Saint Augustine's De Fide Rerum Quae Non Videntur: A Critical Text and Translation with Introduction and Commentary

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1950 THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PATRISTIC STUDIES VOL. LXXXIV

SAINT AUGUSTINE'S DE FIDE RERUM QUAE NON VIDENTUR: A CRITICAL TEXT AND TRANSLATON WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES OF THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

BY SISTER MARY FRANCIS MCDONALD, O.P. , M.A., Mount Saint Mary on the Hudson

Newburgh, New York

UN OLIC CATH THE

RSI OF TY AME RIC

PRESS

LOX 480

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS WASHINGTON, D. C. 1950

SAINT AUGUSTINE'S DE FIDE RERUM QUAE NON VIDENTUR : A CRITICAL TEXT AND TRANSLATION WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY

This dissertation was directed by Professor Roy J. Deferrari as Major Professor and was approved by Professor Martin R. P. McGuire and Associate Professor Bernard M. Peebles as readers.

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PATRISTIC STUDIES VOL. LXXXIV

SAINT AUGUSTINE'S DE FIDE RERUM QUAE NON VIDENTUR: A CRITICAL TEXT AND TRANSLATON WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES OF THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

BY SISTER MARY FRANCIS MCDONALD, O.P., M.A. , Mount Saint Mary on the Hudson

OM FERI A CA

Newburgh, New York

PRESS

N UNIIC HOL THE

CAT

जा

ITY F O

ERS

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS WASHINGTON, D. C.

1950

EXCHANGE MAY 24 52

BR 65 .A657 1950

COPYRIGHT, 1950, BY THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS, INC.

THE TIMES, INC.-WESTMINSTER, MD. PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

हे Eximio legifero Augustiniano, Sancto patri meo Dominico, trinaeque eius familiae.

PREFACE

No apology need be offered for a study of any of the works of Saint Augustine, for the least of them is of high value. This study endeavors to show the importance of the little tract, On Faith in Things Unseen, and to give it its rightful place among the works of Saint Augustine . In the histories of literature and related reference works due attention does not seem to have been paid to this treatise. Two causes may be chiefly responsible for the neglect: the doubt cast upon its authenticity by Erasmus, and its classification as a sermon in most of the general works. In my Introduction I have considered the occasion and date of the work and I have made a study likewise of the problem of its authenticity, stressing chiefly parallels in language and in thought to other works of Augustine. It is obvious that there are elements of sermon style in the work, of which I have taken account in my classification of its form; but, on the whole, the work gives evidences of a studied composition which beyond any doubt places it among Augustine's " finished" works. This fact, however, does not preclude its having been presented originally in sermon form or used later as sermon material. The work has not yet appeared among the critical editions of the Vienna Corpus. Accordingly, a critical text is herewith presented based upon the collation of all the manuscripts to which I could gain access through photostats or microfilms, a total of twenty-six out of twenty-nine located in catalogues. Account is also taken of the readings of the four basic printed editions, those of Amerbach, Erasmus, the Louvain Theologians, and the Benedictines of the Congregation of Saint Maur. For locating manuscripts of this work reliance was had chiefly upon the printed catalogues available in the Library of Congress. I have been able, however, to control my search for manuscripts further through the courteous services of the following: Mlle. Jeanne Vielliard of the Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, Paris; Dom C. Lambot, O.S.B., of Maredsous; Professor Doctor Richard Meister, Vice-President of the Austrian Academy of Sciences; Doctor Ludmilla Krestan of the Kirchenväter-Kommission vii

in Vienna; Miss Myra L. Uhlfelder, Junior Fellow in Classics, American Academy in Rome, who kindly checked manuscript inventories in the Vatican Library; and Doctor A. Kalsbach, Director of the Dombibliothek in Cologne. As will be shown in the Introduction, the manuscripts used for this study fall into two main divisions, which I have designated, Class a and Class b, the latter divided into several sub-classes. This is the first time that manuscripts of the first class have been used for this tractate of Augustine. The a readings are, in general good and have been used in several instances to improve the traditional text, and so to help solve, if not actually solve, some enigmatic sections. The Introduction contains a brief but unified treatment of the style of the work covering its rhetorical figures, word order, periodic structure, and clausulae. The scriptural quotations found in the work have been given special study. Comparisons have been made with citations in other works of Augustine, the Vulgate, and the Old Latin . In translating scriptural passages I have used the Confraternity edition for Genesis and the New Testament, and the familiar Challoner-Douay for other portions of the Bible. Where the passages are divergent from the Vulgate text, I have aimed to preserve the meaning of Augustine's version in my translation . Notes in the Commentary are concerned primarily with the presentation of parallels in Augustine since its main emphasis is interpretation . Comment on vocabulary is included only when it seemed to assist the interpretation . In some cases consideration has been given to textual matters, especially when the translation did not seem to give adequate explanation or justification for my selection of readings . Throughout the work in the citation of ancient Latin texts I have followed the system of abbreviations adopted by the editors of the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. For referring to the work itself, however, the abbreviation fid . rer. has been used in preference to the one in the Thesaurus, fid . invis. , which, in the light of the present consideration of the work and its tradition , is no longer accurate. I wish to express my appreciation to my parents and friends and to all whose help and encouragement have made possible viii

the completion of this work, especially the Superiors and Sisters of my community, The Congregation of the Most Holy Rosary of the Third Order of Saint Dominic, Newburgh, New York, to whom I am indebted for the opportunity of studying at The Catholic University of America. I am grateful to the Committee on Scholarships and Fellowships at the University for the grant of the Clara Douglas Sheeran Scholarship . For the procuring of microfilm copies of manuscripts from France, Belgium, and England I have had the services of University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan. I have profited greatly from the aid and efficiency of the librarians at The Catholic University of America Library and at The Library of Congress. It is likewise a pleasure to acknowledge the courtesy of the librarians of the following libraries : The Mercantile Library in Philadelphia, where the Amerbach text was made available to me; the Durham Cathedral Library, Durham, England; and Corpus Christi College Library, Cambridge, England. Reproductions of the Cologne manuscript were procured through the good offices of Professor Stephan Kuttner, J.U.D. , of the Catholic University of America. Thanks are due to the Reverend Damasus Trapp, O.E.S.A. , of New York, for considerable help in connection with the Milleloquium of Bartholomaeus of Urbino, and to Reverend Dom H. de Sainte-Marie, O.S.B., of the Abbazia S. Girolamo, Rome, for a thorough examination and informative account of certain pages of the Cassino manuscript. For personal assistance in procuring photostats from libraries in Italy and for numerous other kindnesses I am grateful to the Dominican Fathers both at the House of Studies in Washington and at The Angelicum in Rome. Finally, sincere appreciation is due to Professor Roy J. Deferrari, Secretary General of the University, upon whose suggestion the work was undertaken and who has directed its progress with expert guidance and encouragement; to Professor Martin R. P. McGuire, Head of the Department of Greek and Latin, for his constant assistance and scholarly help; and to Associate Professor Bernard M. Peebles for his painstaking reading of the manuscript and helpful and valuable criticism, especially in the construction of the text and the establishment of the text tradition . In Epiphania Domini, 1950

ix

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS_

xi

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

xiii

INTRODUCTION

1

A.

Tradition of the text..

B.

Date

30

C.

Authenticity

33

D.

Content and Purpose of the Work..

47

E.

Its Classification as to Form__.

51

F.

Style

57

G.

Scriptural Quotations

72

80

TEXT AND TRANSLATION_

COMMENTARY

116

INDICES

144

xi

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

I.

EDITIONS¹ AND TRANSLATIONS

S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi operum tomus sextus continens moralia . . . opera et studio Monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti e Congregatione S. Mauri, ( 141-150 : Liber de fide rerum quae non videntur) , Paris, 1685. Often reprinted , notably J. P. Migne , Patrologia Latina, Vol . 40, 170-180 , Paris , 1845. Cornish, C. L., “Concerning Faith in Things Not Seen ," A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3, New York, 1900 , pp . 335-343. Deferrari, R. J., and McDonald , Sister Mary Francis, O.P. , “On Faith in Things Unseen," The Fathers of the Church : Writings of Saint Augustine, Vol. 3 , New York, 1947, pp. 443-469. De la Voille, M. l'Abbé, " De la foi aux choses qu'on ne voit pas," Oeuvres complètes de S. Augustin, Vol . 5 , Commentaires sur l'Ecriture, Bar-leduc, 1867, pp. 536-542. Hurter, H., S. J., S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi Opuscula .. De fide rerum quae non videntur .... Sanctorum Patrum Opuscula Selecta, Vol. 6, Innsbruck, 1887, pp. 84-117. Rodriguez, P. Herminio, O.S.A., "De la fe en lo que no se ve," Obras de San Agustin, Vol. 4, Obras Apologeticas, Madrid , 1948 , pp. 790-817. 1 For editions prior to that of the Benedictines, see the Introduction, pp. 21-29. II.

SPECIAL WORKS ON SAINT AUGUSTINE

Alfaric, P., L'Evolution intellectuelle de S. Augustin, Paris, 1918. Balmus, C. I., Etude sur le style de S. Augustin dans les Confessions et la Cité de Dieu, Paris, 1930. Bardy, G., Saint Augustin: L'homme et l'oeuvre, Paris, 1940 . Barry, Sister M. Inviolata , Saint Augustine the Orator, Washington, 1924. Battifol, P., Le catholicisme de S. Augustin, Paris, 1918. Blumenkranz, B. , Die Judenpredigt Augustins. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der jüdisch-christlichen Beziehung in den ersten Jahrhunderten, Basel, 1946. Boyer, C., L'idée de verité dans la philosophie de S. Augustin, Paris, 1920. Brennan, Sister M. Josephine, A Study of the Clausulae in the Sermons of Saint Augustine, Washington , 1947. Bourke, V. J., Augustine's Quest of Wisdom, Milwaukee, 1945 . Comeau, M., "Sur la transmission des sermons de S. Augustin," Revue des Etudes Latines, 10 ( 1932) , 408-422 . De Ambroggi , P., "L'Itala di S. Agostino," Scuola Cattolica, 14 ( 1929) , 114-122 . xiii:

De Bruyne, D. , “ Les destinataires des lettres de S. Augustin ,” Revue Bénédictine, 44 (1932), 303-8. "L'Itala de Saint Augustin ," Revue Bénédictine, 30 (1913), 294-314. Deferrari, R. J., "St. Augustine's Method of Composing and Delivering Sermons," American Journal of Philology, 43 ( 1922), 97-123 ; 193-219. Eibl, H., Augustin und die Patristik, Munich, 1923. Figgis, J. N., The Political Aspects of St. Augustine's City of God, London, 1921 . Finaert, J., L'Evolution littéraire de S. Augustin (Collection d'Etudes Latines , Série Scientifique, 17) , Paris, 1939. Saint Augustin, rhéteur, (ibid ., 18) , Paris, 1939. Gilson, E., Introduction à l'étude de Saint Augustin, 2nd ed., Paris , 1943 . Grabmann, M. and Mausbach , J., Aurelius Augustinus, Die Festschrift des Görres-Gesellschaft zum 1500. Todestage des hl. Augustinus, Cologne, 1930. Hultgren, G., Le commandement d'amour chez Augustin . Interprétation philosophique et théologique d'après les écrits de la période 386-400, Paris, 1939. Keenan, Sr. M. Emily, The Life and Times of Saint Augustine as Revealed in His Letters, Washington , 1935. Marrou, H.-I., Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, Paris, 1938. > Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, Retractatio (Bibliothèque des Ecoles Francaises d'Athènes et de Rome, fasc. 145 bis), Paris, 1949. Miscellanea Agostiniana, testi e studi publicata a cura del ordine eremitano di S. Agostino nel XV centenario della morte del santo dottore, 2 vols., Rome, 1930. Mohrmann, C., Die altchristliche Sondersprache in den Sermones des hl . Augustin, Nijmigen, 1932. Monument to Saint Augustine, Essays on His Age, Life and Thought, London, 1930. Muldowney, Sr. M. Sarah, Word Order in the Works of Saint Augustine, Washington , 1939. Nolte, V., Augustins Freundschaftsideal in seinen Briefen, Würzburg, 1939. Pontet, M., L'Exégèse de S. Augustin prédicateur, Paris, 1946. Pope, H., Saint Augustine of Hippo, London, 1937. Quentin, H., "La prétendue Itala de S. Augustin ," Revue Biblique, 36 (1927), 216-225. Schuchter, E., "Zum Predigstil des hl. Augustinus," Wiener Studien, 52 ( 1934), 115-138. Sciacca, M. F., S. Agustino: La vita e l'opera l'itinerario della mente, Brescia, 1949 . Warfield, B. B., Studies in Tertullian and Augustine, New York, 1930. Wilmart, A., "Operum S. Augustini Elenchus," Miscellanea Agostiniana, 2, pp. 149-233. xiv

Zarb, S., Chronologia operum S. Augustini secundum ordinem Retractationum digesta, cum appendice de operibus in Retractationibus non recensitis, Rome, 1934. III.

OTHER WORKS

Altaner, B., Patrologie, Freiburg im Br., 1938 ; Italian ed . , A. Ferrua , Rome, 1944. Baldwin, C. S., Medieval Rhetoric and Poetic, New York, 1928. Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, 5 vols., Freiburg im Br., 1912-32 . Bardy, G., L'Afrique chrétienne, Paris, 1930. Bardy, G., Littérature latine chrétienne, Paris, 1929. Bieler, L., "The Grammarian's Craft," Folia, 2 ( 1947) , 94-105; 3 ( 1948) , 23-32; 47-58. Boissier, G., L'Afrique romaine, 5th ed., Paris, 1912. Boulenger, A., Manuel d'apologétique, Paris , 1920. Campbell, J. M., The Influence of the Second Sophistic on the Style of the Sermons of St. Basil the Great, Washington, 1922. Cayré, F., Précis de patrologie, histoire et doctrine des pères et docteurs de l'Eglise, Vol. 1 , Paris, 1927. De Ghellinck, J., Patristique et moyen âge, Vols. 2 and 3 , Brussels and Paris, 1947 and 1948. De Labriolle , P. , Histoire de la littérature latine chrétienne, 3 ème éd ., rév. et aug. par G. Bardy, Paris, 1947. De Labriolle, P., La réaction païenne, Etude sur la polemique anti-chrétienne du premier au sixième siècle, Paris, 1935 . Delehaye, H., Sanctus: Essai sur le culte de saints dans l'antiquité, Brussels, 1927. Du Pin, E., Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques, Vol. 3 , Paris, 1690. Fliche, A., and Martin, V. (eds.) , Histoire de l'église, Vols. 3 and 4 , Paris, 1936 and 1937. Jones, L. W., The Script of Cologne from Hildebald to Hermann, Cambridge, Mass ., 1932 . Jordan, H., Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, Leipzig, 1911 . Kirsch, J. P., Die Kirche in der antiken griechisch-römischen Kulturwelt (Kirchengeschichte 1 ) , Freiburg im Br., 1930. Lowe, E. A., The Beneventan Script, Oxford , 1914. Mann, Sister M. Emmanuel, The Clausulae of St. Hilary of Poitiers, Washington, 1936. Marouzeau, J., Traité de stylistique appliquée au latin, Paris, 1935. Mommsen, Th. and Meyer, P., Theodosiani Libri XVI, cum Constitutionibus Sirmondianis et leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes, Vols. 1 , 2, Berlin , 1905 . Monceaux, P., Histoire littéraire de l'Afrique chrétienne, Vol. 7, Saint Augustin et le Donatisme, Paris, 1923. Moricca, U., Storia della letteratura latina cristiana, Vol. 3 , Turin, 1932. XV

Norden E., Die antike Kuntsprosa von VI Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis in die Zeit der Renaissance, 2nd ed. , Vols. 1 and 2, Leipzig, 1923. Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Realencyclopädie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, 1894 ff. Plumpe, J., Mater Ecclesia, Washington, 1943. Rand, E. K., A Survey of the Manuscripts of Tours, 2 vols. , Cambridge, Mass., 1927. Robert, A., and Tricot, A. , Initiation biblique, new ed., Paris , 1948. Sabatier, D. P., Bibliorum sacrorum latinae versiones antiquae, Paris, 1751 . Schanz-Hosius-Krüger, Römische Literaturgeschichte (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed. I. von Müller) , Vol. 8, 4-2 , Munich , 1920. Schweitzer, Carl, Antwort des Glaubens, Schwerin i. Mecklb., 1928. Seeck, O., Regesten der Kaiser und Päpste für die Jahre 311 bis 476 nach Chr., Stuttgart, 1919. Sundwall, J., Weströmische Studien, Berlin, 1915. Spicq, P. C., Esquisse d'une histoire de l'exégèse latine au moyen âge, Paris , 1944. Stiglmayr, J., Kirchenväter und Klassizismus, Stimmen der Vorzeit über humanistische Bildung, Freiburg im Br. , 1913. Tillemont, L. S. de, Memoires pour servir a l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles, Vol. 13 , Venice, 1732. Ueberweg-Geyer, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie: Vol. 2, Die patristische und scholastiche Philosophie, 11th ed ., Berlin, 1928. Vacant-Mangenot-Amann , Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, Paris, 1903 ff. Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplément (ed . by L. Pirot and A. Robert), Paris, 1928 ff. Wendland, P., Die Hellenistische-Römische Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zu Judentum und Christentum . Die urchristlichen Literaturformen, Tübingen, 1912 . Wilde, R., The Treatment of the Jews in the Greek Christian Writers of the First Three Centuries, Washington, 1949. Williams, A. L. , Adversus Judaeos : A Bird's Eye View of Christian Apologiae until the Renaissance, Cambridge, 1935 .

xvi

INTRODUCTION

A.

THE TRADITION OF THE TEXT

1.

THE MANUSCRIPTS

The twenty-six manuscripts¹ of the De fide rerum quae non videntur (fid. rer.) which, together with the printed editions, furnish the basis for the present text fall into two major divisions. These I have designated a and b . None of the three members of the important a family has been used before in editing the work.2 The two classes will be considered separately and a stemma added to show the relation between them . a Family While, as will be shown later, the three manuscripts which form this group show a body of distinctive readings, what instantly marks them off as a class are certain external features that they have in common. The codices in which the a text of fid. rer. ¹ There is, in addition, TOURS, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS. 247, 13th century. It is a collection of extracts of Augustine, John Damascene, Boe thius, Isidore, Anselm, Bernard, Hugh and Richard of St. Victor. Folio 222V contains excerpts from our work. It appeared to me to be of little or no value for the construction of the text. No use has been made here of the following manuscripts, since it proved impossible to secure photographs of them: LEIPZIG, University Library, 226, No. 7, fols. 74-78 (cf. Katalog der lateinischen und deutschen Handschriften der Universitäts-bibliothek zu Leipzig 1 , 1 , Leipzig 1926-35) ; ASSISI , Biblioteca del Convento di S. Francesco 318 , No. 22 , 14th century, (cf. Mazzatinti Inventari dei Manoscritti delle Biblioteche d'Italia, Vol. 4, p. 71); CORTONA, Biblioteca della Acad. Etrusca Cortonese, 26, fol. 107 , 12th century (cf. ibid., Vol. 18, p. 13). On certain manuscripts (a Vaticanus, two Sorbonici, and one of the Abbey of Royaumont) consulted by earlier editors and in some instances apparently not numbered among the manuscripts used in this study, see below, pp. 25-26. 2 All three manuscripts were used by J. Zycha for his edition of the De bono coniugali, De sancta virginitate, and the De patientia in CSEL 41 (see the appropriate sections of his Praefatio). The three works in question are all found in each of the three manuscripts, but Zycha in each case uses only two, nor does he mention the fact that all three manuscripts contain a portion of the fid. rer. See n. 6 below.

appears comprise in each case a largely uniform body of short writings of Saint Augustine. Early in the collection appears the De patientia, introduced by its proper title. The text of the De patientia extends into section 22 of the work, where, with the words quae non solum (CSEL 41 , p . 687, l. 14) it abruptly ends.4 Here, just as abruptly and also without title, begins that portion of the text of fid. rer. which the a manuscripts supply, approxi. . . sect. mately one-half of the entire work (sect. 6, cui dicitur. ... 10, nolit habere) . The explicit which immediately follows is for the De patientia, the last words of which are several pages back in these codices. How this jumbled arrangement of texts origi nated is not clear. In any event, the disguise which a considerable portion of the fid. rer. wears in the a manuscripts was not detected in some quarters until very recently and has occasioned

3 See the tabular analysis below. 4 The De patientia text in A and B ends as above described. That in C was also once similarly incomplete, but a second hand (see the following note) has supplied the ending, according to information kindly supplied by Dom H. de Sainte-Marie, O. S .B. , of San Girolamo, Rome, where the Cassino manuscript is at present. Wilmart (catal. cit. , 209) also stated that the De pat. text was originally incomplete in C , but no indication of any reworking is found in the catalogues of Monte Cassino which describe C. 5 In A and B the abrupt appearance of the portion of the fid. rer. gives no indication whatever of irregularity. In C the first few lines of the fid. rer. text (comprising about 600 letters) are found in the margin of page 37 and are continued by the first line of the normal column of script on this page, which begins with complentur, si se ipsa (sect. 6, 38) . The reason for the marginal appearance of this passage is not far to seek. On page 34, line 19, after the words quae non solum (De patientia, 22, CSEL 41 , 687) a change of hand can be detected, and the words on the rest of the page (comprising also about 600 letters) are written over an erased surface. On the lower section of page 34 there are still visible on the original, according to Dom de SainteMarie, two initials in the margin , i.e., a Q (line 21 ) and a C (line 27) , letters which appear as capitals and appropriately spaced in the marginal excerpt of the fid. rer. on page 37. Therefore, in all probability, the fragment of the fid. rer. appearing now in the margin on page 37 was originally found on page 34 beginning with line 19. The erasure of the fid. rer. text on page 34 was effected in order to complete that of the De patientia, and the overscript there, continued by the text on the added leaf, pp. 35-36 , does just this, the treatise coming to an end almost at the bottom of page 36. It is not clear that the hand of the marginal insertion is identical with that which filled out the De. pat. text.

2

the neglect of an important witness to the text of Saint Augustine's treatise." A.

COLOGNE, Dombibliothek, MS. 76 33V-40. 8th cent., near end.

(Darmst. 2188) , fol.

Part of a collection of works of St. Augustine; see table below. (A contemporary table of contents occupies fol. iv. See n. 10.) Facsimile of fol. 36r (from fid. rer.,. sect. 7, 44-57) in L. W. Jones, The Script of Cologne from Hildebald to Hermann, Cambridge, Mass., 1932, pl . II , 1 (pls. I-V are all taken from this manuscript) . Paleographical description ibid. , pp. 29 f., (cf. pp. 5 , 17 f.) ; see also Jones's earlier treatment in Speculum, 4 ( 1929) 53-60. The orthography of the manuscript is discussed by J. Zycha, CSEL 41 , pp. xxiii-xxv, and by C. Urba and Zycha, ibid., 42, p . xxiv f. Jones's dating of the manuscript in the bishopric of Hildebald 6 No mention of the imbedded sections of fid. rer. is found in the contemporary tables of contents of the three manuscripts in question. The JafféWattenbach catalogue of the Cologne cathedral manuscripts (Berlin, 1874) gives no indication that Cologne 76 contains any part of the fid. rer. Consequently, Jones, Script of Cologne, (cited below), p. 29, fails to include the work in his statement of the contents of the manuscript. (His care, however, at p. 30, in identifying the contents of fol. 36r, his Plate II , 1 , is noteworthy. Here he records that this page, actually showing the text of fid. rer. sect. 7, 44-57 , does not contain any part of the De patientia.) The lack until very recently of any adequate catalogue of Reg. lat. 318 and the insufficiency of the Jaffé-Wattenbach Cologne catalogue may be held in part responsible for Zycha's failure (see n. 2 above) to identify the text which followed the words quae non solum (De pat. 22, CSEL 41 , p. 687, line 14) in his K and R (our A and B) . Nor had Reifferscheid made this identification in his accounts of Reg. lat. 318 and Casinensis 170 in the Sitzungsberichte of the Vienna Academy (Phil.-Hist. Cl.) , 59 1868 , 44, and 71 ( 1874) , 54 f. Zycha could have been helped by the description of Casinensis 170 (though Zycha does not use this manuscript for the De patientia) in Bibliotheca Casinensis 3 , Monte Cassino, 1877, p. 406, which clearly distinguishes the fid. rer. text from that of the foregoing De patientia, though it fails to cite the former by title. (This failure would seem to have been a slip, since the remarks concerning page 37 of the manuscript were clearly made with reference to a printed edition of the fid. rer. The catalogue description of the Casinensis by Dom Mauro Inguanez (1923) leaves little to be desired; cf. above n. 4. Dom Wilmart, in his posthumously published description of Reg. lat. 318 ( 1945) , as earlier and more fully in Revue Bénédictine, 50 ( 1938) , 329 f. , shows the close affinity of the three manuscripts. He appears to have been the first to make the connection complete.

3

(785-819) or perhaps a little before (Script. p. 30) is essentially agreed to by Dom A. Wilmart." Wilmart, however, apparently not convinced by the evidence which places the copying of the book in Cologne (Jones, Script, page 5) , notes a striking resemblance between some of the hands of the codex to the script associated with the earliest books of Autun, "ceux qui ont dû exécutés à Flavigny en Bourgogne, vers la fin du VIIIe siècle. "8 A is the oldest of the manuscripts used in making the present edition and, though incomplete, seems to be the earliest extant copy of the fid. rer. B.

VATICAN CITY, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 318, fol. 8r- 11v. End of the 9th cent. or beginning of the 10th.

Part of a collection of works of St. Augustine (see table below) to which were added a group of passions or lives of the saints. (A contemporary table of contents occupies fol . Iv. See n. 10.) There is an admirable description by Dom A. Wilmart in Codices Reginenses Latini, Vol. 2 , Vatican City, 1945, pp. 208-215 ; cf. the same writer's article in Rev. Bén. , 50 ( 1938) , 329 f. Wilmart unhesitatingly assigns the copying of the manuscript to monks of Fleury-sur- Loire. C. MONTE CASSINO, Archivio della Badia, MS. 170, pages

37-42 . End of the 11th cent. or the beginning of the 12th . Part of a collection of works of St. Augustine ; see table below. (A contemporary table of contents occupies page 1. See n. 10.) The above dating is that of Dom Mauro Inguanez, whose excellent description is found in Codicum Casinensium manuscriptorum catalogus, Vol. 1 , part. 2 , Monte Cassino, 1923 , p. 254 f. The script of this manuscript (facsimile facing p . 404 in Bibliotheca Casinensis, 3 ) is given a slightly earlier date ('saec. xi²') by E. A. Lowe, The Beneventan Script, Oxford, 1914, p. 345. The manuscript belonged to the Abbey at least as early as the third quarter of the fifteenth century-as an item in an inventory of 1464-1471 clearly describes it -and may well have been writ7 Wilmart explicitly dates A ' saec. viii ex .' in his description (see under B) of Reg. lat. 318; cf. Rev. Bén . 50 ( 1938), 329 f. 8 Rev. Bên. 50 ( 1998), p. 330 9 Dom M. Inguanez , Catalogi codicum Casinensium antiqui (Miscellanea Cassinese, 21 ) , Monte Cassino 1941 , p. 25 (pp. 17-46 for the full catalogue,

...

4

ten there; in any event, as the Beneventan script indicates, the Schriftheimat was not far distant. A tabular comparison of the contents of the three codices may serve to indicate the external unity of the a tradition : 10 which is found in MS. Vat. lat. 3961). The pertinent entry runs as follows : 'Item liber ipsius Augustini de disciplina Christianorum inc. Locutus est, de evangeliis dimittite et dimittetur inc. Preceptum . Item de bono patentie inc. Virtus animi. Item de bono coniugali inc. Quoniam. Item de sancta virginitate inc. De sancta virginitate. Item de VIII Beatitudinibus inc. Beati pauperes spiritu. Item de adulterinis coniugiis inc. Scripsi duos. Item de nuptiis et concupiscentiis inc. Similiter Scripsi.' It may be noted here that the reference to the Beatitudes occurs in the 1928 catalogue; it is but a reference to an item in the De sancta virginitate. 10 Pertinent here is also the evidence of the contemporary tables of contents in the three manuscripts. Except for that in C (printed in Bibliotheca Casinensis 3, 406, which text is here reproduced) these tables have not been previously printed. In the case of B only the first 6 items out of 37 in the original are transcribed . Abbreviations have been expanded . B A с In hoc corpore conIncipiunt capitula tinentur libri huius Incipit liber sancti Sancti Augustini de disciplina ChristianoAugustini episcopi de rum sermo 1 disciplina Christianorum Eiusdem de evangeEiusdem de evanI Sermo sancti Aulio dimitte et dimittegelio dimitte et dimitgustini de hoc quod Dominus ait dimittite tur tibi sermo 1 tetur tibi et dimittetur vobis Eiusdem de bono Eiusdem de bono II Sancti Augustini de bono patientiae patientiae liber 1 patientiae Eiusdem de bono Eiusdem de bono III Sancti Augustini de bono coniugali coniugali liber 1 coniugali Eiusdem de sancta IIII Sancti AugusEiusdem de sancta tini de virginitate virginitate virginitate liber 1 Eiusdem de nuptiis Eiusdem de nuptiis V Sancti Augustini de nuptiis et concupiset concupiscentiis liet concupiscentia libri bri duo centia ad Valerium 11-11 (sic) VI Item sancti Augustini sermo ad eundemn In B, after item IIII , a later hand has added: Et sub ipso capitulo inserta est vita Sancti Valentini Lingonensis. Items V and VI seem to represent the two books of De nupt. et concup. (See Wilmart's catalogue, 209 f.). In C, De adulterinis coniugiis has been added by a second hand after the fifth item.

5

Coloniensis 76 Fols. 2-16 16-22 23-33 33-40 40-77 77-129

Fols.

De De De De De De

discipl. christ. evang. Dimitte12 patientia fide rerum bono coniugali sca. virgin.13

129-222 De nupt. et concup.16

Casinensis 170

Vat. Reg. lat. 318 11

1-4 4-8 8-11V 11V-28v 28V- 49 49-50v

De evang. Dimitte De patientia De fide rerum De bono coniugali De sca. virginitate13 Vita Valentini14

Pages 1-13 13-19 19-36 37-42 42-72 72-111

De De De De De De

discipl. christ. evang. Dimitte patientia fide rerum bono coniugali sca. virgin.13

111-154 De coniug. adult.15 51-79v De nupt. et concup.16 155-246 De nupt. et concup.16

Our approach to studying the history of the a text of the fid. rer. is greatly aided by Wilmart's discussion of the same group of manuscripts as witnesses to the text of Augustine's sermon on the Gospel text: 'Dimitte et dimittetur tibi.'17 It is interesting to note that what chiefly convinced him that the three books essentially preserve a single tradition was the manner, already de11 Only the first 79 leaves are here considered . These make up the first of the four principal parts into which Wilmart separates the book for his analysis. 12 The best edition of this sermon (Frangipane 9) is that of Dom G. Morin in Miscellanea Agostiniana 2 , 232-237. Morin used only Casinensis 170; Wilmart in Rev. Bén., 50 ( 1938) , 329-331 reports the fuller tradition of the three manuscripts (incompletely for A). 13 Preceded by retract. 2, 23. 14 Bibliotheca hagiographica latina (Subsidia hagiographica 6, Brussels 1898-1901 ) , No. 8457. The Saint Valentine is a 5th century presbyter of Langres, whose feast is July 4; cf. Acta Sanctorum, Julii , 2, 39-42 (where Reg. lat. 318 seems to be referred to). The intrusive appearance of this life of a saint of Langres may have significance for determining the origin of B's exemplar. 15 Preceded by retract. 2 , 57. 16 Preceded by retract. 2, 53 and epist. (200) ad Valerium . The presence of these items in A is known from the Urba-Zycha preface to their edition of nupt. et concup., CSEL 42, p. xxv. The nupt. et concup. is incomplete in Reg. lat. 318, which is part of a once larger codex other parts of which are in other Reginenses and in a manuscript at Berne; the end of the nupt. et concup. is in Reg. lat. 711. Following this work in Casin. 170 are certain excerpts which are irrelevant to the present discussion. 17 Dom A. Wilmart, "La tradition du sermon de S. Augustin sur la miséricorde publié par D. Fraia," Revue Bénédictine, 50 ( 1938) , 329-331 . See above, n. 12.

6

scribed, in which the fid. rer. finds a place in them. In the light of Dom Wilmart's further discussion this much may be said about the history of the a tradition : that an early African copy of the collection represented by the elements common to all three books18 circulated in France as early as the seventh or eighth century and that a late member of this family reached Monte Cassino to be the exemplar of our Casinensis. The direct descent of the Casinensis from an African copy which reached Campania early was excluded by Wilmart; the state of the text of the sermon pointed to a more complicated prior history. A similar conclusion may be advanced on the basis of this study: as will be seen later, the readings of C for the fid. rer. separate it somewhat from the sub-class AB. Perhaps it was during the course of this independent life of C's exemplar that the De coniugiis adulterinis found its way into the tradition, to appear in our Cas. 170. Wilmart in describing the circulation in France of the early African copy as having occurred in the area between the Loire (Fleury) and the Rhine (Cologne) also took care of the possibility suggested by him that the origin of Cologne 76 was, not Cologne, but Flavigny in Burgundy.19 If it should appear important to consider the fact that the copy from Fleury (our B) contains a relatively uncommon life of a Saint Valentinus of Langres,20 it may be noted that Langres, too, lies within the area specified by Wilmart. We may now turn to the readings of the fid. rer. as they appear in the a manuscripts. The existence of a distinct a class is established not only by the external features described at the opening of this section (notably the common omission of the beginning and the ending of the work) but by the following significant agreements in error of ABC within the section of the fid. rer. found in the three manuscripts . ABC Other MSS. 6.30 6.35 6.37 7.10

propriis ut ex ea si vero nomine

temporis ut ea sive nomen

18 It seemed to Wilmart that in its omission of the De disciplina christiana, Reg. lat. 318 is unfaithful to the tradition. 19 See above n. 7. 20 See n. 14 above.

7

7.26 7.46 8.4 9.23 10.3 10.11 10.17 10.37

Other MSS. est et videtis index ut claritatem commendaretur rependendo dixerant

AB C om . vidistis inde et caritatem cui commendaretur respondendo dixerunt

Furthermore, in the following cases we have illustrations of the preservation of correct readings outside of the a group . ABC 6.39 vocibus 7.3 mirabilia 7.39 per eumdem prophetam 7.44 prophetam 7.53 auditis 7.72 etsi 8.6 et futura quae adhuc non possunt videri 8.7 futura erant 9.3 sive alia multo plura et paene innumerabilia quae non commemoravimus 9.9-10 occulto sed iusto 9.13 Pater 9.34 in verbis contradictores

which appear not to be found Other MSS. vobis mirabilem ac per eamdem prophetiam prophetiam audistis propterea om.

om . om.

occulto iustro or iustoque Patri om .

