pomey, P., 1981. L’épave de Bon-Porté et les bateaux cousus. The Mariner’s Mirror 67.3: 225-251. Pomey, P., 1985. Mediterranean sewn boats in Antiquity. In: McGrail & Kentley (eds), Sewn Plank Boats. BAR, 276: 35-48. Pomey, P. & Rieth, E., 2005. L’Archeologie Navale. Parigi. Pomey, P., Kahanov, Y. & Rieth, E., 2012. Transition from Shell to Skeleton in Ancient Mediterranean Ship-Construction:

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analysis, problems, and future research. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 235-314. Sanesi Mastrocinque, L., 1986. Polesine – Darsena coperta con barca romana. Bollettino d’Arte 37-38 – Supplemento – Archeologia Subacquea 3. Roma: 209, tavv. XII a / XIIb. Sanesi Mastrocinque, L., Bonomi, S. & Toniolo, A., 1986. Loreo – Corte Cavanella. Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto n. 2. Padova: 25-30. Steffy, J.R., 1994. Wooden shipbuilding and the interpretation of shipwrecks. Austin.

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45. The medieval Utrecht ship type. Blending boatbuilding traditions in the cultural landscape of Europe’s early medieval Migration Period Aleydis Van de Moortel

Introduction The Utrecht ship type is one of four major medieval ship types of the southern North Sea region in the period predating AD 1200 (Van de Moortel, 2011). As many as ten wrecks and hull fragments of the Utrecht ship type have been reported in the scholarly literature, including the Vleuten 1 wreck (Manders & Wynia, this volume). To this list can be added an unpublished futtock dredged up in 2010 from the River Scheldt at Lillo in the Antwerp harbour and, as I will argue below, also some fragments from Midlaren-De Bloemert in the northern Netherlands (table 1).1 The latest attested date of this archaeological ship type still is the 12th century but with the recent discovery of the Vleuten 1 wreck, dendro-dated to AD 734 ± 7, its earliest date was moved back some 160 years (Manders & Hoegen, 2011; Manders & Wynia, this volume). The fragments from Midlaren-­De Bloemert are even older, dating to the early 7th century. The spatial distribution of these finds shows that the Utrecht ship type was at home in the Netherlands and Belgium (fig. 1), but it is conceivable that it also was built in the German Rhineland, since the Vleuten 1 boat and a frame from Tiel (Vlierman, 2002: 126-127) have been dendro-provenanced to that region, and it is unlikely that shipbuilding wood was already imported into the Netherlands in the 8th-10th centuries. My own work has shown that the archaeological Utrecht ship type closely corresponds to the historically attested hulk in its spatial and chronological distribution as well as morphological characteristics (Van de Moortel, 2011: 97-98; 2009a: 323326; 2009b). Thus I support Ole Crumlin-Pedersen’s and Detlev Ellmers’ hypothesis that the Utrecht ship type was an early form of the hulk (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1978; 1983; 1984; Ellmers, 1984: 59-63). In the present article, I want to focus on the origins of the Utrecht ship type. In 1997, Crumlin-Pedersen hypothesized that it had been developed in the area of

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the Lower Rhine out of the expanded logboat tradition brought there by Anglo-Saxon and Jutish immigrants during the early medieval Migration Period (CrumlinPedersen, 1997: 27-28). The recent discoveries of 8thand 7th-century Utrecht-type boat remains as well as recent archaeological research on the Migration period in the Netherlands broadly support this hypothesis and make it possible to model the origins of the Utrecht type in more concrete detail.

Fig. 1. Spatial distribution of Leeuwarden logboat and Utrechttype boat remains (dots) as well as area where the wood of the finds from Vleuten 1 and Tiel originated (oval). The coastline approximately reflects the situation before AD 1200 (Map: J. Miles and A. Van de Moortel (after Lebecq, 1983: 33, fig. 1; 1990: 86, fig. 11.1; Gottschalk, 1971-1978; Crumlin-Pedersen, 2010: 95, fig. 4.1; Rippon, 1997: 7, fig. 1; 2000: 59, 61, 67, figs 21-23; Whitney, 1989: 34-36; Fenwick, 1978: 165-167, fig. 6.1).

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The Utrecht ship type: hybrid of two boatbuilding traditions Crumlin-Pedersen (2010: 60-66) observed that before the Migration Period, two different boatbuilding traditions existed east and west of the Rhine. In southern Scandinavia and northwest Germany, there was a tradition of building thin, light boats that originated in the expanded logboat. Some 60 to 70 expanded logboats have been found in this region (Van de Moortel, 2011: 73-77, table 1; Crumlin-Pedersen, 2006; 2010: 49-51, 65-66). Historical evidence suggests that this tradition extended west as far as the river Ems, for the large logboats of the Chauci tribe, which according to Pliny (Naturalis Historia 16: 76) carried up to 30 men, must have been expanded logboats. Such logboats have thin one-piece hulls hollowed out from tree trunks and widened with the aid of fire and water. The expansion process puts the thin hull under tension and gives it greater strength while also lending it more graceful curvatures, a greater carrying capacity, and more stability. In order to keep its shape after expansion, the logboat must be reinforced with frames that lie symmetrically about the centreline of the boat (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1997: 28). Builders of expanded logboats must have learned that thin wood is very strong when put under tension. Given the many advantages of this design, it is reasonable to assume that when shipwrights in this region made the transition to all-planked boats, they retained this concept of using the tensile strength of thin bent wood. This gave rise to the Nordic planked boats of the late Roman and medieval Periods (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1972a; 2010: 65-66, figs 2.60-2.61; 2011). A very different boatbuilding concept existed along the Roman Rhine limes and in areas further west. Here the Romano-Celtic tradition produced planked ships that relied primarily on the rigid strength of thick oak timber. These appear to have descended from the ordinary, non-expanded logboat (Ellmers, 1973: 22-23, 34-35). Romano-Celtic barges and seagoing ships have fairly stiff, box-like shapes and lack the fluid, parabolic curves of the Nordic tradition. Often their floor timbers are asymmetrical, their high ends rising alternatingly to the port and starboard sides (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1997: 28) in order to attach the ship’s sides securely to the bottom. One can call this the ‘heavy’ tradition. The difference between those boatbuilding traditions is not just a question of manufacturing techniques, but of fundamentally different concepts of working with wood (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2010: 64, fig. 2.58; 2011). Until recently no Roman-era boats had been found in the area between the Rhine and the Ems, but the recent discovery of a fragmentary ordinary logboat dendro-dated to c. AD 23 at the Oldehoofsterkerkhof at Leeuwarden, then a terp (settlement mound) in the Dutch Frisian coastal marshes (Vlierman, 2008: 211-215), suggests that the river Ems, and not the Rhine, was the boundary between

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the two logboat traditions and boatbuilding concepts in the Roman Period. The medieval Utrecht ship type can be considered as a hybrid that blends these two boatbuilding concepts (Van de Moortel, 2011: 90-95, figs 10-11). It has at its bottom a light, flexible expanded logboat bottom element (Van de Moortel, 2003), corresponding to the ‘light’ concept of boatbuilding, but it also has heavy side planking, heavy wales, and fairly heavy, closely set floor timbers, which differ from the planking and frames of Nordic boats and are features of the ‘heavy’ boatbuilding concept. Its thick, wide strakes are comparable in size to the strakes of Romano-Celtic boats and cogs. Its long plank scarfs (45 cm long on the Utrecht 1 ship and up to 40 cm on the Waterstraat boat) secured with double rows of fasteners are similar to those of cogs and medieval barges and very different from the short Nordic plank scarfs. Moreover, Utrecht-type hulls were waterproofed not in the Nordic way but with moss covered with mosslaths and often secured by iron sintelnagels, in a caulking (or luting) tradition that, as the Leeuwarden logboat shows, was attested in the northern Netherlands as early as the 1st century (Van de Moortel, 2011; Vlierman, 2008: 211-215; cf. Bockius, 2002: 208-214, 216, 225, 233-234, map 5, fig. 10, tables 1-2). Recent archaeological research carried out in the northern Netherlands provides convincing evidence that early in the Middle Ages Anglo-Saxon settlers from the Weser-Elbe area and/or Schleswig-Holstein moved here, creating an ideal opportunity for the blending of these two boatbuilding concepts. New evidence for Anglo-Saxon settlement in the northern Netherlands. Until recently the notion of Anglo-Saxon settlement in the Netherlands during the Migration Period was widely rejected by Dutch archaeologists and historians (Nieuwhof, 2011: 55-56). Since 1995, however, an impressive amount of evidence has been assembled indicating that the wetlands of the Dutch Frisian coast and North Holland as well as part of the northwest German coast had been nearly entirely abandoned for roughly a century from c. AD 300 onwards (fig. 2). In the late 4th and 5th centuries, settlers arrived in the coastal marshes of the northern Netherlands from the region of the rivers Weser and Elbe and/or Schleswig-Holstein. The origin of the newcomers is indicated by several new features: the changed structure of settlements and orientation of houses; the introduction of sod houses and disappearance of wood frame houses; the first appearance of formal cemeteries with comparanda in the northwest German coastal area and post-migration England; the introduction of (Anglo)-Saxon style pottery; and the presence of many imported objects from the east such as pottery and cruciform brooches. In the first 200 years or so, the number of immigrants appears to have been relatively modest because they settled on the old abandoned terpen in the salt marshes, and no new mounds were built. In the 7th

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Fig. 2. Palaeogeographical reconstruction of the northern Dutch coastal area c. AD 800. (small dots are terpen in the coastal marshes (after Nieuwhof, 2011: 55, fig. 1; Vos & Knol, 2005). Reproduced with kind permission by Nieuwhof and Knol; base map provided by Knol.

century, however, new terpen were constructed, signalling the arrival of greater numbers of immigrants (Nieuwhof, 2011: 55-56, 60-66). Since these Anglo-Saxon newcomers settled in the coastal wetlands, it is reasonable to assume that they were intimately familiar with boats, and most likely had come by boat. This assumption is further supported by discoveries of iron roves and rivets at various sites in Frisia from the 5th century onwards. These finds have led several researchers to hypothesize that the eastern immigrants established a tradition of clinker shipbuilding in this coastal area (van Holk, 2003: 301; Reinders & Aalders, 2007: 12-13, 18-24; contra Van de Moortel, 2011, 97). In contrast to the coastal marshes of Frisia, the Pleistocene sandy area further inland, in the modern province of Drenthe, as well as some terpen in the wetlands of adjacent Groningen were never abandoned (fig. 2). It appears that in these areas Anglo-Saxon newcomers interacted with the local population because we see gradually increasing (Anglo)-Saxon influence on the local pottery decoration in the 4th and 5th centuries at various settlements, such as at Midlaren-De Bloemert, in North Drenthe. Already since the first century, Groningen and Drenthe had been part of a social and cultural network that reached far into Lower Saxony. These connections appear to have intensified in the Migration Period (Nieuwhof, 2011: 56-60). Because of these close contacts between the indigenous population and the Anglo-Saxon immigrants, the area of Drenthe/ Groningen would have been an ideal location for the blending of boatbuilding traditions and the development of Utrecht-type boats. Expanded logboats and Utrecht-type boats in the northern Netherlands There is evidence for the presence of expanded logboats, presumably brought by Anglo-Saxon immigrants, possibly as early as the 6th century in the Pleistocene sandy area of North Drenthe. The Rijksmuseum voor

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Oudheden at Leiden houses two clay boat models with the curving hull shape of expanded logboats (fig. 3; cf. Crumlin-Pedersen, 1972b: 186). The exact date and origin of these boat models is uncertain, however, since none come from good archaeological contexts. The museum catalogue specifies that model AM 31 was found in Neolithic hunebed (barrow grave) No. 15 at Loon, near Assen. It has been dated to probably the 6th century on the basis of its identification as Saxon ware. Model DM 1 is listed as a gift from Prof. W. Moll in 1859, and possibly came from Paterswolde, near Groningen; it is undated but made of similar ware (Göttlicher, 1978: 92-93, pl. 45, Nos 558-559). A fragment of a third boat model DM 2 also was donated at that time, but now is lost.2 Evidence for the presence of Utrecht-type boats in this region during the Migration Period is more secure, and it comes from the settlement of Midlaren-De Bloemert in North Drenthe, which had been occupied without interruption since the Roman Period, and had close contacts with Anglo-Saxon settlers in the Migration Period. Some 30 wells dug at this site still retained their wooden linings. One of these, well 28, was dendro-dated to AD 624 ±6, and included two oak lining fragments (Nos 2579 and 2615) that I believe are parts of the expanded logboat bottom elements of Utrecht-type ships. The wood was drawn by the excavators and thrown away. The drawings were studied and published by Alice Overmeer, who proposes that they may have been planks of lapstrake boats (2008: 458-459, fig. 23.5, Nos 2579 and 2615).3 Overmeer illustrates only fragment No. 2579, but from her detailed descriptions of both fragments it is clear that they were similar, and may have belonged to the same vessel. Fragment No. 2579 (fig. 4) had a maximum preserved length of 1.37 m and width of 28 cm. One extremity is described as original, but it had been cut at a bevel perhaps to fit into the well. The other extremity was broken and the edges of both long sides were damaged. The fragment was quite thin, ranging in thickness from 1.5 cm at the top to 4 cm at the bottom. It was perforated by eight circular holes. A larger hole near the upper edge was 2 cm in diameter. The other holes were markedly smaller,

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299

Fig. 3. Two boat models in the Rijksmuseum voor Oudheden at Leiden: a-c) model AM 31 (L 16.5 cm) found in Neolithic barrow grave No. 15 at Loon, near Assen, North Drenthe; d) model DM 1 (L 13.9. cm) possibly from Paterswolde, North Drenthe (Copyright: Rijksmuseum voor Oudheden, Leiden)

Fig. 4. Hull fragment No. 2579 of Utrecht-type boat from well 28 at Midlaren-De Bloemert, dated to AD 624 ±6 (Overmeer, 2008: 458, fig. 23.5, No. 2579).

with diameters of about 1.5 cm, and most were arranged in vertical rows 50-52 cm apart; within rows they were spaced c. 12.5 cm apart. Two holes in the bottom row held oak pegs. Fragment No. 2615 was preserved over a length of 1.07 m and width of 36 cm. Again only one extremity was original, and both long edges were broken. This fragment likewise was quite thin, ranging in thickness from 2.5 cm to 4 cm. Its broken top edge preserved parts of two treenail holes with a diameter of 2 cm, spaced 10 cm apart. A second row of two smaller holes, 1.5 cm in diameter and plugged with oak pegs, was located about 20 cm below the upper edge. These holes were spaced 53 cm apart.

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The tapering cross section of both fragments, thinning from 4 cm at the broken lower edge to 1.5/2.5 cm at the upper edge, is consistent with that of expanded logboats, which as a rule are thinner at their edges. Overmeer suggests that the vertical rows of 1.5 cm holes in the Midlaren fragments belong to treenails for fastening frames, but their small size as well as their spatial arrangement and the presence of oak pegs make them identical to the thickness gauges of the logboat bases of Utrecht-type ships. Those thickness gauges always were c. 1.5 cm in diameter and were plugged with oak pegs, whereas holes for frame fasteners were significantly larger (diam. c. 2-2.5 cm), and the treenails were made

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Aleydis Van de Moortel

300

Table 1. List of twelve presently identified Utrecht-type boat remains. Wreck Location

Date

Function

Midlaren-De Bloemert (Drenthe, the Netherlands), (river Hunze, lake Zuidlaardermeer) Vleuten 1 (Leidsche Rijn, Utrecht, the Netherlands), (river Old Rhine) Tiel (Dreumelse Waard, the Netherlands), (river Waal) ZP49 (Zeewolde, the Netherlands), (innersea Almere)

AD 624 ±6 lake/river (dendro-date) boat(s)

Preserved Reconstructed Reconstructed Length Length (m) Beam (m) (m) reused frags.

AD 734 ±7 river boat (dendro-date)

c. AD 900

c. AD 900 (14C-dating) (Manders & Hoegen 2011: 10) Utrecht (Waterstraat, late 10th the Netherlands), (river century (geoVecht) logical strata) Bull Wharfend 10th Queenhithe, (medieval century harbour of London) (dendro-date) Utrecht 1 (the early 11th Netherlands), (river century Vecht) (dendro-date) Antwerp 11th century (Dock A, (geological Steenborgerweert strata) Polder 1, Belgium), (river Scheldt) Antwerp, 11th century (Dock A, (geological Steenborgerweert strata) Polder 2, Belgium), (river Scheldt Velsen (the AD 1010-1160 Netherlands), (river Oer-IJ) Lillo AD 1040-1210 (Antwerp, Belgium), (14C-dating, Beta Analytic (river Scheldt) 2 σ) Utrecht (Lange early 12th Lauwerstraat, the century Netherlands), (river Vecht)

15

1.10 m preserved but not amidships?

Manders & Hoegen, 2011; Manders & Wynia, this volume

river boat

Vlierman 2002: 126127; pers. com.

small lake boat

c. 5.5

river going cargo carrier

c. 12

12.80

c. 3

2.2-2.8

Vlierman 1996: 91; Dutch Heritage Agency, Lelystad

3.5-4

Vlek 1987: 89-103; Van de Moortel 2009b Goodburn 2000

sea going cargo carrier

ca. 18

large river going cargo carrier small river boat

17.45

3.84

4-6

5.5

1.5

thin

c. 4-5

small river boat

Vlek 1987; Van de Moortel 2000; 2003; 2009a; 2009b Ellmers 1984: 61, 287, no. 35g

Ellmers 1984: 61, 287-288, no. 35h

small river going cargo carrier futtock

5.78

river going cargo carrier

ca. 3

c. 6.50

1.45

3-5

de Weerd 1987

Unpublished (Flemish Heritage Agency)

of willow, poplar, ash, alder or hazel (Vlek, 1987: 75, 99, 137; de Weerd, 1987: 274); only in the Velsen boat has oak been used for a few treenails in frames (de Weerd, 1987: 274). The larger 2-cm holes located near the upper edges of the Midlaren fragments must have been holes

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Logboat References Thickness (cm) 1.5-4 Overmeer 2008: 459, 2.5-4 fig. 23.5, Nos 2579, 2615

3.5

Vlierman 1996: 88-91

for treenails fastening a side strake, as Overmeer suggests. Thus I believe that these fragments from Midlaren were parts not of overlapping hull planks but of an expanded logboat that had been extended with at least one overlapping side plank. The absence of treenails for

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fastening framess is not a problem, since in Utrecht-type ships many frames were placed only in the logboat bottom element and they may stop as much as 35 cm short of the edge of the logboat. Because of their close similarities with the logboat bottom elements of Utrechttype ships, I believe that the two early 7th-century oak fragments from Midlaren-De Bloemert are remains of one or two boats of this type. They are the earliest and northernmost fragments of the Utrecht type known to date. Their location in North Drenthe suggests that the Utrecht type may have developed in this contact zone from a merger of the medieval successor of the RomanoCeltic boatbuilding tradition and the expanded logboat brought here by Anglo-Saxon settlers. Evidence that the medieval ‘heavy’ boatbuilding tradition still existed at Midlaren is provided by the presence in the same well lining of a short L-shaped chine fragment of a medieval barge, dendro-dated to AD 624 ±6 (Overmeer, 2008: 456459, table 23.1, fig. 23.5; Vlierman, 2008: 217). These medieval barges were direct descendants of Romano-Celtic barges, although they, too, appear to have been influenced by the expanded logboat concept of the immigrants (Van de Moortel, 2011: 81). Starting at least in the 7th century, the barge spread eastwards: by the beginning of the 9th century it had reached Bremen, and by the 12th century it was found on the Baltic side of southern Jutland, at Haithabu and Egernsund. By the late 13th century it occurred in the Arendsee and also in Gdańsk and Kobyla Kępa near the mouth of the Vistula River in Poland (Van de Moortel, 2011: 75-82, table 5; Ossowski & Krąpiek, 2001; Ossowski, 2004, 2009). It is possible that the merger between these two boatbuilding traditions happened in the northern Netherlands as early as the 5th century, when Anglo-Saxon immigrants first arrived, or as late as the 7th century when they became more numerous. Given the paucity of our present evidence it is not certain, however, whether the Utrecht boat type was developed first in this specific area or elsewhere along the southern North Sea coast were there was close contact between the two boatbuilding traditions. Concluding remarks With their long, slender hulls, shallow draft, and strong one-piece bottoms Utrecht-type ships were eminently suitable to operate along the myriad of protected coastal waterways that until the early 12th century extended with little interruption from southwest Jutland to the Pas-de-Calais (fig. 1; Verhulst, 1981: 128-132; 1982: 86-88; Van der Linden, 1982: 81; Lebecq, 1983: 193-195, 202-206, figs 44, 48, 49), even though their rounded bottoms were not ideal for beaching on the tidal flats of the Frisian coast. They were also well equipped for inland rivers such as the Rhine or Meuse with their dangerous rapids (Van de Moortel, 2009a: 322-323; 2011: 93-94). They even may have travelled to the Baltic, a voyage that until the 12th century involved but short stretches of unprotected

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coast in West Jutland before one reached the Limfjord, which then provided safe passage from the North Sea to the Baltic (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2010: 119-120, fig. 4.49). Ships of this type also crossed over to England, as is attested by the late 10th-century vessel fragments from Bull Wharf in the medieval harbour of London (Goodburn, 2000). These fragments are insufficiently preserved to tell us whether these England-farers differed much from coastal or inland craft, whose rounded keel-less bottoms made them prone to drifting. They may not have looked that much different, because also the south-eastern and eastern English shores before AD 1250 had many coastal islets and inlets providing protected passageways for ships on their voyage to London or York (fig. 1). This means that the trip to England at that time would have involved but a short crossing of less than 40 km aided by strong tidal currents (Lebecq, 1983: 202-206), and it would not have required fully seaworthy ships.4 Notes 1 The futtock from Lillo was identified by me and is presently housed with the timbers of the Doel cogs in the Flanders Hydraulics Research Center at Borgerhout, near Antwerp. I very much thank Dr. Tom Lenaerts and Jeroen Vermeersch of the ‘Kogge project’ for showing me the piece and for permission to mention it. 2 I am grateful to Dr. Annemarieke Willemsen, Curator of the Medieval Department of the Rijksmuseum of Oudheden in Leiden, for sharing this information and for permission to include photos of the two extant models. Verwey (1934) claims that both these boat models were found together with Pingsdorf pottery of the 10th century during peat cutting on an island in Paterswolde lake (cf. Crumlin-Pedersen 1972b: 86). However, Verwey does not state his source of information. Given the detailed descriptions in the museum catalog, it is more likely that only models DM 1 and DM 2 came from Paterswolde. 3 I thank Alice Overmeer for sending me her article and J. Nicolay for permission to reproduce the drawings. 4 I am grateful to Damian Goodburn for alerting me to medieval sailing conditions along the English coast.

References Bockius, R., 2002. Abdichten, Beschichten, Kalfatern. Schiffsversieglung und ihre Bedeutung als Indikatore für Teknologietransfers zwischen den antike Schiffbau­ traditionen. Jahrbuchh des Römisch-Germanischen Zentral­ museums Mainz 49: 189-234. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1972a. Skin or Wood? A Study of the Origin of the Scandinavian Plank-Boat. In: O. Hasslöf, H. Henningsen & A.E. Christensen (eds), Ships and Shipyards, Sailors and Fishermen. Copenhagen University Press, Copenhagen: 208-234.

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Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1972b. The Vikings and the Hanseatic Merchants: 900-1450. In: G.F. Bass (ed.), A History of Seafaring. Thames and Hudson, London: 181-204. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1978. The Ships of the Vikings. In: The Vikings. Proceedings of the Symposium of the Faculty of Arts of Uppsala University, June 6-9, 1977. Uppsala Universitet, Uppsala: 32-41. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1983. Schiffe und Seehandelsrouten im Ostseeraum 1050-1350. Lübecker Schriften zur Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte 7: 229-237. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1984. Der Seetransport: Die Schiffe von Haithabu. In: H. Jankuhn, K. Schietzel & H. Reichstein (eds), Archäologische und naturwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen an Siedlungen im deutschen Küstengebiet, Band 2. Acta Humaniora, Weinheim: 241-250. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1997. Viking-Age Ships and Shipbuilding in Hedeby/Haithabu and Schleswig. Archäologisches Landesmuseum der Christian-Albrechts-Universität, Wikinger Museum Haithabu, National Museum of Den­ mark, and Viking Ship Museum, Schleswig and Roskilde. Ships and Boats of the North 2. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2006. Den nordiske klinkbåds grundform- en totusindårig tradition og dens rødder. In: T. Arisholm, K. Paasche & T.L. Wahl (eds), Klink og seil--Festskrift til Arne Emil Christensen. Norsk Sjøfartsmuseum, Oslo: 33-56. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2009. Plank Boat - a Problematic Term for Prehistoric Vessels? Archaeological Evidence for the Impact of Logboat Techniques on the Concepts of Early Built Boats. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 387-397. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2010. Archaeology and the Sea in Scandinavia and Britain. A personal account. Maritime Culture of the North 3. Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde. Ellmers, D., 1973. Kultbarken, Fähren, Fischerboote-vorgeschichtliche Einbäume in Niedersachsen. Die Kunde 24: 23-62. Ellmers, D., 1984. Frühmittelalterliche Handelsschiffahrt in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. 2nd ed. Karl Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster. Fenwick, V., 1978. Geographical and Historical Background. In: V. Fenwick (ed.), The Graveney Boat. A Tenth Century Find. British Archaeological Reports, BAR British Series 53, Oxford: 165-178. Goodburn, D., 2000. New Light on the Construction of Early Medieval “Frisian” Sea-going Vessels. In: J. Litwin (ed.), Down the River to the Sea. Proceedings of the Eight International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Gdańsk 1997. Polish Maritime Museum, Gdańsk: 219-224. Göttlicher, A., 1978. Materialen für ein Corpus der Schiffsmodelle im Altertum. P. von Zabern, Mainz. Gottschalk, E., 1971-1978. Stormvloeden en rivieroverstromingen in Nederland. 3 vols. Van Gorcum, Assen. Holk, A.F.L. van, 2003. Clenched Lap-Strake Boat Finds from the Netherlands, between 1200 and 1600. In: C. Beltrame

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(ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 296-305. Lebecq, S., 1983. Marchands et navigateurs frisons du haut moyen âge. 2 vols. Lille. Lebecq, S., 1990. On the Use of the Word ‘Frisian’ in the 6th10th Centuries Written Sources: Some Interpretations. In: S. McGrail (ed.), Maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons. CBA Research Report 71. Council for British Archaeology, London: 85-90. Manders, M. & Hoegen, R., 2011. Waardestelling Vleuten 1. Het onderzoek naar de resten van een opgeboeide boomstamboot uit de 8ste eeuw na Christus. Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed (Dutch Heritage Agency), Amersfoort. Unpublished report. Nieuwhof, A., 2011. Discontinuity in the Northern-Netherlands Coastal Area at the End of the Roman Period. In: T.A.S.M. Panhuysen (ed.), Transformations in North-Western Europe (AD 300-1000). Proceedings of the 60th Sachsensymposion, 19.23. September 2009, Maastricht. Niedersächsisches Lan­des­ museum, Hannover: 55-66. Ossowski, W., 2004. Medieval Large River Craft from the Vistula River, Poland. In: K. Brandt & H.J. Kühn (eds), Der Prahm aus dem Hafen von Haithabu. Beiträge zu antiken und mittelalterlichen Flachbodenschiffen. Karl Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster: 83-95. Ossowski, W., 2009. The Origins of Flat-Bottomed River Craft on the Odra and Vistula Catchments. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 177-188. Ossowski, W. & Krąpiek, M., 2001. Das Wrack eines Flusschiffes aus dem 13. Jahrhundert von Kobyla Kępa bei Sztutowo. Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv 23: 395-414. Overmeer, A.B.M., 2008. Vroegmiddeleeuws scheepshout uit Midlaren? Groningen Archaeological Studies 7.2: 453-461. Reinders, R. & Aalders, Y., 2007. Friese klinkerschepen in de vroege Middeleeuwen. De vrije Fries 87: 9-28. Rippon, S., 1997. The Severn Estuary. Landscape Evolution and Wetland Reclamation. Leicester University Press, London. Rippon, S., 2000. The Transformation of Coastal Westlands: Exploitation and Management of Marshland Landscapes in North West Europe During the Roman and Medieval Periods. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Van de Moortel, A., 2003. A New Look at the Utrecht Ship. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 183-189. Van de Moortel, A., 2009a. The Utrecht Type and the Hulk: Adaptation of an Inland Boatbuilding Tradition to Urbanization and Growing Maritime Contacts in Medieval Northern Europe. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 321-327.

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45. The medieval Utrecht ship type Van de Moortel, A., 2009b. The Utrecht Ship Type: an Expanded Logboat Tradition in its Historical Context. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 329-336. Van de Moortel, A., 2011. Medieval Boat and Ship Finds of Germany, the Low Countries, and Northeast France: Archaeological Evidence for Shipbuilding Traditions, Shipbuilding Resources, Trade and Communication. Settlement and Coastal Research in the Lower North Sea Region 34. Niedersächsisches Institut für historische Küstenforschung - Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research, Wilhelmshaven: 1-38. Verhulst, A., 1981. De kustgebieden. In: D.P. Blok, W. Prevenier & D.J. Roorda (eds), Algemene geschiedenis der Nederlanden, Vol. 1. Fibula-Van Dishoeck, Haarlem: 126-135. Verhulst, A., 1982. Occupatiegeschiedenis en landbouweconomie in het Zuiden circa 1000-1300. In: D.P. Blok, W. Prevenier & D.J. Roorda (eds), Algemene geschiedenis der Nederlanden, Vol. 2. Fibula-Van Dishoeck, Haarlem: 83-104. Verwey, D., 1934. An Early Median Rudder and Sprit Sail? The Mariner’s Mirror 20: 230-231. Vlek, R., 1987. The Mediaeval Utrecht Boat. The History and Evaluation of One of the First Nautical Archaeological Excavations and Reconstructions in the Low Countries. British Archaeological Reports, BAR International Series 382, Oxford. Vlierman, K., 1996. Kleine bootjes en middeleeuws scheepshout met constructiedetails. Scheepsarcheologie II. Nederlands

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Instituut voor Scheeps- en onderwaterarcheologie/ROB (NISA), Flevobericht 404, Lelystad. Vlierman, K., 2002. Scheeps- en stadsarcheologie. De betekenis van scheeps(hout)vondsten in Nederlandse middeleeuwse steden. In: P.J. Woltering, W.J.H. Verwers & G.H. Scheepstra (eds), Middeleeuwse toestanden. Archeologie, geschiedenis en monumentenzorg. Aangeboden aan Herbert Sarfatij bij zijn 65e verjaardag. Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, Amersfoort: 119-148. Vlierman, K., 2008. Scheepsfragmenten uit de Romeinse tijd en de Karolingische periode. In: J. Dijkstra & J.A.W. Nicolay (eds), Een Terp op de Schop. Archeologisch onderzoek op het Oldehoofdsterkerkhof te Leeuwarden. ADC Archeoprojecten and Groninger Instituut voor Archeologie, Amersfoort and Groningen: 211-218. Vos, P. & Knol, E., 2005. Wierden ontstaan in een dynamisch getijdenlandschap. In: E. Knol, W. Prummel & A.C. Bardet (eds), Professor Van Giffen en het geheim van de wierden. Groninger Museum, Groningen: 118-135. Weerd, M. de, 1987. Velsen: The Mediaeval Logboat. In: R.W. Brandt, W. Groenman-van Waateringe & S.E. van der Leeuw (eds), The Assendelver Polder Papers I. University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam: 265-283. Whitney, K.P., 1989. The Development of the Kentish Marshes in the Aftermath of the Norman Conquest. Archaeologia Cantiana 107: 29-50.

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46. The devil is in the detail. The dilemma with classification and typology Holger Schweitzer

Introduction As important as classification and typology are as tools to organise ship archaeological resources, practice and methodology remain a contentious issue. The aim of this paper is to address some of the difficulties that arise on a practical level in applying current classification approaches with new discoveries and comparative analysis. More precisely it is intended to emphasize the dilemma of maritime field archaeologists trying to compare their own results or findings with other archaeological material. The main trouble is that the immense complexity of shipwrecks makes comparison somewhat more difficult than e.g. comparing burials of the Viking Age or Neolithic stone axes. Even though many colleagues have recognized this before, we still have not reached a comprehensive and systematic way of organizing and structuring our data in order to create classifications and typologies that allow for meaningful comparative analysis of the archaeological material (e.g. Maarleveld, 1995; Weski, 1999; Crumlin-Pedersen, 2000; Hocker, 2004). In many ways our way of dealing with ships and boats is still guided by attempting to use structural templates, which have been drawn up in the 1960s and 1970s after the discovery of the so-called Bremen cog and the Skuldelev wrecks. The pioneering work during this period led to the establishment of classification schemes, which are guided by two main strands of thought and can be categorised into a historical classification approach on the one hand and archaeological

or anthropological classification schemes on the other (table 1) (Hocker, 2004). The most prominent and common classification tools for each direction of thought are either matching wrecks of ships and boats with historically known types or classifying wrecks by construction method. The latter approach, which is not necessarily contradictive to the first, sees structural details of ships and boats as indicators for geographically and chronologically confined building traditions. Both approaches have valid arguments in themselves yet neither can claim to be fully comprehensive. As a result classification schemes are not infrequently mixed or cross-referenced in an effort to overcome typological shortcomings and insufficiencies. Conversely implementing new independent ways of classifying and structuring the data in form of typologies seems rather under represented. In recent years the theoretical aspects of this dilemma have been increasingly discussed, yet somehow a common ground and methodological approach seems not yet in sight (Hocker, 2004). Practical implications This leads to the question whether current classification schemes do justice to the complexity and nature of ships as archaeological source material? And on a practical level, are they useful tools for classifying and working with our data? Because of the complex nature of ships

Table 1: Classification schemes used in Ship Archaeology (after Hocker, 2004). Historical Classification

Archaeological Classification

By hull type: e.g. 18th century frigates and cats By rig: e.g. late 18th century schooners and sloop By design or specification: e.g. 18th century frigates and cats By size and armament: modern warships

By buoyancy and primary building material (McGrail) By function (Steffy) By roots: e.g skinboats, dugouts or other archetypes By construction method (building tradition): clinker, carvel, shell first, skeleton first, etc.

By types known from historical sources: e.g. hulk, cog or skude

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and boats the use of established and commonly accepted models for classification may impose preconditioned unsatisfactory or appropriate outcomes. By restricting ourselves to operate within the limitations of currently used typological frameworks, the full potential of newly discovered wrecks not fitting into such pre-set categories may not be recognised or exhausted. Furthermore, a look at the prevailing published material on surveyed or excavated wrecks shows that the actual description of construction details is frequently limited to those elements that are seen as key attributes for either a specific building tradition or historical ship type. However, this bears the danger to change the intended purpose of classification as a transparent and suitable tool for organising and interpreting our data to the contrary. Returning to the two methods of classification by historic ship types on the one hand and building traditions on the other, a number of key attributes are ­traditionally identified as diagnostic for certain types and/or building traditions. While some are seen as diagnostic on their own, such as mixed carvel-clinker planking for cogs, combinations of others are deemed to be diagnostic characteristics. Examples for this are e.g. the combination of clinker construction with iron nails and animal hair luting for the Scandinavian clinker building tradition. The listed attributes are by no means complete but serve the purpose of indicating the methodology behind our current classifications and typologies. Originally devised for the well-studied and well represented early medieval to Viking Age Scandinavian material, it becomes more convoluted and difficult when the templates are imposed on wrecks of later date and wider geographic reach. Here we increasingly encounter what appears to be oddities and attributes mixed together, which seemingly belong to different traditions or types. The question has to be raised whether the current methodologies thus enable us to properly address and identify the actual reasoning behind combinations of attributes. Case studies The variety of potential problems that can be encountered in organising and interpreting our archaeological data based on current classification schemes is illustrated using three examples of different date and context. Example 1: Vejle Hafnia wreck The remains of this wreck were discovered during excavations in the harbour of Vejle, Denmark in 1980. Although well-known it has received relatively little attention over the years. The wreck was recorded and drawn after its recovery and most of it discarded afterwards. A short section of the hull was kept, conserved and is now in storage at the Vejle Museum. Neither bow nor stern were preserved and the remains comprised

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Fig. 1. A hull plank with stop scarf of the Vejle Hafnia wreck (Photo: Auer, 2012).

the lowest part of the ship. Dendrochronologically the ship was dated to be after 1574 and the origin of the timber tentatively determined to be lower Saxony or Holland (Crumlin-Pedersen, 1985; Maarleveld, 1992; Lemée, 2006). The vessel was carvel built and the presence of spijker pennen in the hull planking immediately led to the conclusion that the construction was at least partially influenced by Dutch ship building methods. However, there is much more to this vessel and much of it seemingly at odds with our conventional order of things. It just does not fit nicely into any of our typological drawers. For example the hull planks along the same strakes are fastened to each other with well finished stop scarf joints (fig. 1). This feature, which is much more diagnostic for clinker vessels, was also observed at the 16th-century Gresham wreck (Auer & Firth, 2007). Further attributes characteristic for the ’Nordic’ clinker tradition are evident in the T-shaped keel and the use of iron clench nails and roves to fasten the garboard strakes to the keel. Using traditional classification approaches the VejleHafnia ship could therefore be an example of a vessel built in a hybrid ’Dutch-Nordic’ tradition, or else be a ’Nordic carvel’ with Dutch influence. This is not meant to discard investigating the phenomenon and the potential interaction between building traditions. However, by applying traditional templates during the data collection phase we are obstructing and restricting our view, not allowing for potential explanations outside known perimeters. The reasons behind combining certain structural features may be multi-fold and deserve a rather unbiased approach.

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Fig. 2. Reconstructed cross section of the �gabet wreck showing the two layers of hull planking (Drawing: Ditta, 2013).

Example 2: The Å�gabet wreck This wreck was partially excavated as part of the 2012 fieldschool of the University of Southern Denmark Maritime Archaeology Programme. It is located just north of the fishing village of Bagenkop on the Danish Island of Langeland. The bottom section of the hull was preserved, measuring c. 24 m in length from stem to stern. The vessel was built entirely from softwood, most likely pine and shows a number of constructional details, which could be characterised as ’anomalies’ judged by currently established boat and shipbuilding traditions (Auer et al., 2012). Probably the most notable ’anomaly’ lies in the structural makeup of the vessel’s hull. The outer shell consists of two separate layers of hull planking with an outer shell built in carvel and an inner layer constructed in half carvel fashion (fig. 2). The latter comprises a clinker built bottom turning to carvel above the turn of the bilge. Further to this, almost all hull fasteners are made of wood, including the fasteners of plank overlaps between clinker strakes. The small wooden nails used as clinker fasteners were furthermore secured with hardwood wedges. Another striking observation was that the joints between planks on the same strakes do not consist of scarfs as characteristic for clinker built vessels built in the ’Nordic’ tradition. Instead the plank ends are butt joined and sealed with thin boards placed over the overlaps from inboard and again fastened with wooden nails (Auer et al., 2012). The sole use of pine for the construction together with the level of care gone into the construction and choice of material initially appeared to a pre-industrial date and eastern Baltic origin. However, neither the structural composition nor the building sequence could be matched with archaeologically defined building traditions. Dendrochronological analysis showed that the timbers were felled after 1846 and originated from eastern Sweden, Gotland, the Aland Isles or Finland. The relatively recent date made it possible to identify the wreck through archival research as the Finnish schooner Pettu, which wrecked near Bagenkop in 1893 and provides valuable insight into early modern Finnish shipbuilding practices (Auer et al., 2012). How would a wreck like this be interpreted if dendrochronological sampling was not done or possible and no comparative data was available? The fact that the ship was built almost entirely in wood with such level of care at a time when the first iron hulled ships were built is striking. It

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can thus stand as a reminder that chronologically and geographically linear technological development is by no means a prerequisite. Example 3: Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia This last example may seem slightly out of place when discussing the matter at hand. For ships, particularly ships of the line from the 18th and 19th century we presume that our knowledge regarding classifications and construction can almost entirely be provided by historical sources. We often know the shipwright, have accounts about the construction, the life and history of the ship itself and the events surrounding its demise. Therefore French ships should be clearly distinguishable from English ships, which in return should be rather different to Dutch ships. What happens, however, if we have an English shipbuilder working in service of the Swedish King? Can we expect that ships build in such an environment are exact templates of English design and construction, or would the Swedish king demand certain amendments to comply with his own ideas. And further how is the interaction between the master shipbuilder and the workers on the shipyard? How strict would English construction methods be applied in practice? This was certainly the case for the Swedish ship of the line Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. It was built by Francis Sheldon the Younger for the Swedish King in 1697 as an 80 gun ship of the line. Although no plans for the ship remain today, a model of the Victoria, another 80 gun ship built by Sheldon in 1690 may give an idea of what she may have looked like. What is still preserved today is the lower hull of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia off Buelk, near Kiel in Germany where it came to rest during the Great Northern War after the Battle of Fehmarn in 1715 (Auer, 2011). During the 2011 excavation season by the Maritime Archaeology Programme fieldschool on the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia two constructional elements were noticed, which seemed to deviate from what one would expect from a ship of English design. On the one hand the keelson was found to be rather shallow and barely pronounced (fig. 3). Contemporary English sources in contrast show much more substantial keelsons, almost square in cross section. The keelson, however, seems to be more similar to that of the Vasa or late 17th-­century depictions of ships by Å�ke Rålamb who was trained by Francis Sheldon, the father of Francis Sheldon the

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Fig. 3. Reconstructed cross section of the excavated hull section. Solid lines indicate recorded elements (Drawing: Schweitzer, 2012).

Younger. Similarly late 17th–century Dutch depictions of ships show similar keelsons (Auer & Schweitzer, 2012; Auer & Schweitzer, 2013). The same excavation season also revealed the location of the ship’s galley, which was situated in the midship area. Although collapsed and not intact, it can be seen as unlikely that a heavy and substantial structure like the galley was moved over a large distance during salvage operations after the wrecking. Again, from pictorial evidence, the location of the galley on a 17th-century English ship would be expected under the forecastle, on the upper deck or directly aft of the forecastle. Similarities in galleys placed midship can again be found in the Vasa and contemporary 17th-century Dutch vessels (Auer & Schweitzer, 2012). Both features show how our own expectations and assumptions of a seemingly clear ship design and construction are not mirrored in the archaeological material, instead raising new questions and discussions. How influential was the shipbuilder in terms of constructional solutions for individual elements? What were the guidelines given by the king when he commissioned the ship? In how far is the shipbuilder in control of the structural execution of the construction, i.e. is there a potential for division of labour whereby Dutch shipbuilders implement the design using their own methods and techniques. The keelson assembly and galley location of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia show that detailed archaeological recording and documentation can still aid to create a better understanding of modern shipbuilding. The interaction between shipbuilders, commissioning authority and shipwright may vary significantly even from ship to ship and forms a crucial piece of the jigsaw for the understanding of modern shipbuilding. To date very few modern ships have been analysed regarding construction and layout. It is hoped that this example shows that they deserve to be treated with just the same attention to detail as ships and boats predating the age of sail.

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Conclusions The above examples highlight the insufficiencies of current typological methods in providing a suitable platform to organise, structure and understand our data in the sense of the original purpose of classification and typology. Like most archaeological classification methods, maritime archaeological approaches are based on the principle devised by Montelius in the 19th century. Crucially Montelius’ concept of classification requires a comprehensive understanding and knowledge of the material in question in order to compile meaningful typologies. Doing this for the Bronze Age material, Montelius was confident that he could achieve this objective and largely his approach has to date not been falsified in its core idea (Sørensen, 1997). Applying the necessity of comprehensive understanding and knowledge to classification in ship and boat archaeology it becomes evident that our data sets are neither comprehensive enough nor our knowledge of the same sufficient to establish lasting and meaningful typologies. Again it is the complexity of ships and boats as archaeological dataset making it difficult to find a solid basis for classification and type definition. However, not only the structural complexity and wealth of detail has to be taken into consideration in this regard. An important aspect that often seems to be under­ estimated is the potential co-occurrence of attributes or attribute clusters from different contexts. In other words certain structural elements or groups thereof may appear in more or less identical form in wrecks of unrelated contexts, be it geographically or chronologically. Furthermore it is the mobility of ships and boats hampering geographically tracing watercraft through their lifespan from construction to repair and demise. Also limitations in the archaeologically preserved and recorded data play an important role. This becomes particularly evident for medieval clinker wrecks where the geographic distribution of known wreck sites shows a

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strong north-south divide. The apparent underrepresentation of wrecks of a specific type or building tradition from certain geographic areas should be seen as a gap in our knowledge base, which has to be taken into consideration when assessing our overall material. Features found in the highly represented areas therefore do not necessarily mean that they are exclusive to or originating from there. The skewed data representation becomes even more apparent taking the difference between known wrecks and originally existing numbers of vessels into account. A closer look at the structural elements and variables shows that an array of factors influences how boats and ships are built. The basic structural concept for the respective tradition, which frequently serves as the main typological pillar for classification, is hereby only one of a number of influential factors. Further factors as identified by Crumlin-Pedersen include e.g. the owner’s demands and requirements, the intended operational waters as well as availability of building materials, manpower and technology. Socio-economic circumstances are equally of importance as personal preferences in hull form or the level of status to be displayed (CrumlinPedersen, 2004). The wealth of variables going into the physical make up of ships and boats are therefore a major prohibitive factor when it comes to establishing meaningful typologies. The above described dilemma is by no means restricted to ship archaeological data. Defining types based on similarities and differences in attributes or attribute clusters thus requires certain flexibility if difficulties on practical levels are to be avoided. For example if the defining criteria are insufficient, poor samples can lead to misinterpretations whereby a rare type could appear as an insignificant variation of a major type (Brown, 1982). Striking the balance of flexibility and clear type definition, however, is the challenging and difficult part for complex and imbalanced datasets such as pre-industrial ships and boats. In any case unbiased attribute presentation as advocated e.g. by Maarleveld would enable to generate a better basis for comparative analysis and classification (Maarleveld, 1995). Notwithstanding the importance of archaeologically and historically interpreting ship and boat finds, including contextualisation in relation to building traditions and historical types, it should be endeavoured to produce comprehensive and unqualified records of our archaeological resource to allow for the improvement of existing or development of new typologies. Only by accepting our current knowledge base as incomplete and current typologies as preliminary and not finite, the dilemma in classification and typology can be overcome.

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References Auer, J., 2011. Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia: fieldwork report 2010. Maritime Archaeology Programme, University of Southern Denmark, Esbjerg. Auer, J. & Firth, A., 2007. The ‘Gresham Ship’: an interim report on a 16th-century wreck from Princes Channel, Thames Estuary. Post-Medieval Archaeology 41.2: 222–241. Auer, J. & Schweitzer, H. (eds), 2012. Fieldwork Report, Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia 2011. Esbjerg. Auer, J. & Schweitzer, H., 2013. The wreck of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia: The archaeology of a Swedish Ship of the line during the Great Northern war. SKYLLIS. Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie 12: 57–63. Auer, J., Schweitzer, H. & Thomsen, C. (eds), 2012. Ågabet Wreck, Langeland. Fieldwork Report 2012. Esbjerg. Brown, J.A., 1982. On the Structure of Artifact Typologies. In: R. Whallon & J.A. Brown (eds), Essays on Archaeological Typology: 176–190. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2004. Nordic Clinker Construction. In: F.M. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The philosophy of shipbuilding: conceptual approaches to the study of wooden ships. Texas A&M University Press: 37–64. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 1985. Ship-Archaeology in Denmark, 1979-1982. In: C.O. Cederlund (ed.), Postmedieval Boat and Ship Archaeology. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Stockholm 1982. Stockholm: 373–380. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2000. To be or not to be a cog: the Bremen Cog in perspective. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 29.2: 230–246. Hocker, F.M., 2004. Shipbuilding: Philosophy, Practice and Research. In: F. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The philosophy of shipbuilding : conceptual approaches to the study of wooden ships: 1–11. Lemée, C., 2006. The Renaissance shipwrecks from Christianshavn: an archaeological and architectural study of large carvel vessels in Danish waters, 1580-1640. Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde. Maarleveld, T., 1992. Archaeology and Early Modern Merchant Ships, Building Sequence and Consequences: An Introductory Review. In: A. Carmiggelt (ed.), Rotterdam Papers 7: 155–173. Maarleveld, T., 1995. Type or technique. Some thoughts on boat and ship finds as indicative of cultural traditions. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24.1: 3–7. Sørensen, M.L.S., 1997. Material Culture and Typology. Current Swedisch Archaeology 5: 179–192. Weski, T., 1999. The IJsselmeer type: some thoughts on Hanseatic cogs. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 28.4: 360–379.

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47. Continuity and change in Dutch shipbuilding AD 1500-1700. The case of the waterschip Joep P.F. Verweij

Introduction In 2009 a waterschip (watership) was discovered in the waterway (Vaargeul Amsterdam-Lemmer) leading to the IJ-harbour of Amsterdam. The wreck was lifted and subsequently documented ashore. A waterschip represents the largest locally built fisherman ever to exploit the inland sea of the Netherlands, the Zuiderzee. This ship’s type remained in use for at least four centuries, from the 15th up to the 19th century. The largest waterships were over 20 m long and 5 m wide. Originally they were used to assemble and transport fresh water fish to the fast growing cities around the Zuiderzee. In order to keep the fish alive for the local market the catch was transported in a fish well filled with water. With these ships probably also fish was exported abroad. Later on the waterschip became a specialized vessel for heavy duty trawling and even adopted a function as a tug at the beginning of the 17th century after the East India

Company (VOC) was founded. The big ocean-going VOCships could not pass the shallow mud banks across the harbour entrance to Amsterdam without being towed by waterships. There is a general public tendency in the Netherlands to perceive the waterschip as a symbol of continuity in Dutch shipbuilding technology in early modern time. The ship type appears on several famous Dutch paintings featuring Dutch economic power. It represents a long tradition in Dutch shipbuilding, in which ship design did not seem to have changed for four centuries against the background of a rapidly changing society. The watership off Amsterdam is the only wreck found underwater. Another 40 wrecks of this type were found over a period of 60 years, generally by ground-workers and farmers in the reclaimed land areas in the province of Flevoland, such as the double wreck designated ZN74 (fig. 1). Between 1946 and 2003, the 40 land wrecksites were explored by archaeologists and some have been

Fig. 1. Two waterschip-wrecks in the reclaimed land area, designated ZN74-1 and ZN74-2 and excavated in 1982 (Photo: A.F.L. van Holk / courtesy of Cultural Heritage Agency Lelystad).

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excavated. Therefore, much archaeological data became available on this particular ship type. This provided an unique opportunity for a comparative study which had as primary goal to find out whether or not the design of this ship indeed remained unchanged while Dutch society was rapidly transforming into a world power. The Dutch organization for scientific research allocated some funds to a project called ‘Fish and Fortune’, allowing prof. Van Holk at the University of Groningen to gather all available archaeological watership data for analysis purposes. An elaborate article on the subject was published in 2012 (Verweij, Waldus & van Holk, 2012). Underlying research questions The first question is whether or not ship design changed during the lifespan of the watership. In its lifetime the trade with the Baltic and the Mediterranean intensified and the Dutch society became a Republic venturing out all over the world. The perception of continuity in Dutch shipbuilding sharply contrasts with a hypothesis in maritime archaeology that improved technologies tend to spread to areas where economic development accelerates (Gould, 2000: 199). In the closing days of the Middle Ages the carvel shipbuilding technology was such an improvement. It is argued that this technology spread from Southwest Europe upward towards Northern Europe and also influenced Dutch shipbuilding. Indeed

the watership did actually transform from a lap-strake hull to a carvel hull. So was the watership affected by the new carvel technology trend? A second question is what drivers account for change or continuity. In the past decades several models have been proposed by scholars that explain processes of change in shipbuilding practice in an evolutionist or diffusionist framework. The hypothesis of carvel technology spreading through Europe is diffusionist in nature. The implicit assumption is that techniques from other shipbuilding traditions are adopted as part of cultural and economic exchange processes. However scholars nowadays tend to see ships as products of their own time and place. Changes in shipbuilding practice are driven by local problems encountered by local ship owners and shipbuilders (the systemic model) (Hocker, 2004b: 8). In this paradigm a connection to presupposed long term processes is not made. The case of the watership may serve as a new test case to argue one way or the other. Scope and analytic approach The archaeological dataset only covers two centuries (the 16th and 17th centuries), for the simple reason that the wrecks all date back to this time bracket. The find spots are for the major part (with exception of the underwater wreck off Amsterdam) limited to the former Zuiderzee (fig. 2). Archives tell us that waterships were constructed in a region that is now called the Province

Fig. 2. Locations of all 40 watership wreck sites in the former Zuiderzee, indicated in the reclaimed land area superimposed on a map of the Zuiderzee in earlier times.

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Fig. 3. Constructional differences projected on existing watership models (Photo: top models, courtesy of Cultural Heritage Agency Lelystad; lower model, courtesy of Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, model No. MC514).

of North Holland. Their areas of operation initially were the many creeks and lakes in this province and later on the Zuiderzee itself. The first step in analysing the data was to build a database describing dimensions and features of ship construction related to the hull, keel, stem, stern, framing, stringers, deck, deck equipment and caulking. Consistent and uniform attributes had to be specifically defined that would allow for a comparison of data in this study. Next the data had to be selected for comparative analysis. Only 13 of total of 41 wrecks have been excavated and documented well enough to make geometrical inferences in a comparative manner. The other wrecks provided only scant information on construction details and geometrical layout. This is inherent to archaeology as deposition processes may have different outcomes in the way wrecks break down. Seven of the 40 wrecks on reclaimed land were only explored and covered again for preservation in situ. They will provide another wealth of additional information in the future once excavated. The third research step involved the sequencing of wrecks in time according to their estimated construction year. Dating attributes typically used were coins, sintels and ceramics. Stratigraphic analysis and dendrochronology helped to narrow down the construction date to a bracket of 25 years for the 13 wrecks mentioned earlier.

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Finally the attributes were analysed by comparing the available field drawings and excel worksheets. Results: constructional differences Figure 3 shows the most significant differences in construction details, derived from 27 wrecks. Most conspicuous is the transition of the construction of the hull from lap-strake to flush. Also over time the plank keel was replaced by a beam keel. The S-shape of the underwater hull aft improved by changing the garboard strake connection to the sternpost. The shape of the stem gradually changed from curved to nearly straight and was positioned on top of a longer keel. The stem post was extended by a skeg and cutwater. The net effect of these changes was an increase in lateral surface area of the underwater hull forward. Last but not least the framing system changed into a more robust configuration with compass timbers added to strengthen the turn of the bilge. Also the stringer density increased. The net effect was an increase of hull strength. An observation on the side is that there is a fair amount of variability in construction detail from ship to ship. The lack of standardization is significant because this may indicate that different shipwrights used different methods of ship

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Fig. 4. Indicators for design changes. Text above ship drawing: changes in volume and strengthening. Text below ship drawing: changes in relation to manoeuvrability.

construction. Alternatively they might have been driven by the shape of the wood available. Results: indicators for design changes in volume and strengthening Geometrical analysis of the linear dimensions indicates that the ship’s volume increased at least by 20% within two generations in the second quarter of the 16th century. In addition the average hull planking thickness increased. Also the frame density increased, the distance between frames on average being 25% less (fig. 4). Together with the observed changes in construction the overall interpretation is that the design of the ship changed in the second quarter of the 16th century to make it a more robust and higher capacity fisherman. Results: indicators for design changes in relation to manoeuvrability In the second half of the 16th century the design kept on changing gradually. Interpretation is that these changes were made to increase manoeuvrability. Geometric analysis indicates that the length of the keel increased relative to the hull length by at least 15%, the keel thickness increased by 50% and the steepness of the stem by

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25% (fig. 4). Together with the observed changes in the construction it adds up to a significant increase of lateral surface area under water. Last but not least there are indications that the ability to trim the ship was improved by moving the mast position relative to the ship length backward and the centre of gravity forward. Results: indicators for continuity It turns out that not only major design changes were incorporated, but also that major characteristics remained unchanged. Paintings and models hint toward continuity in overall appearance. Additionally, the archaeological dataset indicates that the internal layout, the medieval hull shape, the rigging and handling equipment essentially remained unchanged. From a separate study on stability characteristics it appears that the watership would meet more than twice the present day stability requirements for trawlers (Folkersma, 1987). In all the watership had a stable and robust design over its entire lifetime as a ship type, which probably made it the best local candidate for heavy duty trawl net fishing and towing. The watership continued to exist while the cog, also having a medieval hull shape, became extinct. All other ships in the Zuiderzee area of operations were flat bottomed with side-mounted retractable leeboards in early modern times. Local tradition and utility must

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have been driving continuity in ship design. It simply was successful.

the local dynamics of society, even without any influence from the South.

Assessment: drivers for change

Conclusion

The design changes which increased trawling capacity and improved manoeuvrability coincide with local economic dynamics in society and with related changing functional requirements. The need to feed a fast increasing population in North-Holland (de Vries & van der Woude, 2005: 472-475) and the need to tow big ships into Amsterdam are important drivers behind the observed changes (Crone, 1949: 168). But there was more. Most pressure build up came from an increasing scale of local trade, a growing number of related institutions, a rapidly growing maritime infrastructure, specialization and concentration of shipyards (Boschma-Aarnoudse, 2003: 125-127) and an ever increasing scarcity of resources of which timber was the most pressing one.

The prevailing public perception of continuity can be explained. The general layout and shape of the ship type did not change. However at least two major design changes have been identified that can be associated with changing requirements in a local context of economic dynamics. The case of the waterschip in general supports the hypothesis that international trends in shipbuilding may impact the design of ships, be it not directly but through local pressures of a political and economic nature. The shipwrights switched from one local variation of shipbuilding technique to another: the Dutch flush assembly technique.

Assessment: impact of international trend to adopt carvel technology

Adams, J., 2003. Ships, Innovation and Social change, Aspects of Carvel Shipbuilding in Northern Europe 1450-1850. Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 24, Stockholm. Blok, K., 2010. Het Biddinghuizer Colfschip, een aanzet tot reconstructie. Groningen Institute of Archaeology, Bachelor thesis unpublished. Boetto, G., 2006. Roman techniques for the transport and conservation of fish: the case of the Fiumicino 5 wreck. In: L. Blue, F.M. Hocker & A. Englert (eds), Connected by the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 123-130. Boschma-Aarnoudse, C., 2003. Tot verbeteringe van de neeringe deser Stede, Edam en de Zeevang in de late Middeleeuwen en de 16de eeuw. Verloren, Hilversum. Boven, G. & Hoving, A., 2009. Scheepskamelen & Waterschepen, eene ellendige talmerij doch lofflijk middel. Walburg Pers, Zutphen. Brinkman, C.L., 2005. Geschiedkundige Atlas van Nederland in zestien kaarten. Waanders uitgevers, Zwolle. Crone, G.C.E., 1949. Onze schepen in de gouden eeuw. P.N. van Kampen & Zoon N.V., Amsterdam. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2004. Nordic Clinker Construction. In: F.M. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The philosophy of shipbuilding. A&M University Press, Texas, USA: 37-64. Dam, J.F.M. van, 1997. Vissen in Veenmeren, de sluisvisserij op aal tussen Haarlem en Amsterdam en de ecologische transformatie in Rijnland 1440-1530. Proefschrift Universiteit Leiden, Verloren, Hilversum. Folkersma, W., 1987. Berekeningen aan een 16e-eeuws waterschip. In: R. Reinders (ed.), Raakvlakken tussen scheepsarcheologie, maritieme geschiedenis en Scheepsbouwkunde. Rijksdienst voor de IJsselmeerpolders, Lelystad; 83-89. Gent, E.F. van, 2002. The archaeological investigation of Waterschip NP33. Thesis University of Leiden, unpublished.

There is a relationship between the introduction of carvel shipbuilding and the maritime aspiration of nations to explore and expand (Adams, 2003: 180,196208). The lap-strake technology of the Middle Ages was not the optimum answer in a situation that the demand for cargo capacity, speed and guns was growing in the context of an alien ocean environment. This may be true for the ocean going traders. The watership on the contrary could have easily retained its lap-strake design. So why did the transition to a flush hull took place? The answer is found in observed constructional details. The watership featured a number of characteristics that can be associated with local shipbuilding traditions (be it with Nordic accents). This is true in the lap-strake case as well as in the carvel case. The only feature, that the carvel watership shared with the carvel technology trend spreading from the south, is the flush sides. There are no signs of frame first assembly or even hull pre-shaping. Moreover, in the case of the carvel built watership spike plugs and scratch marks indicate that the Dutch flush technique was used. This technique was commonly used in the construction of Dutch ocean going ships as described by Maarleveld (1992). The explanation for waterships being built in the Dutch flush style must have been local economic dynamics. The Dutch flush built ship would win the competition overlap-strake construction. So it is concluded that international trends may have impact on the design of ships. In the case of the watership however, a local method of shipbuilding was chosen to cope with local pressures. The link to carvel shipbuilding technology spreading North in Europe is a weak one. Flush hull construction might have developed anyway in North-Holland given

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References

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Gould, R.A., 2000. Archaeology and the Social History of Ships. Cambridge University Press. Haalmeijer, H. & Vuik, D., 2007. Buizen, Bommen, Bonzen en Botters. De Alk B.V., Alkmaar. Hocker, F.M., 2004a. Bottom-Based Shipbuilding in North western Europe. In: F.M. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The philosophy of shipbuilding, A&M. University Press, Texas, USA: 65-94. Hocker, F.M., 2004b. Shipbuilding: Philosophy, Practice, and Research. In: F.M. Hocker & C.A. Ward (eds), The philosophy of shipbuilding. A&M University Press, Texas, USA: 1-12. Holk, A.F.L. van, 1983. De constructie van twee waterschepen gevonden op kavel NZ74. Werkdocument 1983-57, Abw. Rijksdienst voor de IJsselmeerpolders, Lelystad. Holk, A.F.L. van, 1986. Jaarringonderzoek van scheepsresten. Master thesis Biologisch Archeologisch Instituut, Universiteit Groningen. Holk, A.F.L. van, 1994. Kuilen en voorhouders, de uitrusting van waterschepen. In: R. Reinders & M. Bierma (eds), Vis en Visvangst, inleidingen gehouden tijdens het zevende Glavimans symposium in Vlaardingen 1997. Groningen: 29-55. Holk, A.F.L. van & Immink, A., 2010a. Een karveel gebouwd waterschip uit de 17de eeuw op kavel NE160. Cultural Heritage Agency, Lelystad, in prep. Holk, A.F.L. van & Immink, A., 2010b. Een overnaads waterschip uit het tweede kwart van de 16e eeuw op kavel ZM22. Cultural Heritage Agency, Lelystad, in prep. Holk, A.F.L. van & Immink, A., 2010c. Twee 16de eeuwse waterschepen op kavel ZN74. Cultural Heritage Agency Lelystad, in prep. Hoving, A.J., 1988. A 17th century Dutch 134-foot pinas, part I, A reconstruction after Aeloude en Hedendaegse Scheepsbouw en Bestier by Nicolaes Witsen 1671. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 17.3: 211-222. Hoving, A.J., 2006. Ship design in Holland in the eighteenth century. In: L. Blue, F.M. Hocker & A. Englert (eds), Connected by the sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 105-111. Hulst, R. & Vlek, R., 1985. Drie waterschepen gevonden op kavel P33, P40 en R13 in de Noordoostpolder. Werkdocument 198357 Abw. Rijksdienst voor de IJsselmeerpolders, Lelystad. Koningsberger, J.C. & Oosting, R., 1994. Over Zuiderzee en Pampus gevaren. In: G.H.L. Tiesinga (ed.), Ruimte voor verandering. Cultuur Historisch Jaarboek voor Flevoland. Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Flevoland, Lelystad: 27-43. Maarleveld, Th.J., 1992. Archaeology and Early Modern Merchant Ships, Building Sequences and Consequences: An introductory view. In: A. Carmiggelt, Rotterdam papers VII: 153-173. Maarleveld, Th.J., 1994. Double Dutch Solutions in FlushPlanked Shipbuilding: Continuity and Adaptations at the Start of Modern History. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International

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Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 153-164. Nierop, L. van, 1955/1956. Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van de Amsterdamse scheepsbouw, Bundeling artikelen zoals eerder afgedrukt in Amstelodanum, published on www.theobakker.net/amsterdam.html. Overmeer, A.B.M., 2008. Schepen van verre kusten? Overnaadse schepen in Nederland in de 15de en 16de eeuw. In: R. Oosting & J. van den Akker (eds), Boomstamkano’s, overnaadse schepen en tuigage, inleidingen gehouden tijdens het tiende Glavimans symposium in Lelystad 2006. Stampij, Amersfoort: 41-56. Pedersen, R.K., 1996. Waterschip ZN421, a clenched-lap fishing vessel from Flevoland, The Netherlands. Flevobericht 406. Ketelhaven. Petrejus, E.W., 1964. Scheepsmodellen, binnenschepen. C.A.J. van Dishoeck, Bussum: 145-151. Polderman, A.H., 1972. Over scheepswrakken en fotogrammetrie. Thesis June 1972, Delft, Laboratorium voor Geodesie, unpublished. Reinders, R. et al., 1986. Het wrak van een 16e-eeuws vissersschip in Flevoland. Flevobericht 140. Rijksdienst voor de IJsselmeerpolders, Lelystad. Schutten, G.J., 2004. Verdwenen schepen de kleine houten beroepsvaartuigen, vrachtvaarders en vissersschepen in de Lage landen. Walburg Pers, Zutphen. Sicking, L., 1999. De Zuiderzee en de territoriale afronding van de Nederlanden onder Karel V. In: G.H.L. Tiesinga (ed.), Tot deffensie van de Zuyderzee, Cultuur Historisch Jaarboek voor Flevoland. Uitgeverij De Twaalfde Provincie, Lelystad: 47-58. Unger, R.W., 1978. Dutch Shipbuilding before 1800, Ships and Guilds. Van Gorcum, Assen/Amsterdam. Verweij, J.P.F., Waldus, W.B. & Holk, A.F.L. van, 2012. Continuity and change in Dutch shipbuilding in the Early Modern Period. The case of VAL7 and the watership in general. JALC 4-1. online at www.jalc.nl. Vlierman, K., 1996. “…Van Zintelen, Van Zintelroeden ende Mossen…”, een breeuwmethode als hulpmiddel bij het dateren van scheepswrakken uit de Hanzetijd, Flevobericht 386. ROB/NISA, Lelystad. Vries, J. de & Woude, A. van der, 2005. Nederland 1500-1815, de eerste ronde van moderne economische groei. Balans, Amsterdam. Waldus, W.B. et al., 2010. Een duik in het verleden van de Nederlandse rivieren. Vitruvius 4.13. Educom B.V., Rotterdam. Waldus, W.B. (ed.), 2010. Wrak VAL7, Buiten IJ. De opgraving, lichting en het onderzoek van een 16e-eeuws waterschip. ADC Rapport 2064, Amersfoort. Ypma, Y.N., 1962. Geschiedenis van de Zuiderzeevisserij. Amsterdam.

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48. A 15th-century shipwreck with Scandinavian features from Bremen (Germany) Daniel Zwick

Fig. 1. Overview of medieval and post-medieval wreck finds in the City of Bremen: [1] Bremen Cog (c. 1380) [2] Parts of a pram (1070–1240) and a log-boat, [3] Teerhof-Ship I (c. 15th century), [4] Pram ‘Karl’ (c. 808), [5] Becks-Ship (c. 1444), [6] Schlachte-Ship (c. 1170), [7] BelugaShip (early 15th century), [8 and 9] two river barges (late 17th century). The Balge tributary and a former side arm of the Weser River are indicated by the area hachured in blue (Photo and graph: Daniel Zwick, basis data from TopSoKa 1:10 000 ©Geoinformation Bremen, licensed on 22.07.2011)

Introduction During a rescue excavation carried out in spring 2007 on the Beluga Shipping construction site in Bremen, Germany, a shipwreck was unearthed within the excavation’s sheet pile wall. It was dubbed Beluga Ship in

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reference to the developer, who kindly funded the PEG conservation. The wreck was excavated under difficult circumstances and within the tight schedule of a rescue excavation, allowing only two days for an in situ documentation carried out by this author single-handedly, employing the offset survey method.

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Fig. 2. Top right: after its deposition, the wreck was covered by clayey silty sands [5], which were later partially eroded away [4], probably due to a change in river flow direction. So the first layers [5] are abutted by a new deposition of silty to coarse dark-brown organic sands [3] indicating two major changes in the macro-environment: the soil runoff in the course of deforestation led to the silting-up of rivers and thereby increased the flow velocity. This is also reflected in the deposition of coarser sediments. Tidal erosion undercut [2] the fluvial deposits [5], while building debris and muddled sands indicate that the uppermost deposit [1] was backfilled material (Graph: Daniel Zwick). Bottom: the Teerhof as depicted by Matthäus Merian the Elder (1640/41). The red dot indicates the approximate finding spot of the Beluga wreck.

Site context The site of discovery – Teerhof – is situated on a Weser peninsular and literally translates as ‘tar yard’. Its name dates back to at least the 17th century and initially referred to a tar storage near a sawmill at the peninsular’s northwestern extent, which is predated by a ‘tar house’ first mentioned in 1547 (Bischop, 2008a: 95-97). Very close to the Beluga Ship, but deeper, another late medieval clinker-built shipwreck was discovered in winter 1979 during an extreme low tide, with a keel preserved up to 11 m in length and a mast-step in the stern-section (Brandt, 1979: 331). The Beluga wreck

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extends to a depth of between 1.6 m to 0.65 m above mean sea level. In comparison, the late medieval groundwater table is reconstructed with +1.5 m above the present sea level in this area (Ortlam, 1996: 30). Thus the wreck would have been almost completely inundated at mean spring tide and exposed at low tide. Land erosion caused by the intensified deforestation as well as the continuous rise of the sea level from the 17th century onwards (cf. Behre, 2003: fig. 13) led to an aggradation of the Weser, covering the wreck by fluvial deposits of silty sands (fig. 2 - top right). These and the lowermost planks were later truncated by erosive action of a high energy current, as indicated by coarse gravelly sands. Aided by

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Fig. 3. Bottom: The in situ plan of the Beluga Ship shows the inner side of the starboard planking. Top left: the planking was adzed off on the starboard side, leaving only a fragment of the garboard. The tool marks are highlighted. The hood-ends of the starboard planking were adzed off the stem. The angular cut might display an effort of removing a V-shaped frame located at the keel-stem transition. The planks were fastened to the keel and to the stem with nails with great variances in spacings and head sizes, albeit the latter can be attributed to iron concretions. Top right: a schematic drawing of the vertical stem-keel scarf seen from the underside. The scarf is also tapering in moulded height due to the curvature of the stem (Graph: Daniel Zwick).

the currents, fishing became a major activity at this site, as evidenced by numerous clay net sinkers found in the layers above (Bischop, 2008b: 208) and the wooden piles driven through the planking, which probably served for fastening weirs. It is not surprising that the Beluga Ship was discovered at this site, since it was a common practise to scrap old worn-out vessels where new vessels were built, as many of the constructional elements could be reused. The frames had been removed with little damage, leaving only some planks with angular cuts where the frames would have been fastened. The careful removal indicates that the slab of planking was possibly intentionally left intact for reuse as a whole. Whether the slab of planking was left there to prevent erosion or as working platform is not clear, but it seems notable that it is situated at a level that would have corresponded to the tidal range in the late medieval period.