There are, finally, a group of ABC readings those of the remaining manuscripts but not clearly or inferior to the latter. These also point to the class. ABC Other testimonium om . 7.9 om . miraculum 7.10 7.16-17 et impletum after praedictum om. vestimentum meum vestem meam 7.25 7.34 7.35 7.40 7.41 7.42 7.43 7.47

(A and C) adversus adversus descriptum ibi retribuam mortuus est et resurrexit praedictum est et impletum

different from either superior unity of the a

MSS.

adversum adversum scriptum et or om . reddam resurrexit dictum et impletum est 8

AB C sive ... sive 7.50 7.59-60 populos gentium 7.66 credentes quod ille ait ad te de loco suo gentes venient ibi eum inveniunt 7.66 felicitate 8.13 non credebant sive cernebant 8.19 ducturus 9.13 9.23 sparsa (parsa B) atque dispersi sunt 9.32 10.1 prophetica derisum 10.9 10.28 sanam etiam ipsam contradictionis exiit 10.39 finem non 10.40

sive

Other MSS. . seu

gentium populos quod ille . . . suo after gentium in eum invenient eum remuneratione iam credebant educturus dispersa sed dispersi om . om. sanam et ipsa contradictio

exivit fines nondum

The following variants indicate readings of A and B that are not shared by C, a demonstration , perhaps, of an independent history of C's exemplar. Significant errors are starred . AB C 7.11 *curat curatur (curit-other MSS.) om . meos 7.23 · loquebantur egrediebatur · loquebatur egrediebantur 7.33 7.45 suscepit suscipiet numerosissimos innumerosissimos (innumeros 7.51 other MSS. ) vanitatibus 7.52 *veritatibus videmus 8.15 *vidimus non credamus *nunc reddamus eis illis 9.13 10.20 parvorum parvulorum The a tradition, therefore, may be considered to present an important witness to the text of the fid. rer. for the section of the work contained in the three manuscripts. In some instances it seems certain that the genuine reading has been preserved by this group. In certain other instances a decision as to the genuineness of a reading is difficult. Perhaps the fid. rer. received two recensions by its author or else a second recension followed at an early date. Evidence that would help towards answering this question might come from the discovery of a complete manuscript of the a variety. For the time being the possibility of a double recension is not being reckoned with and we take a single archetype, x, as

9

the source of all the manuscripts of the work. The connection of the a class with the original archetype may be indicated by means of this diagram . X

A B C

b Family The remaining manuscripts collated for this study, all of them providing complete texts, may be grouped in the b class as will be seen shortly. The b class subdivides into two sub-classes, c and d. Before proceeding to a discussion of the groupings within b, I shall enumerate the b manuscripts in the order of their date. In general, and especially with respect to the date of copying, the data available in the printed catalogues have been relied on.208 D. ROUEN, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS . 472 (A286, formerly Jumiéges) fol. 109r-fol . 116r. 11th century. A collection of works of St. Augustine; fol. 109, Liber beati Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. This is the oldest complete text of the fid. rer. that we have. In many instances it has been the most reliable in the establishment of the present text. The Benedictines had access to this manuscript in the preparation of their edition.21 The script is a clear 20ª For the most recent and most complete account of Catalogue collections, see P. O. Kristeller, “Latin Manuscript Books Before 1600: a Bibliography of the Printed Catalogues of Extant Collections," Tradito VI ( 1948) , 227-317 . 21 Cf. Tome VI, 632. The identity of Rouen 472 and the Codex Gemmeticensis here referred to is established not only by inherent probability but by the fact that the Benedictine editors remark on their reading non vitam sed poenam (11.17) that some codices show non poenam sed vitam. Our D, Rouen 472, supplies the only example of the latter reading found among the manuscripts here studied. In addition , for their quam cernimus (9.5) the Benedictine editors after noting quam tenemus for "codices Vaticani et Gallicani," add that certain of these have as well laboriosae for laborioso. Our V, Vat. lat. 447, has laborioso, but D, Rouen 472 has laboriosae. and regular Caroline minuscule not yet under the influence of

10

Gothic forms. The text is not annotated, but is in several places corrected by a hand very similar to that of the original scribe. E. TROYES, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS. 40, Vol . 10, fol. 69r-72v. 12th century. Part of a 12th century collection of the works of Saint Augustine in ten folio volumes. The eighth work in volume 10 is Liber de fide rerum invisibilium. For all the acquaintance of the Middle Ages with Augustine, De Ghellinck22 notes this beautiful series of an original twelve volumes of the ancient library of Clairvaux as the only example of a collection of the complete works of Augustine despite the extreme popularity of his writings. F. SAINT OMER, Bibliothèque et Archives Municipales, MS. 85, fol. 128r- 132v. 13th century. Part of a collection of various works of Augustine in folio volumes. Number 7 is Tractatus de fide rerum invisibilium. From the Abbey of Clairmarais. PARIS, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. 2084 (lat.) , fol . 204207v. 13th century. Part of a collection of writings of S. Augustine, Fulgentius Ruspensis, Ambrosius Autpertus, Edmond of Canterbury, and Anselm of Canterbury. On fol. 204 begins Liber beati Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. According to a 15th century ex libris G.

on fol. 1 the manuscript is from the Abbey of S. Amand-enPevèle. H.

LAON, Bibliothèque Communale, 128, fol . 210V- 212r. 13th century.

A collection of Augustine's works; item 22 : Liber de fide rerum invisibilium. From Notre Dame de Laon. I. PARIS, Bibliothèque Mazarine, 635 ( 287) , fol . 23-25v. 13th century. Works of S. Augustine and S. Isidore of Seville; item 4: Tractatus de fide rerum invisibilium. TROYES, Bibliothèque Municipale, 860, fol . 99v- 101r. 13th century.

J.

A miscellaneous collection ; item 9: De fide rerum invisibilium. (Clairvaux, G 13.)

K.

TROYES, Bibliothèque Municipale , 70, fol . 144-147г. 13th century.

22 J. de Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge, 3, p .368. 11

A miscellaneous collection ; item 13: De fide rerum invisibilium, liber 1. L. CAMBRAI, Bibliothèque Municipale, 579 (537) , fol. 25r27r. 13th century. Collection of various works of Augustine, Anselm, John Damascene, etc. Fol. 25 shows the title: S. Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. (Cathedral , old no. 56.) M.

BRUSSELS, Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, 1116 ( 11.2297) . fol. 247-250 . Of the year 1277. Works of Augustine ; item 12 : Liber de fide rerum invisibilium. On fol. 178 appears this note: Frater Joannes dictus Toussens

monachus de Camberones et sacerdos scripsit hunc librum anno Domini MCC septuagesimo septimo. N.

VATICAN CITY, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS . lat. 10664, fol. 237V-239r. 13th century (about 1215) . Works of Saint Augustine ; item 17 : Liber Sancti Augustini de

fide rerum invisibilium . On fol . 31gr appears the evidence for dating: Explicit liber Sancti Augustini de libero arbitrio anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo decimo quinto.

O.

ASSISI , Biblioteca Communale , 87 , fol . 97r-98v. tury.

13th cen-

Works of St. Augustine; item 8 : Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. P. CAMBRIDGE, Corpus Christi College Library, 34, No. 29 (27) . Of the late 13th or 14th century. Tractates of Anselm, Augustine, etc.; item 29 (27) Eiusdem liber de fide rerum invisibilium. From Norwich Cathedral Priory.24 Q.

AUCH, Bibliothèque Municipale, 15. fol . 56v-66 . 14th century. Various treatises of S. Augustine; fol. 56v Incipit Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. R. DURHAM , Durham Cathedral Library, B. 2, 20, fol . 74v-

77v. 14th century. Tractates of S. Augustine; item 7: De fide rerum invisibilium. 23 The Cistercian Abbey of Cambron, diocese of Cambrai; cf. L. H. Cottineau, Répertoire topobibliographique des abbayes et prieurés, Macon , 1935-7, Vol. 1 , col. 572. 24 Cf. N. R. Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, London, 1941 , 76. 12

S.

BRUGES, Bibliothèque Publique de la Ville, 112 , fol . 25r28v. 14th century. Works of S. Augustine; item 2 : Liber de fide rerum invisibilium . T.

CAMBRIDGE, Gonville and Caius College Library , 69, fol .

48-55. 14th century. Tractates of Saint Augustine; item 7: De fide rerum invisibilium. U.

VATICAN CITY, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Urb. lat. 84 (118) , fol . 47-51v. 15th century. Works of St. Augustine; fol . 47 : Aurelii Augustini Episcopi et doctoris ecclesiae excellentissimi de fide rerum visibilium (sic)

liber incipit feliciter. A Renaissance manuscript in a beautiful Italian humanist hand. V.

VATICAN CITY, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 447, fol. 1-8. 15th century.

Works of Saint Augustine; item 1 : Liber Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium . The stamp of Pope Nicholas V appears on fol. 1 , and in the first initial of the fid. rer. is a miniature showing Saint Augustine writing . W. VATICAN CITY, Bibl. Apost. Vat., lat. 469. fol . 46-50. 15th century. Works of Saint Augustine ; item 4 : Eiusdem liber de fide rerum invisibilium. X.

VIENNA, Nationalbibliothek, 900 (New No. 205) , fol. la16b. 15th century.

A collection of treatises of St. Augustine, St. Bernard, Hugh of S. Victor and others ; the first item is: Liber beati Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. In addition to the table of contents, the first page of the codex gives indication, if not of the actual Schriftheimat, at least of the provenience : Portus Beatae Virginis Mariae, a convent of the Carthusians at Aggsbach,25 in the diocese of Vienna.

CAMBRIDGE, Corpus Christi College Library, 154, fol . 142-146 . 15th century. Certain works of Anselm and Augustine; item 16: de fide rerum invisibilium. From St. Augustine's Canterbury.26

Y.

25 Cottineau, op. cit. 1, 26. 26 Ker, op. cit., 26 and 129. 13

Z.

NEUFCHATEAU, Bibliothèque Municipale, 3 (T3) , fol . 2-7. 15th century. A collection of works of St. Augustine; on fol. 2 begins De fide

rerum invisibilium . This is a paper book; the text has been much used and is well annotated. References indicate the volume and page of the Benedictine edition ( 1700) on which the various works may be found. The peculiar variants of the text of D isolate this member of the b group as the only known representative of a c division. D is in error in the following cases : D Other MSS. videtur videntur 1.3 intrinsecus corde extrinsecus corde 2.27 te amico amico 3.1 enim constat om . constat 5.6 om . tuam 5.48 om . omnes 5.51 in leticie regi 5.53 iussis visis 6.36 vides vidistis 7.11 7.17 qui quae eius eis 8.3 intellecturus intellecturos 9.8 9.9-10 ut occultis de iusto et occulto iustoque 9.26 prophetarum (before correc prophetatum tion) usus visus 10.5 11.2 divem novam In the following cases D may be considered to have preserved the correct reading in contrast with the errors of the remaining members of b. D Other MSS. voluntas tua vero tua 2.21 2.22 nec cui sane audita, or nec tibi sane, nec visa ne (sic) audita or nec tibi sono 3.8-9 optari ea non potius timeri optari iam non potuisset, or optari iam non potius sed timeri , or non iam optari sed potius timeri credimus credere, or crederet 3.16 ista 4.22 ipsa in qua 6.28 om . illorum eorum 9.17 9.24 utique ubique (also ABC)

14

10.10

D discipulis eius quos (quos also ABC) annuntiantibus non poenam sed vitam

Other MSS. discipulos eius

annuntiantes 10.11 non vitam sed poenam 11.17 These lists of readings serve to isolate D as being in a sub-class of its own (c) and thereby to establish another distinct sub-class d. However, from the occasional appearances of D readings in some of the other manuscripts, it may be held that D or some other and unknown members of the c division have influenced later members of the d division. Some of the occurrences, of course, may be due to normal slips in copying. The following are variants of D found in other manuscripts . D Other MSS. 3.18 congruenter incongruenter (also PRVWY) quod nisi 4.36 nisi (also EGHJKLNOQX) ante credentes antecedentes (also ABC; 10.31 antecedens NOU) 11.7 perturbarentur perturbarent (also KNOUPRT) The beginning of b's stemma may thus be indicated : b

C

E- Z Within the d division E (Troyes 40) may be considered as typical . It is the only 12th century member of the group, and either it or a similar manuscript undoubtedly exerted influence on many of the later members. H (Laon 128) , J (Troyes 860) , and K (Troyes 70) are similar to it, but the similarity does not seem significant enough to make of them a distinct sub-class . G (Paris, lat. 2084) and L (Cambrai 579) are likewise similar to E, but they show closer relationship to a specific grouping within d as will be seen shortly. Q (Auch 15) is to be thus generally considered also. It shows agreement with NOUX in reading familiae for patriae (7.29) .

15

The first sub-division within d to be considered will be that formed by F (Saint Omer 85) , I (Paris, Mazarine 635) , M (Brussels 1116) , and

(Bruges 112) .

These are the variants which

serve to distinguish an FIMS family, which we will call e. Significant errors are starred.

2.1 2.10 2 22 2.92 3.8-9 3.16 5.45 6.11 7.50 9.35 10.7 10.10 11.12

FIMS possumus corporeis *nec tibi sono possit te fallere calamitas et timeri *om. circumdata *agnoscit se filiam *aspicite nostri factum esse

Other MSS. of the d division possimus corporis *nec cui sane possit et fallere *iam non potuisset timeri credere circumamicta agnoscit filiam aspicitis *nostris esse factum

discipulos vero *om.

discipulos ejus audiendi

N (Vat. lat. 10664) , O (Assisi 87) , and U ( Vat. urb . 84) may be considered to form another closely knit family, f. There are certain peculiarities of the group that are shared likewise by G, L, and X. The lists which follow have been prepared to illus. trate the affinities of the various members. Agreements in significant error are marked with an asterisk .

Peculiarities that distinguish N, O, and U as a family group : NOU Other MSS. ne tua 2.23 * ut tua abs te 2.30 *absit om . 2.31 quod nocere 2.33 *non certe iam tamen (N) tam (OU) 4.17 4.18 generosum atque ceterorum generorum atque socerorum sibi 4.32 * igitur (NO) enim (U) et hiis et hinc aliis 4.33 amicitia 4.42 *amicitiam sed 5.16 *si totus ortus 5.22 incredere non credere 5.27 appellant 5.42 appellatum divitum . . . deprecantur 6.9-10 om. 6.28 *praedicatorum praedicationem 6.28-29 om . in qua • meminerunt 16

Other MSS. NOU demonstrantur ita ita demonstrantur 6.32 in quam ... avertantur 6.33-34 om . consequentibus 6.39 *obsequentibus videre nolitis 7.2 non videre velitis (non om. OU) commemoravit scriptum esse scriptum esse commemoravit 7.40 edebat ederat reddam retribuam 7.42 nostri mei 7-53 et ecce ipsi et ecce et ipsi 7.54 putetis putatis 7.56 loco suo omnes insulae 7.63-65 * om . quia credentes in 7.65-66 * et credentes est praedicta * est cum praedicta 8.4 9.6 legunt legant et per 9.15 occideres *occideret 9.26 ne *ut nossent t noscere 9.31 Iudaei * videre (videri O) 9.31 non 10.2 nos ut crederet om . 10.6 tot *et illusum 10.8 om . 10.9 exprobratum expalmatum expalmatum exprobratum impleti 10.13 *impleri om . praedicantibus 10.15 sacramentum *om. 10.31 10.34 sit *sic mentitos *nuntiatos

There are indications of a definite connection of G and X with the NOU group : GNOUX 1.16 est before nudum (also H and L) 7.24 inspexerunt for conspexerunt GNOU 4.34 *volentibus for valentibus 7.50 *aspicere for aspicitis *cum for tamen 9.14 GNU 4.38 *vetatur G; vitatntur (sic) N; utantur U for vitatur et for si 6.3 10.8 omnibus for hominibus (also Л) NOUX necessitatibus for necessitudinibus (also JY) 4.17

17

7.14 7.29

est om . (also L) familiae for patriae (also Q) Some peculiarities of G are shared by L and X. 2.5 *videretur G X for iuberetur 2.32-33 tegendo malitiam om. G L X ex before adversis GX 3.6 10.6 veternovissima G L; veterum novissima X for veternosissima *nulla facta G L for nulla secta 10.24 From the cumulative evidence of the readings noted above a stemma for this section of the d division may be constructed. d

E J

LG N

K

of

Another related group of manuscripts is that formed by P, R, T, and Y, all from English centers: C.C.C. 34; Durham, Cathedral B 2, 20; Cambridge, Gonville and Caius 69; and Cambridge, C.C.C. 154. Notable are the frequent instances in which PRTY show word-order not found elsewhere in the tradition. PRTY Other MSS. prudenter sibi 1.4 sibi prudenter est invisibilis invisibilis est 1.13 om . 1.14 aliquid 2.1 ista inquiunt inquiunt ista dicitis vos vos dicitis 2.3 corporis oculos oculos corporis 2.3-4 videre mereamur 2.8 mereamur videre 2.21-22 aut voluntas tui cordis est ut aut vero tua est ut tui cordis tua affectione sentiatur affectione sentiatur abs te non rependatur 2.24-25 non rependatur abs te nec cordis nec carnis 2.28 nec carnis nec mentis possit fallere possit et fallere 2.32 2.33 expetendo exspectando 3.1 cuius benignitatem probasti om . 3.2 es expertus probasti ut erga nos amicorum ut amicorum probetur erga 3.4 nos caritas probetur nos caritas 3.8-9 amicis non iam optari sed amicis optari iam non potuisset potius

18.

PRTY non benevolentiam erga nos recipi nec .. • nec itaque se dilecturos credimus perturbantur humanae credimus 4.27 dicunt 4.31 et 4.36 violatur religio 4.43 5.11 atque quae non videtis aut non 5.13 vidistis dicebat 5.18 Christum esse succedentim 5.19 sic dictum 5.30 in utero accipiet 5.31 mundi regnum regentem 5.34 fieret nobis nascendo 5.37 5.38-39 om . unxit 5.41 ab intus 5.52 6.10 deprecatur (T before correction) 6.18 adducantur concedentibus 6.39 7.29-30 om. (also A B C) 7.31-32 est atque completum obdormivit 7.43 om . 10.33 finem saeculi 11.14 3.12 3.17 4.6 4.7 4.9 4.12 4.25

Other MSS. nec erga nos benevolentiam recipere neque ... neque utique sibi reddituros putamus humanae perturbantur credamus dicant quod religio violatur et quae non vidistis aut non videtis benedicebat Christum succedentium fuisse praedictum accipiet in utero mundi regimen nascendo fieret nobis thronus • regni tui scilicet intrinsecus deprecantur

adducuntur consequentibus quoniam . . . gentium atque completum est dormivit et sic ... praenuntiatum saeculi finem From a reconsideration of the list of readings used previously to make the sub-divisions c and d, we may determine that, in general, P, R. T, and Y are members of the d division , but members which form a distinct family group (g) .27 A final group can be isolated: V (Vat. lat. 447) , W (Vat. lat. 469) , and Z (Neufchateau 3 ) , all fifteenth century manuscripts. The following readings indicate their affinity; agreements in significant error are starred. 27 The inversion of PRTY for 4.11 , videre non potest, is found likewise in K, and the reading of festa for secta (9.22) is also in K, M, S, and the NOU family. 19

1.18 2.15 2.22 3.13 4.9 4.12 4.14 4.21 5.1 5.7 5.52 6.14 6.18

ᎩᎳᏃ corporis amicabili *nec tibi sane audita om.

Other MSS. corporeos amicali *nec cui sane or nec tibi sono te

ergo reddituros quia debita erga quod in qua quamvis om . etiam adducuntur ducuntur videmus credatis . . . videtis 6.36-37 credamus nomine unius nomine Christi unius 7.10 7.32-33 persecutoribus et traditore traditore et persecutoribus 7.40 *scriptum est scriptum esse adhuc aliquam aliquam adhuc 7.50 7.61 praevalebit et praevalebit om . autem 7.72 secta or *festa *facta 9.22 9.23-24 gratiae collatae collatae gratiae fide 9.33 *fidem 10.36 antea ante 11.8 *canticis cantico The following are additional agreements between V and W : neque for nec 3.5 4.26 credimus for credamus 5.18 benedixit (also G) for benedicebat 5.56 memor ero for memores erunt effectis for effectibus 6.39 de for ex 7.32 Z is doubtlessly from a source like V and W, however, and the igitur credituros qui debitum apud quo et in

three form a distinct family group (h) . From a consideration of the following peculiar readings, we may determine that, in general, the VWZ group is derived from the source of the NOU group . 5.18 benedicebat ] benedixit GVW diffundor ] diffundi NOUVWZ 5.19 5.22 Iacob quippe ... . . . Israel ] om. NUV 5.26 in eum credere ] credere in eum NOUVWz 10.22 insipientium ] insapientium GZ 20

Stemma

In conclusion, to show the relationship among the manuscripts that have been studied in the preparation of this text, there is presented here a tentative stemma illustrating the manuscript history of the fid. rer.

b

C D E HJK

FIM

LG

. 5

S

QPRTY 9

Maw s base

W Z

2.

THE PRINTED EDITIONS

There remains to consider briefly the chief printed editions of the fid. rer. Am AMERBACH . Aurelii Augustini opera, Basle (Joann. Amerbach) , 1506; Vol. 10, Opuscula beati patris Augustini, includes De fide rerum invisibilium liber unus. Amerbach's edition of 1506 may be considered, together with his editions of the Enarrationes in Psalmos, Epistulae, and Sermones (which appeared from 1489-1497) , as the first comprehensive edition of the works of Augustine, and contains the first printed text of the fid. rer. The edition comprised eleven volumes. The first eight contained in a basically chronological order

21

the works treated by Augustine in the Retractations, and the remaining three contained the works not listed in the Retractations. The tenth volume contains opuscula of Saint Augustine,28 among which is the fid. rer. , entitled De fide rerum invisibilium . It is impossible to determine precisely which manuscripts were used for the Amerbach text.29 The extant correspondence of Amerbach shows that his preoccupations were largely with the sectioning and external arrangement of the text.30 Assistants, notably Augustinus Dodo, were charged with the collection of all manuscripts that could be procured, and the efforts of Amerbach were toward legitimate corrections, that is, corrections based upon manuscript readings, but he was not able to protect his edition against the infiltration of faulty variants any more than he could prevent the inclusion of pseudepigrapha. No indication is given in the edition itself as to the manuscript source or sources of the fid. rer. As will shortly appear, the source was a manuscript similar to those in our group, h. Er ERASMUS. Quartus tomus Omnium operum Divi Aurelii Augustini ... per Desid. Erasmum, Basle (Froben) , 1528 ; 695-700, De fide rerum invisibilium liber unus. The edition of Erasmus from the press of John Froben, in ten volumes, included text corrections and critical remarks. It was

Erasmus' concern for the text of old manuscripts and a well-done collation that seemed to have justified the Froben press in undertaking the printing of a new edition when the Amerbach text was held in high esteem. Specific examples of collations of certain works are referred to in letters of Erasmus,31 and these show that he wanted to give the public a correct annotated edition (omnes libros emendatiores scoliis illustratos) of all the works of Augustine without excepting even those falsely attributed to him . There is deficiency, however, in the Erasmian texts through 28 In his preface to the reader of Volume 10 Amerbach writes : "We come in this tenth part to the lesser but most devout opuscula of the Holy Father Saint Augustine." 29 de Ghellinck, op. cit., 372; this volume of de Ghellinck provides an excellent study of the pre-Maurist and Maurist editions of Saint Augustine's works, pp. 366-484. 30 ibid., 375. 31 P. S. Allen, Desid. Erasmi Roterdam. Opus Epistolarum, 10 vols., Oxford 1926; cf. especially letters 1189 and 1204.

22

the restricted quality of the manuscripts used; there were very many from the Low Countries, and few or none from other regions. Furthermore, in many cases the "censures" affixed to some of the works by Erasmus were not based on critical studies but merely on opinions.32 His unfavorable censure of the fid . rer.33 had important results that will be considered later. As with the Amerbach edition, there is nothing in that of Erasmus to indicate what manuscript sources, if any, were used for the improvement of the fid. rer. For iuberetur (2.5) the Erasmus text shows videretur, a reading of our G and X. Other differences from the Amerbach text are inconclusive for tracing Erasmus' manuscript sources, for example et for etiam ( 3.10) , quoniam for quam (1.10) and seu for sive (7.50) . It is to be presumed that Erasmus' base text was that published by Amerbach . Lo LOUVAIN THEOLOGIANS.

D.

Aurelii Augustini opera

tomis decem comprehensa per Theologos Lovanienses ex manuscriptis codicibus . . . emendata et ab erroribus vindicata, Lyons (Radisson) , 1664 ; Vol. 4, Appendix , 85-87, De fide rerum invisibilium. The edition of the Louvain theologians in eleven volumes (Vol. 11 contains a complete index, castigationes, animadversiones, and Scriptural references) was first published at Antwerp (Plantin press) in 1577. It was based upon a vast search for manuscripts and was accomplished through effective collaboration.34 The collators were theologians rather than philologists. In the main they followed Erasmus. They relegated the fid. rer. to a place in an appendix, and they affixed to it the censure of Erasmus. As to the manuscript source or sources of the Louvain text of the fid. rer. we have again no precise information from the text itself. This work is not included among those for which manuscript readings are discussed in the Castigationes of Volume 11. Among the library collections listed by de Ghellinck35 as sources of the Louvain collations are Cambron and Saint Amand, the respective proveniences of our M and G, and codices from

32 de Ghellinck, op. cit., 388. 33 Vol. 4, 695. 34 de Ghellinck, op. cit., 393. 35 ibid ., 397-8.

23

these convents are cited frequently in the castigationes for other works in the same volume.30

THE PROJECTED VATICAN EDITION (saec. xvi ex.) 37 In the reign of Sixtus V, on the 22nd of January, 1588, the bull, Immensa aeterni Dei,38 established a new organization of the 38 L. Cherubini, Bullarii sive Collectionis Constitutionum editarum a Sixto V, pars secunda, Rome, 1590, pp. 36-48. Roman dicasteries. Among other charges assigned to the Fourteenth Congregation, Pro Typographia Vaticana deputata, was the re-editing of the works of the Fathers of the Church . Orthodox theological emendation, a great need for that period of newly rising heresies, was to be the object.39 Extant letters indicate that the labor of collation had been started , records of which and even the collations themselves, in some cases, had been filed, but no edition of Augustine based on this material ever appeared. The work of the Sistine collators may be considered as a connecting link between the Louvain and Maurist editions.40 The collations are preserved in the Vatican in two manuscript volumes, Vat. lat. 4991 and 4992. According to Urba, the collation made for fid. rer. was that of Vat. lat. 447, our V.41 What appears to be a copy of this collation has been available to me in photograph.42 It is con36 Notes on manuscript readings for works contained in Vol. 4 are in Vol. 11, 50-63. 37 C. Urba, “ Beiträge zur Geschichte der Augustinischen Textkritik,” Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie (Phil.-Hist. Kl.) Vol. 119 (1899) , vi , 1-80; de Ghellinck , op. cit., 404-411 . 39 de Ghellinck, op. cit., 406. 40 ibid., 405. 41 Urba, op. cit., 55; Vat. lat. 4991 , fol. 582-583. 42 Bibliothèque Nationale lat. 11646, fol. 284.v-285. The existence of this collation was noted by Kukula, op. cit. n. 44 below), 138, v, 63. Cf. Delisle's inventory mentioned in n. 43. The collation begins thus: Incepi conferre hunc librum de fide rerum invisibilium cum uno exemplari manuscripto vaticani die 2 septembris 1598 cuius titulus est Incipit liber Beati Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium. In each case the first reading given is that of the Louvain text, and the second is that of the manuscript, e.g., credere videretur credere iuberetur (fid. rer. 2.5) While the title given is not identical with that on our photo of Vat. lat. 447, the readings given are in no way different. In cases where I have found readings of V not also in W (e.g., fid. rer. 3.13 and 6.11 ) it is the readings which the collation in Bibl. Nat. lat. 11646 shows.

24

tained among the Maurist materials in the Bibliothèque Nationale. If the Paris collation is a copy of the one made at Rome for the Vatican commission, we have an evidence of the use made by the Maurists of the collations of the Sistine commission. Be BENEDICTINE or MAURIST. S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi opera omnia post Lovaniensium Theo• opera et studio Monachorum logorum recensionem Ordinis S. Benedicti e Congregatione S. Mauri, Paris, 16791700; Vol. 6, 141-150 : De fide rerum quae non videntur liber unus, Paris, 1685. The edition of the Maurists, Delfau, Blampin, and Constant, in eleven volumes, Paris, 1679-1700, surpassed all previous editions of the works of Saint Augustine, being based upon a study of the chief manuscripts as well as a review of all previous printed texts. Thirty-one manuscript volumes among the manuscrits latins of the Bibliothèque Nationale, nos. 11645-11666, are concerned with the work of this edition, the preparations, the collection and collations of manuscripts, etc.43 The lists indicate that manuscripts were collected from many parts of Europe.44 The editors cite (Vol. 6, 632 ; Migne, PL 40,171 ) as the basis for their text of the fid. rer. (in addition to the three prior printed editions) two Sorbonne manuscripts, one of the Vatican, and one of Jumièges. This last is our D, Rouen 472.45 The identity of the three remaining manuscripts is uncertain . As to the Vatican manuscript, however, we can be sure that it is either Vat. lat. 447 or Vat. lat. 469. As was seen, a copy of a collation made in 1598 from a Vatican manuscript is extant at Paris among the materials of the Maurist edition, and Kukula, having examined this copy, described it as a collation of Vat. lat . 447.48 The case of 43 L. Delisle, "Inventaire des manuscrits latins de Saint Germain-des-Prés ," Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes, 26 (1865), 185-214 ; 27 (1867) , 343-376. 44 R. Kukula has covered very minutely the extant evidence concerning the compilation of the Maurist Augustine. His study, "Die Mauriner Ausgabe des Augustinus," is in the Sitzungsberichte of the Vienna Academy, (Phil.Hist. Kr.), Vol. 121 (1890), v; 122 ( 1890) , vii; 124 (1891 ) , viii (by O. Rottmanner); 127 ( 1892) , v; and 138 ( 1898) , v. Kukula's lists in the last installment are most important. 45 See above , n. 21 . 46 R. Kukula, op. cit., 138, v, 63; cf. also Urba, op. cit., 44 where Vat. lat. 469 is excluded.

25

the two Sorbonici is less satisfactory. The single reading clearly reported for a Sorbonicus,

seu nolitis aspicitis et si (fid. rer.

7.50) , is found in many of the codices used for the present text, none of which comes from that series of manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale which comprise at least the bulk of the books from the Sorbonne now at the Bibliothèque Nationale. The available inventories48 provide no clear indication that anywhere in the series is found a copy of the fid . rer., though it may well be that this work is included among the varia opuscula of Augustine cited in some instances. While the discovery of the two Sorbonne manuscripts would be of interest, the profit gained by the Maurists from the readings they contained does not suggest that these have much to offer the editor of fid. rer. As we have seen, the Maurists enumerated the four manuscripts they used in constructing their text of the fid. rer. One would not expect to find evidence that readings from another manuscript, not among these four, were available to them . Yet among the papers of the Maurists studied by Kukula we find a collation of the fid . rer. from a "manuscriptum Regalis Montis" that is, a codex belonging to the Cictercian Abbey of Royaumont in the diocese of Beauvais.49 A photograph of this collation, made by the prior of the convent, a Philibertus, has been available to me.50 The collation was begun on September 12 and finished on September 18, 1675. The variants noted in the collation place the Royaumont manuscript among those of our d division of class b, but do not allow its attribution to any one of the sub-divisions or family groups that have been determined. In the critical apparatus of the present edition the readings of the collation of the Royaumont manuscript have not been included. The affinity of the readings of the editions to those of the VWZ group is most obvious, as is indicated by the following selection ; Z, however, seems to have exerted the strongest influence. Read47 They cite Gallicani as having tenemus for cernimus (fid. rer. 9.5); see above, n. 21. 48 L. Delisle, "Inventaire des manuscrits latins de la Sorbonne, conservés à la Bibliothèque Impériale sous les nos. 15176-16718 du fonds latin,” Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes, 31 , ( 1870) , 1-50; 135-161 . 49 Kukula, op. cit., 138, v, 20. s.v. Regiomontensis, see also Cottineau , op. cit. 2, 2558. 50 Bibliothèque Nationale lat. 11652, fol. 338-339.

26

A

ings which, in the light of the present text, are judged to be significant errors are starred . VWZ and editions. Other b Mss. amicali 2.15 amicabili (not Am Er Be) om . aut non videtis 5.13 *etsi si 5.36 6.14 qua (not Be) quamvis manifeste manifesta 6.35 videtis credatis 6.36-37 * credamus • . videmus (not Be) 6.39 effectis (VW) ; effectus (ae) effectibus nomine unius nomine Christi unius (not 7.10 Lo Be) 8.12 om . impiorum eadem secta * eadem facta (not Be) 9.22

9.29-30 intelligant *videmus 10.4 11.16 ne (not Lo)

intelligunt videret ut

Z and editions. interim 5.4 5.16-19 * Sed quia olim Abrahae promissio a deo facta est. In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes. Me promitte bat per omnes gentes in Christi benedictione diffundi. (not Be) afferentem 5.35 tamen 7.51 8.18 * arbitrentur (not Be) cernimus 9.5 laborioso 11.3 tanto ante praedicta 11.5 Catholica ecclesia (not Er Be)

Other b Mss. iterum Sed in semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes. Quando Deus Abrahae benedicebat, me promittebat: per omnes gentes in Christi benedictione diffundor.

ferentem tam arbitrantur tenemus laboriosae tanta praedicta Catholica

The following is a list of " common errors" appearing in the editions which have not been found in any of the manuscripts used for the present text. 1.5 credere] ostendere Am Er 3.7 explorato] om. Am Er 1.7 etiam ] et Am Er Lo 3.9 non ] om. Am Er Lo 2.6 posset ] possit Am Er 3.10 etiam ] et Er Be 2.23 conspecta ] conscripta Am Er 3.12 eum] eam Am Er Lo 3.15 quandoquidem ] quandoque Am Lo 2.31 mutuo nulla] animo tuo ulla Am Er 3.17 erga nos ] om. Am Er

27

+3

4.1 4.5 4.7 4.9 4.12 4.26 4.32 5.13 5.46 5.47 6.4

6.9

6.18 adducuntur ] adducentur Am Er Lo 7.32 psalmo] psalmista Am Er Lo 7.34 simul in unum ] simul in idipsum Am Er Lo 7.47 similiter] om. Am Er seu 7.50 sive . . . sive ] sive · Er Lo Be et ] etiam Am Er Lo Be 8.11 pertinent ] pertinet Am Er Lo sacramento ] sacrario Am Er Lo 9.21 probentur ] prohibeantur Am Er ibi ] ubi Am Er Lo et before obliviscere Am Er Lo10.9 expalmatum ] exspoliatum Am Er Lo domum] donum Am Er Lo etiam ] et Am Er Lo 10.29 ille ] illa Am Er haec ] hic Am Er Lo mutuo] om. Am Er neque ... neque] nec . . . Am Er Lo est ] om. Am Er qui ] quod Am Er omnino ] omnia Am Er Lo hoc] haec Am Er Lo vos ecclesia] ecclesia vos Am Er Lo

The evidence of these listings is indicative of the superiority of the Maurist text of the fid. rer. over that of the three prior editions. In the cases where the Maurist text has not continued the markedly faulty variants of the other editions it may be presumed that this improvement is due either to the availability to the Maurist editors of the Jumièges codex or a collation of it or to their fortunate conjectures. However, in some cases the text of the Maurists does not agree with the reading of our D, presumably because they selected the reading of another manuscript or had an incomplete collation of where Be differs from D. D 2.21 ut vero 2.22 ne cui sane audita 2.31 si in te mutua nulla 3.8-9 eam non potius timori 3.14 non vis 4.20 benevolentiae 4.36 om . 5.4 iterum 5.13 aut non videtis 5.35 ferentem 5.36 si 6.35 manifesta 7.40 scriptum esse commemoravit 9.2 sive ista tenemus 9.5 laboriosae 10.4 videret

D. The following are the cases

Be † aut vero † nec visa nec audita si non in te mutua illa tea non potius timeri non visis t benevolentia 1 quod interim + om. afferentem etsi manifeste scriptum est ista cernimus laborioso videmus

28

10.25 11.3 11.16 11.17

D non ita tanta praedicta ut non poenam sed vitam

Be ita tanto ante praedicta ne non vitam sed poenam

In the light of the numerous faulty readings of the earlier editions, this list presents a remarkably small number of cases where we might justly question the adequacy of the Maurist selection of readings, given that they had no access to manuscripts of the a class, these latter the source of a number of readings in which the present text differs from the Maurist. On the other hand, in the list of Maurist readings or emendations just cited above, those marked with a dagger have been preserved in the present edition . A conclusion must concern itself with the readings of the present edition. The text of fid. rer. gives evidence of having been preserved to us in two traditions, only one of which, b, as far as is known at present, presents the text complete. As has just been seen, the Benedictine text of the work is a representation of high quality of this b tradition. The other tradition , our a class, in several instances preserves what is undoubtedly the correct reading. For the present edition, therefore, the a readings have been used in all such cases. It would have been possible, without offense either to sense or to Augustinian Latinity, to adopt many other a readings in that part of the work contained in the a manuscripts. But the result would have been a badly unbalanced text whose central portion showed full use of the a tradition, the beginning and ending necessarily none at all. The possible future discovery of a complete a text of the fid. rer. would make possible an over-all evaluation of the worth of the a tradition . Meantime, it has seemed best to adopt a compromise whereby the b recension is maintained except where the a claim was compelling. Only one conjecture has been presented in the text, that in 3.14 of non visis vis. Here it seems likely that vis was omitted by haplography in the archetype of the b class. Nearly all the earliest members of the class show non vis, while only three or four, and these among the latest, show non visis, possibly as a deliberate scribal change.51 51 Cf. Commentary, 3 s.v. rebus non visis non vis.