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Similar findings of reuse could be also observed in the 14th-century Sandwich wreck, where most of the 22 frames had been chopped, sawn or broken off (Milne, 2004), and in the case of the Sørenga 1 wreck from the mid 14th century from which the keel was removed for reuse (Nævestad, 1998: 171). In Å�rhus, 15th-century slabs of planking were reused as revetment, indicating a life span of roughly 30 years before the vessels were broken up (Larsen et al, 2011: 23), and Sørenga 10 from the late 15th century was reused as articulated slab of planking, as indicated by two cuts on both ends of the keel (Fawsitt, 2012: 9). Reuse must of have been a widespread practise at that time, but understandably there is mostly only indirect evidence in the archaeological record of this, with the exception of a boatyard in Poole, England, where an open-air boatyard timber store from the late 14th or early 15th century was preserved in situ under estuarine deposits, in different groups of timbers such

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as knees, Y-shaped floor timbers and planks from dismantled vessels neatly stacked in groups, like in a spare parts stock (cf. Watkins, 1994: 10-11). Ship timbers Not much of the wreck has survived and it would be more appropriately classified as an articulated slab of planking, if not for the survival of the fragmented stempost and keel. The latter was truncated by the excavator’s bucket upon its discovery. On the port side eight strakes of planking have survived, becoming gradually more fragmented, and on the starboard side only a fragmented garboard plank. The absence of plank-to-plank fastenings in the upper planks is not indicative of the maximum height of the sides, but can be attributed to the deterioration of the plank edges and corrosion of the iron fastenings which accelerated fragmentation (fig. 3 - bottom). The analysed planks have a mean thickness of c. 2.1 cm and a width of 20 to 26 cm and were clinker-fastened throughout. Unfortunately there are no indications to determine the original length and thus there is no way of knowing whether the amidships section formed part of the preserved slab of planking. The analysed planks were radially cleft, as indicated already by the narrow plank widths. The width of the lands measure at least 2.5 cm and vary slightly. The plank scarfs roughly measure between 15 - 20 cm and finish with an even surface, with the forward facing edge inboard to prevent water entering through the joints. The upper strakes - that is the lowermost planks in the in situ find – were increasingly deteriorated by erosion, owing to its position at the lower slope of the riverbank. Keel and stem are diagonally notched together with a scarf c. 25 cm in length and with a width of 6.2 cm (fig. 3 - top). The tapering side of the stem exceeds the length of the notch and was wedged in between the keel and the garboard. The width of the keel directly behind the scarf is 6.2 cm but widens continuously to 11.3 cm shortly before the keel damage, i.e. 180 cm behind the scarf. The keel features a trapezoidal shape in cross-section, a near V-shaped profile which elides into a U-shaped profile at the stem, owing to the sharper angle at which the hood ends are rabbeted into the stem. It seems as though the hood-ends are flush, as the rabbet does not indicate stepped recesses. However, the keel does not seem to have rabbets for the garboard strakes; the latter were apparently just nailed onto the former with numerous spikes, leaving smaller gaps than between the rivet plank-to-plank fastenings. The keel is very similar to that of the Aber Wrac’h wreck, which also lacks a proper rabbet to receive the garboards and has only a slight lateral groove at the ends which disappears amidships, with the planks merely nailed onto the keel (l’Hour & Veyrat, 1994: 169). The stem has a rabbet for receiving the hood-ends, which however is invisible

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on the starboard side and thus appears to have been abraded or adzed off. Apart from the fact that almost all planks from the starboard side were removed, with the exception of a garboard fragment, all frames were carefully removed too. Only the treenail rows at an interval of roughly 50 cm indicate their former position. Waterproofing The lands of the overlapping planks were luted with brownish wool strands. The microscopic analysis of a luting sample has shown that it was made of a wool blend of an older sheep race, consisting of very fine to rough fibres without pucker, with a thickness of between 20-70 μm, a length of only a few centimetres and of frail texture when washed (Van’t Hull, 2007). The short length of the fibres may indicate that the wool may have been reused from a worn out fabric, while the dark brown colouring indicates a treatment with tar. The scarfs were also laminarily luted. The waterproofing technique in vessels built of radially cleft planks was more difficult due to the irregular edge thicknesses of hewn planks (Coates, 1977: 223). This explains the ample quantities of caulking material used. Evidence from Britain, Norway (Steen, 2012: 50) and Denmark (Bill, 1997: tab. 1) has shown that the overlapping lands in clinker constructions were almost exclusively luted with animal fibres up to the late medieval period, with the exception of scarfs (cf. Auer & Maarleveld, 2013: 15; Thowsen, 1965: 45). Fastenings The treenail rows are regularly spaced at an interval of roughly 50 cm. Each frame had been connected with one treenail per strake. A couple of treenails were missing, probably rebored or driven out to facilitate the removal of the frames. The remaining treenails in place are all stubs. The garboard strakes are connected to the keel and the lowermost post of the stem with an exceedingly high number of iron nails with larger than average heads. The clinker planks were interconnected with iron nails in fairly irregular intervals. Their shafts are about 42 mm long and rectangular in cross-section, measuring c. 65 x 45 mm. The head is oval with a diameter of 24 - 30 mm and a thickness of 5 mm (fig. 4 - top). The iron fasteners which have not been corroded on the inboard side were all rivetted over rectangular roves, measuring c. 25 x 23 mm, with a thickness of 6 mm. Particularly at places not covered by silty fluvial deposits, several rivetted plates and nail heads have been corroded, leaving only the nail shafts in the wood. At several points only the imprint of roves has been preserved in the wood, while the roves and nails have corroded away entirely. The good visibility of the

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48. A 15th-century shipwreck with Scandinavian features from Bremen (Germany)

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Fig. 4. Top: rivetted square-shanked iron nails as the one depicted above served as plank fastenings (Graph: Daniel Zwick). Bottom: the metallurgical analysis showed the ferrite and perlite lamination with slag lines as typical for iron production in bloomeries. The coarse grain in the transition from head to shaft indicates that there was little deformation and thus indicated that the nail was manufactured from one strip of iron (Photos: Stefan Koch, modified by the author).

rove-impressions may be an indicator for the vessel’s advanced age at the time it was scrapped, as this could

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be an indication that the roves have ‘eaten’ their way into the wood, which usually leads to problems with

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water-tightness. This would be a good explanation for the scrapping of the vessel at the end of its working life. Modern boat-building experience has shown that it is particularly difficult to keep large clinker-built ships watertight, and that therefore rivets used to be much larger than they are today (Godal, 1995: 282), arguably with the intent to increase the thrust face to avoid deep rove-impressions and thus a loose fastening. Such tendency in rivet-sizes is also reflected in the ship-fragments discovered in London (Goodburn, 1991: 112), although reduction in size is also linked to closer spacings (Damian Goodburn, pers. comm.). Albeit certainly not representative, a metallurgical analysis of one of the iron rivets was conducted, which confirmed that it was produced in a bloomery, the typical way of iron production in medieval times and before. The varied thickness of slag lines, the varied ferrite, perlite and carbon concentations are typical indicators for this practice, in which blooms were formed in the melting process and iron strips folded to hammer out the slag (Koch, 2008: 4).1 The slag lines can be explained by the folding and welding together of scrap iron. While irregular carbon concentrations in the banded structure do not necessarily indicate welding, slag lines certainly do (Piaskowski, 1982: 47). They form as a consequence of using a fluxing agent, like sand, in order to bind the oxide layer, which leads to the characteristic black slag lines (fig. 4 - bottom). The transition from head to shaft features coarse grain and thus shows that the nail has been subject to less deformation at this point, indicating that the nail was manufactured from one strip of iron (Koch, 2008: 3-4). This also corresponds to the typical way of manufacturing in medieval times, in which an oblong metal strip was hammered into an angular shaft, cut off at a certain interval and the head welded over a form (cf. Bill, 1994: 56). This type featuring an angular shaft and a rectangular rove was once typical in Scandinavia and the British Isles, but has assumed a commonplace spread in northern Europe beyond the Scandinavian sphere since the end of the twelfth century (Bill, 1994: 60). Dating and provenance The first dendrological samples taken from the fragmentary upper planks yielded a result from the second quarter of the 15th century with a provenance from the Weser Lowland (Heußner, 2009a). Wood in riverine lowland regions is subject to unique conditions which lead to a distinctive regional annual ring growth by which their provenance could be closely determined.2 The date is supported by a terminus post quem, a Siegburg stoneware fragment found beneath the wreck, pointing to the turn of the 15th century. The decision to take further samples from the lowermost and better preserved strakes – despite infringing the wreck’s structural integrity – was rewarded with an unexpected result: the lowermost

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planks did not only antedate the latter by a few decades, but originated from the Baltic region (Heußner, 2009c). The findings and implications of the dendrological analysis are discussed in further detail in a forthcoming article of the author (Zwick, forthcoming). Timber supply and workmanship The planks with the Baltic provenance are of the highest quality oak, virtually knotless and straight grained. While it is not possible to determine the exact provenance for Baltic oak timber (Ważny, 2002), not least due to the extensive hinterland where Baltic oak was cut and floated down the Daugava River to Riga (Zunde, 1998/99). The quality itself indicates that the timber was cut in a wildwood area. In such woods, the lower branches die off early and are grown over due to the overarching shade provided by treetops, leaving small knots only in the first few growth rings (McGrail, 1998: 37). As opposed to the heavily branched trees in managed woodlands, these tall straight-grained trunks are easily cleft and planks can be of much greater lengths (Goodburn, 2003: 293). Timber supply directly affects timber conversion and ultimately the shipbuilding technique. Sawing is commonly regarded as the more modern method of timber conversion, whereas radial cleaving is often regarded as old-fashioned and vernacular. However, shipbuilding techniques perceived as innovative could have been primarily driven by scarcity of adequate timber, rather than a progression in technology in its own right. It should be kept in mind that radially cleft timber had technical advantages which explains its longevity even in late medieval times. It allowed the planks to be thinner, as medullary rays were left intact, adding strength while making planks more flexible and lighter. Moreover, radially cleft planks are watertight, thus regularly also used as barrel staves. And last but not least, radially split edge-wood offers a better nail hold (Godal, 1995: 274). Reconstructing the vessel Although the dimensions of the planks in the Beluga Ship appear very modest, this is not necessarily a good indicator for the vessel’s original size. Seán McGrail addressed the issue of estimating ship-sizes on the basis of dimensions of individual ship-timbers, and by his estimate the Beluga wreck would make it into the group of “large boats or small ships” (cf. McGrail, 1993: 11 and 19-21). Interestingly, and quite prudently, McGrail did not include plank width as criteria, which is often elsewhere instinctively taken as indicator. But even in late medieval times, sizeable vessels could be built with planks of minor widths and thicknesses. The Dokøen 3 wreck discovered in Copenhagen dates to c. 1423 and is about 13 m in length and likewise planked with imported

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48. A 15th-century shipwreck with Scandinavian features from Bremen (Germany)

wainscot boards with widths and thicknesses averaging 24 cm and 2.75 cm respectively (Nielsen, forthcoming: 108). And even the Basque built clinker-wreck from Aber Wrac’h has very modest plank, keel and stem dimensions despite its great general length of approximately 25 m (L’Hour & Veyrat, 1994: 170). Due to the missing of the frames and the frailty of waterlogged wood, the Beluga Ship has undergone considerable deformation, with the port-side shell collapsed on the river bank’s downside slope, making it difficult to infer the hull shape. But on the basis of the construction some characteristics can be deduced. The use of radially cleft wainscots for the planking and the wide frame intervals show that the vessel was lightly constructed, which would have been advantageous if it was meant to operate under oars. This is also indicated by the find location, as seagoing sailing vessels that were too sturdy to operate under oars usually anchored in the Weser estuary and their cargo was transshipped via lighter traffic to Bremen at that time. The keel-stem construction on the other hand suggests that the vessel was by no means bound exclusively to inland waters, but would have been a seaworthy vessel. Also the absence of garboard rabbets in the keel indicates a greater deadrise angle than would have been common with T-shaped or plank keels, with the garboards running almost vertically. This would have added lateral stability to decrease side drift when sailing close-hauled. Conclusion and outlook The Beluga Ship is a distinctive find given the combination of its German find location, its Scandinavian way of construction and Baltic provenance, highlighting the interconnectedness of the northern European maritime network. It is one of the very few medieval wrecks known to date that has been built of timber actually cut in the Baltic region. This is very significant, as the bulk of timber was imported from the Vistula region, which is often generically - but quite misleadingly - also referred to as ‘Baltic timber’. Since structural timber was usually cut locally, further indications on the wreck’s origin could be deduced from the remaining keel and stem, which are unfortunately inaccessible for sampling at the present. While this paper discusses the specifics of construction and site context, a second paper by this author compares the Beluga Ship to over 50 other late medieval clinker-built shipwrecks in NW-Europe, while exploring the significance of Baltic timber imports for western European shipbuilders (Zwick, forthcoming). Acknowledgments I am indebted to Dieter Bishop for entrusting me with the recording, study and publication of this shipwreck. Thanks are also due to Per Hoffmann for his on-site first

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aid conservation advice, Stefan Koch for conducting the metallurgical analysis for free of charge, and Karl-Uwe Heußner for providing valuable background information on the dendrological analysis. Last but not least, I am very much indebted to Anton Englert and Damian Goodburn for their highly appreciated critical feedback on the draft and immensely grateful to Jerzy Gawronski for making last-minute editorial changes. Notes 1 This method was described in Georg Agricola’s posthumously published De re metallica from 1556 (Agricola, 1556: book IX; see also Hoover & Hoover, 1912: 420-422). 2 No matches were found with the master chronologies, so the dendro laboratory Preßler was consulted, which specialised in local wood (Karl-Uwe Heußner, pers. comm. 1.4.2009).

References Auer, J. & Maarleveld, T., 2013. Skjernøysund Wreck 3: Fieldwork Report 2011. Esbjerg Maritime Archaeology Reports 5, Syddansk Universitet, Esbjerg. Behre, K.-E., 2003. Eine neue Meeresspiegelkurve für die südliche Nordsee. Probleme der Küststenforschung in südlichen Nordseegebiet 28: 9-63. Bill, J., 1994. Iron Nails in Iron Age and Medieval Shipbuilding. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International. Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 55-64. Bill, J., 1997. Small Scale Seafaring in Danish Waters AD 1000-1600. Ph.D. dissertation, Københavns Universitet, Copenhagen. Bischop, D., 2008a. Werften und Wracks am Weserufer: Vorbericht über die Grabung Beluga auf dem Teerhof 2007. Bremer Archäologische Blätter 7: 93-110. Bischop, D., 2008b. Archäologische Nachweise vom Fischfang in Bremen. Bremer Archäologische Blätter 7: 207-214. Brandt, K.H., 1979. Neue Ausgrabungen und Funde in Bremen (1978). Bremisches Jahrbuch 57: 317-334. Coates, J.F., 1977. Hypothetical reconstructions and the Naval Architect. In: S. McGrail (ed.), Sources and Techniques in Boat Archaeology. British Archaeological Reports 29, Oxford: 215-226. Fawsitt, S., 2012. Rapport: Dronning Eufemiasgate Sørenga 10. Arkeologisk Rapport 2012, 10, Norsk Maritimt Museum, Oslo. Godal, J.B., 1995. The use of wood in boatbuilding. In: O. Olsen, J. Skamby Madsen & F. Rieck (eds), Shipshape: Essays for Ole Crumlin-Pedersen. Vikingeskibsmuseet, Roskilde: 271-282. Goodburn, D.M., 1991. New Light on Early Ship- and Boatbuilding in the London Area. In: G.L. Good, R.H. Jones & M.W. Ponsford (eds), Waterfront Archaeology. Proceedings of the third international conference on waterfront archaeology

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held at Bristol 23-26 September 1988. CBA Research Report 74, Council for British Archaeology, York: 105-115. Goodburn, D., 2003. Rare fragments of a 13th century clinker galley found in London and the use of the Irish wildwoods for shipbuilding. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 289-295. Heußner, K.-U., 2009a. report 12.02.2009 (unpublished). Heußner, K.-U., 2009c. report 17.12.2009 (unpublished). Hoover, H.C. & Hoover, L.H., 1912. Georgius Agricola — De Re Metallica. Salisbury House, London. Koch, S., 2008. Bericht über eine Untersuchung an einem Nagelund einer Nietplatte des Beluga-Schiffes aus dem Mittelalter (15/16 Jh.) (unpublished). Larsen, L.K., Baittinger, C. & Bonde, N., 2011. Reused boat timbers from Aarhus. Maritime Archaeology Newsletter from Denmark 26: 21-23. L’Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 1994. The French Medieval Clinker Wreck from Aber Wrac’h. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 165-180. McGrail, S., 1993. Medieval Boat and Ship Timbers from Dublin. Royal Irish Academy, Dublin. McGrail, S., 1998. Ancient Boats in North-West Europe. The Archaeology of Water Transport to AD 1500. Longman, London and New York. Milne, G., 2004. The fourteenth-century merchant ship from Sandwich: a study in medieval maritime archaeology. Archæologia Cantiana 124: 227–264. Nævestad, D., 1998. Lokaliserte middelaldervrak i Øst-Norge. Norsk Sjøfartsmuseum Årsbok: 159-208. Nielsen, X., forthcoming. Dock Island’s Wreck 3: hull description and comparative analysis of a 15th century clinker built

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vessel, with a review of its documentation methodology. Master’s thesis, Syddansk Universitet, Esbjerg. Ortlam, D., 1996. Das mittelalterliche Flusssystem der Weser im Bremer Becken. Die Balge als Hauptstrom der Werra/ Weser. Der Aufbau 51.1: 28-32. Piaskowski, J., 1982. Metallographische Untersuchungen zur Eisen- und Stahltechnologie in Haithabu. Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 17: 45-62. Steen, K., 2012. Rapport: Dronning Eufemiasgate Sørenga 8. Arkeologisk Rapport 8, Norsk Maritimt Museum, Oslo. Thowsen, A., 1965. Foldrøyskipet: Et middelaldersk skipsfunn fra Vest-Norge. Sjøfartshistorisk Årbog. Stiftelsen Bergens Sjøfartsmuseum, Bergen: 38–57. Van’t Hull, H., 2007. Archäobotanisches Gutachten zur Ausgrabung Bremen 227und 230 /Altstadt 2006-07 (unpublished). Watkins, D.R., 1994. The Foundry Excavations on Poole Waterfront 1986/7. Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society Monograph Series 14, Dorset Natural History and Archaeology Society, Dorchester. Ważny, T., 2002. Baltic timber in Western Europe – an exciting dendrochronological question. Dendrochronologia 20.3: 313-320. Zunde, M., 1998/99. Timber export from Old Riga and its impact on dendrochronological dating in Europe. Dendrochronologia 16/17: 119-130. Zwick, D., forthcoming. A 15th-century shipwreck with Scandinavian features from Bremen: interpreting the ‘Beluga Ship’ in the context of late medieval clinker constructions and northern European timber trade. In: N. Mehler, E. Elvestad & M. Gardiner (eds), German Trade in the North Atlantic 1400-1700: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. AmS-Skrifter, Arkeologisk Museum, Stavanger.

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49. Camber in sails of the 17th century. A reconstruction of non-preserved features Jörn Bohlmann

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Introduction

The sails’ camber

While the remains of shipwrecks can be analysed for the reconstruction of hulls, reconstruction of sails is a more complicated matter. The fragile fibres of sails deteriorate fast under water and are therefore often not found in archaeological excavations. In cases where ships were taken out of use on purpose, everything useful would be taken off and reused (Möller-Wiering, 2002). Therefore, sails must be understood not only as especially fragile, but also as valuable, claiming a good deal of labour. The production of fibre, the yarn-­spinning and the weaving does account such a big amount of time, that for instance a woollen sail around the turn of the first millennium could easily double the price of a boat (Crumlin-Pedersen, 2010: 98). Just the weaving of a sail of wool of 30 sqm on a warp-weighted loom will cost roundabout one year of labour (Nørgård, 1999). While the reconstruction of hulls already may be seen as ‘best guess’ (Heidbrink, 2008: 40), sail-reconstruction often is based on hypothesises in the absent of sail finds. However, early construction plans recorded by navies, custom- and trade-register or different depictions may help to reconstruct sails. And, of course, also the remains of hulls may indicate the form or size of non-preserved sails. For each rig, the access to various sources can provide a certain method for sail-reconstructions. For instance, the reconstruction of single square-sails from the late Viking-Age for the Danish Skuldelev ships, gives a good example for approaches to reconstruct non-­ preserved material (Andersen & Andersen, 1989; Andersen, 1997). But still, one question remains unanswered and seems hardly addressed academically so far: the camber of historic sails. These cambers are not only safeguarding a ship’s propulsion, but are influencing a vessel’s sailing abilities and are therefore an important factor for the performance and appraisal of historical vessels. The following paper will investigate whether and how the camber of 17th-­century sails can be reconstructed.

The propulsion of sailing ships is depending on the camber of their sails. This camber can be compared to the wing profile of an airplane, where a rather flat lower surface and a more curved upper surface generate different compression ratios (fig. 1). In order to achieve such an aero­dynamically efficient profile in a sail, sailmakers have two possibilities. The first is to broaden the seams of the sail clothes to the right amount at the right places: to sew ‘darts’ into the sail. The second technique to assemble a good aerodynamic profile could be applied by rightly conducting the ‘boltroping’. Darts Some fragments of sails were found at Berenike in the Red Sea and in the case of the Lyon Sail, a mummy’s shroud (Wild, 2001). Also cotton fragments were found at Myos Hormos (Whitewright, 2007) – all of them to be dated around the birth of Christ. Beside fragments of sails of the Mary Rose (sunk 1545), the remains of Vasa’s sails (sunk 1628) are the oldest in an European context. Classifying the remains of woollen material on the Oseberg- and Gokstad-ships as sailcloth is doubtful. Neither these ancient sails nor the Vasa-sails show any darts; even at the fore topgallant sail, which is almost fully preserved (Hocker, 2011), no dart can be documented. Nor do the sail remains of the Swedish merchantman Jeanne-É�lisabeth, which sank 1755 off the coast of Montpellier (Bartos, 2012) show any darts. The earliest proof of profiling sails with darts in Scandinavia is a Swedish written source from 1730. Here, the author Thomas Rajalin specifies, that the width of a mainsail will be reduced by darts and must therefore be corrected to achieve the required size of sail (Rajalin, 1730: 186). Later sources refer to darts as a usual matter, for instance in David Steel’s Art of Sailmaking from 1794. Steel mentions that darts are used in sails of the

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Fig. 1. To grant a form similar to an airplane’s wing, the clothes are tailored with curved edges. These darts, formed and placed correct, grant an aerodynamically profile, in this case for a Bermudarigged mainsail (Drawing from: Marino, 2001: 135).

merchant fleet, but are avoided in the sails of the Royal Navy (Steel, 1794/1843: 18). It can be concluded that the use of darts in order to increase efficient sail profiles has been known since 1730. Boltroping The other technique to sew camber into sail could be applied during the process of ‘boltroping’, the process of sewing a rope onto the outer edges of a sail. Since this labour is of high importance for the sail’s camber – and thus for its whole effectiveness – bolt roping became somehow mystified in sail making literature (Davis, 1917; Gray, 1932; Howard-Williams, 1976), even as the principle is relatively simple and could be described simplified in a few words: when a pre-stretched rope is sewn onto slack sailcloth, the strain of wind-pressure will be carried by the rope before the sailcloth is stretched out fully. The result will be that the sail will show camber. Depending on how much stretch is sewn between the pre-stretched rope and the sailcloth, before its stretches out fully, the sail will have a deeper profile. The ‘looser’ the sailcloth is sewn onto the pre-stretched rope, the deeper the camber will turn out. On the other hand, a sail’s camber will be plain, when the rope is less pre-stretched: it will then in a higher degree carry out the sailcloth which results in a more flat camber. A small but influential detail can also be seen in the direction in which the sailmaker is tightening the bolt roping-thread. Tightening the thread towards the part yet bolt roped, some more ‘loose’ sailcloth will be sewn into the sail. Tightening towards the part of sail, which is supposed to be bolt roped, no slack sailcloth will be sewn into the sail. Therefore, the sail will show a more flat cross section. Here, the sail maker’s art is to know his material stretching it and sewing it simply together the right way. Again, the Vasa sails do represent the earliest source for examined art of sail making. And again, the deteriorated material does not show any evidence of induced camber, realised by bolt roping. Therefore David Steel’s

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publication (1794/1843) can be seen as one of the earliest sources, specifying rules for bolt roping in order to sew camber into sails. This technique belongs to the basic knowledge of traditional sailmaking today. But when was profiling a sail by bolt roping first applied in history? A survey of the history of sailmaking tools may allow conclusions on the camber of sails in the 17th century. The sail maker’s bench and bench-hook In order to carry out the boltroping, nowadays sailmakers make use of a small tool, a bench hook (fig. 2). This hook is not more than c. 10 cm long. It shows a distinctive pointed tip to be set into the sailcloth or rope without damaging the material. A thin rope is fixed at the end of the hook to fix it on the bench. A right-handed sailmaker will place it on the right-hand side of his bench. This bench turns out to be the other important tool for the labour of boltroping and therewith the application of camber in sails. Sitting on this bench, the sailmaker can place the sail’s edge, which is to be boltroped, on his thighs. By placing the hook’s point into the sailcloth, the craftsman will bend the sailcloth respective the boltrope, or both, over the yonder thigh, facing away from the hook: hence the left one for a right-handed sailmaker. Fixing the cloth or boltrope or both under his left foot, an outward move of his left thigh will stretch the cloth respective the boltrope or both. Giving slack is done by simply moving the knee towards the hook again. This simple technique allows the sailmaker to adjust the tension of the two materials, nevertheless having his hands free for sewing. The bench-hook, together with the bench, therefore turns out to be a very useful tool, which often is described as ‘a sail maker’s third hand’ (Marino, 2001: 5). However, the bench does not only make it possible to fix the hook beside the sailmaker. Its other benefit is that it allows the craftsman to move away from the hook, while he is doing the boltroping. This will accelerate the labour considerably. Instead of releasing the hook, cloth

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49. Camber in sails of the 17th century

Fig. 2. A bench-hook, here placed on a wooden pole, part of a sailmakers bench. The bench-hook, not more than c. 10 cm long, does simplify and accelerate the sewing considerably (Drawing: the author).

and boltrope, removing the sail from his thighs, placing the next part to be boltroped on his knees etc., a gently sliding on the bench is much faster done and does thereby secure the speed and flow of workmanship. Depictions of sailmaking since the 17th century Most probably sailmakers of the 17th century did not make use of any darts to sew camber into the sails. But did they make use of boltroping in order to sew a profile into the sails? Assumptions are based on relatively poor empiricism. The only material artefacts are again Vasa’s sails. However, cloth and boltrope of these sails do not give sufficient evidence. Therefore other sources are to be consulted, such as depictions of sailmaking. One of the oldest depictions of sailmaking is to be seen on a copperplate engraving from 1635 by the Dutch artist Hendrick Cornelisz van Vliet (c. 1616-75) (fig. 3). Here two sailmakers can be seen; one is sitting on a barrel and the other on a chair, achieving needlework. Even though, these sailmakers are not working with the

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bolt roping. The depiction indicates, that neither a sail maker’s bench nor a bench-hook was used. This assumption seems justifiable due to the fact, that hand-sewing, seaming, tabling, sewing of reef-bands etc. is not only distinctively easier, but also much faster done by making use of bench and bench-hook. Seen in this light, a prearranged insertion of camber by boltroping in the 17th century seems questionable. It may be argued, that bending the boltrope and sail in a half circle, while stitching rope and cloth together, will give camber to a sail. Letting the rope delineate the larger circle than the cloth, the sails camber will become deeper. The other way round, letting the sailcloth delineate the outer circle, the sails camber will be more flat. This method of boltroping is mentioned in certain literature where the craftsmanship of sailmaking is referred to (Kusk Jensen, 1924/1989; Eldjarn & Godal, 1988), but is clearly dubious to be used in professional craftsmanship: it simply is too circuitous and extremely bulky to achieve. To boltrope several hundred meters of sail, making use of this technique seems rather unrealistic from a craftsman’s point of view, most probably also in the 17th century. The first depiction of a sail maker’s bench can be found in a German copperplate engraving by Christoph Weigel (1654-1725), but the use of a bench-hook could not clearly be detected on this picture. The earliest attestable evidence of a bench and bench-hook therefore seems to be the one in David Steel’s manual from 1794 (fig. 4). Mentioning darts, rules for boltroping and showing the use of bench and bench-hook, Steel is one of the earliest proof for traditional sailmaking as we know it today. Studies in the Age of the early Enlightenment Apart from iconographic analysis, other sources may also support hypothesises about the camber of sails in the 17th century: scientific publications in the Age of Enlightenment. For instance, Francis Bacon (1561-1626) asserted that sails placed near the bow are of higher importance than the sails abaft amidships. In Bacon’s view, the foremost sails are capable to pull the ship, while the sails abaft amidships merely does push the hull. Bacon does not specify any sail profile, but mentions generally, that all sails should provide a moderate camber (Rank, 1984: 66). The French scholar Honoré Fabri (c. 1607-1688) spotted that certain cambers determine the effectiveness of the sails, (Rank, 1984: 74). Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) experimented with four wheeled vehicles, rigged with plain boards. Those vehicles do have propulsion, when the plank is adjusted in a certain angle to the wind (Rank, 1984:89). However, firm knowledge about the effectiveness of sails appears earliest in the form of Jakob Bernoullis’ (1655-1705), Leonard Euler’s (1707-1783) and Jorge Juan y Santacilia’s (17131773) contributions (Rank, 1984).

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Fig. 4. David Steel’s depiction of 1794 is showing for the first time the use of a bench-hook, placed at the right hand side of the bench. This picture is the first evidence showing the technique with is still in use in today’s ‘traditional’ sailmaking. Fig. 3. Hendrick Cornelisz van Vliet (c. 1616-1675) depiction of two sailmakers, made in 1635. Note that the craftsmen sit on a barrel and chair and not on benches.

Industrialisation -Weaving qualities of sailcloth before and afterwards One issue to investigate the camber of 17th-century sails still remains to be mentioned: the quality of the sailcloth, in particular it’s dimensionally durability. Historical documents do often label Dutch sailcloth as high quality, among others Thomas Rajalin. Scandinavian sailcloth manufacturies, which had been founded in the 17th century, often employed Dutch weavers to ensure an equal quality (Gøthche, 1986; Gøbel, 1988). Usually, yarn-­spinning in the 17th century was carried out in home industry. Approximately four spinners, working on spinning wheels, could produce one weaver’s yarn (Bohnsack, 1981). James Hargreave’s (1720-1778) invention of the first spinning-machine, the Spinning Jenny, and the introduction of mechanical impulsion such as the Water Frame, developed by Richard Arkwright (1732-1792) or the Spinning Mule by Samuel Crompton (1753-1827) provided a double benefit. Not only did these machines accelerate the production process by several times; also the yarn turned out to be more even and less knotty. Furthermore, the invention of the Flying Shuttle in 1733 by John Kay (c. 1704-1779) and the construction of industrial weaving looms, driven by steam power, changed the textile production completely. In 1835 almost all spinning in England was done by machines; three quarters of the former 800.000 labourers lost their work. Fifteen years later, in 1850, the British home

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industry within textile production had ceases to exist (Bohnsack, 1981: 237). Consequently industrially woven sailcloth may have achieved a better dimensional durability than hand-woven cloth – the yarn was finer and the weaving therefore tighter. When manufactured in tabby weave, the common weaving-pattern for sailcloth of flax and hemp, the yarns have a larger number of intersection points; the clothes weaving will therefore be less flexible. It may therefore be correct to conclude, that industrial spinning and weaving had an important influence on the sailcloth’s dimensional durability. How crucial this improvement actually was, can be assessed from a statement by the Danish-Norwegian sailmaker Edward Andersen, written as late as 1870. Andersen notes that hand-woven Dutch sailcloth, valued as stiff and dimensionally durable, often had an uneven surface due to its knotty yarn. Nevertheless, the good dimensional durability of the Dutch hand-woven sailcloth could be blamed to the comparatively strong twist of the yarn. While the yarn of an Norwegian sailcloth, for instance Horten Krondug, showed 24 turns on an ell, Dutch produced sailcloth-yarn had been twisted 46 times, almost the double, on the same length (Andersen, 1870: 46). Roundseams The sail of the Vasa does show another characteristic feature which seems common for the older sail making: round seaming for joining the clothes. A round seam is easy to produce: for sewing, the clothes are simply placed over each other. The thread is then sewn in a

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49. Camber in sails of the 17th century

spiral direction around the clothes’ selvages. When the clothes are spread out after sewing, a bulge of cloth will be placed on one side of the sail, while the other side remains plain. These bulges are traditionally placed aft on square-sails (Svensson, 1964; Bengtsson, 1975; Bartos, 2012). Aerodynamically, the bulges are doubtless a disadvantage since they disturb the airflow. However, one benefit could be seen in round seams: they protect the outer warp thread by revolving them against sidewise tensile strain on the clothes better than flat seams will do. Double warp-threads One improvement of sailcloth was introduced in the second half of the 18th century: the application of double warp threads, chronologically documented with a delivery of the Wodroffske Sejldugsfabrik in 1786 (Gøthche 1986:105). Since all sails were produced with vertical clothes, the warp-treads absorb proportionally more strain than the weft threads. The use of double or even triple ternary and quadruple warp thread can be documented for instance for ships of the line in France and Britain from the 18th century onwards and later (Boudriot, 1987). Cringles, grommets and reinforcements Further sailmaking details indicate that hand woven sailcloth had been weaker than cloth of industrial production: cringles, grommets and reinforcements. The cringles on the sails of Vasa are produced quite simple, spliced onto the boltrope without any thimbles in their centre. The first evidence of a cringle in the fashion which is known in ‘traditional’ sailmaking today, appears in the remains of the reef-cringe spliced onto the boltrope of the Jeanne É�lisabeth-sail (Bartos, 2012). Three layers of cloth, placed in the tabling, also represent the first reinforcements on sail to attest. Others are missing, especially in the clews, tacks and top-leeches, where wind-pressure and forces of ropes, such as sheets, inevitably do arise. The absence of any reinforcement on the Vasa sails, some of them larger than over 230 m2, is surprising, but may be understandable when realising that the stitches to attach weak reinforcements on a weak sail will probably weaken the sailcloth more than strengthen it. This argument could also explain the workmanship of the grommets in the Vasa sails and in the sails of the Mary Rose (Marsden, 2009). Instead of laying grommets of a single strand, a whole rope with small loops every 30 cm, chunky stitched into the tabling of the top leech, is composing the grommets. This fashion is quite soft and will not weaken the sailcloth more than necessary. In addition, grommets were produced fast; using bonnets, many grommets had to be produced. Moreover, it

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could also explain the way how the reef ties are attached to the sails of Vasa’s tender, the connection of the different boltropes of the heads of the square-sails and the simple clew-eyes, which are formed by a simple bight of the boltrope, secured only by a single round-seizing. Conclusion The lack of darts and a simple method of boltroping without the use of a bench and bench-hook indicate that sails of the 17th century did not have any form of intended camber, performed by sewing. Neither do depictions of sailmaking nor early theories about the function of sails indicate such. Presumably, sails of the 17th century had been no more than a surface of woven cloth, which was kept in form by a frame of solid rope, preventing the clothes deforming in the leeches, but not in its depth, the camber. Stabile profiles appeared later in the 19th century. Industrialisation of spinning and weaving and the beginning of physical research lead to effective profiles in sails. Acknowledgements Many thanks to Louie Bartos and Fred Hocker for professional discussions around 17th-century sailmaking and Anton Englert for proof-reading and discussing the manuscript. References Andersen, B. & Andersen, E., 1989. Råsejlet - dragens vinge. Vikingeskibshallen i Roskilde, Roskilde. Andersen, E., 1870. Det praktiske seilmageri. Eget forl, Christiania. Andersen, E., 1997. Roar Eges sejl. In: E. Andersen, O. CrumlinPedersen, S. Vadstrup & M. Vinner (eds), Roar Ege: Skuldelev 3 skibet som arkæologisk eksperiment. Vikingeskibshallen i Roskilde, Roskilde: 209-222. Bartos, L. & Sanders, D., 2012. The Sail of the Swedish Merchantman Jeanne-Élisabeth, Wrecked off Montepellier, France, in 1755. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.1: 67-83. Bengtsson, S., 1975. The sails of the Wasa - Unfolding, identification and preservation. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 4.1: 27-41. Bohnsack, A., 1981. Spinnen und Weben - Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textilgewerbe. Rowohlt, Deutsches Museum, Reinbek bei Hamburg. Boudriot, J., 1987. The Seventy-Four Gun Ship - A Practical Treatise on the Art of Naval Architecture. Jean Boudriot, Collection Archéologie Navale Francaise, Paris. Crumlin-Pedersen, O., 2010. Archaeology and the Sea in Scandinavia and Britain: a personal account (Vol. 3). Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde.

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Davis, C., 1917. How sails are made and handled, with a chapter on racing kinks. The Rudder Publishing Company, New York. Eldjarn, G. & Godal, J., 1988. Nordlandsbåten og Åfjordsbåten Åfjordsbåten (Vol. 3). A. Kjellands forlag, Lesja. Gray, A., 1932. Marconi Rigging and Sailmaking; A simplified practical guide for the Amateur. The Rudder Publishing Company, New York. Gøbel, E., 1988. Sejldugsmanufakturet i Køge 1787-1735. In: Maritim Kontakt til Jørgen H.P. Barfod (Vol. 12). Kontakt­ udvalget for dansk maritim historie- og samfundsforskning, København: 58-83. Gøthche, M., 1986. Sejlmageri. In: Maritim Kontakt (Vol. 10). Kontaktudvalget for dansk maritimhistorie og samfundsforskning, København: 92-145. Heidbrink, I., 2008. Replicas of historical watercraft: a topic of archaeology only? – Some remarks on replicas of 19th and 20th century watercraft. In: M.-J.S.H. Wernicke (ed.), Historical boat and ship replicas; conference-proceedings on the schientific perspectives and the limits of boat and ship replicas. Steffen Verlag: 39-44. Hocker, F., 2011. Vasa – A Swedisch Warship. Oxbow Books, Medströms Bokförlag, Oxford & Stockholm. Howard-Williams, J., 1976. Sails. Adlard Coles, London. Kusk Jensen, J., 1924/1989. Handbuch der praktischen Seemannschaft auf traditionellen Segelschiffen. RKE-Verlag, Kiel. Marino, E., 2001. The sailmaker’s apprentice: a guide for the self-reliant sailor. International Marine, Camden, Me.

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Marsden, P. & Endsor, R., 2009. Propulsion. In: P. Marsden (eds), The Mary Rose - Anatomy of a Tudor Warship. The Mary Rose Trust, Portsmouth: 242-272. Möller-Wiering, S., 2002. Segeltuch und Emballage: Textilien im mittelalterlichen Warentransport auf Nord- und Ostsee. M.L. Leidorf, Buch am Erlbach. Nørgård, A., 1999. Vævning af sejldugsprøver på opstadvæv. Vikingeskibsmuseet i Roskilde, Roskilde. Rajalin, T., 1730. Nödig Underrättelse om Skiepz-Byggeriet och der utaf härflytande Högnödige och Siöwäsendet Samt Taklingen tilhörige Proportioner Efter Höga wederbörandes Befallning Beskrifwen på Swänska och med nödige Figurer förklarat. Johann Ludwig Happenius, Carlscrona. Rank, L., 1984. Die Theorie des Segelns in ihrer Entwicklung: Geschichte eines Problems der nautischen Mechanik. Dietrich Reimer, Berlin. Steel, D., 1794/1843. The art of sail-making: as practiced in the Royal Navy and according to the most approved methods in the merchant service. Kessinger Publishing, [Whitefish, Mont]. Svensson, S., 1964. Wasas segel och något om äldre segelmakeri. Sjöhistorisk årbok 1963-64. Föreningen Sveriges Sjöfartsmuseum, Stockholm: 39-79. Whitewright, J., 2007. Roman Rigging Material from the Red Sea Port of Myos Hormos. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36.2: 282-292. Wild, F.C.W. & John P., 2001. Sails from the Roman port at Berenike, Egypt. The International Journal of Nautical Archeology 30: 211-220.

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50. Ship timber as a basis for environmental and cultural interpretations Pearce Paul Creasman

Ever since archaeologists began excavating wooden shipwrecks underwater (Bass, 1967; Throckmorton, 1962), and even well before (e.g. De Morgan, 1895: 81–83; Major, 1924; Nicolaysen, 1882), the study and analysis of watercraft and their contents have proven to be critical to understanding human behaviour. Today, the heart of nautical archaeology remains the study of ship construction, trade, and diffusion (e.g. Bass, 2005; Gould, 2000; Steffy, 1994). This longstanding desire to understand ships as ‘time capsules’ and technological achievements that must be deconstructed, reconstructed, and slotted into their place in the history of watercraft evolution, as keys to the analysis of route or cargo, and as elements of other technological and economic inquiries (e.g. Alves, 2001; Bachhuber, 2006; Beltrame, 2003; Hocker & Ward, 2004; Pulak, 1998; Tzalas, 1985, 1995, 1999, 2002; Westerdahl, 1994) has overshadowed an understanding of ship timbers as individual artefacts and as indicators of cultural practices and human-environment inter­ actions (e.g. Creasman, 2013; 2014; Creasman et al., 2015). This is not to imply that understanding ships as technological achievements is unimportant or a less worthy effort but only to note that study has been streamlined to this end. Ship timbers are often excavated, recorded, and preserved as methodically and thoroughly as any other artefact from the sites at which they are recovered but seem to receive less attention during analysis, or, if such analysis is undertaken, it goes unpublished. The late J. Richard Steffy (1978: 53), eminent ship construction scholar and MacArthur Fellowship recipient, stated: “There are... discoveries to be made on many poorly preserved hulls, if only we take the trouble to carefully scrutinize them.” Through dendro-archaeological analyses, Steffy’s observation can furthermore be extended to include the timbers of well-preserved hulls. Basic dendro-archaeological analyses have been applied to ships for decades, largely to address chronological questions (e.g. Bonde & Christensen, 1982; 1993; Christensen, 1982). However, dendro-archaeological

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analysis is far more versatile than merely dating and offers a pathway to the original shipyard and beyond, into the forest in which the trees that yielded the timbers grew (fig. 1; Creasman, 2010). Recently, identifying the origins of ship timber, a practice known as dendro-provenancing, has become common (for a summary, see Bridge, 2012). The study of archaeological wood-use behaviours and the extrapolation from wood of other general behavioural knowledge is a relatively recent focus in the field of tree-ring analysis. The fundamental concept, as laid out by Dean (1996: 466), is: “The more we understand the behaviour involved in wood procurement, use, discard and consumption, the better we will be able to assign unambiguous dates to human events.” This is especially important for societies that made intensive uses of wood and lack reliable chronologies, such as those of most of the ancient Mediterranean world (e.g. Creasman, 2013). It has long been recognized that “the most important limitation [of nautical/maritime archaeology]… is the virtual impossibility of deducing the shipyard where a vessel was built” (Basch, 1972: 50). As non-static objects, ships—especially seafaring ones—can wreck far from their places of origin. For nearly 30 years dendrochronology has been used to help source vessels. Recent successes in the Baltic area have reasserted the value of this practice, and in this region timber origins can be narrowed to small geographic areas. Over the last decade, chloroplast DNA (cpDNA) studies have been developing an inventory of forest ‘fingerprints’ (e.g. Lowe et al., 2004; Nielsen & Kjaer, 2008). Combined, the methodologies of dendrochronology and genetic analysis may hold the key to unlocking that “most important limitation” of the field. And this only begins to scratch the surface of wood’s potential as a resource of data. Maritime prowess is and has always been dependent in part on access to the terrestrial products from which ships are made, especially wood. Without suitable timber supplies, many societies struggled to build or maintain maritime influence. Given the volume of

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Fig. 1. Ship timbers superimposed on a parent tree (Drawing from: Goujon, 1803: pl. 2).

raw material typically required to construct a wooden ship, and the vast number of shipwrecks available for study throughout the world, ship timbers present a virtually unharvested trove of behavioural and environmental information. Their systematic study, aided by dendrochronological analyses, offers the potential for deep insight into a wide variety of human-environment interactions, including: forestry practices; societal responses to environmental change; timber selection

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processes; patterns of reuse and repair; seasoning; stockpiling; deadwood use; economy of wood use; and timber supply and trade, among potentially many other cultural practices and aspects of environmental conditions (Creasman, 2010). This brief communication serves to encourage others to pursue such research questions, so that ‘nautical dendrochronology’ becomes the standard practice that it should be.

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50. Ship timber ...

References Alves, F. (ed.), 2001. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Archaeology of Medieval and Modern Ships of IberianAtlantic Tradition. Hull remains, manuscripts, and ethnographic sources. A comparative approach. Instituto Português de Arqueologia, Lisbon. Bachhuber, C., 2006. Aegean interest on the Uluburun ship. American Journal of Archaeology, 110.3: 345–364. Basch, L., 1972. Ancient wrecks and the archaeology of ships. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 1: 1–58. Bass, G.F., 1967. Cape Gelidonya. A Bronze Age shipwreck. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57.8. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. Bass, G.F. (ed.), 2005. Beneath the seven seas. Thames and Hudson, London. Beltrame, C. (ed.), 2003. Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford. Bonde, N. & Christensen, A.E., 1982. Trelleborgs alder. Dendrokronologisk datering. Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyn­ dighed of historie 1982: 111–152. Bonde, N. & Christensen, A.E., 1993. Dendrochronological dating of the Viking Age ship burials at Oseberg, Gokstad and Tune, Norway. Antiquity 67: 575–583. Bridge, M., 2012. Locating the origins of wood resources. A review of dendro-provenancing. Journal of Archaeological Science 39: 2828–2834. Christensen, T.E., 1982. Trelleborgs alder. Arkæologisk datering. Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed of historie 1982: 84–110. Creasman, P.P., 2010. Extracting cultural information from ship timber. Doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Nautical Archaeology Program, Texas A&M University, College Station, Texas. Creasman, P.P., 2013. Ship timber and the reuse of wood in ancient Egypt. Journal of Egyptian History 6.2: 152–176. Creasman, P.P., 2014. Reflections of a timber economy: The interpretation of Middle Kingdom ship and boat timbers. Göttinger Miszellen 240: 19–36. Creasman, P.P, Baisan, C.H. & Guiterman, C., 2015. Den­dro­ chronological evaluation of ship timber from Charlestown Navy Yard (Boston, MA). Dendrochronologia 33.1: 8–15. Dean, J.S., 1996. Dendrochronology and the study of human behavior. In: J.S. Dean, D. Meko & T.W. Swetnam (eds), Tree rings, environment and humanity. Proceedings of the International Conference, Tucson, Arizona 17–21 May 1994. Cushing-Malloy, Ann Arbor: 461–469.

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De Morgan, J.J., 1895. Fouilles à Dâhchour. Mars−juin 1894. Adolph Holzhausen, Vienna. Goujon, L.J.M., 1803. Des bois propres aux construction navales. Manuel à l’usage des agens forestiers et maritimes. Goujon, Paris. Gould, R.A., 2000. Archaeology and the social history of ships. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hocker, F. & Ward, C. (eds), 2004. Philosophy of shipbuilding. Texas A&M University Press, College Station. Lowe, A., Munro, R., Samuel, S. & Cottrell, J., 2004. The utility and limitations of chloroplast DNA analysis for identifying native British oak stands and for guiding replanting strategy. Forestry 77.4: 335–347. Major, A.F., 1924. Ship burials in Scandinavian lands and the beliefs that underlie them. Folklore 35.2: 113–150. Nicolaysen, N., 1882. The Viking-ship discovered at Gokstad in Norway. Gregg International, Oslow. Nielsen, L. & Kjaer, E., 2008. Tracing timber from forest to con­ sumer with DNA markers. Danish Center for Forest, Landscape and Planning, Hørsholm. Pulak, C., 1998. The Uluburun shipwreck. An overview. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 27.3: 188–224. Steffy, J.R., 1994. Wooden ship building and the interpretation of shipwrecks. Texas A&M University Press, College Station, Texas. Steffy, J.R., 1978. Maximum results from minimum remains. In: J.B. Arnold (ed.), Beneath the waters of time: Proceedings of the Ninth Conference on Underwater Archaeology. Texas Antiquities Committee, Austin: 53–54. Throckmorton, P., 1962. Oldest known shipwreck yields Bronze Age cargo. National Geographic Magazine 121.5: 696–711. Tzalas, H. (ed.), 1985. Tropis I. First International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity proceedings. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens. Tzalas, H. (ed.), 1995. Tropis III. Third International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity proceedings. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens. Tzalas, H. (ed.), 1999. Tropis V. Fifth International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity proceedings. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens. Tzalas, H. (ed.), 2002. Tropis VII. Seventh International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity proceedings. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens. Westerdahl, C. (ed.), 1994. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford.

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51. Timber–regionality and temporality in Northern Europe’s shipbuilding resource Aoife Daly

Introduction A great wealth of tree-ring data now exists for oak ships found across Northern Europe, due to the exercise of dating these timbers and, not least, determining their region of origin. This has allowed links between diverse regions to be made, and to see, in this material evidence, patterns of communication growing and changing through time. An even greater wealth of tree-ring data, for oak in Northern Europe, from our terrestrial

built heritage provides the tool which we use for dating and locating the source of ships’ timbers. I am beginning to tap into this dendrochronological resource, through analysis of timber size, age and growth rate, to try to attain a picture of the availability of the timber resource for shipbuilding, through time and space. Through collaboration between dendrochronologists a great volume of this dataset is available for research, allowing comparison of tree-ring data across regions.

Fig. 1. Map showing the distribution of correlation (t-values) when a mean of treering widths for the AD 1539 building phase of Stirling Castle, Scotland (Crone, 2008) is compared to site chronologies for a range of structures throughout Northern Europe (Map: Aoife Daly).

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Timber growth rate One of the details that can be extracted from these treering data concerns the rate at which different trees grew, over time and space. Annual variation in the treering widths is determined by the annually fluctuating climate at the location where the tree is growing, producing a dateable tree-ring pattern. However an individual tree, depending on how much competition it has, for light, from neighbouring trees, might grow at a quite slow rate in a dense forest but grow relatively quickly in a more open landscape. We can therefore use the average ring widths of individual trees, extracted from our dendrochronological dataset, as a suggested proxy for the degree of the tree coverage over time. A few years ago, in connection with dendro-archaeological analysis of the Mollö ship, SW Sweden, I experimented with this, by carrying out an analysis of the growth rate of oak timbers used in ships from Northern Europe (Arbin & Daly, 2012). Combining the date of the ship with the provenance of the timbers and the average ring width, it was clear that the story of the requisition of oak for shipbuilding is not a simple chronological one. Rather, it is strongly related to different regions experiencing shortage of this resource at different periods in time, leading to a necessity for importing timber. This is very clear for instance in the case of Scotland. Dendrochronological analyses, including dating and provenance determination, of timbers from many historic buildings throughout Scotland shows that native Scottish oak is utilised until around 1450 (Crone & Mills, 2012). The condition of the native oak by this time indicates that the resource is running out, and after this date building timber is imported, chiefly from Scandinavia. First oak and later pine appears in the Scottish material. Now as we move into the 16th century, identifying just where in Scandinavia this traded timber was acquired becomes problematical. In fig. 1 a map shows the results of testing the region of origin for timbers from one of the building phases from Stirling Castle in Scotland. The analysis of the building was carried out by Anne Crone (Crone, 2008). The symbols on the map indicate the t-value achieved when we tested the correlation (t-value) between the average for the timbers from episode 3, dating to AD 1539, and site chronologies from Northern Europe (for a detailed description of the methodology see: Daly, 2007a and 2007b). The map shows clearly that the oaks for this phase at Stirling Castle had grown in Southern Scandinavia, but the high correlation with many sites throughout Denmark leads to the question, how widespread the trade and transport of timber was in the Southern Scandinavian region at this time? Is the phenomenon of many high t-values in this map a product of the contamination, if that’s not too strong a word to use, of the terrestrial tree-ring dataset by imports? Other questions that can be asked are: is the Scottish story of a dwindling resource repeated in other regions?

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If so, when do we see the trade of oak timber begin, what proportion of timber is imported and what proportion is native? When we find imported timber in the material we highlight it, because it tells an interesting story, and thus we as researchers might tend to increase the visibility of timber transport in publication. For this reason it is the aim of this paper to interrogate the terrestrial dendrochronological dataset, to try to balance the story. Timber source over time While we now have extensive tree-ring data from our built and archaeological heritage, it is a very time consuming task to unravel some of the details of the oak timber resource story. For this exploratory research, I have for several reasons concentrated primarily on data for Denmark and covering almost two millennia. The vast majority of data are accumulated by myself through nearly 20 years of working as a dendro-archae­ ologist, but some additional data are included that were generated by the Danish National Museum and the WM Trædateringslaboratoriet, that were kindly made available, during my PhD studies some years ago. It is not a fully complete set of all tree-ring data from Denmark but might rather be considered a random sample (dendrochronological data have an intrinsic bias in that they represent the usage of long-lived trees, due to the requirement of long tree-ring series for successful analysis. So the younger, more readily renewable underwood is heavily underrepresented, and this might be borne in mind). These data were cleaned to rule out samples that show that their growth might have been affected by the cockchafer beetle (again this is described in: Daly, 2007a), and was also checked for duplicates. After this filtering, a dataset of 1692 tree-ring series remains. As the possibility that structures were made using a mix of local and imported timber I have tested each series individually, to determine whether it is from a native oak, or had grown outside Denmark. When a tree-ring series shows very high correlation with chronologies from Northern Poland, Germany or France we can confidently suggest that this is an import. It is much more problematical though when the highest correlations are with adjacent SW Sweden. In this case, the series in question need to show a high correlation with sites from that region, and a correspondingly low correlation with the Danish dataset. There are instances where a series achieved correlation with such a wide geographical spread of datasets, that its provenance remains a mystery. Through this exercise I have found that the provenance of 14 series could not be determined, 1342 series could be called local, meaning their provenance is within Denmark while 230 could be imports. There are in addition 106 barrel components in the Danish dataset, none of which are native oak. Of course the huge advantage of dendrochronological data is that they are precisely

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Diagram 1. The distribution, through time, of locally sourced timber versus exotic timber in the dendrochronological record for Denmark. Dating is shown on the x-axis, while the y-axis is the average tree-ring width of the samples. It is used here to show the average growth rate of each tree, as a proxy indicator for tree/forest density (Diagram: Aoife Daly).

dated, so we can see how the local versus the imported timber behaves over time. In diagram 1 the result of this analysis is summarised. The X-axis represents years AD, while the Y-axis is the average ring width, expressed in 100ths of a mm. The purple chevrons represent the locally derived timber and clearly there seems to have been an availability of local oak for building throughout, in sharp contrast to the situation in Scotland. It is very interesting to see then that the imported timber (shown in orange) dominates in later centuries, with the odd occurrence as early as the 13th century but particularly abundant from around 1400 onwards, very similar to the Scottish timing for import of oak timber from Scandinavia.

in Denmark. A fortified site at Boringholm in Jutland dating to AD 1370 and 1380 (Eriksen, 2000; Daly, 2005) was built with trees less than 80 years old. In contemporary sites of higher status however, trees felled in AD 1400 older than 170 years were used in the castle at Nyborg on the island of Funen (Daly, 2007a: 209-212). It will be interesting in the future when we can interrogate the data at a more detailed level, to look at the context of the timbers that are plotted here. What is the status of buildings that contain imported timber? Does imported timber only appear in urban contexts, or do we see imports in rural construction?

Local timber availability

Taking the dataset as a whole just over 17% only of the timbers in this dataset from Denmark might be imports. However this is over a period of 18 centuries. The bar diagram (diagram 2) shows a summary of the frequency of native versus exotic oak timbers through time, grouped by century. Clearly local timber sources dominate in the material through many centuries, but by the 16th century and onwards we see almost equal amounts of local and imported timber in the terrestrial dendrochrono­ logical dataset. It is therefore no longer a surprise that the map for Stirling Castle’s AD 1539 phase (fig. 1) shows such a wide spread of high correlation with sites in Denmark. Clearly this makes it difficult to pinpoint the origin of these timbers more precisely, but since for this paper I have checked each and every single tree-ring series in my database for provenance and identified those that are probably imports, it is now possible to see that the dataset that the Stirling timbers match best with are

In diagram 1 the local and imported timber is plotted in relation to the rate of growth of each tree, expressed by the average ring width of each series. At the point where we see a marked increase in the usage of imported oak the average growth rate of the local trees seems faster. The local oaks from the 15th century grow generally faster than in earlier centuries. Just as the Scottish evidence suggests that shortage of native oak timber, from around 1450, necessitates imports, the Danish tree-ring evidence seems to suggest that the intensity of timber exploitation is necessitating the use of trees from more open landscapes, coupled with slower-grown imported timber. Is this because of a shortage of trees from dense forests, or does it reflect an increasing control of forestry? Certainly already in the late 14th century we have clear evidence that younger trees are used for building

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Proportion of local versus exotic

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337

200

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Diagram 2. The number of timbers of local vs. exotic origin in a tree-ring dataset for Denmark, grouped by century (Diagram: Aoife Daly).

the timbers that are probably not native to Denmark, but are imports from Southwest Sweden. As is made clear here, the information to be gained from interrogating the enormous tree-ring dataset, even in this relatively small case study is producing some very interesting information. To draw additional insightful conclusions will require further study however, particularly to examine the archaeological or building context of the timbers in the data, to identify where in the built environment the imported timbers were used. The material evidence for timber trade through the chronological and geographical precision that dendrochronology provides allows a very detailed picture of the history of the trade in timber throughout Northern Europe. The trade in so-called ‘Baltic’ timber has dominated this story, where trade of panelling, wainscots, barrel staves among others has taken place and the treering evidence for this has been extensively documented (Baillie et al., 1985; Eckstein et al., 1986; Hillam & Tyers, 1995; Ważny, 2002; Klein, 2003). Plank cargoes have even been found in shipwrecks and an example of this is the precisely dated Skjernøysund 3 wreck and cargo (Auer & Maarleveld, 2013). The ship itself is made from timber felled in the winter of AD 1389-90 while her cargo is from winter AD 1393-94, and both the ship’s timbers and the cargo are of a Southern Baltic origin (Daly, 2011). One of the big questions that I have been working on as a dendro-archaeologist concerns the dating and

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provenance of timbers from shipwrecks. For how long, in Northern Europe, are ships built in the region where the timber is felled, and when do we see the material evidence for transport of timber in ships, to a shipbuilding site elsewhere? The suggested turning point for the growth in the transport of bulk oak timber might be c. 1400, as an analysis of a range of case studies has indicated (Daly, 2007a: 218-225). As additional wrecks come to light and are analysed, this picture is continually being refined and new data are added. This paper about terrestrial tree-ring data shows particularly Sweden but also Norway and Northern Germany as sources for construction timber in Denmark. So in this short paper, I hope I have been able to show that even through a relatively small self-contained study of one region of Northern Europe new insights into some of the questions of oak supply in the region can emerge. I certainly think this demonstrates the potential of interrogating this extensive dataset. One of the lessons learned is that the enormous dataset must be interrogated regionally, to see patterns in timber usage, particularly when trying to use tree-rings as proxy indicators for forest density. Future research in accord with this line of enquiry will enable a description of the regionality of resource depletion versus abundance, and will draw us towards some explanations of the dynamics of the patterns of the maritime timber trade that we see emerging, over time, in Northern Europe.

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Acknowledgements I am most grateful for a sizable grant from the European Commission Marie Curie Programme (FP7 Marie Curie Intra-European Fellowship), which has enabled me to carry out my research at University College Dublin for the last two years, a small part of which is presented in this paper. I was also granted generous funding to cover my costs attending ISBSA13 in Amsterdam, from University College Dublin seed fund, and this is also hugely appreciated. Carrying out research in dendro­ archaeology can never be done without the generosity that dendrochronology colleagues in Northern Europe have shown in making their tree-ring data available and to those colleagues I am most grateful. References Arbin, S. & Daly, A., 2012. The Mollö Cog Re-Examined and ReEvaluated. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 372-389. Auer, J. & Maarleveld, T., 2013. Skjernøysund Wreck 3. Fieldwork Report 2011. Esbjerg Maritime Archaeology Reports 5, University of Southern Denmark. Baillie, M.G.L., Hillam, J., Briffa, K.R. & Brown, D.M., 1985. Redating the English art-historical tree-ring chronologies. Nature 315: 317-319. Crone, B.A., 2008. Dendrochronological analysis of oak and pine timbers. In: Stirling Castle Palace: archaeological and historical research 2004-2008; http://sparc.scran.ac.uk/ publications. Crone, A. & Mills, C., 2012. Dendrochronological evidence for Scotland’s native timber resources over the last 1000 years. Scottish Forestry 66.1 (201): 18-33.

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Daly, A., 2005. Dendrokronologiske dateringer og proveniensbestemmelser. In: E. Roesdahl & J. Kock (eds), Boringholm, en Jysk Træborg fra 1300-årene. Århus: 41-47. Daly, A., 2007a. Timber, Trade and Tree-rings. A dendrochronological analysis of structural oak timber in Northern Europe, c. AD 1000 to c. AD 1650. Thesis submitted to University of Southern Denmark, Feb. 2007. Daly, A., 2007b. The Karschau Ship, Schleswig-Holstein: Dendrochronological Results and Timber Provenance. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 36.1: 155-166. Daly, A., 2011. Dendrochronological analysis of oak from a shipwreck, Skjernøysund 3, Mandal, Norway. Chronology, Culture and Archaeology report 2 (September 2011). University College Dublin. Eckstein, D., Wazny, T., Bauch, J. & Klein, P., 1986. New evidence for the dendrochronological dating of Netherlandish paintings. Nature 320: 465- 466. Eriksen, O.H., 2000. Dendrokronologisk undersøgelse af tømmer fra Boringholm, Skanderborg amt. Nationalmuseets Naturvidenskabelige Undersøgelser rapport 21/2000, Copenhagen. Hillam, J. & Tyers, I., 1995. Reliability and repeatability in dendrochronological analysis: tests using the Fletcher archive of panel-painting data. Archaeometry 37: 395-405. Klein, P., 2003. Dendrochronologie – die Kogge und die Kunst. In: G. Hoffmann & U. Schnall (eds), Die Kogge, Sternstunde der deutschen Schiffsarchäologie. Schriften des Deutschen Schiffahrtsmuseums, Convent Verlag, Hamburg: 154-159. Ważny, T., 2002. Baltic timber in Western Europe – an exciting dendrochronological question. Dendrochronologia 20.3: 313-320.

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52. A Sticky Business. Characterizing non-wooden shipbuilding materials using intensive analytical techniques Laura White & Benjamin Stern

Introduction Though the wooden elements of ancient ships have commonly been studied in great detail, some other components, particularly the micro-elements of design and maintenance such as paints, oils, and other finishing materials are consistently overlooked. Some of the more informative of these micro-elements of ship construction and maintenance are the caulking and tarring that survive in association with ships’ hulls. The external and internal application of waterproofing materials was an essential process that served both to improve the seaworthiness of vessels and make them less susceptible to marine fouling and degradation (McGrail, 1998: 129-130). Though waterproofing materials have varied with time and with the availability of local materials, one constant in most shipbuilding traditions is that two types persist: tar-lubricated fibres which are forced between planks to keep seepage to a minimum and tarry coatings that are daubed or smeared on the outside of the hull (Greenhill & Morrison, 1995: 85; McGrail, 1998: 129). Even Noah is said to have used pitch to waterproof his ark (Genesis 6: 14) and the tradition has continued in the majority of wooden shipbuilding until the end of the 19th century. A.E. Christiansen (1968: 50) quotes Magnus the Lawmender’s City Law of 1276, which deals with the soundness of craft: “A ship which requires bailing three times in the course of 24 hours will be declared seaworthy for all kinds of traffic; but if they so wish, the crew can entrust themselves to a ship which requires more frequent bailing. But if the ship’s officers let the vessel be bailed at night, concealing this from the crew, such action shall amount to treachery toward the crew, and the officers shall be responsible for any damage or injury resulting therefrom, regardless of whether it affects men or cargo or both: for every man must pay for his own dishonesty.” Though sounding slightly outlandish now, it would seem obvious that it would behove the owners or officers of a ship to be sure it was sound and seaworthy, and one

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of the best ways to achieve this seems to have been by performing regular bottom maintenance on the vessel. It would seem, then, that external tar was seen as an important and essential part of routine maintenance of seagoing craft. Most literature in ship construction assumes a degree of uniformity concerning the materials for caulking, but examination of case studies shows that they actually vary widely; not only from boat to boat, but also within a single vessel, which may contain fibres from several species of animals, plants, or even human hair (Black, 1999; McGrail, 1998: 129; Gorham & Bryant, 2001; Rogers & Hall, 2009). The semiliquid ‘tar’ material smeared on the outside of hulls and used to lubricate these fibres also varies. Analysis and identification of these materials is not commonly practiced, but when the materials have been identified in the past, they are revealed to have a number of different botanical and geographical sources, as well as different natural additions including bitumen, other petroleum products, various plant resins and tars, animal fats, or combinations thereof (Beck and Borromeo, 1990; Cutler, 1995; Ryder, 1998; Black, 1999; Rodgers & Hall, 2009; CharrieDuhaut et al., 2009). Shipbuilding at the time was not a rigid and invariable science. In the same manner as today, decisions made by past people might reflect custom or tradition, but also may instead have been mediated rather by necessity or convenience (Black, 1999). In Western Europe in many periods, a common material for tarring hulls, luting, and caulking is Stockholm tar; tar derived from the destructive distillation of Scots pine, Pinus sylvestris (Evershed et al., 1985; Heron, 1990), and it usually represents the largest component of the waterproofing mixture. It is also not unheard of for other materials such as beeswax, unaltered resins, fats or lard to be added to basic tar derivatives to make them more adhesive or easier to apply to the hull of a boat (Beck & Borromeo, 1990; Evans, 1996; Black, 1999; Regert & Rolando, 2002; Connan & Nissenbaum, 2003). Stockholm tar has been identified in a number of ship remains; most notably the Mary Rose, the Ma’aghan

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Mikhael wreck, some Etruscan wrecks, the Kyrenia shipwreck, the Bremen Cog and several others (Lange, 1983; Evershed et al. 1985; Robinson et al., 1987; Beck et al., 1994; Glastrup, 1995; Connan & Nissenbaum, 2003; Peters et al., 2007: 336), and is common in archaeological finds in northern Europe (Evershed, 1993). Pine tar is reported to have been used to seal ships in the Viking period and, in corroboration, it has also been identified in a Norwegian shipwreck from the 13th century (Evershed, 1985; Egenberg et al., 2002). Though there is no guarantee that pine tar is the major component of the tars used in Scandinavian boatbuilding during the medieval period, it seems most likely, particularly in light of the fact that in Norway, pine growth is dominant and there was a healthy historical industry of tar production. (Egenberg et al., 2003; Hjordström et al., 2006). Because the terminology of plant tars and resins is used in chemical, cultural, colloquial, technological and forestry contexts, consistency between terms is often problematic and rare, particularly in historical or technological literature. Three terms are commonly used: resin, tar, and pitch. Resins are the natural exudates of injured trees that have been collected and used throughout a large portion of human history; either as raw substances or altered through processes such as heating (Stern et al., 2006). They are incredibly important in the archaeological record, and are some of the most common organic materials found on archaeological sites (Pollard & Heron 1998: 247, Modugno et al., 2006). Tar is the heat-altered resin that results from the destructive distillation of resinous wood, more viscous and darker than raw resins (Gianno, 1990: 8; Jänne, 1989: 10). Pitch is a further heated and altered product of resin distillation; one that is more solid than tar (Heron & Pollard, 1988; Pollard & Heron, 1996: 240). Tar and pitch are traditionally made in outdoor ‘kilns’ made of carefully stacked wood to produce a controlled, anoxic burn by means of a process that has changed very little in the last 500 years (Gianno, 1990: 8; Egenberg, 2005). The final products of such a process would have been pitch and tar and charcoal (Gianno, 1990: 8). Tar and pitch, and particularly tar, are the materials most often used in ship construction and maintenance. They are interesting in their own right in that they inform on the decisions made during the ship construction process and during its maintenance, and further they can provide valuable information concerning the environment of construction or ancillary industries when their inclusions are analysed. The amorphous caulking and tarring materials from three boats, each excavated in southern Norway, were sampled for this project. The first of these, the Tønsberg 1 vessel, was excavated in the summer of 2009 by the Norsk Institutt for Kulturminneforsknin (NIKU). The Tønsberg 1 has been dendrochronologically dated to approximately 1260 BC (Bonde, 2009). Other boats sampled included the Sørenga 7 boat, a Norwegian or possibly Swedish craft dating from 1665 and currently

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housed in the Norwegian Maritime Museum (Falck, 2010a), and the Barcode 6, a boat which has been dendrochronologically dated to 1565 (Falck, 2010b pers. comm. 24/2/2010-20/4/2010). Sampling was limited to boats in which identifiable external tarring and internal caulking, (including fibrous caulking materials as well as amorphous organics) were present, and which have established, well-constrained dates for their period of use. Neither the Tønsberg 1 nor the Barcode 6 had previously undergone any chemical analysis, whereas the Sørenga 7 has had the fibrous caulking materials identified and described by the Anglo-Saxon Lab in York (Rogers & Hall, 2009). In this analysis, five samples of tar and five samples of caulk were analysed from the Barcode 6, five samples of tar and five samples of caulk were analysed from the Sørenga 7, and five samples of caulk and ten samples of tar were analysed from the Tønsberg 1. Research methods Three techniques were used on these materials with the intent of identifying the source materials and inclusions and determining if differentiation could be made, in terms of either composition or mode of production, between tarring and caulking materials. First, residue analysis and the biomarker-concept were used to determine the chemical identity of the residues used for tarring and caulking. Residue analysis rests on the premise that if appropriate separation and identification of the components of a mixture can be achieved, then the identification of the original mixture can be ascertained (Evershed, 2008). The biomarker concept implies that there are specific molecules in certain substances that are unique to them (Evershed, 1993). Certain molecules are characteristic of beeswax, or of petroleum products, or various animal fats or by-products, or of vegetable tars like pine tar or birch bark tar, and so on. If any of these molecules are detected, the archaeologist can be confident that the starting material at one time also existed. Residue analysis and the biomarker concept can achieve a number of aims; it can identify amorphous or invisible residues, identify unsuspected components of a mixture, it can generally (and sometimes specifically), identify plant and animal products exploited in antiquity, and finally, it can sometimes identify manufacturing technology for some substances or locations of origin (Bonfield et al., 1997). The biomarker concept is not foolproof; many compounds are present across large ranges of organic substances and archaeological substances are likely to be altered and degraded through use, age, and burial (Pollard & Heron, 1998: 247). For this reason, it is wise to corroborate these claims with more substantial sourcing methods (Mills & White, 1994: 100). Second, scanning electron microscopy (SEM) with x-ray fluorescence was used to detect the presence of elemental substances. There are several benefits to SEM

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analysis: first of all, it allows one to trace elemental inclusions such as sulphur while obtaining images, and thus is a multitasking tool. Additionally, it allows for the capture of images which make basic identification of the hair types in the caulking possible without destroying the structure of the complete caulking in order to mount it on slides for microscopic viewing. Finally, pollen remains were extracted from the tar products, isolated, and quantified. One of the inherent benefits of a semi-liquid, sticky material such as resin and its heat-altered derivatives, tar and pitch is that these materials are excellent receptacles for airborne pollen, which can be extracted and examined. Of course, examinations of this nature are limited, and the difficulties associated with them must be considered. Most significantly, pollen found in caulking material associated with a boat cannot definitively be associated with the place of that boats manufacture. Though caulking was likely to have occurred at the beginning of the life of the vessel, there is no certainty that it was not added during a vessel repair later in life, and possibly not at the original site manufacture. Even more pressing, there is a question of whether pollen entered the tar during the tar formation process at the site of the kiln, during its transport, or during its application to the vessel; indeed, pollen may have become associated with the caulk at several times, as such a simple determination of place of origin may not be possible. The hope and assumption must be that tar kiln operation would have been near the location of the building of the vessel. Further hampering pollen studies of resinous materials are the fact that these materials are rarely present in such volumes that they would yield the 20-gram sample size recommended for archaeological pollen samples. However, as no previous data concerning pollen inclusions in archaeological resins has yet been completed, it was considered a worthwhile pursuit. Results and conclusions Results of molecular analysis indicate that heat-altered pine tar was used in all samples of tar and caulk. In addition to the heated pine resin there is birch bark tar present in some of these samples, which has two possible sources: either it was an intentional addition to the mixture or, more likely, it was an incidental product of the kiln construction. One account reports that birch bark was used to create a uniform bottom to the kiln, which might explain why it might appear in later pine tar products (Egenberg, 2005). Though results bear further analysis, several of the research aims can be addressed. First, though some differences could be seen between the chemical composition of the tars used in caulking and those used on the outside of the hull, there is not such a difference that one could clearly say that they had different sources or were applied at different times. Of course, the main difficulty, as always, results

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from the fact that archaeological materials can suffer differential degradation; particularly when materials like tars spread thinly on the outside of hulls would have been subject to much weathering during use as well as after burial. Though there was significant disparity concerning the nature of the fibrous materials used to caulk the seams of these three boats, there seems to be remarkable similarity in the resinous caulking materials. It would seem, then, that the living tradition of kiln tar production which still exists in Norway was present throughout the medieval period to ensure a similarity in tar composition, even over a period of several centuries. Some differences are evident, but as previously discussed; one must only reluctantly assume that these differences arise from anything other than differential taphonomy when working with this small of a sample size. SEM proved an effective tool for elemental analysis and the mapping of the sample surface, but provided only limited information in this analysis. It would prove a much more useful technique if pigments or minerals were suspected. The sulphur, originally indicated in the samples by GC-MS data and corroborated by X-ray fluorescence analysis undertaken in conjunction with SEM, is most likely of geological origin, and the result of sulphite producing bacteria that reside in anoxic marine environments. Though sulphur has been added as a biocide to ships’ caulking at some periods (CharrieDuhaut et al., 2009), it seems unlikely that this is the case here; there is no consistency in the data or in published literature of previous Scandinavian finds that would indicate it to be a purposeful addition. Iron was also indicated, which was most likely a corrosion product of the fastenings on the wreck. Pollen counts were conducted for the Sørenga 7 and Barcode six samples, yielding adequate pollen counts for environmental matching. Unfortunately, this analysis has not yet been completed with certainty, but suffice to say that pollen grains were excellently preserved and able to be readily identifiable. Unfortunately, the data that can be drawn from them is limited, resin samples have not consistently in the past been processed for pollen, but this represents the beginning of what may be a rich source of environmental information for shipwrecks. Though pollen results will be examined in more detail in future publications, preliminary analysis of the material indicates significant disparities in the pollen inclusions, not only in pollen density (over 700 were able to be rapidly counted for one vessel, and less than 200 were found for the other after counting numerous slides), but also in terms of pollen identities. Though all were Northern European, some varieties were present in large number in one sample and scarcely at all in the other. Future research may take a number of directions, and might include the use of better resolution GC-MS techniques, which might allow species-level identification

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of chemical biomarkers. Phytolith or fibre identification might be a likely source of information, or the study of the same materials from different proveniences from the vessels cargo as opposed to the ship. Hopefully, future analysis might establish the use of these ephemeral materials as a new line of evidence for ancient ship construction, one that attempts to extrapolate the maximum amount of information possible from ancient ship remains. Perhaps identifying these materials not only can explain more about where the ship might be from or to where it might be bound, but also can reveal a bit more about the mind of the shipbuilder. It allows us to look at a ship as an object with a lifetime, rather than just a moment of origin. References Beck, C.W. & Borromeo, C., 1990. Ancient pine pitch: technological perspectives from a Hellenistic shipwreck. MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology 7: 51-58. Beck, C.W., Stewart, D.R. & Stout, E.C., 1994. Analysis of naval stores from the late Roman ship. In: A.M. McCann & J. Freed (eds), Deep Water Archaeology: a Late-Roman ship from Carthage and an Ancient Trade Route Near Skerki Bank Off Northwest Sicily. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplementary Series 13. Ann Arbor, Michigan: 109-121. Black, E., 1999. Fibres and textiles used in the construction of ships hulls. In: H.E. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis V. Fifth International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity. Athens: 53-64. Bonde, N., 2009. Dendrokronologisk undersøgelse af prøver fra historisk skibsvrag fundet i Tønsberg. NNU rapport nr. 23, Vestfold, Norge. Bonfield, K., Heron, C. & Nemcek, N., 1997. The chemical characterisation of wood tars in prehistoric Europe: a case study from the Neolithic of southern Germany. In: W. Brzeziński & W. Piotrowski (eds), Proceedings of the First International Symposium on Wood, Tar and Pitch. State Archaeological Museum, Warsaw: 203-211. Charrie-Duhaut, A., Connan, J., Darnell, M., Spangenberg, J., Szymczyk, M., Bissadaand, A. & Albrecht, P., 2009. Molecular and isotopic characterization of organic samples from the wreck of the Saint-Etienne merchant ship (XVIIIth century): Identification of pitch, fat, hair and sulfur. Organic Geochemistry 40.5: 647-665. Christiansen, A.E., 1968. Boats of the North: A History of Boatbuilding in Norway. Det Norske Samlaget, Oslo. Connan, J. & Nissenbaum, A., 2003. Conifer tar on the keel and hull planking of the Ma’agan Mikhael Ship (Israel, 5th century BC): identification and comparison with natural products and artefacts employed in boat construction. Journal of Archaeological Science 30: 709-720. Cutler, D.F., 1995. Appendix 3: Romano-Celtic ship caulking. In: P. Marsden (ed.), Ships of the Port of London: First to Eleventh Centuries AD. EH Archaeological Report 5, English Heritage, London.

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Egenberg, I.M., 2005. 3. Bygninger og anlegg. 3.9.11. Overflatebehandling: Produksjon av tjære. Riksantikvarens Informasjon Om kulturrinner, Oslo. Egenberg, I.M, Aasen, J.A.B., Holtekjolen, A.K. & Lundanes, E., 2003. Characterisation of naturally and artifically weathered pine tar coatings by visual assessment and gas-chromatography-mass spectrometry. Journal of Cultural Heritage 4: 221-241. Egenberg, I.M., Aasen, J.A.B., Holtekjolen, A.K. & Lundanes, E., 2002. Characterisation of traditionally produced pine tar by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry. Journal of Analytical and Applied Pyrolysis 62: 143-155. Evans, J., 1996. Appendix 4: Analysis of resin and tar samples. In: P. Marsden (ed.), Ships of the Port of London. Twelfth to Seventeenth Centuries AD. EH Archaeological Report 5, English Heritage, London: 208. Evershed, R.P., 2008. Organic residue analysis in archaeology: the archaeological biomarker revolution. Archaeometry 50.6: 895-924. Evershed, R.P., 1993. Biomolecular archaeology and lipids. World Archaeology 25.1: 74-93. Evershed, R.P., Jerman, K. & Eglinton, G., 1985. Pine wood origin for pitch from the Mary Rose. Nature 314: 528-530. Falck, T., 2010a. Sørenga 7. Å gjenskape en gammel båt i plast og papp eller bytes. Erfaringer midtveis i en prosess. Nicolay 110.1: 20-29. Falck, T., 2010b. Personal Communication. Correspondence concerning nature of boats from Norsk Maritim Museum. 24/2/2010-20/4/2010. Gianno, R., 1990a. Semelai culture and resin technology. Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences Volume XXII. Glastrup, J., 1995. A note on the analysis of the binding medium from a Phoenician shipwreck. Studies in Conservation 40: 65-68. Gorham, L.D. & Bryant, V.M., 2001. Pollen, phytoliths, and other microscopic plant remains in underwater archaeology. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 30.2: 282-298. Greenhill, B. & Morrison, J.S., 1995. The Archaeology of Boats and Ships: an introduction. Conway Maritime, London. Heron, C., 1990. Caulking and waterproofing agents used on the Tredunnoc boat: evidence for its date. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19.3: 247-248. Hjulström, B., Isaksson, S. & Hennius, A., 2006. Organic geochemical evidence for pine tar production in middle eastern Sweden during the Roman Iron Age. Journal of Archaeological Science, 33.2: 283. Jänne, P.A., 1989. An inquiry into ancient technology-the production and chemical investigation of pitch and tar. Unpublished B.A. Thesis. Vassar College. Lange, W., 1983. Die Untersuchung eines mittelalterlichen Holzteers aus dem fund der Bremen Kogge. Berliner Beitragen zur Archaeometrie 8: 289-298. McGrail, S., 1998. Ancient boats in North-West Europe: the Archaeology of Water Transport to AD 1500. Longman archaeology series, New York.

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52. A Sticky Business Mills, J. S. & White, R., 1994. The Organic Chemistry of Museum Objects. Butterworth, Oxford. Modugno, F., Ribechini, E. & Colombini, M.P., 2006. Chemical study of triterpenoid resinous materials in archaeological findings by means of direct exposure electron ionisation mass spectrometry and gas chromatography/mass spectrometry. Rapid Communications in Mass Spectrometry 20: 1787-1800. Peters, K.E., Walters, C.C. & Moldowan, J.M., 2007. The Biomarker Guide, Volume 1: Biomarkers and isotopes in the environment and human history. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Pollard, A.M. & Heron, C., 1998. Archaeological Chemistry. Royal Society of Chemistry, Cambridge. Regert, M. & Rolando, C., 2002. Identification of archaeological adhesives using direct inlet electron ionization mass spectrometry. Analytical Chemistry 74: 965-975.

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Robinson, N., Evershed, R.P., Higgs, W.J., Jerman, K. & Eglinton, G., 1987. Proof of pine wood origin for pitch from Tudor (Mary Rose) and Etruscan shipwrecks: application of analytical organic chemistry in archaeology. Analyst 112: 637-644. Rogers, P.W. & Hall, A.R., 2009. Caulking materials from the Sørenga 7. Report on behalf of Norsk Sjøfartsmuseum. Unpublished report. The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory. York. Ryder, M.L., 1998. Animal hair in medieval ship caulking throws light on livestock types. Environmental archaeology 2: 61-66. Stern, B., Clelland, S.J., Nordby, C.C. & Urem-Kotsou, D., 2006. Bulk stable light isotopic ratios in archaeological birch bark tars. Organic Geochemistry 21: 1668-1673.

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F. Outfitting and Propulsion

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53. The Plaza Nueva boat (Seville, Spain). Preliminary notes on hull details Carlos Cabrera Tejedor

In 1981 during construction works at the Plaza Nueva Square in Seville, archaeologists found hundreds of ceramic sherds, a cruciform iron anchor and the hull remains of a shipwreck (Cabrera, 2008; 2011; 2013, 2014). The operation was a public infrastructure development with a rushed rescue archaeology approach rather than a scientific archaeological excavation; as a result, only less than one half of the hull remains were recovered. They were deposited at the Archaeological Museum of Seville, but have never been studied. The aim of this project is to study the materials found at Plaza Nueva in 1981. Despite the major role that the port of Hispalis (i.e. Roman Seville) played in antiquity, its exact location and characteristics are still unknown by (scholars). The Plaza Nueva archaeological remains are the only existing artefacts that unquestionably come from the ancient port of Seville. The remains of the wooden boat are broken into more than 400 fragments. It seems that less than circa 30% of the original boat’s hull is preserved in the museum. With the objective of determining the historical period to which the boat belongs, 14C dating analysis was conducted. Additionally, several samples from the boat remains are being analysed in order to identify the different wood species and other materials (e.g. caulking) used to build the original vessel. Although the boat is only preserved partially, its original general morphology can be reconstructed with the information provided by the few photographs that were taken, and the 1:10 scale drawing made at the time of the retrieval. The boat’s overall measurements can be reconstructed to c. 7 m in length by c. 2 m in beam. The majority of the timber remains belong to the hull planking, frames, keelson, and what seems to be timber from one of the boat’s posts. All these remains are fragmented which makes their analysis and proper identification very difficult. A previous hypothesis describing the keel (Cabrera, 2008: 19; Cabrera, 2011: 31) has been now rejected. Study of the timber remains revealed several construction details. The hull was carvel built. Planks have

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an average thickness of c. 2 cm, are fastened to the internal frames with wrought iron nails driven from the exterior of the hull. The nails have different lengths and are square in section with flat rounded heads. At this stage, iron nails seem to be the only type of fastener used in the construction. The frame remains are severely fragmented; original frames were square in section and around 10 cm thick. Some of the frame remains have limber holes which are square indentations of c. 2 cm. There are remains of a roughly worked timber acting as a keelson. It seems that the original boat had no sail, since no remains of mast step, mast, or any rigging elements were found, or documented at the time of the retrieval. However, the remains of what are probably the handles of two oars have been found. The discovery of two oars supports the hypothesis that this was the only propulsion system of the boat. Few remains of caulking fibres and pitch have been found. However, only the external surface of the hull was covered with pitch to make it watertight. The external layer of pitch covered the hull completely only below the waterline; above the waterline, the pitch was only applied over the seams (between planks) and over the areas with iron nails (frames). The exact or complete process used to build this boat is difficult to ascertain at this stage, and further research should be conducted to offer a sound hypothesis. Conclusions As previously postulated, the study suggests that the cruciform anchor and boat were lost at different times and should not been associated. Based on its cruciform shape, the anchor was possibly made between the 6th and 10th century. Based on stratigraphic evidence, the boat was probably built in Seville during the Islamic Period (Cabrera, 2008: 21; Cabrera, 2011: 32). 14 C analysis of the boat’s remains gives dates of 12.6% probability of AD 898-920 cal and 82.8% probability of AD 947-1023 cal (Cabrera, 2013; 2014). These results

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Fig. 1. Remains of the Plaza Nueva boat at the time of the recovery in 1981 (Photo: Archaeological Museum of Seville).

confirm the previous hypothesis that the boat belongs to the Islamic Period of Seville (i.e. between AD 712 and 1248). However, anchor and boat were lost at roughly the same location, which indicates that this area was unquestionably a longstanding anchorage of the ancient port of Seville, which was used from pre Roman times up to the Middle Ages. Based on the preliminary study, the Plaza Nueva shipwreck was probably a lighter boat used to carry goods from larger ships, anchored in the Guadalquivir River, to the port installations on the shore of Seville. The Plaza Nueva boat constitutes one of the few examples of ancient ships dated to the 10th or early 11th century. Therefore, a complete study is potentially of great importance because it could expand our knowledge about early medieval shipbuilding (especially in the Guadalquivir Valley) and help establish the exact location and characteristics of the ancient port of Seville.

Cabrera Tejedor, C., 2011. Nautical Evidence from Byzantium in Seville, Spain. SKYLLIS. Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie 11.1: 25-33. Cabrera Tejedor, C., 2013. El fondeadero de la Plaza Nueva de Sevilla: un ancla y una barca procedentes del antiguo puerto de Hispalis. In: X. Nieto, A. Ramírez & P. Recio (coords.), I Congreso de Arqueología Náutica y Subacuática Española. Cartagena, 14, 15 y 16 de marzo de 2013. Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte: 511-525. Cabrera Tejedor, C., 2014. La caracterización del antiguo y desaparecido puerto de Sevilla a través de los hallazgos náuticos de la Plaza Nueva. In: J. Beltrán Fortes & O. Rodríguez Gutiérrez (coords.), Sevilla Arqueológica: La ciudad en época protohistórica, antigua y andalusí. Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla: 242-244.

References Cabrera Tejedor, C., 2008. Finds from Hispalis. A Byzantine Anchor and Medieval Small Boat From the Ancient Harbor of Seville. In: K. Romey (ed.), The INA Annual 2007. Institute of Nautical Archaeology, College Station: 6-21.

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54. From excavation to museum. The archaeological site at the port of Olbia (Sardinia, Italy) and the meaning of the wreck finds Edoardo Riccardi, Virgilio Gavini & Rubens D’Oriano (Introduction)

Introduction In three excavation campaigns (August 1999, May to November 2000, March to December 2001) financed by the ANAS and directed by the Superintendence of Archaeology of Sassari and Nuoro, an archaeological research was undertaken of the entire building site of the tunnel which joins the port of Olbia (Sardinia, Italy) to the outer urban road system. The site was 380 x 20 m and was excavated to an average depth of 4 m until the underlying rock bottom was reached. Apart from an enormous amount of loose finds dating from the 8th century BC to the 17th century AD, 24 fragments of cargo ships were unburied and recovered, measuring maximally 15 x 5 m and minimally 2 x 1 m, belonging to at least four chronological phases. From an historical point of view, two ships can be dated to the Neornian/Vespasian era, as is demonstrated by the fact that they sank because of the flooding that also caused the ruin of the dockyard. Eleven ships sunk at their moorings in the port during an attack by the vandals of Olbia, in the middle of the 5th century AD, which put the Roman city in state of crisis and was part of the more general military strategy that inflicted a mortal blow to the Roman Empire in the West. Three other ships, dating from the end of the 9th to the beginning of the 11th centuries and originally probably assigned for local seafaring in the gulf of Olbia, were excavated in a context dating to the 11th and 12th centuries. They were in a state of neglect and re-used as a base for a reclaimed area necessary to re-activate the port. In fact, according to the gathered information at that time, the port was probably not accessible for ships of a certain tonnage due to the raising of the seabed caused by the presence of the 5th-century AD wrecks and the mud they contained. In fact, the harbour work was intended to boost transmarine traffic of large-sized ships as part of the alliance between the Giudicary of Gallura, whose capital was at Olbia (then called Terranova), and the Republic of Pisa. Another three ships dated to the 11th, 14th and

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15th centuries and probably sunk after accidents at their mooring sites. Together with these almost complete wrecks, three fragments of ships of the 5th century AD, broken up by weather conditions, have been found next to a small support boat of the same era and to one undated ship, which was used and broken up as recycling wood in the boatyard. It is clear that the Olbia excavation is of prime importance not only for the very large quantities of shipwreck remains which can be compared with the findings of the Bourse de Marseille and San Rossore di Pisa or, most recently with the Theodosius port in Istanbul. Another important point is its historical context on both a local and a Sardinian level, providing as it does a ‘photograph’ of two of the turning events in the Mediterranean Cultural Evolution: the end of the Roman empire and the revolution of maritime traffic at the rise of the Repubbliche Marinare. Likewise of topmost importance are the results and new data on shipbuilding technology and particularly the infrastructural elements and tools of a boatyard. Apart from carpenters’ and sailors’ tools and equipment already found elsewhere, the excavation at Olbia has yielded the first remains of a crane, of two ancient masts preserved in dimensions such as to make a functional study possible and of four rudder-stocks, slightly longer than 8 m each and similar to those noted in the Nemi ships and lost in 1944. Concerning ship archaeology, the excavation at Olbia has allowed archaeologists to obtain information about the characteristics of the transition in construction techniques from the Greek/Roman era to the Medieval/Modern era, thanks to the possibility for constructional analysis of a large number of wrecks of the middle of the 5th century AD. All the wrecks were dismantled and the individual constructional parts were removed from the site. This method has given valuable results in the past and was chosen in this case after a double analysis. 1 From a technical point of view this solution would involve the minimum exposure of the wood to light, minimizing the well-known problems of dehydration. In any case, the

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consideration that different restoration protocols would be needed because of the different types of wood which were present in the wreck structures, raised uncertainty on the benefit of keeping the wrecks intact in situ by covering them by a fiberglass shell. On the other hand, the idea that a ship must be considered and studied not as a single objects but as a complex machine consisting of an assembly of many different parts, convinced the archaeologists that the inverse process of stripping the wrecks, even though not completely without risk, could be a great occasion to better understand many technical aspects. In addition, one should realise that this approach for ships was certainly not the same as dissecting an individual object such as a statue.2 For the conservation treatment, an entirely new experimental method – developed by the Legni e Segni della Memoria company – has been applied (D’Oriano et al., 2002: 1250). On the 13th of December 2007 the first two wrecks thus restored and re-assembled were exhibited at the Archaeological Museum in Olbia: one of the large wrecks dated to the 5th century AD sunk by the Vandals and one of the smallest medieval wrecks. On the 29th of March 2011, another of the 5th-century AD wrecks – the largest of those discovered –, the two masts and three of the four rudderstocks (fig. 5) were added

to the exhibition. Thus, the archaeological museum at Olbia places itself in the frontline, not only in Italy, in the field of ship archaeology, both from the Roman and the Medieval period.3 Shipbuilding elements from the wrecks of the port of Olbia Apart from the recovery of the series of wrecks, the two year excavation has enabled archaeologists to reconstruct the coast line in ancient times as well as to locate the area of a shipyard inside the port, identified by the various remains of activities of recovery and repair to boats and ships which used the busy port of Roman Olbia (fig. 1). The practice of hull repair is clearly documented by the analysis of wrecks R6 and R2 in the northern section. On these two ships the repair of planks substituted for those which were damaged can be certified. From a technical point of view, archaeological finds permitted us to suppose that old planks were recovered and adapted to the tasks with the application of new tenons by means of particular joints, inserted from the exterior or the interior of the hull and then held in place by pins. The recovery of the planks is here made perfectly

Fig. 1. The excavation of Olbia: general plan with the ancient seashore line and the shipyard area.

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recognizable by the fact that the original joints, not coinciding with the new, were cut and sometimes the same plank was re-planned and re-modelled for the new design. But the practice of repair didn’t involve just substitution of planking, but also part of the functional mechanical devices of the ships, as for example the bilge pump. In fact, discs of wood have been found with a slight tapering on one of the borders, which presents a groove along the circumference in the thickness of the disc for housing a leather gasket (fig. 2). Also the presence of unfinished ship’s parts and instruments, like wood tackle blocks, single blocks for the manoeuvring of the sails or for hoists, can be seen as tangible evidence for shipyard activities. Together with these particular finds that point to specialized shipbuilding activities and the presence of carpenters, the excavation at Olbia has

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produced some interesting elements belonging to shipyard infrastructure which can be considered of primary importance in the study of ancient shipbuilding. Shipyard structures and tools In the northern area, the excavation has brought to light three large trunks, placed parallel to each other in a slight slope towards the sea. Because of their positioning the trunks are interpreted as the remains of a slipway. Until now there was no evidence for the presence of such structures, but as ships in repair have to be parked and launched, adequate floors based of such beams can be expected in a harbour to put vessels in a dry position. The Olbia site offers several other indications for the practice of repairing and launching ships. First of

Fig. 2. A wooden disc of a bilge pump, found repaired in the shipyard area.

Fig. 3. Shipwrights’ tools: 1) plumb line, 2 and 3) mallets, 4) belaying pin.

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all, activities of carpenters and master builders can be deducted from planks which carry signs of assembly positions indicated with painted Greek letters. On the one hand, these observations show the care with which the master carpenters executed the process of the construction and repair of ships, while on the other hand painted letters tell us that, in some cases, craftsmen arrived at the point of clarifying their own thoughts by graphical diagrams to indicate the correct position of the planks or the frames. Apart from these particular elements, other evidence left by the carpenters consisted of their work tools, for example mallets of various shapes and belaying pin racks for the splices of the mast tops for use on board, but also used for the working of the shipyard (fig. 3). Particularly, there was a large number of finds related to the shipyard, which were deposited on the site because of the harbour flooding in the Neronian/ Vespasian era, such as many tools (hammers, mallets, brushes, brooms, spatulas), lumps of pitch and paint that bear the mark of the container, pieces of broadside planking of the sides, timbers from demolished vessels (virtually indicated as wreck 16), rudder-stocks, at least two fragments of masts and two large beams in rectangular section that certainly do not form part of a vessel (worked symmetrically at the ends). These last two timbers can be identified as part of a crane, a cross piece at the base of a crane or, less probably, one of the two sides of a launching cradle (fig. 4). As we know, in every shipyard a crane or a large hoist is needed to move heavy weights. The large rectangular wooden element with holes and joints seems to refer to the specific characteristics of such a machine. The timber (8.16 m long, 0.45 m high and 0.34 m wide) shows a

series of joints, which leads us to assume that is belongs to a triangular construction typical of the cranes in use in the Roman era, just like the ones described by Vitruvius. Masts and rudder-stocks

In fact, the practice in ancient times of dismantling ships and to recuperate the different timbers has permitted the finding of two main masts in the area of the shipyard, the first of which measures 7.80 m in length and the second 7.30 m (fig. 5).4 The first one seems to be well preserved, while the second was damaged, being fragmented and in a bad state of preservation. Both have an octagonal section at the base and are round with a decreasing diameter with two slightly opposite levelling outs where two large mortises have been carved out. The mortises held tenons, measuring 14 cm, which had to secure steps (footholds) permitting access to the higher parts of the mast for manoeuvring the rigging. These steps started at about 3 m from the lower apex, measured 14 x 2 cm and were placed at 24 cm intervals. The upper part of both masts was not preserved, but it seems possible to suppose that at least the last meter did not necessitate mortises, since the apex was reachable without climbing further.5 At the base of mast 1, there is a round notch that has been carved out and which is crossed by a small hole of 9 cm in diameter, presumably for the vertical blocking of the step: due to its shape the mast base permitted movements of lowering.6 About halfway in the octagonal section, there is a second hole, this time rectangular, for the

Fig. 4. Lower part of a crane or a hoist (Drawing: V. Gavini).

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Fig. 5. The two masts found during the excavation (Drawing: V. Gavini).

horizontal blockage (11 x 17 cm). Concerning the general shape of these objects, it is very interesting to notice that, although published in an insufficient manner, the passage from octagonal to round section at the base of the Roman masts is nowadays certified even in the wreck of the ship of Albenga, dated to the 1st century BC. Here the mast is preserved for only 20 cm in round section, 62 cm in diameter, while the part still buried is clearly octagonal. Also in some texts on ship’s construction, masts with characteristics as described above are mentioned.

Another important class of finds emerging from the excavation in the dockyard is without doubt three rudder-stocks measuring 5.30, 7.79 and 9.95 m in length respectively, to which are to be added two other fragments (fig. 6).7 The first part of the rudder-stocks has a round section of 30 cm in diameter which is about 1.5 m long. After that the beam becomes oval in section, decreasing from 30 cm to 13 cm in diameter, and bears the mortises for the insertion of tenons which connected the blade. The tenons are 10.5 cm and arrive right up to the lower apex of the beam, while the hole for the insertion of the tiller is less than 1 m from the apex of the beam. As we know from iconographic and archaeological sources the structure of ancient rudders is very simple, consisting of a central beam or pole with planks assembled on two sides by means of mortise and tenon joints. The presence of a rectangular hole for inserting a bar is important. In the Olbia case the reconstruction in the museum has brought to light the large measurements of the blade of the rudder, which testifies its belonging to a vessel of considerable dimensions (fig. 7).

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Shipyard activities

As shown by the evidence listed above, there was a shipyard in the port of Olbia where ships were repaired and broken up, but the excavation also produced archaeological data which affirm that three of the six medieval vessels found in the excavation were built there, thus indicating that in Olbia shipbuilding activities must have taken place.

The dismantling of the wrecks, particularly those of the 5th century AD, and the cleaning of their timbers for restoration, allowed the archaeologists to analyse the ship’s structure and to make a series of observations regarding the manual gestures of the person who constructed them. First of all regarding the indentations of the mortises. This operation was dome by a fine scalpel, but it must have been very difficult to decide the scanning and the position in thickness of the plank. So, many mortises have two drill holes at the apex, in order that he who willowed out could not make a mistake, and it is credible that the master, at least, indicated the holes. Another example is connected to the old saying circulating in the world of construction according to which “the plank underneath is the support for the plank above.” We had the fortune to observe at first hand in the planking towards the end of the vessel (stern and poop) something that resembles the section of the end of the boat consisting of two frames which were cut out with a small scalpel, evidently an outline which served as an explicit guideline. The possibility to observe the whole planking, permitted us to argue that in these ships there were three different types of repairs: by

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Fig. 6. The three rudderstocks found in Olbia (Drawing: V. Gavini).

Fig. 7. One of the rudderstocks (9.95 m long) reconstructed in the museum of Olbia. Underneath another smaller rudderstock.

using huge tenons inserted into the centre of the plank from the interior or the exterior, by using tooth tenons or by using no tenons, with planks nailed with wooden piston pins from the exterior and caulked. Conclusion Summarising, the observed archaeological features allow us to assume that in the late Imperial period the construction of vessels was typical of that of the Classic era with, however, some variation for saving purposes (tenons without piston pins, more space in the mortises) and some modern construction characteristics (a greater use of pin nails in the frame, grafting of the components of the frame and sometimes ’curved scarf ’

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joints). Thus, it is probable that in this period the accurate working method was adapted where possible to save time and material, but at the same time was maintained to achieve a sufficiently robust structure. So, it clearly appears that the gradual abandoning of mortise and tenons joints in favour of a few nails and the addition of piston pins to make composite frames and link these to the keel, typical of the later period, here existed together. Finally, we can also affirm that on the ships of the port of Olbia, instead of a passage from a shell-first construction to a skeleton-first construction, the sum of these two concepts can be identified and therefore the simultaneous presence of the shell-first and the skeleton-first building techniques can be observed. In fact, while many wrecks seem to have been built following

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the first scheme, even though weakened by the minor importance of tenons, the skeleton increased in cohesion until the construction reached (if it is permissible to say so) a strength superior to what was necessary, a bit like saying that the builders did not entirely trusted the new ideas and combined these with tradition. Notes 1 A popular alternative in Italy is to create during the fieldwork an encasing of fiberglass around the whole wreck in order to permit treatment by water absorption by means of little flexible tubes inserted between the two cavities. This method was however rejected because its outcome was at the beginning of this excavation not known for any of the wrecks which could be removed in such a way. 2 Unfortunately this comparison has been very inappropriately put forward. However, a recent accurate re-examination of the problems of the removal of the wrecks, subsequent to the excavation at Olbia, made it clear that dismantling had been the most favourable approach, as was followed at the recent recovery of the Marausa wreck in Sicily or the San Nicolicchio wreck in Taranto. Now it seems that also in Pisa this system has been adopted. 3 At present, funds are not available for further continuation of restoration and museum exhibition of other wrecks, even if the structure has been planned to hold at least another two wrecks, nor does it seem possible to think about new restoration projects in a foreseeable future. 4 Similar complete elements are not often recovered in shipwrecks, probably ships during sinking almost always

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suffered the loss of their mast, which very often was broken off, tended to be lost at sea because it floated away, whereas the main part was held on site by the weight of the cargo. This supposition would also explain why fragments of the mast (up to now recovered) are generally of modest dimensions. In cases noted the largest fragment measures 0.70 m in length. 5 This supposition is backed up by the mosaic in the square of the Corporations at ancient Ostia and the frieze of the ‘boat of Salerno’ at the entrance to the crypt of the cathedral. 6 The iconographical documentation testifies that the masts of ships were sometimes lowered to facilitate the passage under low obstacles, for example bridges placed at the entrance of fluvial ports. 7 Remains of ship’s steering equipment are very seldom found on shipwrecks: among the scarce archaeological examples are the rudders of the Nemi ships and a fragment recovered in the Etruscan Grand Ribaud F wreck dating from 520 BC.

References D’Oriano, R., 2004. Relitti di storia: lo scavo del porto di Olbia. In: M. Giacobelli (ed.), Lezioni Fabio Faccenna: conferenze di archeologia subacquea. Bari: 63-74 D’Oriano, R., Riccardi, E. & Gavini, V., 2002. I relitti del porto di Olbia. L’Africa Romana XIV: 1249-62. Riccardi, E., 2002. A ship’s mast discovered during the excavation of the Roman port at Olbia, Sardinia. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 31.2: 268-9.

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55. The World Anchors Reconstruction and Experimentation Project (WAREP): an introduction Gregory Votruba & Osman Erkurt

Background Anchors are necessary for vessels that cannot be readily hauled on to the shore, and an intrinsic tool of successful navigation. Anchor designs have varied greatly between differing societies and through time. The development of anchors, like the ships they serve, parallels world economic development, and it is uniquely indicative of the heritage of human ingenuity. The World Anchors

Reconstruction and Experimentation Project (WAREP) reconstructs, regularly at full scale, and experiments at sea with all types and forms of anchors used throughout history (fig. 1). WAREP is a collaboration between the authors, and the project’s work is accomplished at Erkurt’s workshop in Urla, Turkey. It follows and augments the limited anchor reconstruction and experimentation work, which was previously completed by others: Bravo Pérez employed permanent lead-stocked

Fig. 1. Photo of the primary members of WAREP 2011 (left to right: Greg Votruba, Osman Erkurt, Ş�enol Ö�ntülmüş, Dursun Kayık, Murat Tosun and Bobo (puppy) and reconstructed anchors (Photo: Mustafa Rahmi Atuk).

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Roman anchor reconstructions at sea (Bravo Pérez, 1963, 1964; Bravo Pérez & Muñoz, 1965); Kapitän built two hypothetical removable lead-stocked Roman one-armed anchors and subjected them to several experiments (1973: 391–393); Steffy and Van Doorninck experimented with various Medieval iron anchor forms (Steffy, 1982; Van Doorninck, 1982: 139) and Vosmer tested several Indian Ocean stone shank grapnels (1999: 257–258). Objectives WAREP has several objectives. The first is to determine answers to questions that seem to evade traditional library scholarship. Such questions range from investigation of the holding resistance of individual designs of anchors to the function of specific features, which can only be determined by experimenting with the anchors at sea. However, there are also many questions regarding construction principles. The reconstruction process offers an opportunity to experiment with different theories of production and design. Finally, the reconstructions themselves act as instructors of the past and the continually changing technological developments of specialized skills such as carpentry, iron and

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stone-working. WAREP intends to create a permanent exhibit where visitors will be able to follow the history of the technological developments of anchoring. Reconstructions WAREP is currently in its second phase. The first phase took place over two months in 2011 (Votruba, 2014: Appendix A) and it consisted of the production of 26 types of anchors, with emphasis placed on those found within shipwreck assemblages (fig. 1). Most of these examples were from the Mediterranean basin; however, several examples, primarily ethnographic, from the Indian Ocean and further east were also reconstructed. Care is taken to employ the materials and construction principles exactly as reported, or as theorized in certain cases where examples have not fully been preserved or are superficially published. There is no conceptual limit to the materials and design of the anchors produced, which include stone, stone and wood, lead and wood (fig. 2), iron, and iron and wood. With the exception of several solely hypothetical designs, the great majority are anchors that have been preserved and recovered, recorded and published. Particular care is also taken

Fig. 2. Removing the lead stock of a Roman wood and lead anchor from its sand and olive oil mould (Photo: Osman Erkurt).

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Fig. 3. WAREP iron anchors produced in 2015. Left to right: a scaled down ‘Y’ formed anchor, an anchor based on finds attributed to the early 15th-century AD Molasses Reef wreck from the Turks and Caicos Islands, and the ‘T’ formed anchor from the Cervia shipwreck, Italy, dating as late as the 5th century AD (Photo: Greg Votruba).

to employ the correct materials including wood types. The reconstruction process is fully documented and provides informative illustration of different types of anchors. The second phase of the experiment commenced in the fall of 2015. Its aim is to investigate various questions that developed as a result of the earlier experimentation in 2011. Additionally, several new anchors have been produced to create a more comprehensive repertoire. Anchors constructed and added to the corpus are a larger, better representative, Archaic Period stonestocked wooden anchor and a Roman lead-stocked example of which the shank and arms are constructed from oak, a type of wood more commonly identified than the pine used for those constructed in 2011. Regarding Asian examples, a wholly wooden Southeast Asian anchor is constructed from mahogany, the type necessarily being of a dense tropical timber and having a design based on a find from the 17th-century AD Bangkochai shipwreck in Thailand. Additionally, a one-armed anchor reconstruction from Indonesia has been made, also employing mahogany rather than the more positively buoyant beech of the first example.

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To the iron anchor repertoire, an anchor design common from the 14th century AD has been forged. This is, thus far, the iron anchor design which is the latest in date, that WAREP has reconstructed, extending the Mediterranean scope of the project into the Renaissance and the age of global exploration (fig. 3, centre). This anchor has a long and slender shank and arms, with lugs at the head for holding the wooden stock and short palms at the end of the arms. In addition, to investigate the development and specific function of the ‘T’ form anchors (Kapitän, 1984, type ‘D’), one of its earliest examples, that from the Cervia shipwreck, has been reconstructed (fig. 3, right). To better understand the functioning of the ‘Y’ form iron anchors (Kapitän, 1984, type ‘E’), of the early Medieval Eastern Mediterranean, a scaled-down example has also been produced (fig. 3, left), since the finds of this type are exceedingly heavy (weighing over 50 kg). Both the ‘T’ and ‘Y’ form reproductions of 2011, albeit relatively small examples of their type, proved to be too heavy to allow for the practical comparison of holding resistance with the other examples, which are generally no heavier than 40 kg in weight.

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Fig. 4. Measuring the wooden model of an iron anchor reconstruction (Photo: Greg Votruba).

Construction methodology For practicality, the project uses modern tools for construction, although ancient techniques were replicated when necessary. Applying lacquer to timbers is only done after experimentation and photography, for the sake of preservation. When the precise techniques were unknown, impractical, or the specialized skills unavailable, we have had to improvise. For example, the iron anchors were produced by first creating a fullscale wooden model (fig. 4). The wooden model is subsequently replicated in iron by smiths hammer-welding and finishing pre-cut shapes from cast iron sheet. Eventually, we intend to produce iron anchors from naturally produced wrought iron. The ancient process is vastly more difficult, yet we feel it would be informative in understanding the details of ancient iron anchor construction such as the construction sequence and the criteria informing us about the various welding forms. Turkey is one of the few Mediterranean countries where traditional ironsmiths continue their art, although this specialty and the knowledge are endangered due to

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modern developments including the absence of apprentices. Even the hammering and hammer-welding of cast iron pieces for such large objects requires an assistant with unique knowledge and skill, in addition to strength. Iron anchors produced with natural wrought iron consist of a different alloy and a greater amount of impurities, but nevertheless, we believe, are practically the same as those produced with modern iron sheet. Ultimately, the objective of WAREP is to produce reconstructions that the ancient sailors would recognize and be familiar with as an anchor, irrespective of the means of construction. Experimentation The reconstructed WAREP anchors undergo a number of experiments. They are weighed both when dry in air as well as when submerged. Their behaviour is video recorded when they are cast into the sea and as they fall through the water column. Their behaviour and efficiency to cant and set underwater are also recorded.

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Finally, the anchors are pulled from the shore with an organic cable and a dynamometer to measure their holding resistance pressure. They are pulled twice with a winch for fifteen meters both upon sand and also seagrass sea floors, allowing for the production of holding resistance profiles that provide an empirical means of comparison and an idea of general holding efficiency. In future phases of experimentation, we will attempt to include further tests of the anchors. We intend to include resistance testing on silt and rocky sea floors to supplement the seagrass and sand floor regimes already examined. We will also test the anchors in practice by employing wooden sailing boats of similar dimensions to ancient world coastal vessels. These tests will encompass anchoring the vessels with different anchors under varying wind conditions and upon varying sea floor types and depths. Although the results of this analysis will be primarily objective in nature, they are necessary for investigating the general criteria of employment. The anchors would have originally been used in a great array of circumstances; therefore, we intend to replicate as many of those circumstances as possible. Outlook The WAREP project provides an illustration and practical evidence of the use of anchors than currently available. It will enable us to better understand the nuances of technological developments as apparent through the archaeological data. We are further hopeful to eventually be able to link underwater finds to the sizes and nature of the original ships. Combining this data with GIS map patterns, we expect to become much better informed regarding the nature of maritime trade in the past, including the ever changing sea routes. After completion of the second phase of WAREP, the project will be published in a full colour, bound volume. Notes of the future planned sea trials from wooden sailing vessels will comprise a second volume. The anchors are currently available to be seen in a temporary exhibit at the 360° Research Group workshop in Urla, Turkey. Acknowledgements

Turkey. We also appreciate the logistical support of Prof. Hayat Erkanal (Ankara University), director of the Liman Tepe Excavations, and Prof. Cengiz Metin (Ege University), and their students. The WAREP project is generously supported by the Meyerstein Fund (University of Oxford), Wolfson College Lorne Thyssen Research (2011) and Honor Frost Foundation (2015) grants. References Bravo Pérez, J., 1963. Arqueologia submarina: Algo mas sobre el ancla llamada romana. CRIS (Centro de Recuperación e Investigaciones Submarinas), Revista de la Mar 57: 4–6. Bravo Pérez, J., 1964. Arqueologia submarina: Anclas romanas. CRIS (Centro de Recuperación e Investigaciones Submarinas), Revista de la Mar 70: 8–10. Bravo Pérez, J. & Muñoz, R., 1965. Arqueología submarina en Ceuta. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid. Kapitän, G., 1973. Greco-Roman anchors and the evidence for the one-armed wooden anchor in antiquity. In: D.J. Blackman (ed.), Marine Archaeology. Butterworths, London: 383–395. Kapitän, G, 1984, Ancient anchors––technology and classification. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 13.1: 33–44. Steffy, J.R., 1982. Anchor design. In: G.F. Bass & F.H.J. Van Doorninck (eds), Yassi Ada, A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck. Published with the cooperation of the Institute of Nautical Archaeology by Texas A and M University Press, College Station, Texas: 142–143. Van Doorninck, F.H.J., 1982. The Anchors. In: G.F. Bass & F.H.J. Van Doorninck (eds), Yassi Ada, A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck. Published with the cooperation of the Institute of Nautical Archaeology by Texas A and M University Press, College Station, Texas: 121–142. Vosmer, T., 1999. Indo-Arabian stone anchors in the western Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 10: 248–263. Votruba, G.F., 2014. Iron Anchors and Mooring in the Ancient Mediterranean (until ca. 1500 CE). (DPhil PhD), University of Oxford, unpublished.

The authors are grateful for the encouragement of the residents of Urla-Iskele and the Municipality of Urla,

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56. Emergency recording (October 2004-April 2005) of the ‘barque’ Neptune (Geneva, Switzerland) Paul Bloesch

The Neptune is a ‘barque’, a lateen rigged transport vessel used on Lake Geneva, of about 27 m overall length and with a deadweight capacity between 110 and 120 metric tonnes. Built in 1904 according to design and building methods of Mediterranean origin, she ended her working career in 1968. Being the last surviving representative of her kind, she was acquired by the canton (state) of Geneva, and after having undergone an important repair or rather rebuild in 1973-1975, she was classified as a monument, part of the cultural heritage of Geneva. Another thorough restoration was scheduled for 2004-2005. If any original structures had been left in place on the occasion of the first restoration or the subsequent repairs, they would be expected to come to light again this time, but would probably have to be replaced in their turn. There was actually a high risk that the last surviving authentic elements of a shipbuilding tradition, several centuries old, would disappear without being noticed. A proper archaeological investigation was not provided for by the monuments and sites authorities of Geneva. Luckily, I was given the opportunity to survey and record the structures of the ship provided that I would not interfere with the ongoing restoration work. Very soon it became obvious that only a few old structural

timbers had been preserved in the whole ship. These were the keel with its heel and forefoot, five complete floors and nine partially preserved floors with associated repair timbers, some bottom planks and some re-used fragments of deck beams. To these there should be added one more floor and some fragments of planking saved by Béat Arnold from destruction on the occasion of the 1973-1975 restoration. As the main results of these surveys and recording, it was possible to establish: 1 the method used in moulding the floors, 2 the process of shaping the floors, 3 the assembly sequence of the pre-determined frames prior to their erection on the keel, 4 the particular pattern of the planking of the central part of the bottom, with four very long and large silver fir planks on either side of the keel, 5 the particulars of several repairs: changing of floors, parts of floors, bottom planks and futtocks. Due to space restrictions, only the moulding issue will be addressed here. Fortunately the floor moulds used in the construction of the ship have survived (there are two of them, one for the timbers forward and one for the timbers aft of the master frame ). By superposing 1:10 scale

Fig. 1. Moulding the floor timber D11 (i.e. number 11 forward) of Neptune (Drawing: Paul Bloesch).

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drawings of the floor timbers and of the moulds, made on transparent polyester film, it was possible to reconstruct the moulding process which has been followed in building the ship (fig. 1). Three different positions of the mould were necessary for every half of a floor: 1 The mould being put with its lower edge on a straight base-line, and the mark bearing the number of the floor to be moulded (eleven in our example) exactly aligned with the centre-line, the head of the floor outside the reference mark (trait du rapport) was traced. 2 The mould was then pivoted upon the lower end of the reference mark (A) until its lower edge passed through point B, whose distance from the base-line was given by the rising board (not preserved). The lower edge of the floor was then traced. 3 Finally, the mould having been moved slightly outwards and aligned with a mark corresponding to the desired hollowing out of the floor (not represented in our figure), so its upper edge could be traced. Curiously enough, in some cases the sliding

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movement seems to have been inwards rather than outwards. This three step process had to be repeated for the other half of the timber. The pivoting of the mould resulted in a discontinuity of the tracing at point A, which had to be smoothed by trimming off a little quantity of wood to the right of point A. The moulding face was always the face oriented away from the master frames. Without knowing the true shape of the original mould, we probably would have proposed quite a different reconstruction of the moulding process, as suggested by the dotted line in the right hand half of fig. 1, with a mould having a more open turn of the bilge, less rising, and a straight line from the keel (C) to the turn of the bilge where it is tangent at D: perfectly plausible but erroneous.

The author wishes to thank Luc Deley and the Fondation Neptune for allowing him access to the working site and Richard Barker for correcting the English.

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57. 3D Survey of the Archaic ship model H90 from Samos (Greece) Kostas A. Damianidis & Artemis Valanis

Introduction Ancient models of watercraft give substantial evidence for maritime civilization of ancient Greece. Especially during the Archaic period the number of ship models increased markedly thanks to their function as votive offerings in holy places. One of these places was the Heraion (sanctuary to the goddess Hera) of Samos. The Island of Samos is situated in the middle of the eastern Aegean and the city of Samos was a dominant sea power in the Archaic Aegean, based on a fleet of one hundred pentecontors (Herodotus 3. 39. 3, 3. 44. 2), the most important warships before the appearance of triremes. The temple of Hera on the island was a distinctive holy place for the maritime communities of the Aegean. It was famous all around the Mediterranean and houses a lot of offerings not only from Greece but also from Cyprus, Egypt, Syria, Iran, Louristan, Babylonia, Phrygia, Phoenicia, Caucasus and Etruria. Some of them

are of maritime interest, like the wooden ship models discovered in several excavations in the vicinity of the temple. Wooden ship models from the Heraion of Samos An impressive number of ship models’ remnants have been found in the context of the Samian Heraion. They are dated to the middle of the 7th century BC or in the period 650-600 BC and most of them are on display in the Archaeological Museum of Samos. Thirty-two models were discovered during several excavation campaigns from 1936 until 1977 and another seven come from excavations in 1983 and 1984. The majority of the models represent long vessels, possibly warships, and they are all made out of a single wooden block. They are considered to be ritual votives or offerings to Hera of Samos, a primary maritime deity.

Fig. 1. Drawings of ship model H25 (Ohly, 1953: 113).

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The first model (H25) (fig. 1) was discovered during the excavation of 1936 (by E. Buschor and H. Schleif) and published in 1937 (Buschor, 1937: 204). This was one of the best preserved Heraion models and the only example from a well-dated context in the middle of the 7th century BC (Buschor, 1937: 204, Johnston, 1985: 57). In 1953 the model was republished together with four other models (H26, H27, H28, H29) which lacked an exact excavation context (Ohly, 1953: 111-118) but were all dated in the middle of the 7th century BC without any explanation of the used dating criteria. The next group of seven ship models (H83, H84, H85, H86, H87, H88 and H89) was published in 1967 (Kopcke, 1967: 145-148). Their remnants were rather schematic without the elegant artwork present on those of the first group. These models were dated at the beginning of the 7th century BC, without any specific criterion however of their dating mentioned. The next group (H90, H91, H92, H93, H94, H95, H96, H97, H98, H99) consists of ten models published in 1980 and dated from 650 to 600 BC (Kyrieleis, 1980: 87-88). In this last publication attention is paid to the function of these numerous models. It is suggested that the possibility to be individual offerings is minimized, since they show uniformed crudity without individual characteristics or other functional details like masts, benches for the oarsmen and rigging. Furthermore it is suggested that they were ritual votives rather than individual gifts. Other explanations are that these models were carved at or near the Heraion and then dedicated to a victorious warship crew, possibly as tithe of the victory booty (Kopcke, 1967: 145) or that the dedicants may simply have been sailors who survived a calamity at sea or wished to prevent one and to honour the local goddess (Johnston, 1985: 50). Whatever the original motive of these offerings was, the models were part of the worship of a maritime deity and should be considered as visual contributions to the safety or the prosperity of maritime life by some individuals or by the whole community. In relation to their architectural forms the models from the Samian Heraion show some distinctive

individualities and they can be divided into three initial categories. Two of them contain just one model each and the other models compose the third category. In the first category there are remnants of a model that has a rounded form and a relatively great depth (H29). The model is the only extant example of a built model, constructed of separate pieces of wood for the keel and the sides. Unfortunately the present location of this model is unknown and any additional study is impossible. The model of the second category is an artwork with decorated parts (H217). The model is identified as a possible piece of furniture and includes details representing possibly ship components like ram, keel and gunwale. Some recesses with triangle shapes along the lower edge of the model (possibly the keel) are noticeable. However this is a model in two-dimensions and this is why it has been considered belonging to another category of ship models. The remaining fragmentary models from the Samian Heraion represent long vessels in the form of warships. They have constructional uniformity possibly because they were carved from a single piece of wood. Some of them are extremely important and well-preserved pieces like model H25 (fig. 1) with slightly rocketed keel, posts rise equally steeply in a curve from the keel and large ram, which is incorporated into the bow compartment. A long groove, triangular in section, runs longitudinally from abaft the bow compartment to the stern and it is considered that it represents the interior space of the craft (Ohly, 1953: 113-116, suppl. 34). The model H28 (fig. 2) has the most extreme proportions of all the Heraion models (ratio length overall/middle beam = 20/1). Its deck is flat, with nine opposed pairs of wooden pins or dowels distributed at even intervals along the outside edge of the deck. These represent either tholepins or dowels for attachment of rails, gunwales, or spray screens. Regrettably the locations of both the H25 and H28 models are unknown and further survey is impossible (Johnston 1985: 56-59).

Fig. 2. Drawings of ship model H28 (Ohly, 1953: 117).

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57. 3D Survey of the Archaic ship model H90 from Samos (Greece)

The published models of this third category have preserved lengths that vary from 8 to 62.5 cm and they have often very slender proportions. The length/middle-­ beam ratio for these ships varies between 5.8/1 (H91) and 20.8/1 (H28) and would have been even greater when the models were intact. We can divide the models into two broad groups according to their length/­middlebeam ratio: the first contains models with a ratio that is lower than 11/1 and the second contains models that the ratio is higher than 14/1 (table 1). The first group seems more realistic (Johnston 198: 46) while the second group is considered rather out of scale with wrong proportions (Gray, 1974: 58; Basch, 1987: 245). To the first group belong at least seven models (H25, H26, H85, H86, H90, H91 and H175) while in the second at least nine models belong (H83, H84, H27, H28, H92, H93, H94, H95, H96). The rest of the eleven models (H87, H88, H89, H97, H98, Η99, H176, H178, H199, H202 and H211) are too fragmentary to be measured with accuracy. The lengths of almost all models would be longer when they were intact and the original ratios would be different. Another very interesting ratio of the models is that of the length/amidships-height, which varies between 7.2/1 (H85) and 18.9/1 (H92). According to this ratio we can divide the models into two other groups. The first contains the models with a ratio lower than 12/1 and the second contains the models with a ratio higher than 15/1 (table 2). Thus there are models with rather high sides of the hull and other with particularly low sides. It is suggested that the low height of most of them would seem to indicate the simple one-level warship (Johnston, 1985: 47). However the different ratio between the low and high side of hulls could possibly indicate two groups of ships, the first with one and the second with two levels of oars. To the first group, with low sides, belong at least eleven models (H25, H26, H27, H83, H84, H85, H86, H90, H91, H93, H175) while in the second at least five models belong (H28, H92, H94, H95, H96). The rest of the eleven models are too fragmentary to be measured with accuracy. It is interesting to notice that six models of the first group with the length/middle-beam ratio belong to the first group of the length/amidships-height (H25, H26, H85, H86, H90, H91 and H175) and all the models of the second group of the length/amidships-height belong to the second group of the length/middle-beam ratio (H28, H92, H94, H95, H96). That means that most of the beamy models have also high sides and that all the low side models are also slender. Thus perhaps this classification corresponds to representations of vessels with a double (H25, H26, H85, H86, H90, H91 and H175) and a single (H28, H92, H94, H95, H96) bank of rowers. On the basis of this analysis finally seven models have been selected, which seem to have more realistic ratios and should be closer to representations of floating hulls. The following study will focus on the geometry

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of these hulls and especially on the parts of the models that seem rather intact. Regrettably two of the seven models have an unknown location (as already mentioned) and another two are very fragmentary. Thus only three of them are suitable for further and closer study at the moment. These are the models H90, H91 and H175. In order to study these three hulls thoroughly, we proceed to digitally recorded images using a structured light 3D scanner. The work was initially organized by the Municipality of Samos and co-financed by the European Union and National funds, in the framework of the project ‘Study on the ancient type of ship called samaina’. The survey of the models is done with the permission of the 21st Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities. Ship model H90 Ship model H90 is the first one of which the digital analysis was completed (fig. 3). The model was excavated by the German Archaeological Institute at Athens in the excavation campaign of 1977, directed by Helmut Kyrieleis (1980: 89-94). The recorded length is 31.7 cm and the maximum beam is 4.4 cm. It is mentioned that the tip of the ram, a section of the gunwale and stern, and a small section of the bottom were missing. Furthermore it is pointed out that in section, both the interior and exterior of the hull are rounded, giving the appearance of an undecked vessel (Johnston, 1985: 60). There are some tool marks, like that of a knife, that was probably used to give the hull a curved shape. The model is one of the few that presents an attempt to show the inside of the boat or the deck by a hollow groove. The length/middle-beam ratio of the model H90 is 7/1 and the length/ amidships-height ratio is 9.7/1. The model is one of the most ’realistic’ in appearance and the least damaged of the surviving models. Therefore it was decided to study it closely and attempt to reconstruct it.

Fig. 3. Ship model H90 (Photo: K.A. Damianidis).

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Table 1. The ratio length over all/middle beam of the Heraion ship models.

Table 2. The ratio length over all/middle height of the Heraion ship models.

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Fig. 4. The digital model H90 (Drawing: A. Valani).

The process of scanning Initially, in order to capture the 3D shape of the surface, two different methods were investigated (summer 2007). In one case, the small objects within the shape of boat-models were documented with a digital camera and the surface was reconstructed via photogrammetric processing. Although this method could yield reliable and accurate results for a pair of images, it turned out rather challenging to combine all of the data into each single model, mainly because of the narrow, highly curved and elongated shape of the objects of interest. In the other case, a time-of-light laser scanner was used in order to document the objects from various viewpoints and thus obtain the 3D shape as a set of point clouds. However, the instrument available at the time proved to be unsuitable for such small objects, as the noise in the data was such that it would not allow for the thinner areas to be modelled accurately. So it was concluded that different equipment was needed or a different method was required, that was not available at that time. In 2010, a second attempt to survey the ship models was made. In this case, the equipment employed for the survey was an XYZRGB structured-light 3D scanner owned by the National Technical University of Athens. The system comprises of two machine vision cameras, one SLR camera and a projector, operated via a laptop. Depending on the way this system is set up the accuracy and resolution of 3D data capture is of sub-mm level. The proprietary software that comes with the scanner, projects a series of black and white patterned images onto the object surface and simultaneously the machine vision camera captures these images. The SLR camera

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is used to capture the texture of the object that is being scanned. The data are then synthesized and processed by the software and a part of the surface is acquired as a 3D surface textured with one of the images acquired by each scan. During data acquisition, the object is scanned at numerous positions so that the entire surface is captured in at least one scan. After all of the data were collected, the scans were processed in order to be aligned and unified, to create a digital version of the entire object. Ship model H90 was scanned at 30 different positions in order to record the entire surface. After the scans were registered together, a complete watertight model of the surface was created. The surface of model H90 comprises approximately 637,000 polygons, with an average side length of 0.4 mm. The object is then oriented along a potential axis of symmetry of the ship model and placed upright, so as to enable further processing. The working position of the ship model is stabilized when the potential bottom plank is horizontal (fig. 4). When the model is oriented in space, it can be used to extract sections and thus enable the construction of a line plan. The software used, enables the immediate extraction of surface sections at specified intervals. Thus, sections were made every 5 mm in order to assist the construction of the frames and every 2 mm for the construction of the waterlines and bow and buttock lines (these are the lines of the traces formed by the intersection of some longitudinal vertical plane parallel to the central longitudinal vertical plane of the ship, with the surface of the ship hull). Thus there are in total 27 water lines, 22 bow and buttock lines and 63 frames in the output data of the scanning process. After the sections were created, they were combined in one

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Fig. 5. The lines plan from the digital model H90 (Drawing: A. Valani).

3D drawing file. This data is then used and further processed to construct the lines plan of the model (fig. 5). The reconstruction of the lines plan of model H90 The output data of ship model H90 served as a basis to produce a workable lines plan with a sufficient number of lines. Thus, as a first step 14 sections of frames, 9 sections of waterlines and 11 sections of bow and buttock lines were selected to put together the final lines plan that was going to be processed as part of the hull reconstruction. The number of lines was enough to represent the characteristics of the ship model and at the same time was sufficiently workable for a reconstruction of the lines plan. The selected lines were projected on a

two-dimensional surface and became the basic lines plan of the reconstruction drawing of both sides of the hull (fig. 6). The next step was to ‘repair’ some obvious damaged parts of the ship model, including: • parts of the gunwale in the bow and the stern part of the starboard side. • parts of the stern at the port side. • some bottom parts at the port side near the bow and the stern. The adjustment of this damage was another step in the reconstruction of the original hull of H90. However, the obvious asymmetry of the surviving ship model was an additional feature that had to be fixed. Of course we don’t know the degree of asymmetry that occurred in

Fig. 6. Selected lines for further reconstruction process of the lines plan of ship model H90 (Drawing: K.A. Damianidis).

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Fig. 7. Final reconstructed lines plan of ship model H90 (Drawing: K.A. Damianidis).

the ships of that period. Nevertheless, we expect that the ancient shipwrights made an attempt to construct a hull as symmetrical as possible, especially under the waterline. At the same time the surviving ship models have obviously a certain degree of distortion either from their initial creation or because of their long period being buried in the damp soil of the sacred precinct. Thus the third step of the reconstruction was focused on the introduction of a hypothetical symmetry as close as possible to the original lines. The areas of the hull model that seemed without damage were considered critical for the reconstruction of the lines plan. These were areas which showed tool marks or smoothness of wood grain. This was the case in for example the fore part of the ’deck’ surface and the gunwale, the aft part of the gunwale and the raised aft deck, the stern post, the upper and the lower edge of the ram. Finally the lines plan with the reconstructed symmetry bears the same ratios and bevels of the original model and the obvious outlines of the gunwale on both sides of the hull. The final step of the reconstruction was to add some more missing parts on the fore and aft part of ship model H90. This was achieved mainly through comparisons with the other Samian Heraion ship models, especially with those that belong to the same group of ratios. During the two last steps of the reconstruction a new set of lines was produced with symmetry and carefully redesigning some of the missing parts. At the end of these four steps of redesigning the ship model, a hypothetical degree of reconstruction was reached, which is not far from the survived ship model and is based on evidence from the same context of the Samian Heraion ship models (fig. 7).

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Discussion on the reconstructed lines of model H90 The final reconstruction of the lines plan shows some characteristics of ship model H90 that cast some new light on the long ships of the Archaic period. First of all the frames of the reconstructed lines are rounded on the middle part of the ship (from F4 to F11) and they are following almost the shape of a single arc. There is not any sharp or pointed part in the frames, like the turn of the bilge or a chine in any frame. At the very ends of the hull the frames become gently V-shape (F1, 2, 3 and F12, 13, 14). The upper sides of the frames are markedly vertical all the way from stern to bow and at the level of the gunwale. On the bottom of the frames there is no indication of a keel and the lines of the frames from F5 to F9 are almost flat on the lower parts. However other ship models from the same context, like H25, show clearly the location of a keel. Thus perhaps the missing keel from H90 is due to the schematic appearance of the model or perhaps this type of ship was equipped with a plank-keel rather than a true keel. The frames at the two ends of the boat have their maximum width at the middle of their height and they are gently narrower at their ends. We can notice furthermore that the underwater part of the hull is almost symmetrical to the middle frame. It should be clear however, that all the mentioned frames are completely theoretical and they are used only for the study of the reconstructed lines plan, without representing any technical or structural feature of the original model. Both water-lines and bow and buttock lines are noticeable smooth with very gently narrowing and rising at the ends. Nevertheless the bow and buttock lines show a very gentle curve at

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the bottom and steeper rising curves at the two ends of the hull. This is a distinctive feature not only of model H90 but also of some other Heraion ship models, like model H25. The ratio of middle beam to length over all remains 7:1 and the ratio of middle height to length over all remains 10,6:1, like the original ratios of the model. The water lines on the bow are markedly straight lines without any curvature. This gives less hydrodynamic advantages to the hull but perhaps adds more strength to the pointed bow for any potential collision. Conclusions The use of the structured-light 3D scanner enabled the accurate recording of the shape of the wooden ship model even for areas that were rather thin and difficult to model. The output data of the recording give the opportunity to exhaustively and closely inspect and intensively analyse the characteristics and the morphological properties of ship model H90. The data indicate that we possibly have to do with a certain type of rowing vessel. ship models might not be as reliable as contemporary shipwrecks, but the model is a contemporary 3D

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representation of a ship-type and it was undoubtedly inspired by the appearance of real ships. References Basch, L., 1987. Le Musée imaginaire de la marine antique. (Αθήνα) Athens. Buschor, E., 1937. Ausgrabungen im Heraion von Samos 1936. Archäologischer Anzeiger 52: 203-222. Casson, L., 1994. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient Times. Gray, D., 1974. Seewesen. Arch Hom, τομ.1. Johnston, P.F., 1985. Ship and Boat Models in Ancient Greece. Annapolis, Maryland. Kopcke, G., 1967. Neue Holzfunde aus dem Heraion von Samos. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 82: 100-148. Kyrieleis, H., 1980. Archaische Holzfunde aus Samos. Mittei­ lungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athe­ nische Abteilung 95: 87-147. Ohly, D., 1953. Holz. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 68: 77-126. Williams, R.T., 1958. Early Greek Ships of Two Levels. Journal of Hellenic Studies 78: 121-130, pls. XIII-XV.

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58. The Roskilde 6 ship (Denmark). Reconstructing the longest warship find of the Viking Age Morten Gøthche & Kristiane Strætkvern

Background In 1996 and 1997, a large excavation took place in Roskilde harbour. During this excavation nine shipwrecks were discovered, among which the Roskilde 6 ship. Although only 25% of the ship was preserved, it was an extraordinary wreck with a keel of 32 m, indicating a total original length of at least 36 m (Gøthche et al., 2006; Bill et al., 2000) (fig. 1). Dendrochronological analyses revealed that the wood came from the area around the Oslo fjord in the South Eastern part of Norway. The wood was cut between AD 1018 and 1032. The estimated building year is AD 1025, the end of the Scandinavian Viking Age. Analysis of one of the repairs also shows that the ship was repaired in AD 1039 somewhere in the area around the Baltic Sea (Bonde & Stylegar, 2011). The wreck was dismantled, documented and brought to the National Museum’s Conservation Laboratory for conservation. In 2009, 12 years after the excavation, the Conservation Department was still conserving timbers from the Roskilde find. The impregnation tanks were filled with timbers and the overall goal was to conserve the ship parts for storage and study purposes. There were no plans for exhibition of any of the Roskilde ships. However, a cooperation project between the British Museum in London, Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin, Germany and the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen had been launched,

and one of the focus points of this cooperation was to join forces in a Viking-Age exhibition that could travel between the three institutions. It was acknowledged that this exhibition would need an extraordinary key object and a project description was sent to the international exhibition committee suggesting to finish the conservation of Roskilde 6 as soon as possible and carry out the required preparations to enable this Viking ship to be presented in the exhibition in the three museums. This suggestion was accepted and several necessary tasks were initiated: • Complete the impregnation of the timbers and prepare them for vacuum freeze drying within a limited time frame. • Make a complete reconstruction of the ship. • Vacuum freeze-dry the ship timbers in the right shape. • Create a mobile system for individual support of the timbers and exhibition of all finds in their original position. • Work out a system for safe transport and exhibition of the support and ship timbers. In order to dry the ship timbers in their correct shape, a reconstruction of the ship was crucial at an early stage of the process. This was needed due to the current conservation principles for waterlogged archaeological wood of the National Museum Conservation

Fig.1. The Roskilde 6 wreck. In situ-drawing from the excavation 1997 (Drawing: Werner Karrasch).

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Department (Strætkvern et al., 2009), which are briefly described here: 1 The Roskilde 6 ship timbers were impregnated with 40% Polyethylene glycol (PEG) 2000 in water. The water was removed from the impregnated wood by vacuum freeze-drying. 2 At this stage the wet, impregnated ship timbers were fixed in the right position prior to freezing and vacuum freeze-drying. In this way, the shape of the dried timbers will be very close to that which is required for the reassembly of the ship. 3 This method has several advantages: the conserved timbers are light and naturally looking with preserved surfaces and tool marks and they can be assembled without the use of degrading heating methods in the mounting process.

in the aft end was destroyed by a sheet piling prior to the excavation. The central piece of the site is the keel of 32 m, with the foremost scarf preserved in one end and ending very close to the scarf in the aft end. The middle part of the bottom is well preserved as well as the aft part of the port side. About 2 m of the keelson as well as some of the keelson knees connected to it are preserved. The position of the knees indicates the position of the mast step. In the central part of the wreck five strakes are preserved on both sides. In the aft part five strakes are only preserved on the port side and there are extra side frames between the floor timbers. All details are neatly formed with a high standard of craftsmanship. All timbers are made of oak wood and when excavated, the wood was waterlogged and very degraded.

The precondition for applying this method is that the shapes of the individual timbers are known prior to vacuum freeze-drying and that these shapes are reconstructed by professionals. A full reconstruction of the ship was also needed for the production of the support structure of the timbers in order to expose the Viking ship in its complete dimensions. First and foremost, information was required on the overall framework, the dimensions and the number and placement of plank lines, the number and positions of frames and stations for cross sections, the curvature of the keel, and details on the fore and after stems, the rudder and the mast.

Documentation and reconstruction

The ship’s timbers Among the preserved pieces were 40 floor- and frame timbers, 30 planks, one keelson and several other structural timbers. Altogether, they comprise more than 200 pieces of wood. It is estimated that approximately 25% of the ship was preserved. Unfortunately, 2.5 m of the ship

The documentation of the nine ship wrecks started just after the excavation and was finished in 2009. Most of the wrecks were documented in 1:1 on plastic sheets just as the Skuldelev ships, excavated in 1962. During the campaign documentation in 3D with a FaroArm was introduced using the software programme Rhinoceros. Half of the Roskilde 6 ship wreck was documented in the traditional 1:1 documentation and the other half with the FaroArm. The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde has a long tradition for building reconstruction models in cardboard of ships from the Viking Age and the Medieval Period. When building the reconstruction model of Roskilde 6, prints of the planks in 1:10 were transferred to cardboard with a thickness corresponding to the thickness of the preserved planks. All nail holes for the clinker nails were drilled with a 0.8 mm drill. The planks were then assembled with pins secured with a piece of rubber on the outside. Exact models of the preserved frames were

Fig. 2. The preserved keel joint in the fore part of the keel (Drawing: Morten Gøthche).

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Fig. 3. Computer image of the Roskilde 6 ship with the deck line and the sheer line reconstructed and the fore and after stems added (Drawing: Morten Gøthche).

inserted in the flexible plank shell and gave a nearly fixed shape of the preserved part of the ship. The total length of the keel of the Roskilde 6 wreck was 32 m. A vertical scarf connecting it to the fore stem is preserved (fig. 2). The other end is broken but is very close to the corresponding scarf at the after stem. When raising the keel from the excavation two unusual joints in the keel were revealed – one of these keel joints is preserved in its full length of 2.68 m. Usually, the VikingAge warships were built with one long keel connected to the stems by two short curved pieces joined together with vertical scarves. Most likely, the shipbuilder was not able to obtain one piece of wood in the required length. He has therefore used these extraordinary long joints in order to obtain the same properties of a keel in one piece. The reconstruction model was built with the keel in one piece. At the preserved middle part and the preserved aft part of the ship, the curvature of the keel was fixed during the building of the model. As the keel was cut through by the contractor’s machinery and no planks are present around the fore third of the keel, the curvature for the whole length of the keel had to be determined at this stage. This was done by analysing the interaction between the deck line represented by the upper edge of the preserved fifth strake and the waterline. In the reconstructed ship it should be possible to row the ship in its full length; therefore the oar holes must not be too close to or too high above the water surface: Amidships they must not be closer than 40 cm to the water and at the ends not higher than 70 cm above the water. As the deck line follows the oar line the function of the oar line will decide the bend of hull and therefore also the overall curvature of the keel. After finishing the model of the preserved part of ship, it was measured with the FaroArm. From the 3D-data of the model it was possible to extract the twist and the bend of the individual planks. The further reconstruction work was then carried out by hand based on the same data. Roskilde 6 is comparable to two already known longships, the Skuldelev 2 ship (‘The Sea Stallion from Glendalough’) built in AD 1042 close to Dublin in Ireland, and the Hedeby 1 ship built in the area around South Denmark or North Germany approximately around AD

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985. Skuldelev 2 is reconstructed to a length of 29.3 m (3.8 wide) with 58 oarsmen, whereas Hedeby 1 is reconstructed to be 30.9 m (2.7 m wide) with 56 oarsmen. All the three longships seem to have been built in the same building tradition. They all have the same features; the narrow spaced frame system, the heavy stringers to obtain the longitudinal strength and the slender side frames as reinforcement of the structure. Hedeby 1 was very narrow with L/B ratio of 11.4. The Skuldelev 2 had L/B-ratio of 7.7 and the reconstruction of Roskilde 6 had L/B-ratio of 9.3. Where the Skuldelev 2 ship had seven strakes in the bottom, Roskilde 6 only had five strakes. The garboard strake of Skuldelev 2 was more raised, giving the ship more draft. The Hedeby1 longship had only four strakes in the bottom. The Roskilde 6 ship is only preserved to the deck level. According to the reconstruction of the Skuldelev 2 ship, several features from deck level to the sheer were already given. The thwart beams had to be 35-40 cm above the deck and the oar holes had to be about 52 cm above the deck. Skuldelev 2 is reconstructed with five strakes from the deck level to the sheer with the oar holes placed in next upper strake. The same solution was chosen for the Roskilde 6 as the oars had to rest at the edge of the third upper strake. With the oar line and the sheer line fixed, the fore and after stems could be added. On Skuldelev 2 the stepped after stem is preserved. The high, nearly vertical stem tops were reconstructed, inspired by the ship carvings on the ‘Bergen stick‘ and from graffiti on panels from a stave church (Crumlin-Pedersen & Olsen, 2002: 193, 304). The Roskilde 6 longship was provided with the same kind of stems and stem tops (fig. 3). The Roskilde 6 longship is reconstructed to a length of 37.27 m and with a width of 4 m (fig. 4). It is estimated to have had a crew of around 100 men, 78 of which were oarsmen. The preliminary displacement of Roskilde 6 longship is calculated to approximately 29 metric tons. By comparison, the reconstructed Skuldelev 2 had a displacement of 24 t when fully equipped. With the ship reconstructed to the sheer and the stems added, the traditional manual drawing of the inner upper lines of the strakes and every third frame was entered into the Rhinoceros 3D-drawing programme. As the lines of the outside lower edge of each strake and the lines for every

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Fig. 4. Final reconstruction of the outside lines of every frame and strake (Reconstruction: Tom Nicolajsen and Morten Gøthche).

frame were required for the design of the support system, a new drawing was generated in the computer and in addition the positions of the keelson, the mast and the rudder were registered. Implementation of the reconstruction into the exhibition preparations Knowing the main reconstructed lines, the conservators could continue the final conservation processes. The keel parts were ready for vacuum freeze-drying, and with the drawings giving the curvatures, individual keel supports were produced. The keel parts were taken out of the impregnation baths and immediately fixed in the supports. The fixed keels were pushed into the freeze-drying plant and the vacuum freeze drying started. Similar precautions were taken in the drying of the floor-timbers and side frames. These were also fixed in shape. The planks also required freeze-drying in the correct final shape. Drawings of the curvature of each plank had been made in the Rhinoceros programme and forwarded to the conservation laboratory. The drawings gave the exact distance from a baseline to the plank edge at given places under the planks where wedges built in the right dimensions were placed prior to the freeze-drying process. The equipment applied for the process was an 8 m long tank with a 2 m diameter. The pressure in the tank is 0.2 to 0.15 mbar - very close to a total vacuum and the temperature is 25°C. Each drying process required five to six months in the closed chamber, thus temperature sensors were inserted in the timbers and the conditions logged. Seven processes were required for vacuum freeze drying of the Roskilde 6 timbers. The reconstruction drawings were sent to the blacksmith producing the steel frame and plank support where the data was transferred to the CAD/CAM programme applied when laser cutting the steel parts. The Trumatic laser cutting machine produced 43 extremely accurate frames for outside support of the ship timbers. The frames are fixed on 43 bases of 25 to 80 cm height – reflecting the curvature of the keel.

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The outside steel frames are connected by stainless steel pipes that are hand-wrought in curvatures corresponding to the original lines of the strakes. The steel pipes are connected by approximately 250 individually shaped fittings – engraved with a number giving the placement in the construction. The lines can easily be fitted in the steel frames and will be placed between the frames in steps corresponding to the placement of the original planks and structural timbers in the frame. The original planks rest on laser-cut 1 mm thick stainless steel supports, made as 5 cm wide ribbons following the contour of each plank. The plank supports are adjusted to the steel frames that are designed to hold the planks in the clinker built technique. The stem replacements are also made of laser-cut steel with the exact shape taken from the reconstruction drawings. All pipes demonstrating the plank and sheer lines are locked into the stem replacements like keys in keyholes. Only few bolts are required to assemble the structure. The entire assembly of all ship timbers can be done by a trained team of six persons within two or three weeks. Two 40’ containers have been equipped to store and transport the ship timbers and the steel support (Petersen & Strætkvern, 2012). Conclusions The reconstruction work added information to the existing knowledge on the construction of Viking Age longships. Many features connect the three longships discussed in this article: the long slender hull, the heavy stringers and the significant side frames between the frame systems. But there are differences as well; Skuldelev 2 was built for the rough Irish Sea. The deep keel gave the vessel the necessary grip in the strong currents running around the island. Hedeby 1 was built for the shallow waters in the western part of the Baltic Sea. Manned with a crew of 56 oarsmen the narrow vessel would have had striking powers in this area. Roskilde 6 was built to suit for the calmer Kattegat and Skagerrak waters. With 7 m extra length the vessel could obtain considerable speed when running with the weather.

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58. The Roskilde 6 ship (Denmark)

Very often, the reconstruction of a ship will take place as part of the scientific work following an excavation – sometimes in order to build a replica. This work demonstrates that reconstruction details are also important to the conservators, as very fine conservation results can be achieved when the wood is conserved in its original shape. Moreover, the reconstruction is important for making the ship support – in this case even crucial, as the support for the ship had to be produced before all timbers were conserved and available in the construction process. Every time a new ship is excavated, there is a range of unknown factors. Very often, the excavation, the documentation and conservation is started without a defined end use of the ship. This project also demonstrates the importance of defining the end use at an early stage and at least before finalising the conservation process. Moreover, the importance of a creative and respectful dialogue between the archaeologists, the architects, the conservators, the museum curators, and the craftsmen is confirmed. Acknowledgments Augustinus Fonden (funding), Herfølge Kleinsmedie (blacksmith producing the steel construction).

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References Bill, J., Gøthche, M. & Myrhøj, H.M., 2000. Roskildeskibene. In: T. Christensen & M. Andersen (eds), Civitas Roscald. Roskilde Museums Forlag, Roskilde: 211-260. Bonde, N. & Stylegar, F.A., 2011. Roskilde 6 – et langskib fra Norge KUML 2011. Årbog for Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab: 247-262. Crumlin-Pedersen, O. & Olsen, O. (eds), 2002. The Skuldelev Ship I. Topography, Archaeology, History, Conservation and Display. Ships and Boats of the North 4.1. Roskilde. Gøthche, M., 2006. The Roskilde Ships. In: Lucy Blue, Fred Hocker & Anton Englert (eds), Connected to the Sea. Proceedings of the Tenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 2003. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 252-258. Petersen, A.H. & Strætkvern, K., 2012. Til lands, til vands og i luften med – et vikingeskib på vandreudstilling. In: I.A. Tank Bronken, S. Braovac, T.M. Olstad & A. Ørnhøi (eds), Moving Collections; consequences and processes. London: 165–73. Strætkvern, K., Petersen, A.H., Sørensen, J.N. & Jørgensen, E., 2009. Succesful shaping or destructive devices? Freeze-drying of ship timbers in moulds and frames. In: Kristiane Straetkvern, Hans Huisman et al., Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological Materials Conference, Amsterdam 2007. Nederlandse Archeologische Rapporten 37. RACM Amersfoort.

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59. Reconstructing the 15th-century Aber Wrac’h 1 ship (Brest, France) Alexandra Grille

Introduction The Aber Wrac’h 1 wreck was found in October 1985 in the north-western part of Brittany near the town of Brest. Two excavation seasons were organised in 1987 and 1988 by the DRASSM under the direction of Michel L’Hour. The ship is dated to the period 1380-1440 by archaeological finds, essentially coins and shoes. Unfortunately, all attempts to date the ship by dendrochronology failed, as the Aber Wrac’h 1 curve composed from the planking does not match the master curves from North-Western Europe. The wreck The preserved hull portion was 18 m long and 5 m wide and consisted essentially of oak, except for the deep keel which was made of beech (Fagus sylvatica). This timber is trapezoidal in section and was preserved over a length of 10 m. A fragment of the stem was preserved with the imprints of three hood-ends. 24 overlapping strakes averaging 23 cm wide and 3 cm thick, were luted with moss and riveted. Thirty-seven frames were recorded, as well as a few V-shaped floor timbers found forward of the wreck. The floor timbers were neither fastened to the keel nor to the stem. In the central part of the ship, they were 25 cm deep and up to 40 cm in the ends. The heels of the first futtocks rested on the ends of the floor timbers in a long, flat scarf, although their heads were fastened to the top timber with a horizontal scarf. The scarfs usually covered three or four strakes. The futtocks were 15 cm moulded. The frames were 20-25 cm wide with 13 cm average space between them. A ceiling was treenailed in place and closed by filling timbers. Two stringers notched over the frames were probably placed first, at the overlap of the floor timbers and futtocks. Two additional stringers were placed higher in the hull. The highest one contributed to support some of the beams. Three through beam heads were found in

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the middle and forward part of the wreck. They were notched over the lower strake, whilst the second strake rests in vertical rabbets in the beams. The upper strake was placed in the upper notch of the beam. Half-cone shaped fenders were found at the beam ends, pointing toward the stem (L’Hour & Veyrat, 1994: 169-174). Reconstruction process The initial reconstruction was based on the frames and keel, as the plank shapes were not recorded. Two distinct datasets were available for the frames: ­cross-sections and 1:1 scale drawings. After the reassembly of each frame, a line linking up the upper inboard edge of each plank joggle (the neckline) was traced. It served as a distorted foundation of a hull plan of the middle part of the ship. These lines were carefully faired. Wood Model Each frame served as a mould in a 1:10 scale wood model (fig. 1). In order to find the bow and stern of the ship, the patterns of stem and sternpost were placed on a device moving horizontally and vertically. This allowed the determination of the rake of the stem and sternpost by controlling the distortions in the hull. The planking was reconstructed according to the width of the strakes recorded in the frame drawings and site cross sections and the natural development of the wood following the shell-based construction principle. Three principal iterations were necessary to find the best balance. Digital Model A digital model was created from the physical model by manual measurement. The framing, ceiling and beams were reconstructed in Rhinoceros software. This

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Fig. 1. The physical model in its final stage.

enabled us to check the wooden model and to complete the process of reconstructing the original timbers of the ship. At the end of the modelling process, the original timbers were compared with the modelled ones. In the bow, the difference is minimal, about 4 cm. In the stern, the distortions are more important, about 40 cm like in the middle part of the ship. Some stringers preserved with their original fastening helped to keep the hull shape up to the turn of the bilge. The sides bent outwards to the stern. In the bow, two V-shaped floor timbers found loose forward of the wreck were repositioned according to their shape and deadrise as well as treenail holes in the planking. Groove angles in the beam heads also helped to check the model as they were not used in the reconstruction process. The stern frame reconstruction is purely hypothetical as no structure survived (fig. 2). The digital model allowed calculation of hydrostatic properties and offers a better visualisation as well as an appreciation of the ship and its construction within its socio-economic context. The results. Design and construction sequence Some of the construction details indicate that the ship was built shell-first. There are no fastenings between

the backbone (keel and stem) and the frames. Some notches were made in the planking face of the frame to fit the roves in the planks indicating that these frames were inserted into the planking shell. The bottom The reconstruction helped to understand the construction sequence and the design behind it. The keel was already shaped to accommodate the twist in the garboard, which is flatter amidships. It tapered towards both ends from a maximum width near the middle of its length. The first three strakes formed the hollow below the bottom and established the hull shape. The garboard itself was carved to shape. The second and third strakes were bevelled before they were placed. The fourth to sixth strakes made up the narrow bottom. Their bevels are less substantial and served to seal the overlap. The seventh to ninth strakes composed the turn of the bilge. The former strakes were bevelled before they were placed. In this first sequence of the construction may also be included the insertion of all the floor timbers. The first could have been placed in the stern once the fifth strake was complete (M130). A second floor timber was located in the stem which could have been inserted

Fig. 2. Reconstruction of the preserved part of the ship. The preserved timbers are in wood color and the reconstructed timbers in gray.