29

In presenting the adopted text, the traditional division by chapter and section has been preserved.52 Punctuation and paragraphing, however, have been independently decided upon.53 Throughout the text orthography, punctuation , and capitalization have been normalized according to current standards. In the critical apparatus appear all variants from the selected reading as found in the manuscripts used in the collation and in the four printed editions. No attention has been paid to variants involving merely orthographical differences, nor have variants been distinguished among themselves when they showed only such differences, e.g. , caelum, coelum celum; (reported as caelum) ; annuntiantes annunciantes (reported as annuntiantes) . In the use of critical signs I have followed the recommendations prepared by the Union Académique Internationale, Emploi des signes critiques, dispositions de l'apparat dans les éditions savantes de textes grecs et latins, Paris, 1938.

B.

DATE

A terminus a quo for the De fide rerum quae non videntur must be based upon the references in sections 7 and 10 to the abandonment of false gods, the conversion of their temples to other uses, and the extirpation of pagan rites and ceremonies. The author is clearly referring to a generally evident fact, a state of affairs made possible only by the intervention of imperial authority. Before actual legislation to such an effect, the destruction of objects and places of pagan worship would be indicative only of fanaticism and uncontrolled zeal on the part of the Christians.1 This work, then, must have been written in the wake of 52 Throughout the work, however, references are made only to the section divisions. 53 For the most significant re-punctuation of the present text, cf. 10.15 . 1 In serm. 62 , 11 , 17 Saint Augustine indicates that idols could not be destroyed save with the consent of the parties to whom they belonged . (For the dating of this sermon before 399, see A. Kunzelmann, “ Die Chronologie des Sermones des hl. Augustinus," Misc. Agost. 2, 493 f. Cf. also Monceaux, 7, 288) . It must be remembered, too , that, although legislation against paganism had become increasingly severe, the Christians in the time of Augustine were still in the minority.

30:

vigorous legislation against paganism and under effective local superintendency. The Emperor Theodosius died in 395 and was succeeded by his sons Arcadius for the East and Honorius for the West. Almost immediately, August 7, 395, it was declared that the laws of Theodosius against pagans and heretics were to be applied with redoubled vigor.2 A series of pronouncements made it clear that the emperors would no longer take part in official acts of pagan worship, that the pagan priests and the various prefects of their religion would be deprived of their last immunities and legal prerogatives (December 7, 396) . At the beginning of 399 Honorius, guided by his counsellors, chief among whom was Stilico, since he was but fifteen years of age, felt the need, however, of checking the excessive zeal of those who were destroying monuments. On January 29 he put forth an edict which, while interdicting anew all sacrifices, prescribed for the safeguarding of beautiful public buildings.3

This precaution was renewed on

July 10, and again on August 20, 399.5 A law of November 15, 407 , addressed to Curtius, pretorian prefect of Italy, suppressed allocations for religious banquets, ordered that the edifices for pagan worship be resold for public uses, that the altars be destroyed, and the festivities be suppressed.

After the death of

Stilico, his magister utriusque militiae, Honorius, now under the sway of Olympius, magister officiorum, became still more rigorous and excluded from the administration and service of the palace all who were not of the emperor's faith.

On August 30,

415 , there was a repetition of the earlier legislation especially in the case of Africa.8 The restrictions against the destruction of public buildings imply the widespread nature of the overthrowing by the Christians of idols and all vestiges of pagan cults even in the West, 2 Cf. P. deLabriolle, De la Mort de Théodose à l'élection de grégoire le grand, (Fliche-Martin, 4) Paris 1937, 15-30. 3 Cod. Theodos. 16, 10, 15 ; sicut sacrificia prohibemus, ita volumus publicorum operum ornamenta servari. 4 ibid., 16, 10, 16. 5 ibid., 16, 10, 18: aedes illicitis rebus vacuas ... ne quis conetur evertere. 6 ibid., 16, 10, 19. 7 ibid., 16, 5, 42 . 8 ibid., 16, 10, 20.

31

where abandoned temples were more respected than in the East. Yet it must not be forgotten that, since the persecutions were political in nature and arose and subsided almost at the whim of an authority, the effectiveness of the imperial enactments was in large measure dependent upon local authorities. In North Africa from March 19, 399, Counts Jovius (or Jovin-

ianus) and Gaudentius worked with exceeding firmness in carrying out the emperor's stand against paganism. It is known that temples were destroyed or closed during their mission, 10 yet their peremptory measures must not have seemed efficacious enough to the bishops of Africa, since in 401 at a Council of Carthage it was decided to solicit the emperors for permission to carry out completely the destruction of the temples still standing.¹¹ Considering such legislation , we might be justified in concluding that although the fid. rer. might possibly have been written as early as 395, a more precise terminus a quo is furnished by the mission of Jovius and Gaudentius in 399. If we allow a fair amount of time in which to have the results of their activity become everywhere obvious, it would seem more likely that the work was written shortly after 400, especially in the light of the request of the Council of 401 , made perhaps because the effect of the destruction that was becoming so prevalent was beneficial toward strengthening Christian belief. References to the destruction of pagan temples appear repeatedly in other works of Saint Augustine which can be precisely dated in the first years of the fifth century.12 A terminus ad quem cannot be more precisely fixed than the date of Augustine's mention of the work in Epistola 231 , written in the last year of his life, unless we use the argument from silence and mark that after the first decade of the fifth century the references to the destruction of pagan idols as a remarkable phenomenon do not appear quite so frequently in 9 Gaudentius was Comes Africae from 399 to 401. Jovius, an official of the court of Honorius, went as a count to Africa on an extraordinary mission referred to by Augustine in civ. 18, 54, by the author of Liber de promissionibus et praedicationibus Dei, 3 , 38 , 41 , and in Cod . Theod . 11 , 17, 3. 10 In Africa the temple of the Dea Caelestis had been transformed into a church about 400, but it was razed in 421. Cf. De promiss. et praedic. Dei 3, 38, 44. 11 Cf. H. Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, 2 , 1 , 126, Canon 2 . 12 Cf. especially serm. 24, epist. 46, 47, 50, 93, and civ. 18, 54.

32

Augustine's works.18 This conclusion is in agreement with the date assigned to the fid. rer. by Zarb.14

C.

AUTHENTICITY

A list of Augustine's writings, arranged according to classes, was kept up to date by one of his secretaries.¹ Unfortunately, this list is now lost, but it is referred to once by Augustine,² and Possidius, the Bishop of Calama, his contemporary and biographer, had access to the original in preparing his Indiculum. The fid. rer. is not mentioned by Augustine in the Retractations nor is it listed in the Indiculum . No evidence appears to survive which would permit us to trace the history of the text of the fid. rer. from Augustine's mention of it in his letter to Darius, Epistola 231 , 7, near the end of his life, to the period of our earliest extant manuscript copy. Its fate can be discussed only vaguely in the light of a general consideration of the transmission of ancient literature through the Middle Ages. De Ghellinck's recent study³ is especially concerned with the special problems in the transmission of early Christian literature. Augustine was conscientiously concerned with preserving and handing down even small portions of his productions, but we need not wonder that modern editors have had to face problems of authenticity in respect to one work or another. We need only recall that even during the author's lifetime works were lost, or were in the possession of others, or were occasionally not listed in his records. The fate of Augustine's works in the period immediately following their writing parallels that of the writings of

13 Cf. Kunzelmann, op. cit., 491-496. 14 S. Zarb, Chronologia operum S. Augustini, Rome, 1934, 77. 1 B. Altaner, "St. Augustine's Preservation of His Own Writings," Theological Studies 9, ( 1948) , 600-603. 2 Retract. 2 , 41 ; he found a collection of his works containing a treatise not in his lists. See the interesting letter referring to his concern with the transcription or transmission of the City of God : C. Lambot, “Lettre inéditée de S. Augustin relative au De Civitate Dei,” Revue Bénédictine 51 , (1939), 109121. Cf. also Marrou (cited below, n. 4) , especially 217-220. 3 J. de Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge 2, 6 f; 184, 186; 191 ff. Cf. also retract. 1 , 2; 1 , 6; epist. 101 , 3. 33

where abandoned temples were more respected than in the East. Yet it must not be forgotten that, since the persecutions were political in nature and arose and subsided almost at the whim of an authority, the effectiveness of the imperial enactments was in large measure dependent upon local authorities. In North Africa from March 19, 399, Counts Jovius (or Jovinianus) and Gaudentius worked with exceeding firmness in carrying out the emperor's stand against paganism. It is known that temples were destroyed or closed during their mission, 10 yet their peremptory measures must not have seemed efficacious enough to the bishops of Africa, since in 401 at a Council of Carthage it was decided to solicit the emperors for permission to carry out completely the destruction of the temples still standing.11 Considering such legislation , we might be justified in concluding that although the fid. rer. might possibly have been written as early as 395, a more precise terminus a quo is furnished by the

mission of Jovius and Gaudentius in 399. If we allow a fair amount of time in which to have the results of their activity become everywhere obvious, it would seem more likely that the work was written shortly after 400, especially in the light of the request of the Council of 401 , made perhaps because the effect of the destruction that was becoming so prevalent was beneficial toward strengthening Christian belief. References to the destruction of pagan temples appear repeatedly in other works of Saint Augustine which can be precisely dated in the first years of the fifth century.12 A terminus ad quem cannot be more precisely fixed than the date of Augustine's mention of the work in Epistola 231 , written in the last year of his life , unless we use the argument from silence and mark that after the first decade of the fifth century the references to the destruction of pagan idols as a remarkable phenomenon do not appear quite so frequently in 9 Gaudentius was Comes Africae from 399 to 401. Jovius, an official of the court of Honorius, went as a count to Africa on an extraordinary mission referred to by Augustine in civ. 18, 54, by the author of Liber de promissionibus et praedicationibus Dei, 3 , 38, 41 , and in Cod. Theod. 11 , 17, 3 . 10 In Africa the temple of the Dea Caelestis had been transformed into a church about 400, but it was razed in 421. Cf. De promiss. et praedic. Dei 3, 38, 44. 11 Cf. H. Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, 2 , 1 , 126, Canon 2. 12 Cf. especially serm. 24, epist. 46, 47, 50, 93, and civ. 18, 54. 32

Augustine's works.13 This conclusion is in agreement with the date assigned to the fid. rer. by Zarb.14

C.

AUTHENTICITY

A list of Augustine's writings, arranged according to classes, was kept up to date by one of his secretaries.¹ Unfortunately, this list is now lost, but it is referred to once by Augustine,2 and Possidius, the Bishop of Calama, his contemporary and biographer, had access to the original in preparing his Indiculum . The fid. rer. is not mentioned by Augustine in the Retractations nor is it listed in the Indiculum . No evidence appears to survive which would permit us to trace the history of the text of the fid. rer. from Augustine's mention of it in his letter to Darius, Epistola 231 , 7, near the end of his life, to the period of our earliest extant manuscript copy. Its fate can be discussed only vaguely in the light of a general consideration of the transmission of ancient literature through the Middle Ages. De Ghellinck's recent study³ is especially concerned with the special problems in the transmission of early Christian literature . Augustine was conscientiously concerned with preserving and handing down even small portions of his productions, but we need not wonder that modern editors have had to face problems of authenticity in respect to one work or another. We need only recall that even during the author's lifetime works were lost, or were in the possession of others, or were occasionally not listed in his records. The fate of Augustine's works in the period immediately following their writing parallels that of the writings of

13 Cf. Kunzelmann , op. cit., 491-496. 14 S. Zarb, Chronologia operum S. Augustini, Rome, 1934, 77. 1 B. Altaner, “ St. Augustine's Preservation of His Own Writings,” Theological Studies 9, ( 1948) , 600-603. 2 Retract. 2 , 41 ; he found a collection of his works containing a treatise not in his lists. See the interesting letter referring to his concern with the transcription or transmission of the City of God: C. Lambot, “Lettre inéditée de S. Augustin relative au De Civitate Dei," Revue Bénédictine 51 , ( 1939) , 109121. Cf. also Marrou (cited below, n. 4) , especially 217-220. 3J. de Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge 2, 6 f; 184, 186; 191 ff. Cf. also retract. 1 , 2 ; 1 , 6; epist. 101, 3. 33

the other great figures of antiquity. In the immediate diffusion of the writings of the Christian Fathers, loss and dispersal frequently occurred . It is true that the bishops' establishments were equipped with libraries, and that the great figures had scribes and secretaries. Thus numerous copies of important works were made and "published," sometimes even prematurely, as in the matter of the correspondence of Augustine and Jerome when a personal letter could be publicized before it was received by the addressee. Without doubt there was something more than mere transmission to a closed circle in Christian antiquity, but it is quite impossible to speak precisely about an official or public publication. * The transmission, however, was remarkably effective . Augustine's writings were rapidly diffused. His works were in great demand, and copying became divested of accuracy. Homilies, letters, and even florilegia and "chains" were compiled without any regard to original texts. There was much improvisation. The many pseudo-Augustine works that have come down to us indicate how large was this field for fraud. Despite all these irregularities, however, the preservation of Augustine's writings in a rich manuscript tradition attests the regard and reverence for our author that attended formal copying even before this became a characteristic occupation of monastic life in its western development. It is difficult, if not impossible, to find any specific references to the fid. rer. which would be informative with regard to its early transmission . It may be fairly supposed that in the Early Middle Ages a superficial judgment based on the brevity of the work may have classed it as unimportant, or may have placed it among collections of sermons. Such an attitude would hardly have won it place in with summary lists of approved writings as appears in the Gelasian Decree, or in the far from detailed catalogues of early medieval libraries. Short or long, the fid. rer. 4 H. I. Marrou , “La technique de l'édition à l'époque patristique," Vigiliae Christianae, 3, ( 1949), 208-224. 5 A. Wilmart, "La tradition des grands ouvrages de S. Augustin," Misc. Agost. 2, 257-315. 6 Decretum Gelasii, ed . E. von Dobschütz, Texte und Untersuchungen, 38. 7 Cf. G. Becker, Catalogi bibliothecarum antiqui, Bonn, 1885. 34

might have been drawn on for a citation, but no early medieval writing has been brought to light which quotes from our treatise. We find no indication that use of the fid. rer. was made by Eugippius (5th-6th cent.) , who brought together an extensive volume of extracts from Augustine, Excerpta ex operibus S. Augustini.8 A provisional indication of the contents of the well-stocked library of Cassiodorus (477-570) at Vivarium is furnished by Mynors in the "Index Auctorum" of his edition of the Institutes, from which it is clear that Cassiodorus was familiar with much of what Augustine wrote . The bibliographical references contained in the Institutes take account of writings no longer or more significant than the fid. rer. (e.g. , Sermones 10 and 11 ) , but, our treatise is not referred to either in the Institutes or in the other writings of Cassiodorus; unless perchance it is one of the writings on faith alluded to in a chapter of the Institutes devoted to Saint Augustine : "Our creed also, the way of faith, the testimony of a right heart, the insoluble manifestation of promise, he (Augustinė) has laid open with many expositions, so that understanding more profoundly those things we profess to believe, we "10 may keep most carefully the things promised .' Bede the Venerable (672-735) had a great veneration for the writings of Augustine, but often he does not specify the particular treatise to which he refers. Recent lists of Augustinian writings cited by Bede and available to him, though regarded as only tentative , ¹¹ do not include the fid. rer., nor is it cited by Ogilvy12 as a book known to Anglo- Latin writers during the period 670804 . Before the end of this period, however, we have the writing of our Cologne manuscript which took place in the eighth century.

8 CSEL 9, 1, 34-1100. 9 R. A. B. Mynors, Cassiodori senatoris Institutiones, Oxford , 1937. 10 Inst. 1 , 22; ed. cit., 61 ; Symbolum quoque nostrum vadem fidei testimonium recti cordis, promissionis insolubile sacramentum, frequenti expositione patefecit, ut profundius intelligentes illa quae credere nos profitemur, cautissime promissa servemus. 11 Cf. M. L. W. Laistner, "The Library of the Venerable Bede," in A. H. Thompson, Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings, Oxford , 1935 , 249-251 ; 263 . 12 J. D. A. Ogilvy, Books Known to Anglo-Latin Writers from Aldheim to Alcuin (670-804), Cambridge, Mass., 1936.

35

From this time until the end of the Middle Ages we can call upon the evidence of the manuscripts used for this study which excite no suspicion whatsoever as to the authorship of the work. The a manuscripts (8th-11th cent .) do not identify the portion of the fid. rer. which they contain, but the books in their entirety contain Augustine's works. In each member of the b group Augustine is named at least once, and in some cases both at the beginning and at the end of the work, as its author. The manuscripts which thus uniformly attest Augustine's authorship range in date from the 11th to the 15th century. During the later Middle Ages citations from patristic writings were selected for their bearing on issues involved in doctrinal controversies on grace, etc.; hence, it is not surprising that the fid. rer., lacking in such theological stress, was not used. There is no record of its use in the writings of Peter the Lombard (died 1160) , 13 and, strangely, it seems not to have been used among the numerous citations from Saint Augustine made by Saint Thomas Aquinas ( 1225-1274) .14 When we come, however, to the century following Saint Thomas, we find a scholar, appropriately an Augustinian, who not only lists the fid. rer. among the writings of Saint Augustine but also maintains its authenticity. Bartholomaeus, of the Order of Hermits of Saint Augustine, who became bishop of Urbino in 1347,15 brought together excerpts from the fid. rer. under the heading Credere in his Sancti Augustini milleloquim veritatis.16 In the prefatory Admonitio ad indicem librorum beati Augustini in milleloquio citatorum, Bartholomaeus gave no indication of questioning the fid . rer. as a genuine work, although he did deny 13 F. Cavallera, “Saint Augustin et le Livre des Sentences de Pierre Lombard," Archives de philosophie, 7 , 2 ( 1930) , 186-199. 14 Cf. Sancti Thomae Aquinatis doctoris angelici opera omnia iussu edita Leonis xiii P.M., Vol. 16 (Indices) , Rome, 1948, 194-204. 15 R. Arbesmann and W. Hümpfner, Jordani de Saxonia Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum, New York, 1943, 239 , 475-6; cf. also R. P. Nebreda, Bibliographia Augustiniana, Rome, 1928, 164. 16 Sancti Aurelii Augustini Milleloquium veritatis, olim a Fr. Bartholomeo ord. S. Augustini Urbinate Episcopo digestum; nunc vero plurimis eiusdem Sancti sententiis locupletum , opera Joannis Collierii Presbyteri Theologi Lutetiae Parisiorum (Fred. Leonard), 1672. (See in this connection E. Przywara, An Augustine Synthesis, London , 1936, a modern counterpart of Bartholomaeus' Milleloquium, with citations from the fid. rer. on pp. 47 f.).

36

or question the authenticity of several others that passed under Augustine's name. However, in the heading of the first of the excerpts in the edition cited, the fid. rer. is described as "incerti authoris." But, since it is also reported as being found in the fourth volume (of a set of at least ten, as is clear from an examination of other excerpts) , it is to be assumed that the notations are based upon a printed edition and are not the work of Bartholomaeus but of a later editor, doubtless, the Paris theologian, Joannes Collierius, writing towards 1637.17 Following are the passages of the fid. rer. which are included in the Milleloquium, all of which occur consecutively on page 241 , columns 1 and 2 of the edition cited :

Sunt qui putant .

• sine ulla dubitatione videamus? (sect.

1) Ideo utique debemus credere ·

• audiri non potest credi-

turus (2.6-19) Ubi est ergo quod dicebas

committeres nisi crederes.

(2.26-3.13 ) Si auferatur haec fides . . . impietas dum non creditur quod videre non possumus. (4.1-38) Et ipsa humana societas . . . nullis indiciis potestis ostendere. (4.40-5.4) Multum autem falluntur · • • quae nunc videmus praedicta et impleta. (5.9-11) 18 17 The reference to Tomus IV could apply to Erasmus' edition, but if Collierius did, in fact, provide the heading in question, it is likely that he meant to refer to the Louvain edition (which repeated Erasmus' statement that the fid. rer. was not Augustine's) , to the excellence of which he refers in a dedicatory message to Franciscus de Harlai, Archbishop of Rouen and Abbot of Jumièges who died in 1653. A Paris edition of 1645 embodies the reworking of Collierius to which the Paris faculty of Sacred Theology gave approbation in 1637, the approbation appearing also in the edition cited. 18 The readings of the above excerpts can not be considered to agree in all instances with the present text; the clause, dum non creditur . . . possumus, at the close of the third excerpt, indicates an alteration of the traditional reading. Furthermore, for cogitatio ( 1.13) the excerpt reads cognitio, and for explorato (3.6-7) the excerpt reads reprobato; in both cases marginal notes (probably added by Collierius) provide the correct form. For the text of the Milleloquium as it stood prior to the reworking by Collierius, one could consult the Lyons edition of 1555, or better, the manuscripts, some of which are listed by D. Perini, Bibliographia Augustiniana, 1 , 203 f.

37

The evidence at present in hand shows that there were no doubts19 about the authenticity of the fid. rer. until Erasmus raised the question by means of the censure which he affixed to the work in his edition of 1528 claiming it to be a compilation from various letters of Augustine and that it was probably a writing of Hugh of St. Victor.20 The editors of the Louvain edition, Antwerp 1577, relegated

the fid. rer. to the Appendix of Volume 4 and affixed to it the "censure" of Erasmus. Saint Robert Bellarmine considered the work as spurious in his De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 1613, on the grounds that it is not found in the Retractations, but he considered as authentic the De patientia and De continentia, likewise omitted from the Retractations, because these are in Possidius' list and were cited by Bede.21 Shortly afterwards, Bernardus Vindingus22 in his Criticus Augustinianus (Vallameriae, 1621 ) raised a dissenting voice and declared the fid. rer. to be Augustine's work. He thought, too, that the title given to the work in the editions, De fide rerum invisibilium, should be changed since the treatment is of faith ' not only in those things which may never come in contact with our bodily eyes, but also of faith in certain things which can be seen '23 if they are presented as visible to those eyes .' In the edition of the Maurists, (Paris, 1679-1700) , which sup-

planted all previous editions, the fid. rer. was re-instated among the genuine writings of Augustine (Vol. 6, 141-150) . The editors refuted the conjecture of Erasmus that the work was by Hugh of 19 Problems of authenticity were not considered in the Amerbach edition , 1506. 20 Vol . 4, 695 : Libellus hic ex diversis Augustini epistolis consarcinatus est, maxime quod ad sententias attinet. Probabile est hunc esse Hugonis Victorini. 21 Robert Cardinal Bellarmine, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, Louvain, 1678, 135-7. 22 An Augustinian scholar who worked on the Sermones of Saint Augustine and who studied, along with Prosper Stellartius, the nature of the "Rule." I know Vindingus' work (held by the British Museum, Catalogue of Printed Books, 56 (1946), s. v. Vindingus) only from the Maurists' citation of it in their introduction to the fid. rer., Vol. 6, 141 ; reprinted in Migne, PL 40, 170. See also the following notes on Vindingus: PL 32, 1377; 47 , 166 f. 28 Cf. the Maurists' preface cited in preceding note. 38

St. Victor in adducing evidence from the then new craft of palaeographical interpretation. They had discovered the fid. rer. in the Codex Gemmeticensis (our D) , a manuscript copied before the time of Hugh of St. Victor (ca. 1100-1141 ) , and which moreover explicitly named Saint Augustine as the author. The argument used by the Benedictines applies also to certain

manuscripts unknown to them or at least not employed by them in editing the fid. rer. The three in question, our A, B, and C, though incomplete, can all be dated (on palaeographical grounds) earlier than the lifetime of Hugh; and in all, the large segment of this work that they contain is imbedded among works unquestionably Augustine's. Finally, and the Maurists remark in their preface that "this must have escaped Erasmus' notice, " Saint Augustine himself has testified that he wrote a work under this title in a letter24 which he wrote near the end of his life (epist. 231 , ad Darium comitem) , with these words : "I also-sent you other books though you did not ask for them, that I might not do only what you asked; (they are) On Faith in Things Unseen, On Patience, On Conscience, On Providence, and a large one, On Faith, Hope and Charity."25 Darius,26 the addressee of the letter was an emissary of the Empress Placidia who succeeded during the year 429 in bringing about some sort of peace between the Empress and Boniface,27 who was in charge of Africa at the time. For this settlement Augustine wrote to Darius in praise and gratitude (epist. 229 ; CSEL 24 This letter was edited for the first time in the Louvain edition , a fact which removes some of the blame from Erasmus. 25 epist. 281 , 7 : Misi et alios libros, quos non petisti , ne hoc tantum modo facerem quod petisti: de fide rerum quae non videntur, de patientia, de continentia, de providentia, et unum grandem de fide et spe et caritate. 26 Darius was a vir illustris, count of the court of Valentinian III. Cf. J. Sundwall, Weströmische Studien, Berlin 1915, 68. A. C. Pallu de Lessert treats of this period in Fastes des Provinces Africaines sous la domination romaine 2, Paris, 1901 , 281-290. He identifies Darius with the Pretorian prefect of the East of 436-7 but does not believe that he was the consul of August 6, 382. Cf. also O. Seeck, Regesten der Kaiser und Päpste Stuttgart, 1919. Augustine's usage of the title "count" in this instance seems to be somewhat loose. 27 Boniface was recalled to the court after the siege of the latter part of 425 and received then, very probably as a reward, the dignity of comes domesticorum, while at the same time the management of Africa was committed to 39

57, 497-8) . The reply of the Count to Augustine was accompanied by a request for a copy of the Confessions (epist. 230 ; CSEL 57, 499-503) . Augustine was touched by the good man's sentiments (he had also sent the Saint some medicine and a donation for his library) and he sent him other works beside the Confessions, among them, the fid. rer.28 Du Pin (1690) follows the argument of Vindingus and the Benedictines in his consideration of this work and holds for Augustinian authorship. His criticism, based upon that of the Maurists, is that the work is of Saint Augustine's style and very worthy of him.29 Tillemont ( 1637-1698) discusses this work in connection with his consideration of Augustine's letter to Darius (epist. 231 ) . In mentioning the rejection of the fid. rer. by the Louvain Theologians who alleged that it was a spurious discourse made up of excerpts from several letters of Saint Augustine, Tillemont indicates that these Louvain Theologians did not determine from just what epistles the excerpts were taken . Nor did they decide whether the basis of their argument is that the same matters appear couched in the same terms or whether it is that the topics treated are of the same general sense. For unless the matters are in precisely the same words, since Saint Augustine was accustomed to repeat often the same idea, this similarity of the fid. rer. to other works and letters would not be a sufficient reason for rejecting this treatise, which contains nothing that is unworthy of Saint Augustine, especially since it is an obvious fact that he has elsewhere considered the matter.30

him. In 427 came his break with the court and later, in 432, his reinstatement in favor with the rank of magister utriusque militiae. Augustine's correspondence is a chief source concerning Boniface's career, especially epist. 185, 189, and 220. Cf. J. Sundwall, op. cit., 57-58 and Seeck's article in PaulyWissowa, 3, 1 , 698-699. 28 Cf. L. S. de Tillemont, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles, 13 , Venice, 1732 , pp. 931 ff. for a discussion of this matter. For the dating of the letter, the historical points involved, etc., cf. Goldbacher's edition, CSEL 58, pp. 61-62 ; Possidius Vita 28 (PL 32 , 58-59); and the Vita of the Benedictine editors 8, 11 (PL 32, 575-576). 29 E. du Pin, Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques 3 , Paris, 1690, 223. 30 L. S. de Tillemont, op. cit., 933: Ils ne disent point de quelles epistres.

40

The later history of the discussion of the authenticity of the fid. rer. has consisted for the most part in a repetition or amplification of the statement of the Maurists. Their edition of the text was reprinted in Migne's Patrologia in 184531 and also in the edition of H. Hurter in 1887.32 This text has likewise been the basis of the previous translations of the work.33 The treatments given to the work in the standard manuals of literature and patrology present the general idea of the Maurist editors with regard to the authenticity of the work, though in most instances the exclusion of the work from the Retractations

is presented as a strong argument to the contrary. In addition to the external evidence assembled above, a comparative study of the work with other writings of Augustine is herewith presented in acceptance of the theory that an author is his own most reliable proof of authenticity.34 Even to a casual reader of Saint Augustine his practice of repeating is decidedly obvious. The content of his theological doctrine became more precisely formulated with each expression of the matter at hand. His style was so intimately connected with his matter that he used similar constructions and often the same phraseology when a topic presented itself which he had discussed previously. It is a marked illustration of the aptness of his every phrase. The comparison which follows, though by no means exhaustive, of the fid. rer. with the other writings of the Saint, reveals

De forte qu'il est difficile de juger si les mesmes choses s'y trouvent en mesmes termes, ou seulement selon le sens. Car à moins qu'elles n'y soient en propres termes; comme S. Augustin a accoutumé de repeter souvent les mesmes principes, ce ne seroit pas une raison pour rejetter ce traité qui n'a rien d'indigne de Saint Augustin sourtout estant certain qu'il en a fait sur la mesme matiere. 31 Migne, PL 40, 171-180. 32 H. Hurter, Sanctorum patrum opuscula selecta, 6, Innsbruck, 1887, 84117. 33 See Select Bibliography. 34 This was a basic tenet of Dom Morin's method of deciding the genuineness of Augustinian authorship. Cf. G. Morin, "Les tractatus S. Augustini du MS. 4096 de Wolfenbüttel," Revue Bénédictine, 31 ( 1914-1919) 154 f. See also the statement of principles of Dom C. Lambot, the continuator of Morin's work, "Nouveaux sermons de S. Augustin I -III ' De lectione evangelii'," Revue Bénédictine, 49 (1937) , 233-251 .

41

57, 497-8) . The reply of the Count to Augustine was accompanied by a request for a copy of the Confessions (epist. 230 ; CSEL 57, 499-503) . Augustine was touched by the good man's sentiments (he had also sent the Saint some medicine and a donation for his library) and he sent him other works beside the Confessions, among them, the fid. rer.28 Du Pin ( 1690) follows the argument of Vindingus and the Benedictines in his consideration of this work and holds for Augustinian authorship .

His criticism, based upon that of the

Maurists, is that the work is of Saint Augustine's style and very worthy of him.29 Tillemont ( 1637-1698) discusses this work in connection with his consideration of Augustine's letter to Darius (epist. 231 ) . In mentioning the rejection of the fid. rer. by the Louvain Theologians who alleged that it was a spurious discourse made up of excerpts from several letters of Saint Augustine, Tillemont indicates that these Louvain Theologians did not determine from just what epistles the excerpts were taken. Nor did they decide whether the basis of their argument is that the same matters appear couched in the same terms or whether it is that the topics treated are of the same general sense. For unless the matters are in precisely the same words, since Saint Augustine was accustomed to repeat often the same idea, this similarity of the fid. rer. to other works and letters would not be a sufficient reason for rejecting this treatise, which contains nothing that is unworthy of Saint Augustine, especially since it is an obvious fact that he has elsewhere considered the matter.30

him. In 427 came his break with the court and later, in 432, his reinstatement in favor with the rank of magister utriusque militiae. Augustine's correspondence is a chief source concerning Boniface's career, especially epist. 185, 189, and 220. Cf. J. Sundwall, op. cit., 57-58 and Seeck's article in PaulyWissowa, 3, 1, 698-699. 28 Cf. L. S. de Tillemont, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles, 13, Venice, 1732, pp. 931 ff. for a discussion of this matter. For the dating of the letter, the historical points involved, etc., cf. Goldbacher's edition, CSEL 58, pp. 61-62; Possidius Vita 28 (PL 32 , 58-59); and the Vita of the Benedictine editors 8, 11 (PL 32 , 575-576). 29 E. du Pin, Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques 3, Paris, 1690, 223. 30 L. S. de Tillemont, op. cit., 933: Ils ne disent point de quelles epistres.