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Fig. 3. Reconstruction of the preserved part of the ship. All timbers preserved are reconstructed.

once the 6th strake was in place (M105). The first substantial floor timbers had to wait for the seventh strake. Most of the floor timbers likely reached the eighth and ninth strake, with short and long ends alternating to avoid creating a breaking line (except those crossing the stem and sternpost). The sides: a second independent sequence The side planking was placed without bevelling the strakes. The sides are vertically straight without any real complex curvature. As preserved and recorded, the first futtocks reach at least to the 19th strake (this is the case in the middle part of the ship). However, the information on the futtocks in the bow and stern was more limited as they were irregularly preserved. Most of the first futtocks reached the 21st and 22nd strakes. The surviving through beams are integral to the construction process. The forward beam is placed a strake lower than the other, probably to limit the sheer of the deck for the benefit of the crew. The construction sequence followed the same principle as the other beams placed in the 21st strake. The plank is notched to receive the lower face of the beam, which is rabbeted to receive the plank. A local reinforcing plank is placed inside of the strakes in the area of the beam. A notch made on the underside of the beam received the futtock head, narrowed from 25 cm to 10-12 cm. Then the 22nd strake was placed. It is cut at each beam, ending and beginning in the vertical rabbet in the side of the beam. Finally the 23rd strake was placed in the upper rabbet of the beam and reinforced with another short interior plank. This

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strake is not bevelled which suggests that the upper part of the side continued in line with the 22nd strake. Reversed futtock scarfs, where the second futtock was laid before the first one, are found in some locations. Their original extent is unknown, but their heels reach the 12th-14th strakes. Nine of the reversed futtocks survived (M102-110-112-115-117-120-122-129-134). They are set symmetrically from the beam M116, acting as a mast partner. This beam is framed by two reversed futtocks (M115 and M117). The rhythm of others varies: a first set very close in the middle part (two and one normal futtock separating the reversed ones) and a second set in the bow and stern separated by seven to eight frames. The pattern of these futtocks shows that their position was intentionally defined, probably since the very beginning of the construction and before the introduction of the beams. As reversed futtocks are not preserved in their original length it is difficult to have a clear understanding of their role. The symmetrical distribution suggests that they were placed to spread stress on the hull. As they reached the 12th-14th strakes, they avoided having the scarfs of the first futtock and top timber in the same strakes and maybe counteracted the pressure on the hull by reversed scarfs. Note that the intermediate stringer above the ceiling is placed to reinforce the joinery of these frames. Stringers were then placed. The lowest one is notched over the floor timbers – first futtock overlap. The second, also notched, was placed in the turn of the bilge. The highest served as an additional support for the beams. A ceiling completed the space between the lowest stringers and protects the frames. It is closed by filling timbers placed along the bilge stringer (fig. 3).

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59. Reconstructing the 15th-century Aber Wrac’h 1 ship (Brest, France)

Reconstruction of the upper works Although this work is still in progress, some preliminary analysis of the hydrostatic properties may be presented here. In order to do so, it was necessary to reconstruct the upper works of the ship, which did not survive. This reconstruction is primarily based on the first results of hydrostatic calculations for the underwater hull. Due to the fine entrance and run as well as the relatively low volume of the ship, the reconstruction kept the upper works to the minimum possible to avoid instability. The distance between the beams required the establishment of longitudinal beams to support the deck planking (as in the Bremen cog). Eight strakes above the 23rd strakes form a 1.30 m high bulwark. This is sufficient to protect the crew when the ship is heeling without overloading the upper works. No bevels in the overlap were recorded on the 23rd and 24th strakes. This suggests that the original sides continued in the line of the planking below: there is no change of the hull shape. Standing knees are reconstructed as directly fastened to the planking, as possibly suggested by a loose timber found in the wreck. Finally, the larger volume of the stern as well as contemporary ship finds lead us to reconstruct a stern castle. As the hull shape is very fine in this area, it was not possible to integrate the castle into the ship side below. The hull shape is too fine and there is no passage for the helm. The integration of the stern castle in 16th-century ships seems to be tied to the introduction of the transom which enabled the hull shape to be continuous. Due to its shape, the Aber Wrac’h 1 ship would not support such a structure. The stern castle is then reconstructed as a

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separate structure, based on the Bremen cog principle, but adapted to the Aber Wrac’h 1 hull shape. Reconstruction of the mast and yard The mast rebate area is the only part of the keelson preserved. It is 90 cm long, 50 cm wide and 10 cm deep. Small timbers were placed over the floor timbers to fill the space between the futtock heel and the keelson. This buttresses still existed when the ship was excavated. Their distribution enabled to reconstruct the shape of the keelson and the mast step. This latter was 2.13 m long, 50 cm wide and 25 cm deep. The maximum mast diameter is limited to the mast step width. According to the iconography, the length of the mast appears to be close to the length of the ship. It was then possible to reconstruct a mast of 25 m long and 50 cm in diameter. The yard is estimated to be 13 m long. Mast and yard weighed 2.748 t (fig. 4). Hydrostatic properties As reconstructed, the overall dimensions of the ship are 25.850 m in length, 6.95 m in beam and 4.45 m in depth. The hold space is estimated, under the beam, at 96 m3. Through beams give a theoretical maximum waterline. Considering the weight distribution, the waterline appears to be parallel to the underside of the keel. At this maximum limit, the lowest beam is placed 2.88 m higher than the baseline. The displacement is then 115 t. But the beams were not permanently underwater, so it

Fig. 4. Hypothetical reconstruction of the ship under sail. Left: hull reconstructed with the stern castle. Right: the ship close to its maximum draught.

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is certain that this limit should not be reached. The normal loaded draft is probably somewhat less. Although the weight is based on a minimal reconstruction of the ship, it may be estimated on the reconstructed timbers. The ship weighed about 38 t. Its centre of gravity may be defined from the weight and position of individual timbers. The longitudinal centre of gravity is then 14.108 m from the forward perpendicular and the vertical centre of gravity is 3.625 m. Due to its shape, the empty hull is not stable (its transverse metacentric height is negative). A minimal ballast is then required. Analysis of some stones found on the wreck of which at least a part belonged to the ballast showed that the ballast was mainly composed of granite. It was considered that the ceiling in the bottom of the ship, closed by filling timbers, was also placed to help in stowing ballast in the hull. The volume of this part of the ship was then lowered progressively to determine the minimal ballast. With a ballasted space of 11 m3, corresponding to a weight of 27 t of granite, the ship is stable. The righting arm is sufficient to 45°, where most of the ship side is underwater (inwale, stem and sternpost). In this minimal configuration, the draft is 2.099 m, corresponding to 74 cm below the beam heads. A first approach of fully loaded stability was carried out with a bulk grain cargo. Its weight reaches almost 75 t. The displacement is then 112 t. The draft is 2.84 m (4 cm below the beam head). In this excessive condition, where the waterline is placed too high, the righting arm is efficient up to a heeling angle of 31°. At this angle the middle part of the ship side is underwater (inwale) and down flooding results. A ship without a watertight deck needs more stability than this, so the actual loaded draft is probably even less. Despite its specificity, the reconstructed hull shape of the Aber Wrac’h 1 ship is stable. We still need to establish its real cargo capacity which does not cause the beams to submerge regularly. Different types of cargo need to be modelled to correspond to the medieval context: cargo in barrels or mixed cargoes as mentioned in the archives. Another aspect of this study will be the comparison of the hull shape coefficient with reconstructed contemporary ships both in loaded and ballasted condition. Conclusion The first half of the 15th century was deeply troubled by wars: the Hundred Year War and the beginning of the War of the Roses. The downfall of Richard II (1399) led to renewed conflict. Up to the Tours truce in 1444, Western Europe was divided. This is especially true in France where the Duchies alternately were ruled by French and English Kingdoms. The economy suffered from these political events and the beginning of the 15th century is plagued by economic stagnation, war, famine,

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insecurity and sharp fluctuations in prices and money value (Touchard, 1967: 117). The insecurity increased at sea from the end of 14th century to the beginning of the 16th century. Merchant ships turned into a tempting and easy prey for pirates as traffic and route length increased. Political events created a pretext for seizures and reprisals. Victims started seeking their own justice nest to merchants who exceeded their own legal seizure rights beyond their licenses (Mollat du Jourdain, 1992: 71-76). Sea control was an issue that went beyond these private interests and was above all a power factor for States. They used the service of private ships with letters of reprisal according to the necessities of war. After clashes between the Dutch and Bretons, John III Duke of Bavaria granted to his subjects privateering rights against Bretons and Spaniards from April to the fall 1420. Regular incidents continued up to 1439 (Touchard, 1967: 119-120). This insecurity affected trade in the Atlantic Area, from Basque area to England. Ships were regularly forced to sail in convoy. Ships of Bristol were armed and constrained to sail together in 1403 after acts of war at sea committed by Bretons (Touchard, 1967: 117). In the first half of the 15th century, both ship numbers and exchange volumes between Basque Provinces in Spain and England fell, but the trade route was maintained (Childs, 2003: 64). If buying a safe-conduct or captain’s temerity are certainly important factors, the ship itself is also a key for our understanding. Acknowledgments I would like to thank especially Pierre Lotodé and Dr. Fred Hocker for their help and guidance throughout this project. Thanks also to Dr. Eric Rieth, Michel L’Hour and Elisabeth Veyrat for the opportunity of this study. References Childs, W., 2003. Commercial relations between the Basque Provinces and England in the Later Middle Ages, c. 1200c. 1500. Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Maritimos del Pais Vasco 4: 55-64. L’Hour, M. & Veyrat, É., 1994. The French medieval clinker wreck from Aber Wrac’h. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 165-180. Mollat du Jourdin, M., 1992. De la piraterie sauvage à la course réglementée. In: G. Jaeger (ed.), Vues sur la piraterie. Tallandier, Paris: 70-92. Touchard, H., 1967. Le commerce maritime Breton à la fin du Moyen Age. Les Belles Lettres, Paris.

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60. The Arles-Rhône 3 project (Arles, France). From the excavation and raising of a Gallo-Roman barge to its documentation and 3D-modelling (2011-2012) Sabrina Marlier, Pierre Poveda & Nicolas Ranchin

Introduction The Arles-Rhône 3 (AR3) shipwreck was discovered in 2004 on the right bank of the Rhône river, in Arles, during the creation of an archaeological coast survey map of the area, directed by Luc Long, of the French Department of Underwater Archaeological Research (Drassm) (Long in Long & Picard, 2009: 233-234). Situated between 4 and 9 m of depth and on a 35° sloping bank, the wreck was embedded in harbour garbage dump of the city of Arles from the Roman period, which represented a stratigraphical context of extremely important archaeological material (Djaoui et al., 2011). Between 2005 and 2010, a number of assessments, a survey and finally an excavation of the shipwreck were carried out. These operations were conducted by the Arkaeos Association, with the collaboration of the Arles Museum of Antiquity, the Centre Camille Jullian/CNRS and the Drassm. The results showed the importance and value of this shipwreck, which was identified as a GalloRoman barge dated from the middle of the 1st century BC (Long et al., 2009; Marlier, 2011; Marlier et al., 2012). Characteristics and state of conservation of the AR3 shipwreck 1 The shipwreck corresponds to a barge that sank when it was still in use: this is not an abandoned boat. Thus, the wreck has conserved its galley gear with the glazed ceramic, and one dolium, reused as a brasero for cooking as well as other tools. Also the barge’s cargo was preserved in place, consisting of 21 to 31 tonnes of limestone blocks from neighbouring quarries located 15 km north of Arles (Ernaginum/ Tarascon), thus indicating the direction of the boat during its last trip. 2 Concerning its state of conservation, except for one part of the aft port side that is missing, the wood is very well preserved and the barge is complete from

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one end to the other - even in its upper part, up to the gunwale. Moreover, all the internal wooden elements related to the galley gear and tools, and to the cargo have been preserved. 3 One steering oar, associated with the barge because of its appropriate ratio and its similar dating, was also discovered close to the shipwreck in 2004 (Long in Long & Picard, 2009: 240 and 242). 4 Finally, the boat presented one inscription (C.L.POSTV) stamped in the wood of the starboard side, in the aft section (Djaoui et al., 2011: 156). Excavation and raising of the AR3 shipwreck Because of the special characteristics of the AR3 shipwreck, at the end of 2010 the General Council of the Bouches-du-Rhône, to which the Arles Museum of Antiquity belongs, decided with the Drassm to complete the excavation and to raise this Gallo-Roman barge in order to restore it and to present it within the Arles Museum. In order to accommodate the reconstructed shipwreck, the museum was expanded in 2012. The 800m² extension, which was inaugurated in October 2013, hosts more than 400 objects in connection with the commercial activities, shipping and port activities of the city of Arles in Roman times. Furthermore, the French Ministry of Culture has classified this boat as a Trésor National (‘National Treasure’). The entire operation was linked to the cultural manifestations of MarseilleProvence in 2013, the year where the city and its region were named European capital of Culture. Due to this event, the deadlines for the end of the excavation and the raising of the barge, as well as the restoration and reassembly, have been very short. The concluding excavation and raising of the barge took place in 2011 over a period of seven months (fig. 1). This operation mobilized important means (€ 1.9M)1 and was created within the framework of a government contract; a tender won by the French operators Ipso Facto,

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Fig.1. Raising of one of the ten sections of the Arles-Rhône 3 barge with, in the background, on the left bank of the Rhone, the blue archaeological museum (Photo: © Teddy Seguin, O’Can-Ipso Facto, Mdaa/CG13).

Fig. 2. 3D recording using a C-Track (Photo: © Teddy Seguin, O’Can-Ipso Facto, Mdaa/CG13).

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specialized in underwater archaeology, and O’ Can, specialized in underwater public works.2 The operation was directed by Sabrina Marlier (Mdaa), David Djaoui (Mdaa), Mourad El Amouri (Ipso Facto), Sandra Greck (Ipso Facto) and Benoî� t Poinard (O’Can) and executed by a mixed team, composed of archaeologists and underwater archaeologists (Arles Museum of Antiquity, DRASSM and Ipso Facto), commercial divers (O’Can) and conservator-restorers (Ipso Facto, Arles Museum of Antiquity, Arc-Nucléart and A-Corros). This undertaking has allowed to finally complete this exhaustive excavation, which began in 2008, and led to the raising of the barge in 2011, measuring 31 m in length, in 10 sections according to a method specially designed for the occasion by the foreman, Benoî� t Poinard, in partnership with the engineering office of Ipso Facto. First documented underwater during the excavation, the raised sections of the boat were then meticulously and exhaustively documented on the ground before their transport to the city of Grenoble, where the conservation laboratory Arc-Nucléart is located. This documentation included: −− Precise observations; −− Sampling fabrics and pitch for further analysis; −− Identification of the wood species used for the construction of the boat; −− Extensive photographic recording to support the study of the architectural characteristics, as well as the dendrochronological analyses; −− 3D drawing of all the sections and other wooden elements of the boat was added to these classical ways of documentation. Documentation and modelling in 3D of the AR3 shipwreck The device chosen for this project, from the Canadian company Créaform 3D, had never been used for archaeological purposes before. It consisted of a 3-dimensional recording instrument compatible with the Rhinoceros 3D software, like the now standard FaroArm, with the particularity of being wireless (fig. 2). It is composed of three complimentary elements: 1 A HandyPROBE: a wireless probe with nine reflective targets on it used in the recording phase. The tip of the probe is positioned on the point to be recorded, and the digital data recorded are instantly transferred to the software and computer once the trigger on the probe is activated. 2 C-Track: two infrared cameras set in a case mounted on a photography ball-head and tripod. Their function is to track ‘live’ the movement of the probe and to record the digital data captured with the probe. The moment the trigger is activated, an instant triangulation is made between the two cameras and each of the nine targets on the probe.

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3 The reflective targets: placed all around the subject to be recorded to create a reference system within a digital space. It allows the C-Track to follow the HandyPROBE within the reference system, and insures precise measurements. Once the reference system in place, both the probe and the C-Track may move freely within the digital space without the C-Track ever losing its orientation. The digital recording methodology was broken down into two separate phases: one ‘macro’ and one ‘micro’. The ‘macro’ phase consisted of recording whole segments, with all the architectural elements composing them still assembled to one another. This unique opportunity allowed to produce accurate and precise documentation. This type of recording was nevertheless difficult to accomplish due to the chain of operational processes set in place. Between the moment a segment was raised from the Rhone river and the moment it was conditioned and packed by the conservation team to be shipped to the restoration laboratory at Arc-Nucléart, archaeologists had only one week to accomplish every single documentation task. With the digital recording representing just one aspect of documentation, the ‘macro’ recording phase could not exceed 48 hours in order not to block the other documentation tasks. The second recording phase was the ‘micro’ documentation. This consisted of recording mobile elements in detail, such as the planking at the bottom of the bulkhead, or elements removed after the ‘macro’ phase, such as the side planks. It is important to note that the contour of the elements that were to be documented in the ‘micro’ phase were quickly drawn in the ‘macro’ phase to facilitate their placement in 2D and 3D plans during post-treatment. The documentation procedure itself consisted of recording the visible facets of each architectural element by connecting points captured in 3D to form polyline assemblages. The next step was to export the unedited files with high-precision raw results to Adobe Illustrator to generate technical plans that others on the project could immediately use for their own documentation tasks. Each plan depicted either a whole segment or independent architectural elements seen from different perspectives onto which individuals could add their own notes and observations (for example, the location of iron nails taken out of the half trunk flanks during disassembly). These sheets allowed us to create a certain homogeneity and consistency in the sharing of information between the various teams in the field. Following a four months period of intensive use, a primary report on the utilization of the C-Track for nautical archaeology purposes could be drafted. The major advantage of this instrument is that it is wireless. This granted a great freedom of movement, without ever having to disassemble each architectural element. This also helped to drastically shorten the recording time without ever neglecting data quality. That being the

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case, the C-Track does also present noticeable disadvantages. To mention one; it is extremely sensitive to the work environment. Originally designed to be used in a controlled environment protected from the elements, it was instead used in extreme conditions throughout the project that caused the instrument to malfunction, slowdown, and in some instances to shut-down altogether. Furthermore, the C-Track is a contact-based recording tool, which is not preferable when wanting to preserve the physical integrity of a subject. Post-processing phase The first step consisted of assembling under one master file every single separate segment, as well as all the loose elements, such as the bulkhead, that had been recorded at various times throughout the project. This task, accomplished by using the Rhinoceros 3D software, utilized both fixed reference points recorded on each segment during its respective ‘macro’ documentation, and the description of certain architectural characteristics. Thus, in order to reconnect two adjacent segments, we based ourselves on the outward faces of the various architectural components created along the cutting line. Their perfect realignment allowed to capture the original position of each segment in relation to the adjacent segment. In terms of integrating micro records into larger macro files, such as with the detailed recording of a side plank which needed to be reintegrated back into its corresponding segment, we based ourselves on the repositioning of noticeable topographical points set up beforehand on both the individual elements and on the larger segments to which they belonged. Upon completing this task, we had a primary archive of the digitally recorded barge in which each architectural element could be isolated and highlighted. This nevertheless

represented a basic archive that required a large amount of cleaning up and reworking of the recordings in order to get the documentation needed for the study and publication. Restoration of shapes and missing parts Next, considering the very good preservation state of the barge, it seemed necessary to attempt to restore the few missing parts, as well as to try to straighten out the various deformations of the wreck. The purpose of this task was to establish as precisely as we could the weight and tonnage of the barge, as well as its draught and stability. Two more problematic issues particularly caught our attention during this restoration task: on the one hand we needed to recover the aperture angle at which the side planks opened up after being seriously deformed over time in the water3, and on the other hand we wanted to figure out how to fill in the missing elements from the barge’s stern. Relating to the side planks’ aperture angle, the only unquestionable point of reference was located at the mast-thwart, the length of which allowed us to define the aperture angle at which the side planks opened up at that exact point. From there, and based on a symmetrical opening on both sides, it appeared that the initial opening angle of the flanks was 92°. Regarding the restoration of missing parts at the stern, the first step consisted of symmetrically restoring the port side assemblage based on the preserved starboard side. At the stern, considering the replacement of the steering oar and the positioning of the helmsman that we could deduce, we favoured the hypothesis of a one-piece rear transom onto which the steering oar would rest, similar to that which has been done on

Fig. 3. The 3D restoration (Model: © Pierre Poveda, Ipso Facto).

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387

Bm1

AR

Bm2

Bm1 B3

B5

B4

B3 B7 Bm3

Bb B7 B8 B6 Tb

Bm3 B8 B5 B4 Bm4

AV

Fig. 4. Perspective view of the assemblies of the monoxylous hard-chine bilges (BM1-BM3 and BM2-BM4) with the secondary planks (B7 and B6) located at the bow, near the mast-step frame (Drawing: © Pierre Poveda, Ipso Facto).

the Altaripa Gallo-Roman barge replica discovered in Bevaix, Switzerland (Arnold, 1999: 151). Overall weight and tonnage analysis The overall restoration, resulting in a complete 3D model achieved with Rhinoceros, has enabled us to draft the barge’s restored line plan from which we can run a certain number of tests that will enable us to refine our perception of the ship’s utilization. First, it is by identifying the type of wood used in the barge’s construction, as well as the volume of its individual elements, that we were able to determine precisely the overall weight of the empty barge, which we estimate at 8.13 t. Similarly, based on the bulkhead’s restoration, we were able to determine the exact volume available for cargo. Knowing the density of the rocks as well as their average stowage factor, we estimate the cargo weight at 21,48 t, which would represent a significant, yet possible, draught for the barge. This first analysis phase should continue in order to refine our understanding of the barge and its usage by determining, for example, the hull resistance and the barge’s manoeuvrability.

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The main features of the ship structure In relation with the modelling and restitution works done on the Arles-Rhône 3 barge, the architectural study reveal a ‘bottom-based’ construction for which the main features of the structure are the following. The bottom The bottom of the Arles-Rhône 3 barge is composed of three main strakes and two secondary planks located at the bow, near the mast-step frame. All the planks are made of oak4 and are placed edge to edge, without any form of assembly between them, except at the extremities of the plank joints where transversal nails were used for their connection to the adjacent planks. The monoxylous hard-chine bilges and the composite bilge strakes To ensure the transition between the bottom and the sides of the boat, the design of the bilges is very complex. A combination has been applied of two principal monoxylous hard-chine bilges, in the central part of the boat and in the fore part, and of composite bilge strakes in the aft and also near the mast-step frame and at the end

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of the bow. The monoxylous hard-chine bilge strakes are made of oak and form an ‘L’ shape, slightly rounded and in an almost right angle with the bottom. In addition to ensuring the transition between bottom and sides, these pieces give a structural longitudinal rigidity to the boat. The composite bilge strakes are made of a vertical plank assembled to the adjacent plank on the bottom by means of a transversal nail inserted from the outside. The frames The framing-system consists of 47 flat floor-timbers and some occasional knees (20), all also made of oak. On the fore and on the aft parts of the boat, the spacing between the frames is very wide (40.27 to 48.70 cm). By contrast, in the central part of the boat, due to the heavy cargo, the space between the frames is much tighter (31.96 cm on av.). For the same reason, the dimensions of the flat floor timbers are in the central part of the boat (L.: 22-27 to 28-34 cm; H.: 8.2 cm on av.) than in the fore and the aft parts (L.: 14.5 to 31 cm; H.: 6.6 cm on av.). The mast-step is a great flat floor-timber of 42 cm in width for a thickness of 8.5 to 12.5 cm. Concerning the lengths of the frames as they correspond to the internal width of the boat, there is no real main frame that can be defined but rather a wider zone of the boat: this beam, situated in the central part, measures about 2.30 m. The floor-timbers are flat with rounded inner edges, never exceeding the top edge of the chine-strake. The monoxylous side planks Over the total length of the boat, the sides are composed of monoxylous side planks made of a half-trunk of fir. Arranged perfectly symmetrically on each side of the boat, the principal monoxylous side planks measure more than 26 m in length. With a maximal height of 90 cm and a maximal thickness of 21 cm, they also provide longitudinal rigidity to the barge. They are fitted to the bilge strakes by means of iron nails inserted obliquely from the lower external face of the monoxylous pieces through the bilge strakes where the tips are driven back at a right angle. The upper parts of the monoxylous side planks are also fitted to the knees by iron nails. On the fore and on the aft of the boat, some gunwales, made out of oak, are nailed to the upper part of the monoxylous side planks. The mast thwart Located above the mast-step frame, the mast thwart lies on longitudinal fittings upon which knees are mounted and fastened. The mast thwart has rather large dimensions, similar to the mast-step frame. In the centre of the piece, a circular opening of 16 cm in diameter is pierced for the passage of the mast. This mast was discovered under the stone cargo. It corresponds to the towing mast and measures 3.70 m in length. It is made of ash.

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Nail fastenings All the frames, flat floor timbers and knees are fitted with iron nails to the bottom, to the bilge strakes and to the sides. For the assembly to the planks on the bottom, the nails are inserted from the back of the frames and from the outside of the bottom in order to form a strong cross assembly. All nails have a folded tip, while the tip of the nails inserted from the back of the frames is double folded on the outside of the bottom, creating a hook. The nails ensure not only the assembly of the frames but also the cohesion of the complete structure of the boat as the planks are not connected. There are nearly 1,700 nails used for the assembly of all the structures of the barge with two different sizes of nails.5 Moreover, a great number of metallic elements were used to lock some scarfs between two planks or to strengthen the bow, which is filiform. The watertightness The boat is made watertight by means of wool fabrics with pitch placed between the planks according to the luting technique. The pollen analyses of the pitch revealed the presence of some olive tree taxa, which points towards a local construction of the boat. Numerous traces of pitch, found both inside and outside the hull, also contribute to the watertightness of the boat. The internal wooden structures Linked to the galley gear and tools, and to the cargo, two types of internal wooden structures were placed in the boat: on the aft part, in relation with the cooking and the working activities of the boatmen, a series of planks, of resinous species, were glued with pitch directly against the bottom or on the frame. In the central part, an open hold constituted of about 140 longitudinal and transversal-stacked movable timbers, and also made of resinous species, allowed to protect the structure of the hull and to contain the heavy cargo. Shape and dimensions The complete barge measures 31 m in length, with a width of 2.90 m, and a height of about 1 m. It is a long and narrow barge, with a very tapered bow until today never observed on other Gallo-Roman barges discovered in Europe. This boat is very well built, in a very complex fashion, with particular attention paid to the perfect symmetry of the numerous arrangements of various elements and structures. Conclusion After four years of excavations and one year (2011) for the remaining fieldwork and the raising and documentation of the shipwreck, the Arles-Rhône 3 project has

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now been completed and the scientific publication is finished (Marlier, 2014). Parallel with the research, the barge was restored and reassembled and can be seen on display in the Arles Museum of Antiquity. The successful completion of this undertaking within a very short time is firstly due to the high degree of competence of all of the excellent professionals who intervened at all levels for this exceptional project, secondly to the important means provided by the politicians and one great patron, and finally to the generosity of the Rhône river that allowed us to dive every scheduled day (except for one week) in 2011, from May to November, in order to achieve our goal. Notes 1 The whole operation Arles-Rhône 3 (excavation, raising, restoration, extension of the Museum and exhibit design) costed € 10M: € 7M were funded by the Collectivity (Conseil Général des Bouches-du-Rhône), € 2.5M by a patron (the Compagnie Nationale du Rhône), € 400.000 by the French Ministry of Culture and € 80.000 by the Collectivity Provence Alpes Côte d’Azur Region. 2 http://www.ips-o.fr/; http://www.ocan.fr/. 3 The disparities observed around the preserved angles on the transversal knees has quickly led us to decide not to include them in the restitution due to important deformations. 4 All wood determinations were done by Sandra Greck (Ipso Facto). 5 The smaller size is of 16 cm on av. (L) with a diameter of the head of 23-26 mm and a section of the stem of 8-9 mm; the largest size is of 20 cm on av. (L) with a diameter of the head of 27-29 mm and a section of the stem of 8-9 mm.

References Arnold, B., 1999. Altaripa. Archéologie expérimentale et architecture navale gallo-romaine. Archéologie Neuchâteloise 25. Djaoui, D., Greck, S. & Marlier, S. (eds), 2011. Arles-Rhône 3. Le naufrage d’un chaland antique dans le Rhône, enquête pluridisciplinaire. Actes Sud, Arles. Greck, S. & Guibal, F., 2011. Étude dendrologique de l’épave Arles-Rhône 3. In: G. Boetto, P. Pomey & A. Tchernia (eds),

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Batellerie gallo-romaine: pratiques régionales et influences maritimes méditerranéennes, Actes de la table-ronde internationale, 27-28 oct. 2008 (Aix-en-Provence, MMSH). Bibliothèque d’Archéologie Méditerranéenne et Africaine 9. Centre Camille Jullian, Editions Errance: 153-164. Long, L. & Picard, P. (eds), 2009. César. Le Rhône pour mémoire. Vingt de fouilles dans le fleuve à Arles. Catalogue d’exposition, Musée départemental Arles antique, Arles. Actes Sud, Arles. Long, L., Rival, M. & Marlier, S., 2009. The Gallo-Roman Wreck Arles-Rhône 3. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 303-311. Marlier, S., 2009. Le Rhône, autoroute fluviale. In: Long & Picard, 2009: 28-35. Marlier, S., 2011. L’épave Arles-Rhône 3: étude préliminaire d’un chaland gallo-romain. In: G. Boetto, P. Pomey & A. Tchernia (eds), Batellerie gallo-romaine: pratiques régionales et influences maritimes méditerranéennes, Actes de la table-ronde internationale, 27-28 oct. 2008 (Aix-en-Provence, MMSH). Bibliothèque d’Archéologie Méditerranéenne et Africaine 9. Centre Camille Jullian, Éditions Errance, Paris: 131-151. Marlier, S. (ed.), 2014. Arles-Rhône 3. Un chaland gallo-romain du Ier siècle après Jésus-Christ. Archaeonautica 18. Éditions du CNRS, Paris, en co-édition avec le Musée départemental Arles antique, Arles. Marlier, S., Greck, S., Guibal, F. & Andrieu-Ponel, V., 2012. Arles-Rhône 3: Architectural and Paleobotanical Study of a Gallo-Roman Barge from the 1st Century in the Rhône river. In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayinlari, Istanbul: 203-210. Marlier, S., Djaoui, D., El Amouri, M., Greck, S. & Poinard, B., 2013. Arles-Rhône 3 – Ausgrabung und Bergung eines Römischen Lastkahns (Arles, Frankreich). In: M. Reinfeld (ed.), Archäologie im Mittelmeer. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Darmstadt/Mainz: 177-184. Marlier, S. & Rieth, E., (in press). Le chaland Arles-Rhône 3: présentation architecturale et particularités au sein de la construction navale gallo-romaine, actes du colloque. La construction navale et ses objets: nouvelles approches, nouveaux outils (Nantes, 20-21 septembre 2012).

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61. Marine life associated with the Ruea Mail wreck near Mannok Island (Thailand) Amjad Ali, Erbprem Vatcharangkul, Shabir Ali Aamar, Ateeque Rahman Khuharo & Pirzada J.A. Siddiqui

Introduction Wrecks of sunken ships not only have great cultural, historical and technological significance, but also act as reefs under the sea and serve as biodiversity hot spots. In spite of having a great number of benefits, shipwrecks across the globe face a number of threats including: earth quakes, cyclones, physiochemical weathering, biological deterioration, looting and damage from irresponsible recreational diving etc. The Ruea Mail wreck site is located near Mannok Island in the province of Rayang, Thailand. The ship has a steel hull and is lying in 18 to 20 m of water. The coins gathered from the wreck show that it was a French vessel of the colonial period. Basically, it was a commercial cargo carrier and sailed between Saigon, Viet Nam and Bangkok for trade purposes. The present study was carried out to assess the diversity and abundance of marine life and possible threats to the Ruea Mail wreck as part of a second foundation training course on underwater cultural heritage held

in Chanthaburi, Thailand (1st of March to 9th of April, 2010) organized and supported by UNESCO Bangkok. The results show that the Ruea Mail wreck possesses a highly diverse fauna compared to its surrounding habitats. Although there were no major threats to the Ruea Mail wreck, artisanal fishing appears to have considerable impact on the wreck and its biodiversity. Methods Fish and invertebrate communities were recorded quantitatively using a 0-6 numerical scale (6= Dominant: up to 400 individuals; 5= Abundant: up to 200 individuals; 4= Common: up to 100 individuals; 3= Frequent: up to 50 individuals; 2= Occasional: up to 10 individuals; 1= Rare: up to 5 individuals; 0= not found). Samples were not taken but mainly relayed on photographs taken in situ. Species identification was made using the available literature.

Fig 1. Some vertebrate fish on the wreck site.

Fig 2. Some invertebrates on the wreck site.

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Table 1. Fish communities and their relative abundance and distribution. Fish Communaties

Species Name 

English Name Bow

Stern

Mid ship

Port

Starboard

Family: Apogonidae

Apogon fleurieu

Bulls eye cardinal fish

0

0

2

4

0

Apogon sp.

Cardinal fish

2

0

2

2

0

Family: Chaetodontidae

Chaetodon octofasciatus 

Eightband butterflyfish

2

2

2

2

0

Family: Ephippidae

Platax teira

Bat fish

0

2

2

2

2

Family:Holocentridae

Sargocentron rubrum

Red striped Squirrel fish

1

0

0

2

3

Family:Muraenidae

Siderea thyrsoidea

White eyed moray eel

1

0

1

4

0

Family:Nemipteridae

Scolopsis monogramma 

Threadfin breams

0

0

1

2

0

Scolopsis vosmeri 

White cheek monocle

0

0

1

2

0

Family:Pomacentridae

Neopomacentrus cyanomos

Damsel fish

0

0

4

4

0

Family:Scorpidae

Scorpionopsis sp.1

Scorpion fish

1

0

1

0

2

1

0

0

0

0

Scorpionopsis sp.2

Abundance

Family:serranidae

Cephalopholis formosa

Grouper

2

0

1

0

0

Family:syngnathidae

Doryrhamphus janssi

Pipe fish

0

0

0

0

2

Bow

Stern

Mid ship

Table 2. Invertebrate communities and their relative abundance and distribution. Invertebrate communities 

Species Name 

English Name

Abundance Port

Starboard

Phylum: Cnidarea Family: Faviidae

cyphastrea serailia

Lesser knob coral

2

0

0

0

0

favites chinensis

Larger star coral

2

0

0

0

0

Caulastrea sp.

Bull’s eye coral

2

0

0

0

0

trachyphyllia sp.

Open brain coral

1

0

0

0

0

Family: Nephtheidae

Dendronephthya sp.

Tree coral

0

1

0

0

0

Family: Plexauridae

Paraplexaura sp.

0

1

0

0

0

Family:Trachyphylliidae

Phylum: Mollusca Family: Cypraeidae

Cypraea arabica

Arabian cowry

0

0

0

0

2

cypraea tigris

Tiger cowry

0

0

0

2

0

Family Pinnidae

Pinna sp.

0

0

0

2

2

Family: Ostreidae

Lopha sp.

0

0

2

3

3

Dendostrea sp.

0

0

0

3

0

Family: Muricidae

Thais sp.

1

0

0

2

3

Family: Chromodorididae

Doriprismatica atromarginata

0

0

2

0

0

Family: Phyllidiidae

Phyllidia ocellata

0

1

0

0

0

Phylum: Porifera Family: Petrosiidae

Xestospongia sp.

2

0

0

0

0

Family: Callyspongiidae

Siphonochalina sp.

0

0

2

2

0

Family: Lelapiidae

Grantiopsis sp.

0

0

2

0

0

Family: Diadematidae

Diadema setosum

2

2

3

3

3

Family: Cucumariidae

Colochirus sp.

0

0

0

2

0

0

0

2

1

2

Barrel sponge

Phylum: Echinodermata

Phylum: Arthropoda Family: Portunidae

isbsa13.indb 394

Charybdis sp.

 

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61. Marine life associated with the Ruea Mail wreck ...

Results Fish communities (table 1). Thirteen species of fish belonging to ten families were recorded. Fish diversity was found high at the middle and port side of the wreck. Invertebrate communities (table 2). Twenty species of invertebrates belonging to five phyla and 16 families were recorded. The distribution was found high at mid and bow areas of the wreck and to a lesser extent at the port and starboard side. Threats. No major anthropogenic threats were observed except for excessive fishing in the area. Conclusions Comparing the diversity of life with its immediate surrounding habitats, it is clear that the wreck has a very

isbsa13.indb 395

395

diverse fauna mainly due to possibilities for shelter and therefore hiding and a hard substrate ideal for the attachment of larvae. As a consequence, wrecks in general establish a complete food chain supporting high biological diversity. Generally, wrecks face a number of physiochemical (currents, rusting etc.) and biological (surface boring organisms and other microorganisms) threats. Regarding this, monitoring of wrecks is recommended as an initial step towards their conservation. Acknowledgements The authors (AA, EV) are highly thankful to UNESCO Bangkok for organizing and supporting the study. Support provided by the Underwater Archaeology Division, Chanthaburi, Thailand, is thankfully acknowledged.

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62. The Skjernøysund 3 wreck (Norway). An example of long distance timber trade in the late 14th century Jens Auer

Fig. 1. The site location in Langvika, north of Skjernøysund (Plan: Auer, 2012; based on scalable vector graphics maps by TUBS (username of svg author) and NordNordWest, as well as geodata provided by the Norwegian Maritime Museum).

Introduction In 2011, the Maritime Archaeology Programme at the University of Southern Denmark conducted a diving field school in southern Norway. The three-week field school was organized in cooperation with the Norwegian Maritime Museum and was focused on the remains of a clinker vessel in Langvika, a small bay just north of a narrow navigable strait called Skjernøysund, which

isbsa13.indb 396

separates the island of Skjernøy from the Norwegian mainland (fig. 1). The wreck, termed Skjernøysund 3, had been found by local divers in January 2009 and had been subject of a short inspection by the Norwegian Maritime Museum. As it was partially exposed and heavily affected by marine borers, the main aim of the fieldschool was to carry out full in-situ recording and limited excavation to extract the maximum amount of information from the site. In addition, extensive dendrochronological

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62. The Skjernøysund 3 wreck (Norway)

sampling was undertaken. In order to facilitate recording, the wreck was cleared from overlying sediment with the help of a water dredge. Deeper trenches were only dug at the bow of the ship, amidships and at the stern, to obtain information on shape and dimensions of the keel. All discernible timbers were labelled with yellow cow ear markers. Scantlings and notable features for each timber were noted on pre-printed timber forms. With the site being fairly flat, it was decided to record the entire wreck with the help of offset baselines. In addition to the site plan, three offset profiles were recorded in order to obtain information on the shape of the preserved remains. An extensive account of the results of the field school has been published as a separate report (Auer & Maarleveld, 2013). Hull remains The wreck lies in an approximate E-W orientation in 5 m of water on the rocky southern shore of the bay. The bow is facing west into the bay and is wedged into the rocks and boulders near the shore. The stern is surrounded by softer, silty sediments. The total preserved length of the wreck is 18.1 m and the maximum width is 3.8 m. The wreck lies with a 17° slant to starboard. Preserved elements include the keel and a section of the starboard side from the garboard strake to the turn of the bilge. Of the port side, only the garboard strake remains (fig. 2). Keel and stempost The keel consists of a single oak element, 16.7 m in length. At the bow, keel and the heavily deteriorated 1.16 m long remainder of the stempost were joined with a vertical splayed scarf. The aft end of the keel is broken. The presence of the remains of a heavily eroded stern knee on top of the keel in this area indicates the proximity to the sternpost, which is now missing. The keel can best be described as broad and shallow, almost plank-like. The sided dimension tapers from 19 cm at the bow to 45 cm amidships, and around 21 cm at the stern. The overall moulded dimension was measured as 14 cm at the stern and 19 cm near the section amidships. Although only observed in the three trenches, rabbets are likely to have been present throughout the keel, with the exception of the aft end, where the garboard strakes were fastened directly to the moulded face of the timber. Planking A total of 13 strakes of clinker-laid outer planking are preserved on the seabed; 12 on the starboard side and the garboard strake on the port side. All visible planks are made of oak. Four planks were sampled for dendrochronological analysis. Three of these were radially split, while one was possibly tangentially cut. All planks were sourced in the hinterland of the Vistula river in Poland (Daly, 2011). Plank widths vary between 33 and 38 cm, while plank thickness varies from 4 to 5 cm. As

isbsa13.indb 397

397

the majority of the planks are fragmented, plank length was difficult to determine. The starboard garboard strake is likely intact and survives to a length of 8.7 m, while the longest fragmented planks are just over 6 m in length. Strake overlaps are fastened by square shanked iron nails, driven from outboard through partially pre-augered holes and clenched over rectangular roves. Judging by the preserved impressions, the nails had circular heads with a diameter of 5 to 6 cm. Cross-shaped incisions under the nail heads might be the result of marking out nail locations prior to augering. The nails are spaced between 16 and 19 cm apart and the land measures between 7 and 8 cm. Planks within a strake are joined with up to 50 cm long vertical scarf joints, which are secured by a row of three iron nails. The waterproofing material between overlapping strakes consists of loosely spun cattle hair dipped in tar (Walton Rogers, 2012). Scarf joints were waterproofed with moss and tar. Framing Floor timbers and side timbers survive on the starboard side. All framing timbers are made of oak. Three frames were sampled for dendrochronological analysis. These were squared off and roughly hewn into shape with an axe with sapwood and even bark left in place. Just as the planks, the timbers were sourced in the hinterland of the Vistula river. Two frames could be dated to the winter of 1387-88 and 1389-90 respectively (Daly, 2011). The frames are closely spaced at irregular intervals varying between 5 and 20 cm. Due to erosion, the original frame length cannot be determined. The preserved length of floor timbers and side timbers varies between 1 and 2 m. Average moulded dimensions are between 16 and 20 cm, while the siding is quite irregular and ranges from 18 to 28 cm. All frames are joggled to accommodate the stepped outer planking and roughly-­cut limber holes were observed in the floor timbers. Side timbers are joined to floor timbers with simple scarf joints of up to 45 cm length. All frames were secured to the outer planking with the help of oak trenails, 25 to 30 mm in diameter. During sampling for dendrochronology, an unsuspected feature was discovered on one of the floor timbers. At the height of the limber holes, a rectangular hole was cut through the frame. In the hole, a rectangular oak plug was secured with an additional small wedge. The lowermost 5 cm of the plug was carefully converted into a cylindrical shape of 22 mm diameter, which would have extended through the outer planking. As the plug arrangement has the appearance of an intentional feature rather than a repair and is located at the height of the garboard strake, just aft of a possible keelson, it is currently interpreted as a drain plug. A possible explanation for the rather complicated arrangement of the plug could be the tight frame spacing in this area, which makes access to the inside of the outer planking extremely difficult.

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398

Jens Auer

Fig. 2. Overview plan of the wreck. The different constructional elements are marked in different shades of grey for clarity (keel and post - darkest shade; cargo planking - lightest shade). The remains of the lime cargo and barrels as well as disarticulate timbers are shown in white (Plan: Auer, 2012; based on the site plan produced during the fieldschool and digitised by Edgar Wroblewski).

isbsa13.indb 398

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62. The Skjernøysund 3 wreck (Norway)

399

Fig. 3. The area amidships of the wreck. The eroded mast step supports are visible on top of ceiling and stringer. The space between the supports is filled with stacked oak plank fragments. To the right, part of the longer plank cargo is lying on top of the preserved hull structure (Photo: Auer, 2011).

Internal construction On the inside of the starboard side, ceiling planks or stringers and mast step supports are preserved. Two different types of internal planking could be recognized: planks up to 49 cm wide, which are trenailed to the underlying framing and narrower, but more substantial timbers, which are notched over the frames. Based on the assumption that the main purpose of the notched timbers is to provide longitudinal stability, these are addressed as stringers, while the wider planks are called ceiling planks. Stringers and ceiling planks were tangentially sawn, and also derive from the Vistula hinterland in Poland. One stringer had bark edge preserved and could be dated to the winter of 1389-90 (Daly, 2011). In a 1.4 m long section just forward of the area amidships, five heavily eroded timbers were recorded running in line with the framing on top of the ceiling planks and stringers. They survive to a length of 60 to 70 cm and are 13 to 15 cm sided and up to 15 cm moulded (fig. 3). Similar timbers were observed in a number of contemporary wrecks, including the Avaldsnes wreck (Alopaeus & Elvestad, 2004), the Hundevika wreck (Teisen, 1994)

isbsa13.indb 399

and the Kalmar II find (Å�kerlund, 1951), where they were interpreted as supports for the keelson and mast. Repairs Excavation in an area just outside the hull structure uncovered a lead scupper (fig. 4). One side of the 23 cm long scupper ends in a round flange, while the other side ends in a rectangular sheet. The scupper is made from a rolled lead sheet, which was soldered together. The scupper pipe is blocked or ‘stopped’ with a round piece of softwood from the end with the rectangular sheet, presumably the inside or deck side. It is difficult to establish whether the now disarticulate scupper formed part of the hull structure of Skjernøysund 3. However, as a scupper is normally fastened through the hull of a ship, it is unlikely to have been lost at the site at a later point in time. While the author is not aware of other lead scuppers associated with 14th-century shipwrecks in Northern Europe, lead pipes were commonly used as part of drainage systems on land (Magnusson, 2001). The presence of a scupper on site can be seen as proof for the existence of at least one waterproof deck

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400

Jens Auer

Fig. 4. Lead scupper stopped with a piece of softwood. If indeed associated with the wreck, the scupper would be proof of the existence of a waterproof deck (Photo: Kristina Steen, Norwegian Maritime Museum 2012).

isbsa13.indb 400

in the Skjernøysund ship. Deck scuppers were generally plugged to prevent water running into the ship in extreme conditions, such as excessive heel or a very low waterline. Although not a repair as such, the presence of a plugged scupper can either be interpreted as a preparation for rough weather conditions or as a countermeasure against sinking in a vessel, which is lying very low in the water. Evidence for a repair of the ship’s outer planking was found near the bow on the height of the sixth strake. Here one of the framing timbers had a deep rebate, while the neighbouring frame had been cut apart with an axe. The space between the two timbers was filled with seemingly disarticulated pieces of wood, including a trapezoidal piece of radially split oak plank, which had sapwood preserved and could be dated to the winter of 1393-94 (Daly, 2011). This dating matches that of the plank cargo found on the wreck. Three fragments of wool were recovered from underneath this plank. One of these fragments was decorated with a plaid pattern. Walton Rogers describes these fragments as “good-quality clothing fabrics of types which could have been made in any of the towns of north-west Europe” (Walton Rogers 2012). The fact that the repair was carried out from the inside of the ship with timber carried as cargo, and the presence of good quality cloth in the repair could be an indication for an attempt to stop a leak at sea in order to keep the vessel afloat.

a width between 25 and 30 cm, and shorter planks with a width of up to 16 cm. The latter were stacked between the mast step supports. Seven cargo planks were sampled for dendrochronological analysis. Most of these were converted by radial splitting and had sapwood or even bark edge in place. The planks derived from trees felled in the Vistula hinterland during the winter 1393-94 (Daly, 2011). The sizes of the cargo planks are consistent with those found on the early 15thcentury Skaftö wreck in Sweden (pers. comm. Staffan von Arbin, 2012) and the timber cargo of the Copper wreck from 1399 (Litwin, 1985; Wazny, 2005). On the Copper wreck, the longer planks were interpreted as wainscot, while the shorter planks were described as raw material for barrel staves (Wazny, 2005).

Cargo Remains of possible cargo were observed on the northern part of the preserved hull fragments and in the area just north of the wreck (figs 2, 3). These consist of five partially preserved barrels filled with lime, as well as 35 loose oak planks and plank fragments. The oak planks can be grouped into two categories: longer planks with

Skjernøysund 3 can be described as a relatively large, solidly built clinker merchant vessel, which might have had at least one waterproof deck. The mast step supports indicate the presence of at least one mast. Further masts might have been present, but are not visible in the archaeological record. An attempt to reconstruct the three-dimensional shape of the recorded section shows

Artefacts As the fieldwork focused on the assessment of the structural remains, and the lifting of finds was not envisaged, only objects encountered during the limited excavation and the cleaning of the timber structures were recovered. The small finds include an assemblage of bones, fragments of a wooden bowl or ladle, and part of a knife handle made from bone. Interpretation of the wreck

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62. The Skjernøysund 3 wreck (Norway)

that the ship had a full midship section with wineglass-shaped station lines, a relatively sharp bow and a long, fine run aft. Taking into account the missing posts, the vessel could easily have had a total length of 26 m or more and a beam of at least 8 m (Auer & Maarleveld, 2013). In order to date the wreck and its cargo, a total of 20 dendrochronological samples was analysed. All samples were of oak and derive from the hinterland of the Vistula River in Poland. Although Southern Baltic timber was a common export good in the period in question, as witnessed by the plank cargo of Skjernøysund 3, this export seems to have been limited to oak planking (Daly, 2007; Daly & Nymoen, 2008). It is therefore likely that the ship was constructed in northern Poland, where Elblag and Gdansk were important shipbuilding centres in the period in question (Litwin, 1994; Hirsch, 1858). A stringer and one of the framing timbers could be dated to the winter of 1389/90, while another frame dates two years earlier. Assuming that this discrepancy in dating is caused by the use of older timber stock or water storage of compassed timber, the ship could have been constructed in the spring of 1390. The Skjernøysund 3 wreck compares well to a group of roughly contemporary large clinker vessels, which are also constructed from southern Baltic oak and most likely built on the shores of the southern Baltic. These include the Avaldsnes wreck in western Norway (13921410) (Alopaeus & Elvestad, 2004), the Bøle Wreck from southern Norway (1376-1396) (Daly & Nymoen, 2008), the Copper wreck W5 from Poland (1399) (Litwin, 1980; Litwin, 1985) and the Skaftö wreck from Sweden (1430s) (von Arbin, 2012). A full comparative analysis would lead too far in the context of this article. However, a more extensive study can be found in the fieldwork report (Auer & Maarleveld, 2013) with another article on the topic forthcoming. The Skjernøysund 3 wreck in a regional and supra-regional context An obvious question that springs to mind when looking at the location of Skjernøysund 3 is: why is it there? How did a large trading vessel with a cargo of southern Baltic timber come to rest in a small secluded bay in southern Norway? The area around Skjernøysund was populated and known as a haven in the late 14th and early 15th century. Contemporary sailing instructions also show that landmarks such as nearby Cape Lindesnes and havens such as Skjernøysund were known and used by seafarers (Auer & Maarleveld, 2013). The cargo of Skjernøysund 3 points to a port of departure on the shores of the southern Baltic, where Gdansk in particular was known for the export of quality timber (Hirsch, 1858; Wazny, 2005). Furthermore, there is evidence for repairs, which were possibly carried out at sea, as well as a stopped scupper, which could be related to an effort to keep a sinking ship

isbsa13.indb 401

401

afloat. If one adds to this the fact that Langvika was a sheltered bay close to a populated area, it is tempting to assume a scenario where the Skjernøysund 3 ship was en route from Gdansk to another port on the North Sea shore with a cargo of among others oak timber and lime. When the ship sprang a leak in the Skagerrak, emergency repairs were carried out at sea and the vessel was sailed towards a known safe anchorage to secure crew and cargo and carry out further repairs if possible. As the ship came to rest close to the shore, it can be assumed that both crew and parts of the cargo could be saved. The ship, however, seems to have been given up. Based on the dating of the timber cargo, this is likely to have happened in the year 1394. In a wider context, Skjernøysund 3 can also be seen as an indicator for the Baltic timber trade. Archaeological finds like Skjernøysund 3, the Skaftö wreck or the Copper wreck W5 help to understand the practicalities of this trade, as they provide details on cargo composition, timber origin and size, as well as stowage on board. A potential route for further research would be an extensive dendrochronological comparison of ship timbers and timber cargoes with likely southern Baltic origin. Such a project could offer further information on timber sourcing and trade in the southern Baltic. Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the Norwegian Maritime Museum for facilitating and supporting the fieldschool in Skjernøysund. Further thanks go to Mandal Dykkerklub and local representatives and Skjernøy residents Elisabeth and Otto Lehne for their constant support. In the name of the whole fieldschool team, I would also like to thank Per Jørgen Herstad for offering his pier as a project base. Last but not least I would like to thank the field school team and all project contributors for their hard work and input. References Åkerlund, H., 1951. Fartygsfynden i den forna hamnen i Kalmar. Uppsala. Alopaeus, H. & Elvestad, E., 2004. Avaldsnesskipet - et ‘nordisk’ skip fra Polen? In: T. Torfaeus (ed.), Mellom Vinland og ‘Ringenes Herre’, Karmøyseminariet 2004. Karmøy, Karmøy Kommune: 73–86. Arbin, S. von, 2012. A 15th-century bulk-carrier wrecked off Skaftö, Western Sweden. In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul: 67–74. Auer, J. & Maarleveld, T. (eds), 2013. Skjernøysund Wreck 3: Fieldwork Report 2011. Esbjerg Maritime Archaeology Reports 5, University of South Denmark, Esbjerg.

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Daly, A., 2011. Skjernøysund 3 shipwreck. Dublin, Chronology, Culture and Archaeology Project, based at the School of Archaeology, University College Dublin. Daly, A., 2007. Timber, Trade and Tree-rings - A dendrochronological analysis of structural oak timber in Northern Europe, c. AD 1000 to c. 1650. University of Southern Denmark. Daly, A. & Nymoen, P., 2008. The Bøle Ship, Skien, Norway— Research History, Dendrochronology and Provenance. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 37.1: 153–170. Hirsch, T., 1858. Danzigs Handels- und Gewerbsgeschichte unter der Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens. Leipzig. Litwin, J., 1994. Shipbuilding traditions in the southern part of the Vistula Lagoon. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 203–213. Litwin, J., 1985. The Copper Ship of Gdansk Bay: recent discoveries from the wreck, cargo and site. In: J. Haarmann & J. Bracker (eds), 5th International Congress of Maritime Museums Proceedings, 1984. Hamburg: 42–49.

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Litwin, J., 1980. ‘The Copper Wreck’. The wreck of a medieval ship raised by the Central Maritime Museum in Gdansk, Poland. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 9.3: 217–225. Magnusson, R., 2001. Water technology in the Middle Ages: cities, monasteries, and waterworks after the Roman Empire. Baltimore. Teisen, M., 1994. A Medieval Clinker-Built Wreck at Hundevika, Norway. In: C. Westerdahl (ed.), Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Roskilde 1991. Oxbow Monograph 40, Oxford: 73–76. Walton Rogers, P.R., 2012. Caulking materials, including textiles, from the Skjernøysund shipwreck. York. Wazny, T., 2005. The origin, assortments and transport of Baltic timber. In: C. van de Velde, H. Beeckman, J. van Acker & F. Verhaeghe (eds), Constructing wooden images: proceedings of the symposium on the organization of labour and working practices of late Gothic carved altarpieces in the Low Countries, Brussels, 25-26 October 2002. Brussels: 115–126.

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63. The hull of the 16th-century Venetian shipwreck off the Island of Mljet (Croatia) Carlo Beltrame, Igor Mihajlovic & Igor Miholjek

Introduction The preliminary report about this shipwreck which included campaigns from 2007 to 2009 was presented at the ISBSA symposium in Istanbul (Mihajlović et al., 2012: 49-57). Since then three campaigns from 2010 to 2012 were conducted by the Department for Underwater Archaeology of the Croatian Conservation Institute in collaboration with the Department of Studi Umanistici of the Ca’ Foscari University of Venice. The vessel was transporting cargo of Ottoman Iznik pottery as well as demijohns made from green glass. Named after the town in western Anatolia where it was made – Iznik – these decorative ceramics were produced from the last quarter of the 15th century until the end of the 17th century (Hayes, 1992: 245). Iznik vessels were an imitation of Chinese porcelain, but the authenticity of the potters was such that they can be better described as adaptation rather than imitation (Carswell, 2006: 46). As far as the typology is concerned, the most frequent items are plates, followed by jugs and bowls. More than 60 Iznik vessels recovered from the site represent the period from 1520 to around 1600 in four different phases. One portion of the Iznik vessels was found stacked, which confirms that they were transported as cargo. Another group of pottery finds, which belonged to the crew or passengers, consists of items that can be generally linked to Venetian workshops of the 16th century. These ceramic wares, which were analysed by Sauro Gelichi, have a monochromatic engobe layer under a transparent glazing. Their engobe is made in a dark or light green or yellow shade, and the items thus decorated are mostly small bowls and plates. Certain samples of pottery with green engobe are decorated with simple engraved motifs. In addition to the monochromatic pottery with engobe, there are also several painted pottery items decorated with a smalto coating and motifs painted in blue, and one item with polychromatic pottery decoration usually described as ‘marble decoration’ (a macculazione) made in green, yellow and ochre. The

isbsa13.indb 403

most interesting example of graffiti pottery is a large pottery bowl with a central motif of a young man playing the lute, surrounded by a tree and flowers. On the basis of the decorative features, the bowl can be dated to the 16th century, which corresponds to the shipwreck’s dating (Nepoti, 1991: 165-6). The merchantman was armed with at least eight bronze swivel guns of which one is certain of Venetian production since it bears the signature of a Venetian gun-founder. It was casted by Tommaso di Conti, member of the famous Venetian gun casting family. Tommaso died in 1540, so the gun, moschetto da braga in Venetian terminology, was made in the 1520s or 1530s (Avery, 2011: 26). Based on some characteristics five other artillery pieces can be attributed to a Venetian production centre as well. One polygonal piece with 12 edges is definitely not Venetian (possibly French) and can be dated in the beginning of 16th century (Ridella, 2007: 5-38). The provenance of the eighth piece is still being researched. During the 2010 campaign, the bronze bell, made in Venetian style bearing the year 1567, was recovered from the site. The year indicates the date of the casting. In the same year more than 50 Ottoman silver coins (akçe) were found together with two silver thalers depicting Elector of Saxony John Frederick I (1547-1554) in full body armor. The thalers were minted by one of his three sons in 1559 (Zmaić, 2011: 340-1). Ottoman coins, which were analysed by Garo Kürkman, can be dated from the reign of Sultan Selim Shah I (1512-1520) to the Sultan Murad III (1574-1595). Taking all this evidence in consideration we can place the date of the sinking of the vessel in the last quarter of 16th century. The excavations as well as restoration of the finds are far from complete, so hopefully it will continue in the coming years. The hull In 2010, a team comprised of Italian and Croatian divers began the excavation of the hull, starting from the upper

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Carlo Beltrame et al.

Fig. 1. 3D model of the hull (Model: E. Costa).

Fig. 2. Plan of the hull (Drawing: C. Alfonso and C. Beltrame).

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63. The hull of the 16th-century Venetian shipwreck ...

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Fig. 3. Detail of the double external planking (Photo: D. della Libera).

portion of the wooden remains.1 These lie a few metres east of the scattered cargo, on the sloping seabed, from 38.5 m to 41 m deep. In the upper part they are covered by a thin layer of sand which, at the depth of 39.5 m, becomes thicker and is mixed with ballast stones (fig. 1).2 In 2011, the excavation was extended deeper, exposing the hull for a length of 6 m and a width of 3.7 m. Actually, we do not know how much of the hull is preserved to the south in deeper water. Because of the limited time allowed on the seabed (no more than 18 minutes per diver per day), for the documentation of the hull in 2010 we decided to use an unconventional photogrammetric technique which does not require photogrammetric cameras or metal frames. The photogrammetry was carried out by Cristiano Alfonso with a Sea and Sea 8000 G camera. Some 85 photographs were taken from various angles, and pairs of pictures with the same viewpoint were used for processing with PhotoModeler software. During a three-day investigation in 2011, it was possible to uncover the area of the mast step, but only to take a few photos and some measurements. These data were used to trace a plan which is intended to complete the photogrammetry. The photogrammetric documentation and other data were processed by Elisa Costa, using Rhinoceros software, to create a precise 3D-image of the preserved hull (fig. 1). This imaging allows us to examine the dimensions and technical characteristics of the hull much better than from simple plans and sections.

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The hull’s axis is oriented at 65°. About 15 strakes of hull planking (called in the plan T for tavole), all of Pinus pinea, have been preserved (fig. 2). The planking is arranged in two distinct layers (fig. 3).3 The planks of both layers are about 190 mm wide, but plank no. 15, in contact with the frames, is 230 mm wide. The planking in contact with the frames is 78 mm thick, while the outer planking is 50 mm thick. We can say, without a doubt, that the outer layer of planking is not ‘sacrificial planking’ used to protect the hull from teredo, as has been documented in various shipwrecks of the Dutch East Indian Company (VOC) (Van Duivenvoorde, 2012) and in the Venetian shipwreck of the beginning of the 18th century, investigated in the harbour of Malamocco off Venice, probably that of the 1st-rate ship Croce Rossa (D’Agostino & Medas, 2012). This assertion is supported both by the thickness of the outer planking of the Mljet shipwreck and by evidence from other sites, such as the Batavia shipwreck, which sank in 1629 (Van Duivenvoorde, 2012: 242), and the Mauritius shipwreck, sunk in 1609 off Cape Lopez in Gabon. These ships indeed had double planking; the Mauritius, in particular, had double planking of oak, 15 cm thick in total. The double planking of the Mauritius was protected by a thinner ‘sacrificial’ layer of pine which could be replaced if degraded by teredo. Between the two layers of structural planking there was also lead sheathing which is not present in the Mljet shipwreck (L’Hour et al., 1989:

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207–16). According to Rieth, there is no evidence of the double planking technique in documents, and because both the Mauritius and the Batavia belonged to the VOC and have been found outside the Mediterranean, this technical solution could be explained by the necessity of building a strong hull to sail for many months in both tropical and Atlantic seas without the possibility of repair (L’Hour et al., 1989: 209). The recent discovery made by Jézégou of the DRASSM of the Listel 1 shipwreck off the Southern coast of France, together with the evidence from the wreck of Mljet, requires a partial review of this theory. The Listel 1 shipwreck, which is inverted, presents double planking with 5 cm-thick planks, which demonstrates that this technique was also used in the Mediterranean, and not only in tropical seas. Preliminary observations suggest that the Venetian ship probably did not have a keel (colomba), and that the central element of the hull was a simple plank. Future investigations will have to confirm this assertion, and verify if this central plank was thicker than the others. The framing keeps at least ten floor timbers (corbe) of Quercus robur which, on their western extremities, are jointed with futtocks (forcami).4 The floor timbers are 125–150 mm wide and 160 mm thick. The space between these components is 240–250 mm. The floor timbers are 125–150 mm wide, and have pairs of rectangular limber holes spaced at about 470 mm. The futtocks are 120–150 mm wide and 145 mm thick, and their inner extremities are fingernail-shaped. The temporary recovery of one floor timber and one futtock allowed the documentation on land of some details of their junction (fig. 4). The contact surface between these two elements is at least 85 cm long, and the futtocks are fixed on the north face of the floor timbers with iron nails which have disappeared. On the contact surface there is only a very superficial scarf consisting of a step less than 1 cm high. The scarf is 44 cm from the extremity of the futtock. The junction is fastened by at least two iron nails, which have disappeared, driven from the futtock.

In the Ottoman shipwrecks of Yassı Ada (Pulak, 2005: 141) and Kadirga (Arcak, 2003: fig. 36.6), in the eastern Mediterranean, the scarfs at the junctions of the components of the frames are more evident than on this hull, while in the Genoese Lomellina (Guérout et al., 1989: fig. 19a) and Sardinaux shipwrecks (Joncheray, 1988: 42–3, 50, 52), in the western Mediterranean, they were double, as used in the ‘Atlantic Iberian’ ship construction. These two distinct types of junction, and the one with a very light scarf found in the Mljet wreck, were used in the Mediterranean at the same period. However, the latter could have been typical of the Venetian shipyards, as demonstrated by all the known shipwrecks: the San Marco galea in Boccalama – beginning of the 14th century; the Contarina ship – second half of the 15th century (Occioni Bonaffons, 1901: 24–5; Beltrame, 2009); the fusta of Lake Garda – beginning of the 16th century (Capulli, 2003: 109) and the Croce Rossa shipwreck – beginning of the 18th century. The keelson of Quercus robur is 18 cm wide and 13 cm thick: on the upper face it has a small square hole. Along its sides there are degraded inner planks. Between these and the keelson there is one plank on each side, in a vertical position, forming a mast step. They present an arc shape, 150 cm long, 13 cm thick and 25 cm high, and are made of Fraxinus excelsior.5 Between these two planks, which in Venetian shipyards were called cosce, and over the keelson there is an element which could be a wedge to hold the mast step. On the side of the eastern plank, there is an element which could be a knee (castagnola) to support the mast step, as is evident in the San Marco galley in Boccalama (Beltrame, 2012: 211) and in the Lake Garda fusta (Capulli, 2003: 109). Another small knee seems to be installed horizontally between the castag­ nola and the mast step. Two floor timbers (Nos 9 and 10) are very close to the mast step, perhaps to strengthen this critical zone. This kind of mast step seems typical of the Mediterranean construction of the Middle Ages,

Fig. 4. Detail of the joint between floor-timber 1 (corba) and its futtock (forcame) (Photo: C. Beltrame).

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63. The hull of the 16th-century Venetian shipwreck ...

but is still poorly documented. An example is that of the 14th-century galea of Venice. Because the western side of the hull is preserved for 240 cm, and it could continue for about 1 m more, we can assume that the ship had a beam of more than 6 m. Multiplying this by a ratio of 1:4, which seems reasonable for a cargo ship of this period, we can estimate that it was at least 24 m long. Comparisons of the dimensions of this shipwreck with those of others, including the Contarina ship (Occioni Bonaffons, 1901: 23), would confirm a length of not less than 24 m. The hull still does not offer any evidence for the identification of the bow, but the location of the anchors suggests that it is in the deeper south part of the site. The equipment The equipment is represented by three iron anchors. One lies isolated west of the wreck, and is 250 cm long. The other two lie south of the hull at a depth of 47 m and form a 90º angle; one is 345 cm long, the other is 370 cm long. Comparing these with others found in other shipwrecks of Venetian ships of the same period, such as the Balancera, better known as Trinidad Valencera (Martin, 1979: 31–2), and that of Gnalic (Beltrame, 2006; 2012: fig. 6.14), we can say that they are a little smaller. The location of the last two anchors of the shipwreck, not far from the hull, and their disposal suggest that they were not in use at the moment of the sinking and that they were lying on the deck at the time the ship sank. The location of the third anchor, quite far from the ship, and the presence of the cliff, where of course the vessel struck, let us suppose that it was used to try, without success, to stop the ship during a storm. A brass coak was inserted in the sheaves of the blocks, similarly to the item from the Ragusa shipwreck of Sipan (Beltrame, 2012: fig. 6.15). Similar objects have been found in the Balancera (Martin, 1979: figs 19.5, 19.6), Girona (Stenuit, 1972) and of Gnalic (Beltrame, 2006) shipwrecks. Three wooden ‘hearts’ – two complete and one broken – with one square hole can be compared with objects found in the Balancera wreck (Martin, 1979: 31–3) and in the Mary Rose (Marsden & Endsor, 2009). They were used for standing rigging, and they were found near an iron bar and a chain plate in the cargo area. This last item could be interpreted as an iron link with wooden deadeyes which have disappeared. To conclude, the typology, weight and the presence of the signature of Tommaso di Conti on the bronze artillery, the style of the bronze bell, and the provenance of the pottery belonging to the crew, studied by Sauro Gelichi, allow us to suppose that the ship sunk off Mljet belonged to a Venetian merchant engaged in trading Turkish pottery in the last quarter of the 16th century. Information from the hull does not add much more to this reconstruction. The use of ash (Fraxinus) and the technique of joining the components of the

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frames points to, if perhaps not exclusively, Venetian shipyards. The extreme scarcity of archaeological information on ship construction and rigging of the 16th century make this shipwreck of great interest for the knowledge of ships of the Late Mediaeval period in the Mediterranean Sea. Particularly interesting is the use of a double layer of planking, documented for the first time in the Mediterranean and apparently not mentioned in the texts. Notes 1 The mission was sponsored by the Regione del Veneto, Direzione Relazioni Internazionali, thanks to the regional law no.15/1994. 2 According to analysis made by Lorenzo Lazzarini from the Laboratorio di Analisi dei Materiali Antichi of the Università IUAV di Architettura of Venice, the ballast was composed of pebbles of calcarenite and blocks of sandstone. 3 Wood analyses were made by Nili Liphschitz of the Botanical Laboratories of the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. The planks sampled are Nos 12 and 15 of the planking in contact with the frames and No. 12 of the outside planking. 4 Only floor timber No. 1 (C 1) has been sampled. 5 Only the eastern element was sampled.

References Arcak, E., 2003. Kadirga. A Technical Analysis of the Sultan’s Galley. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 241-248. Avery, V., 2011. Vulcan’s Forge in Venus’ City (The Story of Bronze in Venice 1350-1650). The British Academy, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Beltrame, C., 2006. Osservazioni preliminary sullo scafo e l’equipaggimento della nave di Gnalic. In: M. Gustin, S. Gelichi & K. Spindler (eds), The Heritage of the Serenissima. Koper: 93-95. Beltrame, C., 2009. A New View of the Interpretation of the Presumed Medieval Po Delta (Italy) Wrecks. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 38.2: 412-417. Beltrame, C., 2012. Archeologia marittima del Mediterraneo. Navi, merci e porti dall’antichità all’età moderna. Carocci, Rome. Carswell, J., 2006. Iznik pottery. The British Museum Press, London. Capulli, M., 2003. Le navi della Serenissima. La ‘galea’ di Lazise. Marsilio, Venice. Guérout, M., Rieth, E. & Gassend, J.-M. avec le concours de B. Liou, 1989. Le navire génois de Villefranche: un naufrage de 1516 (?). Archaeonautica 9, Paris. Hayes, J.W., 1992. Excavations at Sarachane in Istanbul, Volume 2, The Pottery. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey.

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Joncheray, J., 1988. Un navire de commerce de la fin du XVII siècle l’épave des Sardinaux. Première partie: le navire et son mode de chargement. Cahiers d’Archéologie Subaquatique 7: 21-67. L’Hour, M., Long, L. & Rieth, E., 1989. Le Mauritius. Le mèmoire engloutie. Paris. Marsden, P. & Endsor, R., 2009. Propulsion. In: P. Marsden (ed.), Mary Rose. Your Noblest Shippe. Anatomy of a Tudor Warship. Mary Rose Trust, Portsmouth: 242-272. Mihajlović, I., Miholjek, I. & Pešić, M., 2012. A 16th - Century Wreck found near the Island of Mljet, Croatia. In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul: 49-57. Morin, M., 2006. Artiglierie navali in ambito veneziano: tipologie e tecniche di realizzazione. Quaderni di oplologia 23: 3–28. Martin, C., 1979. La Trinidad Valencera: an Armada invasion transport lost off Donegal. Interim site report, 1971-76. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 8.1: 13-38. Nepoti, S., 1991. Ceramiche graffite della donazione Donini Baer. Faenza. Occioni Bonaffons, G., 1901. Sulla scoperta di due barche antiche nel comune di Contarina (Rovigo). In: Regia Deputazione di

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Storia Patria (a cura di), Miscellanea di Storia Veneta, VII, Venezia. Pulak, C., 2005. A Rare Ottoman Wreck: Yassıada, Turkey. In: G.F. Bass (ed.), Beneath the Seven Seas, Thames & Hudson, London: 138-141. Ridella, G., 2007. Two 16th–century Papal Esmerils in the Cleveland Museum of Art, Ohio, and some notes on bronze pieces of ordnance with a polygonal section. Journal of the Ordnance Society 19: 5-38. Sténuit, R., 1972. Treasures of the Armada. Dutton, Newton Abbot. Van Duivenvoorde, W., 2012. Use of Pine Sheating on Dutch East India Company Ships. In: N. Günsenin (ed.), Between Continents. Proceedings of the Twelfth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Istanbul 2009. Ege Yayınları, Istanbul: 241-251. Zmaić, V., 2011. O nalazu novca na brodolomima kod pličine Mijoka u blizini Murtera i pličine Sv. Pavao na Mljetu. In: J. Dobrinić (ed.), Proceedings of the 6th International Numismatic Congress in Croatia, University of Zadar, Zadar, Croatia, September 26-29, 2010. Rijeka: 331-341.

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64. The Archaic Greek sewn boat from Gela (Sicily, Italy). Some notes on the hull construction Alessandra Benini

The discovery The wreck was identified along the shore of Gela in Sicily at about 800 m from the coast at a depth of 5 m. The ship was wrecked shortly before reaching the ‘emporium’ of the city, where it would probably have discharged and sold its merchandise. The ship’s cargo, very varied, consisted of fine painted Attic pottery datable between 500 and 480 BC and pottery coming from other regions of Greece but chiefly of locally produced pottery. The cargo contained also about 100 amphoras from the main islands of the Aegean. The ship’s cargo has however already been studied and published (Panvini, 2001; Tortorici, 2009: 121-125; Panvini & Tortorici, 2012: 121-132). The discovery of the wreck followed on the identification of a heap of stones which stood on a sandy seabed. The excavation of the wreck was carried out almost completely between 1989 and 1993 (Panvini, 2001; Freschi, 1991: 201-210). From 2003 on, the excavation was relaunched, directed this time to the recovery of the entire ship and completed in the summer of 2008 with the recovery of the sternpost (Felici, 2009: 7-19; Panvini, 2012: 9-12). This is a preliminary report based only on the first analyses carried out during the excavation, because we are still waiting for the return of the wood from the restoration lab; after which we’ll be able to complete the study of the hull (Benini, 2012: 53-120). The hull The surviving portion of the ship is 17 m long in total and 4.30 m at its widest. The sternpost, a portion of the keel amounting to about half its original length and only 12 of the original 17 floor timbers have survived. Above these the keelson has survived though with some gaps at both bow and stern. The missing portion of the keel has not has been found, nor has the stempost, which was probably wrenched off when the ship was wrecked (fig. 1).