40

The later history of the discussion of the authenticity of the fid. rer. has consisted for the most part in a repetition or amplification of the statement of the Maurists. Their edition of the text was reprinted in Migne's Patrologia in 184531 and also in the edition of H. Hurter in 1887.32 This text has likewise been the basis of the previous translations of the work.33 The treatments given to the work in the standard manuals of literature and patrology present the general idea of the Maurist editors with regard to the authenticity of the work, though in most instances the exclusion of the work from the Retractations is presented as a strong argument to the contrary. In addition to the external evidence assembled above, a comparative study of the work with other writings of Augustine is herewith presented in acceptance of the theory that an author is his own most reliable proof of authenticity.34 Even to a casual reader of Saint Augustine his practice of repeating is decidedly obvious. The content of his theological doctrine became more precisely formulated with each expression of the matter at hand. His style was so intimately connected with his matter that he used similar constructions and often the same phraseology when a topic presented itself which he had discussed previously. It is a marked illustration of the aptness of his every phrase. The comparison which follows, though by no means exhaustive, of the fid. rer. with the other writings of the Saint, reveals

De forte qu'il est difficile de juger si les mesmes choses s'y trouvent en mesmes termes, ou seulement selon le sens. Car à moins qu'elles n'y soient en propres termes; comme S. Augustin a accoutumé de repeter souvent les mesmes principes, ce ne seroit pas une raison pour rejetter ce traité qui n'a rien d'indigne de Saint Augustin sourtout estant certain qu'il en a fait sur la mesme matiere. 31 Migne, PL 40, 171-180. 32 H. Hurter, Sanctorum patrum opuscula selecta, 6, Innsbruck, 1887 , 84117. 33 See Select Bibliography. 34 This was a basic tenet of Dom Morin's method of deciding the genuineness of Augustinian authorship. Cf. G. Morin, “Les tractatus S. Augustini du MS. 4096 de Wolfenbüttel," Revue Bénédictine, 31 (1914-1919) 154 f. See also the statement of principles of Dom C. Lambot, the continuator of Morin's work, “Nouveaux sermons de S. Augustin I -III ‘De lectione evangelii'," Revue Bénédictine, 49 (1937) , 233-251 .

41

that there is marked similarity in ideas and expression throughout his works. It will suffice here to call attention to the more salient resemblances in order to indicate that the content and style are Augustine's and to substantiate the claims of DuPin and Tillemont that this little work contains nothing that is unworthy of him . Immediately after his statement of the reason for his discussion Augustine considers in this work the part played by faith in the natural order. He presents a philosophical argument for the necessity of admitting the reality of things unseen in everyday life. His theory of knowledge and his discussion of the qualities of the human mind figure quite importantly in his writings from the time of the Contra academicos on. He developed the theory fully in De trinitate, Book 9. The following passages from his other works show a marked similarity and in some instances a virtual identity with the turns

of expression that appear in the first two chapters of fid. rer. Qualis et quanta fides esset rerum invisibilium , si invisibilis remuneratio continuo sequeretur; ac non potius dilata requie quae promittitur, ageretur fidei negotium cum corde, non cum oculis; ac sic futurum saeculum, ubi nulli labores erunt, quod nondum videmus et crederetur sincerius, et desiderabilius quaereretur? c. Iul. op. imperf. 6, 29 Si profunditas est abyssus, putamus non cor hominis abyssus est? Quid enim est profundius hac abysso? Loqui homines possunt, videri possunt per operationem membrorum, audiri in sermone: sed cuius cogitatio penetratur, cuius cor inspicitur? Quid intus gerat, quid intus possit, quid intus agat, quid intus disponat, quid intus velit, quid intus nolit, quis comprehendet?

in psalm. 41, 13 Quandoquidem hi iudicant, qui conscientias eorum, de quibus, iudicant , cernere nequeunt . civ. 19, 6 Sic enim eos novit Dominus, ut Deus, quem nil latet etiam futurorum, non ut homo, qui hominem ad praesens videt

42

(si tamen videt, cuius cor non videt) qualis autem postea sit futurus nec se ipsum videt. ibid . 20, 7, 3

Quid enim tam humanum quam non posse inspicere cor humanum ; et ideo non eius latebras perscrutari, sed plerumque aliud quam id quod ibi agitur suspicari? in. evang. Ioh. 90, 2

Nam nihil absurdius dici potest quam ea esse quae oculis videmus, ea non esse quae intelligentia cernimus ; cum dubitare dementis sit, intelligentiam incomparabiliter oculis anteferri. immort . 10, 17

Habet namque fides oculos suos, quibus quodammodo videt verum esse quod nondum videt, et quibus certissime videt, nondum se videre, quod credit.

epist. 120, 8 Credimus videri deum nunc; num quia vidimus vel per oculos corporis, sicut videmus hunc solem, vel mentis obtutu, sicut se quisque interius videt viventem, videt volentem, videt quaerentem, videt scientem, videt nescientem? sic vides vitam tuam · .. ac sine ullis figurarum liniamentis

colorumque nitoribus tanto clarius et certius quanto simplicius interiusque conspicias . . . et si qua alia in hanc sententiam eadem divina auctoritate conscripta sunt, cui non credere nefas ducimus credere autem pietatis esse minime dubitamus? epist. 147, 3 (cf. also 4 and 5) quia non poteram ea videre in animo, putabam me non posse videre animum meum. conf. 4, 15, 24

invisibilia tua per ea quae facta sunt intellecta conspexi et repulsus sensi . . . . ibid. 7, 20, 26

43

et caecitas carnis, qua cognitata non possunt videri. . ibid. 13, 23, 34

Aut quid amas, qui caritatem amas? Ergo, si amas, unde amas? Venit ad te, et nosti eam; et vides eam; et non in loco videtur, nec corporalibus oculis quaeritur, ut vehementius ametur; nec auditur affatu ; et quando ad te venit, non sentiebatur incessu.

serm . 23, 13

For other passages which show similarity in thought and expression to the first two chapters of fid . rer. note the following: immort. 1 ; quant. anim. 5 ; 24; 28 .; lib. arb. 3, 21 .; vera. relig. 3 .; divers. quaest. 83, 48.; util. cred. 1 ; 2 ; 23 ; 28 .; duab. anim. 5, 4.; fid. et symb. 3, 3 ; 9, 20.; c. Adim. 28.; c. epist. fund . 14, 7 .; conf. 3, 6; 5, 3; 5, 5; 6, 4; 9, 4 ; 10, 6; 10, 21 ; 11 , 17 ; 11 , 18 .; c. Faust 12, 45.; c. Petil. 1 , 3 , 4.; trin. 1 , 6, 11 ; 5, 1 , 2 ; 8, 4, 6 ; 8, 6, 9 ; 9, 3, 3 ; 12, 14, 23; 13 , 1 , 2 ; 13, 1 , 3 ; 15 , 12, 21 .; nat. bon . 8.; pecc. mer. 1 , 60; 2, 50.; pecc. orig. 2, 40.; anim. 4, 5 .; in . evang. Ioh . 36, 7; 79, 1 .; serm. 43 , 1 ; 126, 3 ; 127, 1 ; serm. ed Denis 2, 2.; epist. 4; 7, 6; 27, 3; 92, 2-5; 102 , 5 ; 118, 17-20; 120, 9 ; 138, 5 ; 148, 5 ; 148, 9-11 . Of particular interest in this first part of the work (sect. 3 ) is Augustine's discussion of human friendship, of its foundation upon faith, and of the invisibility of its nature. This high appreciation of friendship and a consideration of its power as a binding force in all human intercourse is one of his favorite themes. Subjoined are references to passages in which Augustine's treatment is similar to that given in fid. rer.: beat. vit. 5 .; doctr. Christ. praef. 6; 1 , 41 .; catech . rud. 4, 7.; util. cred. 23 ; trin. 5, 16, 17; 8, 3, 4.; conf. 9, 3 ; 9, 5-6.; civ. 19, 5-8; epist. 20, 2 ; 58, 2 ; 82 , 1 ; 130; 145, 1 ; 205, 1 ; serm. 385, 3. The discussion of the Incarnation of Christ and His birth of a Virgin (5.28; 7.11) is handled in a decidedly characteristic fashion as these few selections from other works will attest. An forte vos offendit inusitatus corporis partus ex virgine?

Neque hoc debet offendere, immo potius ad pietatem suscipiendam debet adducere, quod mirabilis mirabiliter natus est. civ. 10, 29

44

Quid miraris haec, o homo? Deum sic nasci oportuit, quando esse dignatus est homo ... Quomodo Deus esse desisteret, cum homo esse coepit, qui genetrici suae praestitit ne desisteret virgo esse, cum peperit? serm . 186, 1

Ita Christus nascendo de virgine, quae antequam sciret quis de illa fuerat nasciturus , virgo statuerat permanere , virginitatem sanctam approbare maluit, quam imperare.

virg. 4, 4 Suscepit itaque hominem, quem videre homines poterant, ut sanati per fidem postea viderent, quod tunc videre non poterant.

epist. 140, 3, 7 Et quid tam congruenter ab hominibus sumeretur quod pro eis offeretur quam humana caro? Et quid tam aptum huic immolationi quam caro mortalis? Et quid tam mundum pro mundandis vitiis mortalium quam sine ulla contagione carnalis concupiscentiae caro nata in utero et ex utero virginali? Et quid tam grate offerri et suscipi posset quam caro sacrificii nostri, corpus effectum sacerdotis nostri? trin. 4, 14, 19

... multumque mihi turpe videbatur credere figuram te habere humanae carnis, et membrorum nostrorum lineamentis . . . talem itaque naturam eius nasci corporalibus terminari ... non posse de Maria virgine arbitrabar, nisi carni concerneretur. Concerni autem et non coinquinari non videbam, quod mihi tale figurabam . Metuebam itaque credere incarnatum , ne credere cogerer ex carne inquinatum.

conf. 5, 10, 19-20 The eloquence of Saint Augustine reaches its height when he considers (5.28-35) the profound mystery of an Incarnate God's humility, the ineffable chastity of the Virgin Mother. His discussion in the fid. rer. does not exhaust his doctrinal and literary resources with regard to this sublime dogma, but it bears worthy comparison with his treatment of the same topic in his better45

known writings. The following are references to some of these discussions: conf. 1 , 11 ; 7, 18 ; 10, 43 .; civ. 10, 29; serm . 121 ; 186 , 1 ; 188, 4; 189, 2 ; 191 , 4 ; 215, 3 .; epist. 11 , 4; 137, 4-6 ; 137 , 13 ; 138, 20; 219, 1 .; symb . 6 ; 8 .; fid . et symb . 4, 6; 4, 8 ; 4, 10.; virg. 3 ; 5.; nat. bon. 31 ; c. Faust. I 23 , 10 ; 29, 4 ; 30, 6; II, 4; III, 6 .; pecc. mer. 2, 38 .; c. Iul. 5, 9 .; gen . ad . litt. 10, 18-20.; pecc. orig. 2, 46.; corrept. 30.; praed . sanct. 31 .; persev. 67.; catech. rud. 17, 28 .; enchir. 34.; trin. 1 , 6, 9 ; 2, 1 , 2 ; 8, 5, 7 ; 13 , 17, 22 ; 13 , 18, 23; 15, 26, 46. A reading of the works of Augustine, even aside from any studied approach to the question presents the impression that the author's apologetical writings were a genetic development. Repeatedly the same basic notions or themes receive varied treatment. Yet the doctrine remains basically unchanged, and, what is more noteworthy for our purpose, Augustine's very means of expression seems to follow a pattern, definitely his own. Works that make a quite similar use of the argument from fulfilment of prophecy are cons . evang. 1 .; serm. 22 .; serm. ed Denis 24; epist. 76.; 137; and in particular 282 ; and, finally, sections of civ. Book 17, chapters 18 to 20. It is not the fact that the same subjects are discussed that is noteworthy, for these themes had become commonplaces or topoi of the genre; what is remarkable is the similarity of language together with the same choice of scriptural quotations and explanations and nearly the same stylistic devices in each of the works named. Three headings have been selected for the following illustrations, each of which could be sub-divided in a rather detailed fashion, because the scope covered by these topics is so broad. Here, again, a parallel study of the fid. rer. with Augustine's other works, reveals that the least details in the one are treated in a way not unworthy of the treatment in his better-known works. PROPHECY Testimony of prophecies fulfilled in the past a pledge for future fulfilment; the evidence of things present, subversion of idols, etc.; the divine authority of Holy Scripture ; the New Testament, the fulfilment of the Old; our faith aided by prophecy and its fulfilment (fid. rer., 5-11 ) ; catech. rud. 24, 45 ; 27, 53.; pat. 18.; c. Faust. 4, 2 ; 6, 9; spir. et litt. 34.; doctr. Christ . 3 , 15.; cons. evang. 1 , 14; 1 , 26.; trin. 4, 19, 25; 15, 25, 44 .; in. evang. Ioh. 35 , 46

7.; conf. 7, 19, 25.; civ. 4, 23 ; 16, 2 ; 17, 17 ; 18, 40.; epist. 3, 2 ; 137, 15-16; 232, 4.; serm. 90, 4; 129, 5 ; 130, 3. THE CHURCH The Church spread throughout the world ; all nations coming to Christ; the seed promised to Abraham; the Church in the various prophecies of the Old Testament; heresies from those flaunting Christ's name; errors within the fold. (fid . rer., 5, 10, 11 ) ; agon. 13.; vera. relig. 10.; adv. Iud. 5.; c. Faust. 12 , 6; 13, 7.; c. Petil, 3, 50, 62 .; catech. rud. 3, 6.; in psalm, 44, 13.; in evang. Ioh. 98, 5.; conf. 6, 11 , 19.; civ. 1 , 33 ; 17, 16 ; 18, 33 .; epist . 43 ; 48, 3 ; 53 , 1 ; 87, 1 ; 88, 11 ; 89, 4; 93 , 15 ; 93 , 22 ; 144, 3 ; 185 , 1 ; 232, 2.; serm . 4, 32 ; 130, 3. THE JEWS Their blindness and turning from Christ prophesied and their dispersal witnessed ; their loss of prestige; place taken by the Christians; their scriptures as witness to truth of Chritianity. (fid. rer. 9.) c. Faust. 12 , 11-12 ; 13, 6, 10-11 .; persev. 35; c. Pelag. 3, 9.; c. Iul. 5, 3, 10.; c. Iul. op. imperf. 1 , 47.; trin. 1 , 13, 28 .; in psalm. 68, 6; 35, 7.; adv . Iud. 9 .; cons. evang. 1 , 13-14.; conf. 7, 9, 15.; civ. 4, 34; 7, 32 ; 17, 5 ; 17, 19-20 ; 18, 46 .; epist. 23, 4; 40, 4; 102 , 35; 121 , 7 ; 137, 16 ; 149 , 9; 232, 3.; serm. 5, 5 ; 22, 1, 4; 91 , 1 ; 92, 1 ; 200, 3; serm . ed. Guelf. 10, 1 . This collection of parallel references or topoi which are similarly treated in other works by Augustine may suggest the position that was stated in restricted terms by Erasmus that the fid. rer. is precisely a composition of excerpts culled from genuine letters of Augustine. The comparison involved in the present study has embraced all the Augustinian writings however, and there is no indication that the expressions in the fid. rer. were not originally and independently composed for this work. The study indicates that Augustine's power of expression was such as to state the same theme in almost the same terms with an appropriate adaptation of style or arrangement to the particular work at hand.

D.

CONTENT AND PURPOSE OF THE WORK

In order to make a classification of any work prime consideration ought to be given to its purpose. In the case of some of his writings Augustine states his purpose, but in many other cases 47

their purpose can be gathered only from evidence gained through an analysis of their content. Both an analysis of the work as a whole and an examination of particular passages, therefore, will contribute toward the placing of the fid. rer. in its proper classification and toward an appreciation of its position among the works of the Saint.¹ The following outline will indicate the systematic presentation of the argument: Introduction (sects. 1-4) I. A. Reason for discussion : attitude held by some that Chris-

B.

tians believe, without any certitude, things which cannot be seen. (1. 1-11) Part played by faith in the unseen in the natural order: the very nature of our minds, the credibility we attach to things, and the nature of man's thought processes are evidences of the role of faith in the natural order. (1 . 12-4. 44) 1. Human affection is believed though it is not seen.

(2. 9-3. 20) a. Nature of affection is such that it cannot be

b.

2.

II.

comprehended. (2. 9-25) We test the invisible affection by its visible manifestations . (3. 1-20)

It is generally understood what a shattering of human institutions and a dissolution of all ties would

result were there no acceptance of things on faith. (4. 1-44) The Role of Faith in Christian Life (sects . 5-10)

As in the natural order, so in the supernatural, there are evidences for belief in things unseen . (5. 1-14) A.

The evidence from Scripture consists in prophecies concerning the principles of the Church's belief and the Church herself . (5. 15-8 . 21 )

1 In the handbooks it is generally considered among the theological writings. Some mention its apologetic trend, but because Augustine is addressing himself to those who have the faith, the work has not been classified among the apologetic works but it has been included with those that specifically deal with the foundations of religion. Cf. Schanz-Hosius-Krüger, 4-2, 422 ; Portalié, “S. Augustin" in DTC, 1-2 , 2297; Cayré, 1 , 644; Bardenhewer, 4 , 461 .

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1.

Prophecies made concerning the Church have been fulfilled and are so evident that they must be ac-

2.

We ought to believe, then, through reason, those things which have been accomplished in the Person of Christ, even though we have not seen them, be-

knowledged. (5. 15-6 . 41 )

cause we do behold now fulfilled prophecies concerning the Church which were made in the same scriptures. (6. 42-7. 74) 3.

By a similar exercise of reason, Christians believe in things still to come, the day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, eternal reward and punishment.

B.

C.

(8. 1-21) The evidence from the Jews, our enemies, adds ground for our belief. (sect. 9) 1 . Their books provide the same attestation to prophecies concerning the Christian religion . (9. 1-21 ) 2. In the history of the Jewish people we find a proof of the truth of Christianity. (9. 22-35)

The observation of actual occurrence can strengthen our faith. (sect. 10) 1. The extirpation of paganism and the conversion of the nations to Christianity indicate the truth of our beliefs . ( 10. 1-18) 2. The marvelous growth of the Church is itself a witness to the divinity of its founder and to the sincer-

ity and truth of those who have preserved His teachings. (10. 19-43) III. Conclusion (sect. 11) Those who possess this faith must nurture and preserve it that they likewise may be reckoned among the elect at the judgment. (11. 1-18) Both the beginning and the end of this work indicate its purpose and point to its nature, while the entire body, consisting as it does in a refutation of that crass empiricism which will not believe revealed truths that cannot be "seen" and in a vindication of the reasonableness of Christian "believing", clearly, and with precision, establishes its nature. It is an apology. Since an apology is a defense set against a particular attack,

49

it moves in a more limited sphere than other types of theological writings, yet at the same time it may be varied and not at all restricted in subject matter and manner of treatment. Moreover, in defending a particular point it may be addressed to the faithful as well as to those who attack the faith.2 In exposing scientifically to those "who have this faith" the motives for the credibility of Christian belief, motives that are extrinsic and intrinsic, internal and external to human conscience,³ Saint Augustine has employed to perfection the literary genre of apology which was so popular in Christian antiquity. The apology flourished particularly in the early Christian centuries, but as a literary form it reaches far back into the PreChristian period. The Christian Latin apology, like so many Christian literary genres, has definite relations to pagan prototypes . Although it has certain connections with the old exhortations of Israel's prophets, still at the same time, pagan forms like the dialogue and diatribe exercised a more direct influence upon it. The restricted aspect of a court trial inherent in the concept of the term, apology, has been expanded in the development of the literary genre to embrace the whole scope of human activity.5 Quite easily and naturally the early Christian writers turned to the genre of defense. When it became necessary for Christianity to defend itself in its relations to the pagan State and to Greek philosophy, it had to enter into their thought and meet their 2 The particular science of Apologetics as a division of theology is of rather recent development. The fid. rer. satisfies, none the less, the requirements for inclusion in this broad division while it stands on its own merits as an individual apology. Cf. A. Boulenger, Manuel d'Apologétique, 6. 3 F. R. Garrigou-Lagrange, De Revelatione, 9. 4 Cf. H. Jordan, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, Leipzig, 1911 and P. Wendland, Die urchristlichen Literaturformen, Tübingen, 1912. In both of these works the apology is treated with references to the sources and development of the literary type. Cf. especially H.-I. Marrou , S. Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, 357 ff. and J. de Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge, 2, 160 ff. De Ghellinck notes that in the wake of Overbeck and Jordan modern studies are giving more recognition to this principle of a continuity of culture receiving the unique impact of Christianity. 5 “ Plato, with the Apology, was the first to convert the speech of defense into a literary form in which a great man could defend his ' activity' (pragma) and thereby utter a confession of faith." W. Jaeger, Paideia, 3, 133.

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literary standards. The former polemic developed by the pagans had simplified the way for the Christian apologists. Among the Christian apologists Saint Augustine holds first place. In his City of God he gave the final and complete answer to the charges of unbelievers that the Christians were responsible for the evils befalling the empire. This work has remained unsurpassed in Christian apology, but a study of the other writings of the Saint reveals that the thoughts expressed in the City of God were the fruit of long experimentation and consideration . Augustine the apologist appears on many pages of works that are not termed apologies, but his fid. rer. constitutes a formal representation of the genre. For this brief treatise is certainly not the most extensive, nor the best known, among the apologetical works of Saint Augustine, but it would be difficult to say that it is not among his most effective because it may be considered as a magnificent compendium with all the force of a single accurate thrust at error by a champion of Christian truth.

E.

CLASSIFICATION AS TO FORM

How the fid. rer. should be classified as to form is partly a question of the way it was utilized or communicated by its author. Had our treatise been dealt with in the Retractations, we would probably have been furnished with the necessary data, especially the circumstances of its composition, but, as we have seen the Retractations are silent in respect to the fid. rer. Lacking, too, is any mention of the fid. rer. in Possidius' Indiculum and the classification that would have been attached to it there. We do have, however, the already-mentioned letter to Darius in which Augustine indicates his own classification of the fid. rer. as a liber. If the term liber implies anything as to literary character, we have at least a partial answer to our question . There are various indications that Augustine's works were classified by himself and by his immediate followers according to a three-fold division : (1 ) libri, (2) epistulae, (3) tractatus or sermones.¹ The letter to Darius puts the fid. rer. in the first class, the class to which the items formally enumerated in the 1 retract. proe. 1 (PL 32, 583) : ut opuscula mea sive in libris , sive in epistolis, sive in tractatibus .... recenseam. Cf. also retract. 2, 67; epist. 224, 2 and Possidius, Vita 18.

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Retractations I and II are confined. Though the libri embrace many forms and served a variety of functions, their separation from the other two classes appears to be clear, and we would seem to be justified in the inference that Augustine regarded the fid. rer. as a book, not as a letter (this has never been suggested) nor as a sermon, as many scholars have tended to regard it.² It is interesting that some of the other works mentioned along with the fid. rer. in epist. 231 present a similar problem. The De patientia is not in either the Retractations or the Indiculum of Possidius; the De continentia, likewise omitted in the Retractations, is called a sermo by Possidius. Although both of these works have been called sermons by Schanz and Bardenhewer, upon a deeper analysis of their content and style they might be aptly re-classified along with the fid. rer. as treatises. Di Capua, arguing chiefly from the superiority of the prose rhythm of the De continentia over that of Augustine's sermons, regards it as a reworked sermon , if it ever was a sermon.4 The next work mentioned in the letter to Darius, De providentia, is apparently one of the lost writings of Augustine. Tillemont5 reported that he couldn't find it, nor has it been discussed by subsequent commentators on the letter. The last work, De fide spe et caritate, is considerably longer than certain other works of Saint Augustine which he calls libri, and he himself refers to its length in the work itself (e.g., 3, 6, 122 ) . By styling it a grandis liber in the letter to Darius, he meant not to set up a separate category, but 2 The Benedictine editors (Vita 8, 11 , PL 32, 574-6) in discussing the works gratuitously sent by Augustine to Darius classified them as sermons: quattuor tractatus quos libros vocat. For many subsequent scholars the classification of the fid. rer. has been largely a matter of accepting the interpretation of the Benedictines. Bardenhewer (4, 461) calls it a sermon without any reservation; and Schanz (4-2 , 420) terms it a short treatise handled in the style of a sermon. 3 Possidius, Indic. (X6) 202 (Wilmart, Misc. Agost. 2 , 207). 4 F. Di Capua, "Il ritmo prosaico in S. Agostino," Misc. Agost. 2, 667. He finds the De patientia (ibid. 747) to lack the characteristics of the Augustinian sermons. Dom C. Lambot considers the De patientia as a sermon edited as an opusculum, Rev. Bén. 49 (1937) , 234, n. 4 and 257. 5 Tillemont, op. cit., 13, 933 f. 6 The Benedictines have no note on this work (cf. Vita 8, 11 ; PL 32, 574). Schanz (4-2, 408) fails to list a De providentia among the lost writings of Augustine.

52

merely, within the category to distinguish it by its length . The De fide spe et caritate is, then, a liber, not a sermon, but a ‘ treatise' and the prima facie evidence from the passage cited is that such were the other writings sent to Darius, among them the fid. rer. A brief consideration of Augustine's sermons as such may suffice to exclude the fid. rer. from that class. The sermons (i.e., sermones) were usually brief, and in time came to be grouped; considered singly they form running commentaries on considerable portions of the Bible, or expositions in connection with the festivals of the saints and liturgical seasons. To all of these, delivered as part of a busy bishop's work, Saint Augustine seems to have given little further notice, especially in the matter of literary embellishment. They were taken down by shorthand writers present in the church where they were delivered, and it is to these notarii, no doubt under his direction, that we owe the preservations of the sermons of Saint Augustine. Several excellent studies have been devoted to Saint Augustine's method of composing and delivering sermons and to specific aspects of his sermon style, " and an abundance of evidence has been presented to show that Saint Augustine's sermons were delivered without having been previously committed to writing. Also, although the preacher did not make excessive use of the sermo plebeius, his sermons contain many words from the popular vocabulary and they reflect through personal references and incidental allusions extemporaneous delivery.8 Moreover, their irregular and unfinished character in general leads us to believe that they were never revised.

7 Cf. especially R. J. Deferrari, “St. Augustine's Method of Composing and Delivering Sermons," American Journal of Philology, 43 (1922) , 97-123 , 195219; E. Schuchter, "Zum Predigstil des hl. Augustinus," Wiener Studien, 52 ( 1934) , 115-138 ; Sr. M. Inviolata Barry, Saint Augustine the Orator, Washington, 1924; Sr. M. Josephine Brennan, A Study of the Clausulae in the Sermons of St. Augustine, Washington, 1947. 8 In Book 4 of De Doctrina Christiana St. Augustine gives his own evaluation of rhetoric in instructing in the word of God, and in the same book, 10, 24-25, he urges preachers of the word of God to make use of the sermo plebeius in order the more surely to reach the people. Cf. C. Mohrmann's Die altchristliche Sondersprache in den Sermones des hl. Augustin, 1 , Nijmegen, 1932, the standard treatment of the Christian Sondersprache in Augustine. 53

The fid. rer. does not exhibit the marks of spontaneity and personal references so evident in the sermones. In the sermons there is a more persistent note of exhortation . "Ecce audite, quia sicut dixi. . . .” “Et modo audistis similitudinem." "Manifestum est ergo, fratres mei, manifestum est. . . ." The following is illustrative of Augustine's insistence on and repetition of a whole thought: "Si quisquam aegrotaret in civitate et esset ibi aliquis peritissimus medicus amicis aegrotis potentibus inimicus, si quisquam ergo in civitate aliquo periculoso morbo corporis aegrotaret, et esset in eadem civitate peritissimus medicus amicis, ut dixi, aegrotantis potentibus inimicus . . . . " In many of the sermons we find references to the particular congregation, a local event, the weather, etc., but none of these features is to found in the fid. rer. Strikingly similar to the fid. rer. is sermon 24 of the Denis collection. It is interesting to note that in it the same topics are handled in definitely sermon style which receive conscious, literary treatment in our treatise.

Without a doubt, however, the work does present some characteristics of sermon style. While on the whole, the work is written ing the third person, occasionally Saint Augustine lapses into the second. The exhortation in the concluding section corresponds to many of his sermon closings , and his “O reliquiae infidelitatis . . . erubescite," savors strongly of sermon style. There is a repetition of phrases also (e.g., Me attendite . . . me attendite, 7.1 ) but it is not a consciously insistent or disciplinary repetition implying a fear lest his hearers miss his point; it is a repetition necessitated by the philosophical nature of the material treated, especially in the case of the frequent recurrence of forms of credere and videre. These same characteristics cannot be considered as belonging exclusively to his sermon style. The rhetorical devices of sermon style are present in many of his writings of a treatise character in an even more marked degree than they are in fid . rer. Note the following examples : Audi adhuc · Sentisne quid attende quid dixerit audias? Quaerisne quid dicas? . . . de peccato originali aude, si quid tibi frontis est, criminari.

c. Iul. 1 , 3, 9 9 serm . 87, 13. 54

Nunc ergo considera, rogo te; nunc, inquam. ibid . 3, 21, 42 Ecce vide verba Rogo te, attende, quod dicit Apostolus . Apostoli ... c. Iul. op. imperf. 2, 172 Even the letters display these features. In epist . 217 , 16 note the repetition with sermon-like insistence of the word sumus, and there is a marked use of rhetorical questions in epist. 155, 3; 220, 11 ; 232, 2 ; and for a strange combination of the styles of letter, sermon and dialogue, consider the direct address, quotations, and urgent appeal in c. Petil . 3 , 51 , 63 . Augustine often wrote treatises or encylclical letters which he knew would be read or delivered in his name by the priests of his diocese. This may be the reason for the sermon elements in so much of his writing. From the fid. rer. however, there is a marked absence of the more ordinary devices of his sermons, and in its well martialed organization and the general treatment of the theme the work bears every evidence of having been written and corrected by Saint Augustine. Saint Augustine's method in treating the nature of faith in this work demands mention here. The strictly logical presentation of his ideas is not in accord with the familiar, less formal style of a number of his sermons. In a sermon he takes care of the matter briefly; then he dismisses it: Videtis ergo, fratres, quantum sint perversi et properando vitiosi, qui tamquam immaturi conceptus ante ortum quaerunt abortum; qui nobis dicunt. Quid me iubes credere quod non video? Videam aliquid, ut credam. Iubes credere, dum non videam: ego videre volo, et videndo credere, non audiendo. Dicat propheta: Nisi credideritis non intelligetis. Ascendere vis et gradus oblivisceris . Utique perverse, o homo, si iam tibi possem ostendere quod videres, non hortarer ut crederes.

serm . 126, 2 The elaborate style and the sustained use of the device of personification (the Church speaks for herself "with the voice of maternal affection" through a large portion of the work) are

55

also evidences against the work's being considered strictly as a sermon. The following are similar uses of this device of personification in works not sermons. Et tamen, o flumen tartareum, iactantur in te filii homi-

num

et sonas dicens : "hinc verba discuntur, hinc ad-

quiruntur eloquentia, rebus persuadendis sententiisque explicandis maxime necessaria"

conf. 1 , 16, 26 O tarde gaudium meum! tacebas tunc, et ego ibam porro longe a te. ibid . 2, 2, 2

sed et caelum et terra et omnia, quae in eis sunt, ecce undique mihi dicunt, ut te amam, nec cessant dicere omnibus, ut sint inexcusabiles . . . Et quid est hoc? interrogavi terram , et dixit : non sum; et quaecumque in eadem sunt, idem confessa sunt. Interrogavi mare et abyssos et reptilia animarum vivarum, et responderunt: non sumus deus tuus; quaere super nos. Interrogavi caelum, solem, lunam, stellas : neque nos sumus deus quem quaeris, inquiunt. ibid. 10 , 6, 9

si ergo quaeratur a nobis, quid civitas dei de his singulis interrogata respondeat ac primum de finibus bonorum malorumque quid sentiat; respondebit aeternam vitam esse summum bonum. · • civ. 19, 4

Decidedly similar to the device of personification as used in the fid. rer. is that used in Epistola 76. Here again Augustine has the Church speak. In fact, the entire letter is in the form of an address from the mouth of the Church herself. Furthermore, the very length of the figure of personification in the fid. rer. (5.15-7.74) argues that this work is not a sermon, for it is apparent that the forcefulness of the device would be lost in a sermon since it would fail to hold the attention of hearers for so long a span. This address by the Church embraces about onethird of the entire work. Within the device itself there is a long conditional sentence composed of eleven distinct protases for one

56

apodosis. By its very construction it is evident that this sentence is not appropriate to the usual type of sermon construction . Arguments might be expanded and discussions could be prolonged to the gratification of most pedantic exactions, and all of our quibbling would be concerned merely with a label. Possidius in his account of Saint Augustine's life says, "In private and in public, at home and in the Church . . . Augustine taught and preached the word of salvation both by his finished books and by his extemporaneous sermons."10 A consideration of the content and the style of fid. rer. demands an unqualified placement of the work in the first category, "finished books ."

F.

STYLE

Early in his career Saint Augustine had attained a high reputation for rhetoric and dialectic, and both by training and by long years of practice he was a conscious artist, a consummate master of Latin style. In originality, depth and fullness of soul he surpasses all the Fathers. He was a Ciceronian in the best sense. He recovered the principles of Cicero's larger rhetoric in an environment of the perverted imitation of style practiced by the Sophistic, while at the same time he vindicated for Christian eloquence the importance of charm. He was able, without aridity and tedium , but making use of emotional appeal, powerfully to express to the people strong, clear, precise arguments. In the Confessions Augustine's writing turns to self-observation or ardently "plunges into that of God," but in his other works, letters, sermons, dogmatic and polemical treatises, his writing "ranges over the province of learning and attacks deviations from orthodoxy with inexorable logic and sometimes with sophistical subtlety." The style of the fid. rer. may perhaps be more accurately characterized by the logic and subtlety noted in this description, rather than by the terms applied to the Confessions. Still, J. Finaert does not hesitate to compare it with the Confessions in its antitheses and in its periods, "at once beautiful and sonorous.'"12

10 Possid. Vita, 7 (PL 32 , 38-39) . 1 Teuffel-Kroll-Skutsch, Geschichte der römischen Literatur, 3 , Berlin , 1913, 361-362. 2J. Finaert, L'evolution littéraire de Saint Augustin, Paris, 1939, 134. 57

The language of a work at once so apologetical in content and so rhetorical in form makes for interesting study. In all aspects of the style we find the notion of contrast employed to the fullest extent: every device is brought into play in the literary harmonization of the two concepts, "faith ", and "the unseen." As in Plato, so in Augustine, style is in marked consonance with matter. In the regulated or controlled simplicity of language the two authors are similar. In Saint Augustine, the supereminent writer of Christian Latin literature, we meet a language that is a composite formed of elements literary, popular, and Christian . Saint Augustine as a distinguished professor of rhetoric was thoroughly versed in the pagan classical tradition ; he was an active participant in affairs of everyday life, and after his conversion he became deeply imbued with Sacred Scripture and with all aspects of Christian culture. By far the larger portion of the fid. rer. is comprised of arguments from Scripture, but even in this apology Augustine's appeal to the literary tradition that was his background may be seen. The whole notion of belief in unseen things has been the object of some of the most soul-searching analyses in ancient literature. “Travel over every road, you cannot discover the frontiers of the soul-it has so deep a logos," observed Heraclitus.³ The very theme of this Augustinian treatise may be found expressed in Aristotle's dictum: "To gain light on things imperceptible we must use the evidence of sensible things." And some of the most powerful portions of Lucretius' poem are those in which he grapples with the difficulty that there are certain things that we know yet cannot see with our eyes (oculis . . . cerni) 5 or grasp with our hands, the means through which the "straightest highway of belief leads to the human breast and quarters of the mind." Augustine's fid. rer., then, is in the full literary tradition when he analyzes the problem and clarifies its intricacies by arrangements and repetitions of simple words and phrases. The style of this little work may be taken as a striking illustration of Augustine's principles of Christian rhetoric, a rejection of the 8 Heraclitus, Fr. 45, Diels. 4 Ethic. Nic. 2, 2, 1104a. 5 Lucretius, De rerum nat. 1 , 267 ff. 6 ibid., 5, 94-103. 58

Sophistic as such, and where it could not be entirely escaped, an adaptation of it and a restraint of its extravagances. Augustine vindicated an eloquence distinctly Christian, preserved the best of the ancient tradition, and by this, "redeemed rhetoric." FIGURES OF RHETORIC Figurative or rhetorical language is the lifting of speech out of 8 the realm of the ordinary. The ornaments of speech, characteristic of ancient Greek literature, and stressed and cultivated intensely as a feature of the Second Sophistic,

became the inheri-

tance of the Latin Fathers who came under pagan influences. Hellenization made its impact on Latin culture through every phase of education, and in the education of the Early Empire rhetoric assumed a supreme role. The tasks of the Church Fathers were necessarily the elucidation of dogma, the interpretation of Scripture, the waging of polemic against pagans and heretics, and pastoral preaching. But in the golden age of Patristic Latin literature, both because of their rhetorical training and in order to gain full hearing in an age when style as such was well-night all-important, the Latin Fathers, some of the most cultured figures of their times, performed these tasks in the strict forms of literary masterpieces . The fourth century was the high point of the Second Sophistic, a period of extravagant rhetorical style. Figures of rhetoric, then, are a distinguishing feature of the style of Saint Augustine, although as a Christian bishop he made no efforts to set forth in his writings the purely rhetorical features which he had learned and taught in the schools.10 In his De Doctrina Christiana he made a break with the elaborate pedagogical tradition of the times in its aim to delight rather than to instruct, and he "began rhetoric anew." .' ¹¹ But though he tried to root out all of its flourishes, his early training left an indelible stamp on his works, and 7 See C. S. Baldwin , Medieval Rhetoric and Poetic, New York, 1928 , chapters 1 and 2 for an excellent appreciation of Augustine's role in the formation of medieval rhetoric. 8 Quintilian, Inst. Orat. 9 , 1 , 4. 9 J. M. Campbell, Influence of the Second Sophistic on the Style of the Sermons of St. Basil the Great, (Catholic University of America Patristic Studies, Vol. 2), Washington , 1922. 10 De doctrina Christiana, 4, 1. 11 Baldwin, op. cit., 51. 59

naturally so, as studies on the style of his various works have demonstrated.12 The rhetorical figures of the fid. rer., a selection of which follows, illustrate the preferences Saint Augustine entertained among the abundant supply in the use of which he had been trained . 1.

Figures of Redundancy or Amplification:

periphrasis, the use of a longer phrasing in place of a possible shorter one for the expressing of an idea: quis enim mutua caritate diligetur ab aliquo (4) ; vicemque non rependimus, quibus eam nos debere mutuam non putamus

(4) ·

pleonasm, the use of more words than are necessary for the complete logical expression of the thought: sonus aut cantilena (2) ; de ceteris necessitudinibus dicam, fratrum, sororum, generorum, atque socerorum, et qualibet consanguinitate et affinitate iunctorum (4) ; ut omnino funditus evertantur (4) ; nulla secta perversa, nullum genus exoriatur erroris ( 10) ; quando videmus relictis deis falsis, et eorum confractis usquequaque simulacris, templis subversis ... (10) ; antecedentes vates suos atque praecones (10) ; nutriatur et crescat in vobis ( 11) . arsis and thesis, the expression of the negative then the positive element or vice versa:

optari ea, non potius timeri, felicitas potest ... probari nisi infelicitas non potest (3) ; si non ingeniosa sed odiosa (4) ; corde non corpore ( 11 ) ; non poenam sed vitam (11 ) ; non dixit in medio extranearum sed in medio filiarum (11) .

12 Cf. C. Balmus, Etude sur de style de Saint Augustin dans les Confessions et la Cité de Dieu, Paris, 1930; J. Finaert, op. cit. and also Saint Augustin Rhéteur, Paris, 1939. See also E. Norden, Die Antike Kunstprosa, 1 , 351 ff. and the various monographs on the style of Saint Augustine in particular works in the Catholic University of America Patristic Studies, (Vols. 3 , 4, 6, 12, 14, 42 and 46). The rhetorical figures of the Second Sophistic have been adequately treated by Campbell , op. cit. 14-24, and 76-79. For their application to the sermons of Saint Augustine cf. Sister M. Inviolata Barry, Saint Augustine the Orator, (Vol. 6) , Washington, 1924.

60

Figures of Repetition:

2.

anadiplosis, the rhetorical repetition of one or several words, either immediately or after the separation of less emphatic words: non ergo ad hos refellendos, qui prudenter sibi videntur nolle credere, quod videre non possunt, etsi non valemus humanis aspectibus monstrare divina quae credimus, tamen humanis mentibus etiam illa quae non videntur crefides ipsa qua credimus, denda esse monstramus (1) ; • sive cogitatio qua nos vel credere aliquid vel non credere novimus (1 ) ; non est quod corporeis oculis non videmus, cum vel credere nos vel non credere, ubi corporeos oculos adhibere non possumus, sine ulla dubitatione videamus? (1 ) ; non res quae videatur ostenditur sed fides rerum quae non videntur ( 1 ) ; quia in animo tuo sunt, ipso animo vides ( 1 ) ; animo agitur eum probasti tas ... quam

an vero etiam hoc vides animo tuo, quod in . . . quia in tuis tentationibus alieno (2) ; ... ... ut amicorum probetur erga nos cariprobari ... probari autem certius in rebus

adversis . . . sed utique ut eum probes . . . credis antecum bona probaverimus (3 ) ; quod quam probes . certe in orbe videmus etsi in carne nondum vidimus Christum ( 10) . antistrophe, repetition of the same word or phrase at the end of successive clauses:

sed quisquis es ... ipso animo vides ; dic mihi . . . quibus oculis vides? (2) ; felicitas potest . . . infelicitas non potest (3) ; videre non possum · · indagare possum (5) ; non vidistis quod praedictum et impletum est . . · sed videtis quod praedictum et impletum est (7) . epanaphora, repetition at the beginning of successive clauses: si non si non ... si non (6) ; me attendite .... me attendite (7) . The other figures of this division, symploce, anastrophe, kuklos, and climax, which are highly artificial, are not found in fid. rer.

3.

Figures of Sound :

paranomasia, a word play in which there is similarity of sound

61

with dissimilarity of sense between words sometimes of the same root: extrinsecus corpore aut intrinsecus corde (2) ; ubi nos amari credimus, quod amorem amantium non videmus (4) ; iacetque illud abiectum (5) ; matri fecunditatem ferentem, integritatem non auferentem (5) ; doctorum et nobilium et indoctorum, sapientium et insipientium ignobilium (10) . parechesis, similarity of sound, not of sense, between words of different roots : ridendam potius quam tenendam ( 1 ) ; alterius amore non fruatur nisi suo dolore vel timore crucietur (3 ) ; non igeniosa sed odiosa (4) ; an credere dubitatis . . · cum magis credere debeatis (5) ; virginem parientem ... Deum nascentem (5) ; praedicta monstrantur, et index est praeteritorum, et praenuntia futurorum (8) ; ut per eos haec probentur, ubi et ipsi reprobantur (9) ; probati reprobis (11) . alliteration, the recurrence of the same initial letter in succeeding words: animo agitur alieno (2 ) ; fallere fingendo (2 ) ; coniugem coniunx (4) ; accipite per prophetam fuisse praedictum (5) ; regimen non relinquentem (5) factum quod futurum fuerat (5) ; de die in diem (6) ; propter eorumdem patrum praedicationem (6) ; verum hoc non vidistis sed videtis (7) ; divina dicta (7) ; affectet atque ambiat ( 10) ; mores malos mutando ( 11 ) . assonance, a succession of words ending in similar sounds : ... ridendam potius quam tenendam . . . non res quae videatur ostenditur, sed . . . videntur hominibus impera-

tur (1 ) ; quid tam nudum, tam clarum, quid tam certum (1 ) ; ergo facta visurus, et verba es auditurus, . . . non potest crediturus (2) ; per universum mundum fructificantem atque crescentem (5 ) ; nativitatem mirabilia passionem resurrectionem, ascensionem Christi (7) ; hoc certe sive velitis seu nolitis aspicitis (7) relictis vel abiectis vel confractis (7) ; nihil nossent Iudaei prodesse non possent (9) ; unum verum Deum ( 10) ; vel vani pagani ( 11 ) . 62

onomatapoeia, the fitting of sound and sense : cantilena ut auribus illabatur (2) ; quod quidem non sineretur pullulare per terram (10) . 4. Figures of Vivacity (dramatic effect) : asyndeton, the omission of connectives:

fratrum sororum generorum atque socerorum (4) ; per unum hominem ab hominibus illusum, comprehensum , vinctum, flagellatum, expalmatum, fixum , occisum (10) . polysyndeton, a frequency of connectives:

exprobatum,

cruci-

restat itaque, ut nec visa, nec audita, nec apud te intus conspecta credatur (2 ) ; neque connubiorum neque cognationum et affinitatum (4) ; quos idiotas et imperitos et piscatores et publicanos ( 10) . interrogatio, or rhetorical question : There are 16 instances of this figure. The following are samples: ubi est ergo quod dicebas, te credere non debere (2) ; quod si non vides, quomodo amicali (2 ) ; si auferatur haec fides quis non attendat (4) ; cur ergo res primas . . . vel legamus (8) ; quis ita sit demens ut dicat (10) . exclamatio and optatio, rhetorical and impassioned exclamations and wishes: ecce ex corde tuo credis corde non tuo (2 ) ; o reliquiae infidelitatis . . . iis erubescite quae videtis (6) ; vos autem, carissimi, qui hanc fidem havetis • nutriatur et crescat in vobis (11 ) . litotes, affirming a statement by the denial of its opposite: non incongruenter (3) ; An vobis inane vel leve videtur, et nullum vel parvum putatis (7) . (The various protases in the conditional sentence in section 6 are made in the manner of litotes; the negative construction in each case implies a positive fact.) 5. Figures of Argumentation : It is not intended to present a detailed statistical study of the various figures of argumentation. The whole work illustrates prokataleipsis, the serious anticipation and overthrow of a real argument. Dialektikon, questioning and replying to oneself; hypophora, the interruption of the course with conversational ele63

ment; and an occasional use of paraleipsis, pretended passing over of an important point, and diaporesis, are distinctive features of this work. The figure which merits outstanding discussion, however, is prosopopoeia, impersonation of character. Coupled with personification, this becomes a very effective mark of argument, making possible the revelation of thoughts of opponents, etc. This device is unusually and effectively employed by Saint Augustine in fid. rer. through the direct address whereby the Church speaks for herself. Almost three sections, two chapters, make up this quotation . The repetition of scriptural quotations, one after another, is decidedly more forceful when made by the mouth of the Church than if merely stated by Saint Augustine himself in the treatise. 6. Minor Figures Sophistically Developed : oxymoron, or paradox, two terms apparently contradictory: virginem parientem . . Deum nascentem (5) ; matri fecunditatem ferentem integritatem non auferentem (5) . antonomasia, the substitution for a proper name of an approximate equivalent : quod in nomine unius crucifixi (7) ; Quando tantum crucifixus ille potuisset ( 10) . 7.

Devices of Parallelism:

isocolon, the device whereby succeeding clauses are made to contain the same (perfect) or about the same (imperfect) number of syllables : propterea ridendam potius quam tenendam (2 ) ; ergo facta visurus et verba es auditurus (2) ; ecce ex corde tuo credis corde non tuo (2) ; amici faciem cernis corpore tuo fidem tuam cernis animo tuo (2 ) ; ergo haec aspicite in haec intendite (7 ) ; quos qui audierunt partim crediderunt (10) . parison, the occurrence of successive clauses of the same general structure: non enim voluntas illa color . . . ut oculis ingeratur; vel sonus aut cantilena ut auribus illabatur, aut vero tua est, ut tui cordis affectione sentiatur. (2 ) ; non vidistis quod praedictum et impletum est de ... sed videtis quod praedictum et impletum est de . . . (7) ; quia et praeterita quae iam non possunt videri, et praesentia quae nec pos-

64

sunt videri omnia .

(8) ; sic in istam religionem mutatus est mundus, sic ad hoc evangelium corda conversa mortalium (10) . homoioteleuton, whereby successive clauses end in the same sound; it is also called rhyming prose: . . amicerte enim si rebus . . . credere non debemus, corum cordibus credimus; . . . bona probaverimus. (3 ) ; • potius quam videmus • • · videre quod credimus · quia videre non possumus (3) ; non ergo dubitabitis virginem parientem, si velitis credere Deum nascentem ; mundi regimen non relinquentem, et ad homines in carne venientem ; matri fecunditatem ferentem, integritatem non auferentem . (5) ; . . . propter eos quos fuerat in lucem de tenebris educturus . . . tamen propter ceteros, quos occultioribus causis fuerat deserturus. (9) . antithesis, parison combined with an opposition of thought: ut amicorum probetur erga nos caritas videtur tibi nostra optanda calamitas (3) ; nec quisquam erit ex amicis certissimus felix nisi fuerit adversis rebus infelix (3 ) ; si ea quae non videntur non laudabili fide sed culpabili temeritate creduntur (4) ; an credere dubitatis vel recusatis virginem partum cum magis credere debeatis ... (5) ; in verbis contradictores, in libris suffragatores; in cordibus nostri hostes, in codicibus testes. (9) ; non mala rependendo sed perpetiendo certantibus nec occidendo sed moriendo vincentibus ( 10) . chiasmus, a variant of parison placing the second element in inverse order: de resurrectione mortuorum, de impiorum aeterna damnatione (8) .

8.

Figures of Imagery:

metaphor, the representation of one object under the image of another:

nolit habere sacris litteris fidem ( 10) ; secernat se a piscibus malis ( 11 ) ; non retia sancta rumpendo (11) . On the whole, it may be said that the rhetorical figures most frequent in the fid. rer. are the ones that are customary with Saint Augustine.18 There is not immoderate usage of the highly 13 Cf. Barry, op. cit.

65

rhetorical figures; the ones chosen were those suited to his purpose of emphasis and persuasion. The repetition and verbosity for which Augustine is at times censured were designedly part of his style. The former master of sophistic was conscious of his use as well as his rejection of the stylistic devices of the sophistic. In this work Augustine has admirably achieved his purpose of conviction, and it seems fair to hold that his use of rhetorical figures has contributed its share to the success of the work. WORD ORDER In the matter of word order it will suffice merely to note that the fid. rer. does not furnish any striking departures from the traditional positions. The wide range of subject matter handled in the work offers adequate outlet for the full play of the author's skill in this aspect of style also. In the dispassionate, objective treatment of the theory of knowledge a relatively fixed or normal word order is maintained, but in more rhetorically expressive passages there may be noted frequent divergences from the normal for the sake of emphasis, contrast, or rhythm. No strict count has been applied to this phase of the style, but a general examination reveals in the main an adherence to general practice. In nominal word order there is apparent in all Latin a lack of uniformity; the most generally accepted view, however, is Hofmann's that post-position is normal for adjectives, and that preposition is the result of endeavor to secure emphasis.14 Determinative adjectives, especially, representing objective or intellectual aspects of the terms limited, are ordinarily placed after substantives; whereas, qualificative adjectives which express subjective impression or evaluations are found in pre-position. The examples which follow are illustrative of the regular and inverted uses of nominal word order in the fid. rer. DETERMINATIVE POSITION Inversions Regular uses Christianam religionem rebus humanis 3 humana societas 4 rebus prosperis 3 infidelis impietas 4 rebus adversis 3 ritus pristinos 6 regia prole 6

1

14 Cf. Leumann-Hofmann, 616 ff. For an extensive study of word order in Saint Augustine see Sister M. Sarah Muldowney's Word Order in the Works of Saint Augustine, (Vol. 52), Washington, 1939. 66

universum genus 7 humana nativitate 7 Christianae veritati 10

fimbriis aureis 6 odore bono 6 initio laborioso 9

QUALIFICATIVE POSITION Inversions Regular uses humanis aspectibus 1 oculis carneis 1 amicis certissimis 3 corporeis oculis 2 mutua caritate 4 piscibus malis 11 mores malos 11 maternae dilectionis 5 innumeros populos 7 ordinata serie 8 occulto iudicio 9 veternosissima consuetudine 10 vani pagani 11

For verbal order the position of importance is either at the beginning or at the end. Throughout the course of Latin literature, however, there was a decreasing frequency of end-position. "A study of the works of Saint Augustine reveals the fact that end-position occurs in 42 per cent of his main clauses and in 63 per cent of his subordinate clauses. These figures, accompanied by the additional information that beginning-position occurs in 39 per cent of the main clauses and 17 per cent of the subordinate clauses, show that in verbal position, Saint Augustine was influenced by the more popular tendencies of his day, tendencies which are reflected in Aetheria."15 Writers whose works offer greater opportunity for play of emotions show more instances of beginning-position in verbal order. It is interesting to note that Saint Augustine begins this treatise with a verb: "Sunt qui putant. . . ." And, although many classical writers of the pagan tradition are partial to beginning-position, it has a more noticeable frequency in Christian writers. Perhaps the influence was the translation literature and the colloquial element ; at any rate, it suited the needs of the forceful expression of early Christian Latin. In itself, however, it is not a Christian innovation. In the fid. rer. beginning-position is more frequent for main clauses; there are seventy instances (58 %) of it as against fifty cases (42%) of end-position in main clauses. For subordinate

15 Muldowney, op. cit., 102. 67

clauses noted there are thirty-four occurrences (33 % ) of beginning-position compared with sixty-nine instances (67%) of endposition. Therefore, in verbal order as in nominal order, the fid. rer. exhibits no departure from what seems to be the practice among writers of the time.16 THE PERIOD That Augustine had a full recognition of the importance of order and charm in style is indicated by the care that is evident in the construction of his periods. He attains a lucidity that is rarely matched, even when he is concerned with dialectical material, as the problem of knowledge or the nature of confidence in friendship; but his clarity is not gained by a sacrifice of periodic structure. The Church challenges us in Chapter 3 , 6 thus: "si hanc reginam non videtis, iam etiam regia prole fecundam : etc." With protasis following protasis, she makes her challenge in the form of a mighty conditional sentence, and concludes with this effective, decisive apodosis after eleven distinct conditions introduced by si non, “merito fortasse dicitis quod nulla vobis ostendantur indicia, quibus visis credatis etiam illa quae non videtis." With technique and rhetorical completeness Augustine fits the numerous Scriptural quotations made use of in this work into his own periodic constructions. Despite the frequency of these quotations and the veritable piling up of them in the speech by the Church, there is remarkable freedom from monotony. Throughout the work the periods are those of a master hand ; they are lofty and elegant, yet restrained and suitably balanced by short, simple sentences for the over-all effect of emphasis and sincerity. Free from the monotony of rigid adherence to pattern, the periods are an aspect of Augustine's cultivation of charm for the adornment of Christian exposition . CLAUSULAE Next to the perfecting of balances, the Sophists studied most attentively sentence cadences.17 Through the teaching of the Greek rhetors metrical prose came into vogue among the Romans, and there was a large store of types of clausulae available 16 ibid., 105 . 17 Baldwin, op. cit., 48. 68

for selection. No rigid system seems to have been used, however. It is likewise a fact that already in the second half of the third and in the early fourth century accentual clausulae were in use. It seems also clear that accent is a definite factor in Augustine's choice of clausulae, but these are still based in theory on quantity.18 In the fid. rer. one hundred forty-eight endings before strong pauses have been examined . (Endings which are part of Scriptural quotations have been omitted as well as endings before weak pauses.) The endings examined exhibit the following metrical forms. The typology19 of these forms is likewise indicated in the order of frequency. Per cent No. 1. Cretic Spondee

Types:

2.

γ 20 Dichoree

Types :

δ 10

α

γδ 9

β

10 19 3. Double Spondee α Types: β 6 12

4.

3

δ 1

βδ 1

78 9

δ 6

γ 5

25 2

γδ

γ

β

é

α 1

3 3 First Peon Spondee

Types:

γ 4

7.

γ

29.05

30

20.27

23

15.61

22

14.83

11

7.42

8 11

5.40 7.42

Spondee Cretic

Types :

6.

γ 1

43

Double Cretic

Types:

5.

βγ

β 2

δε 1

γδ 1

€

γε 1

Others

Total

148 100.00% 18 See the monographs on Augustine's use of clausulae in The Catholic University of America Patristic Studies: G. Reynolds, The Clausulae in the De Civitate Dei of Saint Augustine, Washington, 1924 (Vol . 7) ; Sister M. Borromeo Carroll, The Clausulae in the Confessions of Saint Augustine, Washington, 1940 (Vol. 62); S. M. Josephine Brennan , The Clausulae in the Sermons of Saint Augustine, Washington, 1947 (Vol. 77). 19 The term "typology " denotes the structure of the clausulae in relation to

69

From such a tabulation it could be shown that the fid. rer. conforms closely to the classical tradition . The four varieties of metrical clausulae predominant are all highly favored in Cicero's Orations, and only in the case of the dichoree does the frequency noted in our treatise fall below that of Cicero's Orations.20 However, an analysis of the same endings from an accentual point of view indicates that accent played a very definite part in the selection of clausulae which at first sight might be considered exclusively metrical. From the accentual point of view the endings show their distribution throughout the chief accentual forms in the manner illustrated by the following table. Number Cursus Planus Cursus Velox

55

Percent 37.2

25 . 37 26 17.5 22 14.8 T T 8 5.5

Cursus Tardus Cursus Trispondaicus Others

The percentage frequency of the first four regular accentual forms in the fid . rer. is 94.5 % , whereas that of the four chiefly used metrical forms is 79.6 %. However, the frequency of the accentual forms is somewhat lower when we take account of the strict rules of typology observed in the medieval cursus, since some of the endings exhibit a typology not in conformity to the regular rules of the medieval cursus.21 The following table indicates the percentage frequency of the accentual forms according to the requirements of the strict cursus and the permitted substitutions in the matter of syllable division.

its division into words. The various types are determined by the position of the caesurae and Zielinski's scheme of using Greek letters for classifying the various types has been followed. A clausula with no caesura is alpha-type, a clausula with the caesura after the first syllable is beta-type, etc. (e.g., commune sanctorum-cretic spondee-gamma-type; est et avulsis-cretic spondee— beta-gamma-type). The same typological scheme is used also for the accentual system . 20 Cf. Carroll, op. cit., 20. 21 M. G. Nicolau , "Notes sur l'histoire du "cursus" rhythmique,” Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi, 7 ( 1932), 36-38.

70

Planus

Types: y

22 9

17 48

or

32.43%

or

22.29%

or

14.83%

or

10.81%

Velox ISSÁS

Types:

δε

16 17

33 Tardus

Types:

sáss

7

པ་

10

5

22 Trispondaicus

Types:

SSÝS

12

4 16

100.00% Ignoring the strict medieval typology, the accentual forms simply considered have a frequency of 94.5 % , but on the basis of such typology the frequency is 80.36 % . Hence there is no striking preponderance of accentual clausulae as compared with the 79.76 % of the metrical, and the fid. rer. cannot be said to be predominantly accentual in prose rhythm. This investigation indicates that in the matter of clausulae, as in other aspects of his style, Augustine exhibits no striking departures from his customary manner of writing, that of his best-known works. Saint Augustine was a superior master of language and he

71

knew how to wield it most effectively for imparting his message. He was an admired rhetor in the period before his conversion; he was none the less a rhetor in his writings in the service of truth. To this service he brought his talents, the advantages and defects of rhetoric,22 and in this service he reached the summits of technique and style, alternately sublime and tempered, "a mingling in which Roman Africa on the eve of her ruin summed up all her talents."23

G.

SCRIPTURAL QUOTATIONS

An acknowledgement of how much the inspired word had come to dominate the writings of Augustine is his prayer: Sint castae deliciae meae scripturae tuae, nec fallar in eis, nec fallam ex eis.¹ In the fid . rer. it is evident that the Sacred Scriptures are the source of his inspiration and the basis of his argumentation. Besides three simple allusions to Scriptural texts (6.13 ; 10.28 ; 11.12-18) , there are quotations of forty-one different verses of Scripture, some of which are repeated in whole or in part. A natural question arises: What was Augustine's source for his Scriptural quotations? A reconstruction of Saint Augustine's Bible is part of the whole problem of pre-Vulgate versions, a complex problem and one that is in a large measure still unsolved.2 It is no longer generally held that during the last thirty years of his life Augustine invariably used Jerome's Vulgate, even for the Gospels.

The two men, Augustine and Jerome, in an epoch

22 Cf. the interesting and suggestive considerations of these aspects in Finaert's Saint Augustin rhéteur. 23 P. Monceaux, Les Africains (Les Paiens) , Paris, 1894, quoted by Balmus, op. cit., 320. 1 conf. 11 , 2, 3. 2 For a general summary and a consideration of the various views on the question see the article of B. Botte, “Itala” in Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplément, 4, Paris, 1949, 777-782 , in which is contained also the chief bibliography on the subject. For general background and orientation and also the most recent and reliable treatment, see A. Robert and A. Tricot , Initiation Biblique, new ed. Paris, 1948, especially chapter 8, "Les versions,” pp. 359393, by G. Bardy and A. Tricot. 3 Cf. C. H. Milne, A Reconstruction of the Old-Latin Text or Texts of the Gospels Used by St. Augustine, Cambridge, 1926, p . ix. 72

when the multiplicity of Bible versions was matched only by their variety, applied themselves, each in his own manner, to the revision of the Latin texts of the Scripture. Augustine's letter to Jerome in 4035 acknowledged his acceptance and approval of Jerome's version of the Gospels, but criticism on his part persisted, and his writings show a marked preference for nonHieronymian readings. This preference is particularly notable for the other parts of the Bible. In the light of present evidence, it may be said that Jerome's complete Vulgate did not become Augustine's text in the preparation of his writings, and recent studies provide us with what may be the ultimate solution to the question of Augustine's Bible. A study of Augustine's Bible must be based upon the Scriptural citations in Augustine. Sabatier provides a useful assembly of Augustinian citations, but a much more complete collection is that of Paul de Lagarde," who showed that Augustine quoted the Bible at least 42,816 times. Since de Lagarde the most outstanding work is that of Dom D. de Bruynes who devoted many years to the study of Augustine's Bible. His conclusion, that there was an independent Augustinian translation of a large portion of the Sacred Scriptures, is based upon a general investigation of Augustinian citations and a special consideration of those that come from the parts of the Bible which Augustine used most frequently, i.e., the Psalms, Heptateuch, Gospels, and the Epistles of Saint Paul. It is de Bruyne's contention that for these parts, and especially for the Psalms and Saint Paul, Augustine had his own version. These are the main points made in de Bruyne's study: 1. The problem of the unity or plurality of the origin of the Latin versions is insoluble for the Bible as a whole ; it 4 Cf. especially these places in Augustine: doctr. christ. 2, 14, 21 ; 2 , 15, 22 ; epist. 71 , 6; 82, 34-35 ; 261 , 5 . 5 epist. 71 , 6. 6 D. P. Sabatier, Bibliorum sacrorum latinae versiones antiquae, Paris, 1749-51. 7 Cf. D. de Bruyne, “S. Augustin reviseur de la Bible," Miscellanea Agostiniana, 2, Rome, 1930 , 521-606 . (See p . 522 for de Lagarde's and other important collections of Augustinian citations.) 8 ibid. See also his articles, "L'Itala de S. Augustin," Revue Bénédictine, 30 (1913) , 294-314, and "Encore l'Itala de S. Augustin ," Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, 23 ( 1927) , 779-785. 73

ought to be posed for each book in particular, and the solution would perhaps not be the same for all. 2 . There was one primitive translation of the Psalter, and this was African in origin. Since there is extant no African Psalter, the citations of Cyprian, the Donatists, and Optatus must be used for supplying this lack. a. A certain number of faults and inexactitudes com-

mon to African and European versions were not corrected in Jerome's Psalters nor in AR (the Augustine Psalter, very probably a forerunner or first draft of the Verona text, a 6th century manuscript known as R) . b. There are a certain number of "Africanisms" in the European versions not effaced by subsequent revisions. 3. The AR type of Psalter is a revision on the Greek; it is marked by clarity and correct latinity. 4. The type corresponds perfectly to the preferences of Augustine (cf. De doctrina Christiana, 2, 14-15) . 5. Augustine was a reviser of the whole Psalter (cf. his own account in Epistola 261 and Jerome's remark in Epistola 106 that he knew of a revision by "a very distinguished translator of that time.") Since thirty-one of the verses quoted from Scripture in the fid. rer. are from the Psalms, a special comparison of these citations with the readings of Old Latin Psalters has been made, and the results are in accord with those of de Bruyne's study. In the following instances only do the Psalm readings of the fid. rer. present any divergences from the readings of the Enarrationes in Psalmos.

9 For readings of Old-Latin psalters I have used those provided in these two works: P. Capelle, Le texte du psautier latin en Afrique, Rome, 1913 , and A. Allgeier, Die altlateinischen Psalterien, Freiburg im Br. , 1928. 10 Cf. Capelle, op. cit., 136 f. for a discussion of the ' double treatment' given to certain psalms in the Enarrationes, in which Augustine often uses one reading for the brief commentary and another for the sermon-exposition. 11 Leumann-Hofmann, p. 406.

74

Text

Vulgate

fid. rer.

Enarrationes in psalmos.

Notes

Ps. 21 , 17 pedes meos

pedes meos

meos omitted in first of the two Enarrationes10

a MSS. of fid. rer. omit meos

Ps. 40, 7-8 Egrediebatur loquebatur in idipsum

Egrediebantur · • Egrediebantur · · loquebantur simul loquebantur in in unum idipsum

Some MSS. of fid. rer. show Vulg. reading

Ps. 44, 7

sedes tua . . . in thronus tuus .. sedes tua . . . in fid. rer. reading saeculum saeculi in saeculum saeculi saecula saeculorum also in c. Jud. 4, 5; c. Maxim. 2, 16, 3; c. adv. Leg. 2, 3, 12

Ps. 44, 18 aeternum

saeculum

aeternum

MS. P of fid. rer. has aeternum

Ps. 58, 12 populi mei

legem tuam

legis tuae

Perhaps fid. rer. reading is an error in archetype; it is not ungrammatical11

The remaining verses of Sacred Scripture in the fid . rer. are from the Gospels and from the non-Psalter parts of the Old Testament.12 A comparison of these quotations with those in other writings unquestionably by Saint Augustine provides an additional claim for the authenticity of this work. The agreement of the citations may best be seen by means of the following table.

12 In section 5 the prophecy of Isaias of the birth of Christ (Isa. 7, 14) is cited, but it seems that here Augustine is quoting Isaias in its Gospel form (Matt. 1 , 23) since there is added quod est interpretatum nobiscum Deus. The quotation in section 7 referring to the betrayer of Jesus is that of the prophecy (Ps. 40, 10), and its recall in the Gospel (John, 13, 18) is but alluded to. However, Milne (op. cit. 143) used fid. rer. as evidence for Augustine's text of St. John. 75

Text

fid. rer.

Vulgate

Augustinian citations agreeing with fid. rer.

Gen. 22 , 18

Et benedicentur in semine tuo omnes gentes terrae

In semine tuo benedicen- epist. 53 , 1 ; 76 , 1 ; 93 , 19; 105, 14; serm . ed. Den. tur omnes gentes 20, 12 ; ed. Morin 7, 2 ; cons. evang. 1 , 41.

Cant. 2, 2

inter spinas, sic Jamica mea inter filias

in medio spinarum, in psalm. 99, 8 and 12 ; ita proxima mea in me- epist. 93, 28 dio filiarum

Jer. 16, 19-20 Domine . . • ad te • • Domine deus meus · .cons. evang. 1 , 40 lab extremis terrae · • ad te • ab extremo civ. 18, 33 Vere mendaVere mendacium posse- terrae derunt patres nostri van- cia coluerunt patres nositatem quae eis non pro- tri simulacra et non est si fuit. Numquid faciet sibi in illis utilitas faciet • · et ecce ipsi • et ipsi . Soph. 2, 11

· adver- epist. 105 , 15 ; 187, 37; Horribilis . super C · Praevalebit exterminabit .. 199.47 attenuabit . . . deos ter- sus • rae viri ... deos gentium terrae · · unusquisque ·

Matt. 1, 23

in utero habebit ...

Matt. 6, 9

Pater noster qui es in caelis

Matt . 13, 9

Qui habet aures audiendi audiat

Lc. 23, 34

Pater, dimitte illis, non enim sciunt · •

accipiet in utero

cons. evang. 1. 41 has concipiet, but for accipiet in utero cf. African citations in Sabatier.

Pater, ignosce illis, quia epist. 138, 13; serm. ed. nesciunt Den. 15, 4; ed. Mai 26, 2

In considering Augustine as a translator of the Scriptures, or rather, a reviser of Scriptural translations we are coming to know a phase, hitherto unappreciated, of his literary activity. His prime concern was that the sacred texts be known and under-

76

stood, that by them men might live, and his efforts were all directed to that end . It is true that his work in this line is not of the scientifically textual nature of that of his contemporary; it was engaged in for himself and for the benefit of those for whom he wrote and preached. De Bruyne characterizes the fruit of his scriptural scholarship in these words: "The psalter of Augustine may perhaps not be the best of the Latin psalters translated from the Greek, but it is certainly the most original, the most personal, and it reveals to us a still unknown aspect of the great doctor."13

13 de Bruyne, op. cit., 578. 77

SIGLA

a Class A. Cologne, Dombibliothek, MS. 76 B. Vatican City, Vat. Reg. lat. , MS. 318 C. Monte Cassino, Archivio della Badia, MS. 170 b Class

c Division D. d division E. H. J. K. G. L. F. I. e M. S. N. O. f U. X. P. R. g T. Y. V. W. h Z.

Rouen, MS. 472 Troyes, MS. 40 Laon, MS. 128 Troyes, MS. 860 Troyes, MS. 70 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale , MS. lat. 2084 Cambrai, MS. 579 Saint Omer, MS. 85 Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS. 635 Brussels, MS. 1116 Bruges, MS. 112 Vatican City, Vat. lat. MS. 10664 Assisi, MS. 87 Vatican City, Vat. Urb. lat., MS. 84 Vienna, Nationalbibliothek MS. 900 (New No. 205) Cambridge, Corpus Christi MS. 34 Durham, Cathedral MS. B2, 20 Cambridge, Gonville and Caius, MS. 69 Cambridge, Corpus Christi , MS. 154 Vatican City, Vat. lat. MS. 447 Vatican City, Vat. lat. MS 469 Neufchâteau , MS. 3 (T3)

78

Am Er Lo Be

add. a. corr. cett. edd. exc. incip. ins. fort. in mg. m. post. m. sec. om . omiss. p. corr. rell. ut vid.