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Fig. 1: Plan of the shipwreck (Drawing: S. Basile).

The planking was fastened chiefly by sewing, but the preliminary study of the hull has revealed the presence of some technical solutions without parallel in ships already known to us (Kahanov & Pomey, 2004: 13-20).

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The keelson was originally made up of four elements of which only the maststep is complete and in its original position with its four sister keelsons beside it. Its underside has been carved to rest on the floor timbers and below the maststep it also has teeth which fit into appropriate hollows in the floor timbers and below the maststep a series of three stanchions join the keel to the keelson. The floor timbers are about 90 cm apart. They have a trapezoidal section, tapering towards the bottom and rounded on the upper side and those below the maststep also have sockets – as already noted – to clamp the keelson on their central axis. At their ends the floor timbers have the typical hook scarf for the connection with the futtocks; the joint is secured by the same nails which hold the planking and by wooden pegs. The lower surface is crenelated to fit with the sewn joints of the planks (Benini, 2012: 53-120). The shape of the central floor timbers allows us to establish a rounded shape for the Gela ship. In some of them the lower part consists of a second element bound together by a mortise and tenon joint, varying in length and form from one floor timber to the other. The limber holes have a curved section towards the centre of the hull, as have the incisions corresponding to the longitudinal union of two planks. The floor timbers are fastened to the planking by bronze

nails, one for each strake, bent over into their own back. But they are free of the keel. The sternpost is certainly the most important part of the hull and it is in an excellent state of preservation. It is attached to the keel by a complex scarf, held in place by a long vertical tenon. A scarf similar to the preceding but smaller joins the sternpost to its upper extension. A rabbet runs along the sides of the sternpost and keel for a total length of 4.30 m. The surviving planking is 4.40 m wide and has five strakes to the left and seven strakes to the right of the keel. The planks are connected principally by sewing, with a tetrahedral recess on the inner side and an exit hole on the external edge of the seam, which together with the horizontal dowels checked any movement whether transversal or longitudinal. A new type of stitching and other details Up to this point the Gela ship has the same characteristics as other sewn boats from the Archaic Greek era known to us, but the analysis of the planking has allowed us to identify some small new details which give uniqueness to this hull. The differences from previous known practice consist of the fact that in the prow and stern sectors,

Fig. 2: Stitch ’U shaped’: the groove on the outer side.

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64. The Archaic Greek sewn boat from Gela (Sicily, Italy)

411

Fig. 3: The alternation of different types of stitching (outer side).

Fig. 4: A rethinking: both types of stitching at the same point.

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from about 2.50 m and only in the connections between the garboard and the fourth line of planks, the horizontal dowels alternate with tenon and mortise joints. There are well known examples of boats where the planking is assembled with tenon and mortise joints but the prow and stern sections are only sewn. We encounter the second ’anomaly’ in this ship in the sewing; three different types of stitching have been identified. That which may be called ’classic’ and fully documented in the wrecks of Bon Portè, of Jules Verne 9 and of Giglio Campese where it is used, as in the Gela wreck, in the sewing of the hull. A type of ‘V’-shaped stitching for the linking of the garboard to the sternpost, already met with in the wrecks of Ma’agan Mikhael and Giglio Campese; in the Gela wreck it is also found between the sixth and seventh strake of planking, but not for the whole length of the hull. It was probably used to insert an element internal or external to the hull to give greater thickness to the planking. And thirdly a new type of stitching which we call ’U’ shaped, that is, characterised by almost vertical holes which go straight through the plank; on its inner side it is the typical tetrahedral recess whereas on the outer side a little groove runs from the hole for the rope which was thus not exposed outside the surface of the hull (fig. 2). There are small differences from one groove to the other in relationship with their position. This type of stitching is to be found in the prow and stern sectors for about 4.30 m, which corresponds to the length of the rabbet, but only in the first four strakes; and it alternates in a sequence consisting of four or five classic stitches and one of the type just described, but this pattern is not always followed (fig. 3). We find instead a continuous use of this type in the joints between keel and garboard for the whole length of the hull. Before commenting on this, I would like to point out another aspect of this type of sewing. One plank of the fourth strake has a double series of tetrahedra, of which one has a hole and groove whereas the second has classic stitching. This last way of stitching was also found in the adjacent plank. In two other cases there has been a rethinking, that is, both types of stitching are present at the same point and in both cases the stitching with the channel is the later (fig. 4). In the second example we can see two tapered pegs and two exit holes, one on the seam and another one on the outer side of the plank. In my opinion this indicates that this type of stitching was intentionally applied at that point. A possible explanation may be sought in the search for greater resistance, bearing in mind that it is to be found along the whole length of the keel and in the prow and stern sectors, which were certainly the areas that are most exposed to stresses. Bow and stern are the areas where we find also tenon and mortise joints. To alternate stitches with vertical holes with stitches with an oblique hole leads to a lesser weakening of the edge of the plank and avoids longitudinal damage; further, the lesser rigidity of these stitches may have been an advantage in the fastening

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of keel and garboard strake: two elements of differing thickness, differing length and differing types of wood which probably react very differently to the longitudinal and transverse stresses to which the waves subject them, and a greater elasticity may thus have been an advantage. Other small details make this hull unique. To the connection between keel and garboard, consisting of stitching and dowels, have been added long oblique dowels which cross the whole keel and emerge in the centre of the garboard either on the outside or the inside of the plank related to the slope of the garboard itself. Another novelty is their fastening to the keel with a small treenail. One of these dowels instead of penetrating the keel has inserted itself into the rabbet, proving the use of unseasoned wood. The contemporary presence of horizontal and oblique dowels puts it out of the question that we are dealing with the replacing of the garboard as we have seen for example in the Spanish wreck of Cala Sant Vicenç (Nieto & Santos, 2008: 42); it seems rather the use of a different technique. The hull of the ship has provided another surprise with the presence of 130 holes, 2.5 cm across, closed by wooden plugs. Their distribution does not seem explicable by a logical plan, even though most of them seem concentrated in the vicinity of the nails of the floor timbers. Unused filled holes were found also in the Ma’agan Mikhael ship (Tresman, 2004: 122), as well as in other wrecks (Jules Verne 7, Jules Verne 9, César 1 – Tresman, 2004: 123; Kyrenia – Steffy, 1985: 81-96; Pabuç Burnu – Polzer, 2009: 37, 42, 47). But to be able to put forward hypotheses on their origins we must await the return of the whole hull from the English restoration labs and be finally able – after five years – to examine the ship – for the first time –in its entirety. References Benini, A., 2009. Il relitto Gela 1: osservazioni sull’architettura navale. In: R. Panvini, C. Guzzone & L. Sole (eds), Traffici, commerci e vie di distribuzione nel Mediterraneo tra Protostoria e V secolo a. C. (Gela 2009). Caltanissetta: 127-136. Benini, A., 2012. Lo scafo. In: D. Vullo (ed.), La nave greca arcaica di Gela. Dallo scavo al recupero. Betagamma, Palermo: 53-120. Black, E. (ed.), 2003. The Ma’agan Mikhael Ship. The Recovery of a 2400-year-old Merchantman. Final Report, volume I. Haifa. Felici, E. (ed.), 2009. Aa. Vv., La nave greca arcaica Gela I. L’Archeologo subacqueo 43: 7-19. Freschi, A., 1991. Note tecniche sul relitto greco-arcaico di Gela. In: Atti IV Rassegna di Archeologia Subacquea. (Giardini Naxos 1989). Messina: 201-210. Kahanov, Y. & Pomey, P., 2004. The Greek sewn shipbuilding tradition and the Ma’agan Mikhael ship: a comparison with Mediterranean parallels from the sixth to the fourth centuries B.C. The Mariner’s Mirror 90. 1: 6-28. Nieto, X. & Santos, M., 2008. El vaixell grec arcaic de Cala Sant Vicenç. Monografies del Casc 7, Girona.

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64. The Archaic Greek sewn boat from Gela (Sicily, Italy) Panvini, R., 2001. The Archaic Greek shipwreck at Gela (and preliminary exploration of a second Greek shipwreck). Salvatore Sciascia Editore, Caltanissetta. Panvini, R., 2012. Un reperto archeologico eccezionale: storia della scoperta e degli studi. In: D. Vullo (ed.), La nave greca arcaica di Gela. Dallo scavo al recupero. Betagamma, Palermo: 9-12. Panvini, R. & Tortorici, E., 2012. Rotta e carico. In: D. Vullo (ed.), La nave greca arcaica di Gela. Dallo scavo al recupero. Betagamma, Palermo: 121-132. Polzer, M.E., 2009. Hull remains from the Pabuç Burnu shipwreck and early transition in archaic Greek shipbuilding. A thesis, Texas A&M University. http://anthropology.tamu.edu/papers/Polzer-MA2009.pdf.

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Pomey, P., Kahanov, Y. & Rieth, E., 2012. Transition from Shell to Skeleton in Ancient Mediterranean Ship-Construction: analysis, problems, and future research. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 235-314. Steffy, J.R., 1985. The Kyrenia ship: An interim report on its hull construction. American Journal of Archaeology 89.1: 71-101. Tortorici, E., 2009. Il relitto Gela 1: osservazioni sulla composizione del carico e della rotta. In: R. Panvini, C. Guzzone & L. Sole (eds), Traffici, commerci e vie di distribuzione nel Mediterraneo tra Protostoria e V secolo a. C. Caltanissetta: 121-125. Tresman, J. (ed.), 2004. The Ma’agan Mikhael Ship. The Recovery of a 2400-year-old Merchantman. Final Report, volume II. Haifa.

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65. The Oakfield (1883-1897). The shipwreck of an Atlantic steamship (Ponta Delgada, Azores, Portugal) Sónia Bombico

Introduction During the archaeological monitoring of the construction work of the new maritime cruise terminal of Ponta Delgada, São Miguel Island, Azores, in December 2007, the iron remains of a shipwreck structure were discovered. During January 2008, a mission to survey and categorise the remains was carried out under the supervision of archaeologists José António Bettencourt and Patrí� cia Carvalho, whose assessment made it possible to reach a decision regarding the site’s future. The remains belonged to a 19th-century British steamship. It was decided to study the underwater archaeo­logical structure in detail so after that it could be totally removed from the site instead of being conserved in situ. The underwater research operation was executed between the 27th of February and the 2nd of July 2008

and included cleaning of the structure, archaeological and archaeographic recording, recovery and preventive conservation of artefacts, dismantling and transportation of the structure and monitoring of the deposit of the dismantled sections on a location away from the construction site. The underwater operations, conducted under the supervision of archaeologist Sónia Bombico, were carried out with the help of archaeologists Ví� tor Frazão and Â�ngela Ferreira and with the scientific supervision of Célia Coelho (Archeocélis, Investigações Arqueológicas, Lda.). The shipwreck and archaeological material The archaeological site consisted of the remains of a ship hull, which were located at a distance of 15 m from

Fig. 1. Planimetry of the archaeological site (Plan: Sónia Bombico and Vitor Frazão).

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65. The Oakfield (1883-1897)

the current shoreline and at an average depth of 5 m. The main structure was about 11 m wide and 35 m long, orientated in a northeast-southwest direction with the bow facing the sea (southwest). The stern was not identified because the area touching the shore was amidships and the remaining structural body of the vessel disappeared under the slope of the Avenida Marginal of the city. The ship was deposited on a rocky bottom, the relief of which made the ship’s structure to form an angle of 15º to port side (east) and of 5º towards the bow (southwest). Due to salvage activities and the marine dynamics over the past two centuries, the ship’s structure was only preserved in situ at cargo hold level. Prior to being identified, the ship was protected and sealed by a layer of sand that was about 3 m thick. The lining of the outer hull consisted of iron plates, of varying size, juxtaposed and fastened longitudinally and transversely by iron rivets. The internal structure of the vessel was built with bulkheads that formed multiple watertight compartments. These vertical walls were combined with angle bars acting as assembly pieces. On these pieces we were able to identify the inscriptions ‘STOCKTON MI Co.’ and ‘MIDDLESBRO’ which could be related to Northeast England (particularly to the towns of Middlesbrough and Stockton-on-Tees), a region with a long tradition of naval construction. The commercial port of Ponta Delgada reached its peak in the 19th century. In this context, British steamships operating in the orange and pineapple trade, calling at São Miguel for coal, were the most common victims of storms. Due to the discovery of a plaque containing a reference to the builder of both the vessel and its marine steam engine, we were able to identify the archaeological remains as belonging to the steamship Oakfield, sunk on the 21st of January 1897. The cargo remains – bags of sugar from Demerara (British Guiana) and casks of rum – also helped confirm the shipwreck’s identity. In addition to the gathering of elements belonging to the ship’s cargo, a set of fire-clay bricks and numerous board tools related to the steam engine’s operations were identified. The steamship Oakfield The Oakfield was an iron-hulled, schooner-rigged screw steamship, constructed at Southampton in 1883 by Oswald Mordaunt & Co. ‘Engineers & Shipbuilders for Burrell & Son of Glasgow’. With one deck, two masts, and the following dimensions: length 259.5 ft., breadth 36 ft., and depth of hold 18 ft. Her gross tonnage was 1748.19, and she had two compound surface-condensing

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engines of 170 horsepower combined. The Oakfield left Demerara on the 6th of January 1897, under the command of Mr. M.R.J. Fisher, and carried a crew of 21 people and three passengers. She was bound for London, and the master had orders to call at São Miguel for coal. No lives were lost during the shipwreck. The shipwreck was reported in the local press (Commercio Michaelense, Friday, the 22nd of January 1897): “Shipwreck. Yesterday, at around half past six in the evening, the British steamship ’Oakfield’ coming from Demerara and bound for London, upon approaching our harbour to load oranges and pine­apples, entered the harbour without the service of a pilot and dropped the anchor near São Pedro’s downtown, a little bit to the east, in such a way that when she swung round, with the bow turning to the sea and the wind, to southeast, the stern hit the bottom, making a hole. (…) The steamship carried a cargo of 12 thousand bags of sugar and 1000 casks of rum.” References Bettencourt, José, 2008. Relatório final de avaliação arqueológica de um navio em ferro localizado no porto de Ponta Delgada (Açores). (January 2008, unpublished). Bombico, Sónia e Coelho, Célia, 2008. Relatório Final dos Trabalhos Arqueológicos realizados no âmbito da Construção da Marina de Ponta Delgada (Ilha de São Miguel – Açores) Terminal Marítimo e Reestruturação da Avenida Marginal, Empresa Archeocélis. (August 2008, unpublished). Cage, R.A., 1997. A Tramp Shipping Dynasty--Burrell & Son of Glasgow, 1850-1939: A History of Ownership, Finance, and profit. Praeger. Dias, Fátima Sequeira, 2008. Os Açores na História de Portugal – Séculos XIX-XX. Livros Horizonte, Lisboa. McCarthy, Michael, 2001. Iron and Steamship Archaeology: Success and Failure on the S/S Xantho. Kindle Edition. Monteiro, Alexandre, 2000. Carta Arqueológica Subaquática dos Açores Metodologia, resultados e sua aplicação na gestão do património subaquático da Região Autónoma dos Açores. In: 3º Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular, 21 a 27 de Setembro de 1999, Porto: ADECAP/Universidade de Trás-osMontes. coord. per Vítor Oliveira Jorge, Vol. 8. (“Terrenos” da arqueologia da Península Ibérica): 497-524. Documentary sources: O Commercio Michaelense, Ponta Delgada – Folha Diária – S. Miguel-Açores, the 22nd of January 1897. Wreck Report “Oakfield” by Judge T. A. Fyfe and assessors William Erskine and E. M. Hugres in 11 March of 1897 for Board of Trade.

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66. The Zeepaard and the Blind Harbour wreck. Investigations of two 17th-century wrecks in Broadhaven Bay (County Mayo, Ireland) Karl Brady

Introduction During the Anglo-Dutch wars of the 17th century, ships of the Dutch East India Company or in Dutch Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) were forced to take a circuitous route around Scotland and Ireland on outward and homeward voyages in order to avoid potential conflict in the English Channel. The majority of ships taking this roundabout route, known in Dutch as going achter om, safely navigated their way to and from the Far East (Boxer, 1963: 91), but occasionally, these armed merchantmen ran foul of the rough Atlantic waters and weather and were cast ashore on the unforgiving coastlines of the Shetlands, Orkneys, Faroes and Iceland. A large number of these wrecks have been located and investigated which has resulted in a wide array of publications providing valuable insights into 17th-century life, trade and shipping of the VOC both in Europe and the Far East. Until recently, evidence for losses of VOC ships off the Irish coast was sparse with only one official record referring to the loss or stranding of the Merenberg, which ran aground off Crookhaven, Cork in 1786. The cargo of this 850 ton East Indiaman was salvaged by the VOC at the time and the vessel was reported to have been broken up a year later (Bruijn et al., 1987). Recent survey work and research carried out by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU), however, has confirmed that there was at least one other Dutch East Indiaman lost off the Irish coast, the Zeepaard, a 400ton jacht, which foundered in Broadhaven Bay while en route to Batavia in November 1665. The remains of another vessel, also located in Broadhaven Bay, may also be a Dutch East-Indiaman of similar date but has yet to be identified and is known from its location as the Blind Harbour Wreck. Broadhaven Bay is located in County Mayo on the northwest coast of Ireland. Although quite isolated in many respects from the rest of the country, historical documentation indicates that Broadhaven was one of the most important natural harbours in the northwest

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from the 16th century onwards. It is relatively sheltered from the prevailing winds and acted as an important harbour of refuge during stormy weather for maritime traffic plying the rough Atlantic waters off the northwest coast. It is marked on a number of 15th- and 16thcentury charts and was well known to fishing vessels, mariners, smugglers and pirates and was described in 1602 as “a wellhead of pirates” by the admiral of the English Navy, Sir William Monson and as a “nest of all the sea rovers” by English planter Mathew de Renzy c. 1620 (Mc Cuarta, 1987: 134). Dutch cartographers were also familiar with the bay and it is marked on both Hessel Gerritzs’ 1612 and Johannes Vingboons’ 1665 maps of Ireland. The two wrecks lie only 3.5 km apart and are located in the inner part of Broadhaven. The remains of the Blind Harbour Wreck are scattered the length of a narrow north-south running channel which leads into a small enclosed bay known as Blind Harbour, whereas the Zeepaard is located in a more exposed part of the bay, on a shallow reef, at Inver Point where the bay narrows to only 800 m wide. Both wrecks have been subject to archaeological survey and research by the UAU since 2009, the preliminary results of which are presented below. Blind Harbour wreck In 2007, the Underwater Archaeology Unit received a report from a local diver regarding the discovery of two previously unrecorded iron cannons on the seabed. Although there were no records of a wreck at the reported location in the Shipwreck Inventory of Ireland Database, the official register of historic wrecks in Irish waters, an early 19th-century map of Mayo marks the area as Bealagunnamore or ‘cannon-mouth’. Bealagunnamore (Béal na Gunnaí� Móra) translates from Irish as ‘mouth of the big guns’. Despite the strong place name evidence indicating that a vessel carrying guns was lost in the area, it’s surprising that the wreck appears to have

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Fig. 1. Site plan of the Blind Harbour wreck illustrating the location of the cannon and lead ingots (Plan: Rex Bangerter).

remained undiscovered until its chance finding in 2007. A two-day dive and metal detection survey was initially carried out in 2009 resulting in the identification of six iron cannon at the site. The UAU returned to the site again in 2010, 2011 and 2012, carrying out further survey work and a small-scale rescue excavation in an attempt to map the known extent of the wreck site, recover artefacts under threat and to ascertain the wreck’s date of loss and identity. The known remains of the wreck lie scattered throughout a 200 m long channel which is dominated by low rocky cliffs on either side, creating a funnel through which the ebbing and flowing tide empties and fills Blind Harbour. There is a maximum water depth of 9 m at high tide and the seabed is predominately sandy with a dense coverage of seaweed and kelp, but is interspersed with small boulders, rock outcrop and gravel pockets. To date, the underwater survey and excavation has resulted in the discovery of 12 iron cannon, a spread of concreted cannon balls, eight boat-shaped lead ingots, pewter bottle tops, bricks, two wooden barrels and a number of smaller artefacts. Although artefacts are dispersed along the whole length of the channel, the main concentration of wreckage extends for a length of at least 50 m and is spread across its entire width (fig. 1). The cannon are grouped in two loose separate concentrations on either side of the channel and the ingots were found in four loose groups spread out over 80 m along the channel. Unfortunately, no structural remains of the ship have been discovered thus far and while

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it’s likely that the ship itself disintegrated during the wrecking process, it’s possible that some fragments of hull lie buried beneath the sand. A detailed survey was undertaken of the cannon in an attempt to record their form, calibre and to ascertain if any distinguishing marks or diagnostic features were present. All of the cannon were heavily concreted and largely inverted, forming a haphazard layout on the seabed which made it difficult to measure calibres or to identify potential makers’ marks, owners’ marks or weight marks. However, a basic survey and description of all of the cannon was carried out and a preliminary specialist report was compiled by Ruth Brown (2012) which has provided more definitive information on the calibre and typology of cannon at the site. The twelve cannons recorded are cast-iron muzzleloaders and are of similar size, being in or around 2.20 m in length, which indicates that they are likely to be small to medium sized guns, possibly ranging from minion to saker if English in origin, or 3- to 8-pounder if they are of the Dutch continental system (fig. 2). The initial assessment of the cannon has also indicated that they broadly date from the 17th century based on their calibre, size and the style of their buttons, cascabels, breeches and trunnions. The longest cannon in the group measures at least 2.38 m long and might fall into the 12-pounder category of gun. Ruth Brown has also suggested that cannon three may be a finbanker, a type cast in Sweden mainly for the Dutch market. There are similarities between this cannon and cannon from other

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Fig. 2. Two of the 12 heavily concreted cast-iron cannon on the seabed at Blind Harbour, falling in the category of gun of English minions or Dutch 4-pounders (Photo: Connie Kelleher).

Dutch East Indiaman wrecks, including the Vergulde Draeck lost in 1656 off Australia and the Lastdrager lost 1653 off the Shetlands (Green, 1989; Sténuit, 1974). At present, it cannot be stated with absolute certainty that the surveyed cannon in Blind Harbour are from a Dutch or English ship. An armed merchant man such as a Dutch East Indiaman would have carried 26 guns, but the presence of only 12 cannon at the site suggests that the wreck was either that of a smaller vessel or that the site was heavily salvaged at the time of loss. However, the number of low calibre gun including minions or 4-pounders is indicative that the wreck in Blind Harbour is a small to medium merchant ship of 17th-century date (Brown 2012a; 2012b). Ingots Eight boat-shaped lead ingots were found during the course of the survey and were recorded in situ, lifted and brought to the National Museum of Ireland (NMI) for safe keeping. The ingots were found scattered along the length of the channel in four groups of two which may indicate that they were stored in pairs on board the ship. All of the ingots are boat shaped and vary in length from 70 cm (ingot 2) to 88 cm (ingot 4) and average 78cm long. Ingots of this size and shape were known as ‘great pigs’ and have been found on other 17th-

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century wrecks including Kennemerland, Lastdrager, Huis te Kraastein, Zeepaard and Merestein (Van Duivenvoorde et al., 2012: 7-11; Willies in Price et al., 1980: 17). Willies (in Price et al., 1980: 23) has noted that in the 17th-century pig-shaped ingots are likely to be English and that the Dutch were the main buyers of lead in this form during this period. All of the ingots, except ingot 7, have stamp marks on their upper surfaces, but heavy marine growth and concretion make it difficult to clearly make out many of these stamps. There are at least 13 different stamp designs or motifs represented on the ingots and each ingot appears to have its own individual set of motifs, as none of the stamps occur on all of the ingots. However, the ‘double W’ motif is on six of the eight ingots (ingots 1, 2, 3, 5, 6 and 8) occurring 27 times and the crescent moon definitely occurs on three, if not four of the ingots (fig. 3). The ‘crescent moon 1631’ motif has also been found on ingots from the Kennemerland wreck (1664) and the Kraaijenstein wreck (1698) and is therefore not indicative of the date of the ingot’s production nor the ship’s construction (Price et al., 1980). The ‘double W’ occurs on at least one of the ingots from the Zeepaard, the second wreck in Broadhaven Bay, lost in 1665 at Inver Point. Although ingots have been found on a large number of shipwrecks dating from all periods, in Irish waters they have only been found on wrecks of the Spanish Armada and Dutch East Indiaman wrecks. Further

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into service in 1655. Between 1656 and 1663 the Zeepaard made two successful return trips to Batavia (Jakarta) in Indonesia. On 28th October 1665, the Zeepaard set forth again from Wielingen for Batavia along with three other Dutch East Indiamen: the Gouden Leeuw, the Wittem Leeuw and the Zwarte Leeuw (Bruijn et al., 1987). The other three VOC-ships safely made their destination in the Far East, however, the Zeepaard was not as fortunate and was reported lost to the west of the Shetlands along with its 150 crew. Recent dive survey work and historical research has confirmed that Zeepaard was not lost off the Shetlands, but was driven ashore during a storm and wrecked in Broadhaven Bay. History of the discovery of the wreck

Fig. 3. Ingot 5 is the best preserved of all the ingots recovered from the Blind Harbour wreck as its upper face was buried in the sand face down. It has the imprints of at least 47 motifs (Photo and drawing: Karl Brady).

afield, similar style ingots have been found on a number of 17th- and early 18th-century Dutch East Indiamen wrecks in Britain, the Netherlands, South Africa and Australia (Van Duivenvoorde et al., 2012: 6). In particular, the Blind Harbour ingots parallel well to ingots from the Zeepaard (five ingots), which was lost in 1665, also in Broadhaven Bay (County Mayo), the Kennemerland (119 ingots), which was lost off the Shetlands in 1664 off the Shetlands and the Zuiddorp (21 ingots), which was lost off the Western Australian coast in 1712 (Brady, 2012; 2013; Price et al., 1980; Van Duivenvoorde et al., 2012). The occurrence of the same motif on ingots from three other 17th-century Dutch East Indiaman wrecks indicates that the ingots were probably produced during the same period, sometime during the mid-to-late 17th century. A number of other artefacts were found including red bricks, fragments of two wooden casks, a thimble, a lead mount and lead sheeting. However, most diagnostic are the remains of nine pewter bottle neck reinforcements and screw caps found scattered throughout the site. These would have been used to protect the necks of glass bottles during passage and examples have been found on a number of Dutch East Indiaman wrecks including the Vergulde Draeck and the Lastdrager (Green, 1989; Sténuit, 1974). Zeepaard Approximately 3.3 km to the east of the Blind Harbour wreck lie the remains of the Zeepaard (Seahorse), a 400 ton jacht of Middelburg. It was built in Zeeland for the Dutch East India Company and was commissioned

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In 1969, Sydney Wignall located the remains of a wreck at Inver Point containing cast-iron cannon, boat-shaped lead ingots, glass bottles and a Dutch clay pipe (dating to c. 1675), but its identity was not known (Wignall, 1982: 76). Since then, the wreck site has been dived a number of times by various groups and artefacts recovered have since been acquired by the National Museum of Ireland (NMI Topographical Files). In 1986, members of the Leinster Divers Subaqua Club relocated the wreck again while searching for the remains of the Spanish Armada vessel, the Santiago. Between 1987 and 1991, the club carried out survey work in collaboration with Nessa O’Connor of the National Museum of Ireland resulting in the location of at least three iron cannons and the recovery of a number of artefacts. As far as the as the author is aware, the wreck has not been dived since the early 1990s. The identity of the wreck Although the identity of the wreck has been subject to much debate since its discovery in 1969 and was variously thought to be of Dutch or even Spanish origin, the evidence seemed to point more towards it being a Dutch 17th-century wreck. Wignall initially thought it was a Dutch vessel or a vessel carrying Dutch pipes, dating it to c. 1675. Nessa O’Connor of the National Museum of Ireland concluded too that most of the artefacts were of 17th-century date and that the clay pipes from the wreck were Dutch in origin. It was suggested by some commentators that the wreck may be that of the Zeepaard, as it was recorded as being lost west of the Shetlands, but there was no concrete evidence to confirm this (Bourke, 1994: 192). At the time, the name of the Zeepaard was also mistranslated into English as ‘Leopard’ which further confused research into the wreck. Also, when the Blind Harbour wreck was discovered in 2007, there was the possibility that this wreck was the Zeepaard rather than the wreck at Inver Point.

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Recent archival research carried out by the Author in Britain and Ireland has confirmed that the Zeepaard is indeed the wreck at Inver Point. The artefacts recovered from the wreck site in the 1970s, early 1990s and in 2012 compare well with artefacts from other mid-17th-­ century Dutch East Indiamen and also help confirm this. The historical evidence is clear with the Oxford Gazette, for example, recording that the ‘Seahorse’ (Zeepaard) was driven into Broadhaven Bay ”much beaten at sea by storms”, and sank with the loss of 74 crew (Oxford Gazette December 21-25 December 1665; Oxford Gazette 28 December 1665 – 1 January 1666). A later edition of the Oxford Gazette states that the Zeepaard, which was carrying arms and six chests of silver had lost its main mast, foremast and rudder on rocks near Broadhaven before it ran ashore. 74 men were drowned, but 100 crew made it ashore using planks and possibly a raft, prior to the ship being “beaten to pieces and sunk”. Four chests of silver were cast ashore and were recovered, and it was reported that they were “not without hope of getting the rest of the money, and the guns belonging to the ship, and saving the rest of the lading, that is not perishable by water” (Ibid.). The authorities in Dublin were quick to react and on 29th November 1665, a warrant was issued by the Duke of Ormond to Sir Arthur Gore for the apprehension of the seamen that made it ashore and for the securing of all money, arms, and goods that may be recovered from the vessel “lately wrecked near Inver” (Carte Manuscript, 1665). The Calendar of State Papers for Ireland (August 1666) further records that the vessel was at least partially salvaged with the anchors, cables, etc. being recovered (Mahaffy, 1908). No further mention of the wreck has been found to date during archival research.

by Leinster Divers SAC, lies in a gully lying against the base of a large boulder which breaks the water surface at low tide. The 2.7 m long cast-iron cannon is orientated ENE-WSW, lies on its side on a sandy seabed and is heavily concreted, which makes it difficult to distinguish features that may help in identifying its origin, type or calibre. A bed of encrusted or concreted iron cannonballs and other anomalous concreted iron material was located approximately 30 m to the NE of the cannon at the base of a narrow gully and is spread out over an area of 3 x 1 m. The original surface of one of the cannonballs had been recently exposed due to storm action and measures 8 cm in diameter indicating that it may have been intended for use with a 4-pounder gun. A small number of artefacts were also found during the survey including a red brick, a piece of coal, a broken stem of a clay pipe and the neck of a bellarmine jar with the bearded face mask intact. To date, at least five lead ingots, three pewter bottle top reinforcement rings, a clay pipe, both red and yellow bricks, a small number of musket balls and a bronze mount have been recovered. The ingots are boat shaped and appear to be great pigs although they have not yet been weighed or studied in detail. They are covered in stamp marks, some of which also occur on the Blind Harbour wreck ingots, including the ‘double W’ motif which is on six of the Blind Harbour wreck ingots and the crescent moon which, occurs on possibly four of the Blind Harbour wreck ingots. Other finds typical of VOC ships included fragments of three pewter bottle

The UAU survey and artefacts raised to date The Underwater Archaeology Unit carried out a rapid survey of the site in 2012 to confirm its location and to assess its current condition. The following information is based on a combination of results of the UAU dive and on information gleaned from files held by the NMI, which detail some of the previous dives on the site (NMI Topographical Files; pers. comm. Nessa O’Connor NMI). The wreck is located immediately off the north point of the headland in shallow water with the seabed dominated by seaweed-covered rock outcrop, interspersed by gullies filled with pockets of sand and gravel. The wreck appears to be spread over a 40 m area of the seabed and is exposed to northerly Atlantic swells which have resulted in little in the way of structural features of the vessel surviving. Most of the known extent of the site is in only 1.5-3 m of water at low tide. There are at least three cast-iron cannon still on the seabed with the possibility of further cannon lying 40-50 m off the headland in deeper water, but these have as yet to be located. The cannon closest to shore, which was previously noted

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Fig. 4. Bellarmine jar recovered from the Zeepaard (Photo: Karl Brady with permission of the NMI).

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66. The Zeepaard and the Blind Harbour wreck

reinforcement rings, yellow bricks, musket balls and an undecorated Dutch clay pipe, identified with the typology of Duco as a pipe with a dubbelconische kop (double conic bowl: basic type 1) dating to c. 1665-1675. Additionally, two fully intact bellarmine jars and a partially intact bellarmine jar have been recovered from the site along with numerous fragments of pottery (fig. 4). These artefacts are currently being analysed and a full report will be published when completed. Conclusions The identity of the wreck at Inver Point has been confirmed as the Zeepaard, a Dutch East Indiaman jacht, but the full extent of the wreck site and the distribution of artefacts on the reef have yet to be established. There is also a high probability that more ingots and other artefacts remain buried on the site. Similarly, the full extent of the Blind Harbour wreck has yet to be established and there is a high probability that more artefacts also remain buried at the site. Further survey work and research will be carried out on both wrecks in an attempt to answer some of the questions raised thus far and to ascertain if any hull structure survives in situ. The most pressing questions to be answered at this stage concern the identity, origin and date of the Blind Harbour wreck. The presence of pewter bottle caps, boat-shaped lead ingots and iron cannon have close parallels to artefacts recovered from other VOC-wrecks such as the Kennermerland, the Lastdrager, the Vergulde Draeck and the Zeepaard (Brady, 2012; Green, 1989; Price & Muckelroy, 1974; Price et al., 1980; Sténuit, 1974; Van Duivenvoorde et al., 2012). This evidence suggests that the Blind Harbour wreck may be a Dutch East Indiaman that also foundered on the west coast of Ireland during a journey to or from the Far East. Similarities with the artefacts from the wrecks mentioned above would suggest a mid- 17th-century date, but further research is required to confirm this. The are a number of potential candidate VOC-ships which were lost during this period, but there is not enough evidence to propose any of them as the Blind Harbour Wreck at this stage. There is also the possibility that this is not a VOC-ship, but a ship which carried similar cargo and armaments to a VOCship such as a WIC (Dutch West India Company) ship, a Dutch Navy ship or maybe even a Dutch ship which was taken as a prize by the English during the AngloDutch Wars. The discovery of a 17th-century Dutch East Indiaman in Irish waters is a rare find and the prospect of a possible second VOC-wreck in the same bay is even more intriguing. No doubt the records of the Dutch East India Company in the Dutch National Archives contain more important information on these wrecks and hopefully also further research on the artefacts raised to date and further dive survey work on both wrecks will help to not only confirm the identify the Blind Harbour wreck, but

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also provide us with valuable insights into the nature of the cargo, the construction of the Zeepaard and the fate of those on board. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank Tommy Walker who discovered the Blind Harbour wreck and provided valuable assistance during the project, Fionnbarr Moore and Connie Kelleher for their advice, support and assistance during the dive projects and for commenting on the text. Thanks must also be given to the dedicated dive team including Rex Bangerter, Nigel Kelleher, Eoghan Kieran, Jimmy Lenehan, Rob Marson, Brian MacAllister; Eoin MacCraith, Julianna O’Donoghue, Pat Coughlan and the Gráinne Ú�aile Sub Aqua Club. Thanks also to Wendy Van Duivenvoorde and Andrea Otte-Klomp for assistance with the Dutch sources and information on the VOC and to Nessa O’Connor and Roy Stokes for information relating to their original dives on the wreck of the Zeepaard. References Brady, K., 2012. The Wreck of the Dutch East Indiaman Zeepaard (W06783) at Inver Point, Broadhaven Bay, Co. Mayo. Unpublished Report held in the Archives of the National Monuments Service, Dublin. Brady, K., 2013. A possible Dutch East Indiaman Wreck at Bealagunnamore, Blind Harbour, Broadhaven Bay, Co. Mayo: Preliminary Report of the UAU Dive Survey 2009-2012 Unpublished Report held in the Archives of the National Monuments Service, Dublin. Brown, R., 2012a. Report on cannon assemblage from Blind Harbour - Preliminary remarks. Unpublished Report held in the Archives of the National Monuments Service, Dublin. Brown, R., 2012b. Report on cannon assemblage from Blind Harbour- Additions- October 2012 to cannons 2 and 7. Unpublished Report held in the Archives of the National Monuments Service, Dublin. Bourke, E., 1994. Shipwrecks of the Irish Coast Volume 1, 1105-1993. Dublin. Bruijn, J.R., Gaastra, F.S. & Schöffer, I., 1979, 1987. Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th Centuries (3 Vols). The Hague. Carte Manuscript No. 165, f. 239r.: Ormond to Lord Mayo, Charles Hollecroft and John Browne , 2 December 1665. Bodleian Library, Oxford. Green, J.N., 1989. The Loss of the Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie Retourschip Batavia, Western Australia 1629: An Excavation Report and Catalogue of Artifacts. BAR S489, Oxford. Mac Cuarta, B. (ed.), 1987. Mathew de Renzy’s Letters on Irish Affairs 1613-1620. Analecta Hibernica, No. 34. The Irish Manuscripts Commission Ltd. Dublin: 107, 109-182. Mahaffy, R.P. (ed.), 1908. Calendar of State Papers, relating to Ireland 1666-1669. H.M. Stationery Office, London. NMI Topographical Files. National Museum of Ireland.

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Price, R. & Muckelroy, K., 1974. The second season of work on the Kennemerland site, 1973: an interim report. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 3.2: 257–68. Price, R., Muckelroy, K. & Willies, L., 1980. The Kennermerland Site: A Report on the Lead Ingots. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 9.1: 7–25. Shipwreck Inventory of Ireland Database. Unpublished Database held in the Archives of the National Monuments Service, Dublin. Sténuit, R., 1974. Early Relics of the VOC Trade from Shetland. The Wreck of the Flute Lastdrager Lost off Yell, 1653. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 3.2: 213–56.

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Van Duivenvoorde, W., Stedman, J., Billstrom, K., Stos-Gale, Z. & McCarthy, M., 2012. The Lead Ingots from the Wreck of the Zuiddorp (1712), Western Australia: a report on their provenance and manufacture. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 42.1: 150-166. Wignall, S., 1982. In Search of Spanish Treasure- A Divers Story. David and Charles. Devon.

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67. Mapping two shipwrecks in the Fehmarn Belt (Baltic Sea). Results of geophysical surveys prior to underwater research Seger van den Brenk, Jörgen Dencker & Martin Segschneider

Fig. 1. Different survey methods applied on the German site, later identified as the site of the Dutch warship the Swarte Arent.

During geotechnical investigations along a proposed tunnel route between Puttgarden (Germany) and Rødbyhavn (Denmark), several shipwrecks were found. Additional research with a Remotely Operated

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Vehicle (ROV) resulted in the discovery of wooden wreck remains and cannons at two wreck sites. Based on archival research, the two wrecks were interpreted as the possible remains of warships sunk during the

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battle between Sweden and Denmark in October 1644. An investigation of the wreck sites by archaeological divers was scheduled for the summer of 2012. Because the wreck remains were scattered over a large area, a detailed geophysical survey was carried out in April 2012 prior to the diving campaign. The goal of the survey was to confine the limits of the wreck remains and to provide high resolution images of the wreck sites. The survey was carried out by the combination of two Dutch companies; Periplus Archeomare B.V. and DEEP B.V, and was financed by Femern A/S. The geophysical survey included high resolution multibeam (R2Sonic), side scan sonar (Klein 3900), magnetometer and parametric sub-bottom profiling (SES 2000) (fig. 1).

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By combining the results of the different techniques, detailed maps and interpretations could be constructed for both wreck sites, revealing detailed information of the scattered remains and providing an excellent base for the dive investigations. During the following underwater research, the southern wreck was identified as the Danish warship Lindormen which burned and sunk on October 13th, 1644. The northern ship wreck was identified as the Dutch warship Swarte Arent which fought alongside the Swedish fleet. After the investigation, both wreck sites were covered with sheets and sand in order to protect the remains against erosion and looting.

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68. The Stella 1 shipwreck. A Roman barge in the upper-Adriatic region (Udine, Italy) Filipe Castro & Massimo Capulli

Introduction In 1981 the remains of a small but interesting Roman barge, dated to the first quarter of the first century AD (Vitri et al., 2003: 330), were found on the Stella River, at Palazzolo della Stella, about 600 m from the Piazza del Porto of the village of Precenicco, Udine, Italy (fig. 1). It was built according a tradition typical in the upper-Adriatic region, with the bottom planks fastened to closely spaced floor timbers with treenails, and made watertight with strands of vegetable caulking laced to the upper face of the planks. In 1998 and 1999, two campaigns were carried out to assess the site, recover the cargo and record the exposed portion of the hull. In 1998 a one-week long campaign was carried out by IDRA s.n.c., under the scientific direction of Dott.ssa Serena Vitri from the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia. The work was directed by Dott.ssa Francesca Bressan (1998) and the cargo was partially recovered. It had spilled and covered an area at least 30 m long to upstream of the site. In 2011 a joint team from the Universities of Udine and Texas A&M, sponsored by ProMare Foundation and Texas A&M University Centre for Maritime Archaeology and Conservation, promoted a six-weeks excavation campaign on this site under the orientation of Prof. Luigi Fozzati, Soprintendente per i Beni Archeologici

del Friuli Venezia Giulia, aiming at a complete recording of the Stella 1 shipwreck hull structure. The geotextile protection was removed, the hull structure – perfectly preserved – was recorded, together with a fragment of an embankment structure buried nearby, and covered with a new geotextile protection and sand bags. The hull was mapped in the traditional way, with metric tape and goniometer, sketches, pictures and video. Non-profit foundation ProMare lent us one of their licenses of Site Surveyor® software, which was useful to position the shipwreck and the structure. Hull description The hull remains lie on the left margin of the river, almost perfectly oriented N-S, making an angle of around 45o with the axis of the river (fig. 1). The bottom is slightly inclined towards the centre of the river and tilted to upstream, lying at a depth between 4.6 and 5.6 m. It rests on a layer of sand of variable thickness (about 5-10 cm around the shipwreck) with large wood branches mixed with twigs and leafs. This layer of sand and organic material covers a thicker layer (about 25 cm) of brown/grey silt with a heavy concentration of twigs and leafs – also found underneath the boat’s ceiling planking – which in turn overlays a thick and heavily

Fig. 1. Location of the site (Google Earth).

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Filipe Castro & Massimo Capulli

compacted layer of grey clay that exfoliates along thin horizontal layers. Underneath there is a layer of highly compacted sand without much apparent organic material. A scatter of artefacts from the boat’s cargo extends over 30 m upstream, mainly roof tiles (embrici and copii), peppered with shards of finer ceramic vases. A large amount of bones was found on site, all cut in small sections with 15 to 25 cm. Amphora remains were found on the site as well, although diagnostic parts such as collars and handles were absent. The easy accessibility of the site, which has been visited by sport divers for many decades, may explain this fact. The Stella 1 boat is a flat-bottomed barge, its bottom a little over 2 m wide at the level of frame O4, and of unknown length (fig. 2). The depth in hold is also unknown, but the embrici stacked over the ceiling planking were about 60 cm tall. The sides of the Stella 1 barge probably stood about 70 or 80 cm high, making an angle around 15° with the vertical. The embrici that compose the cargo are 60 cm long, 45 cm wide, 7 cm thick, and weigh around 11.5 kg. They take about 9 cm of space when stacked, due to irregularities in their fabrication. Along a slice of the hull 1 m long we can stack 2.08 rows of 20 embrici each, weighing a total of 41.6 x 11.5 kg = 478.4 kg. This weight corresponds to the displacement for a draft of approximately 24 cm. Neither the bow nor stern of this boat were preserved, although the curve of the bottom on the west extremity of the hull suggests the proximity of either one (fig. 2).

After the assemblage of the bottom planks, floor timbers were probably fastened to the bottom with treenails, after which the side planking was added, also laced, over a certain number of futtocks. Some of the floor timbers curve upwards on the preserved downstream (S) side. As the upstream side (N) was not preserved it is impossible to establish a pattern for the use of these curved floor timbers. The wood was badly decayed, extremely fragile, and this circumstance badly impacted the excavation and recording processes. Samples taken in 1999 indicated that this boat’s planking was cut from oak (Quercus sp.) and elm (Ulmus sp.), and the ceiling from spruce (Picea abies). No samples were taken for species identification at this time, but all the frames seemed to have been cut from spruce as well (Picea abies). Some of the futtocks – in particular O10S – may have been cut from oak. All these trees are native to the region. Planking As mentioned above, the planking was laced together over a strand of caulking. Where perceived weaknesses in the planking were found, or where repairs were needed during the life span of this boat, small patches were added (fig. 2). Floor timber O9 was cut in the middle to allow one repair, but it is not possible to state whether the remaining repairs were done while this vessel was under construction, or later, during its operating life.

Fig. 2. Site plan (Drawing: Filipe Castro and Kotaro Yamafune).

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The interior surface of the bottom was painted with a thick layer of varnish and that made it difficult to analyse the repairs in detail. Lacing over a caulking layer was also used to keep cracks in the planks from leaking. In several places cracks were closed with lacing. In spite of the cracks and repairs, the bottom planks seemed to have been sawn from large and good quality logs. The overall impression is that the planking was carefully chosen. There were few knots and the grain ran regularly along the entire length of each plank (table 1). Planks were numbered from F1 to F7 (’F’ for fasciame, in the original reports) and repairs from R1 to R7. Table 1. Dimensions of the hull planking. Plank

Length [cm] (preserved)

Width [cm] (east)

Width [cm] (west)

extremity. Although most holes were cut at angles around 45-55o and are barely apparent on the outer surface of the planking, in several places imperfections or perceived weaknesses in the planking forced the shipwrights to drill the holes a few centimetres away from the plank edge, and carve a groove for the ligatures on the outer surface of the plank. There was one single instance of an iron concretion large enough to be older than those corresponding to the iron nails used to tag the timbers in the 1990s. Unfortunately, this concretion was found on a small fragment of a bottom plank, without a clear context. In any event, this was a small nail, unlikely to have had a structural function. Frames

F1

433

33

0

R1

63

8

-

F2

463

23

19

R2

133

10

-

F3

500

32

39

F4

501

32

17

F5

488

31

29

F6

473

28

36

F7

460

28

0

The outer surface of the planking was eroded. The preserved plank thicknesses varied between 2.4 and 3.6 cm. Where the outer surface was preserved, its thickness was invariably 3.6 cm. Both sides presented sawing marks. Two side planks were preserved on the downstream (S) side of the shipwreck, to a maximum height of 40 cm. Both were 3.6 cm thick. The lower plank (SP1) was 486 cm long and its preserved width varied from 12 to 22 cm. The upper plank (SP2) was preserved along 353 cm and 23 cm wide on its widest section. The seam between them was not straight. On the North side no side planks were preserved, but bottom plank F7 presented two small dowels with diameters near 8 mm, spaced around 4 cm, which may have been used to reinforce the connection between the bottom and that side of the vessel. Such edge fastenings have not been found anywhere else on the exposed edges of the planks, although they would be extremely difficult to see on the north side, due to the low visibility and the impossibility of digging a trench along the hull deep and wide enough to make careful observations. Edge joinery The planks were laced with vegetable fibres passed through holes spaced between 8 and 10 cm. The diameter of the holes was around 12 mm, and the plugs were around 4.5 cm long. They tapered from 13 or 14 mm on the inner surface of the planks to 7 or 8 on the other

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427

The surviving frames were numbered from O1 to O14 (’O’ for ordinate, in the original reports: table 2 and table 3) and were composed of floor timbers and first futtocks (figs 2 and 3). Table 2. Dimensions of the floor timbers (* Complete floor timber). Floor timbers O1

Length [cm] (preserved)

Sided [cm]

Moulded [cm]

38.5

6

9 9/6

O2

187

7

O3

201

7

8

O4*

202

8

10

O5*

194

5.5/6.5

10/9

O6

193

6/7

9

O7*

191

6.5/5.5

9

O8

180

5

7.5/8.5

O9

-

7/6.5

9

O10

183

6/7.5

8.5/9.5

O11

180

5.5/7.5

7/8.5

O12*

168

9.5

10

O13*

146

6

9/8

O14*

127

9

7

All floor timbers were cut from young trees and we were not able to count more than 25 rings from the pits to the waney edges of the timbers. Some seem to have been adzed at least on one of the sides, others showed clear saw marks on both sides. Most floor timbers had rectangular limber holes cut into their lower faces and all presented the characteristic triangular notches cut over the seams to accommodate the caulking straps. All floor timbers were fastened to the planking with treenails with diameters around 12 mm. In some cases thicker treenails were observed, perhaps used in repairs. As already mentioned, floor timber O9 was cut over the seam between planks F3 and F4, presumably to allow the repair of a crack on plank F4.

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Filipe Castro & Massimo Capulli Table 3. Dimensions of the futtocks (*Eroded. **Approximated values). Futtocks

Length [cm] (preserved)

Sided [cm]

Moulded [cm]

O7S

22

4

O8S

30

7

8 7

O9S

24

7

8.5

O10S

22

6

7

O11S

32

6

12

O11N

20

4*

7

O13S

23

7**

7**

Ceiling The ceiling planks were designated with the letter ’P’ (pagliolato from the original report, table 4). They seem to have been sawn. Their thickness varied around 3 cm. The ceiling planking was not fastened to the frames. One of the planks (P7), however, presented notches to fit the futtocks (fig. 2). Table 4. Dimensions of the ceiling planking. Plank

Length [cm] (preserved)

Width [cm]

P1

264

18-22

P2

117

22-23

P3

351

21-23

P4

397

14-23.5

P5

382

22.5-23.5

P6

390

25-31

P7

328

0-20

Structure

Fig. 3. Surviving frames of the Stella 1 wreck (Drawing: Filipe Castro and Kotaro Yamafune).

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As mentioned above, a long structure was found near the shipwreck, possibly the bottom of a containment barrier that was once part of the margins of the Stella river and has since been eroded and dragged to the centre of the river (fig. 4). This structure measured around 8 m in length and was slightly curved in its northern extremity. It seems to have been composed of two layers of planking. The inner layer, perhaps originally leaning against the river margin, was 21 cm moulded and 6 cm sided on the base, tapering to 4 cm at the top. A second plank, 4 cm sided and not fully preserved, was fastened to the lower one with pegged mortise and tenon joints. The mortises were spaced 9 to 12 cm apart and were 6 to 8 cm long, 6 to 8 cm deep, and 8 to 10 mm wide. The tenons were around 5 cm wide, 12 cm long, and 7 mm thick. The pegs were 16 mm in diameter (fig. 4). A diagonal cut on

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429

Fig. 4. Plan and view of the structure found next to the Stella 1 shipwreck (Drawing: Filipe Castro).

the outer plank seemed to correspond to a scarf joining two planks forming the lower strake. There were no visible pegs, but a small iron nail was inserted on this plank near the scarf, through which ran a vertical fracture. Towards its south side, four vertical pillars were preserved between the planks, treenailed to the inner layer of planking and receiving the outer layer of planking on its opposite face, nailed to them with an iron nail about 12 cm in length, with square heads around 5 cm on a side. The position of a fifth pillar could be deduced from a nail hole placed on the preserved outer plank. There were no treenail marks on the central portion of the inner plank – although the missing pillars could have been treenailed to the upper, missing, strake – but two are clearly marked towards the north end on the structure. This structure was buried in a layer of silt with abundant quantities of leafs and twigs, and standing on a layer of compact sand without apparent vegetable remains. Its preserved upper face lied slightly deeper that the bottom of the vessel, which was also buried in the silt layer with twigs and leafs. A small pole 43 cm long (as preserved) and 4 cm in diameter was inserted between the outer and inner layers of planking, on the North end of the structure, and secured with a longitudinal timber inserted between two pillars, measuring 36 cm in length – the space between pillars. This longitudinal timber was 8 cm sided and 10.5 cm moulded. The top of the pole was squared and inserted in a notch cut of the Southern face of the longitudinal timber. Another of these poles was found lying under the structure nearby, and a small pillar with a tenon on one end was found buried in the sand layer, beneath the silt layer that covered the structure. The upper 10 cm of this sand layer covered more broken timbers, including fragments of planks – of which one presented a preserved section 3 cm thick and 15 cm wide. Conclusions This report is a preliminary description of the hull remains of this interesting shipwreck, which the

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Soprintendenza plans to raise and conserve. Its dimensions, as well as its construction features, have been described here as accurately as possible, but should they be raised will be object of a more detailed study. We are also planning to publish an extended report in a peer-reviewed journal, with more detailed analysis of the lacing solution used on its construction. Another avenue of research in our plans is the study of the hull’s sturdiness and possible size, using engineering software developed at the Secção Autónoma de Engenharia Naval (SAEN) of Lisbon’s Instituto Superior Técnico (IST), a long standing partner of the J. Richard Steffy Ship Reconstruction Laboratory (ShipLAB) at Texas A&M University. A virtual model is being developed and a scale model was already built and will be included in the comprehensive publication in preparation. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia, ProMare, CMAC, Peter and Nancy Amaral, Mario and Giovanna De Candido (Marina Stella), and the joint team from the University of Udine (Lucrezia Maria Federico, Massimo Iob, and Daniel Iacumin), Promare (Ayse Atauz, Peter Holt, Dante Bartoli, and Lindsey Thomas), and Texas A&M University (Kelby Rose and Kotaro Yamafune). References Bartoli, D., Capulli, M. & Holte, P., 2012. Creating a GIS for the Underwater Research Project ANAXUM: the Stella 1 Shipwreck. In: L. Fozzati & V. Roberto (eds), The New Technologies for Aquileia. Proceedings of the 2nd Workshop on The New Technologies for Aquileia (Aquileia Italy, 25 June 2012): 1-9. Bini, G., 1981. Esplorazione archeologica subacquea del fiume Stella. La bassa 3: 29-34. Bini, G., 1984. “Anaxum, quo Varamus defluit”. A Palazzolo il “portus Anaxum” di Plinio? La bassa 8: 14-23.

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Bressan, F., 1998. Progetto DAFNE: Palazzolo-Precenico. Rinvenimenti subacquei nel Fiume Stella. Aquileia Nostra (Notiziario Archeologico) 68: 445-450. Capulli, M., 2010. Il mare di Aquileia. I traffici commerciali e il controllo militare dell’Alto Adriatico. In: Luigi Fozzati (ed.), Aquileia, patrimonio dell’umanità. Udine: 88-107. Capulli, M., 2013. Ships of Aquileia. Underwater Archaeo­ logical Research for the Study of Marine and Inside Routes in the Upper Adriatic Sea. Skyllis, Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie 13.1: 18-23. Capulli, M., Pipan, M. & Mocnik, A., 2013. Progetto ANAXUM. Studio di un paesaggio archeologico fluviale e sviluppo di tecniche geofisiche integrate. Conoscenza e tutela del patrimonio sommerso. Proceedings of the Convegno Scuola Normale Superiore (Pisa, 11 Dicembre 2012). Roma: 185-198. Capulli, M. & Castro, F., 2014. Navi cucite di epoca romana: il caso del relitto Stella 1. NAVIS 5. Proceedings of the II Convegno Nazionale (Cesenatico – Museo della Marineria, 13-14 April 2012). Padova: 35-41.

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Fozzati, L., Capulli, M. & Castro, F., 2012. The Stella 1 Shipwreck, Udine, Italy. CMAC News & Reports 3:2: 17-19. Gomezel, C., 1992. Il relitto nel fiume stella. Alla scoperta di un territorio. 2 Topografia romana del Comune di Palazzolo dello Stella (la bassa - Archeologia). Latisana: 26-27. Mengotti, C., 1974-75. Un cippo miliare di Costantino scoperto a Palazzolo dello Stella. Aquileia Nostra: 45-46. Vitri, S., Gomezel, C. & Prenc, F., 1994. Un lingotto di piombo con il bollo dal fiume Stella. Aquileia Nostra 65: 290-291. Vitri, S., Bressan, F. & Maggi, P., 1999. Scavo subacqueo e protezione del relitto “Stella 1”. Interventi 1998-1999. Aquileia Nostra 70: 435-440. Vitri, S., Bressan, F., Maggi, P., del’Amico, P., Martinelli, N., Pignatelli, O. & Rottoli, M., 2003. Il relito romano del fiume Stella (UD). In: L. Fiamma (ed.), L’Archeologia dell’Adriatico della Preistoria al Medioevo. Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Ravenna, 1-8-9 Giugno 2001). Roma: 324-338.

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69. The Akko 1 shipwreck (Israel). New evidence on the ship and its wrecking Deborah Cvikel

Introduction The Akko 1 shipwreck was discovered inside the harbour of Akko (Acre, St. Jean d’Acre), at a water depth of 4 m, and excavated over three seasons in 2006–2008 by the Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies. The shipwreck remains were 23 m long and 4.66 m wide. Two considerable sections of the hull survived: a section of the port side close to the stern, and the lower part of the forward port side. The wood was found in a good state of preservation, and included sections of the keel and false keel, bow timbers, framing timbers, hull planks, and

ceiling planking, most of which were made from eastern Mediterranean hardwoods (fig. 1). Dating The calibrated date range of the 14C-analysis spanned 480 years: AD 1480–1960 (Bonani, 2006; Bonani & Hajdas, 2006; 2008a; 2008b), due to difficulties in calibrating carbon samples from the last 300 years. Consequently, ten wood samples were sent for dendrochronological analysis, and the felling of the trees was

Fig. 1. View of the Akko 1 hull (Photo: P. Faiferman).

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Deborah Cvikel

dated to post-1795. However, the possibility that the trees were felled up to 1840 could not be ruled out. In order to narrow the time span, wiggle-matching analysis, which combines dendrochronology and 14C-analysis, was conducted and indicated a terminus post quem of 1820 (Manning & Lorentzen, 2009; 2010a; 2010b). Based on these results it is suggested that the Akko 1 vessel was built about 1825. The finds, consisting of ceramics, rigging elements and a British Sea Service type musket, were dated between the end of the 18th and the middle of the 19th century. Eleven cannonballs indicated that the ship did not carry shell guns, or that she was armed pre1837 (before the introduction of the explosive shell). Chemical compositions of two cannonballs showed manganese concentrations higher than 0.5 wt%, indicating a post-1839 manufacturing date (Cvikel & Kahanov, 2013: 177; Mentovich et al., 2010: 2524–2526). The finds support the suggestion that the ship was in service not later than the first half of the 19th century. The historical context of the naval campaigns around Akko between 1799 and 1840, specifically the naval bombardment of Akko in 1840, and the fact that there was no other naval campaign in the area in the following years, suggest that the ship was sunk in 1840. The historical evidence supports this dating, as on the eve of the bombardment, Captain Henry Codrington, commander of HMS Talbot, observed a merchant brig anchoring in the harbour (Codrington, 1880: 182). Reconstruction of the original ship Several parameters were considered for reconstructing the original ship and determining her dimensions: length and width of the archaeological find; location of the midships frame, about 9 m aft of the rear face of the forefoot; and comparison with other ships of the period. Another clue was provided by the 17 rigging elements found, suggesting that they were components of a twoor three-masted ship, which would have been of 14–22 guns. Based on this information, it is suggested that the original ship was a 16-gun naval auxiliary brig about 26 m long, with a beam of 7.22 m, and draught of 3.47 m. In addition to the theoretical reconstruction, two 1:10 scale wooden models of the archaeological timber remains were constructed, and were found useful in determining crucial details, such as the curvature of the ship’s hull. These wooden models confirmed a hull length of about 26 m. Conclusions The Akko 1 shipwreck was a 16-gun naval auxiliary brig about 26 m long, built in the eastern Mediterranean, possibly in Egypt. She was sunk inside the harbour,

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probably during the 1840 bombardment of the town, and was apparently not hostile to the defenders of the town. The condition of the hull remains suggests that she suffered considerable damage when she sank. Acknowledgments The underwater excavation and research of the Akko 1 shipwreck were supported by the late Ron Marlar, the Yaacov Salomon Foundation, the late Reuven SadnaiCoral Maritime Services Ltd, the Halpern Foundation, a Sir Maurice Hatter Fellowship, the Hecht Trust, a Jewish National Fund Fellowship, the President, Rector, Dean and Faculty of Humanities, University of Haifa, and anonymous donors, to whom the author is grateful. References Bonani, G., 2006. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 17.7.2006. Unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Bonani, G. & Hajdas, I., 2006. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 5.12.2006. Unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Bonani, G. & Hajdas, I., 2008a. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 8.1.2008. Unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Bonani, G. & Hajdas, I., 2008b. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 15.8.2008. Unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Codrington, H.J., 1880. Selections from the Letters (Private and Professional) of Sir Henry Codrington Admiral of the Fleet, Edited by his Sister Lady Bourchier. Spottiswoode and Co., London. Cvikel, D. & Kahanov, Y., 2013. The 19th-Century Akko 1 shipwreck, Israel: hull-construction report. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 42.1: 167–187. Manning, S.W. & Lorentzen, B., 2009. 14C Dendro Wiggle-match. Unpublished report. Cornell Tree Ring Laboratory, Cornell University, Ithaca. Manning, S.W. & Lorentzen, B., 2010a. Progress Report on Dendrochronological Analyses and Radiocarbon WiggleMatching of Ship Timbers from Akko Bay, Dor-Tantura Lagoon, and Ma’agan Mikhael. Unpublished report. Cornell Tree Ring Laboratory, Cornell University, Ithaca. Manning, S.W. & Lorentzen, B., 2010b. Akko 1 Shipwreck WiggleMatching and Dendrochronological Analysis. Unpublished report. Cornell Tree Ring Laboratory, Cornell University, Ithaca. Mentovich, E.D., Schreiber, D.S., Goren, Y., Kahanov, Y., Goren, H., Cvikel, D. & Ashkenazi, D., 2010. New Insights Regarding the Akko 1 Shipwreck: A Metallurgic and Petrographic Investigation of the Cannonballs. Journal of Archaeological Science 37.10: 2520–2528.

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70. The Zakynthos shipwreck (Greece) revisited. Preliminary report of the survey in 2012 Katerina P. Dellaporta

Introduction Almost 25 years ago, after the disposal of an aerial bomb of World War II by the Navy Special Forces, local fishermen discovered a wooden shipwreck one nautical mile from the harbour of Zakynthos island in the Ionian sea, southwest of the reef ‘Dimitris’ or ‘Signalo’ at a depth of 10 to 15 m (fig. 1). In 1990, the Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities in collaboration with the Institute MARE of the University of Oxford, initiated a systematic underwater research programme (Dellaporta & Bound, 1999). From 1994 to 2000, excavations were conducted exclusively by the Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities of the Ministry of Culture, under the direction of the author. However, for administrative reasons the systematic research was not resumed after 2000 and any underwater archaeological operation on Zakynthos shipwreck has been suspended for twelve years. Until 2000 almost two third of the hull had been excavated. For in situ preservation of the wood the shipwreck had been covered with geotextile. As this method was used for the first time by the conservator of antiquities of the Conservation Department Anastasia Pournou (1999) a proper evaluation was not available. To offer the possibility to investigate the effects of the geotextile in situ protection method further by Anastasia Pournou it was decided to revisit and survey the shipwreck again after twelve years in 2012.1 Because of the lack of time the centre of the shipwreck could not be excavated so the hull could not be documented. The periphery of the southern side and the centre of the hull however, could be cleaned for photogrammetry.2 During the previous research campaigns ten trial trenches were opened; four in the northern area of the site during the excavation between 1991-1997 and six in 2000 in the diametrically opposite southern end (edge) of the ship, aiming to reveal whether this corresponded to the bow or to the stern (πρύμνη) of the ship (fig. 2). Concerning the stratigraphy, the results should not be considered reliable, due to the fact that

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Fig. 1. Side-scan sonar survey in 2012 by dr. D. Sakellariou (Hellenic Centre of Marine Research, HCMR).

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Katerina P. Dellaporta

Fig. 2. South side of the vessel.

the bottom has been repeatedly disturbed: the surface of the seabed consists mainly of sparse vegetation of algae while the next layer consists of compact greyish silt, in which are found broken shells, and sparsely scattered and crushed hazelnut shells and small fragments of decayed wood. Wreck remains In the northwest area of the wreck a large number of beams are disorderedly arranged bearing clear indications of a violent collision. The discovery of large pieces of rock that were detached from the reef and were found in situ wedged between broken frames, is also a strong indication of this violent collision. Clear traces of burning were observed on timbers found in situ at a large depth and on pottery fragments. This indicates that after the violent crash of ship into the reef, a fire started that had contributed to the destruction of the vessel. A large part of the west part of the ship’s hull had been preserved almost intact, while the concave part of the ship near the ribs E57-W38 is preserved in a 120° position in relation to the central axe. In the southern area of the wreck many additional wooden elements brought to light, which seem to have a structural function to strengthen the vessel skeleton (fig. 3). This indicates that the southern edge is the stern rather than the bow of the ship, as the construction of the stern should be strengthened in order to

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withstand the forces exerted by the ship’s helm. It is still likely that the ship had a pointed stern (fig. 4). Ιn 2000 a considerable part of the planking was revealed which was in most cases marked with the Greek letter Ξ 3, while on the inner surface at the west side of the ship a type of tar caulking is preserved. Albeit according to E. Rieth that part might correspond to the lower deck of the ship. Ιn terms of shipbuilding, the most important find of the excavation in 2000 was a large transverse wooden beam, of square cross section – Ξ1 –, which defines the longitudinal axis of the hull, with a direction of NE to SW. It has been severely distorted, possibly due to the collision of the vessel with the reef, because it bends towards the north in a spectacular way. The Ξ1 has a nail concretion in place and it bears a rectangular hole that at first appeared to correspond, in terms of construction, to the mast step in the keelson of the ship.4 Excavation in the area below the Ξ1 beam revealed the joints (attachment points) between the eastern and western frames. It is supposed that the keel of the ship should be looked for under the timber marked Ξ1. The wooden construction elements from the eastern side are lying in situ while in the centre of the hull the construction is less destroyed, allowing for a more detailed study of the joints of the frames and the planking of the ship in the future. The excavation led to a more complete picture of the skeleton of the ship. Based on the current data, the total length of the ship is estimated at approximately 20 m.

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Fig. 3. Southeast side of the vessel (Photo: Kostas Katsaros, Ministry for Culture – General Direction of Antiquities & Cultural Heritage).

Fig. 4. Garboard strake under the sternpost (Photo: Philippe Groscaux, Centre Camille Jullian, CNRS).

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Finds The research until 2000 had yielded a varied series of finds: −− a piece of wood which is probable the handle of a woodworking tool. Incised are the initials PV, of the Latin alphabet and an equal-arm cross of potent type. −− pulleys, copper ‘nuts’ of 4.5 x 4.5 cm diameter, two of them of smaller dimensions, found in 2012 outside of the hull. −− a thin pipe of white clay of eventually Dutch origin with a small head and a broken stem, bearing a leaf shape (floral) decoration around it (Oswald, 1975). −− pottery finds from the first period (1994-1997) in the trial trenches of the northwest side of the ship were of rather poor condition consisting of small-sized shards, belonging to various parts of vessels such as handles, edges, bases, etc. The pottery found in the year 2000 on the contrary, at the southern side of the vessel, consisted of intact or well preserved vessels, such as a deep vase with a dark blue glazing , which was found west almost in contact with the Ξ1 beam and a vessel with a blue-green glazing and incised Salomons’ bond decoration in the background and a floral incised decoration on the vessel’s rim. −− in the same area, metal cooking utensils (pots) were also found, in a very bad state of preservation as well a handle and part of cookware (a copper spoon with a thick layer of oxidation), −− a broken stem of a glass. −− a bronze shank of a vertical object, probably a candle holder which has been distorted. −− stone cannon balls of different diameters from 86-101 mm with a weight ranging from 2.5 to 4.5 kg. A special find category were thousands of hazelnut(s) (shells), scattered over the seabed but also in the deeper sediment layers of the excavation trenches (fig. 5). They were mixed with silt and in excellent condition, depending on the depth where they were located. In the southern part of the wreck hazelnuts are sparser but always present. On part of a loose wooden element, broken up in a triangular shape, and covered with a pitch coating, deep imprints of hazelnut have been preserved. If this wooden element was part of the floor planking, then it seems that either the nuts were freely scattered in the hold of the ship and they have been marked on the pitch, due to high temperature, possibly a result of fire, or they were stored before the pitch coat was fully dried. The hazelnuts can be divided into three different types in terms of size (large) and shape (mature). Many of them still have their edible kernel. The type of the fruit species is Corylus Avellana, the Καρύα ή Ήρακλεωτική, mentioned by Θεόφραστος (Theophrastus) in the ‘Inquiry into Plants’ written between the 3rd and the 2nd century BC (Theopharstus, 1916). It is not certain if this was the main cargo of the vessel, or for the food of the crew nevertheless it is an important indicator in determining

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Fig. 5. Hazelnuts (coryllus avellana betulacae).

the origin and route of the boat as the cultivation of the fruit was still unknown in Europe but it was cultivated in Kastamon in the Black Sea, at Mount Athos and in Ayia of Volos in Greece Another group of special finds consisted of 180 silver coins found in situ between the frames and the planking. The negative imprints revealed silver coins of Philip II of Spain, minted in 1585 (the year of siege and occupation of Antwerp by Spanish troops). The coins bear an inscription in Latin PHILIPPUS DG HISPANIARUM. 1585 ET INDIARUM REX (‘Philip by the grace of God, king of Spain and the Indies of the year 1585’). One side bears the emblems of Castille and Leon and on the other side the crest of the Habsburg dominions. It is worth noticing the presence of a single coin which bears on one side a coat of arms and on the other the emblem of the French house of Valois. Its (hardly legible) inscription presents the names PHILIPPUS ET ELISABET.5 In contrast to the great number of coins that have been found in the northwest part of the wreck, in the southern part only three Spanish coins were recovered, of which one was, as we can see so far, minted in the years of the Catholic King of Spain. Fragments of ceramics of different qualities also occur in small quantities among the finds of the 2012 survey, apart from animal bones, a part of horn, some pits of olives and an acorn, a small iron nail and a large number of concretions. An unique and notable object which was brought to light in 2012 was a golden oval pendant bearing on one side the Holy Virgin with Child and the inscription LA MADONNA MONTOVI – ROMA and on the other side the Trinity depicted as God the Father, Christ Crucified and the Dove above (fig. 6).

Around it was the inscription in Latin capital letters VENITE AD ME OMNES which was an extract from the

gospel of Matthew 11, 28: “Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis, et onerati estis, et ego reficiam vos.”6 The ship’s ballast which came to light during the survey of 2000 is mostly concentrated towards the centre of the hull and consisted mostly of colourful pebbles and gravels of pyritogenous rock. Samples from the

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The series of coins in the northern part of the wreck and the single coin from the southern part which bear the emblem of the Catholic King of Spain, together with other coins minted in the reign of Philip II, support the hypothesis that the ship was probably sailing under a Spanish flag. Notes

Fig. 6. The golden amulet.

ballast were analysed by the laboratory of Raw Mineral Materials of the Department of Geology, University of Patras, in order to identify the mineral-petrographic provenance. Similar rocks occur in many parts of the Mediterranean basin. The coexistence of all these different kinds of lithotype in the ballast of the shipwreck, indicate several areas of origin, like the coastal areas of the Cyclades, Naxos and Paros and other areas in the Aegean. Conclusions

The evidence so far indicates that the wreck is a merchant vessel, built in the skeleton first technique, that carried hazelnuts in the hold as main cargo. It appears that the hull was mainly made of oak, a hard wood species widely used in shipbuilding. Dendrochronological research on random wood samples by the National Centre for Scientific Research – Atomic Energy Demokritos and the Forest Research Institute of the University of Athens University showed a building date of the vessel between AD 1485-1634.

The inner and outer part of the hull are covered by a thin uniform coating of tar, which is analysed by the Demokritos laboratory of the National Centre of Scientific Research and Nuclear Energy and proved to be based on a plant product and not an oil product. The hazelnuts are 14C dated between c. AD 1480-1630 and AD 1478-1629.

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1 This research has been co-financed by the European Union (European Social Fund – ESF) and Greek national funds through the Operational Program “Education and Lifelong Learning” of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) - Action THALES: reinforcement of the interdisciplinary and/or inter-institutional research and innovation with the possibility of attracting high standard researchers from abroad through the implementation of basic and applied excellence research. The 2012 Zakynthos shipwreck survey had been realised in the context of the research project of the Technological University of Athens, THALES – MERMAID: “Saving wooden shipwrecks in the Mediterranean marine ecosystems: research, development and applications of innovative methods of in situ protection” co – financed by the EU. In 2012 a combined interdisciplinary international research took place bringing together the General Direction of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage (Katerina Dellaporta, Dionyssis Evangelistis archaeologists), the Department of Conservation of the Technical University of Athens – TEI , (Anastasia Pournou, Stavroula Rapti, Maria Petrou, Nikolaos Androutsopoulos, Ekaterina Malea, Eva Apostolakopoulou, Maria Giannoulaki, conservators), Dimitris Sakellariou (Hellenic Centre of Marine Research, HCMR), Eric Rieth (Université Sorbonne - Paris I), Giulia Boetto, Philippe Groscaux & Vincent Dumas (CNRS, Centre Camille Jullian). Irene Radič (Zadar University), Kruno Ζubcič (Croatian Conservation Institute), David Gregory (National Museum of Denmanrk), Jǿrgen Dencker (Vikingeskibsmuseet Roskilde), Sabrine Marlier (Musée Archéologique d’ Arles), Anya Rutter (archaeologist, DEGUWA Germany), Kalliopi Baika (archaeologist, EEA), Athanasios Psaroyiannis (topographer), Eustratios Pavlides (architect), Konstantinos Katsaros (chief diver & photographer), Athena Patsourou (technician), Anastasios Goulas (captain of “Agios Dionyssios” glass boat), and the students, Dionyssios Antypas (University of Athens), Maria Vidali and Pavlos Fylaktos (University of Peloponnese), Ilya Touli & Dimitris Mitsos (Technical University of Athens, TEI ). I thank all of them for the hard work they have done. 2 Photogrammetry has been realised by Eric Rieth of Sor­ bonne - Paris I, Giulia Boetto, Philippe Goscaux and Vincent Dumas from CNRS – Centre Camille Jullian . 3 Ξ = ύλο (greek) = wood. 4 According to Eric Rieth and Giulia Boetto the hole should not correspond to the mast step but to a deck pillar. 5 The third wife of Philip in 1560 was Elizabeth Valois, just 13 years old who died in 1568. His next marriage was in 1570 with Ann of Austria.

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6 “Δεῦτε πρός με πάντες οἱ κοπιῶντες καὶ πεφορτισμένοι, κἀγὼ ἀναπαύσω ὑμᾶς”, “Come to me all you that labor and are burdened, and I will refresh you.”

References Dellaporta, K.P, 1999. L’épave du XVIème siècle aux abords de l’île de Zakynthos. In: Schutz des Kulturerbes unter Wasser. Veränderungen europäischer Lebenskultur durch Fluß – und Seehandel. Beiträge zum Internationalen Kongreß für Unterwasserarchäologie (IKUWA ‘99), 18-21 Februar 1999 in Saßnitz auf Rügen. Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mecklenburg – Vorpommerns, Lübstorf: 203-211. Dellaporta, K., Το τέλος του περιπόλου ενός καραβιού, ανασκαφές στα Επτάνησα, Καθημερινή, Επτά ημέρες (Κυριακή 26 Ιανουαρίου 1997), 19−21. Δελλαπόρτα, K.Π., 2002. Nαυάγιο Ζακύνθου: Προκαταρκτικά αποτελέσματα υποβρύχιας ανασκαφής 2000. ΕΝΑΛΙΑ VI: 40 – 48.

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Dellaporta, K.P, 2002. To ναυάγιο ενός πλοίου του 16ου αι. στο λιμάνι Ζακύνθου. ΖΑΚΥΝΘΟΣ, Λογοτεχνικό Ιστορικό & Λαογραφικό Ημερολόγιο, 3η χρονιά: 209-216. Δελλαπόρτα K. Π, 2000. Ναυάγιο του 16ου αι. στο νησί της Ζακύνθου (προκαταρκιτκά αποτελέσματα 1991-1997). Πρακτικά ΣΤ΄ Διεθνούς Πανιονίου Συνεδρίου, Ζάκυνθος 23-27 Σεπτ. 1997, τ. A, Θεσσαλονίκη: 213-221. Dellaporta, K. & Bound, M., 1999. A wreck beside the Signallo reef outside the main port of Zakynthos (Zante), Greece. In: H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis V. Proceeding of the 5th Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity, Nauplia 1993. Athens: 141-152. Oswald, A., 1975. Clay pipes for the archaeologist. BAR, British series 14, Oxford. Pournou, A., 1999. In situ protection and conservation of the Zakynthos wreck. PhD Thesis. Theophrastus, (translated by A.F. Hort), 1916. Enquiry into Plants, Books 1-5. Loeb Classical Library 70. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

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71. ‘The Ghost Ship’ (Gotska Sandön Island, Sweden). Deep-water archaeology in the Baltic Sea Niklas Eriksson & Johan Rönnby

In 2003, two companies, Deep Sea Productions and MMT (Marin Mätteknik), discovered a shipwreck c. 30 nautical miles east of the island of Gotska Sandön in the middle of the Baltic Sea. In complete darkness, 130 m below the surface, an almost completely intact old ship was standing upright on the sea-floor (fig. 1). An inspection by a Remotely Operated Vehicle (ROV) revealed a ship of the character we meet in paintings by masters such as Reiner Nooms, the Van der Veldes and Ludolf Bakhuysen, a merchant fluyt (Dutch for ‘flute’) from the mid-17th century. Since 2009, the discoverers have been working together with the Maritime Archaeological Research Institute (MARIS) at Södertörn University in an international scientific project investigating the wreck, dubbed by the team as ‘The Ghost Ship’.

Deep-water archaeology To a large extent the project has been concerned with the development of technology for archaeology at great depths. In pioneering work, the sampling and recording has been carried out using ROVs, which have replaced diving archaeologists (fig. 2). A single transducer Reson 7125 multibeam echo-sounder was mounted on one of the ROVs, which gathered reference-points for the entire wreck site. The beams of the echo-sounder penetrated the upper deck and the holds, resulting in accurate measurements of the hull´s interior. The final 3D model of the wreck collates over 6 million depth-soundings and allows us to look inside the ship, with the location of bulkheads and deck levels (Dixelius et al., 2011;

Fig. 1. Digital 3-dimensional model of the Ghost Ship (3D model: MMT).

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Fig. 2. The ROV peeps through the windows of the cabin in the stern of ‘The Ghost Ship´ (Photo: MMT/Deep Sea productions).

Eriksson, 2014: 37-52; Eriksson & Rönnby, 2012). Both a thorough video record and fairly accurate site plans and sketches of the ship have been produced (fig. 3). Description of the hull Seen from above, the outline of the hull looks like a rectangle with slightly rounded corners. In cross-section it reveals the characteristic ‘tumble-home’ of 17th-century ships. The hull measures 27 m between the posts and 7 m in the beam, and is carvel-built. In the bow and stern, where the sides of the hull rise above the gunwale, the planking is clinker-laid. Two large bow anchors have been found on the seabed underneath their original position. The ship has two additional anchors: one standing abaft the windlass, resting towards the bulwark on the starboard side, while the other hangs on the outside of the port side. The main loading hatch is situated just before amidships. The main hatch provides access to the lower deck, a deck level which runs parallel to the main deck. The coaming is intact and has a nearly square opening measuring just over 2 m on each side. In between the main

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hatch and the windlass is a smaller opening in the deck, providing access to the cable tier. The portside section of the main deck is covered with a thin sediment layer embedding the rigging details that are scattered here. Towards the starboard side the deck has broken up, revealing the dimensions as well as the location of the deck-beams, which are c. 20 cm thick. In between these beams, half-beams of thinner dimensions are placed. Water that entered the ship from above, through high seas or rain, was evacuated through four scuppers, placed amidships on each side of the hull. The lower deck ROVs have explored those parts of the lower deck that are directly accessible from the main loading-hatch as well as the smaller hatch just abaft the windlass. Judging from other site-formational indications from the site, it seems that loose objects were pushed forward as the ship hit the seabed. Broken casks, wooden boxes and barrels have been observed in the forward part of the lower deck.

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Fig. 3. Side-view, cut-through, longitudinal section and plan of the coherent hull structure, created through combining measurements from a 3D model and impressions from a video (Drawings: Niklas Eriksson).

Fore and aft structures The forecastle is low, with a height of only c. 140 cm between the decks. A grinding stone and anchor buoys are visible in this room. A pile of what appears to be some form of soft organic material, possibly sailcloth or rope, has also been found in here. The general impression is

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that it functioned as a storage area rather than as accommodation for crew members. The lodgings were located under the quarterdeck in the ship´s stern. The decks and floors in the stern are oriented horizontally and follow the waterline instead of the sheer of the planking. The remnants of the foremost beam of the quarter deck reveal that the door that provided access to

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the space underneath the quarter deck was placed to starboard. This door provided access to the galley. The hearth, built up like a box and internally covered with tiles, is located towards the port side. After passing through the galley one enters the main cabin through a door in the now disintegrated bulkhead that used to separate the two rooms. The cabin is a relatively large room, and served as accommodation for the ship´s crew. According to Richard Unger, seven men and a boy could handle a fluyt of 150 t in the Norwegian trade, and the size of the crew did not rise in proportion to the tonnage (1978: 45; 1994: 122). In the middle of the stern cabin there is a table, now resting upside down, and two chests. The size of the chests suggest that they functioned as seating. With three crew members on each chest, and perhaps one person at each end, the seating would have been adequate to gather the whole crew around the same table. The cabin has two elegantly-shaped window frames in the stern. On the starboard side of the stern, below windows, there is a square loading-port. Long objects, such as planks that could not be stowed through the main hatch, were taken on board through this opening. Slightly below this port is a nailed-down port that would have provided access to the hold. The tiller enters the ship through a low channel above the roof of the main cabin and the helmsman stood out on the quarterdeck and steered the ship using a whipstaff (for a comparable example see Harland, 2011: 97-102; Wegener Sleeswijk, 2003). Abaft the helmsman, on top of the main cabin, was a small room. The roof has disintegrated, as well as the bulkheads. No clearly identifiable objects have been found to indicate how this space was used (for a more thorough discussion regarding the interior of the fluyt, see Eriksson, 2014: 53-124).

Decoration and name ‘The Ghost Ship’ has the characteristic pear-shaped fluyt stern, with a rounded lower part and a flat transom above the rudder. The horizontally oriented planks that originally covered the transom are missing. The transom was flanked by two nearly life-size sculptures depicting mid-17th-century merchants in fashionable clothing. These were found loose on the seafloor just underneath their original location. One of these ‘corner men’ (hoekman in Dutch) was salvaged in May 2010 by an ROV fitted with a mechanical claw. A brief inspection after the sculpture was brought to the surface revealed red paint on the hat and black on the coat (Hocker, 2010). The sculpture has been sent to the Dutch Cultural Heritage Agency in Lelystad (Ship Archaeological Department), the Netherlands for conservation and further analysis of paint and exhibition (Koehler et al., this volume). Originally the ship´s name would have been revealed by a sculpture on the transom in between the two hoekmannen. At a time when most people could not spell their own name, the names of ships were signalled through sculptural symbols, in the same way the home port would have been expressed though the coat of arms for that town. When the ROV surveyed the area abaft the ship, a sculpted piece of wood lying among other timbers came into view. It has the shape of bird´s body, possibly a swan. The original name of ‘The Ghost Ship’ is therefore likely to have been the Swan, or at least the word ‘swan’ would have been part of the name (for a discussion regarding the sculptural embellishment on the fluyt, see Eriksson, 2014: 151-180). The wreck reveals many more decorated and ornamented details among which the three knightheads, all with carefully carved heads (fig. 4). While the

Fig. 4. The three knightheads abaft the mainmast (Photo: MMT/Deep Sea productions).

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decorations on the ship are impressive, they are not extraordinary for the period. Indeed, compared to the decorations on warships from this era, they are in fact on the more subtle side. Rig The fluyt was the most standardized ship of its day, and this included the rigging. These ships carried a rig with three masts. The main- and foremasts carried square sails, whereas the mizzen had a lateen. The fore- and main-undermasts still standing and the wreck site provide us with spars, yards and other rigging parts that could be reassembled to recreate such a rig. Not only can we reassemble more or less the entire rig, but it is also possible to reconstruct the last trim of the sails! The spars and yards have fallen down below their original positions as the cordage holding the rig together rotted away. The mizzen-yard, which used to hold the lateen sail, rests diagonally on top of the stern, oriented as if the wind came from starboard. The foreyard has a similar orientation as the mizzen, although it has fallen down and rests towards the port side. The main yard is oriented reverse to the fore- and mizzen-yards. This indicates that the sails were set to ‘heave to’. Heaving-to involves backing one or more sails in order to balance the driving force from the others. This manoeuvre is used whenever there is reason to slow the ship down. Why this was done we simply don’t know. Perhaps all hands were needed at the pumps, or they slowed down in order to get into the lifeboats? The main cause of the sinking remains unknown. A Baltic wreck in a global world Despite the vast quantity of fluyts built, surprisingly little is preserved to reveal their appearance today (cf. Hoving, 1992; Wegener Sleeswijk, 2003). The Dutch were world-leaders in shipbuilding in the 17th century, not just by virtue of shipbuilding traditions, but also through their innovative practices both in technology and in production methods, and in this respect they may be regarded as forerunners of 19th-century industrialisation (cf. Unger, 1978: 2). The wreck thus allows us to study an important type of ship that so far we have known only from pictures, written sources and significantly-less-intact wrecks. The fact that it is built in the Dutch tradition, however, is no guarantee that the vessel was owned and sailed by Dutchmen. Ship-owners from Sweden and other nations ordered ships to be built in the Republic (a wellknown, wrecked example is the fluyt Anna Maria which foundered in Dalarö harbour in 1709, see for instance Ahlström, 1997: 87-110; Eriksson in press). Fluyts were also built around the Baltic Sea (cf. Müller, 1998: 176), and Dutch ships are known to have sailed under the Swedish

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flag in order to achieve tax reductions (Fahlström, 1947; Magalotti, 1912: 50-51; Ufkes, 2001). Much of the raw material, such as wood, iron and tar used for construction of ships in Amsterdam, Zaandam and elsewhere, originated in the Baltic area. The wood used for ‘The Ghost Ship’ to some extent confirms these conditions and the globalized 17th-century world. Dendrochronological analysis of a plank from the wreck suggests that a possible provenance of the timber might be the island of Gotland. The sample lacked its outer rings, but was estimated to be from c. 1640±4 years (with a maximum time span of between 1636 and 1666) (Linderson, 2009). A sample of wood from the hoekman in the aft has also been analysed for dating. The sculpture was carved from a single piece of Scots pine (Pinus sylvestris L.) that had grown in the northeast of current day Germany. The outermost ring present in the wood dated to AD 1652, and having identified sapwood, the felling of the tree is likely to have taken place between AD 1669 and 1693 (Koehler et al., this volume). Research perspectives The potential for research and analysis also includes several other topics beyond the technicalities of construction. Fluyts were an important tool for contemporary society and a significant part of the history behind the success of trade and the Dutch economy in the 17th century, which includes the introduction of a global economy, East Indian trade and the establishment of trading posts in the New World. Baltic trade also had a special importance for the Dutch, and thousands of ships would sail to the Baltic each year. However, political situations and historical events could change this rather quickly. In 1661-64 roughly 70 Dutch ships passed through the Sound from Sweden, but when a war started in 1665 only eight Dutch ships passed out of the Baltic from Sweden in this particular year. On the other hand, the number of Swedish west-bound ships surged during 1666-74 to 150200 ships every year (Müller, 1998: 175-76). From a general historical perspective, the wreck can be seen as part of Baltic history and also theoretically as part of processes related to the pre-industrial development of capitalism. A discussion in this field might touch on the importance of technology as a driving force in history, but also on the role and significance of a reformist mentality in this connection. This is a classic historical question that necessarily involves the work of both Karl Marx and Max Weber as well (Rönnby, forthcoming). As demonstrated above, the intact state of the hull also provides a rare opportunity to study the interior of a 17th-century ship and may be used as a springboard for the study of everyday life on board ships (Eriksson, 2012; 2014). We do not yet know whether the crew managed to reach land after ‘heaving-to’, and jumped down into the ship’s life boat. If they did, subsequently leading

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to some written documents, we might be able to find more information on what really happened out there in the middle of the Baltic Sea. But that is another chapter, and so is the question as to whether this remarkably well-preserved ship may someday leave the bottom and be taken up into the light again to become a unique museum object. Acknowledgements The Ghost Ship Project is a collaboration involving Deep Sea Productions, MMT (Marin Mätteknik) and MARIS at Södertörn University, and has been financially supported by the Knowledge Foundation, Sweden. Other partners have been: the Dutch Cultural Heritage Agency, Ship Archaeological Department (Lelystad, Netherlands); The Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&M, USA; Statens Maritima Museer, Sweden; and the Centre for Nautical Archaeology at Southampton University, UK. Many people have contributed to the project’s results, and for their supportive co-operation we especially wish to thank: Jon Adams, Carl Douglas, Malcolm Dixelius, Donovan Griffin, Björn Hagberg, Fred Hocker, Joakim Holmlund, Ab Hoving, Laura Koehler, Gert Schreurs, Martijn Manders, Olof Nilsson, Ola Oskarsson, Benno van Tilburg and Oscar Törnqvist. References Ahlström, C., 1997. Looking for leads: shipwrecks of the past revealed by contemporary documents and the archaeological ­record. Helsinki. Cederlund, C.O., 1983. Vraket vid Jutholmen—fartygets byggnad. Statens Sjöhistoriska museum rapport 19, Stockholm. Dixelius, M., Oskarsson, O., Nilsson, O. & Rönnby, J., 2011. The Ghost Ship Expedition: Frontline Deepwater Archaeology in the Baltic Sea. Hydro International 1, vol. 15: 14-18. Eriksson, N., 2012. The Lion Wreck: a survey of a 17th-century Dutch merchant ship-an interim report. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.1: 17-25. Eriksson, N., 2014. Urbanism under Sail: An Archaeology of ­fluit ships in Early Modern Everyday Life. Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 95. Södertörn University, Huddinge. Eriksson, N., in press. Lodging in a fluitship; the material setting of everyday life on board Anna Maria of 1694. Journal of Maritime Archaeology. Eriksson, N., forthcoming. The construction and rigging of the Ghost ship. In: J. Rönnby, The Ghost Ship. Maritime Archaeological investigations and interpretations of an intact 17th century fluyt in the Baltic Sea. Eriksson, N. & Rönnby, J., 2012. ‘The Ghost Ship’. An Intact Fluyt from c.1650 in the Middle of the Baltic Sea. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 350-361.

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Fahlström, J.-M., 1947. Till belysning av holländarnas ekonomisk-historiska insats, In: Forum Navale 8, Sjöhistoriska samfundet, Stockholm: 73-97. Harland, J., 2011. The Whipstaff. The Mariner´s Mirror 97.1: 97-102. Hocker, E., 2010. Condition Report, Sculpture from the Ghost Wreck. Unpublished report, Swedish National Maritime Museum. Hoving, A.J., 1992. Seagoing Ships of the Netherlands. In: R. Gardiner (ed.), The Heyday of Sail. The Merchant Sailing Ship 1650-1830. London: 4-54. Koehler, L. et al., 2017. Tracing ‘The Ghost Ship’ (Sweden). Can the hoekman reveal her construction date and origin? In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde. Laughton, L.G.C., 2001 (1st pub. 1925). Old ship figure-heads & sterns: with which are associated galleries, hancing-pieces, catheads and ad divers other matters that concern the “grace and counterance” of old sailing-ships. Mineola. Lemée, C., 2006. The Renaissance Shipwrecks from Christianshavn: An archaeological and architectural study of large carvel vessels in Danish waters, 1580-1640. Ships and Boats from the North 6, Roskilde. Linderson, H., 2009. Dendrokronlogisk analys av Spökskeppet funnet öster om Gotska sandön. Catras dendro nr: 53521. 200903-19. Unpublished report, Lunds university. Magalotti, L., 1912. Sverige under år 1674, från italienskan med 23 samtida bilder, utgifven av Stenbock, C. M. Nordstedts. Stockholm. Müller, L., 1998. The Merchant houses of Stockholm, c. 16401800. A Comparative Study of Early-Modern Entrepreneurial Behaviour. Uppsala. Rönnby, J., forthcoming. Research design, context and interpretation. In: J. Rönnby, The Ghost Ship. Maritime Archaeological investigations and interpretations of an intact 17th century fluyt in the Baltic Sea. Schama, S., 1987. The Embarrassment of Riches. An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age. New York. Wegener Sleeswijk, A., 2003. De Gouden Eeuw van het Fluitschip. Van Wijnen. Ufkes, T., 2001. Nederländska skeppare på stockholmska handelsskepp, 1685-1700. Forum Navale 56, Sjöhistoriska samfundet, Stockholm: 35-59. Unger, R.W., 1978. Dutch Shipbuilding before 1800. Ships and Guilds. Assen. Unger, R.W., 1994. The Fluit: Specialist Cargo Vessels 1500 to 1650. In: R. Gardiner, Cogs Caravels and Galleons. The Sailing Ship 1000-1650. London: 115-130.

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72. The Angra D wreck (Azores, Portugal). Study and reconstruction of an Iberian ship Tiago Miguel Fraga & José António Bettencourt

Introduction It was in the 15th century that the Europeans, not long after they began to explore the Atlantic, became keenly aware of the geographic significance of the Azorean Archipelago. Up to the introduction of oceanic steam navigation in the mid-19th century, the natural factors influencing sailing in the Atlantic forced ships heading for Europe from Africa, Asia or America to pass near the Azores or to call at the Azores islands (Matos, 1988). Throughout the 16th and part of the 17th centuries, the main Atlantic port of call was located on Terceira Island, at Angra City, which became a deep sea harbour for Portuguese and Castilian ships returning to Europe (Matos, 1988; Meneses, 1984). Angra expanded around the bay which gradually developed into a seat of power. A harbour was built, including several anchorage sites, and a shipyard with facilities to support navigation. For its protection a complex and extensive fortification system was created (Bettencourt & Carvalho, 2009: 72-74). Given this historical background, the archaeological record of this area is naturally rich. To our knowledge the first archaeological studies started in 1961 when the Portuguese Navy and the Azores Air Command recovered several canons at Fanal Bay, followed by two British surveys on the Terceira’s coastline. Research according to acceptable scientific standards was only recently conducted (in 1995 to 2001) by a joint Portuguese and American team. This research included the survey of several wrecks (i.e. Angra A and B) and a rescue excavation of two 17th-century wrecks - Angra C and Angra D (Garcia & Monteiro, 1998). In 2006, CHAM (Centro de Historia de Além-Mar) started a new project in Angra bay which included a survey of the anchorage area where artefacts related to maritime activities ranging from the 16th to the 20th centuries were discovered, as well as the study of several wrecks (Bettencourt & Carvalho, 2009). In 2011, the team also examined the available data related to Angra D, probably an early 17th-century

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Spanish vessel according to the associated artefacts (olive jars, blue on blue majolicas and Werra products). This shipwreck was excavated in 1998 by a Centro Nacional de Arqueologia Náutica e Subaquática (CNANS) team and the ship timbers were buried on a nearby underwater location for long term storage. Some timbers were recorded underwater by a joint Texas A&M University and Direcção Regional da Cultura (DRaC) team in 2000-2001. One of the main 2011 mission goals was the investigation and analysis of the Angra D hull. It was our belief that with the available data from the excavation and a new recording of the timbers it would be possible to develop a reconstruction concept of the vessel. Therefore, the timbers would be raised and recorded on land instead of doing this underwater as during the DRC/INA operation. However, it appeared that the exposed timbers were eroded by substantial colonies of shipworms (teredo navalis) and by an extreme cellular decay. In terms of archaeological record the timbers were completely lost. It was decided not to continue the excavation of the deposits in order to preserve any remaining information. Due to this setback any attempt towards a reconstruction had to be based almost exclusively on data from previous missions. From the 1998 excavation there is a photographic coverage of the vessel still in situ, a photo-mosaic of the framing and a direct tracing of the ship’s framing, but all incomplete. The rest of the documentation of that mission consists of a direct tracing of the ship’s hull planking and 12 video recording tapes. The CNANS team produced a 1:10 scale map of the shipwreck in situ. The following TAMU/DraC field mission recorded several timbers at 1:10 scale drawings as they were removed from the underwater deposit. Most of this data is by default two-dimensional and the lack of depth information increases the challenge to accurately recreating the ship and subsequently a reconstruction concept. Although some depth information regarding the vessel was recorded in 1998, no systematic depth information exists which could serve to solve this issue.

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Nevertheless, the project was continued and was subdivided in three stages: 1. to confirm the proposed origin, date, typology and overall dimensions of the vessel; 2. to create tentative lines drawings; and 3. to propose a scantling plan. Previous studies The initial study of the vessel stated that the Angra D wreck was Iberian in origin, probably Spanish, and dated from the last two decades of the 16th century or the first decade of the 17th century: “with a keel length of 44 codos, Angra D should correspond to a two-decked galleon with 456 toneladas” (Garcia & Monteiro, 1998: 45). The same report also stated that the “size of frames, floor timbers and futtocks, as well as distance and space between frames suggest a ship between 400 and 500 tons displacement, and an overall length between 35 and 40 m” (Garcia & Monteiro, 1998: 61). A latter publication by Monteiro (1999: 228) lists the following dimensions (table 1).

Several inconsistencies between the available field data and the lack of information regarding those first studies prompted a revision of the proposed dimensions of the ship. For example, the assessment of the field data and its introduction into a Geographic Information System, showed that the initial plan had been published with an error scale - in fact, the area occupied by the ship is approximately 29 m of length, and not 35 m as reported (fig. 1). However, although timber analysis is currently underway to confirm the origin and date of Angra D, our study assumes the ship’s Iberian origin. First, as stated on the excavation report, the shipwreck present several archaeological features coinciding with Oertling’s (2001, 2005) proposed signatures of Iberian-Atlantic typology. Second, the artefact assemblage strongly suggests a Spanish origin and points to the first quarter of the 17th century. If we attribute an Iberian shipbuilding tradition for this vessel, in the modern period there were specific rules of proportions for these vessels according to the available treatises. These proportions were derived from the keel’s length in the Portuguese case (Barata,

Table 1. Estimated dimensions of the Angra D ship. Keel 25.5 m 45. 76 codos

Breadth

Plan

Rake (Stem)

Rake (Stern)

Total length

12 m

3.84 m

8m

4m

37.5 m

21.53 c

10.34 c

14.35 c

7.18 c

67. 29 c

Fig. 1. Angra D wreck; corrected plan (Drawing: J. Bettencourt).

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72. The Angra D wreck (Azores, Portugal)

1989) or resulting from the maximum breadth in the kingdoms of Spain (Serrano, 1991). From those two base measurements, both systems derived the remaining ship’s proportions (stern and bow lengths and heights, depth in hold and maximum height). To ascertain Angra D’s overall dimensions both systems were analysed. In the Spanish shipbuilding system the two basic units of measure are the Codo and the Codo de Ribeira, which have different metric equivalents – the Codo with 55.43 cm and the Codo de Ribeira with 57.5 cm (Serrano, 1991: 94). Serrano’s (1991: 94) research indicates that since 1590 the basic shipbuilding unit was the Codo de Ribeira with 57.47 cm, regarding the assumed date of the vessel, for the purpose of this reconstruction the Codo de Ribeira of 57.47 cm was utilized. Keel’s length (Portuguese system) The excavation report indicates a total keel’s length of 25.5 m (Garcia & Monteiro, 1998: 28). However, that is not corroborated by the archaeological records. Based on the drawings from the DRC/INA joint mission the keel was composed of four timbers (fig. 2). Due to the loss of the 1998 original tags, three of the timbers were retagged during the DRC/INA mission as they were removed from the deposit and the fourth remained with the stern assembly. The new tags (Q12 to Q14) do not correspond to their original position in the ship and the arrangement of these pieces had to be determined by the current research. Q12 is a keel timber of 6.05 m and the remaining fastener’s holes indicate the placement of minimally 11 frames upon it. A vertical scarf is recorded in one of the extremities. Q13 is a 4 m long timber, again the fastener’s pattern allow minimally 14 frames upon it. From 2.2 m forward there is no more fastenings and the timber curves upward. A vertical scarf exists in one of the extremities. Twenty-four angle measures were made - they appear to represent the entry angles of the fastenings. Those angles, the timber curvature and the framing pattern, suggest that this timber is at the beginning of the stem. Q14 is a timber of a length of 8.1 m with

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a minimum of 19 frames attached to it. No scarves where recorded on this timber but cross-sections recorded every two m give the angle of the garboard. Based upon those cross sections we can estimate the position and the direction of the timber. The total length of the three keel timbers is 18.15 m. Adding the 4.25 m length of the piece attached to the stern assembly the total length comes to 22.4 m. Q14 exhibits garboard angles as expected from a timber oriented towards the centre of the ship. This suggests that Q14 starts at one of the extremities and goes almost up to the master frame. In Q12, the fasteners’ direction suggests that the master frame is in the opposite direction of the scarf. Assuming this is the case, Q12’s scarf is presumably the matching half of the Q13’s scarf – both scarves have exactly the same length. So, Q13 might be both the end of the keel and the start of the stem. In our estimate, the keel ends at 1.6 m length from this timber and the remaining 2.4 m is part of the stem curvature. In short, from bow to stern, the current proposal for the keel is Q13 (1.6 m), followed by Q12 (6.05 m), based upon the scarves, and Q14 (8.1 m),being a piece curving upwards, connects the remaining keel section to the stern (4.25 m). This gives a joint straight keel length of about 20 m. To further confirm this hypothesis, this keel assembly was compared with the keelson drawings and in this way we were able to match the keelson’s maststep timber with Q14. The keelson itself is composed of three timbers united by two scarves (Garcia & Monteiro, 1999: 209). Its length in situ is unknown and for its positioning the report indicates that the scarves were in between rider floors 8 and 9 and rider floors 3 and 4 (Garcia & Monteiro, 1998: 28). During the DRC/INA field mission three pieces of the keelson were drawn. Based upon the existing data, the keelson dimensions ranges between a minimum length of 15.3 m and a maximum length of 22.4 m. Notwithstanding the difficulty in ascertaining the keelson’s total length due to lack of information, it is possible to determine that the keel length could not exceed 22.5 m, if both ends have survived as indicated in the excavation report (Garcia & Monteiro, 1998: 28).

Fig. 2. Angra D wreck; keel and keelson assembly proposal.

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The discrepancy between our proposed 20 m length and the original 25.5 m keel length requires further confirmation. Although no direct contact drawing was done for keelson or keel, a direct contact of the vessel’s framing was made, in theory covering the entire vessel. Measuring every single frame and space from the available direct drawings we have 17.63 m of ship’s length. No contact sheet was done for the final fore part of the ship, but giving an average 40 cm per frame and space to the final five frames we have an estimated ship’s length of 18.5 m. Adding the 4.25 m of the stern assembly, a minimum ship’s length of 22.75 m is possible. Analysis of the ship fore area on the 1998 map does indeed suggest that the ship survived almost to both ends and cannot achieve the proposed 37.5 m total length. In conclusion, keel and keelson length suggests that Angra D could be one of the following ship types (table 2). This table is based upon the 1613 Ordenanzas, being the closest Spanish legislation to the probable date of the vessel (Serrano Mangas, 1992: 211-239). Table 2. Ship types by keel length in the Codos da Ribeira and its assumed metric equivalents. Spain (1613) Navio 148 toneles

Keel

Metric 34

19.54 m

Navio 207 toneles

36

20.68 m

Navio 258 toneles

38

21.84 m

Galleon 381 toneles

40

22.99 m

Maximum breadth (Spanish system) Following the Portuguese shipbuilding scheme the question of the ship’s size cannot be answered as the keel’s total length cannot be accurately measured. In the Spanish system on the other hand the rule of proportions was based on the maximum breadth of the vessel. Frame 101 is believed to be the master frame, where the maximum breadth would be located (fig. 3). This frame survived up to the second futtock. However, there is a gap of information because not all pieces were drawn before the interruption of the TAMU/DRac missions. Fortunately, the floor timber survived and was recorded, which allows us to ascertain the plan (straight distance between starboard and port turn of the bilge). In Spanish shipbuilding the size of the plan (floor) is directly proportional to the ship’s breadth. In the 1613 and 1618 Ordenanzas the plan to breadth ratio is 1:2 (Serrano Mangas, 1992: 211-239). The total floor length at frame 101 is 3.9 m and the distance between scarves is 2.8 m. However, the alteration in shape at the port extremity clearly indicates that the floor timber extends beyond the turn-of-the bilge, from 3.3 m onwards. This should correspond to the overlapping area between floor and first futtock. Lacking clear indication of the turn-of-the bilge point, we have a minimum plan of 2.8 m, related to the distance between scarves, to a maximum plan of 3.3 m. This, according to the 1613 Ordenanzas (Serrano Mangas, 1992: 211-239) corresponds to the range of vessel types in table 3.

Fig. 3. Angra D wreck; master frame (Base drawing: Custer. 3D: Baço and T. Fraga).

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72. The Angra D wreck (Azores, Portugal) Table 3. Range of vessel types according to the 1613 Ordenanzas. Spain (1613) Floor Metric Breadth Metric Keel Metric Patache

5

2.87 m

10

5.75 m

32

18.39 m

Navio 148 toneles

5 1/2

3.16 m

11

6.32 m

34

19.54 m

Navio 207 toneles

6

3.45 m

12 6.90 m

36 20.68 m

Navio 258 toneles

6 1/2

3.74 m

13

38

7.47 m

21.84 m

Preliminary concept of Angra D Looking at both the Spanish and Portuguese approaches, we arrive at three ship types which can be taken into consideration the results (table 4). The currently available data places Angra D in the Navio category, ranging between 148 and 258 toneles. At this stage it is not possible to further refine the hypothesis regarding the vessel’s size. In the upcoming stage 2 of the project tentative wireframes of all three vessels will be composed, based strongly upon Serrano’s (1991) research on Spanish ship design but adapted to the proposed dimensions and knowledge of the master frame shape. Fore stage 3 there will attempts for a further fine tuning by a waterline study based upon specific features visible in the archaeological record. Table 4. Equivalent ship types of both shipbuilding traditions, in bold the type common to both. Spain (1613) Floor Metric Breadth Metric Keel Metric Patache

5

2.87 m

10

Navio 148 toneles

5 1/2

3.16 m

11 6.32 m

34 19.54 m

Navio 207 toneles

6

3.45 m

12 6.90 m

36

Navio 258 toneles

6 1/2

3.74 m

13 7.47 m

38 21.84 m

7

4.02 m

14 8.05 m

40 22.99 m

Galleon 381 toneles

5.75 m

32

18.39 m

20.68 m

Conclusions Although the present work implied revising the available archaeological data without the substantial material culture contribution which was initially expected of

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the Angra D remains, the merging of historical sources with the archaeological evidence allowed a further understanding of this vessel. Our current hypothesis gives a size of 200 to 300 t displacement. However, stage 2 has yet to be completed and together with stage 3 we hope to shed more light regarding the design and construction features of this very challenging research. References Barata, J.G.P., 1989. Estudos da Arqueologia Naval (2 vols). Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda, Lisboa. Bettencourt, J. & Carvalho, P., 2009. Arqueologia marítima na baía de Angra (Angra do Heroísmo, Terceira): enquadramento e resultados preliminares do projecto PIAS, AMC – Arqueologia Moderna e Contemporânea n.º 1. CEAM: 69-91. Garcia, A.C. & Monteiro, P., 1998. Intervenção Arqueológica no âmbito da construção da marina de Angra do Heroísmo: 2 Fase – 1999. Escavação e desmontagem dos destroços dos navios Angra C e Angra D. Report, available at Direcção-Geral do Património Cultural, Lisbon. Oertling, T., 2001. The Concept of the Atlantic Vessel. In: F. Alves (ed.), Proceedings International Symposium on Archaeological of Medieval and Modern Ships of Iberian-Atlantic Tradition. Instituto Português de Arqueologia, Lisboa: 213–228. Oertling, T., 2005. Characteristics of Fifteenth and SixteenthCentury Iberian Ships. In: F.M. Hocker & A. Ward (eds), The Philosophy of Shipbuilding. Texas A&M Press, College Station: 129–136. Matos, A., 1988. As Escalas do Atlântico no século XVI. Instituto de Investigação Científica e Tropical Centro de Estudos de História Antiga e Actual, Lisboa. Meneses, A., 1984. Angra na rota da Índia: funções, cobiças e tempo. In: Os Açores e o Atlântico (séculos XIV- XVII), Actas do Colóquio Internacional realizado em Angra do Heroísmo de 8 a 13 de Agosto de 1983. Instituto Histórico da Ilha Terceira, Angra do Heroísmo: 721-740. Monteiro, P., 1999. Os destroços dos navios Angra C e D descobertos durante a intervenção arqueológica subaquática realizada no quadro do projecto de construção de uma marina na baía de Angra do Heroísmo(Terceira, Açores): discussão preliminar. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia 2.4: 231–261. Serrano, J.L.R., 1991. Arquitectura de las Naus y Galeones de las Flotas de Indias (2 vols). Seyer, Malaga. Serrano Mangas, F., 1992. Función y evolución del galeón en la Carrera de Indias. Mafre, Madrid.

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73. The Rutland Island wreck (County Donegal, Ireland). A 17th-century mystery Connie Kelleher

Introduction Peeping out from the sandy seabed in the shallows off Rutland Island, in northwest County Donegal, are the relics of what appears to be an early- to mid-17th-­ century shipwreck. Rutland Island (Inis Mhic an Doirn) is located immediate to the small harbour of Burtonport (Ailt an Chorráin), a small fishing village and working port that developed from the late-18th century onwards. The reason for the ship being off Donegal at that particular time, its identity, why it wrecked and the fate of those on board remains a mystery. It seems reasonable to presume that, due to the proximity of the wreck to the shore, at least some of the crew may have made it safely to Rutland Island – at the time called by its Gaelic name Inis Mhic an Doirn, with the name being changed in 1785 in tandem with the expansion of the fishing industry there (Kelly, 1985: 79). The lack of any written evidence to date for a ship having been lost in that specific area and the absence of local knowledge of ship losses from that period means that we are relying mainly on the archaeological evidence in our assessment of the site. The wreck lies some 120 m off the southeast corner of Rutland, adjacent to the earlier, traditional navigation channel which only leisure craft owners and local boatmen now use. The ship appears to have run bow first toward Rutland and stranded there, listing to starboard. What we do know is that it was an armed ship that carried both ordnance and weapons, and preliminary dendrochronological analysis points to a date in the first half of the 17th century. Local divers reported its discovery to the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) in 2009 and an inspection dive was undertaken that summer to assess the wreck. The timbers of the ship were well preserved and the full outline of the lower part of the hull, 18 m from bow to stern, was evident. Because of its obvious significance and the fact that it was in shallow water and therefore particularly vulnerable to treasure hunters and other forms of interference funding was made available by the

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Department for an assessment of its potential. Under the 1987 National Monuments (Amendment) Act all wrecks over 100-years are protected. Under this legislation a dive licence is required to be taken out if diving on protected wreck sites in Ireland. From 2010 to 2013, the UAU carried out targeted survey and internal excavation of the wreck and provided here is an overview of the results from the UAU Rutland Island Shipwreck project. Work on the site In 2010 the test excavation of the bow and stern revealed the wreck remains to be substantial. Some 2 m depth of lower hull is preserved, with the stern area providing most evidence of depth of structure. The bow had broken open, probably when it hit the sandy submerged shore of Rutland Island, causing it to spill its contents. Spread across the bow area were red brick, two lead scuppers, and a quantity of Iberian type ware; the fragments of pottery were recovered during the initial test trench opened in that area in 2010. During a survey in the immediate vicinity of the wreck, carried out in collaboration with the divers who discovered it, an intact tripod pipkin, lying upside down on the seabed just outside the wreck, was found by local diver Michael Early (fig. 1). Following the initial test excavation a decision was taken to fully excavate the shipwreck internally. The aim was to recover the artefactual material and to record the structure and constructional details. The National Museum of Ireland agreed to take the artefacts for conservation and curation. In situ preservation of the actual wreck was the preferred option, as the potential cost of conservation and lack of suitable conservation facilities in Ireland militated against the recovery of the wreck itself from the sea at this juncture. A detailed bathymetric and metal detection survey was also carried out around the wreck site in 2010. In 2011, the nature of the proposed excavation necessitated a larger diving

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73. The Rutland Island wreck (County Donegal, Ireland)

Fig. 1. Tripod pipkin discovered in 2010 by local divers.

platform and the UAU teamed up with colleagues from the Geological Survey of Ireland (GSI) who provided their vessels the RV Keary and RV Geo for the project. In turn, the GSI were able to undertake their own work, as part of INFOMAR’s mapping of the seabed, within the

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general harbour of Burtonport and the islands, as well as undertake a detailed side scan and bathymetric survey of the wreck site itself. The 2011 and 2012 excavations saw most of the internal area of the hull investigated (fig. 2). Two specific contexts were identified; an upper layer of loose sand and fine gravels, with a high content of degraded shell which was removed easily and which overlay a more compact and almost estuarine layer (context 2) that covered the wreck site. This anaerobic globular silt that essentially sealed the archaeology served to preserve the shipwreck over the centuries. Context 2 was removed with more effort, though it could be peeled off in places, and was sampled for analysis. Upon completion of each year’s investigations, the site was back-filled and stabilised, using a combination of sandbags and loose sand. This was to protect the wreck site from erosion, scouring and infestation of marine borers; the latter evident on the wreck site both from antiquity but also as live specimens, the effects of which are discussed in more detail below. 2013 was the final year of excavation work on site. It concentrated on the stern of the wreck and excavated externally to reveal the stern assemblage, including the lower transom, rudder and right down to the keel and skeg.

Fig. 2. Plan of the stern area from 2011; F35 is part of a cant, either the lid of a barrel or base of a bucket, that was lodged under one of the transom knees.

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Connie Kelleher

The wreck The wreck lies at a depth that ranges between 3 m at the stern and 5 m at the bow at high water; it is orientated east-west, with the bow facing west. Approximately 18 m of the lower, well-constructed oak timber hull remains intact, with its starboard section buried in the seabed and turn of port elevated and slightly exposed. The ship essentially came to settle on its lower starboard side and over the intervening centuries its upper works have disappeared, perhaps through a combination of salvage, natural erosion and degradation. The hull section is remarkably well preserved and is extant at the stern up to the beginning of the orlop deck timbers, including lodging knees and floor planking (fig. 3). Similarly, the lower rudder mechanism is also present, still attached to the main sternpost, with markings for its iron ­pintles clearly visible and with its gudgeons still in place. The lower transom timbers and transom planking

are preserved, with deadwood, sternson and sternpost remains. The outer hull planking at the stern is also well preserved and fixings overall are predominantly treenails and dowels. During the course of excavation in 2012 the broken up remains of barrels were encountered in the midship hold. Such was the depth of this material that a decision was taken to expose and record but not excavate fully the barrel material, primarily due to time constraints. This meant that the entire internal area of the wreck itself would not be excavated, with part of the contents of the wreck being left in situ. Upon completion of the project, however, over three quarters of the inside of the wreck was excavated. The excavation of 2013 allowed full structural recording, including a detailed analysis of the rudder mechanism and constructional details on the port side. Internal constructional details revealed that the keelson has been broken in several places over time, with two mast

Fig. 3. Main image showing recording of the stern of the wreck; inset image shows turned wooden bowl, musket and harquebus shot and walnut shells.

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73. The Rutland Island wreck (County Donegal, Ireland)

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Fig. 4. Bow broken open with scatter of red brick; inset image shows recording of well-preserved rope near the bow area.

steps recorded from dislodged sections and with several lengths of the keelson missing. Remaining sections became detached from the main structure in antiquity, resulting in problems assessing the mast steps and their relative positions. This, in conjunction with it not being possible to fully excavate the inside of the wreck, meant that a full overall internal constructional plan of the wreck itself could not be achieved. External recording at the stern therefore provided further valuable constructional details on the ship itself. While the stern area remains intact, the bow has broken open, with only the turn of the stempost on the port side extant and seen in profile. The deadwood is visible, as is the forefoot, apron, lower stem and keel, but the upper bow section on the port side has been lost over time. The internal floor timbers and ceiling planks are present (fig. 4) and from the position of the stern and bow and from evidence from the broken keelson, it is apparent that the ship broke its back aft of midship and the stern and bow therefore present as obliquely twisted in relation to each other on the seabed. A programme of

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annual monitoring and assessment is now in place at the wreck site, by the UAU, and in continuing liaison with the local divers who discovered the wreck, inspection dives are undertaken on the site. Artefactual assemblage From the investigations undertaken at the site a variety of artefactual material has been recorded, with over 300 artefacts recovered to date. This ranges from pottery of Iberian type (Merida and olive jar ware), porcelain shards and utilitarian wares, including German stoneware and North Devon gravel tempered ware (McCutcheon & Meehan, 2012). Munitions including lead musket and arquebus shot, iron and stone cannon balls, and a musketeer’s bandolier belt were found. Leather pieces from shoes and well preserved rope (fig. 4), twisted braid and woven matting have been recovered from the midship’s and bow area. A finely made and well-preserved turned wooden bowl was recovered from the hold of the stern

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(fig. 3). Numerous barrel staves and hoops, intact and disarticulated, and representative of the cargo on-board were recorded but mostly left in situ across the midships area, but a representative sample of intact hoops and withies were recovered for analysis along with any staves or cants identified. Two coins were also recovered during the metal detection survey, lying off the wreck to the southwest, but they are too degraded to provide a positive date. Both appear to be Spanish reale pieces and are currently undergoing specialist analysis in the National Museum. The distribution of recorded artefacts from within the wreck is beginning to reveal spatial information on activities on board. Certainly the majority of the munitions, including the bandolier belt, have come from the stern area. Pottery, however, is spread evenly across the full length of the wreck, with a large amount of the Iberian type wares coming from the bow section. Here too the scatter of red brick represents the remains of the galley hearth. Fragments of olive-type ware in the form of a chafing dish were recovered from the stern. It has to be borne in mind, however, that due to the shallowness of the wreck and its proximity to the shore, there must have been intensive salvage and interference with the site over the centuries. The broken and scattered remains of barrels, for example, suggests that there has been cultural disturbance and redistribution of material within the ship, compounded by the natural forces of wind, tides and currents. Two intact barrel hoops have been recovered and others are recorded from within the main hold of the wreck, but no composite barrels or full barrels were recorded that would provide evidence for cargo or stowage. A number of barrel staves, one with maker’s marks on its external face, and barrel cants were also recovered. To date the maker’s mark has not been identified but research is ongoing with the hope that it will be traceable to either a maker or location. Environmental assessment As the wreck itself was being left in situ, the question of the long-term preservation of the wreck site had to be considered. To assist with this the UAU were joined by Dr David Gregory of the National Museum of Denmark to evaluate the wreck site from an environmental perspective. Dr Gregory assessed the state of the timbers and advised on the in situ preservation of the site. A variety of methodologies were applied in his analysis, including the taking of small wood cores from freshly exposed in situ timbers to determine density levels. This was done with an increment borer and three samples were taken from the stern. The results showed that wood that was buried is well preserved, retaining tool marks and construction details and having a high density over all (Gregory, 2012: 1). Sampling of loose timbers for evidence of wood borer attack was also undertaken.

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Infestation of mollusca (shipworm) and crustacean (gribble) were show to be present in both dead and live forms. All shipworm identified were teredo navalis. The gribble infestation at the wreck site is intensive, with two species, Chelura terebrans and Limnoria spp, identified (Gregory, 2012: 5-8). In order to determine the rate of infestation on the site, wood degradation of exposed timber and sediment recoverability, several techniques were employed as experimental tools. Sacrificial softwood blocks of fresh pine were assembled along a suspended string (polyprop) and fixed to the seabed at intervals around the wreck. A set of six blocks formed part of a sacrificial string that, when fixed in place, would float vertically in the water column. Across selective sections of the wreck site a roll of thin cotton mesh, to act as debris netting, was laid and fixed in place to act as a sediment trap. Following recovery in 2013 the sacrificial strings showed that the timber blocks nearest the seabed were the most intensely infested, while those furthest away and floating above the wreck have little or no worm damage. The mesh too was still in place and almost fully covered, indicating that it was successfully attracting silts and sands and helping the wreck site to reinstate itself. Dendrochronology and timber provenance Dr Aoife Daly also visited the site during the project to advise on the most viable samples of timber for dendrochronological dating. Two framing timbers and one ceiling plank matched well together and formed a mean curve of 146 years. Using English tree-ring chronologies, the outermost preserved tree-ring was formed in AD 1595. Two other framing timber samples had sapwood preserved and again, using English chronological data that included analysis of sapwood, a general date of between AD 1595-1639 and AD 1595-1620 was established. The other two structural timber samples, a futtock fragment and keelson sample, which retained 19 and 92 treerings respectively, could not be cross-matched with the other timbers and thus could not be dated. Two potential furniture pieces (possibly from sailors’ trunks or sea chests) cross-matched with each other. One gave a mean curve of 155 years in length that covered the period AD 1395-1549 while the other, which also retained sapwood, was felled in the period AD 1561-1606 (Daly, 2012: 2-3). Dr Daly has suggested that when taking the dates from the structural timbers with sapwood into consideration, a felling date of c. AD 1595-1620 for the trees used to build the Rutland Island ship can be suggested. From the English chronologies used for the dating of the timbers, very high t-values dominate for chronologies from Herefordshire, Gloucestershire and Worcestershire; all in the Western Midlands/South Wales border area (Daly, 2012: 4-6).

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73. The Rutland Island wreck (County Donegal, Ireland)

Wreck possibilities and historical context Although there are 33 or so known wrecks recorded for the area, with 13 of these specific to Rutland Harbour and its islands, very few, if any, of these references can be attributed to the remains of the Rutland Island Wreck (SIID: Donegal). In the late-16th century, two Spanish Armada ships were wrecked in the area, one the hulk or store ship Barque d’Amburg and the other the transport ship Castillo Negro. These two vessels are recorded as having been wrecked in 1588 ‘off ’ the NW coast of Donegal and their exact location is subject to debate. A contemporary 18th-century source recounts that brass cannon found in Rutland harbour in 1793 were probably from the Armada (Clarke & McArthur, 1799: 291). While the reputed depth of that wreck is tantalising considering the shallowness of the Rutland Island wreck, the dendrochronological results militate against the Rutland wreck being one of the Spanish Armada ships. It is to the first half of the following century that we must look to seek potential candidates. Indeed the assemblage of artefacts recovered from the wreck to date, including the much worn and well water-rolled coins that appear to be Spanish cobs, suggest an early- to mid-17th-­century date for the wreck. Few if any ships are recorded as having been lost in this period in the area in question apart from one reference in the State Papers for the 1650s. This refers to an encounter between Oliver Cromwell’s representative in the area, Captain Humfry Fellsteed, and a local Irish ‘rebel’ named James Crone O’Donnell, who was resident on ‘Enismacdorne’ (Rutland Island) and who plundered ships that entered the harbour. O’Donnell took as prizes two small barks and Capt. Fellsteed, who was stationed on the Marigold in Killybegs Harbour to the southwest, immediately set sail and on the 20th March 1653 surprised O’Donnell and his colleagues. During the engagement, O’Donnell and his crew sank one of the two English vessels. Recorded as being bulged (sank to the waterline), this suggests that she was in shallow water, with the ship’s mainmast being broken. The locals pillaged the cargo and everything was carried away apart from salt, which was ‘spoilt’ (Cal. S.P. Ire. 1625-1660: 392). It is not stated clearly that the ship was sunk off Rutland Island, but what is recorded is that the crew made it to shore, from where they headed for refuge in the nearby hills. It is thus possible that the bark was deliberately sunk near the mainland, as Rutland does not have any mountains, being relatively flat and only just rising above sea level. References like these from contemporary sources provide clues as to what was going on in the area at the time – a period of political, economic and social change in Ireland. It was also a time when the major Atlantic trading routes were opening up and the maritime nations in northwest Europe were vying for supremacy of the seas. Rather than being on the periphery, Ireland and its coastal waters were central to these maritime highways across the ocean from Europe to the New World,

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the East and West Indies and the Continent. While the dendrochronological analysis points to an English-built ship, the fact remains that we still do not know if it were an armed merchant vessel, a naval ship – royal or parliamentary, a ship owned by a local ruling clan, a pirate vessel or a prize taken by a pirate and beached at Rutland to be plundered at ease and then salvaged over time. Discussion Post-excavation analysis of the assemblage is really only beginning but from what has been recovered already a broad spectrum of life on board the ship is represented. The munitions and armaments inform on the armed nature of the vessel, with the musketeer’s bandolier lending credence to the possibility that there were military on board. The pottery assemblage has a late 16thearly-17th-century date range (McCutcheon & Meehan, 2012) and the Iberian type wares point to a ship that, if not carrying wares from its native land, may have either traded with or plundered goods from another ship or location with Iberian connections. The barrel remains, though dispersed within the wreck, have the potential to tell what was being carried or traded and indeed the maker’s marks may point to a port of origin. The wreck remains are of a medium-sized, well-constructed, English oak-built, armed, post-medieval ship. How and why the vessel came to be wrecked off Rutland Island remains a mystery. Though initially thought to be associated with the Spanish Armada campaign of 1588, based on the later dating results a number of other possible explanations have to be considered. The wreck may well be an unknown armed merchant ship, pirate vessel or prize taken and then abandoned by pirates operating at that time along the western Atlantic coast of Ireland (Kelleher, 2013). Such ships and their crews would have fully engaged with the Gaelic Lordship of Uí� Bhaoill (O’Boyle), Mac Suibhne na dTuath (MacSweeney Doe) or resident admiralty officers in the area, to the mutual benefit of all involved. Certainly the ship when beached would have been highly visible for at least some time after, but the story of its wrecking and subsequent disintegration was lost over the centuries, either as a deliberate effort to hide it from formal admiralty jurisdiction or because its loss was so rapid that it soon disappeared from view and ultimately from memory. Research into and interpretation of the construction of the wreck will hopefully lead to a more informed interpretation of the ship itself. Analysis of how it was built, where the timbers came from, structural details and constructional elements may indicate a particular design, tradition and technology. While perhaps not revealing the actual identity of the ship such analysis may provide us with a likely origin or association that will ultimately make sense of the Rutland Island Shipwreck.

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Acknowledgements The author would like to thank everyone involved in the investigation of the Rutland Island wreck for the hard work, support and interest. To Chief archaeologist, Brian Duffy and Director of National Monuments, Terry Allen for their ongoing support. The team members of the UAU - specifically colleagues Fionnbarr Moore and Karl Brady, and private sector archaeologists engaged as part of the team who have always given their all to the work at hand. The project could not have been done without the collaboration of the GSI/INFOMAR, in particular the crew of the RV Keary. The author also expresses her thanks to colleagues in the National Museum of Ireland for their continued advice and help; to Drs David Gregory and Aoife Daly for taking the time to join us in Donegal. The author is grateful to Mr. Patrick Boner for sending information on the reference Heard, 1852. The people of Burtonport were always willing to help and assist and not least the local divers who discovered the wreck. The author particularly remembers with great respect and friendship diver Liam Miller whose untimely death in 2014 has left a void in the project team and sadness in all our hearts; this paper is dedicated to him. References Cal. S.P. Ireland 1625-1660, Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Charles I and Commonwealth. SP 63/283 f. 17: Capt. Humfry Fellsteed to Mr. Blackburne, Secretary to the Committee of the Admiralty, at Whitehall, 29 March 1653. State Papers Online.

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Clarke, J.S. & McArthur, J., 1799. The Naval Chronicle 1799- 1818, Vol. 1. I. Gold Publishers, London. Daly, Dr A., 2013. Dendrochronological analysis of oak from a shipwreck near Rutland Island, Co. Donegal, Ireland. CCA Report 12. Unpublished Report. Underwater Archaeology Unit, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. Gregory, Dr D., 2012. Preliminary assessment of the Rutland Wreck: State of preservation and future Protection. Unpublished Report. Underwater Archaeology Unit, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. Heard, R., 1852. Old anchor found on the north-west coast of Ireland. Illustrated London News, June 12th 1852. Kelleher, C., 2013. Pirate Ports and Harbours of West Cork in the Early Seventeenth-Century. In: A. Rogers (ed.), Journal of Maritime Archaeology: Special Issue: The Social Archaeology of Ports and Harbours: 347-366. Kelleher, C., 2015 (forthcoming). Ireland’s Golden Age of Piracy: History, Cartography and Emerging Archaeology. In: C. Ewen & R. Skowronek (eds), Pieces of Eight - X-Marks the Spot, II. University Press of Florida. Kelly, J., 1985. William Burton Conyngham and the North-West fishery of the Eighteenth Century. The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 115: 64-85. McCutcheon, C. & Meehan, R., 2012. Preliminary analysis of pottery assemblage from the Rutland Island Shipwreck. Unpublished report. Underwater Archaeology Unit, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. SIID: Shipwreck Inventory of Ireland Database: Donegal Wrecks. Underwater Archaeology Unit, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht.

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74. Tracing ‘The Ghost Ship’ (Sweden). Can the hoekman reveal her construction date and origin? Laura Koehler, Martha Domí� nguez-Delmás, Luc Megens, Bianca du Mortier, Matthijs de Keijzer, Henk van Keulen, Martijn Manders & Benno van Tilburg

Introduction On May 11, 2010, a wooden sculpture from the so-called ‘Ghost Ship’ was salvaged (see Eriksson et al., this volume). This ship, identified as a typical 17th-century fluyt, lies on her keel in the Baltic Sea, at a depth of 130 m. The retrieved sculpture, originally positioned on the left corner of the stern of the ship (hence the Dutch name hoekman, ‘corner man’) depicts a merchant and is about 171 cm high, with a diameter of about 50 cm and a weight of approximately 150 to 200 kg ) (fig. 1). Remnants of paint are still preserved on several parts of the sculpture, indicating that, originally, it was fully painted in different colours. Analyses were carried out to narrow down the place and time of its production, as these results could help inferring information about the construction date of the ship. Wood identification and dendrochronological research The hoekman was carved from a single piece of Scots pine (Pinus sylvestris L.) that grew in the northeastern part of current Germany (fig. 2). The outermost ring present in the wood dated to AD 1652 and, having identified sapwood, the felling of the tree could be established between AD 1669 and 1693 (fig. 3). Historical costume research The hoekman is dressed in a so-called rock (Dutch for a knee-length, close-fitting jacket that closes mid front by a row of buttons) and wears puffed breeches over the stockings, a neck cloth and shoes with a large shoe buckle. On his head he has a hat with wide brim and the round crown on the right side is up. Such style of dress can be dated between AD 1665 and 1675. A good

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Fig. 1. The sculpture of the hoekman.

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example of a man with similar clothes is Pieter Cnoll, leading trader and merchant of the VOC in Batavia, who is depicted in a painting from AD 1665 by Jacob Coeman (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, SK-A-4062) (fig. 4). Pigment research X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (XRFS), microscopy and scanning electron microscopy with energy-dispersive x-ray analysis (SEM-EDX) showed that pigments such as hematite, yellow ochre, vermilion, orpiment and carbon black had been applied on the sculpture. Analysis with gas chromatography and mass spectrometry (GC-MS) showed that linseed oil had been used as paint binder. These pigments were commonly used in Europe in the 17th century, supporting the relative date provided by the typology of the ship.

Conclusions From the different analyses can be inferred that if the hoekman was made to decorate the Ghost Ship in first instance, the period of construction of the ship could be placed in the 1670s. The fashionable style of dress of the sculpture would suggest that it was carved in the Netherlands, implying that it was used to decorate a Dutch ship. References Eriksson, N. et al., 2017. ‘The Ghost Ship’ (Gotska Sandön island, Sweden). Deep-water archaeology in the Baltic Sea. In: J. Gawronski et al. (eds), Ships and Maritime Landscapes. Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Amsterdam 2012. Barkhuis Publishing, Eelde.

Date last ring AD 1652

Fig. 2. Distribution of Pinus sylvestris and the wood provenance.

sapwood

1500

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1550

1600

Fig. 3. Dendro-dating of the wood

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Fig. 4. Merchant Pieter Cnoll dressed in a rock (detail of the painting in the Rijksmuseum, SK-a-4062).

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75. Boat F of Pisa (Italy). A small Roman riverboat Vasiliki Kyprouli

Introduction In 1998, during works for the expansion of a railway station in San Rossore (Bruni, 2000), archaeological excavations have brought to light the Site of the Ancient Ships of Pisa (Cantiere delle Navi Antiche di Pisa). Over the last 14 years, studies have proved that the site concerns not a ‘proper’ port, but more a smaller river-course near the commercial port of Pisa, between the two main rivers of the city at that epoch: Arno and Auser (Pasquinucci, 2003). This water-course that maybe connected the two rivers served for the circulation of water around an agricultural area, outside but near the city of Pisa, as well as for the transportation infrastructure (Bruni, 2002). The environment of Pisa was of course different from what one can see today, with the coastline much more inland and with an intricate network of canals, lagoons and marshy areas, mentioned also by Strabo (V, 5,2) for its complex port system imposed as such by the geomorphological conditions of the past. The first traces of use of the area date back to the 6th century BC, as proved by embankment palisades dated from that time. The site stratigraphy testifies of a series of repeated destructive floods of the river Arno, that occurred approximately every 100 years and which gradually during the centuries changed the stream’s location towards the north. The site might have been abandoned after 10 centuries of extensive use, due to accumulation of sediments in the area. Innumerable artefacts of diverse periods related to maritime and harbour life were discovered, as well as thirty river-­going vessels – some complete and others in part (Camilli, 2005b). Excavation of Boat F Boat F was discovered in the layers connected to the Middle Empire floods (Camilli, 2005a), in an area where the concentration of hulls appears denser, leaving open

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the eventuality of the existence of a kind of shoal inside the basin. This boat was one of the first found in San Rossore (fig. 1). Its excavation started in 1999 and was concluded in 2001, when the boat was transferred to the laboratory for conservation. Because of the fragile nature of the hull, it was at that time decided to use an excavation method that included the partial uncovering of the boat’s hull in sections with its simultaneous documentation through photos and total station, treating with resin and covering up by fiberglass. Next, a metal frame was constructed around the boat for transportation to the restoration centre, where it remains until today. Given the inaccessibility of the hull, the present study had to be based on a minimum amount of photos taken during excavation, on inadequate documentation and on a series of scant plots and designs, knowing that this for now obstructs any in-depth analysis. No dendrochronological analysis has been done to date Boat F, but based on stratigraphical evidence, the vessel can be dated in the 2nd century AD. This seems to be confirmed by a coin found in direct contact with the vessel, which was coined by Hadrianus in AD 119-121 (Bruni, 2000). The samples taken from different components of Boat F show that in general the woods used for its construction were hardwoods: deciduous oak for the planking, black alder for the ceiling and the extremities, elm, ash, holly oak and walnut for the fashioning of the frames. Samples of sand taken around Boat F show after palynological analysis that all the trees used as timbers for its construction are represented in the spectra of the clay layers (Giachi, 2003). Construction of the vessel The overall length of its hull is 8.18 m, whereas its maximum width approaches 1.00 m (fig. 2). A certain degree of wood distortion is present, even when the anaerobic conditions that prevail at the environment of the site of San Rossore permit a very fine state of preservation of

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Fig. 1. Plan of the phases of San Rossore (Camilli & Setari, 2005: 30).

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Fig. 2. Plans and elevation of Boat F (Drawing: Daniele Coppini after Tecnostudio77).

the hulls in general. Boat F was found tilted on one side and one of its ends lies deeper than the other. The portside was almost completely preserved to the gunwale, whereas the starboard side showed cracks along the planking and damage of the sheer strake. Both extremities of the hull are quite damaged. Boat F does not have a keel. It has a round bottom whose beam narrows down fore and aft. The planking is single and carvel-built. We can suppose the existence of 10 to 13 strakes, each one being formed by one or two planks connected with diagonal scarves. In general, they are wider in the middle length-wise and narrow down in order to compensate for a smaller area near the wooden block ends, where they were attached. The strakes are edge-joined, connected to each other by the technique of mortise-and-tenons and secured with pegs. We cannot be sure whether the strakes were preassembled before installation or not. On the portside sheerstrake two tholepins have survived, positioned at a distance of 2.24 m centre-to-centre – the length of two classical interscalmia (distance between the oarlocks) as Ronald Bockius observes. On the surface of the planking several splits can be noticed, mostly horizontal ones along the grain or others caused by the existence of pegs. The plank-seams were caulked with a resinous pitch, remains of which have been preserved. It is difficult to identify the number of frames, but based on the 3D-model we consider that there may have been 15, placed around every 40-50 cm and fastened to the planking with pegs. We cannot be sure whether the

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frames are made up of just one piece or more, because the ceiling planks cover them and allow just their upper part to be visible. In some cases, we can be sure that the frames did not consist of one piece, as they were made from two different types of wood, in some others from just one. In the interior, the hull presents six or seven rows of ceiling planks. In most of the cases ceiling planks were composed by two or more elements with butt ends that usually met each other on top of the frames, secured by wooden pegs. The ceiling planks were used not unlike the ones used for the external planking. Boat F was an open vessel without evidence of any decks. Maybe the most particular characteristic of Boat F is the existence of the two wooden blocks symmetrically positioned at the extremities of the vessel (figs 3-4). They are of almost triangular shape with probably pointed ends. The sides are carved as sockets for the side strakes. The connection has been done by headed treenails (∅ 34 cm). On a photo taken during excavation, we notice the existence of a wooden pole protruding from one side. We presume that this pole has been used for steering and that this end is the stern (fig. 4). It is probably attached on the block, part of which has been carved for this reason. This timber was embedded from the portside; not exactly perpendicular to the sides but slantwise in order to reach and penetrate the starboard side only of the wooden block, without exceeding beyond the starboard planking. Boat F seems to have been constructed in a regular way, according to the Mediterranean tradition of the

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Fig. 3. The bow of Boat F (Photo: Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Toscana).

time. We cannot exclude, though, the application of a more ‘conservative’ technique imitating the way logboats were built. This assumption is based on a strong relation of Boat F with dugouts. This likeness stems first and foremost from the two wooden blocks at the extremities. These two carved-treetrunk pieces refer to a simple constructive solution and to the classical way logboats were built. Marco Bonino (in press) observes a similarity between Boat F and some Etruscan terracotta ship models (Biella, 2009). The wooden extremities are also found in the boat of Lake Kastoria (Basch, 1987) and at the Yverdon-les-Bains 2 craft (NAVIS database & Arnold, 1999). A question to be addressed is whether the wooden blocks were placed at the ends as a result of an anachronistic attitude or after a conscious choice of the shipbuilder for the protection of the extremities in the small rivers and canals in which Boat F would have circulated. The truth lies somewhere in-between, as this phenomenon is often witnessed at vessels still in use in other regions of Italy, like the Comacchio lagoon, the river Po and Foggia (Bonino, 2008) as well as at Lake Amatovo in Greece. It seems there was a particular attention for the longitudinal axis of Boat F by the shipwright. The entire plank assemblage of the hull and the length to width ratio of 8:1 seems to confirm this. Besides, other contemporary vessels of more or less the same constructive technique and similar length, like the Herculaneum boat (Steffy, 1985) or the Kinneret Boat (Carlson, 1999), have at least the double beam amidships. This could be an indication that the boats were employed in different situations of course, but on the other hand this could underline a different way of applying constructive concepts, that would also had been given to the craft in favour of manoeuvrability and stiffness, adopted to the environmental conditions of the area.

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As far as the frames are concerned, a certain degree of arbitrariness is noticed in the different kinds of wood, occasionally in the construction of the same frame. This irregularity – not present in their positioning though might also be the result of an old-fashioned construction concept. Three of the frames near the ends of the boat protrude above the sheer line. One of them was placed at the exact point where the wooden block ends. It seems that such a choice does not have any constructional value and could possibly be a support for the positioning of the ceiling planks. This group of frames would have probably played the role of posts to tie off ropes when at dock, or to haul (for example wooden trunks) and be hauled either by other boats or by human hands (near the coast or the dock for small manoeuvres for example) or even by animals that would move along the coast. Propulsion and function of the boat Boat F was a rowing ship as proved by the existence of the two tholepins survived. In his reconstruction study of the Boat F, Ronald Bockius (personal communication) proposes the placing of two other tholes on the starboard side, arranged not diametrically opposite, but asymmetrically. This suggestion is eminently persuading. Observing the starboard side and its deformation, the parts more damaged are almost exactly where Bockius positions the two tholepins. It seems logic, as these would be the most fragile parts of the sheer strake where the boat during its life would have endured much propulsion force. Moreover, an exactly opposite positioning of the tholes would be impossible due to the small beam of Boat F that cannot afford two rowers next to each other. Bockius (2002) also supposes the existence of four thwards where the rowers would normally

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Fig. 4. The bow of Boat F (Photo: Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Toscana).

be seated. However, there is no evidence of slots or recesses on the hull, although their existence cannot be excluded until a more detailed and conclusive examination has been conducted. Other vessels with asymmetrical tholepins which have been observed in Lake Trasimeno, the region of Venice and in Lake Garda and Lake Iseo are propelled by standing rowers. In this case the rowers could also be four as proposed, but they could also be just two, rowing two oars each in asymmetrical position like in Trasimeno. In some cases, we also notice a person standing at the stern of the boat, serving as a helmsman. This would probably be why the wooden pole sticks out of the portside of the vessel. We see a similar beam at the Herculaneum boat as well as at the Geraz do Lima 4 dugout (Alves, Rieth & Alves, 2004). This latter similarity adds another grit in the opinion that Boat F might be a craft-descendant of dugouts. This does not regard the classic through-beam though, as it does not exceed beyond the starboard planking. A helm would be slung on this wooden pole. Therefore the boat could supposedly be punted for small distance transports. For long distances, it could be oared by two or four persons plus a helmsman who would steer and control the manoeuvres. The certain symmetry regarding the two ends, could suggest a double ending of the craft, the stern serving as bow, and the opposite for simplifying manoeuvring and steering in the complex Pisan waterways.

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The employment of Boat F in inland waters is proved by its shape and size and especially its flat bottom, which is in accordance by its discovery in a past fluvial environment. The lack of sails also indicates navigation in calm, easy waters. It is most probable and obvious that this kind of boat would have been involved in fishing activities. The wicker baskets found in the same area support this opinion, as they could probably have been used for fishing or for the transportation of fish. Maybe Boat F was a transporting vessel. Its open deck, suitable for the transport of a small amount of cargo, makes it ideal for ferrying small numbers of passengers, agricultural products or even for the transportation of goods in areas where bigger vessels could not navigate, probably towards the inland region or towards the other ports of Pisa. Conclusion Various characterizations have been attributed to Boat F. Concerning the nature of the vessel, its small size and its monoxyl origin, the use of terms like piroga or ‘canoe’ could be explicable. The Latin term linter, used for Boat F as well, is generally attributed “to describe light, slim craft, either dugout or planked, with flat bottom, designed for inland navigation” (D’Agostino-Medas, 2010). Consequently, Boat F fits also into this category.

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75. Boat F of Pisa (Italy)

From a linguistic point of view in relation to the term linter and its use, nowadays similar words with conspicuously the same origin are used in Italy to describe also small inland going crafts: two examples thereof can be found; one in Messina, where a small craft is called luntro and the other in Trasimeno, where lintri represent every boat of limited dimensions used for inland navigation (Minciarelli, 1986). The hull of this boat reflects three different factors: a Importance on longitudinal axis and wooden blocks at the extremities show the relation to dugouts. b Carvel building, joints, interscalmia, intention for transversal strengthening show the maritime influences of a Roman port. c Dimensions, function, geographical transport zone and place of discovery in combination with wood taxa points to a local construction. Therefore, we have an anachronistic type of boat that embodies the transition to more advanced practices of shipbuilding, without being able to get rid of the local, vernacular building traditions. In consequence, is Boat F the result of conservatism or progressivism? Has it been constructed too late to be called ‘archaic’ or too early to be called ‘Roman’? Anyhow, Boat F represents an unique kind of vessel, sui generis, with a pluralism of influences that in the end compose its individuality. In short, a graceful, elegant and agile craft, engaged in a reality in which we are unable to be absolutely present. References Alves, F., Rieth, E. & Alves, J., 2004. Relatório das missões de recuperação das pirogas 4 e 5 do rio Lima. Trabalhos do CNANS, 2003. Lisboa. Basch, L., 1987. Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique. Institut Hellénique pour la préservation de la tradition nautique, Athènes. Biella, M.C., 2009. Tra fiume e mare, su alcune testimonianze di navigazione nella media Val Tiberina di VII sec. a. C. In: P. Petitti (ed.), Sul filo della corrente, la navigazione nelle acque interne dell’Italia Centrale dalla preistoria all’età moderna: 83-90 (available at: http://sovraintendenzaroma.academia. edu/CarloPersiani/Papers/970139/Il_lago_di_Bolsena_nella_preistoria. Accessed 20.6.2012). Bockius, R., 2002. On the reconstruction of Pisa Nave F by the museum Fur Antike Schffahrt-Mainz. In: Ministero per i Beni e le Attivita Culturali (ed.). The ancient Ships of Pisa.

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A European Laboratory for Research and Preservation/Le navi antiche di Pisa. Un laboratorio europeo di ricerca e di valorizzazione. European Heritage Laboratory, Bruxelles: 23-29. Bonino, M., (in press). L’ épave du Golo, les “sutiles naves” et la navigation en Mediterranée centrale et septentrio­ nale. Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea - An International Journal on Underwater Archaeology. Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, Pisa-Roma. Bonino, M., 2008. Cantieristica navale delle acque interne in Emilia e Romagna tra il XIX ed il XX secolo. In: M. Orlandi & M. Tozzi Fontana (eds), Indagini sul Po. CLUEB, Bologna: 87- 171. Bruni, S. (ed.), 2002. Pisa la città delle navi. Il porto urbano di Pisa etrusca e romana dallo scavo al museo: prospettive e problemi. In: A. Zampieri (ed.), Pisa nei secoli. La storia, l’arte, le tradizioni, Vol. I. ETS, Pisa. Bruni, S., (ed.), 2000. Le navi antiche di Pisa ad un anno dall’inizio delle ricerche. Edizioni Polistampa, Firenze. Camilli, A., 2005a. The minor boats. In: A. Camilli & E. Setari (eds), The ancient shipwrecks of Pisa - A guide. Mondadori Electa S.p.A, Venice: 64-65. Camilli, A., 2005b. The excavation and the wrecks’ lifting. In: A. Camilli & E. Setari (eds), The ancient shipwrecks of Pisa - A guide. Mondadori Electa S.p.A, Venice. Carlson, D.N., 1999. Roman Fishing Boats: Form and Function. In: R.F. Docter & E.M. Moormann (eds.), Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Amsterdam, July 12-17, 1998. Allard Pierson Series 12, Amsterdam: 107-109. D’ Agostino, M. & Medas, S., 2010. Roman Navigation in Venice Lagoon: the Results of Underwater Research. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39.2: 286-294. Giachi, G. et al., 2003. The wood of “C” and “F” Roman ships found in the ancient harbour of Pisa (Tuscany, Italy): the utilisation of different timbers and the probable geographical area which supplied them. Journal of Cultural Heritage 4: 269-283 (available at:http://www.elsevier.com/locate/ culher. Accessed at 28.4.12). Minciarelli, F., 1986. La navigazione a remi nel Trasimeno e nai laghi di Chiusi e Montepulciano. Edizioni dell’Arquata, Foligno. Pasquinucci, M., 2003. Pisa e i suoi porti in eta etrusca e romana. In: M. Tangheroni (ed.), Pisa e il Mediterraneo. Uomini, merci, idee dagli Etruschi ai Medici - catalogo della mostra di Pisa. Skira, Ginevra-Milano: 93-97. Steffy, J.R., 1985. The Herculaneum Boat: Preliminary Notes on Hull Details. Jul. 1983. American Journal of Archaeology 89.3: 519-521 (Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/504369. Accessed: 10/07/2012).

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76. A coincidence? Two medieval boats (Vleuten 1 and 2) found during the construction of a housing development at Leidsche Rijn (the Netherlands) Martijn Manders

Introduction In 2010 two shipwrecks were discovered during construction of the Leidsche Rijn housing project (fig. 1). The Utrecht municipal archaeological service called in the Cultural Heritage Agency (RCE) to help investigate the wrecks. The valuation of the first wreck (Vleuten 1) is largely based on photos taken by the Utrecht municipal archaeologists during the investigation. This wreck was discovered during an archaeological examination of early medieval wharves from the 8th century that were uncovered during digging operations for an artificial river (which follows for the most of its track an old course of the river Kromme Rijn and is aptly named the Viking Rhine). Vleuten 1 appears to be an expanded

logboat of the Utrecht type (Manders & Hoegen, 2011). The second wreck (Vleuten 2) was also found during the digging of the watercourse. Also examined in partnership with the Cultural Heritage Agency, it is a bargetype boat from the mid-10th century (Manders, 2011). This article discusses the various features of the wrecks, as well as the relationship of these vessels to the landscape in which they were found. Vleuten 1 The visible part of the wreck is the logboat bottom, or hollowed-out tree trunk, of an expanded logboat. The total length of this part has not been precisely established but

Fig.1. The Leidsche Rijn housing project with the planned river Viking Rhine and the sites Vleuten 1 and 2 (Map: courtesy West 8, adapted by R. Hoegen & J. Opdebeeck).