Editions Amerbach , 1506 Erasmus, 1528 Louvain Theologians, 1577· Benedictines of St. Maur, 1685

Abbreviations used in Apparatus addit, addunt ante correctionem ceteri editiones (quattuor) excepto, exceptis incipit inserit, inserunt fortasse in margine manu posteriori manu secunda omittit, omittunt omisso, omissis post correctionem reliqui ut videtur

(Suprascript numeral indicates the occurrence of a word in a line.)

79

SANCTI AURELII AUGUSTINI Liber De Fide Rerum Quae Non Videntur

5

10

15

1. (I) Sunt qui putant christianam religionem propterea ridendam potius quam tenendam, quia in ea, non res quae videatur ostenditur, sed fides rerum quae non videntur, hominibus imperatur. Nos ergo ad hos refellendos, qui prudenter sibi videntur nolle credere, quod videre non possunt, etsi non valemus humanis aspectibus monstrare divina quae credimus, tamen humanis mentibus etiam illa quae non videntur credenda esse monstramus. Ac primum isti, quos oculis carneis sic stultitia fecit obnoxios, ut quod per eos non cernunt non sibi existiment esse credendum, admonendi sunt quam multa non solum credant, verum etiam sciant, quae talibus oculis videri non possunt. Quae cum sint innumerabilia in ipso animo nostro, cuius invisibilis est natura, ut alia taceam, fides ipsa qua credimus, sive cogitatio qua nos vel credere aliquid, vel non credere novimus. Cum prorsus aliena sit ab istorum conspectibus oculorum, quid tam nudum, tam clarum, quid tam certum est interioribus visibus animorum? Quomodo ergo credendum non est quod corporeis oculis non videmus, cum vel credere nos, vel non credere, ubi corporeos oculos adhibere non possumus, sine ulla dubitatione videamus? 2.

Sed, inquiunt, ista quae in animo sunt, cum possimus ipso

Tit. Incipit liber beati (om . TV: sancti N) Augustini de fide rerum invisibilium DEGKLNTVX: Incipit tractatus (liber M) eiusdem de fide rerum invisibilium e: Incipit eiusdem liber de fide rerum invisibilium PW: Augustini liber (om. OQ) de fide rerum invisibilium incipit (om . HOY) HOQY: De fide rerum invisibilium Augustini R: Incipit liber alius eiusdem Augustini episcopi de fide rerum invisibilium J: Aurelii Augustini episcopi et doctoris ecclesiae excellentissimi de fide rerum visibilium (sic) incipit feliciter U: Aurelii Augustini Ypponensis episcopi de fide rerum invisibilium liber incipit Z. 3. videatur ] videbatur T 1. 1. religionem christianam M videntur] 5. vident G sibi prudenter g videtur D 4. hos ] nos G credere ] ostendere AmEr 7. etiam ] et AmErLo 6. tamen] cum NO 8. quod 9. facit K 9-10. existiment . . . credendum ] eos] esse K quos J Q existiment esse. ut quod per eos non cernunt. non sibi existiment esse creden11. quam ] quoniam Er 10. esse] omne U dum T (per dittograph.) est 12-13. est invisibilis g quae] qui M: quod U verum sed etiam L 14. aliquid om . 13. ut ... qua] fides ipsa ut alia taceam qua K om . G tam clarum ] praeclarum G: quid tam clarum 16. est nudum GHLƒX g Lo corporis h 18. ubi ] nisi O 17. non] si J quid] qui Q: om. Z videamur EKRS 19. ulla om. Ee 80

THE BOOK OF ST. AUGUSTINE ON FAITH IN THINGS UNSEEN

1. (I) There are those who think that the Christian religion ought to be ridiculed rather than embraced for this reason, that in it, not the thing which may be seen is set forth, but faith in things which are not seen is imposed upon men. Therefore, for the sake of refuting those who think that they are prudent in opposing belief in what they cannot see, although we have not the power to present to the eyes of men the divine things which we believe, nevertheless, we shall demonstrate to the minds of men that there are some things also to be believed which are not seen. And first of all, those whom folly has made so servile to the eyes of the body, that anything which they do not perceive through those eyes they do not think they ought to believe, must be reminded of how many things there are, things which cannot be seen with bodily eyes, which they not only believe but also actually know. Although in our mind itself, whose nature is invisible, there are innumerable things, to say nothing of other matters, there is the faith itself by which we believe, or the thought process by which we know that we either believe something or do not believe it . Even though it is utterly beyond the range of these eyes of ours, what is there so obvious and so clear, what is so certain, to the interior vision of our minds? How is it, therefore, that what we do not see with our bodily eyes must not be believed, when beyond any doubt we perceive either that we believe or do not believe in cases where we can not employ the eyes of the body?

81

animo cernere, non opus habemus per oculos corporis nosse; quae autem dicitis vos ut credamus, nec foris ostenditis, ut ea per oculos corporis noverimus, nec intus in animo nostro sunt, ut ea cogi5

tando videamus. Sic ista dicunt, quasi quisquam credere iuberetur, si iam sibi praesentatum posset videre quod creditur. Ideo utique debemus credere nonnulla etiam temporalia, quae non videmus, ut aeterna etiam mereamur videre, quae credimus.

10

Sed quisquis es, qui non vis credere nisi quod vides, ecce praesentia corpora corporeis oculis vides, praesentes voluntates et cogitationes tuas, quia in animo tuo sunt, ipso animo vides; dic mihi, obsecro te, amici tui erga te voluntatem quibus oculis vides?

15

20

Nulla enim voluntas corporeis oculis videri potest. An vero etiam hoc vides animo tuo, quod in animo agitur alieno? Quod si non vides, quomodo amicali benevolentiae vicem rependis, si quod non potes videre non credis? An forte dicturus es, alterius voluntatem per eius opera te videre? Ergo facta visurus, et verba es auditurus, de amici autem voluntate id quod videri et audiri non potest crediturus. Non enim voluntas illa color est aut figura, ut oculis ingeratur; vel sonus aut cantilena, ut auribus illabatur; aut vero tua est, ut tui cordis affectione sentiatur. Restat itaque, ut nec visa, nec audita, nec apud te intus conspecta credatur, ne tua vita deserta sine ulla amicitia relinquatur, vel impensa tibi dilectio vicissim abs te non

25

rependatur. Ubi est ergo quod dicebas, te credere non debere, nisi quod videres aut extrinsecus corpore, aut intrinsecus corde? Ecce ex corde tuo, credis cordi non tuo; et quo nec carnis nec mentis diri2. 1. ista inquiunt g in ipso M 2. nosce M 3. vos possumus eR dicitis g nec] ne M nos Er ut ea] ut eam T: ubi ea U: ut eas X 4. novimus Y ut ] ubi U cogiper om . Y 3-4. corporis oculos g tanda O 5. ista ] ita Z quasi om. R iuberetur] videretur GXErLo 6. sibi om. LY praesentant NU possit AmEr 8. ut et G ut credimus om. I videre mereamur g 10. corporeis ] corporis EHKLNOQ 10-11 . voluntates tuas et cogitationes X 11. quia] quae Lo in ipso R animo ipso J 15. ami13. potest videri oculis J 13-14. hoc etiam gZ 15-16. si quod ... cabili hLo: amicalis Ū: amicabilis X vicem ] vitam G auditurus es gZ credis om . P 17. per ] pro U 18. es] eius X 19. audiri et videri X 20. enim om. G est color X aut om . I vel] aut L 21. ut] aut NU aut] ut D 21-22. vero ... sentiatur] D: voluntas tua est ut tui cordis affectione sentiatur d (exc. g) AmErLo: voluntui om . G. 22. nec tas tui cordis est ut tua affectione sentiatur g visa nec audita ] ErLoBe : ne cui sane audita D: nec cui sane audita d (exc. eh) Am: nec tibi sane audita h : nec tibi sono audita FMS: nec tui sono audita I conscripta EmErLo 23. ne] nec JT: ut f 24.

82

2. "But," they say, "we have no need to learn through the eyes of the body those things which are in the mind, since we are able to discern them by the mind itself. But, the things which you bid us believe, you neither show us exteriorly, that we may know them through our bodily eyes, nor are they within the mind, that we may see them by thought." They say these things, just as if one were bid to believe, if he could see presented before him in such an instance that which is believed. Surely, therefore, we ought to believe also some temporal things which we do not see, that we may deserve to see also the eternal things which we believe. But whoever you are who will not believe except what you see, surely you see bodies which are before you with your bodily eyes, and your present intentions, desires, and thoughts, because they are in your own mind, you see with that mind; tell me, please, with what eyes do you see your friend's disposition toward you? For no disposition can be seen with bodily eyes. Or, indeed, do you see this also in your mind, namely, what is taking place in the mind of another? And if you do not see it, how do you on your part requite his loving kindness, if what you cannot see you do not believe? Or perhaps you are going to say that you see the disposition or intention of another through his deeds? Therefore, you will see actions, and you will hear words, but in the case of your friend's disposition toward you you will believe what cannot be seen or heard. For that disposition is not color or figure that may be impressed upon the eyes ; nor is it a sound or chant that may strike upon the ears; nor is it even yours to be felt through the impulse of your own heart. The conclusion is clear: for fear that your life would be left barren of any friendship, and that love bestowed upon you would fail of payment in return , you do believe your friend's disposition though it is unseen, unheard and unperceived by you internally. Where, then, is that which you were saying, that you ought to

believe only what you see either exteriorly with the body or interiorly with the mind? Behold, from your heart you believe in

83

gis aciem, accommodas fidem. Amici faciem cernis corpore tuo, 30

fidem tuam cernis animo tuo; amici vero non abs te amatur fides, si in te mutuo nulla sit fides, qua credas quod in illo non vides. Quamvis homo possit et fallere fingendo benevolentiam, tegendo malitiam; aut si nocere non cogitat, tamen exspectando a te aliquam commoditatem, simulat, quia caritatem non habet.

3.

Sed dicis ideo te credere amico, cuius videre cor non potes, quia in tuis tentationibus eum probasti, et, cuiusmodi animum erga te haberet, in tuis periculis, ubi te non deseruit, cognovisti . Numquid ergo, ut amicorum probetur erga nos caritas, videtur 5

10

15

tibi nostra optanda calamitas? Nec quisquam erit ex amicis certissimis felix, nisi fuerit adversis rebus infelix; ut videlicet explorato alterius amore non fruatur, nisi suo dolore vel timore crucietur? Et quomodo in habendis veris amicis optari ea, non potius timeri, felicitas potest quam probare nisi infelicitas non potest? Et tamen verum est haberi posse amicum etiam in rebus prosperis, probari autem certius in rebus adversis. (II) Sed utique, ut eum probes, periculis tuis nec te committeres, nisi crederes. Ac per hoc cum te committis ut probes, credis antequam probes . Certe enim, si rebus non visis vis credere, non debemus, quandoquidem et nondum certius probatis amicorum cordibus credimus, et cum ea malis nostris bona probaverimus, etiam tunc

relinquetur Am tibi ] sibi G: sit L 24-25. non rependatur abs te g 26. est ] es P 27. corpore aut intrinsecus om . RT intrinsecus ] extrin28. corde ] odore R secus D non corde tuo IY nec cordis nec faciem om. X 29. accommodas • carnis U 30. abs te] mentis g fidem R nulla] si non ... . illa 31. si . . . fides om. V si absit f ulla LW : si non in animo tuo ulla AmEr GLOBE: credis M quod 32. et] te FIS : om. g om . f et fingendo U 32-33 . tegendo malitiam om. GLXAmEr 33. nocere ] non certe f contingat G tamen ] non G expetendo g cuius benignitatem procor videre Z te amico D 3. 1. Sed] si U basti cuius g cor] animum N: cur Q 2. probasti ] es expertus g cuiusmodi ] cuius N: eius T 4. ut erga nos amicorum probetur nos caritas g caritas erga nos J erga nos probetur caritas K 5. Nec] 5-6. certissimus O erit om. J. 6. adversus Q neque VW ex adut] et NU 7. explorato om. AmEr versis GX amore alterius I 8. amicisque h 8-9. ea .. timeri] Be: eam non potius timori (timeri mg. m. post.) D: iam non potius sed timeri (fort. non inepte) K : calamitas et timeri e: non iam optari sed potius timeri g: iam potuisset 10. 9. potest om. Y timeri AmErLo: iam non potuisset timeri rell. etiam ] et ErLo 12. cum ut M eum ] eam AmEr nec] non g te] esse T nisi] non Y 13. crederes ante NU cum te per om. VZ om . R te om . h permittis R ut] unde U 14. visis vis ] coni. (vid. commentarium) visis hBe et ut vid. T: vis rell. 15. quandoquidem ] quandoque ErLo probatis ] probant U: probare Ž probatis 84

a heart that is not yours, and you make use of faith where you can not direct the glance of either your body or your mind. You discern your friend's countenance with your body, and you discern your own faith by means of your mind. But your friend's faith is not appreciated by you if there is in you no reciprocating faith by which you may believe that there is in him what you do not see. However, it is possible for a man even to deceive by feigning kindness and by cloaking malice; or, even if he does not plan to do harm, yet in expecting some advantage from you, he pretends, because he does not have love. 3. But you say that you believe in a friend whose heart you cannot see for this reason, that you have tested him in your trials and have learned the nature of his feelings toward you when you were in difficulties and he did not desert you . Now, then, does it seem to you that we should desire misfortune to befall us in order that the love of our friends toward us may be tested? Nor will any one be happy in his truest friends unless he has been unhappy through adversity, for, plainly, even after experiencing the love of another he would not enjoy it, unless he should be tortured by his own grief and fear? And how, as regards having true friends, can that happiness be sought, and not rather feared, a happiness which only unhappiness can prove? Still it is true, that a friend can be had even in prosperity, but he can be proved more certainly in adversity. (II) But surely to prove him you would not expose yourself to personal dangers unless you had faith in him. Hence, when you so expose yourself in order to prove him, you believe before you prove. And, indeed, since you wish to put faith in things not seen, ought not we, seeing that we do put faith in the hearts of friends both when they have not been fully proven, and when we have proved them to be good by our misfortunes, even then we believe their good will toward us

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20

eorum erga nos benevolentiam credimus potius, quam videmus? Nisi quia tanta fides est, ut non incongruenter quibusdam oculis eius nos iudicemus videre quod credimus; cum propterea credere debeamus , quia videre non possumus . 4.

Si auferatur haec fides de rebus humanis, quis non attendat

quanta earum perturbatio, et quam horrenda confusio subsequatur? Quis enim mutua caritate diligetur ab aliquo, cum sit invisibilis ipsa dilectio, si quod non video, credere non debeo? Tota 5

itaque peribit amicitia, quia non nisi mutuo amore constat. Quid enim eius poterit ab aliquo recipere, si nihil eius creditum fuerit exhiberi? Porro amicitia pereunte, neque conubiorum neque cognationum et affinitatum vincula in animo servabuntur; quia et in his utique amica consensio est. Non ergo coniugem coniux

10

vicissim diligere poterit, quando se diligi, quia ipsam dilectionem non potest videre, non credit. Nec filios habere desiderabunt, quos vicissim sibi reddituros esse non credunt. Qui si nascantur et crescant, multo minus ipsi parentes suos amabunt, quorum

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20

erga se amorem in eorum cordibus, quia est invisibilis, non videbunt, si ea quae non videntur non laudabili fide, sed culpabili temeritate, creduntur. Quid iam de ceteris necessitudinibus dicam, fratrum, sororum, generorum atque socerorum, et qualibet consanguinitate et affinitate iunctorum , si caritas incerta voluntasque suspecta est, et filiis parentum, et parentibus filiorum, dum benevolentia non redditur debita, quia nec deberi putatur, quando in alio quae non videtur certius I 16. credimus] DBe: crederet HY: om. e: credere rell. bona] nundum J: om. R 16-17. eorum tunc MX 17. benevolentiam erga nos g erga nos eorum Z erga nos om. EmEr 18. fides ] fidelis L congruenter d (exc. gh) AmErLo 19. iudicemus ] videmus YAM 20. quia] qui DU videre] audire (ante corr.) D 4. 1. Si ] sed VZ haec ] hic AmErLo 2. eorum E (ante corr.) GLe quam om. G 3. mutua] in tua X diligeretur R 3-4. sit post dilectio 5. non ] si NU mutuo om. AmEr transposuit T sec. m. ipsa] illa P • neque] nec .. nec g: 6. recipi g Quis Q si] sed L 7. neque nec · • neque AmErLo 9. 8. atque coniunctis post animo add. W amicitia M et om . G in om . WZ itaque g est om . AmEr ergo] 11. videre non potest Kg igitur h 12. sibi reddituros ] credituros h: credent PRT se dilecturos g Qui] Quod AmEr 14. non ante in transposuit K quia ] qui h 15. si ea quae non videbunt ante si ea necessitatibus JfXY inser. R non om. G 17. iam] tamen N: tam OU dicam om . I 18. generorum om. L et] generosum atque ceterorum f 19. suscepta (a. corr.) D ut Z est om. AmEr 20. benevolentiae non om . Er 21. debita ] debitum DEGHJKLMfQhXF (p. corr.) et Am h nec] non K quae ] qui D: quod GPRYLo videtur] noster U 86

rather than see it? Unless it is that faith is so great that very appropriately we judge that we see (with the eyes of faith itself, as it were) what we believe, although we really ought to believe because we cannot see. 4.

If this faith in respect to human affairs is removed, who

will not mark what great disorder will result in them, and how dreadful a confusion will follow? For who will be cherished by anyone in mutual charity, since love itself is invisible, if what I do not see I ought not to believe? Friendship, then, will completely perish, since it is established solely on mutual love. For will one be able to receive any love from another, if it is believed that no love can be shown? Furthermore, if friendship perishes, the bonds of neither marriage nor of relationship nor of affinity will be held intact in the mind, because in these also, obviously, there is loving agreement. Then a husband and wife will not be able to love each other, since they do not believe that they are loved because they cannot see love itself. Nor will they desire to have children, who likewise they do not believe will return their love. And if children should be born and grow up, their very parents will love their children less, for they will not see filial love in their children's hearts, because it is invisible, if it be through reprehensible rashness rather than through praiseworthy faith that unseen things are believed. What shall I say now of the other relationships, of brothers, sisters, sons-in-law, fathers-in-law, and of those joined by any degree of relationship in blood or marriage, if charity is uncertain and affection suspected, both on the part of parents towards their children and on that of children towards their parents, and if due kindness is not rendered because it is not thought to be due, since the love in another which is not seen is not believed to

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esse non creditur? Porro si non ingeniosa sed odiosa est ista cautela, ubi nos amari non credimus quod amorem amantium non videmus, vicemque non rependimus quibus eam nos debere 25

mutuam non putamus; usque adeo res humanae perturbantur, si quod non videmus non credamus, ut omnino funditus evertantur, si nullas credamus hominum voluntates quas utique videre non possumus.

30

Omitto dicere quam multa isti, qui nos reprehendunt quia credimus quae non videmus, credant famae et historiae, vel de locis ubi ipsi non fuerunt; nec dicant, "Non credimus, quia non vidimus." Quoniam si hoc dicant, coguntur fateri incertos sibi esse parentes suos, quia et hinc aliis narrantibus, nec tamen quia

35

iam praeteritum est id ostendere valentibus, crediderunt; nullum retinentes illius temporis sensum, et tamen aliis inde loquentibus adhibentes sine ulla dubitatione consensum. Quod nisi fiat, incurratur necesse est adversus parentes infidelis impietas, dum quasi vitatur in his quae videre non possumus credendi temeritas.

40

(III) Si ergo non credentibus nobis quae videre non possumus, ipsa humana societas, concordia pereunte, non stabit, quanto magis est fides, quamvis quae non videntur, rebus adhibenda divinis; quae si non adhibeatur, non amicitia quorumlibet hominum, sed ipsa summa religio violatur, ut summa miseria consequatur. 5. Sed amici hominis, inquies, erga me benevolentiam quamquam videre non possum, multis tamen indiciis indagare possum; vos autem quae vultis ut non visa credamus, nullis indiciis potestis

ipsa dAmEr sed] et G 23. ubi ] nisi U 22. esse] si T: om. PRY amore U 24. eam] ea EeHILfQ: eas X 25. putamus ] credimus g humiliare X 26. credimus VW credamus perturbantur humanae g non X omnino] omnia AmErLo 26-27. ut omnino • • credamus om . credimus g NU 27. nullas] malas O itaque f non videre FKMS 29. isti] his Z 30. quae] quod I: quem Q vidimus N 31. ipsi om. K 31-32. quia non vidimus om. NO non vidimus Quoniam om. U 32. hoc] dicunt g haec TAmErLo 33. sibi ] igitur NO: enim U: om. K hinc] his f: om . P et quia P tamen om. G 34. volentibus Gf nullum] malum NO 35. illius] istius T temporis] operis U inde loquentibus ] illic sapientibus T 36. quod] et g om. DEGHJKLNOQX 36-37. fiant incurrantur R 38. vitatntur N: utantur U: vetatur G 38-40. credendi • · • possumus om. T no39. ergo] igitur DEeIJKfQg bis om. I 41. est om. GAmLo videanvidetur PRY quae om. Ž tur Z est adhibenda AmLo 42. divinis om. N non2] nec T amicitiam f misericordia V 43. violatur religio g multis 5. 1, erga] ergo P: apud h 2. possumus D possum om . N possum2 om. D 3. quae] qui NU 4. iterum] interim Z atque 88

exist? Besides, if this kind of caution is not shrewd, but rather odious, when we do not believe that we are loved because we do not see the love of those who love us, and when we do not on our part return love to those to whom we do not think that we owe a mutual love, to such a degree will human affairs be disturbed, if we do not believe what we do not see, that they will be thrown into utter confusion if we should have no faith in the dispositions or intentions of men, which, of course, we cannot see.

I will not mention how many things those who rebuke us for believing what we do not see believe on the basis of rumor or history, or about places where they themselves have never been. In such cases they do not say, "We do not believe because we have not seen." Because, if they say this, they are compelled to admit that they are uncertain about their own parents, since in this regard they have believed those who report the fact but are unable to exhibit it since it is already past, and although they retain no consciousness of that time themselves, yet, without any hesitation, they give assent to what others tell them about it. But if this were not done, a faithless lack of reverence toward parents would necessarily develop, while a credulous belief in those things which we cannot see is, as they hold, being avoided. (III) Since, therefore, merely human society, through the destruction of concord, will not remain stable, if we do not believe what we do not see, how much more ought faith to be placed in divine things, even if they are not seen ! If this faith is not exercised, it is not the friendship of certain men that is violated, but the highest religious obligation itself, and the deepest misery will necessarily follow.

5. But, you may say, “Although I am not able to see the good will of a friendly person towards me, yet I can detect it by many indications; whereas you, on the contrary, can furnish no proofs for the things not seen which you wish us to believe." Again, it

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ostendere. Iterum non parum est, quod fateris quorumdam indi5

ciorum perspicuitate res aliquas, etiam quae non videntur, credi oportere; et iam sic constat, non omnia quae non videntur, non esse credenda, iacetque illud abiectum atque convictum, quod dicitur, ea quae non videmus, non debere nos credere.

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Multum autem falluntur qui putant nos sine ullis de Christo indiciis credere in Christum. Nam quae sunt indicia clariora, quam ea quae nunc videmus praedicta et impleta? Proinde qui putatis nulla esse indicia cur de Christo credere debeatis quae non vidistis, attendite quae videtis. Ipsa vos ecclesia ore maternae dilectionis alloquitur : "Ego, quam miramini per universum mundum fructificantem

atque crescentem, qualem me conspicitis aliquando non fui. Sed, In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes. Quando Deus Abrahae benedicebat, me promittebat ; per omnes enim gentes in Christi benedictione diffundor. Semen Abrahae Christum succedentium 20

generationum ordo testatur. Quod ut breviter colligam, Abraham genuit Isaac, Isaac genuit Iacob, Iacob genuit duodecim filios, ex quibus ortus est populus Israel . Iacob quippe ipse appellatus est Israel. In his duodecim filiis genuit Iudam, unde nomen est Iudaeorum, ex quibus nata est Virgo Maria, quae peperit

25

Christum. Et ecce in Christo, id est, in semine Abrahae, benedici

17 Gen. 22, 18.

edd. 7. iacet U 6. sic enim constat DBe non] nec H adiectum Q quod] quo h 8. dicitur] dicunt K daturi U ea] et DEEGHJKLfQ non ... credere] non debere nos non debere credere X non1 om. M 11. quam] namque 9. de Christo ullis M illis G (per dittograph .) Am ea] esse NU et ] om. NU: atque g qui om. T 12. indicia esse G cur] cum U de om . Am 13. aut non videtis post vidistis add. DEeGHJKƒQ quae non videtis aut non vidistis g in Ecclesia T 15. miraEcclesia vos AmErLo 13-14. maternae dilectionis ore X mini] in vanum U 16. Sed] si f 17-19. Sed quia olim Abrahae promissio a deo facta est in semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes in Christi benedictione diffundi (quia . . facta est in margine) Z: Sed quia olim Abrahae promissio a Deo facta est. In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes. Me promittebat per omnes gentes in Christi benedictione diffundi AmErLo 17. omnes benedicentur gentes R: omnes gentes benedicenDeus om. J tur I 18. benedicebat ] benedixit GVW: dicebat g enim om. b (exc. DZ) promittebat me J promittebat om. NU 19. Christum esse g diffundor] diffundi fhAmErLo 20. Quod] oportet U: 22. ut G 21. Isaac autem genuit H in Iacob M genuit3 om. Ee Israel om . NUV22-23. Iacob Israel populus X ortus] totus f AmEr 23. populus ante Israel inser. O est nomen T 24. ex quibus]

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is quite significant that you admit that through certain clear indications some things, even some not seen, ought to be believed. And so it is established now that not all unseen things ought not to be believed, and that opinion stands rejected and refuted which holds that we ought not to believe the things which we do not see.

But they are very much in error who think that we believe in Christ without any proofs of Christ. For what proofs are clearer than the things which we know were foretold and now see fulfilled? Accordingly, those of you who think that there are no evident signs why you ought to believe concerning Christ, things that you have not seen, mark well the things that you do see. The Church herself addresses you with the voice of maternal affection :

"I, whose fruitfulness and expansion throughout the whole world astonish you, was not always such as you now behold me. But, In thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed . When God blessed Abraham, He gave promise of me; for over all nations in the blessing of Christ am I spread. The record of succeeding generations testifies that Christ is the seed of Abraham. In brief: Abraham begot Isaac, Isaac begot Jacob, Jacob begot twelve sons from whom the people of Israel took their origin. Jacob himself, in fact, was called Israel . Among his twelve sons he begot Juda, whence comes the name of the Jews, and from these was born the Virgin Mary who brought forth Christ. And, lo, in Christ, that is, in the seed of Abraham, you see that all na-

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omnes gentes videtis et stupetis; et adhuc in eum credere timetis, in quem non credere potius timere debuistis. "An credere dubitatis vel recusatis virginis partum, cum magis

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credere debeatis, sic decuisse nasci hominem Deum ? Et hoc namque accipite per prophetam fuisse praedictum: Ecce virgo accipiet in utero, et pariet filium, et vocabunt nomen eius Emmanuel, quod est interpretatum, nobiscum Deus. Non ergo dubitabitis virginem parientem, si velitis credere Deum nascentem, mundi regimen non relinquentem, et ad homines in carne venientem; matri fecunditatem ferentem, integritatem non auferentem . "Sic hominem nasci oportebat , si semper erat Deus, ex quo nascendo fieret nobis Deus. Hinc de eo rursus propheta dicit: Thronus tuus, Deus, in saeculum saeculi; virga directionis, virga regni tui. Dilexisti iustitiam, et odisti iniquitatem ; propterea

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unxit te, Deus, Deus tuus, oleo exsultationis prae participibus tuis. Ista unctio spiritalis est, qua Deus unxit Deum , Pater scilicet Filium; unde appellatum a chrismate, id est, ab unctione, novimus Christum . Ego sum ecclesia de qua illi in eodem psalmo dicitur, et tamquam factum quod futurum fuerat praenuntiatur: Astitit regina a dextris tuis, in vestitu deaurato, circumamicta varietate, id est, in sacramento sapientiae, linguarum varietate decorata. Ibi mihi dicitur: Audi, filia, et vide, et inclina aurem tuam, et obliviscere populum tuum, et domum patris tui : quia 30-32 Matt. 1 , 23 (cf. Is. 7, 14) 38-41 Ps. 44. 7-8. 45-46 Ibid. 44, 10.

47-58 Ibid. 44, 11-18.

unde X 25. benedici om . M 26. et videtis X credere in eum fh credere om . Y 27. non credere] timetis credere J 26-27. timetis partum virincredere f 28. dubitastis vel recusastis DEeGHJKLfQX nasci desic] se P debebatis Y 29. debeatis credere J ginis W acci30. ancipite Q hoc] hec T debuisse ILO nosci U cuisse Z conpere R 31. in utero accipiet g fuisse praedictum ] sic dictum g concipiet et pariet X vocabitur PQRTU cipiet in utero AmErLo 32. 32-33. dubitabis NU: dubitatis YAm est om . PZ 34. mundi regnum 35. afferentem Z edd. regentem non relinquentem g si] 36. sic] si D hinc de eo] huic 37. fieret nobis nascendo g etsi h edd.: sic GM 38-39DEGH/Q: hince deo JVWX: huc deo K: rursus deo gZ deo Thronus 38. saeculi ] saeculum regni tui om. g virga2] exsultationis ] laetitiae Deus tuus om. T 40. Deus¹ om. L et ubi U 41. qua] quia Lo 40-41 . prae . . . tuis] praepara te U Q: unctionis Lo 43. illi] illa NU: 42. appellant f scilicet Pater Z scilicet] unxit g pro44. fuerat futurum I eadem Er psalmo] primo U om . X 46. id est ... varie45. circumdata Sh: circumdate F nuntiatur W sapientiae ] scripturae U sacramento] sacrario AmErLo tate om. N 48. tuam om. D Ubi AmErLo 47. decorata] coronatu NU 49. con92.

tions are blessed, and you marvel ; and still you fear to believe in Him in whom you ought rather to fear not to believe. "Or do you hesitate or refuse to believe that He was born of a virgin, when you ought rather believe that thus was it fitting for the God-Man to be born? For learn that this too was foretold by the prophet: Behold a virgin shall conceive in the womb and shall bear a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which is interpreted, God with us. Have no doubt, therefore, regarding a virgin becoming a mother, if you want to believe in God being born, without relinquishing His rule of the universe even when coming in the flesh to men, and bringing fecundity to His mother, but without destroying her maidenhood. "His being born as Man was necessary then, for this, that, since He was always God, by this birth He might become God among us. Hence, again the prophet speaks concerning Him: Thy throne, O God, is forever and ever, the scepter of thy kingdom is a scepter of uprightness. Thou hast loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore, God, thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows. That anointing, whereby God anointed God, that is, the Father anointed the Son, is a spiritual anointing; whence we know that Christ was named from that chrism, that is, from the anointing. I am the Church who is spoken of to Him in the same Psalm, and of whom that is foretold as if it had already come to pass : The queen stood at thy right hand, in gilded clothing, surrounded with variety, that is, in the mystery of wisdom, decorted with a variety of tongues. There it is said to me: Hearken, O daughter, and see, and incline thy ear: and forget thy people and thy father's house. For the king has greatly desired thy beauty, for he is the Lord, thy God. And the daughters of Tyre shall adore him with gifts, yea, all the rich among the people shall entreat thy countenance. All the glory of the king's daughter is within, in golden borders, clothed round about with variety. After her shall virgins be brought to the king: her neighbors shall be brought to thee. They shall be

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55

concupivit rex speciem tuam; quoniam ipse est Dominus Deus tuus, et adorabunt eum filiae Tyri in muneribus, vultum tuum deprecabuntur omnes divites plebis. Omnis gloria eius filiae regis intrinsecus, in fimbriis aureis circumamicta varietate. Adducentur regi virgines post eam, proximae eius adducentur tibi; adducentur in laetitia et exsultatione, adducentur in templum regis. Pro patribus tuis nati sunt tibi filii , constitues eos principes super omnem terram . Memores erunt nominis tui, in omni generatione et generatione. Propterea populi confitebuntur tibi in saeculum, et in saeculum saeculi. 6.

"Si hanc reginam non videtis, iam etiam regia prole fecun-

dam ; si non videt impletum quod audivit esse promissum, cui dictum est, Audi, filia, et vide; si non reliquit ritus pristinos mundi, cui dictum est, Obliviscere populum tuum, et domum 5 patris tui; si non ubique Christum Dominum confitetur cui dictum est, Concupivit rex speciem tuam, quia ipse est Dominus Deus tuus; si non videt civitates gentium Christo preces fundere, et munera offerre, de quo illi dictum est, Adorabunt eum filiae Tyri in muneribus; si non etiam superbia deponitur divitum, et 10

ab ecclesia deprecantur auxilium, cui dictum est, Vultum tuum deprecabuntur omnes divites plebis; si non agnoscit filiam regis, cui dicere iussa est, Pater noster, qui es in caelis; et in sanctis suis 'in interiore homine renovatur de die in diem ,' de qua dictum

15

est, Omnis gloria eius filiae regis intrinsecus, quamvis et oculos extraneorum fulgentes fama praedicatorum suorum in diversitate linguarum velut in fimbriis aureis et vestis varietate perstringat;

12 Matt. 6, 9.

13 Cf. 2 Cor. 4, 16.

deus om . U 50. filii R 51. omnes cupit QU speciem] decorem X om . D 52. intrinsecus ] ab intus g et in fimbriis h varietatibus XY 53. regi ] in laetitiae D adducentur¹ ] auferentur Q 54. in exsultatione Er 55. tuis om. J sunt om. L tui Domine 56. memor ero VW IJNPTUhAmErLo 57. et generationem DEFGIPQRSUhYAmErLo 58. in aeternum ante in saeculum2 inser. P fecundatam L 2. promissum 6. 1. regia] regina N: reginam T esse M si ] et GNU: etsi 3. et inclina aurem tuam post vide inser. Q M non om. U ipsa ritus Lo 4. est om. NU et obliviscere AmErLo domum] donum AmEr: domus U 5. Si] sed R utique J Christum om . G vides fQ 6. est2 om. X civitatem 7. Deus om. Q U 8. fili R 9. etiam ] et AmErLo 9-10. divitum deprecantur deprecatur g 10. cui ] enim U est om . G 11. agnocis U om . f filium V se filiam FIS 12. dicere] credere U: om . X iussa ] visa U in2 om. b (exc. Ggh) 13. interiori Am 14. filiae ] fide NU et om . L 15. fulgente (p. corr.) Z diversiquamvis] qua hAmErLo 94

brought with gladness and rejoicing: they shall be brought into the temple of the king. Sons are born to thee who will serve as fathers for thee: thou shalt make them princes over all the earth. They shall remember thy name throughout all generations. Therefore shall the peoples praise thee forever; yea, forever and ever.