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Fig. 2a. Vleuten 1. The exposed end of the boat (Photo: courtesy City of Utrecht).

with the aid of test trenches it is estimated at 15 m. The maximum measured breadth is 1.10 m. Along the only section of the ship’s side that is visible for much of its length are small round holes that look like attachment holes for the bulwark. When the test trenches were dug, several small light frames were found on the logboat bottom, which may have served to maintain the outward curvature of the hollowed-out trunk (figs 2a and b). One end of the wreck is visible, revealing various constructional details that need further investigation. Another detail is a thin plank attached lengthwise with treenails to the interior of the trunk. It is probably a repair as a crack can be discerned in this end of the trunk. The plank neatly covers the crack. Against the wooden plank, running transversely across the wreck, is a small thin beam covering the end of the plank and which probably also served as a repair for the crack. This beam was used for the dendrochronological dating of the wreck. The timber came from the German Rhineland (Jansma, 2011) and has a terminus post quem date of 734 + 7. All the visible sections of the expanded logboat appear to be made of oak. The majority of finds relating directly to the boat are of wood. The only non-organic item found in the wreck is a chunk of hypocaust tile, a piece of Roman flooring. Its relationship to the wreck is unknown. It may have originated from the castellum of the Hoge Woerd in Leidsche Rijn, where Roman building material was plundered up into the Late Middle Ages. Other non-organic items were also found in the vicinity, such as coins, pottery and a probable iron tip of a barge pole

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Fig. 2b. Vleuten 1. One of the frames exposed in a trench (Photo: courtesy City of Utrecht).

or pike pole, used to propel or punt the boats (usually flat-bottomed vessels). Also of a maritime nature are the many stray ship’s nails, sintelnagels and rivets with lozenge-shaped roves that were excavated in the vicinity of an 8th-century jetty-like structure. The components examined so far do not appear to rule out Vleuten 1 belonging to the Utrecht type. This type – named after the first boat of this kind excavated in Utrecht (Vlek, 1996) – has a curved hull as well as upward curves toward the bow and stern. Another possible typical feature is an extension fore and aft (Van de Moortel, 2006a). This has not been found in the reconnaissance carried out on Vleuten 1. As the boat has not been completely exposed we cannot say with certainty that the Vleuten 1 wreck is in fact of the same Utrecht type. Nevertheless, the fine curvature, the thinly carvedout trunk, the symmetrical frames that do not extend above the hollowed-out trunk and therefore served to maintain the outward curve, and the small longitudinal cracks that can be observed are again strong indications that we are indeed dealing with a craft of this type.1 There are various theories about the origin and function of the Utrecht type. Their solid bottom suggests that they may have operated on slightly faster flowing rivers with harder beds, such as the upper branches of the Rhine. The timber of Vleuten 1 came from the German Rhineland. Although active trade with the upper reaches of the Rhine is possible, propelling these boats upstream will have been no easy matter. It is also interesting to

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look at this vessel as part the evolutionary development of the hollowed-out logboat type and also in a time perspective of possible iron shortage. The reason for this shortage is still very much a matter of debate. There may have been a drop in iron production in the Rhine delta (Van de Moortel, 2006b), but another plausible explanation is a growing monopoly on iron production in this area.2 There is not necessarily a link between the construction of Utrecht-type vessels and the availability of iron. Treenails occur in secondary locations because the tree-trunk is in fact the actual boat. The superstructure is simply there to increase the cargo capacity. Another advantage of a solid (but not extremely thick) bottom is that vessels that were taken in and out of the water or regularly dried out were less inclined to take on water. At the time of Vleuten 1 the river Oude Rijn was a busy waterway. Dorestad and Utrecht conducted a lively trade via the Oude and Kromme Rijn. Various settlements have been investigated along this medieval course of the Rhine. One of them consisted of six or seven farmhouses with very solidly built storehouses, presumably for storing the supplies that were transported via the Oude Rijn. Finds suggest that there were trading links with the German Rhineland, England and the trading centres of Friesland. These settlements have been dated to between AD 525-575 and the 8th century (Manders & Hoegen, 2011: 25). Thanks to this find it may be possible to date the Utrecht type, which so far is known from the 10th to 12th centuries, two centuries earlier. Logboats were already expanded in the Roman period.3 With an 8th-century dating for Vleuten 1, we are getting ever closer to the genesis of this type of vessel. It would also be the first link to the curved boats depicted on Carolingian coins. In any event, Vleuten 1 sheds light for the first time on shipbuilding from that period and on Carolingian culture. Also unique is the fact that Vleuten 1 is situated in the richly documented archaeological and geological context of the various former river Rhine courses, the early medieval settlements along these river courses and the recently investigated quay or harbour basin. At first glance, Vleuten 1 represents a find of great scholarly value. However, more research is needed to establish this for certain. The vessel is still in situ, covered with a layer of sediment. Vleuten 2 The findspot of Vleuten 2 at the Leidsche Rijn housing site is located upriver from Utrecht, towards the sea. The wreck lies in the riverbed of the river Rhine at an angle of 30° (from bow to stern), with a list of about 20° to portside. The length of the vessel and the depth at which the possible aft end is located are currently still unknown. Vleuten 2 did not go down along a bank but in a remote spot in the middle of the river. The wreck measures probably no more than 3.5 m in breadth. It

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has been investigated over a length of about 6 m (from the bow). No iron appears to have been used in the boat’s construction; the entire wreck is held together only with treenails. A further salient feature is the combination of different construction methods. Both carvel and lapstrake planking have been used in the construction of the vessel’s sides and researchers have encountered both protruding treenails with a convex head and treenails punched in with plugs. In the fore-part of the vessel, the bottom planking is flush-laid. It consists of two c. 2.5 cm thick planks, 40 and 45 cm wide, flanked on each side by bilge planks with a raised edge. The planks are made of oak. There is a swimhead that slopes up, possibly in a curve (with a sheer), to the bow of the boat (fig. 3a). The bow terminates in a beam (a fender). The vessel is about 140 cm wide at this point. At 550 cm from the beam in the bow the wreck is 325 cm wide. This may not represent the maximum breadth of the bottom. Moss caulking has been driven into the seams between the planks. On the swimhead, protruding halfway across the fender in the bow, are the remains of a possible prow block. This is made up of several planks of about 3 cm thick, two of which are still partially preserved on the starboard side. Between the two plank layers is a clump of moss caulking, 1 cm thick. The prow block itself is permanently secured to the bottom, partly with battens and partly with a slightly heavier floor timber (10 cm wide) and a couple of compass timbers (6 to 8 cm wide). A complete starboard side in the test trench, about 6 m from the bow, sits nicely upright, is 115 cm high and slopes slightly outward. It is in excellent condition, with all traces of working clearly visible. The portside appears a little more damaged, but here too it has largely been preserved across its full height. In places, however, it seems to have subsided outwardly a little, possibly through contact pressure. The sides were never completely exposed during the valuation because of the risk of irreparable damage. In the test trench, a probable rowlock was found on the vessels’ starboard side (fig 3b). The rowlock, a treenail, was wedged in a cleat attached by two treenails to the inside of the wale. The rowlock was also secured in place by a notch made in the upper side of the third side strake. There is an abraded area 3 cm high and 0.5 cm deep on the aft side where the oar may have rubbed against it. Two identical cleats were found on the port side, suggesting that various rowlocks were probably attached at short, regular intervals on the starboard and port sides. The boat’s sides are constructed as follows, from bottom to top (fig. 4). There are two oak planks (side strakes) laid flush, edge-to-edge, and measuring 35 to 38 cm wide and 4.5 cm thick, with a wale or fender (not of oak) on the outside covering the seam. A thick layer of moss caulking has been applied between this wale and the side planking. A third side strake – also of oak – has then been attached with treenails lapstrake fashion to

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Fig. 3a. Vleuten 2. The bow of the ship with swim-head (Photo: RCE).

Fig. 3b. Vleuten 2. The rowlock on the starboard side (Photo: RCE).

the exterior of the second strake. This plank protrudes 30 cm above the second strake and is 3 cm thick. Moss caulking has been applied on the inside to the seam between the second and third side strakes. This is held in place by a round batten (mosslath). The mosslath itself is in turn held in place by a wooden wedge that is hammered between the batten and each frame. Half protruding above the topmost lapstrake plank is another wale or fender. This is presumably made of the same wood as the first fender. It protrudes 9 cm above the last strake and is semicircular. It is about 8 cm thick and 20

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cm wide. Between this fender and the third side strake is once again a thick layer of moss caulking. In the fore-part of the boat are pairs of compass timbers (floor timber knees), with wider floor timbers in between. The horizontal and vertical sections of the individual compass timbers are made from a single piece of wood. Interestingly, the upright parts are from tree-trunks and the horizontal parts were originally the branches. The floor timbers are about 10 cm wide. The compass timbers vary between 6 and 8 cm in width and both elements are 5 to 6.5 cm thick. The floor timbers

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and compass timbers were possibly made from different kinds of wood. The two visible floor timbers in the fore-part of the vessel are located 85 cm apart (centre to centre). The alternating pairs of compass timbers are about 75 cm apart (the distance between the gap between the first pair and the gap between the second pair). In the test trench, it can be seen that the upright parts of the compass timbers on the starboard side sometimes continue to the top of the second strake and sometimes extend above the structure (above the uppermost wale). This may occur in alternating fashion. Here the two visible upright frames are 80 cm apart (centre to centre). Treenails (25 mm diameter) were used to attach the floor timbers and compass timbers to the bottom and sides. A few treenails have a convex head that protrudes above the fastened wood. Similar treenails were used in Scandinavian shipbuilding and have therefore also been called Nordic treenails (see among others McCarthy, 2005: 57). Other treenails seem to be of the ‘normal’ type that we encounter more often – punched flush and not protruding from the bottom, the floor timbers or the sides. An example of this type has also been found containing a wedge (plug). The relationship between the different types of treenails is not clear, however. The convex examples have been found in the fore-part of the boat on the horizontal part of a frame as well as on the section of starboard side in the test trench.

Wood samples for dendrochronological analysis established that the wood species was oak (Quercus sp.). The dating for Vleuten 2 is early medieval, with AD 959 + 3 as the felling date. The provenance of the timber is the Rhine catchment area, very likely outside the present-­ day Netherlands.4 Vleuten 2 is a barge, a flat-bottomed vessel, known from Roman times, as evidenced by the finds of complete examples in Dutch sites like Zwammerdam, Woerden and De Meern (fig. 4). Barge-type craft had a large surface area and therefore a small draught, which made them highly suited to operating in sluggish shallow rivers. It is assumed that river barges were mainly steered downriver by means of a large rudder suspended from one of the boat’s sides, assisted where necessary by a small sail. Travelling upriver would generally have entailed being towed by rope from the bank, by oxen, horses or manpower. An interesting illustration by Mathäus Merian from 1665 shows, however, that barges were also rowed (Vlierman, 2002: ill. 17). This could have occurred only where there was virtually no current, or as a means to assist with manoeuvring. River barges were used to transport goods or to ferry people and livestock. The barge had raked sides that generally also protruded just below the vessel’s bottom, thereby not only protecting the bottom but also ensuring greater stability. The angle of the rake varied

Fig. 4. Vleuten 2. Reconstruction of the bottom and one of the boards and of the complete hull of the barge.

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from vessel to vessel. There were several advantages to sloping sides: it increased cargo capacity, it meant that barges could moor closer to sloping banks, and it caused the sides to rise at the stem and sternpost, thus increasing the vessel’s buoyancy (Zijderveld, 1996: 33). Barges have a swimhead at the bow, and often aft as well. The advantage of the bottom rising up toward the bow and stern of the vessel was that it could easily be positioned on or against an embankment for loading and unloading. In the 10th century the river continued to shift and it began to meander. The flow of water diminished and the river shrank, with the result that boats needed a shallow draught in order to navigate it. A barge-type vessel would have suited these conditions perfectly, as it was still able to travel up and down to the coast. Not a single find was made around the boat. Nor, to our knowledge, was there a settlement in the immediate vicinity. Even in the period from which Vleuten 2 dates, the Leidsche Rijn area appears to have been almost deserted. It seems that the first inhabitants did not settle there again until the end of the 11th century. But what was a craft like Vleuten 2 doing in this apparently deserted location? The answer to this question probably lies a few km to the east, at the site of the former Roman fort of Utrecht. In about 925, following a turbulent period of Viking raids, Bishop Balderic returned and repaired the damage to the churches and walls of the old Roman stronghold. In part, the tufa stone once brought in by the Romans will have been used or reused for this purpose and some of this stone will have been transported by vessels like Vleuten 2. The presence of the bishop with his retinue, combined with a burgeoning population and a favourable location on trade routes, ensured that Utrecht, like Tiel and Deventer, became an important trading post. Trade was given a particular boost when the king granted Bishop Balderic the right to mint coins and when toll rights were granted at the beginning of the 10th century.5 Incidentally, remains of early medieval barge-type vessels have been found in all three cities (Vlierman, 2002). Conclusion A detailed study of the catchment area of a large Dutch river shows the potential of an old riverbed and of floodplains. In areas without permanent habitation, we can expect to find shipwrecks, as boats were the elements that linked inhabited areas. It is possible that the finds made at the Leidsche Rijn housing project are also typical for other, similar areas. On earlier occasions, a number of Roman boats were found in the same housing development along the Roman Limes. In the years ahead, what else is awaiting discovery in the wet, marshy lowlands of the Netherlands, where shipping played such a key role in the circulation and development of its inhabitants? Both Vleuten 1 and 2 are shipwrecks with

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an enormous research potential. At present both wrecks are being preserved in situ as relics of older times in a newly built residential area. Notes 1 Oral communication Van de Moortel. 2 Oral communication J. van Doesburg, medieval specialist at RCE. 3 Such as the Zwammerdam 3 ship (de Weerd & Hallebos, 1973). 4 Oral communication Jansma, August 2010. 5 http://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balderik_(bisschop_van_ Utrecht).

References Jansma, E., 2011. Uitslag Dateringsonderzoek van de Vleuten 1. RING Rapport 2011001. Manders, M. & Hoegen, R., 2011. Waardestelling Vleuten 1. Rapportage Archeologische Monumentenzorg 198, Amersfoort. Manders, M., 2011. Waardestelling Vleuten 2. Rapportage Archeologische Monumentenzorg 199. Amersfoort. McCarthy, M., 2005. Ships’ fastenings. From sewnboat to steamship. Texas A&M University Press. Van de Moortel, A., 2009a. The Utrecht Type and the Hulk: Adaptation of an Inland Boatbuilding Tradition to Urbanization and Growing Maritime Contacts in Medieval Northern Europe. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 321-329. Van de Moortel, A., 2009b. The Utrecht Ship Type: an Expanded Logboat Tradition in its Historical Context. In: R. Bockius (ed.), Between the Seas. Transfer and Exchange in Nautical Technology. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Mainz 2006. Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Tagungen 3, Mainz: 329-337. Vlek, R., 1996. The Large Round-Bottomed Medieval Boats Excavated in the Municipality of Utrecht. In: E. de Bièvre (ed.), Utrecht: Britain and the Continent. British Archaeological Association Transactions 18, London: 82-87. Vlierman, K., 2002. Scheeps- en stadsarcheologie. De betekenis van scheeps(hout)vondsten in Nederlandse middeleeuwse steden. In: P.J. Woltering, J.W.H. Verwers & G.H. Scheepstra (eds), Middeleeuwse toestanden. Archeologie, geschiedenis en monumentenzorg. Amersfoort/Hilversum: 119-148. Weerd, M.D. de & Haalebos, J.K., 1973. Schepen voor het opscheppen. Spiegel Historiael, Maandblad voor Geschiedenis en Archeologie 8: 387-397. Zijderveld, W. van, 1996. Schouwen en aken. Een verdwijnend beeld in de polders. Gorinchem.

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77. The Dor 2006 shipwreck (Haifa, Israel). Construction details and tradition Rika Navri & Yaacov Kahanov

Introduction The Dor 2006 shipwreck was discovered in 2006 by a local fisherman, D. Abada. The site is situated 800 m south of the Dor (Tantura) lagoon, 30 km south of Haifa, Israel, 100 m from the shoreline at 32˚36’01”N, 34˚54’55”E. The wreck is located off an exposed beach, at the surf zone, in a water depth of 3.5–4 m, covered by a layer of sand, the thickness of which changes due to sea conditions. The site was excavated over four seasons (2009–2012) by the Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies at the University of Haifa. The excavation covered an area 13.3 by 16 m. The shipwreck timbers spread over 10.5 by 4.52 m, oriented north-east/south-west. The hull remains comprised frames, hull planks and wales, ceiling planks, stringers, and several other wooden components (fig. 1). No remains of the keel or endposts were found. Most of the ship’s components were exposed and documented under water. A 1×2 m section of the hull

and several significant components were removed from the site, and transferred to the laboratory for detailed study. The wooden components of the hull indicate that she was a large ship compared with other shipwrecks of the period, and the largest ever excavated in the area of Dor. Numerous sherds were found, recorded in situ, and retrieved. Organic materials, such as ropes, matting, and food remains, as well as wooden objects and coins, were also found (Navri, 2011; Navri et al. 2013; Barkan et al. 2013). The hull The frames Seventy-one extant framing timbers were found in the hull remains, 69 of which comprised 43 frame-stations. Staining patterns and nail remains indicated an additional 11 frame-stations where the wood did not

Fig. 1. The Dor 2006 wreck in situ (A. Yurman).

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Fig. 2. Preliminary plan of the Dor 2006 shipwreck (Drawing: E. Hendel, A. Shalom and P. Weinman-Barak, adapted by K. Asuli and S. Shiloni).

survive; thus altogether 54 frame-stations were identified. Frames were between 65 and 250 mm sided, most of them 90–160 mm, and between 64 and 480 mm moulded, most of them 85–185 mm. However frames towards the south-west part of the shipwreck were significantly thicker: 11–48 cm moulded. Frames were mainly of hardwoods, and were made from one to three framing timbers that were scarfed together and connected by iron nails. The longest extent frame timber (F135) measured 4.15 m. Average room and space was 26 cm. Hull planks and wales Sections of 40 hull planks and five half-log wales were evident, comprising 25 strakes. They apparently formed part of the side and the bottom of the hull. The planking pattern consisted of 15 strakes and 5 pairs of half-logs and strakes. The hull planks were made of softwoods. Hull planks (excluding the half-log wales) averaged 16 cm in with and 3 cm in thickness. The wales averaged 19 cm in width and 7 cm in thickness. The number of strakes and the total width of all the planks decreased towards the southwestern end of the shipwreck. The ends of all the planks in this section showed scorchmarks. Three of the planks ended diagonally at an angle of about 50º, suggesting that they were connected to an endpost, which has not yet been found. Remains of square nails were found along the diagonal ends of these planks. All these indicate convergence towards the southwest. Thus it may be suggested that this was near one end of the hull. Diagonal joints were used to connect planks into strakes. No mortise-and-tenon joints or any kind of edge fastener were found in the seams of the diagonal

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joints. However, iron nails were driven through the ends of adjacent planks at the tips of the joints. Plank sections were nailed to all frames at the joints. Caulking material was found in the plank seams. Unpegged mortise-and-tenon joints were used for aligning planking. They were found in straight lines, perpendicular to the strakes. Mortises were 38–63 mm wide, 6 mm thick, and 24–35 mm deep. Hardwood tenons were found in all the mortises: they were 26–32 mm wide, 4–5 mm thick and 26–30 mm long (half-length). Mortise-and-tenon joints were observed only in the lower part of the hull. Several mortise-and-tenon joints were found in frame-stations. Stringers and ceiling planks Four half-log stringers and four ceiling planks were found inside the hull. The stringers were made of softwood, while the ceiling planks were of hardwood. The stringers were on the average 23 cm wide and 9 cm thick. The longest stringer (C712) was 5.74 m long. Ceiling planks were on the average 24 cm wide and 6 cm thick. The stringers and ceiling planks were generally placed above, and fastened to, the frames, but not to all of them. One of the ceiling planks had two semi-circular recesses, 30 cm in diameter, carved into it, 62 cm apart. All stringers and ceiling planks were well shaped. Stringers were chamfered at their ends. The through-beam When discovered, a round timber was observed at the south-western part of the shipwreck. Its orientation was perpendicular to the generally horizontal shipwreck site, and was first thought to be the remains of a mast (fig. 3). However, it penetrated the hull planks

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The finds The finds included ceramic ware, two coins, organic finds, bricks and wooden objects. The ceramic vessels were for daily use by the crew, and did not belong to the cargo, which has not yet been found. Petrography of the pottery indicated the origin of the raw material to have been in the eastern Aegean, Cyprus or possibly the Levant coast. The raw material of the bricks originated in Egypt (Barkan et al., 2013: 130-131). The wooden objects found included three sheaves, two roundels, a rectangular object, a cork, and a handle. The sheaves were larger than those found in other shipwrecks of the Byzantine period, such as Dor 2001/1 (Mor, 2010: 154); St Gervais B, (Carre & Jézégou, 1984: 118), Tantura F (Barkai, 2012: 259-60).

Fig. 3. The hull from the southwest looking northeast. Note the through-beam (A. Yurman, K. Asuli).

and extended outside for about 20 cm, although it was not connected to the planking. The timber survived to a length of 1.29 m. Its maximum diameter was 34 cm. At its bottom it had a quadrilateral cross-section, with a chamfered recess at an angle of 57°, the angle at which it penetrated the hull. It is suggested that the timber was a through-beam. Hull plank P10 One of the hull planks (P10, figs 2-3) survived to a length of 10.2 m. Its width and thickness varied along its length to maximum 41 cm wide and 20 cm thick. The south-western end of this plank was triangular. The inner surface of the plank was well shaped, while its outer surface retained the original shape of the timber. There were several scorch marks on its inner surface. This plank could have been a wing-like projection on the quarter: an ali. Located at the stern of the ship, it may have served for the rudder installation. Fastenings The hull components were generally connected by iron nails and bolts. The dimensions of the iron nails varied according to their function: from about 5 mm rectangular in cross-section and 10 cm in length for connecting planks to frames, to a reconstructed 70 cm long bolt, 4 cm in diameter, which presumably connected a thick frame to the keel and keelson, which were not found. Ceiling planks and stringers were attached to the upper (inside) surfaces of most of the framing timbers by square iron nails 8-10 mm in cross-section.

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Tree species Eight tree species were identified in the hull remains, among which five hardwood species: Fraxinus excelsior, Quercus cerris, Quercus coccifera, Quercus petraea and Ulmus campestris and three softwood species: Cupressus sempervirens, Pinus brutia and Pinus nigra (Liphschitz, 2010a; 2010b; 2011). The sole region where all tree species grow together is Turkey. As wood was traded around the region, the shipyard could have been located anywhere in the eastern Mediterranean, including the Levant area, while the ship could have been constructed from a combination of native and imported timbers. Dating Sixteen wood and organic samples, some of short-living materials, were sent to the Institute of Particle Physics in Zurich (ETH) for 14C analysis. The results span the years AD 220–640 (95%) (Bonani, 2008; Bonani et al., 2009; 201; 2011), which is the local Byzantine Period (AD 324–638). The pottery assemblage gave a date between the mid-6th and the end of the 8th centuries AD. The coins provide a terminus ante quem in the first quarter of the 7th century. All these suggest that the date of the Dor 2006 shipwreck was between the mid-6th and the first quarter of the 7th centuries AD. Discussion The remains of the Dor 2006 shipwreck represent a large hull. The scantlings of the framing timbers were large, with a small centre-to-centre spacing. A large number of planks survived, including five pairs of half-logs and strakes, and 15 smaller strakes, altogether 25 strakes. The Dor 2006 hull can be compared with other contemporary shipwrecks. These are principally the Yassıada I wreck, which had 16 strakes below the first wale and four wales separated by one flat plank, altogether 23 strakes (Steffy, 1982: 78–83) and the Pantano Longarini wreck, in which the number of strakes is not known, however, based on Throckmorton & Throckmorton (1973: 254 fig. 13, 256

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77. The Dor 2006 shipwreck (Haifa, Israel)

fig. 15, 259 fig. 17) it can be estimated that there were 13 strakes between the keel and the beginning of the lowest wale. Pantano Longarini had five wales made of halflogs, three being significantly large (50 × 25 cm). Based on the number of strakes, it may be concluded that Dor 2006 was smaller than Pantano Longarini, but larger than Yassıada I. The length to beam ratio of Yassıada I is 3.9 (Steffy, 1982: 86). The length to beam ratio of Pantano Longarini is 2.86 according to Throckmorton & Throckmorton (1973: 260) and 3.07 according to Kampbell (2007: 67). Thus, the length to beam ratio of Dor 2006 could have been about 3.3. Considering the dimensions of the shipwreck’s components, it is suggested that the original hull was approximately 25 m long. Her beam was about 7.5 m and her draught about 3.5 m. She could carry 170–200 t of cargo. In Dor 2006, hull planks were joined to strakes by diagonal joints. Planking members that formed the joint were connected to each other only by nails driven through the thickness of the planks in opposite directions at both tips of the joint. No mortise-and-tenon joints were found in these joints. In Yassıada I, some plank joints had unpegged mortise-and-tenon joints and some had nails at the ends of the planks. Consequently Van Doorninck suggested that planks were scarfed together before they were installed (Van Doorninck, 1982: 59, and reassembly drawing II). The construction sequence suggested for Dor 2006 is supported by the similar process concluded for Yassıada I: the lower 15 strakes were assembled in a ‘shell-first’ sequence, and were kept aligned by the unpegged mortise-and-tenon joints. Frames were then inserted, and secured the planks in place. The frames were extended upwards, forming the sides of the hull and planks (five pairs of half-logs and planks) without mortise-and-tenon joints were nailed to them, in a ‘frame-based’ construction sequence. Generally, through-beams provided lateral stiffness to the hull, and supported the deck. In some cases pairs of through-beams located at the stern quarter, spaced about 50-60 cm and projecting more than 50 cm outside the hull served for mounting the quarter rudder (Steffy, 1982: 69 fig. 4-5; Casson, 1995: 210; Rieth et al., 2001: 57). In Yassıada I, the researchers suggested that two of the reconstructed through-beams served for fastening looms of steering oars (apparently quarter rudders), and suggested the same for Pantano Longarini (Van Doorninck, 1982: 52 and note 7). The through-beam found in the Dor 2006 shipwreck was close in diameter to that of Pantano Longarini. It projected only slightly outside the hull, similarly to that of Pantano Longarini, but less than did the reconstructed pair of throughbeams extrapolated in Yassıada I for mounting the rudder. Thus it may be suggested that the through-beam in Dor 2006 supported a deck (perhaps the helmsman’s deck). The two 30 cm-diameter recesses found in ceiling plank C712, and the space between them, might indicate that there were two other through-beams, which did not

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survive. These two beams, in addition to the transverse stiffening of the hull, may perhaps have supported the loom of a quarter rudder. The large plank (P10) could have been the ali or winglike projection, perhaps the first extant wooden archaeological evidence of this component. Comparison of the Dor 2006 through-beam, ceiling plank C712, and plank P10, together with the relevant construction features of the Yassıada I and Pantano Longarini shipwrecks, may be a clue that the south-western end of the shipwreck was the stern area of the ship. This conclusion is also supported by the framing timbers on the northwestern side of the south-western end of the Dor 2006 shipwreck, which were significantly shorter and thicker than the other frames. Three frames, F125, F210, and F211, in order from the centre of the shipwreck towards the south-west, indicated the convergence of the hull towards the south-west. F125 had an angle of deadrise of 20º. F210 had an angle of deadrise of 30º and F211 was found close to the south-western end of the hull, with an angle of deadrise of 43º. Apparently, the southwestern end of the shipwreck was one end of the hull. The diagonal line of the southwestern ends of the hull planks and their charring in this area, adds an additional confirmation to the closure of the hull. Another indication of the end of the hull is the fact that F210 has two recesses in its upper (inner) surface, while F211 has only one recess in its upper surface towards midships. It is suggested that a longitudinal reinforcement, such as a keelson, was installed above F210, terminating at F211, near one end of the hull. The size of the ship and the construction method are different from that used in most Byzantine and Islamic shipwrecks excavated at Dor, such as Tantura A (Kahanov, 2001: 139-43) and Dor 2001/1 (Kahanov & Mor, 2006), which were based on frames. Thus, from the construction point of view, two different shipbuilding technologies existed simultaneously in this area in the Byzantine period. It seems that Dor 2006 is closer to the Hellenistic tradition of Yassiada I and Pantano Longarini than to the riverine tradition (Kahanov, 2011; Pomey et al., 2012: 298–305). Conclusions Dor 2006 was a 25 m long merchantman that plied the Levant waters between the mid-6th and the first quarter of the 7th centuries AD. The archaeological remains are the starboard side of the stern quarter of the ship. The through-beam served as a support for the stern deck. The crenelated ceiling plank C 712 reinforced the hull, and apparently supported the loom of a quarter rudder. The large plank P10 would have been the ali or a winglike projection, perhaps the first archaeological evidence of this component. The lower section was built in a ‘shell-first’ construction sequence, where planking was aligned by unpegged

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mortise-and-tenon joints, and then reinforced and connected by frames. The upper section of the hull, from the first half-log wale and upwards, was constructed based on frames. The construction tradition is apparently a relic of the Hellenistic tradition, rather than that of the suggested riverine tradition of other shipwrecks in Dor lagoon. Acknowledgements This research was supported in part by the Israel Science Foundation, a Sir Maurice Hatter Fellowship for Maritime Studies, the Hecht Trust and anonymous donors, to whom the authors are grateful. The authors wish to thank the volunteers of the excavation team. The authors are also grateful to Dr. Eric Rieth and Dr. MariePierre Jézégou for their valuable comments and advice. Thanks are due to John Tresman for the English editing. References Barkan, D., Yasur-Landau, A., Ben-Shlomo, D., Mommsen, H. & Kahanov, Y., 2013. The ‘Dor 2006’ Shipwreck: The Ceramic Material. Tel Aviv 40: 117–143. Bonani, G., 2008. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 1/2/2008, unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Bonani, G., Hajdas, I. & Wacker, L., 2009. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 22/12/2009, unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Bonani, G., Hajdas, I. & Wacker, L., 2010. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 2/8/2010, unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Bonani, G., Hajdas, I. & Wacker, L., 2011. AMS Radiocarbon Dating, 8/7/2011, unpublished report. Institute of Particle Physics, ETH, Zurich. Casson, L., 1995. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. Greenhill, B., 1957. The Boats of East Pakistan: A Preliminary Study. The Mariner’s Mirror 43:106–34. Kahanov, Y., 2001. A Byzantine Shipwreck (‘Tantura A’) in Tantura Lagoon, Israel. Its Hull Construction. In: H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis VI, 6th International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity, Lamia 1996 Proceedings. Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition, Athens: 265–271. Kahanov, Y., 2011. The Dor/Tantura shipwrecks: clues to their construction tradition, Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea 8: 137–151.

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Kampbell, S.M., 2007. The Pantano Longarini Shipwreck: A Reanalysis, unpublished MA thesis, Texas A&M University. College Station. Liphschitz, N., 2010a. Dendroarchaeological Investigations: 548. Dor 2006, season 2010, unpublished report. Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. Liphschitz, N., 2010b. Dendroarchaeological Investigations: 550. Dor 2006 – artifacts (2010 season), unpublished report. Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. Liphschitz, N., 2011. Dendroarchaeological Investigations: 568. Dor 2006 – artifacts (2011 season), unpublished report. Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. Mor, H., 2010. The Dor 2001/1 Wreck: Evidence for the Transition in Shipbuilding Construction—A Characteristic of SocioEconomic Changes in the Byzantine Empire 5th–6th centuries CE. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Haifa (Hebrew with English abstract). Mor, H. & Kahanov, Y., 2006. The Dor 2001/1 Shipwreck, Israel—a Summary of the Excavation. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 35.2: 274–289. Navri, R., 2011. The Dor 2006 Shipwreck. Skyllis, Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie 11: 57–60. Navri, R., Kahanov, Y. & Cvikel, D., 2013. The Byzantine-Period Dor 2006 Shipwreck, Israel: Preliminary Hull Construction Report. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology (published online 16.4.2013 doi: 10.1111/1095-9270.12013): 305-325. Pomey, P., Kahanov, Y. & Rieth, E., 2012. Transition from Shell to Skeleton in Ancient Mediterranean Ship-Construction: Analysis, Problems, and Future Research. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41.2: 235–314. Rieth, E., Carrierre-Desbois, C. & Serna, V., 2001. L’épave de Port Berteau II (Charente-Maritime). Un caboteur fluvio-maritime du haut Moyen Âge et son contexte nautique. Document d’archéologie Française 86. Paris. Steffy, J.R., 1982. Reconstructing the Hull. In: G.F. Bass & F.H. Van Doorninck Jr., Yassi Ada Volume 1. A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck. Texas A&M University Press, College Station TX: 65– 86. Throckmorton, P. & Throckmorton, J., 1973. The Roman wreck at Pantano Longarini. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 2.2: 243–266. Van Doorninck, F.H. Jr., 1982. The Hull Remains. In: G.F. Bass & F.H. Van Doorninck Jr. (eds), Yassi Ada Volume 1. A Seventhcentury Byzantine Shipwreck. Texas A&M University Press, College Station: 32–64.

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78. The Phanagoria shipwreck (Taman Bay, Russia). First attempt at its identification Sergey Olkhovskiy

Introduction Phanagoria, the largest known ancient Greek settlement of Russia, is situated on the Taman peninsula on the southern side of the Taman bay at the Kerch Strait, Black Sea. Founded by the Ionian Greeks from Teos (Asia Minor) in around 540 BC, the settlement was continuously inhabited until the 11th century AD. In the Classical period Phanagoria is considered to have been the capital of the so-called Asian, or Cimmerian Bosporus. The city had flourished until the very end of the first

century BC when the wars of Mithridates VI against Rome exhausted the Kingdom of Pontus. During the first millennium AD the territory of Phanagoria shrinks but it still remains one of the major settlements of the region as a part of the Byzantine empire and later on the Bulgar and Khazarian state. The last Khazarian inhabitants have abandoned Phanagoria at the beginning of the 11th century AD. About one third of the settlement of Phanagoria in its widest extent, dating from the Classical period, is currently flooded by waters of the Taman bay due to the transgression of the Black Sea

Fig. 1. The midship part of the vessel, seen from the stern, with some ballast stones.

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Fig. 2. The starboard side of the vessel shows mortice-and-tenon construction.

since Antiquity. Archaeological survey shows that the shift of the shore line has not been abrupt. Finds from undisturbed cultural layers currently covered by water, display a continuous slow movement of the ancient sea edge towards the contemporary shore. Discovery of the wreck In 2012 the underwater department of the Phanagorian expedition IA RAS continued to investigate ancient harbour structures in a flooded part of the settlement. During the clearing of a stone breakwater situated 140 m from the modern coastline, at a depth of 0.9-1.0 m, we found a wooden ship of which the deepest point was covered with a layer of 1.5 m of sea sediments (figs 1 and 3). An unique feature of the ship is the excellent preservation of its wooden parts which makes it a rare find in Russia. Warm salty water is a hazardous environment for any organic remains. Generally most shipwrecks are marked solely by their ceramic or stone loads and, occasionally, by metal anchors. The Phanagorian ship is one of the lucky exceptions; the accumulation of silt sediments covering the find was very fast, probably as a result of a heavy storm, and preserved the wooden hull of the ship. We understood the significance of this find, when we found out that hull’s planking had been assembled using mortise-and-tenon (fig. 2).

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However, a complete excavation of the wreck posed a substantial risk to the condition of the ship remains exposing them to an aggressive environment. Yet another risk came from the shallow sea depth at the find spot where the whole water column is affected by waves and current. Any storm would have destroyed the unearthed structure and its content. Taking these factors into consideration, the excavation and field documentation, which is the most time-consuming, should be conducted in a very limited time span. As far as the method of rapid yet detailed and precise archaeological field documentation is concerned, photogrammetry seemed to be the best solution. The excavation The excavation area measured 20 x 6 m and had a maximum depth of 2 m below the seabed (nearly 3 m from the water surface). The water transparency at best conditions did not exceed 3 m, so no single image of the wreck in its full extent could be made. Permanent water turbulence and current provided a very short time span of 2-3 hours within which the excavated ship stayed clear from grass and sand. First of all, we had to prevent permanent contamination of the ship with sand and algae caused by sea currents and waves. In order to do this we placed more than 40 big metal cages around the

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78. The Phanagoria shipwreck (Taman Bay, Russia)

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Fig. 3. The stern part of the ship with part of the metal construction around the wreck site.

Fig. 4. The portside of the vessel shows lashing or rigging.

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site and filled them with stones and bags of sand (fig. 3). In this way we stopped dislodging of the sides of the excavated area and created a stable base for surveying different objects. Additionally several site-specific technical difficulties had to be resolved. The shallow depth at the excavation site (1 m to the seabed and about 3 m to the deepest point of the excavation) caused the whole water column being affected by waves and turbulence. In such conditions it is difficult for a photographer to take stable pictures, while any touch of the bottom or sides of the excavation pit causes an influx of feculence in the water. Prior to the photo capture a set of control points (more than 300 in total) were marked on the ship hull by pins with colour heads arranged in an irregular grid. The control points were put to geometrical extremums of the object and key points of the frame above the wreck (see below). The coordinates of the control points were measured by a total station situated on the shore. A 3.6 m pole was used, just long enough to reach the deepest points of the excavation. The measurement required three people ‘operating’ the pole: one at the bottom, to position the end of the pole over the control point and the second, standing at two long planks, to control the pole’s inclination from the vertical and finally the third to manage the communication between the other two. The primary goal of control points was to geo-reference the resulting 3D-model of the ship, making it measurable. But also a grid of control points was expected to provide a frame of distinct marks suitable for manual point matching in case an automated algorithm would fail. Photographs were captured by a boxed DSLR fullframe camera Canon 5D + Canon EF 28 mm f/1.8, without any flashes or video-light. A main array of vertical photos for photogrammetric processing was taken using a eight meter long metal frame, which allowed us to move the camera horizontally. The frame was rearranged manually along the ship at an interval of 0.5 m. As a result, we took more than 600 strictly vertical photos and 200 lateral photos for the elimination of blind spots. As a main processing tool, we chose the software AgiSoft Photoscan Pro, which produces a geometrically precise model and provides exact 3D coordinates for every point in the model. The orthophoto mosaics of the ship in various projections were assembled from raw imagery. The use of 3D-model geometry as a reference for orthophoto rectification had eliminated optical distortions of the

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images. The best quality 560 Mpix orthophoto was generated from ‘the top’ orientation of the model as it coincided with the highest quality photoset captured from an off nadir angle. The wreck The length of the wreck is 15.1 m; the maximum width is 2.5 m in the middle. It has a list of 20° to starboard. The composite keel is made from oak and is almost totally covered by ballast stones and ceramics (fig. 1). The mast, rigging and steering oars were missing (fig. 4). The carvel planking is nailed to frames with bronze nails from the outside. The upper parts of some of the frames have marks of burning. Probably, the ship sank right in the city harbour after a fire on board. The ship had no cargo on board at the moment of its wreckage, only a few ceramic vessels were found within its hull. This fact makes the find itself the major clue to its chronological attribution. While wooden material from the find was sampled for 14C- and dendro-dating, these data require a reliable historical context for verification. The dendro-scale for the region is still incomplete while 14 C-dating is able to provide only a wide confidence interval. Thus, complete excavation of the find was essential for its correct identification, chronological attribution and reconstruction. After two weeks of excavation and one week of fixation we covered the ship with geotextile and a 1 m-thick layer of sand. Now the 3D-model of the Phanagorian shipwreck is the main source of data for scientific research on the find and elaboration of its further conservation strategy and procedure. References Tsetskhladze, G. & Brandon, C., 2002. Notes on the Survey of the Submerged Remains of Phanagoria in the Taman Peninsula. Ancient West & East 1.1. Tsetskhladze, G., 2002. Phanagoria: Metropolis of Asiatic Bosporus. Archaeology Without Frontiers. Athens. Kuznetsov, V., 2011. Phanagoreia – die Hauptstadt des asiatischen Bosporos. In: Altertümer Phanagoreias 1. Phanagoreia, Kimmerischen Bosporos, Pontos Euxeinos. Göttingen.

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79. The Oostvoornse Meer (Rotterdam, the Netherlands). From an important economic shipping lane to a recreational lake Johan Opdebeeck

Just a few 100 m south of the port of Rotterdam lies an area which is both a natural reserve and serves for recreational purposes. As from the 16th century, the same spot was the outlet of the river Brielse Maas and as such an important economic vein to the inland region. This river outlet was littered with shifting sand banks, and shipping incidents were not uncommon. To counter these unfavourable situations a new canal was built north of the estuary and the old outlet was dammed in 1952. Within the framework of the water management and the protection of the hinterland, the old channel was closed in 1966 and a new lake was formed which gradually became a sweet water lake, the Oostvoornse Meer. Sand extraction for the construction and expansion of the port of Rotterdam in the 1960s revealed the presence of numerous archaeological objects in the ancient river outlet. An additional result is that most of the buried shipwrecks became uncovered. Although the dredging operations for the sand extraction caused damaged to the archaeological sites, most of wrecks remained in a remarkably good condition. The dredging was avoided in areas containing a great density of hard objects (shipwrecks). As the exploitation of the surrounding areas continued, these locations became mountains full with possible shipwrecks. This process resulted, however, in the subsidence of the wrecks, but the good condition of the wrecks protected their integrity. Unprotected wooden parts in salt water are vulnerable to the attacks of shipworm (Teredo navalis). As the water became sweeter, it created an opportunity to examine well preserved wooden remains in an otherwise hostile environment. In the early 1990s the former department of underwater archaeology (AAO), already examined the remains of an armed merchant vessel in the southern slope of the lake (fig. 1). With dendrochronological research, the remains could be dated back to the beginning of the 17th century. The location of this wreck, like most information on the historic sites in this lake, was discovered by local diving communities. In 2008 the Dutch Cultural

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Heritage Agency (RCE) started a project in which the archaeological potential of the lake area was examined. The investigation was done with a high frequency sonar scanner (fig. 2). The results were 127 contact points. Thirty-two of those points have archaeological potential and need to be examined. However, this list is far from exclusive. The present topography of the lake has huge alternating depths between 10 and 45 m and the bottom profile is made of large blocks and sharp cliffs of peat and clay which have been created during the sand extraction. This profile has not changed since the dredging which is consistent with a stagnant water lake. As a result, it is hard to make good geophysical recordings. The best information still depends on divers, but the great depth, difficult topography, and vast extension of the lake makes it hard even for experienced divers to (re)find archaeological sites. At present we have knowledge of over a dozen shipwrecks from the 16th century to modern times. Most of the historic wooden wrecks seem to be from the beginning of the 17th century. This could probably be linked to the presence of a notorious shallow sandbank, the Hondenplaat, which is also shown in a cartographic map from the middle of the 17th century (Blaeu, 1645). In 2008, the water management agency created a salt water inlet to improve the biodiversity of the lake as an environmental compensation for the creation of the new port of Rotterdam (Maasvlakte 2). This poses a threat to all wooden wrecks and objects in the lake. Another danger to the cultural heritage, besides the renewed threat of the shipworm, is the looting of the archaeological sites by non-archaeological minded members of the diving communities. This looting can be countered by upholding the law (Monuments Act 2007) and raising awareness of the archaeological heritage in local diving communities. The danger of the shipworm can be diminished by reducing the salt water inlet until the concentration of salinity remains under 8 gr/l. This salinity limit is critical for the shipworm to procreate. If this border is trespassed, the unique remains of wooden

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Fig. 1. Wreck Oostvoornse Meer 14, a 17th-century English merchant vessel.

shipwrecks which are still in a remarkable state of preservation will be destroyed within years. The RCE, in collaboration with local amateur archaeologists and sport divers, is trying to assess the archaeological importance of these shipwrecks and create awareness to different communities and stakeholders. If the threats on the cultural heritage are resolved the RCE will continue raising awareness of the underwater cultural heritage to the general public. Next step could be the development of an underwater heritage trail,

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connecting a few of the most important shipwrecks that will illustrate the story of the area from the 16th century up until now. References Blaeu, Willem en Joan, 1645. Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, sive Atlas Novus in quo Tabulæ et Descriptiones Omnium Regionum. Amsterdam.

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Fig. 2. Bathymetry of the Oostvoornse Meer.

79. The Oostvoornse Meer (Rotterdam, the Netherlands)

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80. The Protis project (Marseilles, France). The construction of a sailing replica of an Archaic Greek boat Patrice Pomey

Aims of the project The Protis project is a programme in experimental archaeology that aims to construct a sailing replica of a 6th-century BC Greek boat. It was conceived in 20072008 by the nautical archaeology team of the Centre Camille Jullian, a laboratory for the study of the history and archaeology of the Mediterranean and North Africa from Protohistory until the end of Antiquity (UMR 7299, Aix-Marseille University, CNRS, Ministry of Culture, INRAP), based within the Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme in Aix-en-Provence. The project represents the conclusion of a research programme led by the same nautical archaeology team of the Centre Camille Jullian that was responsible for the excavations and study of the Greek and Roman shipwrecks discovered in 1993 under the Place Jules-Verne in Marseilles (Pomey, 1995; 1999). From a scientific point of view, the project fits perfectly into the domain of experimental archaeology. In the first place, the creation of the replica will respect the construction materials, principles, methods and techniques of the period as were revealed through the study of the wrecks. This should lead to a better understanding of the construction processes of the era, and to a rediscovery of the know-how then in practice. There will then be sailing trials to study the functioning and behaviour of the boat when at sea, and to evaluate its sailing capabilities and understand the navigation techniques of the period. However, the Protis project is not only a scientific venture. From another angle, the project highlights the most ancient historical and maritime heritage of the city of Marseilles, since the boat on which the replica is modelled dates back to the 6th century BC and was originally built by the direct descendants of the Greek settlers who founded Marseilles around 600 BC. The project also has an educational dimension as the public has access to the shipyard and will be able to witness the sea trials. In addition, the project is in line with the

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cultural events associated with Marseille-Provence 2013, European Capital of Culture, and will be a notable factor in the spread of scientific and technical culture. Origin of the project The Protis project grew out of the excavation of the Place Jules-Verne in Marseilles, in the immediate vicinity of the Vieux-Port, an excavation that covered a large sector of what was once the Ancient harbour (Hesnard, 1994). In 1993, several Roman and Greek wrecks were unearthed, including two Archaic Greek examples, JulesVerne 7 and 9, abandoned at the end of the 6th century BC (Pomey, 1995; 1999) (fig. 1). The archaeological analysis demonstrated that these two boats were built at the shipyards of Marseilles and that they display the naval construction traditions of the Aegean Sea as employed in Phocaea in the Archaic period which were then imported by the Phocaeans to the city they had founded. When the excavation was completed, the two wrecks were removed for conservation treatment with a view to exhibiting them in the Marseilles History Museum. This work was undertaken by the ARC-Nucléart laboratory of Grenoble (Bernard-Maugiron, 2007). Now fully renovated for the events of Marseille-Provence 2013, European Capital of Culture, the new Marseilles Museum of History and the Ancient Port exhibit from September 2013 the two Greek vessels as wells as four Roman boats. Parallel with the conservation treatment, an important research programme has been pushed forward by the nautical archaeology team of the Centre Camille Jullian.1 Based upon the archaeological study, this programme has in first instance allowed for an analysis of the construction principles and methods. This in turn led to the making of a full-scale research model of the stitching assembly system of the Jules-Verne 9 and thus to the reconstruction of the original boats with respect to their form, structure and propulsion- and

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80. The Protis project (Marseilles, France)

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Fig. 1. The shipwrecks JulesVerne 7 and 9 under excavation, with Jules-Verne 9 in the foreground (Photo: M. Derain, CCJ, CNRS/AMU).

steering-systems (Pomey, 2003). The method followed and developed by the Centre Camille Jullian involves the validation of graphic reconstructions by test- and control-models (Pomey & Hesnard, 2004; Pomey & Rieth, 2005: 142-149). This method has been inspired by the work of J. R. Steffy (1994) at the Institute of Nautical Archaeology (Texas A&M University). The models provide a 3D-verification that the archaeological data have been correctly integrated and that all the elements are precisely reconnected, guaranteeing a correct reconstruction of the whole. Overall, the reconstitution of the original boats as represented by the wrecks Jules-Verne 7 and Jules-Verne 9 (Pomey, 2003) included a number of stages. A reference model of the remains in 1:10 scale will be created. Then, a plan must be established of the reconstituted remains, after reconnecting the elements and rectifying deformations. Thirdly, this plan needs to be checked and validated by means of a (1:10) model of the reconstituted remains. Fourthly, from the plan of the reconstituted remains a graphic reconstruction of the ensemble of the boat’s shapes will be extrapolated. This reconstruction will be checked by a model in 1:5 scale. Fifthly, a reconstruction will be made of the overall structure of the boat, then the superstructures, the propulsion system (sails, oars) and the steering gear. Finally, a model of the final reconstruction (1:10) will be created, integrating all elements (fig. 2). All the phases involving the reconstitution of missing elements or of extrapolation were based upon the analysis of comparative sources, both archaeological and iconographical, These were chosen because of their conformity to the type and the historical context of the wrecks themselves. Lastly, computer reconstructions using 3D software provided different viewing angles of the ensemble as well as details and calculations

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regarding the hydrostatic and hydrodynamic characteristics of the reconstituted boat. The extraordinary significance, both in terms of archaeology and of heritage, of these two wrecks and their reconstruction led quite naturally to the establishment of the Protis project of constructing sailing replicas. The replica of the Jules-Verne 7 wreck was baptised Protis after the chief of the Phocaean settlers who founded Marseilles, and that of the Jules-Verne 9 was baptised Gyptis after the daughter of the local chief of the Segobriges tribe whose marriage to Protis assured the foundation of the city. As things turned out, during the setting up of the project it was decided that only the smaller of the two replicas, the Gyptis based upon the Jules-Verne 9, would be made. The Jules-Verne 9 wreck: a large coastal fishing boat Preserved over 5 m in length and 1.5 m in width, the remains correspond to the central part and one extremity of the original craft (fig. 1). The most remarkable characteristic lies in the assembly method of different elements of the hull, which is done by means of stitching and lashings, following the archaic technique used in ‘sewn boats’, well attested in Greece in the 6th century BC (Kahanov & Pomey, 2004). The numerous stitches which are preserved in the wreck provide exemplary evidence of this technique and allow for a precise recreation of the procedure. To this end, a full-size test model of this stitching assembly system was made which helped in understanding the logic of this system and its particularities: the presence of pre-assembly pegs holding the planking in place to avoid any lateral or vertical play that might shear the stitching; tetrahedral cut-outs leading into the channels for threading the stitches;

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Fig. 2. Model of the final reconstruction of Jules-Verne 9 (Photo: Ph. Foliot, CCJ, CNRS/AMU).

sealing pads set into the seams before the stitching; small pegs to block in the stitches and fill the channels; the particular morphology of the frame ribs with narrow base, flared sides and a rounded top to ensure a better tightening of the lashings; and, finally, regular indentations on the base for the stitches of the planking. The study led to the reconstruction of a light, swift craft with no deck except for the extremities, propelled by oars and a square sail (fig. 2). The ensemble, characterised by slender form, symmetrical extremities and rounded cross-section, could be reconstructed with a length of 9.72 m, a width of 1.88 m and an estimated load capacity of roughly 2 t. Such a vessel appears particularly well adapted to coastal navigation for short-haul transport of people and goods, and for fishing. The boat had been used for coral fishing, and numerous fragments of such material were found in the wreck. Organisation of the project In order to realise this project, a scientific dossier on the building of the replicas was created in 2007-2008 by the Centre Camille Jullian within the framework of a CNRS post-doctoral contract, in association with the nautical archaeology team that carried out the reconstitution studies of the wrecks.2 This dossier, covering all the technical features and specifications, established

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the experimental protocol foreseeing the different construction phases as well as the tools and materials that would be used. Two committees were then created: a scientific and technical committee composed of specialists in nautical archaeology and ancient navigation who were responsible for respecting the scientific dossier and the experimental protocol. They might also be called upon to approve technical decisions that had to be made during construction. The second committee was one of international patronage, composed of well-known personalities with experience in the domain, whose role was to provide moral and scientific support to the project. At the same time, the project was integrated into the programme of Marseille-Provence, European capital of Culture 2013 (Marseille-Provence, 2008: 340). The construction of the working replica Gyptis, with the Centre Camille Jullian as project manager, came under a four-party convention between the University of AixMarseille and the CNRS – both acting conjointly as the supervising authorities of the Centre Camille Jullian – the Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur Regional Authority (PACA) and the Marseille-Provence-Métropole Urban Community. The university managed the execution of the project, the CNRS provided scientific support, while the region and the urban community ensured funding.3 The Borg Shipyard of Marseilles, specialist in traditional wooden ship construction, was called upon to build the vessel, and the Association Arkaeos, dedicated to the

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80. The Protis project (Marseilles, France)

development and promotion of naval and maritime archaeology, participated in the management and coordination of the project.4 The sailing trials in the harbour of Marseilles and along the coast of Provence and other special events are to be co-produced by the Association Marseille-Provence 2013.5 In addition, the project was supported by the Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme (Aix-Marseille University – CNRS), the Institut Méditerranéen d’Etudes Avancées (IMéRA) and the Institut Méditerranéen de Biodiversité et d’Ecologie marine et continentale (Aix-Marseille University – CNRS). The French Forestry Commission (ONF), and the towns of Gémenos and Les Pennes-Mirabeau helped in the supply of wood, while the French Navy provided space to store the wood, and the Marseille-ProvenceMétropole Urban Community lent premises for the construction.

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the line of the strakes from the plan of the planking created in the 3D modelling, and then the shaping and setting of these latter with the pre-assembly pegs, but without using moulds. For this it was necessary to bend the planks through steaming and then work them with a flame. The experiment also allowed for a verification of the methods used in the stitching, from marking the elements using an abacus, piercing the channels and creating the tetrahedral cut-outs, up to sewing the planking using a triple-ply linen thread after laying in sealing rolls of linen cloth (fig. 3). This assemblage proved to be very solid and perfectly waterproof. However, though presenting no real difficulty – except along the keel of which the flanks make the passage of the needle difficult – the time taken by this process seemed rather long.

Implementation of the project In 2010, an initial grant from the PACA region and from Arkaeos allowed for a large part of the wood to be supplied ahead of time so that it might be partly dried before use. In order to comply with specifications, it was necessary to obtain local species corresponding to the original wood used: deciduous oak (Quercus sp.) for the axial skeleton (keel, bow- and sternpost) and the solid mast step; Aleppo pine (Pinus halepensis) for the frame ribs; olive wood (Olea europea) for the pegs. Thanks to the assistance of the French Forestry Commission (ONF), the state-owned forest of Cadarache provided the oak and the communal forest of Gémenos provided the pine. Individual trees were selected in situ according to their dimensions and their specific shape, using moulds of the curved timbers. After the trees were felled, the timber was transported to a saw mill for cutting and then the wood was steamed and lastly stored opposite the Borg shipyard. Latterly, for the making of frame ribs, this supply was complemented by pieces of curved Aleppo pine from the commune of Les Pennes-Mirabeau. At last, in mid-February 2013, the construction of Gyptis was truly begun by four marine carpenters, specialists in traditional wooden boat building. Throughout the work, every operation was systematically photographed and filmed. But before beginning the construction of the replica itself, the decision was taken to start with a large scale experiment in order to become familiar with the principles and methods involved in shell first construction and the now-forgotten techniques of sewn assembly. The experiment was also to check the operating process that had been defined by the archaeological study, to specify the techniques as a function of the main difficulties, and to estimate the real time of the work. For this, work began on a 6 m portion of the axial frame (keel-stempost) and on approximately 4.5 m long elements of the first two strakes. This allowed for the hook scarf in the keel assembly to be tested, to check

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Fig. 3. Detail of the stitching on the sailing replica Gyptis during construction (Photo: P. Pomey).

After this trial, the construction of the boat began with the creation of the axial framing, then the setting of the first three strakes (fig. 4). This latter operation proved to be awkward because the extent of the curving and twisting of the planking at its ends tested

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Fig. 4. The sailing replica Gyptis under construction. Overall view of the hull bottom showing the first three strakes (Photo: P. Pomey).

the mechanical limits of the wood. This made the slotting of the strake heads into the rabbets difficult and they had to be adjusted progressively step by step. The most difficult sewing between the axial framing and the garboards was made easier by the participation of three boat-builder apprentices, and then students of the University of Aix-Marseille took over for the following strakes. At the end of this first phase of construction, it appeared that the shape of the extremities were a bit more open than planned and were slightly asymmetrical. This irregularity most probably resulted from the adjustments to the strake heads. While this slight modification in the form of the extremities was not too troublesome, it meant, nevertheless, that the line of the following strakes had to be rectified. To achieve this, a precise drafting of the hull bottom was done. It is worth noting that this process to check the hull at the end of the first construction phase – after the laying of the first strakes and before to set the floor-timbers – was evidenced by the archaeological study of the remains of the Jules-Verne 7 shipwreck (Pomey, 1998). Once this task was completed seven bottom floor-timbers were made and then connected to the planking by lashings. Being still under construction in 2012, the completion of the sailing replica Gyptis is planned for mid-October 2013. After its launch, sailing trials in Marseilles harbour will be scheduled for the end of 2013 before further

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sea trials demonstrating its navigational capabilities under real conditions along the coast of Provence in 2014-2015. Since the operations are delicate and the deadline appears to be close at present (2012), the challenge deserves to be realized taking into account the interest of the project, what we can learn from it, and the great effort expended throughout all these years so that it might one day become a reality.6 Acknowledgements Among the many people who helped this project to come about and to whom I owe thanks, my gratitude goes most particularly to Bernard Morel, professor emeritus, former director of the MMSH, and regional councillor with responsibility for higher education and research. He was the first to believe in this project and has tirelessly supported it. Without him, it would never have succeeded. I would also like to thank Colin Clement for translating this text into English. Notes 1 Under my supervision, the nautical archaeology team of the Centre Camille Jullian that successfully completed the

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80. The Protis project (Marseilles, France) excavation and reconstitution work of the wrecks was composed of Michel Rival (excavation mapping and recording; reconstruction drawings and plans) and Robert Roman (reconstruction and test models), both research engineers with the CNRS. During the excavations the team also included Philippe Foliot, and during the reconstruction programme Christine Durand, Loïc Damelet and Philippe Groscaux, all photographers with the Centre Camille Jullian. 2. This contract was awarded to Sabrina Marlier, PhD in archaeology, who was responsible for overall coordination of the project until the end of 2010. 3. Construction was financed up to € 320,000 by the PACA region and € 132,000 by the MPM Urban Community. A contribution of € 10,000 from the Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme (AMU-CNRS) helped to launch the project and an advance of € 42,000 from the Association Arkaeos covered the wood supply. 4. The Protis team consisted of: Director, Patrice Pomey (emeritus director of research CNRS, CCJ); Technical Coordination, Pierre Poveda (Arkaeos, associate researcher CCJ); Borg Shipyard, Denis Borg, director, Thierry Garval, José Cano, Pierre Jacot-Descombes, Nabil Merabet, boat-builders; Secretariat, Lucile Delavault (Arkaeos); Management, Charles Arnulf (Arkaeos), Cristel Lanata (engineer CNRS, CCJ); Communications, Blandine Nouvel (research engineer CNRS, CCJ); Dendrology, Frédéric Guibal (researcher CNRS, IMBE); Photography, Christine Durand, Loïc Damelet, Philippe Groscaux (engineers CNRS, CCJ); Video, Antoine Chéné (honorary research engineer CNRS); Arkaeos, Sandra Greck, president. 5. The financial participation of Marseille-Provence 2013 valued € 50,000. 6. The results of the sailing trials 2013 and 2014-2015 will be presented at the next ISBSA (14).

References Bernard-Maugiron, H., 2007. Marseille, mille objets et trois épaves à conserver. In: H. Bernard-Maugiron, Ph. Cœuré, M. Clermont-Joly, J. Duchêne, P. Vaudaine & P. Veysseyre

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(eds), Sauvé des eaux. Le patrimoine archéologique en bois. Histoire de fouille et de restauration. Arc-Nucléart, Grenoble: 77-81. Hesnard, A., 1994. Une nouvelle fouille du port de Marseille, place Jules-Verne. Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Jan-Mar: 195-217. Kahanov, Y. & Pomey, P., 2004. The Greek sewn shipbuilding tradition and the Ma’agan Mikhael ship: a comparison with Mediterranean parallels from the sixth to the fourth centuries BC. The Mariner’s Mirror 90.1: 6-28. Marseille-Provence, 2008. Marseille-Provence, 2013. D’Europe et de Méditerranée. Capitale européenne de la culture. Dossier de candidature. Association Marseille-Provence 2013, Marseille. Pomey, P., 1995. Les épaves grecques et romaines de la place Jules-Verne à Marseille. Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, April-June: 459-484. Pomey, P., 1998. Conception et réalisation des navires dans l’Antiquité méditerranéenne. In: E. Rieth (ed.), Concevoir et construire les navires. De la trière au picoteux. Technologie, Idéologies, Pratique, Revue d’anthropologie des connaissances XIII-1. Éditions Erès, Ramonville Saint-Agne: 49-72. Pomey, P., 1999. Les épaves grecques du VIe s. av. J.-C. de la place Jules-Verne à Marseille. In: P. Pomey & E. Rieth (eds), Construction navale maritime et fluviale. Approches archéologique, historique et ethnologique, Actes du Septième Colloque International d’Archéologie Navale (ISBSA 7), Ile Tatihou 1994. Archaeonautica 14. Éditions du CNRS, Paris: 147-154. Pomey, P., 2003. Reconstruction of Marseilles 6th century BC Greek ships. In: C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards. Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000. Oxbow Books, Oxford: 57-65. Pomey, P. & Hesnard, A., 2004. Les navires du port grec archaïque de Marseille. De la fouille archéologique aux maquettes d’étude et aux images de synthèse. Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea 1: 188-206. Pomey, P. & Rieth, E., 2005, L’archéologie navale. Éditions Errance, Paris. Steffy, J.R., 1994. Wooden Shipbuilding and the Interpretation of Shipwrecks. Texas A&M University Press, College Station.

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81. The Mandeh shipwreck and some other maritime sites from the Dutch colonial period on West Sumatra’s west coast (Indonesia) Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan

Introduction For ages, Indonesia lies on international shipping and trading line (‘The Silk and Spice Routes’). The geographical position of Indonesia at the crossroads of the continent of Australia and Asia as well as between Europe and Asia, and between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific, make Indonesia the main trade route between the East and West by sea. Wide waters, busy maritime activities, sea conditions, weather conditions, war and piracy caused the territorial waters of Indonesia to be rich in the deposition of shipwrecks and maritime sites including those in West Sumatra waters. In 2006, a marine archaeological survey was executed by the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries in the Pesisir Selatan Regency (West Sumatra Province). During that operation, not only the shipwreck site in Mandeh Bay was discovered, but also some other maritime sites were identified, which prove a hectic maritime activity along Sumatra’s west coast since the colonial period in AD 1700-1900, such as the maritime site at Cingkuk Island, Salido Gold Mine and some harbour remains in Bayang and Salido (fig. 1). Further research in 2012 focused on the vulnerabilities of the Mandeh shipwreck site. We also carried out a study on community involvement in preserving and managing this site which has a purpose to help to bring about shared prosperity and a sustainable future to all stakeholders. West Sumatra’s west coast had the important role in shipping and trading activities since the Portuguese, VOC- and Dutch Colonial Government periods because the region was the producer of gold, silver, pepper, etc. West Sumatra in the gate area of the western part of the Sumatra Island is well-known by domestic and foreign tourists. The opening of international routes from West Sumatra could boost touristic activities as one of the drivers of local economic development. The potential of West Sumatra is also considered significant in the field of marine tourism. Therefore, West Sumatra has been established as a tourist destination in Indonesia

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nationwide (West Sumatra Office for Culture and Tourism, 2010). Marine heritage tourism activities that can be developed in Mandeh Bay and Cingkuk Island are shipwreck diving and historical tourism, snorkelling, swimming, sailing, boating, fishing, visiting tropical gardens and cruising. Until today, the management of shipwreck sites and maritime sites in West Sumatra has not been handled professionally, i.e. based on sustainable use as a source of knowledge, culture and national identity. The utilization of shipwreck sites and maritime sites if managed properly will also promote the local economy and improve peoples’ lives around the site. Shipwreck sites have historical and scientific value, but also economic value and can be used as objects of further exploration. In particular, they could serve as marine tourism objects and spark special interest tourism such as wreck diving. At the same time the implication of preservation of a sunken ship could provide an opportunity to develop management and sustainable social welfare (Soesilo & Budiman, 2006: 347; Ardiwidjaja, 2006; 2007). The Mandeh shipwreck site The first research started in 2006 by the Research Centre for Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources (which now became the Research and Development Centre for Marine and Coastal Resources – Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries). A second phase of research took place in 2012 by the Research Institute for Marine and Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (a technical unit office under Research and Development Centre for Marine and Coastal Resources). Finally, we gathered information from local fishermen and the owner of Cubadak Paradiso Village Resort, Mr. Nanny Casalegno. Based on all these data, the shipwreck found in Mandeh Bay area in the West Sumatra Province can presumably be identified as the MV Boelongan Nederland. This is a Dutch-owned cargo ship that was bombed by

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Fig. 1. Map of shipwreck and maritime sites along West Sumatra’s west coast.

Japanese combat aircraft on 28 January 1942 during the Second World War. Preliminary research about this shipwreck site was also performed by the Agency for Preservation of Cultural Heritage of Batu Sangkar and the Directorate of Underwater Heritage in 2007 and 2010. In 2007, the ship’s location is recorded in the inventory list of cultural heritage of the Agency for Preservation of Cultural Heritage of Batu Sangkar No. 14/BCB-TB/A/14/2007 (Balai Pelestarian Cagar Budaya Batu Sangkar, 2010; Bahar, 2006).

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The site is located in 17-29 m deep water in Mandeh Bay at c. 470 m from the shore. The site can be reached in a three hours ride by car from Minangkabau International Airport and a 20 minutes boat trip from Carocok Harbour. The distance from Cubadak Paradiso Village Resort (Cubadak Island) to the site is only 1.5 nautical miles (fig. 2). Administratively, the wreck is located in Mandeh Village, District Koto XI Tarusan, Pesisir Selatan Regency. The shipwreck location is very strategic because it is located in Mandeh area that has been

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Fig. 2. Mandeh Bay Area and Cubadak Island (Photo: courtesy of Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, 2012).

called ‘The Paradise in the South” which is the favourite tourist destination in Pesisir Selatan Regency with marine tourism as the main type of tourist attraction. The visibility on the shipwreck site is about 2-10 m and this visibility could range from good to bad due to the location of the shipwreck on the Mandeh river mouth. The best time for diving is during high tide because at that moment the sea water can withstand sediment input coming from the Mandeh river. The visibility on site gets poor and deteriorates when the tide recedes and river freshwater with mud and sediment enters the shipwreck area. Meanwhile, the current condition underwater experienced during dive times is fairly calm and current is generally not strong. The bottom substrate is mud which most likely originates from the Mandeh River and the Nyalo River. This iron shipwreck is still relatively intact, even though several parts are damaged and part of the hull is buried in mud substrate. Ship elements such as the hull, hatches, windows, bow and stern are still visible. Based on our observations, it seems that the ship is physically broken on the bow section due to bombing by aircraft. The ship consists of two decks and has two large iron masts which are broken and have fallen backwardly (aft) in an east-west orientation. The sides seemed to

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have collapsed into the pavilion cabin on the upper deck at a depth of about 20 m. In portside and starboard of the main deck there are still iron-curved pole lifeboats visible (fig. 3). The measurements taken during the diving activities indicate that the wreck is c. 75 m long and that the width of the hull varies from c. 10 m wide at the bow, c. 11 m at the centre to c. 13 m at the stern, while the bow tip is c. 8 m high above the seabed and the ship structure c. 4 m high in the middle. The measured height of the wreck does not represent its actual size as part of the hull is covered by sediment. The position of the wreck is tilted to the left, while the bow is orientated to southwest. The stern is located northeast which indicates that the ship was heading south. The shipwreck dimensions of the in situ measurements fit with the specifications of the MV Boelongan Nederland dimensions obtained from a number of archival references (table 1). The other ships that sank in the groove in the same period are SS Elout and SS Buijskes but they were larger than MV Boelongan Nederland. Archive data indicate that MV Boelongan Nederland, which was constructed in 1915, measured 72.6 x 11.63 x 3.7 m with a gross tonnage of 1053 t.

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Fig. 3. Wreck of MV Boelongan Nederland (Photo: Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan, 2012).

Based on the KPM archive (Bakker, 1945), MV Boelongan Nederland is owned by Koninklijke Pakketvaart Maat­ schappij (KPM), a shipping company that was founded by the Dutch government in 1888 and began operations in 1891. KPM had made the west coast of Sumatra as its main area of services in addition to Batavia (Asnan, 2007). Since 1850, the Dutch government opened direct delivery relations between Padang and Batavia. These continued until the end of World War II. At the time KPM was subsidized by the Dutch government and Table 1. MV Boelongan Nederland dimensions (Source: www. wrecksite.eu). General Nationality:

Dutch

Purpose:

Transport

Type:

Cargo Ship

Propoulsion:

Motor Vessel (Diesel)

Date Built:

1915

Status:

Unknown

Details Weight (Tons):

1053 Grt

Dimensions:

72.6 X 11.63 X 3.7 M

Engine:

6cyl Werkspoor Diesel Engine

Power:

750 B.H.P

Speed:

8.25 Knots

About the loss

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Cause Lost:

Air Raid

Date Lost:

28/01/1942

Builder:

Gebroeders Pot N.V., Bolnes

Owner:

Koninklijke Pakketvaart Mij. (KPM), Amsterdam

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was privileged to serve the maritime transportation throughout the Dutch East Indies. The shipping company has served the transportation of passengers and goods for civil and government sake. For the Dutch government, KPM ships do not only have meaning as a means of transportation, but also as a means of unifying their colony. KPM ships including MV Boelongan Nederland were also sometimes used for military purposes by the Dutch government. In the survey conducted in 2006 at the shipwreck location, we found a number of artefacts such as a dark green glass bottle that reads ‘Malaya Brewers Ltd’, few ceramic fragments, and wood fragments which when analysed in the laboratory turned out to be a kind of teak (Dillenia, 2006). The shipwreck site in Mandeh Bay can be used as a marine tourism destination for wreck diving that has economic value and can be developed as such. It lies in a quite gentle bay condition with calm sea water and its location has a diversity of marine life with a beautiful scenery and a peaceful atmosphere. In general, the pattern and the distribution of waves, currents, tides in the surrounding area do not indicate that Mandeh waters have extreme natural phenomena that can damage or destroy neither physically nor mechanically the shipwreck site. Water quality factors such as temperature, pH, salinity, dissolved oxygen also show a natural condition that is in accordance with the value of the sea water quality standard for marine tourism and marine resources required by the Ministry of Environment. However, the process of sedimentation that comes from the mouth of the Mandeh and Nyalo rivers could affect this site and could cause a significant change in the physical environment because gradually the site would be buried by the mud of the river. Cingkuk Island maritime site Cingkuk Fortress on Cingkuk Island serves as another example of how a heritage site might be adapted for touristic purposes. The island is administratively located in Painan Selatan Village, Sub-District IV Jurai, Pesisir Selatan Regency. The distance from the capital city of West Sumatra Province, Padang, is about 77 km and the distance from the capital of Pesisir Selatan Regency is about 300 km. The island with an overall surface of 4.5 acres is owned by Nagari (indigenous people). The spacious site of the Cingkuk Fortress covers 7,500 m² and is located c. 2 m above sea level. The gates and walls of the fortress extend from west to east over a distance of approximately 100 x 75 m. The Cingkuk Fortress was registered as a protected cultural heritage site in accordance with the laws of cultural heritage on September 23, 1993, with registration number: 02/TB/108.6/J-1993. The historical site is under the supervision and protection of the Office of Youth, Sports, Culture, and Tourism Pesisir Selatan Regency, Office of Culture and Tourism of the West Sumatera Province, and the Office of Preservation

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Fig. 4. Cingkuk Fortress on Cingkuk Island (Photo: Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan, 2012).

of Cultural Heritage of Batu Sangkar. The fortress was restored by the Office of Preservation of Cultural Heritage of Sumatra and Riau Province in 1995-1996. The office has also installed two persons for safeguarding and maintaining the fort (Hidayat, 2000). Research on this fort has been done in 1999 by the Institute for Archaeology and in 2012 by the Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability. Cingkuk Fortress was founded in AD 1596 during the early occupation of the Europeans (the Portuguese and Dutch) on the west coast of Sumatra Island. Sumatra’s west coast region was the gateway entrance for the Portuguese and the Dutch to West Sumatra. Inside the fort there is the tomb complex of Madame van Kempen, thought to have been the wife of a Dutch official, who died in the 18th century. The tomb measures 80 x 160 cm, with a cupola of 2 x 3 m, located in the south of the fort. About 20 m to the south there are also the remains of a harbour foundation measuring 2 x 2 m, composed of rocks with a height of 1 m above sea level, at present located approximately 10 m from the coast of the southern island, between Cingkuk and Batu Kreta Island. The remains are believed to be a former dock port during the Portuguese and Dutch occupation period. Furthermore, a relatively long bridge can be found on the island together with two wells, possibly installed for the benefit of the inhabitants of the fortress (Hidayat, 2000; West Sumatra Office of Culture and Tourism, 2004).