6. "If you do not see this queen, now fruitful even with royal offspring; if she to whom was said, Hearken, O daughter, and see, does not see fulfilled what she heard was promised; if she to whom was said, Forget thy people and thy father's house, has not put aside the old rites of the world; if she to whom was said, The king has greatly desired thy beauty, for he is the Lord, thy God, does not everywhere confess Christ the Lord; if she does not behold the peoples of the nations pour forth prayers to Christ and offer gifts to Him of whom it was said to her, Him shall the daughters of Tyre adore with gifts; if the pride also of the wealthy be not put aside, and if they do not implore aid from the Church to whom it was said, All the rich among the peoples shall entreat thy countenance; if He does not recognize the daughter of the king to whom she was bidden to say, Our Father who art in heaven; and if she of whom it was said, All the glory of the king's daughter is within, is not in her saints ' renewed in the interior man from day to day,' although she dulls the brilliant lights of those outside the fold by the renown of her preachers in diversity of tongues, as it were, clad in golden borders and variety of vesture; if, after her name is proclaimed everywhere through

35 95

20

si non posteaquam diffamatur in quocumque loco odore bono eius, etiam consecrandae virgines adducuntur ad Christum, de quo dicitur, et cui dicitur, Adducentur regi virgines post eam, proximae eius adducentur tibi, et ne quasi captivae in aliquem velut carcerem viderentur adduci, Adducentur, inquit, in laetitia et exsultatione, adducentur in templum regis; si non parit filios ex quibus habeat tamquam patres, quos constituat sibi ubique

25

30

35

rectores, cui dicitur, Pro patribus tuis nati sunt tibi filii, constitues eos principes super omnem terram : quorum se orationibus mater et praelata et subiecta commendat; unde subiunctum est, Memores erunt nominis tui, in omni generatione et generatione; si non propter eorumdem patrum praedicationem, in qua nominis eius sine intermissione meminerunt, tam magnae in ea multitudines congregantur, eique laudem gratiae sine fine linguis propriis confitentur, cui dicitur, Propterea populi confitebuntur tibi in saeculum, et in saeculum saeculi; (IV) si non ista ita demonstrantur esse perspicua, ut non inveniant oculi inimicorum in quam partem avertantur, ubi non eadem perspicuitate feriantur, ut ex ea fateri manifesta cogantur, merito fortasse dicitis quod nulla vobis ostendantur indicia, quibus visis credatis etiam illa quae non videtis. Si vero haec quae videtis, et longe ante praedicta sunt, et tanta manifestatione complentur; si se ipsa veritas et praecedentibus vocibus et consequentibus declarat effectibus, tale N 16. velut om. T 17. Sil sed T postquam diffiniatur U 18. etiam om . h 17-18. eius bono Ee eius om. G: cuius U adducantur g: ducuntur h: adducentur AmErLo ad om . R 19. dicitur1 ] adducuntur (ante corr.) D loquitur Lo post eam om. X 20. eius] quasi] quas R cuius U adducentur] auferentur jT: afferentur X in aliquem om. G 21. videntur GU • addu21-22. in laetitia centur om . R 22. non parit] parat T 23. sibi constituat Z utique X ubique i. rectores T 24. cui dicitur ab his verbis incip. a tuis om. J 25. omnem] omnes M 26. praelata] praeclara G: praedata subiectum MfLo tui Domine HJLP 27. memoris A et om . T X et generationem BDFGJAmErLo : om . NU 28. praedicatorum f in 28-29. in qua · qua om. dAmErLo tam om. f 29. et ante tam dAmErLo 30. gratiae om. J 30-31 . linguis propriis ] temporis a propriis linguis X 31. confiteretur T 31-32. Propterea tibi confitentur et in2 om. A in saeculum et in saeculum saeculi Q in secundum Lo demonstratur G demonstrantur ita f 32. ita] itaque Am : om. Lo 33. ut] et LX veniant HS in . . . avertan33-34. in qua partem D 35. ex om. a feriant N manifeste h. edd. tur om . f 34. non ] si N etiam ut D 36-37. crevisis] iussis D conguntur T 36. nobis Am. videmus hAmErLo datis videtis] credimus 37. si vero ] sive a et quae Y videtis quae dAmErLo quae om. TU 37-38. praedicata B 38. manifesta (p. corr.) Z se si H 39. vocibus vobis bLoBe: nobis AmEr consequentibus] obsequentibus f: concedentibus g affectibus

96

her good odor, virgins also are not led to be consecrated to Christ, of whom it is said and to whom it is said, After her shall virgins be brought to the king: her neighbors shall be brought to thee, and, lest they should seem to be led as if captive into some prison, he says, They shall be brought with gladness and rejoicing: they shall be brought into the temple of the king; if she does not bring forth sons among whom she may have fathers, as it were, whom she may establish everywhere as her rulers, she to whom is said, Sons are born to thee who will serve as fathers for thee; thou shalt make them princes over all the earth, to whose prayers she may commend herself as their mother, their superior and yet their subject, whence is added, They shall remember thy name throughout all generations; if such great multitudes are not gathered together within her because of the preaching of these same fathers, in which they have been unceasingly mindful of her name, and if they do not confess without end and in meet accents their grateful praise of her to whom it is said, Therefore shall people praise thee forever; yea, for ever and ever; (IV) if, finally, these things are not shown to be so clear that the eyes of enemies can find no place toward which they may turn aside their gaze, without being struck by the same clearness, so that they are forced thereby to admit what is manifest, then, perhaps you are right in saying that no proofs are pointed out to you upon the evidence of which you should believe even those things which you do not see. But if these things which you see were prophesied long ago and are now so manifestly fulfilled, if the truth reveals itself both by utterances that have preceded and by accomplishments that have followed, O remnant of infidelity, that you

97

40

o reliquiae infidelitatis, ut credatis quae non videtis, iis erubescite quae videtis. 7.

"Me attendite," vobis dicit ecclesia, "me attendite, quam

videtis, etiamsi videre nolitis. Qui enim temporibus illis in Iudaea terra fideles fuerunt, ex virgine nativitatem, mirabilia, passionem, resurrectionem, ascensionem Christi, omnia divina dicta eius et 5

facta praesentes praesentia didicerunt.

Haec vos non vidistis,

propterea credere recusatis. Ergo haec aspicite, in haec intendite,

10

haec quae cernitis cogitate, quae vobis non praeterita narrantur, nec futura praenuntiantur, sed praesentia demonstrantur. "An vobis inane vel leve videtur, et nullum vel parvum putatis esse miraculum divinum, quod in nomine unius crucifixi universum genus currit humanum? Non vidistis quod praedictum et impletum est de humana Christi nativitate, Ecce virgo accipiet in utero et pariet filium : sed videtis quod praedictum et impletum est ad Abraham Dei verbum, In semine tuo benedicentur omnes

15

gentes. "Non vidistis quod de mirabilibus Christi praedictum et impletum est, Venite, et videte opera Domini, quae posuit prodigia super terram; sed videtis quod praedictum est, Dominus dixit ad

20

me, Filius meus es tu, ego hodie genui te : postula a me, et dabo tibi gentes haereditatem tuam , et possessionem tuam terminos terrae.

13-14 Matt. 1 , 23 (cf. Is. 7, 14) . 17-18 Ps. 45, 9. 14-15 Gen. 22, 18.

18-21 Ps. 2 , 7-8.

41. ULO: effectis VW: effectus AmEr infelicitatis X 40. reliqua D quae non videtis IJ Idicit vobis Ecclesia X dicit ] dicite B: in mg. T 7. 1. Me ] ac I videre nolitis ] non 2. et si X quam] quem BU: que Q me me C 3. terra om. 7. in temporibus JZ videre velitis N: videre velitis OU nativitatem rasura vel potius, ut vid., spatium vacuum in N fidelis A eius dicta 4. Christi ascensionem L mirabilia ] mirabilem ac b et edd. praesentes sci5. praesentia praesentes R facta eius et dicta M G in haec2 T 6. haec¹ ] hoc GU Haec] hoc G entia praesentia Q 7. quael om. tendite ACN: extendite B: attendite JLR: videte X nec] neque Q 9. An ] a 8. nec futura praenuntiantur om . aP ABV 10. parvum testimonium (omiss. miraculum) a AB vel] aut Q in universum T Christi post nomine add. hAmEr nomine ] nomen a 11. currit ] curat AB: curatur C: credit (in mg. fort. post. m.) T Non ] 12-14. de humana 12. est] et G: om . LX vides D num T impletum est om. VZ 12-13. accipiet in utero] a: concipiet GAmEr: et2 om. in utero accipiet rell. praedictum est JM 13. quod] et T NO 14. est om. R 16. vidisti T 16-17. et impletum om. b et edd. . . praedictum est om . I 17-18. venite 17. et om. D quae] qui D 98

may believe the things that you do not see, blush with shame in the presence of those which you do see. 7.

“Give heed unto me," the Church says to you, “give heed

unto me whom you see, even though you are unwilling to see. For those who were believers at that time in the land of Juda learned of the birth of Christ of a virgin, of His miracles, of His passion, resurrection, and ascension. Being present there, they learned all His divine words and deeds firsthand. These things you did not see, and so you refuse to believe them. Therefore, look at these things before you; gaze upon them intently; consider these things which you behold, which are not narrated to you as past, nor foretold to you as future, but clearly demonstrated to you as present.

"Now does this seem vain or trivial to you, or do you think that it is not a divine miracle or merely one of little significance, that the whole human race runs its course in the name of One Crucified?

"You did not see what was foretold and fulfilled concerning the human nativity of Christ, Behold a virgin shall conceive in the womb and bear a son, but you do see what was foretold and is fulfilled with regard to the word of God to Abraham, In thy seed shall all nations of the earth be blessed. "You did not see that which was foretold concerning the miracles of Christ, Come and behold ye the works of the Lord , what wonders he hath done upon the earth, but you do see that which was foretold, The Lord hath said to me: Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee. Ask of me and I will give thee the Gentiles for thine inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession.

66 99

"Non vidistis quod praedictum est et impletum de passione Christi, Foderunt manus meas et pedes meos, dinumeraverunt 25

omnia ossa mea; ipsi vero consideraverunt et conspexerunt me; diviserunt sibi vestimenta mea, et super vestem meam miserunt sortem : sed videtis quod in eodem psalmo praedictum est, et nunc apparet impletum, Commemorabuntur et convertentur ad Dominum universi fines terrae, et adorabunt in conspectu eius uni-

30

versae patriae gentium; quoniam Domini est regnum, et ipse dominabitur gentium.

"Non vidistis quod de resurrectione Christi praedictum atque completum est, loquente psalmo ex persona eius prius de traditore et persecutoribus eius : Egrediebantur foras, et loquebantur simul in unum; adversum me susurrabant, omnes inimici mei, 35

adversum me cogitabant mala mihi; verbum iniquum disposuerunt adversum me. Ubi ut ostenderet nihil eos valuisse occidendo, resurrecturum subiecit atque ait: Numquid qui dormit, non adiiciet ut resurgat? Et paulo post cum de ipso suo traditore per eumdem prophetam praedixisset , quod in evangelio quoque

40

scriptum esse commemoravit, Qui edebat panes meos, ampliavit super me calcaneum; hoc est, conculcavit me, continuo subdidit, Tu autem, Domine, miserere mei et resuscita me, et reddam illis. Impletum est hoc, dormivit Christus, et evigilavit, hoc est resurrexit; qui per eumdem prophetam in alio psalmo ait, Ego dormivi et somnum cepi; et exsurrexi, quoniam Dominus suscipiet me. 23-26 Ps. 21 , 17-19. 27-30 Ibid., 28-29. 33-36 Ps. 40, 7-9. 42 Ps. 40, 11. 37-38 Ibid., 9. 40-41 Ibid., 10 (cf. Ioann. 13 , 18). 23. meos om . AB 22. non ] nota N et] est D impletum est B 24. et ] om. EFKLg: me J in23-24. Foderunt . . . ossa mea om. NU´ et om . U spexerunt Gfx 25. mea om. T vestem ] vestimentum AC 26. psalmo ] primo U est om . a et om . aD 27. Commemorabuntur et convertentur om. NU commemorantur T 29. patriae] familiae fQX 30. dominabitur ] dominum U 31 . 29-30. quoniam .. gentium om. ag Christi om. O 31-32 . est atque completum PRY Non ] om. U est um ue let lmo mo om. T atq om. X imp L 32. psa ] pri U: psalmsita AmErLo ex] de VW: in Z tradore G 33. persecutoribus et traditore h foras ] fines Q Egrediebatur . . . loquebatur a 34. in adversus a unum ] in idipsum AmErLo susurrabant ] loquebantur G: t ban rra insusu LoBe 35. adversus a mihi mala I 35-36. cogitabant ... adversus aEFLMNOS ut . . adversum me om. N ubi 36. om. BG me om. ACHLMfgX valuisse om. Lo ostendere A: ostenderent ostendens C (a. corr.) B: 38. cum om. S 39. eamdem prophetiam b et edd. quoque om. A 40. descriptum a esse] est hBe commemoravit om . Be commemoravit scriptum esse f 41. conedebat ] ederat f 100

"You did not see what was foretold and accomplished concerning the passion of Christ: They have dug my hands and my feet. They have numbered all my bones, and they have looked and stared upon me. They parted my garments amongst them : and upon my vesture they cast lots, but you do see what was prophesied in the same Psalm and is now manifestly fulfilled : All the ends of the earth shall remember, and shall be converted to the Lord : and all the kindreds of the Gentiles shall adore in his sight. For the kingdom is the Lord's; and he shall have dominion over the nations.

"Nor did you see what was predicted and fulfilled concerning the resurrection of Christ, the Psalm speaking first in the name of Christ of His betrayer and persecutors: They went out and spoke together to the same purpose: all my enemies whispered together against me : they devised evils against me. They determined against me an unjust word. And here, to prove that they availed nothing by killing Him, He added that He would rise again, saying, Shall he that sleepeth rise again no more? And when a little farther on through the mouth of the same prophet He had foretold concerning His very betrayer, a prophecy whose writing He also mentions in the Gospel, He who ate my bread has pressed down his shoe upon me, that is, has trampled upon me; and He immediately added, But thou, O Lord, have mercy on me and raise me up again : and I will requite them. This has been fulfilled; Christ has slept and awakened again, that is, He has risen. And He speaks by the same prophet in another Psalm , I have slept and have taken my rest: and I have risen up because the Lord will protect me.

101

"Verum hoc non vidistis, sed videtis eius ecclesiam, de qua similiter praedictum est et impletum, Domine Deus meus, ad te gentes venient ab extremo terrae et dicent, Vere mendacia coluerunt patres nostri simulacra, et non est in illis utilitas. Hoc certe 50

55

sive velitis sive nolitis, aspicitis, et si adhuc aliquam putatis esse vel fuisse in simulacris utilitatem, certe tamen innumeros gentium populos relictis vel abiectis vel confractis huiusmodi vanitatibus auditis dicere, Vere mendacia coluerunt patres nostri simulacra, et non est in illis utilitas: si faciet homo deos, et ecce ipsi non sunt dii. "Ne putetis autem ad unum aliquem Dei locum gentes praedictas fuisse venturas, quoniam dictum est, Ad te gentes venient, ab extremo terrae, intelligite, si postestis, ad Deum Christianorum, qui summus et verus est Deus, non ambulando venire gentium

60

populos, sed credendo. Nam res eadem ab alio propheta sic praenuntiata est: Praevalebit, inquit, Dominus adversus eos, et exterminavit omnes deos gentium terrae; et adorabunt eum unusquisque de loco suo omnes insulae gentium. Quod ait ille, Ad te omnes gentes venient: hoc ait iste, Adorabunt eum unusquisque 44-45 Ps. 3, 6. 47-49 Ier. 16, 19. 61-63 Soph. 2, 11 .

53-55 Ier. 16, 19-20.

57-58 Ibid.

culcavit] collocavit L ibi continuo a: et continuo subdit EKLNgQhXAmEr 42. reddam ] retribuam af illis ] eis Z 43. obdormivit g vigilavit aU hoc est mortuus est et resurrexit a 44. eamdem propsalmo] primò U phetiam b (exc. T) et edd. atque p. corr. post. m. A 45. exsurrexi ] surrexi A: resurrexiYBCGJLWX: om. AmLo quoniam] hX s RT stis 47. simia 46. videti ] vidi suscepit aGKf quia MTU liter om . AmEr dictum b et edd. et impletum est b (exc. GLX) et edd. 49hec T Dominus DEGHJKLMgQ est om . V 49. nostri] mei f seu bAm: 50. in illis . putatis esse om. P . . sive ] si · 50. sive .... seu ErLoBe sive . . . vel Z: sive aspicite eHJKLQRXY : aspicere si om . NU et ] etiam edd. Gf aliquam adhuc h 50-51 . putatis 51. in] non L: nunc X tamen ] divinitatem (omiss. utilitatem) Z tam b numerosissimos AB: innumerosissimos C 52. relictis om. Q veritatibus AB huius GU 53. audistis b et edd. vel2] aut Q 54. 56. Ne] nec DEGJKLet ecce et f faciat G in om . X est om. Q VWLoBe locum Dei L autem] in mg. T: non U putatis fZ 59-60. populos genlongum NU 59. Deus est H 58. intelligente Lo alioJillo O praenuneadem om. G 60. ab eadem ab X tium a 61. Et praevalebit h tiata pronuntiata EF (a. corr.) M: pronuntiatur J eum om . B 62. gentium ] terminos Q et om . Lo eos om . T 63-66. corde suo] loco suo om. f: Quod omnes insulae . Quia credenunusquisque adorabunt cum iste venient ait gentes hoc ad te ait tes quod ille 63. hoc iste de loco suo ibi eum inveniunt (invenient B) in corde suo a ait S 65. de] in G Ergo 63-65. Quod ait . . . de loco suo om. a Q • · de loco suo om. T 65-66. non recedentes . in eum om. Y quia 68. Christi om. Q quia ... corde suo om. P . in] et credentes f

102

"Truly this you did not see, but you do see His Church, of whom in a similar manner it was foretold and is fulfilled : O Lord, my God, to thee the Gentiles shall come from the ends of the earth, and shall say : Surely our fathers have worshipped deceitful idols, and there is no profit in them. This, indeed, you do behold, whether you will or no, even if you still think that there is or has been some usefulness in idols; yet, you certainly hear the innumerable peoples of the earth, having abandoned or rejected or destroyed such vanities, when they say: Surely our fathers have worshipped deceitful idols, and there is no profit in them. If a man make gods unto himself, behold , they are not gods. "But that you may not think that these nations, however, were destined to come to some one place appointed by God, since it is said, To thee the Gentiles shall come from the ends of the earth, understand, if you can, that to the God of the Christians, who is the supreme and the true God, the peoples of the earth come, not by walking, but by believing. For this fact has been foretold by another prophet in this manner: The Lord shall be powerful against them, he said, and he has destroyed all the gods of the earth; and they shall adore him every man from his own place, all the islands of the Gentiles. One says, To thee the Gentiles shall come from the ends of the earth; the other, They shall adore him every man from his own place. They will come to Him,

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de loco suo. Ergo venient ad eum non recedentes de loco suo, quia credentes in eum invenient eum in corde suo. "Non vidistis quod praedictum et impletum est de ascensione Christi, Exaltare super caelos, Deus: sed videtis quod continuo sequitur, Et super omnem terram gloria tua. Illa de Christo iam

70

facta atque transacta omnia non vidistis, sed ista praesentia in eius ecclesia videre vos non negatis. Utraque vobis praedicta monstramus, utraque autem impleta; et si demonstrare videnda non possumus, quia revocare in conspectum praeterita non valemus." 8. (V) Sed quemadmodum voluntates amicorum quae non videntur, creduntur per indicia quae videntur, sic Ecclesia quae nunc videtur, omnium quae non videntur, sed in eis litteris ubi et ipsa est praedicta monstrantur, et index est praeteritorum, et

5

10

praenuntia futurorum. Quia et praeterita quae iam non possunt videri, et futura quae adhuc non possunt videri, et praesentia quae nunc possunt videri, omnia futura erant cum praenuntiarentur, et nihil horum poterat tunc videri . Cum ergo fieri praedicta coeperunt ex illis quae facta sunt usque ad ista quae fiunt, de Christo et ecclesia quae praedicta sunt ordinata serie cucurrerunt, ad quam seriem pertinent: de die iudicii, de resurrectione mortuorum, de impiorum aeterna damnatione cum diabolo, et

15

piorum aeterna remuneratione cum Christo, quae similiter praedicta ventura sunt. Cur ergo res primas et novissimas quas non videmus non credamus, cum testes utrarumque res medias quas

69 Ps. 107, 6. videtis om. R 69. sequiquod] et G: quos (a. corr.) M: om. X iam om. dAmErLo 70. omnia om. J tua om . U tur] semper U 71. vos videre G 71-72. praedicta monstramus om. AmEr negastis L autem om. h VO72. utraque] veraque G pericula monstravimus L videnda om. T 73. conetsi ] propterea b`et edd. bis impleta hBe spectu ABQRUh praeterita om . H 8. 1. voluntates quemadmodum Q 2. creduntur . . . videntur om . R 3. nunc] non aPY 3. omnia BC: omni A non om. J eis] eius D monstra4. est om. H praedicta est MPR cum ante praedicta ins. f tur VW index ] inde a • non 5. et] in U: om. T 6. futura possunt videri ] a: om. b et edd. 7. nunc] nec fX edd.: non BL 6-7. et praesentia .. • videri om. PRTVZ 7. futura erant ] a: om. b et edd. 8. et om. b et edd. poterat horum X poterant B (a. corr.) C ergo] 8-9. poterat .. · coeperunt om. Lo igitur GT: om. P 8. praedictum 9. fiunt ] fuerunt X 10. de Ecclesia C concurT: praedictum Y 12. impiorum om. b exc. h con11. pertinet AmErLo rerunt GQ demnatione Z cum diabolo et om. Z 12-13. damnatione • aeterna om . V 13. de piorum Z et edd. remuneratione] felicitate a quae] 14. ventura] futura G simpliciter T qui Q cur ] cum aJUY

104

therefore, but without leaving their own places, because those who believe in Him will find Him in their own hearts. "You did not see what was foretold and has been fulfilled con-

cerning the ascension of Christ, Be thou exalted, O God, above the heavens, but you do see what immediately follows, And thy glory over all the earth. All those things hitherto done and accomplished concerning Christ you did not see, but you cannot deny that you do see the present condition of His Church. We shall show you that both were foretold and that both have been fulfilled, although we cannot present them as actually to be seen, because it is not within our power to recall to sight what is past.” But just as the dispositions and intentions of our friends which are not seen are believed through manifest indications which are seen, so the Church, which is now seen, is, in re8. (V)

spect to all the things which are not seen but which are pointed out in the same writings in which she herself is foretold, both an index to the past and a harbinger of the future. For when past things which cannot now be seen, and future things which cannot yet be seen, and present things which can now be seen were being foretold, all were future, and none of them could then be seen. When, therefore, the things foretold began to happen, beginning with those which have already taken place up to those which are now taking place, the things foretold about Christ and the Church have come to pass according to a pre-ordained succession. To this succession belong the day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, the eternal punishment of the wicked with the Devil, and the eternal reward of the just with Christ, things foretold in a similar manner which will likewise come to pass. Why, then, should we not believe the first and last things which we do not see, when we have, as witnesses for both, the things occupying a middle position which we do see, and when in the Books of the

105

videmus habeamus, atque in propheticis libris et primas et medias et novissimas vel audiamus praenuntiatas antequam fierent, vel legamus? Nisi forte arbitrantur homines infideles a Christianis illa esse conscripta, ut ista quae iam credebant maius haberent 20

5

pondus auctoritatis, si antequam venirent, putarentur esse promissa . 9. (VI) Quod si suspicantur, inimicorum nostrorum Iudae-

orum codices perscrutentur. Ibi legant sive ista quae commemoravimus, sive alia multo plura et paene innumerabilia quae non commemoravimus, praenuntiata de Christo in quem credimus et ecclesia quam tenemus, ab initio laboriosae fidei usque ad sempiternam beatitudinem regni . Sed cum legunt, non mirentur quod ista illi quorum codices sunt, propter inimicitiarum tenebras non

10

intelligunt. Nam eos non intellecturos ab eisdem prophetis ante praedictum est: quod ut cetera oportebat impleri, et occulto sed iusto iudicio Dei meritis eorum poenam debitam reddi . Ille quippe, quem crucifixerunt, et cui fel et acetum dederunt, quamvis in ligno pendens, propter eos quos fuerat in lucem de tene-

15

bris educturus, dixerit, Pater, ignosce illis, quia nesciunt quid faciunt; tamen propter ceteros, quos occultioribus causis fuerat deserturus, per prophetam tanto ante praedixit, Dederunt in escam meam fel, et in siti mea potaverunt me aceto : fiat mensa eorum coram ipsis in muscipulam, et in retributionem et in scandalum; obscurentur oculi eorum, ne videant, et dorsum illorum semper incurva. Cum causae itaque nostrae praeclarissimis testi13-14 Lc. 23, 24. 15-19 Ps. 68, 22-24. 15. vidimus AB et om . T non om. G non credamus ] nunc redda18. arbitrentur mus AB: non credimus Q: om. U 16. vidimus B ZAmErLo a om . C 19. conscrita K ut] unde U iam credebant] 20. evenirent AC non credebant sive cernebant a qui EMPRSY si ] om . DJLUX: 9. 1. Quod] om. Q 2. perscru3-4. sive alia .. non commemorasive om. GhBe tantur ubi legent G 5. tenemus ] cernivimus (alio, commemorabimus C) a: om. b et edd. laboriosae] laborioso VZ et edd. mus Z et edd. 6. et ad ] in G 6-7. ista quod P legant f beatitudinem NU 7. codices] conditos U non om. R 8. intelligant CZ inimicorum R intellecturus D 9. ut id est post impleri add. NU et cetera NU occultis D et] ut D sed om. b et edd. 10. iusto] iustoque Z et edd.: in isto T: om. Ee Dei indicio Z 10. debitam] meritam G ille] ipse T 11. et acetum ] 13. ducturus a: educturos G 12. de te tenebris K om . X potum G: Lo t Er t ri era illis] Am it edd. eri et (exc. b T) Pat IM div : ] dix HT dix propter ante quos H 14. tamen ] cum Gf eis AB quos B ] quod praedixerat H per ] et f: om. J 15. disserturus B 16. et om. I tretributionem D 17. muscipula AD me accepto I in³ om. DEIKQS ita G causa A 19. itaque causae Z 18. illorum ] eorum dAmErLo

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Prophets we hear read or read for ourselves that the first and the middle and the last were foretold before they took place? Unless, perhaps, unbelievers think that those things were fabricated by the Christians in order that the other things which they were now believing might have a greater weight of influence if they were considered to have been promised before actually taking place. 9. (VI)

And if they suspect this, let them search through the

books of our enemies, the Jews. There they may read either the things which we have mentioned or many others in addition— they are almost innumerable-which we have not mentioned, foretold of the Christ in whom we believe and the Church which we embrace, from the beginning of labored faith even up to the everlasting happiness of the kingdom. But when they read, let them not wonder that the Jews, to whom these books belong, do not understand these matters because of the darkness of their enmity. For it was proclaimed beforehand by the very same prophets that they would not understand, and it was necessary that this, as all other prophesies, be fulfilled, and that, by a hidden but just judgment of God, a due punishment be paid in accordance with their deserts. For, indeed, although He whom they crucified and to whom they gave gall and vinegar, said when He was hanging on the cross, for the sake of those whom He was to lead from the darkness to the light, Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do, yet, because of the rest whom He was to abandon for quite hidden causes, He foretold very long before through the prophet: And they gave me gall for my food, and in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink. Let their table become as a snare before them , and a recompense, and a stumbling block. Let their eyes be darkened that they see not; and their back bend thou down always. And, therefore, furnishing

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moniis circumquaque ambulant oculis obscuratis, ut per eos haec probentur, ubi et ipsi reprobentur. Ideo factum est, ne sic delerentur, ut eadem secta omnino nulla esset, sed dispersa est super terras, ut portans in nos collatae gratiae prophetias, ad convincendos firmius infideles nobis ubique

25

prodesset. Et hoc ipsum quod dico, accipite quemadmodum fuerit prophetatum: Ne occideris eos, inquit, ne quando obliviscantur legem tuam ; disperge eos in virtute tua. Non sunt ergo occisi, in eo quod non sunt quae apud eos legebantur et audiebantur obliti. Si enim scripturas sanctas, quamvis eas non intelli-

30

gant, penitus obliviscerentur, in ipso Iudaico ritu occiderentur, quia cum legis et prophetarum nihil nossent Iudaei, prodesse non possent. Ergo occisi non sunt, sed dispersi sunt, ut quamvis in fide unde salvi fierent non haberent, tamen unde nos adiuvaremur memoria retinerent, in verbis contradictores in libris

35

suffragatores, in cordibus nostri hostes in codicibus testes. 10. (VII) Quamquam etiam si de Christo et ecclesia testi-

monia nulla praecederent, quem non movere deberet ut crederet, repente illuxisse divinam humano generi claritatem quando videret, relictis diis falsis, et eorum confractis usquequaque simu5

lacris, templis subversis, sive in usus alios commutatis, atque ab humana veternosissima consuetudine tot vanis ritibus exstirpatis, unum verum Deum ab omnibus invocari, et hoc esse factum per 26-27 Ps. 58, 12. nostrae om. J 20. obscuratis oculis J 21. prohibeantur AmEr ubi • sic reprobantur om. T reprobentur Be 22. ne ] nec GHLAM deberentur R om. Q secta] festa KMfgS: facta hXAmErLo 23. essent bAmErLo dispersa ] sparsa AC: parsa B: dispar (a. corr.) super] per a terram G D ut] et a 23-24. gratiae collatae h 25. ubique] utique dAmErLo 26. fuerat J prophetarum (a. corr.) D occideret f: occides R eos ] illos P ne2 ] ut f 27. et disperge T et depone eos protector post tua add. X 28. in om. sunt om. B audiebantur et legebantur H IAmErLo 29. sanctas ] sacras J quam intelligunt d (exc. h) B 30. occidentur CJ 31. Legis et ] legisset A: legis a N: legit a U: legum et T nossent] noscent C: noscerent G: nosceret f: novissent H Iudaei ] videre NU: videri O 32. sed] atque a sunt2 om . d et edd. ut] nec T 33. in fide] fidem h unde ] qua Z haberent ] habeant Z: adhiberent Q unde tamen H nos om . X 34. adiuvarentur NU in verbis contradictores] a: om. b et edd. 35. suffingatores L nostri] nostris aEJKMfg Christo et om . T prophetica post si add. a 10. 1. etiam] et HJ 3. cariut crederet om . f non] nos f 2. quem] quod O (p. corr.) U diis . . . confractis ] diis eorum tatem a 4. videret] videmus h et edd. confractas (a. corr.) D usquequam N: usquefalsis et confractis X 6. et veternosissima Lo: veteralio I 5. usus] visus D quoniam U novissima GL: veterum novissima X variis retibus Q tot] et f 108

most conspicuous testimony to our cause, they roam about everywhere with darkened eyes, so that through them these things may be proved, wherein also they themselves are condemned . Therefore, it came to pass that the Jews were not so destroyed that their sect itself became completely extinct, but it was scattered throughout the earth, so that, carrying about with it the prophecies of grace conferred upon us, it might help us everywhere in convincing unbelievers more effectively. On this very point of mine, listen to what was prophesied, Slay them not, he said, lest at any time they forget thy law; scatter them by thy power. They have not been slain, therefore, for this reason, that they have not forgotten the things that were once read and heard among them. For if they had forgotten entirely the holy writings, even though they do not comprehend them, they would have been slain with the Jewish rite itself, because when the Jews knew nothing of the Law and the Prophets they could not serve a useful purpose. So they have not been slain, but they have been dispersed, that, although they have not through faith that whereby they might be saved, they might still retain in memory that whereby we might be aided . They are our contradictors in their words, but our supporters in their books, our enemies in their hearts, and our witnesses in their writings. 10. (VII)

Even if no testimonies concerning Christ and the

Church had appeared in advance, should not the fact that a divine brilliance has unexpectedly illuminated the human race move anyone to believe, especially when, now that the false gods have been abandoned, their images everywhere dashed to pieces, their temples razed or converted to other uses, and so many vain rites rooted out from the most stubborn human customs, he sees the one true God called upon by all, and that this was brought

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unum hominem ab hominibus illusum, comprehensum, vinctum, flagellatum, expalmatum, exprobratum, crucifixum, occisum ; 10

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discipulis eius, quos idiotas, et imperitos, et piscatores, et publicanos, per quos eius magisterium commendaretur, elegit, annuntiantibus eius resurrectionem et in caelum ascensionem, quam se vidisse dixerunt, et impleti Spiritu Sancto, hoc evangelium linguis omnibus quas non didicerant sonuerunt. Quos qui audierunt, partim crediderunt, partim non credentes praedicantibus ferociter restiterunt, ita fidelibus usque ad mortem pro veritate, non mala rependendo sed perpetiendo certantibus, nec occidendo sed moriendo vincentibus. Sic in istam religionem mutatus est mundus, sic ad hoc evangelium corda conversa mortalium, marium et feminarum, parvulorum atque magnorum, doctorum et indoctorum, sapientium et insipientium, potentium et infirmorum, nobilium et ignobilium, excelsorum et humilium, et per omnes gentes ecclesia diffusa sic crescit, ut etiam contra ipsam catholicam fidem nulla secta perversa, nullum genus exoriatur erroris, quod non ita reperiatur christianae veritati adversari, ut non tamen affectet atque ambiat Christi nomine gloriari ; quod quidem non sineretur pullulare per terram, nisi exerceret sanam et ipsa contradictio disciplinam. Quando tantum crucifixus ille potuisset, nisi Deus hominem suscepisset, etiamsi nulla per prophetas futura talia praedixisset?

factum esse FISh : est factum NQUY 7. et om. M 8. hominem unum omnibus GJNU illusum om. f H 9. exprobratum expalmatum f comprehensum expalmatum exprobratum vinctum flagellatum P derisum ante occisum add. a (fort. non inepte; cf. Lc. 23 , 35) explanatum W: exspoliatum AmErLo : expalmatum vel exspoliatum X 10. discipulis ] discipulos adAmErLo 11. eius ] eos a: vero FİS quos om. dAmErLo commendaret J cui ante commendaretur ins. a annuntiantibus ] aDBe: 12. surrectionem G annuntiaretur K : annuniantes cett. et in caelum ] a: om. b et edd. hoc] haec (a. corr.) 13. impleti ] impleri f D: hec T 14. didiscerant L 15. crediderunt partim om. X praedicantibus ] praedicantes B: credentibus J: om . f 16. resisterunt G: restituerunt T 17. respondendo aG: repetendo g sed ] si P: et Y immutatus L perpatiendo U 19. Sic] si ista A ad] sic2 ] si H um vor ab P 20. conversa corda fidelium NO 20-21 . corda par AB arum doctorum et om. U 21. magn K et1 ] atque XAmLo et2] atque nobilium et ignobilium om. (sed add. in mg. Lo 22. insapientium GZ 23. sic] sit (ante corr.) D 24. crescit ] crevit b (exc. h) Be: infra) J succrevit hAmErLo ut om . L etiam] et G: rasura in Ċ ipsam om . L fidem catholicam L secta] facta GL 25. exoriatur om. R tamen non] om. X et edd. 26. veritatis F: veritate L non om. aU om. b et edd. effectet D ambiat (supra scripto) D: ambiet G 27. 28. sanam ... disciplinam ] sanam etiam ipsam (ipsa A) pullurare K contradictionis disciplinam a: ipsam QRTZ 29. tantum] tanto B: 110

about by one Man, a Man who was by men derided , seized , bound, scourged, buffeted, reproached, crucified, and put to death? The ignorant, the inexperienced, fishermen and publicans, whom He chose as His disciples, through whom His teaching authority should be transmitted, announced His resurrection and ascension into heaven, which they declared that they had seen, and, filled with the Holy Spirit, they proclaimed this Gospel in all tongues, even in those which they had not learned. Of those who heard them, some believed, but some, not believing, savagely opposed the preachers, who were thus faithful even unto death for the sake of truth, carrying on their combat, not by returning evil for evil, but by bearing evil patiently, and conquering, not by killing, but by dying. Thus, therefore, the world has been changed to this religion; thus have the hearts of mankind been converted, men and women, young and old, learned and ignorant, wise and simple, strong and weak, rich and poor, exalted and lowly; and this Church, spread throughout all nations, is so flourishing that now no perverse sect, no body of error, arises even against the Catholic faith, which is found to be in opposition to Christian truth to such a degree that it does not affect and strive to glory in the name of Christ. Such error indeed would not be permitted to spring up and flourish unless contradiction itself made proof of sound religion .