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Cingkuk Island consists of sand plains and on the south end there are two small hills at c. 100 m above sea level consisting of rocks. Beaches on the west and north of the island are quite steep and directly facing the Indian Ocean. Beaches in the south and east are very calm with sandy white beaches and beautiful views. The strait between Cingkuk Island and Batu Kreta Island is about 400 m wide (in the south). To the east there is the strait between Cingkuk Island and Jawi Carocok Painan Beach, less than 300 m wide. Both sides of the strait are safe for swimming and snorkelling activities of visitors. The fortress complex is located in the western part of the Cingkuk Island. On the island there are a lot of overgrown shade from product crops like pepper, nutmeg, coconut and clove. Cingkuk Island, which has historic buildings and the beauty of the beaches with crystal sea water and white sand beach, has the potential to be developed as a tourism destination in Pesisir Selatan Regency. Unfortunately, at present the condition of the fort seems neglected as weeds are growing on the site and some waste is scattered. Based on interviews and observations of the survey team, it can be concluded that the local government is not too concerned about the existence of this island because there is a conflict between two tribes claiming to be the owner of the island. Therefore, it is not an easy scope to optimally and professionally develop this marine tourism destination into

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81. The Mandeh shipwreck ...

a project of eco-heritage tourism. The people who claim to be owners of the island do not allow the government to manage its heritage while on the other hand they themselves do not make efforts to maintain and manage it. It has become a dilemma. Consequently, it is difficult for the government to promote the island. Benefits to local community If well-preserved and well-developed, the Mandeh shipwreck and other Dutch maritime sites could be major marine-heritage touristic projects on West Sumatra’s west coast. They could provide an alternative livelihood for the local community and could reduce the rate of unemployment in the village. Today, Indonesia is one of the favourite places for marine tourism including wreck diving. In addition to the global trend, improving the economy will positively affect the region. We need to strive for marine tourism to be one of the sources in the field of maritime economy which in its turn can be a source of foreign exchange. Indonesia has been recognized as one of the most beautiful destinations for international marine tourism (Kamaluddin, 2002: 135). The goal of coastal development in Indonesia is to raise the quality of life along with all members of society, especially those living in coastal areas and on small islands (Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries, 2009). Conclusion The ascendancy of West Sumatra’s west coast during the Dutch colonial occupation period in Indonesia until WW II period is shown by the evidence of the cultural heritage in the form of a shipwreck and fortress. MV Boelongan Nederland in Mandeh Bay has a historical value that must be appreciated and can be utilized as a tourism destination and also as an artificial reef that is integrated with the surrounding marine ecosystem. If we acknowledge this, we need to provide legal protection to establish that site as a Cultural Heritage Site (based on Law No. 11/2010 on the Protection of Cultural Heritage), to provide legal protection to establish this site as a Maritime Conservation Area (Based on the Ministerial Decree No. 17/2008 on Conservation of Coastal Zone and Small Islands), to improve collaboration between central and local government, community and other stakeholders and to raise public awareness. Acknowledgments Thanks are due to Research Centre for Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources (now becomes Research and Development Centre for Marine and Coastal Resources), Research Institute for Coastal

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Resources and Vulnerability, Agency for Preservation of Cultural Heritage of Batu Sangkar, The Agency for Youth, Sports, Culture, and Tourism Pesisir Selatan Regency, The Agency for Fisheries and Marine Affairs of Pesisir Selatan Regency, Curbadak Paradiso Resort, Minang Bahari Dive Centre, Kompas Media, and to all people who are always with us and support us in conducting study and research on maritime archaeological resources. References Ardiwidjaja, Roby, 2006. Sumberdaya Benda Berharga asal Muatan Kapal Tenggelam (BMKT) di Indonesia. dipresentasikan pada Seminar Nasional Pelestarian Pusaka Indonesia, September 2006. Jakarta. Ardiwidjaja, Roby, 2007. Pemanfaatan Benda Arkeologi Bawah Air (Shipwreck): Satu Peluang Peningkatan Daya Tarik Wisata Selam, dipresentasikan pada. Diskusi Ilmiah Sumberdaya Arkeologi Laut, Mei 2007. Jakarta. Asnan, Gusti, 2007. Dunia Maritim Pantai Barat Sumatera. Penerbit Ombak, Yogyakarta.Bahar, Yusfa Hendra, 2006. Studi Pencagarbudayaan Benda Cagar Budaya dan Situs di Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan. Laporan, BP3 Batusangkar. Bakker, H.Th., 1945. De KPM in Oorlogstijd: 1939 – 1945. KPM, Rotterdam. Balai Pelestarian Cagar Budaya Batu Sangkar, 2010. Laporan Dokumentasi Peninggalan Bawah Air Shipwreck Kawasan Mandeh. Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan. Dillenia, Ira, dkk., 2006. Identifikasi dan Inventarisasi Sumber Daya Arkeologi Laut di Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan. Departemen Kelautan dan Perikanan, Jakarta. Hidayat, Teguh, 2000. Laporan Ekskavasi Pengumpulan Data Pemugaran Situs Benteng Portugis Pulau Cingkuk (Tahap I) Kelurahan Carocok, Kecamatan IV Jurai, Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan. Technical Report, Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala Provinsi Sumatera Barat dan Riau. Kamaluddin, M., Laode, 2002. Pariwisata Bahari dan Konservasi Ecotourism. Pembangunan Ekonomi Maritim di Indonesia, PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Jakarta. Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries, 2009. Rancangan Blue Print Pengelolaan Industri Kelautan: 31 – 33. Soesilo, Indroyono, dan Budiman, 2006. Melacak Harta Karun di Dasar Samudera. IPTEK: Menguak Laut Indonesia, PT. Sarana Komunikasi Utama, Jakarta, hal: 344 – 347. West Sumatra Office for Culture and Tourism, 2004. Cagar Budaya Benteng Pulau Cingkuk Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan, http://www.sumbarprov.go.id, viewed 26 September 2012. West Sumatra Office for Culture and Tourism, 2010. Perkembangan Pariwisata Tahun 2010 di Sumatera Barat, Technical Report.

Web resources

http://www.wrecksite.eu, viewed 28 March 2012 http://www.cubadak-paradisovillage.com, viewed 28 March 2012.

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82. The Roman wreck from Terracina (Latina, Italy). A cargo of Roman tiles Laura Sanna

Introduction In 1997, two sport divers reported for the first time a concentration of several hundred Roman tiles on a few meters off the coast of Terracina, Italy (LT), at short distance from the harbour. The tiles were situated on the surface of the seabed at the depth of about 25 m. After a preliminary survey in 1997 (Zarattini, 2001: 160), the Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage of Lazio organized in 1998 a small excavation to determine the stratigraphy of the site and to verify the presence of any wooden elements related to the hull of a shipwreck. After this first operation, the site has not been further investigated until 2010, when, during the Archeomar Project 2, a survey was executed using SSS, SBP, ROV and a DGPS system for positioning (fig. 1). The survey

allowed to collect data on the measurements of the site including the tile cargo of the ship which was now well recognizable, to verify the presence of wooden ship remains, to recover a tile in order to study the stamps and to record the site by photographs and film. Dr. A. Zarattini (head of the UW Archaeology Unit of the Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage of Lazio) invited the author to analyse and study the results of the survey and the wreck site. The cargo: tiles and cover-tiles According to the data from the 2010 survey, the site covers an area of 14.7 m east-west and of maximally 9.6 m north-south. The archaeological remains consisted of

Fig. 1. Measuring activities in 2011 on the Terracina wreck.

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Fig. 2. The central block of the tile cargo.

Fig. 3. Tiles scattered and upturned around the central block of the cargo.

a cargo of some hundred tiles, many of them still in their original stowage position and arranged in regular rows on at least two overlapping levels. The upper part of the load emerged from the seabed for about 70-80 cm and was composed of five orderly stowed rows of tiles, orientated east-west and inclined 60° towards west, probably due to the dynamics of sinking. Most of the tiles are in good condition and many are still arranged vertically on their short side to occupy as little space as possible, creating a sort of longitudinal block at the centre of the hull (fig. 2). The first two rows at the two northern and southern ends of the central tile block are divided from it by a row of tiles placed in pairs, on their short or long side and perpendicular to the main rows. We can argue that these rows were originally used as a sort of ’bulkhead’ for the stability of the load, as it has been individuated on the

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Barthelemy B wreck at Saint Raphael (Joncheray, 2004: 7-72). The three central rows of the upper layer contain a larger number of tiles, about 40, than the rows at the two ends. The northern one is composed of about 20 tiles, while the southern one consists of 30. Around the core of the cargo are lying some intact and broken tiles of which some appear to be scattered without apparent order, while others seem to be just upturned at the two sides of the load, perhaps following the breakup of the broadsides of the hull (fig. 3). By drilling a small hole near the centre of the tile concentration, it was possible to verify the presence of a second level of tiles, and possibly of wooden elements related to the hull, buried about 80 cm in the seabed. The lower layer of tiles is barely visible under the sand and seems to consist of five regular rows, just like the upper level.

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The direct survey made it possible for the archaeologists to discover some imbrices. Although most of them were broken, they were slightly tapered and halfcylin­drical in profile and could be attributed to the so called ’laconic type’. We can suppose that originally the cargo contained many more imbrices but part of these dis­appeared because of theft in recent years by sport divers and fishermen. In other known investigated wreck sites, in fact, these artefacts have been individuated as fixed part of the cargo, placed around the central block of tiles or in between to fill the empty spaces: this is the case in the Barthelemy B wreck (Joncheray, 2004: 16-18) and the Lardier 4 wreck (Joncheray, 2004: 84-89) at La Croix-Valmer. The tiles: typology and stamp From a typological point of view, the cargo can be considered as ’homogeneous’, consisting exclusively of tegulae and imbrices, all of Roman Imperial production as is suggested by the analysis of the tile which was recovered as sample. The tile is flat with upturned flanges along the two longer sides and rectangular, measuring about 60 x 40 cm. The clay is orange-red in colour and is quite pure. The tiles were stamped with the inscription ‘MARRI’ in capital letters and in a rectangular cartouche with rounded corners (fig. 4). This is the oldest type of stamp because the rectangular cartouche with just one name on a single line is attested on bricks from the 2nd century BC to the 2nd century AD in extra urban areas, while from the 1st century AD onwards stamps with other shapes (circular, semi-circular and lunate) and more information began to circulate in Rome (Steinby, 1993: 9-14). Also the epigraphic text confirms this hypothesis, as the inscription ‘MARRI’ contains the

’prenomen’ ‘Marcus’ abbreviated ‘M for and the ’nomen’ ’Arri’ in genitive (indicating the patronymic ’Arrius’) without any punctuation mark. This type of onomastic formula, in fact, appears on the oldest stamps on bricks, chronologically attributed to the late Republican era and the early Imperial era. The simple formula ‘MARRI’ did not clarify if Marcus Arrius was the dominus (the fundus owner) or the officinator (the manufacturer), nor what his role was in the tile production process (Steinby, 1993: 9-14; Zaccaria, 1993: 15-21; Uboldi, 2005: 487). From a preliminary prosopographical analysis, the ’gens Arria’ seems to have a Sabellic origin and to be well-known above all in Campania, where the ‘MARRI’ stamp is widely diffused (Chelotti, 1990: 261). Between the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st century BC, the ’Arrii’ are well documented in Capua, Atella, Avellino, Ercolano, Cuma, Miseno, Pozzuoli, Salerno and Sessa Aurunca. However, it is above all in Pompei that the ’gens Arria’ appears often in the context of the elites who have the control of the specialized agriculture (Garozzo, 2003: 619). In Campania, in fact, archaeological evidence shows us that, between the end of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD, the ’gens Arria’ is directly involved in brick production, having a private factory or officina, and possibly also in brick trade, as the chronological and geographical diffusion of the stamp seems to demonstrate (Garozzo, 2003: 618-620). During these centuries, the family stamp changed, due to events involving the different members of the ’gens Arria’. At the beginning, the ‘Arrii’ seem to have the direct control of the figlinae, as is testified by the stamps ‘M.ARRIUS’ and ‘M. ARRIUS MAXIMUS’, but, at least after the first half of the 1st century AD, their properties and slaves seem to go to other families, the ’Allii’ and the ’Vettii’ (Los, 1992: 723-724). Outside Campania ‘MARRI’ stamps were discovered in

Fig. 4. The stamp MARRI on a sampled tile from the cargo.

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82. The Roman wreck from Terracina (Latina, Italy)

Lipari (Brugnone & Cavalier, 1986: 181-282), chronologically placed by Cavalier and Brugnone between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD. From the Lucania area (La Torre, 2003: 55-56, 65, 68) comes a varied and interesting series of bricks with ‘MARRI’ stamps, attributed to a period between the end of the 1st and the half of the 2nd century AD. Following the study of this stamp, therefore, we can propose a relationship between the tiles on the wreck of Terracina and the production of bricks of Campania, dating the cargo between the late 1st century BC and 1st half of the 1st century AD. The maritime brick trade The study of wreck sites with tile cargoes, as the Terracina one, can help us to shed light on the maritime trade of bricks. It is true, in fact, that tiles, bricks and building material were often carried as secondary cargo, as they were considered cheap goods to give the boat stability and to make the return journey more profitable. On the other hand, in some wreck sites building materials can be interpreted as primary and exclusive cargo, because of their quantity, their stowage position and the absence of other goods (Moerman & Ximenes, 1998: 299-302). The Terracina wreck could be related to the increase of the construction of the roman villae along the south coast of Latium, between Ostia and Terracina, which started at least from the late Republican era. The underwater surveys recently realized on the Tor Paterno Shoal (Bertoldi & Scandellari, 2007: 195-211) revealed the presence of a great amount of building material, interpreted as remains of cargoes lost during transhipment activities from ships at anchor. Just in one case, however, the underwater archaeologists have identified a homogeneous load of bessales, interpreted as the result of the wrecking of a ship. Conclusions The regular stacking indicates that Terracina site is intact and represents the surface layer of the cargo of a ship buried in a sandy seabed. The stacking arrangement is interesting because the orientation and the stowage position of the upper layer of tiles, on an east-west axis, is duplicated by the lower level of tiles. Presumably this is the axis and orientation of the ship. The cargo, in fact, is about 15 m long in east-west direction and 9.60 m wide on a south-north axis. From a topographical point of view, the limits of the cargo which were individuated by using a metal probe seem to have an ellipse outline which could be interpreted as the result of post deposition dynamics. After a first analysis of the site, we can suppose that the ship originally transported at least 1,000 tiles, with a weight estimated at about 16 t. The tiles were arranged in regular rows, according to the

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scheme defined by Parker as ’head to toe’ (1992: 96), in order to achieve optimal stowage. The actual disposition of the tiles suggests that the load must have suffered the effect of hull disintegration after sinking, as the peripheral rows seem to have fallen on the seabed following broadsides’ deterioration. Thus, the presence of isolated artefacts all around the central block could be explained as recent interventions because of human activities, like fishing, diving or anchoring which unfortunately still occur. The ship sunk off of Terracina, not far from the coast, but the present data do not provide clear indications of the route it was following at the moment of sinking. However, the analysis of the cargo permits us to suppose that the tiles may have been produced in Campania and could have been intended for the construction of some villae along the south coast of Latium. So, according to the study by Steinby (1993: 10) or Rico (1995: 784-785) about the maritime diffusion of Roman bricks in the western Mediterranean area, we can argue that the Terracina wreck is a direct evidence of short range trading of Roman building material for local production. Many scholars consider in fact an exclusive load of tiles or bricks, due to its low economic value, as a cheap solution for local transport of heavy and bulky material than a profitable cargo with which money could be earned in a dangerous maritime enterprise. References Adam, J.P., 1984. L’arte di costruire presso i Romani. Longanesi & C., Milano: 229-230. Auriemma, R., 2004. Salentum a Salo, vol. II. Lecce. Bass, G.F. & Van Doornick, F., 1971. A fourth century shipwreck at Yassi Ada. American Journal of Archaeology 75: 27-37. Bertoldi, T. & Scandellari, P., 2007. Archeologia Subacquea a Tor Paterno. In: A. Rossi-Doria & G. Fiocco (a cura di), Annali del Dipartimento di Storia 3: 195-211. Brugnone, A. & Cavalier, M., 1986. I bolli delle tegole della necropoli di Lipari. Kokalos XXXII: 181-282. Buiatti, A., 1994. Nuove acquisizioni sui bolli laterizi dell’Agro Aquileiese. In: Epigrafia della produzione e della distribuzione (Colloque de Rome, 1992; EFR, 193). Roma: 415-431. Chelotti, M., 1990. Le epigrafi romane di Canosa. Bari. Dell’Amico, P., 2005. Relitti del Mediterraneo. La Spezia. Garozzo, B., 2003. Nuovi dati sull’instrumentum domesticum bollato – anfore e laterizi – dal Palermitano. In: A. Corretti (a cura di), Quarte Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull’area Elima” (Atti del Convegno di Erice 1-4 dicembre 2000: 618-620. Gianfrotta, P.A. & Pomey, P., 1980. Materiali da Costruzione. Archeologia Subacquea. Milano: 222-225. Gregori, G.L., 1990. Brescia romana. Ricerche di prosopografia e storia sociale. Roma. Joncheray, A. & J.P., 2004. Épave de tuiles romaines en ProvenceCôte d’Azur. Cahiers d’Archéologie Subaquatique 15: 7-134. Joncheray, J.P., 1976. Le Dramont and Giens; Cannes; Fréjus. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 5: 107-114.

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Joncheray, J.P., 1987. L’épave G du Dramont. Notes sur six épaves de tuiles. Cahiers d’Archéologie Subaquatique 6: 51-84. Joncheray, J.P. & Fiori, P., 1972. Etude préliminaire de la coque de l’épave Chrétienne C. Cahiers d’Archéologie Subaquatique 2: 123-132. La Torre, G.F., 2003. Il Mausoleo di Blanda Julia. Rubbettino Editore, Soveria Mannelli (CZ): 65, 68. Los, A., 1992. Les intérêts des affranchis dans l’agriculture italienne. Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome. Antiquité 104.2: 709-753. Menichelli, M., 1992. Il commercio marittimo dei laterizi: alcune considerazioni per le rotte alto tirreniche. Atti del Convegno AIA Sub di Castiglioncello. Bari: 167-175. Moerman, M. & Ximenes, S., 1998. Fouille de l’épave de la calanque de l’Ane (Marseille). Archeonautica 14: 299-302. Parker, A.J., 1992. Cargoes, containers and stowage. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21.2: 89-100. Parker, A.J., 1992. Ancient shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman Provinces. British Archaeological Reports, Int. Series 580. Oxford. Pietra, G., 2003. Lateres e Mortara con bolli di fabbrica dal porto di Olbia. In: R. D’Oriano (ed.), Viaggi per mare, viaggi per l’aldilà. Olbia: 87-97. Purpura, G., 1986. Rinvenimenti sottomarini nella Sicilia occidentale. Bollettino d’Arte – Supplemento 3: 139-160. Rico, C., 1995. La diffusion par mer des matériaux de construction en terre cuite: un aspect mal connu du commerce

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antique e Méditerranée occidentale. Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome. Antiquité 107, N°2: 767-800. Salomies, O., 2002. People in Ostia. Some Onomastic Obser­ vations and Comparison with Rome. In: C. Brunn & A. Gallina Zevi (a cura di), Ostiae e Portus nelle loro relazioni con Roma. Atti del Convegno, Roma 1999. Roma: 135-159. Uboldi, M., 2005. Laterizi e Opus Doliare. In: D. Gandolfi (a cura di), La ceramica e i materiali di età romana. Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri, Bordighera: 479-490. Uccelli, G., 1983. Le Navi di Nemi. Roma. Steinby, E.M., 1993. Ricerche sull’industria doliare nelle aree di Roma e Pompei: un possibile modello interpretativo? In: C. Zaccaria (a cura di), I laterizi di età romana nell’area nord-adriatica. Ed. L’erma di Bretshneider – Roma: 9-14. Taglietti, F. & Zaccaria, C., 1994. Bolli laterizi. Enciclopedia Arte Antica, Suppl. II. Roma: 705-713. Zaccaria, C., 1993. I bolli laterizi di età romana nell’area adriatica. Bilancio degli studi e prospettive della ricerca. In: C. Zaccaria (a cura di), I laterizi di età romana nell’area nord-adriatica. Ed. L’erma di Bretshneider – Roma: 9-14. Zarattini, A., 1998. Un relitto carico di tegole a Terracina. L’Archeologo Subacqueo IV.3 (settembre-dicembre): 11. Zarattini, A., 2001. La tutela del patrimonio sommerso del Lazio. In: M. Giacobelli (a cura di), Lezioni Fabio Faccenna. Bari: 153-160.

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83. The wreck of Martana Island (Lake Bolsena, Italy) Antonia Sciancalepore & Egidio Severi

Introduction In 2009, a shipwreck was found 150 m west of Martana Island in Lake Bolsena, Italy. The wreck was lying at a depth of 17 m on a flat muddy backdrop with the bow facing northeast (fig. 1a-b).1 The remains were 6.12 m long and 1.74 m wide (fig. 2a). The boat’s cargo consisted entirely of fired bricks, which were still for a part arranged in their original stowage pattern. The discovery of this boat has yielded more information on the construction of the traditional fishing boats used on Lake Bolsena. The shipwreck was studied during an underwater excavation in July 2010 by a team composed by the Italian Institute for Conservation and Restoration, the Archaeological Superintendence for Southern Etruria, the University of Tuscia with the support of the Research Centre ‘Lake Bolsena Scuba School’.2 According to all information gathered and to the details found on the shipwreck during the research we can conclude that this boat dates to the last quarter of the 19th century AD. Historically two types of fishing boats were build and used in Lake Bolsena: the germagnola and the retara (fig. 2a).3 The only technical feature which distinguished these two boat types from each other was the inner angle between the bottom and the sides, called sbracatura. There were no fixed building features and each fisherman would design his boat according to the principle of maximum manoeuvring. The germagnola was 1.20 m wide by 6.40 m long with a 1.60 m sbracatura and was used for fishing with a special conic fish trap called artavello. The retara was a bit wider, 1.30 m, and had a sbracatura up to 2.20 m. This boat served to fish with trawl nets (fig. 2b). The retara type boat in lake Bolsena The recovered boat had a wide sbracatura, which would fit to the typology of the retara. With the support of

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Autocad software, we reconstructed the building stages of the boat which we defined by local Bolsena dialect terms (fig. 3a). The first part of the vessel to be built was the bottom, or fónno, composed of two or three planks. The second step was to fix the pòste, planks which served to link the bottom boards. The pòste did not reach the bottom, in order to allow drainage of water. Before setting up the sides of the boat, a right curvature was given to the fónno. The curvature of the bottom, called lèva, was not well defined and was made according to the personal choice of the fisherman commissioning the boat. We know, from local shipwrights, that the curvature on the stern and on the bow could differ by 15 cm; nevertheless the lèva was between 20 and 30 cm. The next step after establishing the curvature was to lay down the lower order of the sides, called spónne, and the ribs, called matèe. The matèe were generally 14 U-shaped planks. The matèe supported the entire boat and adjusted the sbracatura to the sides. Then the sides of the boat were developed by placing the upper order of the spónne. Two important components of the hull were the viaro and the sgŭsciòtto. The viaro is a 2 cm rise created between the bottom inferior façade of the fónno and the spónne; it gave to the boat more stability during the manoeuvres. The sgŭsciòtto is composed of two or three small planks nailed down to the bottom and parallel to the lower bottom. It allowed the sliding of the boat on a suitable roller, when brought to land or put into the water. The stem, called culata, is characterized by the talèna, the usciòlo and the calino. The talèna is a plank placed on the transom, called usciòlo. The scalino is a small step placed on the outside bottom part. The external projections of the talèna, are protruding parts called orecchjòzze, used to lift up the boat, to pull it ashore or to push it into water. The bow, called punta, has an iron ring, the bbrijja, at the end used for mooring or pulling the boat ashore by a rope. On the upper order of the spónne were the tholes or pire set, made of a heated iron. In the past the pire were reinforced by external boards called pirajje. The tholes are without bifurcation, therefore the oars are

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Fig. 1. a) Location of the wreck near Martana Island. b) The moment of discovery.

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Fig. 2. a) Planimetry of the boat. b) The inner angle between the bottom and the sides (called sbracatura) in the two types of fishing boats.

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tied up with stròpjo which are made up from old fishing nets. The oars are composed of two parts, the stigo and the pala. The two parts were kept together by two woody pivots called cavijje, nowadays substituted by iron bolts. Instead, some oars have – on the above mentioned joint a binding for reinforcement. The oars were placed in an asymmetric position. The rjèmo, placed on the right side, at about 1 m from the culata had a straight blade and it was moved by the right hand. The rosta was settled on the left edge of the stem, moved by the left hand and its blade was a bit curved being also used as a helm during the sailing. Sails and rigging Before engines were introduced, sails were the common means for navigation during longer trips. We have reconstructed the sail’s evolutionary phases, using the information from the local fishermen, as their shapes are poorly described in published studies and drawings. The first rudimentary sail, vèla, was made of hemp from old sheets, linzóla de cànepe, and attached to one side of the main mast, ‘r puntóne, by means of a hood, called the cappuccio and rings of cloth, anèlle de panno, three fingers wide. The ‘r puntóne was placed near the bow, passing through a hole, called bbuco. This hole was made in the middle of the trasto de punta and attached to a place below the posto, by a special piece of wood nailed to the bottom. The other side of the sail was always attached to the extremities with a type of knots called laccètti, to a second removable shaft, the r puntoncèllo. Depending the wind direction, the ‘r puntoncèllo was placed on the right or left side and embedded between the matèe and the trasto de mèźźo. The manoeuvres were executed with a rope tied at the upper end of the ‘r puntoncèllo and sailed directly with one hand. During our enquiries we learned from the fishermen that this type of sail was the most used. Later on, there were some changes in the rigging and the shape of the sail. The subsequent development in the rigging of the sail showed a centre groove of 30 cm from the top of the main mast. A pulley, carrucola, was placed in the groove to allow the passage of a rope fixed to the ‘r puntoncèllo that now had the position of lower yard. The sail in the middle of the ‘r puntoncèllo was fixed up by rings of cloth, while at the ends there were laccètti knots. In this way the lower side of the sail was fixed in the same way to another yard, the same size as the ‘r puntoncèllo. Its extremities were fixed to two ropes: one rolled up to the ‘r piro de punta, the other one kept moved directly by hand to pull off the sail, depending on the wind. The square sail underwent yet another change throughout the years, turning its shape into a trapezium. The handling process remains the same but one rope was fastened to the ‘r piro de punta, while the other one was kept in hand for running the rigging.

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During that period, the first commercial sails started to appear, but these were no longer made of old sheets. At that time fishermen didn’t have enough money and just a few people could afford buying a new sail; for most people new sails remained a dream and they went on using hemp. The triangular sail is the last type, where the upper ‘r puntoncèllo disappeared and the lower inferior one was used as a boom and always manoeuvred by means of a rope, linked to the right side by the piretto de punta or to the left side, depending on the wind direction. Sailing this type of boat was quite dangerous, as confirmed by a fisherman nicknamed Girengo. The flat-bottomed boat, without keel and drift, could easily get adrift and possibly wreck: that’s why in all kind of sails a rope always was held, ready to let go when it got particularly windy. Boat reconstruction The boat, called bbarca, was commissioned to the shipwrights by an order called cartolino. First the shipwright started to search the most suitable wood for the construction of the vessel. The hull was entirely built with cherry-wood boards: two for the spónne and three for the fónno. The matèe were made from olive branches large as the corner between the inner spónne and the bottom. The oars were made from chestnut wood. Since the middle of the 20th century three mahogany boards were used: one for each side and one for the bottom. Also larch, pine and then iroko wood was used in an intermediate phase. Larch and pine were used only for two years because they would break down easily. Sometimes the local carpino, sporadically diffused in the woods of Volsinii Mountains, was used in the construction of the boat.4 The matèe, part of the talèna and the orecchjòzze were made of iron, the pirajje disappeared and the pire was settled on the upper part of the matèe. Because of the brick cargo it was impossible to survey the complete surface of the wreck’s bottom, so we do not know exactly of how many elements the fónno consisted.5 We could only observe the joint of two planks in the empty part. The sides of the vessel were 1.8 cm wide with different heights, due to the stay on the bottom of the lake. To the length of 6.12 m of the bbarca, another 10 cm should be added because of the lack of the upper order of the sides (fig. 4f). Therefore the total reconstructed length comes to 6.22 m, which fits to the traditional building measurements. On the left side, fixed on the external corner of the culata, was the oar-helm, the piro de la rosta. This piro, with a piece of the pirajja, was found detached under the boat. On the external corner of the right side, there is a support for the orecchjòzze, corresponding to the talena (fig. 4b). Going through the right side, at a distance of 90 cm from the culata, there is the first piro de ‘r rjemo: here the hole of the piro, made into the upper spónne, is visible together with the

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Fig. 3. a) The 3D-reconstruction of the boat and terms used for boat parts in the local dialect of Bolsena. b) The 3D-simulation of the stowage.

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pirajjie, the planks that reinforced the thole (fig. 4c); a second one was just visible at a distance of 2.20 m, corresponding to the piretto de mezzo. Important details and features found on the wreck make this boat unique. On the left side, in the middle of the upper spónna, there is an iron slab, attached to the side by eight screws (fig. 4d). That was initially interpreted as a repair, but its function was clarified through additional archival research. The slab served as a support for a sounding-lead Magnaghi Sounder, when measurements were taken in 1903 by the Pallanza Italian Institute of Hydrobiology (Novara). A second element could be attributed to another modification, though it is not found in the normal framework of fishermen’s boats. It is a very small fork-shaped plank that was attached towards the bow on the left side, near the 14th matèa (fig. 4e). According to the last shipwrights such a structural element or fishing device does not exist in that position. Brick cargo In order to find more indications for the origin of the bricks loaded aboard, we visited some local brick factories nearby Castel Viscardo (Terni). When the old

masters of the furnaces, the fornaciari, saw the brick sample, they judged it as raw clay with a very coarse and clear colour. This characteristic allowed us to identify Vetriolo (Viterbo), where low quality bricks have been made for several years, as a possible place of origin of the cargo. The bricks are 27.2 x 13.8 x 4.5 cm. In the cargo disposition – starting astern – it is possible to see that near the lst matèa the bricks are still well arranged, whereas they have shifted from the second to the third matèa during the wrecking proces: this place was the seat for the fisherman who used both ròsta and rjèmo. Between the fourth and the fifth matèa lies the largest amount of the cargo that had caused the detachment of the spónna. Between the fifth and the seventh matèa, there are just a few elements: this place was the position of the second person manoeuvring another rjèmo. A large part of the cargo was concentrated towards the bow, starting from the eighth matèa, corresponding to the trasto de mèźźo. The cargo appeared to be in disarray, due to the sliding of the wreck. The disorder in the bow was possibly caused by hasty stowage in order to fill the last empty spaces (fig. 4a). Thanks to the 3D Studio Max software, we succeeded in simulating and arranging the wreck cargo, as to realize how many bricks could be loaded on the boat (fig. 3b). The result of the simulation is: 443 bricks, each

Fig. 4. a) Photogrammetric restitution of the boat with its brick-load. b) The remains of the pirajja on the external right side. c) The support for the orecchiozze, on the middle external right side. d) The iron made slab on the left side. e) The fork shaped planks near the bow on the inner left side. f) The bow and the lack of the upper sides.

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83. The wreck of Martana Island (Lake Bolsena, Italy)

weighting 2.6 kg, with a total weight of about 1,151 kg, reaching and overcoming the 1.15 t. However our stowage was well arranged and stacked in piles, while the real stowage was – at first – really ordered with bricks staking in piles but – at the end – the bricks were found without logical disposition. Could that boat handle such a weight? There are no documents or archival records about the maximum capacity of this type of boat. Fishermen and shipwrights were not able to provide precise information. We made a ship model on a 1:20 scale in order to directly follow all its building stages, along the original order by shipwrights. So – in this way – we could load all the miniature bricks on the boat, to live again the last sailing of the boat and the instant of the shipwreck. It is thinkable that the particular structure of the hull has contributed to the wrecking event apart from a possible overload. The boat of Lake Bolsena was built and fixed without caulking. During normal navigation there are water infiltrations in the hull which were discarded with a bailer, the acqŭatóro. Added to this feature there might have been two unfavourable circumstances that could have caused the shipwreck: water absorption by the bricks and the impossibility to take out the excessive water between them. Besides, after experimenting with the bricks, it was tested that each brick could absorb about 120 g of water. In this way the cargo capacity would have been exceeded in only a few minutes causing the boat to sink. The boat reached the backdrop leaning to the left. After the impact, the cargo moved to the left and caused more than half of this side of the ship to break open. Oral history To reconstruct the history of the boat we talked with some local fishermen and we asked them if they had information about a boat like the one we found. Some fishermen from Marta told us about a boat that wrecked due to an excessive load of bricks used for some building works on the island. A survivor from the wreck said he had lost his boat under the high cliff of Martana Island, the one in front of Marta harbour, where he discharged the materials. But no fisherman believed him, because there was no docking there. We also interviewed Bolsena’s fisherman nicknamed Pepo, from the Dottarelli’s. He spoke about his father Guido, who worked around the 1930s as a guardian on Martana Island. He followed some building repairs there. He said it was during the transport of building material that his boat sank, near its destination. Instead, Pepo’s sister gave us a slightly different version of the event. While her grandfather was doing repair work – she said – somebody stole the boat and loaded it with the bricks,

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to sell them ashore. The wreck of Martana Island is the only evidence of the ancient and lost techniques of local shipwrights and by preserving this boat the traditional boat building of Lake Bolsena will be kept alive.6 Notes 1 The boat was discovered on the 22nd of August 2009 by Massimo Lozzi and Giancarlo Mariani during underwater surveys near the Martana Island. 2 List of partecipants of the excavation and the research: Egidio Severi, Massimo Lozzi, Amedeo Raggi, Antonia Sciancalepore, Giancarlo Mariani, Massimiliano Bellacima, Giuditta Gatteschi, David Pozzi (Research Centre S.S.B. - Bolsena); Patrizia Petitti (S.B.A.E.M. - Roma); Roberto Petriaggi, Barbara Davidde, Marco Ciabattoni, Gianfianco Priori, Giulia Galotta (I.S.C.R. - Roma); Manuela Romagnoli, Chlara Taglialatela (U.N.I.T.U.S. - Viterbo). 3 The boat types and elements of the ship’s structure and rigging are indicated in local dialect. 4 Wood samples have been taken from the bow, the stern, the planking, the bottom and from wood remaining near the boat which seems to have been part of an oar. All samples have been analyzed by the Laboratories of Tuscia University. 5 The planimetry and the surveys of the sides realized on the wreck are on a 1:20 scale, while the building details are on a 1:5 scale. 6 A restoration underwater has been prepared by ISCR, in the year 2010, using cast iron cannons and plexiglass strips to ensure the hull’s seal. The ship is monitored to verify by means of electronic units the possible hull’s movements on its side. The results up to now seem very positive and aim to find the right system to preserve the boat remains in situ.

References Fagliari Zeni Buchicchio, F.T., 2009. Navigazione e traffici nelle acque interne del Lazio settentrionale tra il XV ed il XVIII sec. In: P. Petitti (a cura di), Sulfilo della corrente. Società Cooperativa ARX ed., Roma-Montefiascone: 133- 154. Galotta, G., Romagnoli, M., Spina, S., Petriaggi, R., Davidde, B., Severi, E., Sciancalepore, A. & Taglialatela, C., 2011. The boat of Martana Isle (Bolsena - Lake, Italy). Scientific investigation on wooden remnants. PROCEEDINGS 5th International Congress on “Science and technology for the Safeguard of Cultural Heritage in the Mediterranean Basin “, Istanbul 22-25 November 2011, Vol. III. Valmar Ed., Roma: 343-348. Sciancalepore, A. & Severi, E., 2012 (forthcoming). I1 relitto dell’isola Martana. Atti del “11° Convegno Nazionale di Archeologia, Storia, Etnologia Navale”, Museo della Marineria di Cesenatico, 13- 14 aprile 2012.

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84. An 18th-century Dutch cargo ship in the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland (Baltic Sea) Petr Sorokin & Ayvar Stepanov

During a gas pipeline survey for the Nord Stream project in the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland a well preserved three-mast wooden vessel was found 4.7 km to the northeast of the island of Hohland at a depth of 48 m (fig. 1.1) (Sorokin & Stepanov, 2011: 218-220). A preliminary research was organised to measure and identify

the architectural elements. The wreck is about 26 m long and 7 m wide and stands upright on its keel at 48 m of depth: the deck lies at about 45 m. (fig. 1.2). The ship’s hull is preserved for approximately 70 % with the midship section mainly intact and the stem and stern heavily damaged. The stern post rises 5 m above

Fig. 1. 1) Russian map of Gulf of Finland, 1771. The location of the wreck site; 2) Plan of the shipwreck.

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84. An 18th-century Dutch cargo ship in the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland (Baltic Sea)

the seabed and shows in the top part traces of the rudder hinges. The external side-planking has fallen off as the iron fastenings are corroded. The bowsprit is still present, 10.9 m long and inclining down. In front of the bow on starboard are two 2.5 m long iron anchors with wooden stocks. The mid-span of the hulls has been preserved better. In the midship section between the foremast and mizenmast there is still a coherent construction of frames, beams, and internal planking. The deck planks have been displaced because of corrosion of the iron fastenings. The broken base of the foremast protrudes from the deck planking at 2.5 m from the stem post. The stem and stern posts are about 70 to 25 сm in section, while the frame timbers have a cross section of about 30 to 10 cm. The frame spacing is about 30 cm. The beams are about 35 cm wide. There are hanging knees in the stem and stern section which probably supported the upper deck on the fore- and after part of the ship. There are two openings – cargo hatches – in the deck between the fore- and main mast with a windlass on starboard. The windlass is about 5 m long and cylindrical with conical ends. On the deck behind the main mast in the central part of the ship is a partially damaged rectangular brick stove of 1.1 by 0.7 m (fig. 2). The stove has a semi-circular base and an open front side. It stands on a reinforced wooden frame between the beams. The underside of the brick walls is plastered and sheathed with metal. Behind the stove left of the ship’s axis are two knees in a T-shape, which probably served as support for the galley roof. Between the hatch and the stove lies the basis of the mainmast which sticks out 0.45 m from the deck. On the deck level in the stern area there are two cylinders of water pumps at 1.30 m distance from each other. The diameter of the cylinders is about 25 cm and the internal diameter 15 cm. Around the damaged stern several planks and timbers are scattered disorderly, among which also decorated carved wooden planks and panels.

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Behind the stern a 6 m long rudder with a tiller stands still upright. Outside the hull at starboard the three masts and a large number of rigging elements were located. The 15.5 m long mizzenmast is completely preserved. The caps of the masts and bowsprit are of Dutch type. Through the two hold openings and the seams between the deck planks, bags were visible in the hold of the ship. A sample from a bag in the central cargo hatch indicated that they contain wheat. In the stern area hold were barrels with animal fat and in front of the stem post heaps of rope were visible. In total 70 individual finds were retrieved from the wreck. Most of these were concentrated between the main- and mizenmast where the remains of the galley were located. The finds include nine silver coins from the area between the galley and the stern. The coins – five roubles and four stivers – were struck in Russia and the Netherlands and cover two periods. The five Russian coins dated from 1720 to 1769 under the reign of Emperors Peter I, Anna Ioannovna, Elizaveta Petrovna and Ekaterina II. The stivers were older: they dated to 167?-1699. They had face values of 1-2 and 3-6 stivers and originated from three provinces of the Dutch Republic (Netherlands): Holland and West Friesland, Zeeland, and Zwolle. The finds from the galley area mainly consisted of metal, ceramic and glass vessels. Some vessels were fallen down into the hold due to the disintegration of the deck. Some other ceramic vessels were found in the damaged stem area. Among the glass finds were five union-shaped wine bottles of dark green glass with round sides, a concave bottom and a short tapering neck. Their sizes varied from 16 to 20 cm in height and 12 to 14.5 cm in width with a content capacity of 0.55 to 0.9 l. There was also a six-sided bottle and a square case-bottle (27.5 cm high, 9-10.5 cm wide) with a content of 2.15 l (fig. 3.1). The ceramic finds showed a large variety of objects,

Fig. 2. The brick stove on the deck of the vessel.

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Fig. 3. Artefacts retrieved from the wreck: 1) glass bottles, 2) stone ware jags, 3) ceramic pots.

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84. An 18th-century Dutch cargo ship in the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland (Baltic Sea)

like bowls, large and small pots, bottles, plates (such as one redware plate) and jugs (fig. 3.2, 3.3). From the galley area came three stoneware jugs. Two still had remains of their content, consisting of vegetable sunflower oil in one and fish fat cod-liver oil in the other. Faience tableware is presented by tea cups, both with and without handles, plates, a sugar bowl and a large-sized colander with two handles and three short legs. One cup was decorated with plants and birds in blue cobalt painting. There are nine clay smoking pipes, including two fragments of mouthpieces and a complete pipe. One pipe has a heel with on either side the coat of arms of Gouda, the Dutch town where it was fabricated. The pipe dates from the last quarter of the 18th century and has an interesting decoration, consisting of a relief image of the coat of arms of the King of Prussia Friedrich Wilhelm II with two savages supporting a ribbon with the text ’Vivat Rex Pruyse’ (van der Meulen, 2003: 36, 47, 63, 92-93, 90, 97-98). This clay pipe was probably made after the rehabilitation of Stadholder Willem V in 1787, in gratitude for the military help by the Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm II. The manufacture of these pipes stopped in 1795 after the French occupied Holland and Willem V fled to England. The metal finds were preserved badly. They comprise remains of saucepans and frying pans near the stove and three pewter spoons on which the pewter mark is still visible consisting of the coat of arms of Amsterdam with the letter ’K’ on either side. Also a bronze tap was retrieved and also two pewter shoe buckles (4 and 6 cm)

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(Baart, 1977: 297-299, 352-353, 171, 173-174). Among the navigation tools were a ruler and a heavily corroded copper compass. The ruler is of bone with a metal loop and its top side is subdivided in 12 sections of 25.3 mm with again eight smaller subdivisions of 3.16 mm. Its side is marked with five divisions of 30.4 mm each, marked as 02, 04, 06, 08, each of which is subdivided in half (15.2 mm) and again in five sections of 3.04 mm. Origin, dating and type of ship The collection of artefacts including glass and ceramic ware, navigating tools and shoe buckles indicate a North European origin of the vessel. Some finds, such as coins and clay pipes, are directly connected to the Netherlands. The cargo in the old – wheat and animal fat – represents typical products which were exported from Russia to Western Europe. Several design features of the ship allow us to date it to the 18th century. The main part of the finds roughly dates from the end of the 17th century and the 18th century. With regard to the youngest coin which was struck in Russia at the time of Catherine II, the shipwreck is not dated earlier than 1769. The dating can be narrowed down on the basis of the clay pipe with the arms of Friedrich II, possibly made in 1787-1795. After the occupation of Holland by France in 1795 the Russian-Dutch trade stopped till the signing of the Tilsit peace treaty between Russia and France in 1807. Considering the relatively short use period of clay

Fig. 4. A Dutch three-mast galiot from the end of the 18th century (Groenewegen, 1789, No. 10).

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pipes and the absence on artefacts from the 19th century, it can be assumed that the vessel was lost around 1788-1795. The possible cause of the wrecking can be found at the Northern Hohlandsky stone bank at several km south of the wreck site. This stone bank at the northern end of the Hohland Island near to the passage of the northern main route from Russia to Western Europe was a place where many ships were lost in the 18th-20th centuries. We can suppose that the vessel first wrecked on the bank during a storm and then drifted to the north where it sank. As human remains were not found on the wreck yet, it is possible that the crew was saved. Judging by the size, the shape and the features of the ship’s architecture and its rigging, it is possible to suppose that the wreck represents a three-mast galiot of Dutch origin which was in use in the middle of 18th and the beginning of the 19th century (Groenewegen, 1789: 10). Galiots were widely in use in the Baltic Sea in second half of the 18th century for cargo transportation, fitted with different rigging systems. A similar well preserved vessel interpreted as a galiot has been found earlier in Finnish waters, named the ’St. Mikael’, located at Borstö Island and dating from the middle of the 18th century (Ahlstrom, 1997: 180–197). A model of the threemast galiot ’Friedrich Wilhelm II’ which was built in 1789, is exhibited at the Technological museum in Berlin (Böndel, 1996: 76-85). The wreck has been included in the list of protected archaeological sites as Hohland 11, after the name of the nearby island. The original name of the vessel is still unknown. Data about this shipwreck is probably not present in Russian archives, as the ship, which was loaded with Russian goods and went from Russia to Western Europe, was lost at considerable distance

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from Russian ports near the border of Sweden which included Finland in that period. Maybe more information is available in Dutch archives. At this stage of the research a precise identification of the wreck on the basis of written documents is difficult, given the large number of shipwrecks in this area and the insufficient knowledge about the vessels themselves, as well as the full range of archival information on the ships lost in that area. They mainly consist of medium-sized commercial vessels from several Western European states. This is consistent with historical data, according to which the main cargo transportation along the Baltic Sea between Western Europe and Russia was carried out in the 18th-19th century by West European, mostly British and Dutch, vessels. References Ahlstrom, C., 1997. Looking for Leads: Shipwrecks of the Past Revealed by Contemporary Documents and the Archaeological Record. Finnish Academy of Science and Letters, Helsinki. Baart, J. et al. (eds), 1977. Opgravingen in Amsterdam. 20 jaar stadskernonderzoek. Amsterdam. Böndel, D., 1996. Das Werftmodell der Friedrich Wilhelm der 2te. Schriftenreihe des Museums für Verkehr und Technik, Band 15. Berlin: 77-85. Groenewegen, G., 1789. Verzameling van vierentachtig stuks Hollandsche schepen. Rotterdam. Meulen, J. van der, 2003. Goudse Pijpenmakers en hun Merken. Amsterdam. Sorokin, P.E & Stepanov, A.V., 2011. The Underwater archaeological searching project in the Eastern part Gulf of Finland. The shipwrecks in the Russian zone of project “Nord Stream” Arheologia Baltica. Klaipeda: 218-220.

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85. Numerous shipwrecks found in the Danish sector of the Nord Stream offshore gas pipeline (Baltic Sea) Mikkel Haugstrup Thomsen

Since 2008, the Viking Ship Museum has overseen the archaeology necessitated by the installation of the Nord Stream pipeline across the Baltic Sea. The pipeline actually consists of two parallel pipelines, crossing Danish territorial waters/exclusive economic zone east and south of Bornholm over a distance of 137.6 km (fig. 1). Alternative routes were considered, meaning that more than twice this length has been surveyed; in some places with a survey swath up to 2,000 m wide.

The project has been a case study in different methodological approaches to development-led underwater archaeology on such large scale and in such, relatively, deep waters. It was clear from the outset that traditional archaeological methods such as test trenching were unfeasible due to their impracticability in terms of time, money and, to some extent, safety. The survey had to be based on a staged approach comprised of geophysical

Fig. 1. Nord Stream Pipeline. Danish sector with resulting museum archival records (Drawing: the author).

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survey and visual inspection, leading, where necessary, to appropriate remedial actions. Fortunately the developer, Nord Stream AG, had planned a comprehensive survey programme due to a variety of other aspects of the project. Most notably the need for a thorough survey for unexploded ordnance meant that side scan sonar and magnetometer/gradiometer data as well as video recordings, all of supreme quality, was made available for the archaeological screening. The Viking Ship Museum, being in charge of underwater archaeology in the eastern Danish waters, took up the challenge and devised an approach based on the premise of using the geophysical data delivered by the developer. Not being directly in charge of data collection, this of course involved an aspect of quality control. Case history and methodology In the first data set received for screening, a feasibility survey of various alternative routes, Nord Stream and their subcontractor had already catalogued the anomalies encountered based on side scan sonar and ROV video recordings. Thus the data received was comprised of not only raw sonar and video data but also comprehensive contact reports. Consequently, the job for the museum was twofold: firstly to assess the objects identified by the survey company from a historical perspective and whenever possible identify objects protected by Danish heritage legislation; and secondly the quality control aspect: to perform a sample check to assess the completeness of the surveyor’s catalogue. It was concluded that the identification of shipwrecks was accurate, but a few singular objects were, contrary to the surveyor’s initial identification, found to be of historical significance. Among these was a well-preserved 17th-century rudder (MAJ2569) which the surveyor had merely identified as ‘probable wreck debris’. During the sample check a hitherto disregarded object type was also identified which could potentially be of historical significance: the so-called ‘mound’: these are oval or rectangular objects; potentially ballast/cargo mounds from completely eroded wooden shipwrecks (Thomsen & Gøthche, 2009: 15, 25-27). During the sample check it became clear that though the surveyor’s identification was generally of good quality, there was in fact good reason to screen the entire side scan sonar data set through the eyes of an archaeologist – and that it was not as time-consuming as initially feared. In later phases of the project the Viking Ship Museum has screened the entire data sets for subsequent comparison and discussion with the surveyor. At this stage not a single archaeological activity had been carried out on the seabed nor had any museum representative set foot on a ship’s deck. This was to change. Firstly the loose-lying 17th-century rudder MAJ2569 was to be salvaged. It was situated literally on the

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pipeline route and it was considered more cost-effective to salvage it for conservation and museum display than to reroute the pipeline. Due to the great depth, necessitating the use of TRIMIX diving for which the Museum’s archaeologists are not certified, the work was carried out by divers from JD Contractor under the supervision of an archaeologist from the Viking Ship Museum and a conservator from the National Museum. This is the only archaeological artefact to have come from the project. It has been dendrochronologically dated to after c. AD 1660 (Daly, 2009: 2) and when conservation treatment is completed it is to be displayed in the Danish Maritime Museum in Elsinore (Dencker, 2012: 15). The screening also identified three objects a little further away from the pipeline route than the rudder, but still too close to be considered safe without further investigation. They were a mid-17th- to mid18th-­century wreck (MAJ2570: fig. 2b) and two of the aforementioned ‘mounds’ (MAJ2586 and MAJ2587). It was decided to perform a visual ROV inspection with an archaeologist present in the ROV online control room to guide and supervise the ROV pilot. The aim was to ensure that any possible debris scattered around the wreck and possible wrecks would remain untouched by the pipeline installation – and of course to get a better understanding of the ‘mounds’ which, because they had not been identified as wrecks or obstructions by the surveyor, had not been visually inspected before. The wreck MAJ2570 turned out to be only just clear of the installation corridor, and it was subsequently decided to have the passage of the pipelay vessel supervised by archaeologists from the Viking Ship Museum for safety. The two mounds MAJ2586 and MAJ2587 were identified as man-made but as yet unidentified structures. Most likely they are dump sites, but though other similar objects have been identified as modern dump sites these two may in principle be ballast piles from entirely disintegrated wrecks. They proved to be at a safe distance from the installation corridor with no need for remedial action (Thomsen 2010a: 17). The next stage was the screening of sonar data from a 2,000 m wide anchor corridor around the chosen pipeline installation corridor to be used by the pipelay vessel. The previous survey campaigns were aimed at identifying a safe routing for the pipelines and thus all contacts on the seabed had been inspected visually by ROV. In the anchor corridor there was some flexibility for designing the anchor- and wire sweep layout, so a full ROV inspection campaign had not been carried out for these objects. For the anchor corridor the screening procedure was reversed. The Viking Ship Museum performed a full screening in-house of all side scan sonar files and came up with a contact catalogue which was subsequently discussed and refined in collaboration with the surveyor. Based on these results suitable exclusion zones around presumed historical wrecks and objects were set up (Thomsen, 2010b: 3-6).

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Fig. 2. a) Presumed 17th-century flute MAJ2634, b) Mid-17th- to mid-18th-century clinker-built vessel MAJ2570, c) Late 19th-century carvelbuilt vessel MAJ2637, d) Presumed wreck MAJ 2646 (Images: Nord Stream AG/Marin Mätteknik AB).

The installation of the first of the two pipelines began. Only one wreck adhered to the agreed exclusion zones and anchor handling procedures. To ensure that the aforementioned wreck MAJ2570 lying near the pipeline remained unharmed during the pipelay, archaeologists were present on board the pipelay vessel during the critical passage. A post-lay sonar- and visual survey was carried out to detect any possible changes (Thomsen, 2011: 3-4). When installing Pipeline Two, however, the flexibility for designing anchor- and wire sweep patterns was severely restricted by the presence of the now active gas Pipeline One right through the work zone. The Museum was asked to reassess the exclusion zones and for 22 wrecks and objects it was deemed cost-effective to perform a visual ROV survey to identify whether or

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not the objects were in fact historical and protected and wherever possible eliminate, merge, or narrow down their exclusion zones. Thus a visual and bathymetric ROV inspection campaign was undertaken under the same archaeological supervision as that of the wreck MAJ2570 and the two ‘mounds’ MAJ2586 and MAJ2587. This resulted in the positive identification of a number of wrecks and wreck parts. It also provided an opportunity to inspect more ‘mounds’. Several of these were found to contain modern debris, reinforcing the impression that they are dump sites. Still, besides a group of four with the identification limited to ‘possible wreck’, two of them did in fact turn out to be heavily disintegrated shipwrecks and thus possibly the oldest found so far during this project (Thomsen, 2012: 46). Based on the

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Results The result was a substantial addition to the archaeological archive: 25 shipwrecks (of which 19 are protected by the Danish Museum Act), six single objects (five protected), nine possible wrecks and five dump sites. Prior to this investigation the vast majority of records in the area were unsubstantiated historical wreck records, or recorded net snags. Correlating the archival and the archaeological dataset with any degree of certainty is impossible due to the sheer number and concentration of records, but at least the present study confirms the impression from the net snag database that the seabed in this area is littered with objects, many of which are indeed shipwrecks. A complete overview of all the wrecks and objects can be found in the site reports (pdf files available online on www.vikingeskibsmuseet. dk). The following examples only serve to illustrate the diversity and substantial research potential of the finds. Perhaps the best preserved wreck is a presumed flute (MAJ2634); tentatively dated to the 17th century (fig. 2a). It is carvel-built on single frames and stands keel-right in its erosion pit which is probably why its hull is intact up to what is believed to be deck level. Surprisingly everything above this level, on the other hand, is completely absent, not just scattered around the main wreck as would be expected. Many other wrecks are at first glance much less well-preserved: they appear as a jumble of dislocated timbers with no apparent architecture preserved. However, in those cases where they have been visually inspected they do, at a closer look, reveal some coherency. Often there seems to be coherent timbers preserved underneath the loose timbers, and even the distribution of the loose elements is not completely random. For example, almost all the wrecks have their anchor winch preserved, lying near the bow end of the vessel as expected. A well-documented example is the aforementioned mid-17th- to mid-18th-century wreck MAJ2570 (fig. 2b). It is a clinker-built, three-masted cargo vessel of more than 20 m length. The vessel is thought to resemble the Bockholmen wreck from the �land Islands (Lindholm, 2002: 5-7; Lindholm, undated: 6-7) and perhaps also some of the less well-preserved post-medieval wrecks from the harbour of Kalmar (�kerlund, 1951: pl. 14-24). Vessels of this type are abundant in contemporary illustrations, but often only in miniature. One exception is a prospect of Copenhagen by Hugo Allard dated to the mid-17th century, where a vessel of similar size and specifications is depicted while moored alongside a quay in the foreground of the picture (Allard, c. 1660).

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A third example demonstrates that the appearance of the wreck may not always be a direct reflection of its age. The late 19th-century carvel-built wreck MAJ2637 (fig. 2c) is completely disintegrated; even more so than the much older clinker-built wreck MAJ2570 (fig. 2b). This is due to the fact that the vessel was assembled with iron nails and not treenails, resulting in sudden complete disintegration at a much earlier stage than the gradual disintegration of a treenailed vessel such as the flute or the clinker-built vessels. Nevertheless the oldest wrecks of the collection should probably be sought among those with least timbers, or none at all, preserved: some of the wrecks and possible wrecks have only a few isolated timbers preserved, and some of the ‘mounds’ may, unless proven to contain modern artefacts, in fact be the cargo or ballast pile of totally disintegrated wooden wrecks and not just dump sites. One such object, MAJ 2646 (fig. 2d), stands out because this particular mound consists of large rectangular stone slabs. This is almost certainly a wreck; it is unlikely that such huge objects could have ended up in a neat pile on the seabed through dumping in the days before such activities became heavily regulated and documented. Discussion What, from an archaeological perspective, have we learnt from all this? From an administrative, heritage management perspective the project has been a good example of developer-museum cooperation and of top-­ quality geophysical data collection. But – apart from being offered a large collection of wrecks to work with in future comparative and regional studies – have we learnt anything about people of the past? The data collected are not of a nature that allows detailed studies of the individual wrecks, their cargo or architecture. Research at this stage should address the collection as a whole, as a statistical population, addressing its representativity, its age, and its contribution to 9 8 7 6 5 4 3

after c. 1600

results from this survey campaign a new set of exclusion zones and anchor plans were designed and the pipeline installation could be completed without the need for archaeological supervision.

2 1

unspec.

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0 undated

17th C

18th C

19th C

20th C

Fig. 3. Graph of dated and undated wrecks by century (Graph: the author).

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Fig. 4. The Baltic Sea with the Nord Stream Pipeline including alternative route (Drawing: the author).

the cultural topography of the region. During the project two such questions have presented themselves: 1 Is the surprisingly large number of wrecks found in this narrow strip really representative of the entire surrounding body of water and if not, what could be the explanation? 2 With such an abundance of younger wrecks, why are there, apparently, no older wrecks? For all we know these waters were crossed just as much in the medieval and early modern period as they were in more recent times. Addressing the latter question first, looking only at positively identified and thus more or less datable wrecks,

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the number of wrecks seems to increase exponentially towards the 20th century (fig. 3). This is probably best explained as a function of the natural deterioration rate of the wrecks. But their numbers appear to drop off entirely before, say, 1600; not tail off like an exponential curve as would reasonably be expected. Was there no traffic, or are we not able to detect these wrecks due to their degradation? Are they more prone to complete collapse and subsequent sediment coverage or do they become so waterlogged that they remain undetected by sonar? In both cases a mound of cargo and/or ballast should, at least in some cases, still remain and some of the elusive ‘mounds’ may, in spite of the fact that others have indeed been proven to be modern, be the remains

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of potentially very old wrecks of which all exposed wood has disappeared. Of the five undated wrecks three are undated only in the sense that they have a wide date bracket of two or more centuries: one should most likely be attributed to the 19th or 20th century and two to the 17th to 19th century. Assuming that the remaining two are ‘very old’, the trend curve of fig. 3 looks more plausible. Going back to the question of representativity: even if disregarding the dubious ‘mounds’ the number of wrecks is strikingly high – much higher than in the neighbouring Swedish sector of the same pipeline corridor where 12 historic wrecks were detected, nine of which were protected (Fredholm, 2010: 12). It is hard to believe that the entire Baltic seabed hosts the same concentration of shipwrecks, and undoubtedly there is a culturally based explanation for their abundance in this particular strip of water: these wrecks are, in a very concrete way, an aspect of the maritime cultural landscape, and if interpreted correctly they contain information on the behaviour of the seafarers that once stood on their decks. The Nord Stream Pipeline (fig. 4) generally stays in open waters, but in order to remain within Danish waters, thus involving fewer countries and fewer legislative procedures, it has to skirt near Bornholm – but even here it maintains a safe distance to the shore. This resembles the way a navigator in the past would have approached Bornholm on a voyage between, for example, a Hanseatic town and Stockholm or further up the Baltic: the island is approached as a landmark, but when sighted it is kept at the safest possible distance: only just within sight. From Bornholm the navigator would have headed towards the next landmark Utlängen, from where it would have been possible to travel ‘inshore’ sheltered by Ö�land and eventually the Swedish archipelago. Going northeast, Gotland would have been approached and circumnavigated in the same way as Bornholm, and indeed: the majority of the wrecks that were found in the Swedish sector of the pipeline are situated around Gotland (and Bornholm) and not in the more offshore segments of the route (Fredholm, 2010: 47). Seen in this light, it makes sense that the wrecks abound around Bornholm even as a function of shipping density and deterioration rate alone, as there are no particular dangers to ships in the areas where wrecks seem to abound. It goes to show that even without touching

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the wrecks themselves meaningful cultural information can be extracted from largely desk-based development-led projects of this type. The wrecks remain. Though somewhat hard to access they present themselves as a rich future resource for ship archaeology with their great numbers, geographical coherence, and good state of preservation. References Åkerlund, H., 1951. Fartygsfynden i den forna Hamnen i Kalmar. Uppsala. Allard, H., c. 1660. Koppenhagen. http://wayback.kb.dk:8080/ wayback-1.4.2/wayback/20100107153228/http://www2. kb.dk/elib/mss/skatte/kob/allard.htm. The Royal Library, Copenhagen. Daly, A., 2009. Due Odde, Bornholm. Skibsror. Dendrochronology report, dendro.dk. Dencker, J., 2012. Nord Stream Pipeline. Bjærgning og doku­ mentation af ror ved Dueodde, Bornholm. Report, Vikingeskibsmuseet. Fredholm, M., 2010. Gasledning genom Östersjön. Arkeologisk analys av ankringskorridoren. Östersjön. Svensk ekonomisk zon. Sjöhistoriska museet arkeologisk rapport 15. Stockholm. Lindholm, M., 2002. Bockholmvraket – en allmogeskuta från 1700-talet. MT marinarkeologisk tidskrift 2/2002, Stockholm: 4-7. Lindholm, M., undated. Bockholmvraket Undersøkningerna 1998 och 1999. Unpublished report. Ålands landskapsregering, Museibyrån, Arkeologiska sektionen. Mariehamn. Thomsen, M.H. & Gøthche, M., 2009. Nord Stream Pipeline. Kontrolgennemgang af survey-data og kulturhistorisk vurdering. Report, Vikingeskibsmuseet. Thomsen, M. H., 2010(a). Nord Stream Pipeline. Supplerende marinarkæologisk forundersøgelse af vrag fra efterreformatorisk-/ nyere tid samt to mulige vrag. Report, Vikingeskibsmuseet. Thomsen, M.H., 2010(b). Nord Stream Pipeline - ankerkorridor. Kontrolgennemgang af survey-data og kulturhistorisk vurdering. MAJ j.nr. 2545. Report, Vikingeskibsmuseet. Thomsen, M.H., 2011. Nord Stream Pipeline - vestlige rørledning. Marinarkæologisk overvågning. MAJ j.nr. 2545. Report, Vikingeskibsmuseet. Thomsen, M.H., 2012. Nord Stream Pipeline - ankerkorridor. Supplerende marinarkæologisk forundersøgelse af vrag og mulige vrag. Report, Vikingeskibsmuseet.

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86. A cog-like cargo vessel in the IJssel river near Kampen (the Netherlands) Wouter Waldus

Introduction In 1995 a major program was launched to give the rivers in the Dutch river delta more space since flooding events were to be expected to occur more frequently in the future and with more impact. Under the programme named ‘Room for the River’ many projects are presently conducted, directed by the Directorate General for Public Works and Water Management of the Ministry of Infrastructure and Environment. They essentially include the creation of buffer lakes in the river flooding zones and the dredging of river bottoms to increase water storage capacity. Archaeology is one aspect of this great water management programme as river areas are likely to hide substantial evidence of past material culture. Archaeological prospection techniques are employed to ensure that this evidence is not accidently destroyed in the process. In the city of Kampen the IJssel river has no space to expand in the plains, so alternatively the riverbed must be dredged. The IJssel is branching from the river Rhine close to the city of Arnhem, south of Kampen, and debouches in the former Zuiderzee (fig. 1). During survey operations with side-scan sonar in 2010, a large wreckshaped anomaly was found off the waterfront near Kampen. Archaeological divers subsequently examined this anomaly and concluded that a well preserved cog-like shipwreck was buried in the riverbed, possibly dating to the 14th or 15th century AD. Also the site contains more underwater objects that may or may not be associated with the wreck. Why would a cog founder in a storm so close to the safety of the harbour? Or was it subjected to a local fight or wrecked in a collision accident? The position of the wreck in the riverbed and its position relative to the medieval city infrastructure and the surrounding maritime landscape led some archaeologists to believe that the cog might have been intentionally scuttled. Are we witnessing an early case of medieval water management, in an effort to control the river for nautical reasons? This

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proposition, referred to as the IJsselcog-hypothesis, is the subject of this paper. This article elaborates on the history of Kampen and the associated maritime cultural landscape. It subsequently gives an overview of the progress made in the research effort, including a brief description of the applied methods and techniques. The Hanseatic city of Kampen Kampen was founded in the second half of the 12th century AD and quickly flourished thanks to its strategic location at the mouth of the river IJssel on the west bank. It started to function as a focal point for cargo ships, as the IJssel river connected the hinterland in the Dutch and German territory, via the Rhine, with the coastal trade routes to other trade centres like London and Bruges. Kampen also consolidated its favourable position for international trade by exploiting trade routes over land. However the so called Ommelandvaart turned out to be the most profitable. This is a Dutch term for the trade route around Jutland, to and from the Baltic. The skippers of the cogs from Kampen sailed to the Baltic Sea through the Zuiderzee and the North Sea along the coast of Germany and Denmark. They sailed around Jutland, as a profitable shortcut did not exist, and had to pass the Sont which was a narrow passage controlled by the Danes. The merchants from Kampen, exploiting the trade routes to and from Kampen during the early 13th century, subsequently acquired various privileges in the second half of that century. In AD 1251 the Ommelandvaart merchants received privileges from the Danish king Abel (cf. Zeiler, 2001: 16-21). This firmly established and consolidated their trade position in Scandinavia. Kampen also managed to acquire privileges to trade in Norway. In AD 1289 the city was also one of the first to establish a trade post in Skåne, a private vitte located in South-Sweden. A vitte is a trade colony, more or less comparable to a modern embassy. Kampen obtained in AD 1307 the right to hold a vitte in

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Fig. 1. The Dutch river system and the city of Kampen.

Schonen. However, the German Hanseatic League was already active in the Baltic region as early as the 12th century when Kampen was still in its infancy. Kampen and for that matter other IJssel cities rose to the occasion and established contacts as soon as possible. This is evident from the fact that Lübeck was recognized

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by Kampen and Zwolle as the leader of the Hanseatic League in 1294 (Zeiler, 2001). In short, Kampen managed to benefit from several trade privileges and could grow significantly during the 14th and 15th centuries as a spin off from its cooperation as a member in the Hanseatic League.

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86. A cog-like cargo vessel in the IJssel river near Kampen (the Netherlands)

The maritime cultural landscape The fate of Kampen as a major city and as a hub in maritime trade was heavily tied to the dynamics of the landscape. During a storm flood in 1170 the peat-land connecting the province of North Holland in the west to Friesland in the east was largely flushed away. With this natural barrier gone the sea could now expand, and gradually turn a former inner lake into an inner sea, the Zuiderzee, which reached its maximum size at the end of the 16th century (Stenvert & Kolman, 2006: 10-13). The expansion of the marine environment and it subsequent collision with the fluvial environment of the IJssel had serious consequences for the future of Kampen. The process of choking in the river entrance was already ongoing in the 13th century and resulted in the formation of a river delta. From the north, which is the seaside, substantial amounts of sand and clay were deposited on the Zuiderzee shores. From the south large amounts of sand, transported by the river were deposited in the

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river entrance as a result of reduced current velocity. Kampen was in the middle. A definitely positive spin off was the creation of new agricultural and residential areas. With the help of dyke systems and artificial dwelling mounds, these lands could become profitable and habitable. In AD 1364 bishop Jan van Arkel donated plots of land situated in the IJssel-delta to the city of Kampen. Also the city obtained the right to reclaim new land. On the negative side however sandbanks developed in the river delta making it increasingly difficult to navigate the waters into Kampen. This may have motivated the city counsel to take all measures possible to turn the tide. In the second half of the 16th century the fate of the city as a maritime centre was closed. A complex combination of political, economic and natural factors led to the downturn of the Hanseatic city. It finally lost its prominent position to cities on the western shore of the Zuiderzee like Amsterdam, Hoorn and Enkhuizen (Brand & Muller, 2007: 86).

Fig. 2. The wreck positions in the river IJssel at the city waterfront of Kampen.

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Detailed survey on the IJsselcog After the survey operation and the first exploration with divers in 2011, it was decided by the Directorate General for Public Works and Water Management that a more detailed examination was needed to determine the cultural-historic value of the wreck. Therefore the maritime section of ADC ArcheoProjects was contracted to conduct an detailed survey in October 2012 that could lead to a decision to discard, protect or lift the wreck (Waldus et al., 2012). In this paragraph the survey method and its results are discussed. As a first step the wreck and the surrounding area was surveyed using a multi-beam echo sounder. Several objects outside the wreck location were detected, warranting more detailed examination. The next step was to mobilize a dive support vessel for underwater operations under unfavourable conditions, as the river current at times was strong. Underwater archaeologists managed to survey and record the site in detail. A third step was to gather information on ship construction, state of conservation and presence of archaeological material. For that purpose three pits were dug using a suction pump. Sandbags were placed on the river bottom to prevent each pit from collapsing in the current. The pits were located in the aft section, amidships, and the forward section of the ship wreck. A fourth step was to get the same level of detailed information on the objects adjacent to the actual wreck location. Three parts of the cog construction were found. They appeared to be detached from the wreck as a result of site formation processes. Two other objects turned out to be wreckage material of different ships (fig. 2). Elements of a barge-like and a punt-like shipwreck were protruding from the sandy river bottom. The barge type appeared to be at least 8 m long. The punt-type was 13 m long. Its typical narrow flat bottom construction could be identified. As a fifth step wood samples from all wrecks were taken for the purpose of dendrochronological analysis and preservation quality analysis. The final step included an effort to obtain geological core samples for a better understanding of the stratigraphy outside the wreck. The total dataset was analysed with led to the following results. Results It is apparent that the longitudinal axis of the ship is oriented perpendicular to the direction in which the river is flowing. The bow is pointing due south in the direction of Kampen. The wreck is listed 25° to portside, thus allowing the river current to push sediment into the wreck. The IJsselcog is hidden in the riverbed and well preserved from the keel up to and including the deck beams (fig. 3). Five deck beams protrude through the hull which is typical for cog construction. On the starboard side they can be observed pointing upward from the riverbed. The portside however is hidden in

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the riverbed as the wreck is listed. The construction of the wreck is intact as could be observed in the test pit that was made in the mid-ship section. The space under the central deck beam is filled with 3 m of sediment, as probing actions clearly indicate. There is no evidence for cargo or ballast. In the aft section the planking of the lap-strake hull is still attached to the stern. The bow protrudes approximately 110 cm above the riverbed and consists of two beams held together by heavy iron bolts. The freshwater conditions must have been favourable for the preservation of such construction elements as moss caulking, moss laths and sintels in the seams between the overlapping strakes. Both inside and outside the hull the seams appear to be intact. Numerous other construction features were documented underwater of which a winch in the forward section of the ship and some elements of the standing rig deserve special attention. Six chain plates fixed in position by a rig spreader were found (fig. 4). The chain plates are long iron bars with a diameter of 5 cm and an eye on top. The stays of the mast used to be attached with an oval ring to the eyes of the chain plates. The chain plate-spreader construction appears to be fastened to the framing system of the shipwreck on starboard side. The spreader beam was not attached on the outside of the hull, which is common in square rigged sailing ships, but on the inside below the freeboard. The construction date of the IJsselcog could not be accurately established on the basis of the wood samples extracted from underwater. However dendrochronological analysis did result in a time bracket between AD 1400 and 1450. Samples from the two wrecks in the vicinity were also analysed. The felling date of one of the beams of the barge-like wreck is accurately set to AD 1410. The punt-like shipwreck could not be dated by dendrochronological analysis. However from some construction details it is fair to assume that the wreck is contemporary with the IJsselcog. The overall assessment is that the three wrecks and the three construction parts constitute one site that was created at one moment of time. Based on the dendrochronological date of the barge and its estimated maximum age of 30 years, it is inferred that the wrecks entered into an archaeological context between AD 1410 and 1440. Medieval water management The occurrence of three contemporary shipwrecks off Kampen harbour in the IJssel is remarkable. It is hard to image that a heavy storm did result in the sinking of a large seaworthy vessel and two smaller river boats at such a short distance from the safety of the harbour. Several other factors lead to the preliminary conclusion that the three shipwrecks were scuttled intentionally. They include the handpicked location in relation to the river current system, the extent to which it has been preserved, and the total absence of wreck-related

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Fig. 3. Site plan of the IJsselcog.

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Fig. 4. Rig spreader with chain plates.

artefacts, cargo and ballast. The city and the wreck-site are located in a transition zone, where the IJssel river is splitting upbranches, thus constituting a river delta zone. This is significant because in this river delta sandbanks could develop as explained before, making it hard for ships to navigate towards Kampen. Putting wreckage material as an obstacle in a well chosen spot in the transition zone and in front of the harbour may have served three purposes. First it may have narrowed down the river, resulting in an increase in the stream velocity of the river. So this is a direct human interference to maintain a deep-water gully or channel for navigation towards the harbour front. Secondly it may have slightly changed the direction in which the river flows, thus influencing the way the river delta shaped itself. Thirdly, the ships might have been used to close a river gully. It is exciting to discover that already in medieval times a city is involved in such intricate ways of water management. Archival records from the 15th century support the IJsselcog-hypothesis. Some documents refer to expenses made by Kampen to keep the city open towards the

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Zuiderzee by navigable waters. Most significant is a document from 1437 AD in which Kampen, Zwolle and Deventer agreed to construct small jetties protruding from the river banks in a direction perpendicular to the river current. These small jetties are called hoofden in Dutch (Liber Diversorum, folio 215). They serve two purposes. First the river dykes are better protected from floating ice and second the jetties help to narrow the river down which increases the current velocity. Conclusion The ambitious program ‘Room for the River’ has led to the discovery of a shipwreck site near the Kampen roads that has a high cultural potential. The city of Kampen has a rich history as one of the principal Hanseatic cities in the Low Countries. The city had to work hard to cope with the dynamics of its maritime landscape and eventually lost. The IJsselcog site is a reflection of this past. It is representative of the enterprising mindset

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86. A cog-like cargo vessel in the IJssel river near Kampen (the Netherlands)

at the time, to actively engage in the process of engineering the maritime landscape, for economic reasons. However, this medieval water management hypothesis needs more substantiation through archival research and by thoroughly studying the wreck site in its context. The opportunity to do so already next year is there, as the Directorate General for Public Works and Water Management has decided in April 2013 to raise the IJsselcog in order to clear the way for dredging.

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Stenvert, R. & Kolman, C., 2006. Monumenten in Nederland, Flevoland. Rijksdienst voor de Monumentenzorg, Zeist. Waanders Uitgevers, Zwolle. Waldus, W.B., Campenhout, K. van & Verweij, J., 2012. De IJsselkogge, Inventariserend Veldonderzoek Onderwater – Waarderend. ADC rapport 3300, Amersfoort. Zeiler, F.D., 2001. “Soe die stadt Campen meest op zeevarende neringe gefundeert is...”. Sociaal-economische ontwikkelingen 1250-1820. In: J. Kummer (ed.), Geschiedenis van Kampen. Deel 2: ‘Zij zijn Kampers...’. Kampen.

References Brand, H. & Muller, L. (eds), 2007. The dynamics of economic culture in the North Sea and Baltic Region, Hilversum. Liber Diversorum. Municipal Archive Kampen, Oud Archief, inv. nr. 9.

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