Could the Crucified Himself have ever accomplished so much unless God had taken on humanity, even if He had foretold no such future things through His prophets? But, since, this won-

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Cum vero tam magnum pietatis sacramentum habuerit antecedentes vates suos atque praecones, quorum divinis vocibus est praenuntiatum et sic venerit quemadmodum est praenuntiatum, 35

40

quis ita sit demens, ut dicat apostolos de Christo fuisse mentitos, quem sic venisse praedicaverunt, quemadmodum eum venturum prophetae ante praedixerunt, qui nec de ipsis apostolis vera futura tacuerunt? De his quippe dixerant: Non sunt loquelae neque sermones : quorum non audiantur voces eorum; in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum et in fines orbis terrae verba eorum . Quod certe in orbe videmus impletum, etsi in carne nondum vidimus Christum . Quis itaque nisi mirabili dementia caecus, aut mirabili pertinacia durus ac ferus, nolit habere sacris litteris fidem, quae totius orbis praedixerunt fidem? 11. (VIII)

Vos autem, carissimi, qui hanc fidem habetis, vel

qui nunc novam habere coepistis, nutriatur et crescat in vobis. Sicut enim venerunt temporalia tanto ante praedicta, venient et sempiterna promissa. Nec vos decipiant vel vani pagani, vel falsi 5 Iudaei, vel fallaces haeretici, nec non in ipsa catholica mali Christiani, tanto nocentiores, quanto interiores inimici. Quia et hinc 37-39 Ps. 18, 4-5. hoc potuisset Z potuisse X illa ErLo tandem Er 30. per profutura om. X 31. vero ] ergo M per om . Y phetas ] prophetia R sacramentum om. f 31-32. antecedentes ] ante cedens ƒ: atque rcēres H: quemad33-35. est praenuntiatum ante credentes cett. d et AmErLo et sic ... praemodum om. I sic] si IMS 33. praenuntiatum est G nuntiatum2 om, g I 35. sic] si V mentitos ] nuntiatos f 34. sit ] sic f et Am praedixeante ] antea b (exc. RT) 36. propheta b (exc. h) dixerunt ] tacuerunt 37. tacuerunt rant ZAm: praedixerat cett. b dixerat dixerant edd.: tacuerunt dixerat VW: tacuerat • rell. b 38. audiant G 38-39. in omnem .. sonus eorum om. U 39. 40. etsic U finem a (ante corr. B) nondum ] non a: nonquam S: dementia . . . aut om. Y 41. clementia U numquam I vidieamus G 41-42. miserabili . . . miserabili G aut] an T caecatus b et edd. 42. ferreus b et edd. ac] aut J nolit habere his verbis desinit a 3. tanto ante ] tanta b (exc. Z) 11. 2. novam] divem D 4. Nec] ne nec] vel K T: hec Y 5. fallaci D vell om . X in om. LU 6. nocentiores] non certiores Lo catholica ecclesia ZAmLo quanto]

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derful mystery of love has had its prophets and heralds going before, through whose inspired words it was announced and has come to pass exactly as it was foretold, who is so foolish as to say that the Apostles lied about Christ when they preached that He had come just as the prophets long before had foretold that He would come, not failing either to foretell future truths concerning the Apostles themselves, too? For certainly it was of them that they had said, There are no speeches nor languages, where their voices are not heard . Their sound hath gone forth into all the earth: and their words unto the ends of the world . And, surely, we see this fulfilled in the world, although we have not yet seen Christ in the flesh. Who, therefore, except one blind through a strange madness, or hard and savage through a strange stubbornness, would refuse to believe the sacred writings which have foretold the faith of the whole world?

11. (VIII) But, my dearly beloved, you who possess this faith, or you who have but newly received it, let it be fostered and increase within you . For just as the temporal things foretold so long before have come to pass, so also will come to pass the eternal things that have been promised. Let not the vain pagans deceive you, nor the perfidious Jews, nor the deceitful heretics, nor those evil Christians who are in the fold of the Catholic Church herself, who do the greater harm inasmuch as they are closer enemies. That the weak might not be disturbed at this, divine

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10

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ne perturbarentur infirmi, prophetia divina non tacuit, ubi loquens in Cantico Canticorum sponsus ad sponsam, id est, Christus Dominus ad ecclesiam : Sicut lilium, inquit, in medio spinarum, ita proxima mea in medio filiarum. Non dixit, in medio extranearum, sed in medio filiarum. Qui habet aures audiendi, audiat; et dum sagena quae missa est in mare et congregat omnia genera piscium, sicut sanctum loquitur evangelium, trahitur ad litus, id est, ad saeculi finem, secernat se a piscibus malis corde non corpore, mores malos mutando non retia sancta rumpendo; ut qui nunc probati reprobis videntur esse permixti, non poenam sed vitam reperiant sempiternam, cum coeperint in litore separari.

9-11 Cant. 2, 2. 12 Matt. 13, 9.

18 cf. Matt. 13, 47-50.

8. Cantico ] Cantitanto Q 7. perturbarent DK/PRT Quia] qui R 10-11 . Non cis h in Canticorum T 9. Dominus om. IJ est om . Y 12. audidixit . . . filiarum om. gX extraneorum EGHJLfQhAmErLo endi om. FIS 14. id] hoc D finem saeculi g 15. malis] maris J mores] maiores P 16. rechia Z ut] ne hAmErBe: om. T 17. non reperient U: recipiant Q vitam sed poenam d et edd. Subscriptione carent DGJLOQRT: Explicit liber (om . Z) beati (sancti FISY: om. h) Augustini (om . PXZ) episcopi (om. EHPh) de fide rerum invisibilium EeHKPhX: Hoc opus expletum Jesu gratia detur N: Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi et doctoris ecclesiae excellentissimi de fide rerum visibilium (sic) liber explicit feliciter U.

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prophecy has not been silent about this either, for the spouse speaking to his beloved in the Canticle of Canticles, that is, Christ the Lord speaking to His Church, says: As a lily in the midst of thorns, so is my beloved in the midst of the daughters. He did not say, "in the midst of strange women," but "in the midst of daughters ." He that hath ears to hear, let him hear; and while the net which has been cast into the sea and gathers together all kinds of fishes, as the holy Gospel tells us, is being dragged toward the shore, that is, toward the end of the world, let him separate himself from the bad fishes, in heart, not in body, by changing his evil ways, not by breaking the holy net, in order that the good who now seem to be mixed with the wicked may find not eternal punishment, but eternal life, when they come to be divided on the shore.

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COMMENTARY

SECTION 1 The title:

The title of the work is that given by Augustine

himself in a letter to Darius, epist. 231 , 7, and the first sentence of the text apparently supplied the title, fides rerum quae non videntur. The present indicative here indicates both things actually not seen and things intrinsically invisible. Both elements * are integral to an understanding of the work. The title, De fide rerum invisibilium, used in the pre-Maurist editions, emphasizes the object, i.e., things intrinsically invisible; on the other hand, the title which comes from the author himself and which the Maurists reintroduced

(prompted perhaps by Vindingus; see

above, p. 38) is concerned with the material content which embraces both elements. Augustine's method of argumentation in this apology necessitates the use of both elements, one as antecedent, the other as conclusion. In this universally recognized type of argument by analogy, Augustine, having established certain common beliefs in things which are, as a matter of fact, not seen though naturally knowable, proceeds to argue that there is no repugnance in placing faith in things intrinsically invisible provided the motive of credibility be sufficient. Augustine does not prove the credibility of supernatural mysteries from the fact that natural mysteries exist, but he shows that there is no logical inconsistency in holding supernatural mysteries on the authority of God if natural mysteries are held on the authority of men. The entire work is set up and arranged with a view to the proof, not of any particular mystery, but of the credibility of all the mysteries of the Christian religion. 1 . christianam religionem : Various etmylogical meanings

have been applied to religio. Cicero takes it from relegere (nat . deor. 2, 28; inv. 2 , 53) . Augustine, following Lactantius (inst. 4, 28) assumes that religio is derived from religare. Cf. retract. 1 , 13 for his conception of this etymology. From the time of Lactantius on, however, the word religio came to mean the whole system of Christian belief and worship . 2.

ridendam :

The verb rideo expresses both the notion of

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laughter and that of mockery and derision . Derideo is stronger for the second concept but the uncompounded form seems more usual in Augustine. Besides, his refutation is of those who consciously deride. Cf. trin. 4, 13 , 18 ; epist. 102, 30-31 , 36; epist. 111, 2; serm. ed . Denis 24. The last mentioned sermon is interesting for comparison with the fid. rer. The same topics are handled in sermon style in the one work, and in conscious literary style in the other.

2. tenendam : Held in the sense of embraced, grasped, clung to. Cf. conf. 5, 14, 24; epist . 105, 17. For similar contrasting of the ideas implied in rideo and teneo cf. civ. 1, 14, 2 ; conf. 6, 5, 7; epist. 141 , 9; 232, 1 ; 232 , 6. 8. oculis carneis: This is the first of ten usages of the word, eyes in the first three sections of the work; in the other instances, however, it is qualified by the genitive corporis, or the adjectival form . For carneus in Augustine, see Mohrmann, 87-88. 9. stultitia fecit obnoxios: Augustine elaborates an exposition of the need for belief, but he first effects a scathing condemnation of those who foolishly and obstinately refuse to take things on faith. For this he uses commonplace words highly expressive in coloring and emphasis. "Augustine is the first of the Fathers who has felt the need of reasoning his faith, and to take account distinctly of the preliminary problems which today have to be handled as prolegomena to dogma. The Alexandrians, it is true, had raised these questions, but among them, the form of the faith, primary fundamentals and deductions reaching out therefrom, are all mingled." (Harnack, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte 3, p . 97, quoted by Portalié, (DTC 1-2, 2337 ) who holds further that Augustine's system on the union of faith and reason, if better understood would have preserved the 17th century theologians from the cloudiness and painful results of their subtle analysis of faith.)

9. cernunt: The word cerno implies sense perception, especially that of the eyes. It is well-chosen here, and it is used six times, in each case with precision, throughout the work. 12 . animo nostro: Here we may take animus to have its gen-

eral meaning, the rational part of man, his soul, in contrast with his body, corpus, or his physical life, anima. For the next paragraph the word holds the general sense and it is also used specifi117

cally of the mind as the thinking intellect, "Sed, inquiunt, ista quae in animo sunt, cum possimus ipso animo cernere." For a consideration of Augustine's use of animus, anima, spiritus, mens, intellectus, etc. , cf. E. Gilson, Introduction à l'Etude de Saint Augustin, pp. 56-57. 13. fides ipsa: The intensive pronoun acts to indicate that faith itself is subjected to intellectual reflection. By contrast with tangible and sensory data, the very act of believing, while no less certain, is less perceptible, and therefore faith itself seems to be a matter of belief. 13. cogitatio: Reflection, abstract thought. A word very frequent in classical prose. Augustine defines cogitatio in trin . 2, 3, 6: "ex memoria et interna visione et quae utrumque copulat voluntate quae tria cum in unum coguntur ab ipso coactu cogitatio dicitur." Cf. also civ. 14, 16 ; c. Faust . 21 , 3 ; in evang. Ioh. 23 , 11. Augustine's emphasis here is different from that in his definition of the act of faith (praed. sanct. 2) that has become classic in Catholic theology (cf. Summa Theol . 2-2 , q . 2 , a. 1 ) assensus cum cogitatione. There predominance is given to the activity of the will indicated in the word assensus. Such emphasis is proper in a description of the actual act of faith. On the other hand, the intellectual element, the consideration of their reasonability, is appropriate in considering the motives of credibility. While St. Augustine uses cogitatio to mean any actual consideration (trin . 14, 7, 10) , the word as here used seems to mean a conscious deliberation which has not as yet come to a full vision of the truth (trin. 15, 16, 25) . In such a deliberation any one who believes is aware of both what he assents to and also to what he does not. These alternatives are indicated by the disjunctives vel . . . vel. 19. adhibere: This is another indication of the precision of Augustine's choice of words. Not merely the "use" of our eyes is ruled out in this case; even the attempt to use them, the bringing to or "applying" of bodily eyes to incorporeal substances is impossible. Cf. civ. 3 , 11 ; 4, 23 ; 6, 9 ; 18, 23 ; 21 , 13 ; 22, 8.

SECTION 2 Augustine's theory of knowledge and his treatment of intellectual certitude are of prime importance in the philosophy of sub-

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sequent Christianity. In Augustine the problem is not isolated, but is a part of the general problem of our dependence upon God. So, for a Christian, all the varied aspects of life, intellectual, moral, sensible, weave themselves by the help of God's grace into a tremendous unity and make of that life a pursuit of ultimate Reality. (Cf. Gilson, op. cit., especially 1-30 .) Augustine's philosophical principles are deeply imbued with Platonism. One of the great lights he had received from Platonism was the necessity of controlling the imagination in order to understand and to arrive at the perception of the incorporeal. For long it had been difficult for Augustine to conceive of “being” without body, (Cf. conf. 7, 10, 16; trin . 10, 7, 19) , yet the spiritualistic psychology of Platonism had trained him to conceive of the incorporeal being and preserved him from the error of attributing to the soul a "corporal envelope." (Cf. Gilson, op. cit., 58 and Portalié, art. cit., 2358) . For other treatments of the problem of knowledge, faith, and reason in St. Augustine, cf. especially his Contra Academicos, De quantitate animae, De vera religione, De utilitate credendi, Confessiones, De Civitate Dei. A systematic study of Augustine's theory of knowledge has been made by R. Jolivet, Dieu, soleil des esprits. La doctrine augustinienne de l'illumination, Paris, 1934. nosse: Opus habere, "to have need of" is a rare 2. non · construction . Cf. Aug. conf. 1 , 3, 1 ; Colum. 9, 1 , 5 ; and Ambrose, fid. 5, 17, 213. It is considered a late Latin development from popular influences (Leumann-Hofmann, p . 436) . aeterna : The frequent use of neuter 7-8. temporalia substantives as the equivalent of abstract nouns is a characteristic feature of Late Latin. The choice is doctrinally significant in this case. Psychologically, sensible and intellectual things are contrasted here; theologically, the contrast is between natural and supernatural things. 8. ut aeterna . • credimus: While the substantive aeterna does not necessarily imply the beatific vision as the use of aeterne would, yet, in conjunction with mereamur, a supernatural action and reward are indicated, since mereamur may hold its full force here, a connotation of achievement, or of worthiness through effort or service. It is possible though, that it may mean merely, 99 "that we may be disposed to see those eternal things also .

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Videre signifies vision which is both the consummation and the annihilation of faith . Cf. I Cor. 13 , 12. Because faith has the intrinsic imperfection of being concerned with "things not seen" (Hebrews 11 , 1 ) , it is an intellectual operation completely incompatible with vision. 9. Sed quisquis es ... : This section seems more sermon-

like in style than the rest of the work with the exception of the closing paragraphs. However, the emphatic and continued use of the second person singular, nec apud te intus; ex corde tuo; fidem tuam cernis animo tuo, etc., implies a more intimate converse; it is Augustine's guidance of his reader as he probes his own experiences of cognition and affection and is much more than a mere recalling of experiences for an audience. 13. voluntas : a willing, desire, inclination, disposition , favor, affection; a reality definitely beyond the realm of corporal vision. "Voluntas est animi motus, cogente nullo ad aliquid vel non admittendum , vel adipiscendum." also retract . 1 , 15, 2.

(de duab . anim. 10, 14.)

Cf.

15. benevolentiae : A classical Latin term used frequently in Cicero's philosophical works. It means the good will or kindly feeling in friendship. Cf. Augustine's util. cred . 16, 34; civ. 2 , 15 ; 5, 12 ; 18, 21 ; in psalm. 5, 7; conf. 4, 9, 14; 7, 14, 2 ; 10, 5, 1 .

17. an forte dicturus . . . : At this point and continuing through section 3, Augustine presents a highly philosophical treatment of friendship, and he displays here his familiarity with treatments of the subject in ancient philosophy. Aristotle, in the Nicomachean Ethics, Books 8 and 9, has analyzed and literally dissected the intricate aspects of this universally human theme. For examples of possible ultimate sources on some of the points that Augustine stresses we might note the following passages in Aristotle's Ethics: friendships for the sake of utility, 8, 3, 1 ; good will as the basis of friendship, 9, 5, 3 ; friendship in prosperity and adversity, 9, 9, 2 ; 9, 11 , 1-6 . The Aristotelian treatise , however, could have been a source for Augustine only through Latin works which he actually knew. For the only work of Aristotle's which he had read was Marius Victorinus' translation of the Categories. On Augustine's use of Aristotle and on his knowledge of Greek in general, see H.-I. Marrou, S. Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, 27-46, and the more recent study by P. 120

Courcelle, Les lettres grecques en occident de Macrobe à Cassiodore, (revised edition, Paris, 1948) , especially pp . 153-182 . In this part of the work, however, there is marked resemblance to Plato's Republic 1 , 334 c, but especially to the treatise on friendship, the Laelius de amicitia, of Cicero who was perhaps the chief source of information on ancient philosophy for Augustine (cf. Courcelle, 155) . It is quite possible to detect echoes of Cicero in this section of Augustine as may be seen from the following selections from the Laelius: In the first place, how can life be what Ennius calls "the life worth living," if it does not repose on the mutual goodwill of a friend (amici mutua benevolentia)? 6, 22 How could your enjoyment in times of prosperity (in rebus prosperis) be so great if you did not have some one whose joy in them would be equal to your own? Adversity (adversas) would indeed be hard to bear without him to whom the burden would be heavier than to yourself. ibid. Whenever, therefore, there comes to light some signal service in undergoing or sharing the dangers of a friend (amici in periculis aut adeundis aut communicandis) who does not proclaim it with the greatest praise? 7, 24 For while it is true that advantages are frequently obtained even from those who, under a pretense of friendship (simulatione amicitiae), are courted and honored to suit the occasion; yet in friendship there is nothing false, nothing pretended (nihil fictum, nihil simulatum est); whatever there is is genuine (verum) and comes of its own accord. 8, 26 And, passing by material considerations, pray consider this: how grievous and how hard to most persons does association in another's misfortunes appear (calamitatum societates) ... Ennius, however is right when he says: amicus certus in re incerta cernitur; yet it is on these two charges that most men are convicted of fickleness: they either hold a friend of little value when their own affairs are prosperous (in bonis rebus) , or they abandon him when his are adverse (in malis deserunt). 17, 64 J. E. C. Welldon in a note on civ. 19, 9 (cf. Vol . 2 of his edition, p . 416) remarks that, in spite of Saint John, Chapters 14 to 17, a high appreciation of friendship is a characteristic of pagan rather than of early Christian Literature. Yet it would be difficult to find a deeper realization and stronger expression of the subject than is found in this section of fid. rer. Augustine's appeal to experience, the trials of men and their confidence in the support of friends is enhanced by his selection of simple and commonplace expressions. In none of the treatments of pagan antiquity cited above is the concept of faith in human friendship given the deep or detailed consideration it receives here. 121

18-19.

Ergo facta visurus . . . auditurus . . . crediturus:

This

free use of the future active participle is a characteristic of the later Latin. 20.

non enim voluntas illa color est . . . :

Augustine often

describes a spiritual substance by listing the physical characteristics which it does not have. Cf. civ. 8, 6 ; 11 , 27 ; anim . 4, 22; trin. 13, 2, 25 ; c. Iul. 4, 14, 73. 21. cantilena: An onomotopoetic word especially when considered with the following phrase, ut auribus illabatur. Though properly a diminutive, (cf. TLL, 3-1 , 286) , it appears frequently and at times with a pejorative connotation. For its use in Augustine with the meaning, "chant" or "song", even "babbling" cf. serm. ed. Mai 119, 4; epist . 159, 3 ; gen . ad litt. imperf. 457, 15 ; conf. 10, 33, 50; trin. 15, 11 , 20; civ . 8, 6; 22 , 24. 23. deserta: Augustine is most accurate in his choice of a word for a life devoid of friendship. Cf. civ. 15, 2; 18, 29 ; epist. 105, 15; in psalm. 145 , 11. Valerius Maximus (4, 7) gives this thought similar treatment: "cum deserta sit futura vita hominis melius amicitiae cincta praesidio." 27. aut extrinsecus corpore aut intrinsecus corde: Such use of extrinsecus and intrinsecus with philosophical implication is characteristic rather of Late and Medieval Latin, yet, Forcellini cites several instances of these words in classical writers (e.g., Cic. ac. 4, 2; orat. 2 , 78, 318 ; Quint. inst. 7, 4, 7 ; Lucr. 1 , 528 ; 6, 1145 ; Varro, rust. 2, 11 , 7) . 31. si in te mutuo nulla sit fides: The Benedictine reading here, si non in te mutuo illa sit fides was not taken from the Jumièges MS., (our D) , but was simply the reading of the preMaurist editions, a reading found also in Z. 32. Quamvis homo possit et fallere: For this notion of de-

ception cf. civ. 2 , 5 ; 4, 32 ; 6, 10; 20, 15 ; 21 , 27 ; c. Petil. 3, 30, 35. 34. commoditatem : Utility or convenience is most generally the motive for feigning friendship . In addition to the Cicero passage cited above, cf. Aristotle, Nic. Eth. 4, 7, 4. 34. caritatem : Caritas is used usually in Augustine as in Christian Latin generally, of the third theological virtue (cf. doctr. Christ. 3, 10, 16) , but here the word seems to retain the broader, more classical signification of love in general, amor, dilectio, as also in civ. 1 , 31 ; 10, 3 ; 18, 32 ; in psalm . 3, 9 ; serm. 4, 19. 122

SECTION 3 1.

sed dicis

•

With insistent use of the second person

singular the argumentum ad hominem is being developed. There is an insertion of what must be interpreted as a clever piece of reductio ad absurdum, the rhetorical questions from Numquid ergo to infelicitas non potest, which could never be interpreted otherwise in a genuinely Augustinian treatise. The first type of argument, ad hominem, is reverted to at Sed utique and continues throughout this section. 2. probasti: "As gold is tried in the fire" so are human affections tested and “proved”. Augustine plays on this word in this section on friendship; there are eight forms of it in this one paragraph. 5. calamitas: Any kind of trial or trouble can be a test. Cf. in psalm. 55, 17, “probata sunt multa casta coniugia calamitatibus maritorum. "

5. ex amicis certissimis: Certus is a synonym for probatus especially in this case where the whole emphasis is on the testing of human affection. 6-8.

ut videlicet . . . crucietur:

The contrast inherent in the

thought is well effected by the choice of words. Explorato conitnues the figure of "testing", and the reader becomes aware of the pain involved in the process even before reaching the negative conditional element. 8-9. optari ... timeri: It has seemed prudent to accept the Maurist correction from D here, although K and the PRTY group offer acceptable readings. The widespread appearance of potuisset in the MSS. would support K's reading. 12-13. committeres . . . committis : A powerful use of the verb committo in the transferred meaning of credere or mandare. Cf. civ. 10, 27; 19, 12 . 14. non visis vis: With reason the Benedictine editors labeled

this section "locus perplexus et vitiatus." H. Hurter (Sanctorum patrum opuscula selecta, 6, p. 88, n. 1 ) offers the suggestion of a friend which would read sic for si and nos for non (line 14) and thus provide an acceptable meaning: "For, surely we ought thus 99 A note in Corto put faith in things not seen, seeing that . nish's translation (Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 3, p. 338, n. 2) proposes this emendation, si non vis rebus non

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visis credere. Morel (cf. the Paris reprint of the Benedictine edition, 1837 , Vol. 6, appendix ix , p. xv and PL 47, 416) locates the difficulty later in the sentence; he changes quandoquidem to quomodo and inserts marks of interrogation after credimus (line 16) and videmus (line 17) . Here, too, an acceptable sense is arrived at. There is much that is attractive in all of these suggestions, but all labor under the assumption that the best evidence of the manuscripts is for visis (following rebus non) . Such is not the fact. Not visis but vis appears here in all the manuscripts except VWZ and apparently T (vis) . It would therefore appear that the primitive reading comprised the word vis. If we suppose that this reading was SIREBUSNONVISISVIS, it would have been easy for a copyist to omit the group of letters SISVI, and thus to yield the reading, si rebus non vis, that appears in D, our oldest manuscript for this part of the text, and in most which follow. It would not have been unnatural for an editor-copyist of the 14th or 15th century in turn to change vis to visis in agreement with rebus. In adopting for the present reading si rebus non visis vis, it is necessary to view non debemus (and what follows through videmus) as a question, concluding the argument ad hominem. It may be noted that Morel also called for questions here and that Cornish also embraces both vis and visis, but with an accompanying change of the received text more violent than that involved in Hurter's alteration of two words. With respect to the reading here proposed it must be allowed that there is nothing in the Latin to support the strong you ... . we contrast that the sense calls for. 18.

ut non incongruenter:

For this reading the Benedictines

seem to have followed the authority of the Jumièges manuscript, and the context and the style of Augustine seem to warrant the double negative . SECTION 4

2.

perturbatio

confusio:

The words actually connote

physical, visible disorder but Augustine applies them effectively to the utter disruption of all of human intercourse to result upon the removal of faith from human things. 4. dilectio: Properly the Christian notion of love as distinct from amor. For the significance of the word in Augustine, cf. civ. 14, 7: "amorem et dilectionem indifferenter et in bono et in malo 124

apud sacras litteras inveniri" ; and also quaest. Simpl. 36, 1 : "nonnulli arbitrantur aliud esse dilectionem sive caritatem, aliud amorem. ” It is a specifically Christian Latin term, the first usage being in Tertullian. (TLL 5-1 , 1166.) 7. Porro amicitia pereunte: This is a repetition of the metaphor above, Tota itaque peribit amicitia. The verb is used most generally of living things and only figuratively of moral qualities. 8. vincula in animo servabuntur: The enduring nature of love in human relationships is well emphasized by the choice of words here. Only spiritual faculties will keep secure spiritual bonds.

9-11. non ergo ... desiderabunt : Unsympathetic critics have disparaged Augustine for a lack of true Christian appreciation for conjugal affection and family life. It would be difficult to find however, a more accurate consideration of it as the very foundation of social relationships . Elsewhere in his writings, too, Augustine considers "the most sacred bond of the human race ”; cf. conf. 4, 2 , 2 ; civ. 2, 4, 2 ; nat. bon. 41 ; util. cred. 26. In connection with this matter see the study by Nicolas Ladomerszky, Saint Augustin Docteur du Mariage Chrétien (Urbaniana , 5) , Rome, 1942 . 17.

de ceteris necessitudinibus :

Necessitas is used for necessi-

tudo, meaning 'bond of relationship' or 'intimacy', and it is the more frequent word in this sense in classical Latin, but the plural of necessitas has the concrete meaning of ' necessary things' ; necessitudines means relationships with persons in the sense of close and necessary connections. The two words are cited as of equal frequency in the City of God. See Mahoney, The Rare and Late Latin Nouns, Adjectives and Adverbs in St. Augustine's De Civitate Dei, Washington, 1935, 119 and 127.

22. cautela: Cura, provisio, circumspectio , providentia. Cf. in psalm. 147, 20; serm . ed. Mai 115 ; Gen. ad litt. 11 , 22 ; epist. 43, 20. 26.

ut omnino funditus evertantur:

This is a repetition of

the idea of the complete disorder implied in perturbatio and confusio. • locis: Often in the Confessions 30-31 . credant famae ·

Saint Augustine dwells on our acceptance of things on the author125

ity of others; see especially 1 , 6, 8-10; 3 , 7; 4, 14, 22 ; 10, 8, 14 ; cf. also civ. 11 , 3 and 21 , 6-7. Especially striking is the similarity of • · quam innumerabilia crederem, quae non the following : viderem neque cum gerentur affuissem, sicut tam multa in historia gentium, tam multa de locis atque urbibus quae non videram, tam multa amicis, tam multa medicis, tam multa hominibus aliis atque aliis, quae nisi crederentur, omnino in hac vita nihil ageremus, postremo quam inconcusse fixum fide retinerem. De quibus parentibus ortus essem, quod scire non possem, nisi audiendo credidissem ..." (conf. 6, 5, 7) . 37. impietas: This word is well used here with the adjective. The combination calls forth all that is implied in the ancient and typical Roman concept of filial reverence. For further instances showing Augustine's notion of the word, cf. civ. 1 , 9; 3, 15; 6, 1 ; 15, 5; 21 , 19; gest. Pelag. 5, 15; serm. ed . Mai 31 , 1 . 40. humana societas: This is an important concept in Augustine. A clear exposition of its implications may be gained only through a study of his De Civitate Dei. For a comprehensive treatment of Saint Augustine's concept of human society see Gilson, op. cit., 225-242 ; J. N. Figgis, The Political Aspects of St. Augustine's City of God, and the chapter " God and Society" in Vernon Bourke's Augustine's Quest of Wisdom. 43. religio: The literal root-meaning of the word is best here, a synonym for obligatio; see note above, section 1 , 1.

SECTION 5 2. indagare: to search into, investigate minutely, a figurative use of the word whose literal meaning is to track or trace as of dogs in hunting. It is apt here because of the invisible nature of the quality to be scrutinized.

6.

et iam sic constat:

In near-dialogue style the arguments

from human experience in knowing and loving are summed up in order to give the first conviction to those who criticize Christian faith before Augustine moves into the realm of revelation for his motives of credibility in his apology. "Those all too uncertain truths which Greek speculation had reserved for an intellectual elite had already been brought together, purified, justified, completed by a revelation which had put them within the

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reach of all the world. In this sense, we might not incorrectly sum up the whole experience of Saint Augustine in the title he gave to one of his own works : De Utilitate Credendi-even for the very purpose of assuring the rationality of the reason,” (E. Gilson, Spirit of Medieval Philosophy, New York, 1936, p. 32) . In this work, however, Augustine has effectively refrained from utilizing anything beyond natural experience for the first four sections. But from this point on the work becomes a development of the argument from prophecy: "Nam quae sunt indicia clariora quam et quae nunc videmus praedicta et impleta?" . . . alloquitur: The device of hav13-14. Ipsa vos ecclesia ...

ing the Church speak is not original with Augustine, for the Church speaks, e.g. , in Ambrose, exc. Sat. 2, 186. Nor is this the only instance of Augustine's use of the device, although it seems to be the most unusual in structure and style. There is a long address to the Church in morib . eccl. 30. Epistle 76, written in A.D. 402, is a letter written in the form of an address by the Church herself: "Hear, O Donatists, what the Catholic Church says to you...." Throughout this letter quotations from Sacred Scripture, often the same ones that are used in the fid. rer. are inserted in a similar manner. 13.

maternae:

The Church as a Mother is a commonplace in

Saint Augustine; for the notions of a "mother's care" and "maternal anxiety", cf. especially epist. 89, 6; 93, 53 ; pecc. mer. 1 , 25, 38; 3, 1 , 1 ; serm. 361 , 4, 4; in evang. Ioh. 123 , 5. The appeal to the Church as a mother has recurred constantly from the earliest days of her history until the present time. See the study of Joseph C. Plumpe, Mater Ecclesia, Washington, 1943 . 16-17. Sed, In semine tuo ... : Conf. 7, 21 offers a good parallel of Augustine's use of numerous Old and New Testament quotations running along smoothly both as to meaning and grammatical construction with what he writes himself. Abraham is the model of faith above all Old Testament characters, for, humanly speaking, how could he believe that his seed would be as numerous as the sands of the shore? 25.

in Christo, id est, in semine Abrahae:

Cf. St. Paul, Gal.

3, especially verse 16: "To Abraham was the promise made and to his seed. He said not and to his seeds, as of many: but as of one, And to thy seed, which is Christ. " In Augustine the Church

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is frequently considered as the ' seed' of Abraham; cf. epist. 105, 4, 14. 26. et adhuc in eum credere • : Cf. conf. 8, 8, 19: "an quia praecesserunt pudet sequi, et non pudet nec saltem sequi?" 28. An credere dubitatis vel recusatis: For the phrase cre-

dere recusatis, cf. civ. 10, 29, 6 and c. Iul . op. imperf. 6, 22. The miracle of Christ's birth of a virgin is discussed in Sermon 126, 5 as to its purpose "that we might believe in what we do not see (God) by means of something we can see (a Man ) ." For parallel passages in Saint Augustine on the subject of the Nativity of Christ and the Divine Maternity see the section on Authenticity in the Introduction . It would be difficult to find a richer expression of the doctrine of Augustine and of the Fathers in general on the Incarnation and the Virgin Birth than is contained in this paragraph. For the theological import of this part of Augustinian doctrine see the article on Saint Augustine by Portalié in DTC 1-2 , 2321-23 and 2361-2375 . Augustine's rejection of Neo-platonic doctrines is most striking in his treatment of the Incarnation, Life, and Death of Christ. (ibid . 2329.) And just as Augustine's writings point up humility as the fundamental lesson of Christ's Incarnation whereby He became our Way (cf. trin. 8, 5, 7) , so do we find in His work sublime expression of the theology of Mary's cooperation in the Redemption, which is not only a consequence of her maternity but a prime intention of God's. Augustine likes to attribute the accomplishment of these marvels to the faith of the Immaculate Virgin (serm. 215, 4) . See Saint Thomas Aquinas' treatment of this dogma, S.T. 3 , q. 28. aa . 1 and 2 ; S. Cont. Gentiles 4, 45 , in which references are made to Augustinian teachings. The perpetual virginity of Mary, ante partum, in partu, and post partum, is the theme of some of the most beautiful and also the most forceful sections of St. Augustine's works. Cf. conf. 1 , 11 , 17; 5, 10, 19; 7, 18, 24; civ. 10, 29, 6; serm. 186 ; 188 ; 189; 191 ; c . Faust. 2, 4; 3, 6; pecc. mer. 2, 38 ; c. Iul . 5, 9; grat. Christ . 2 , 46 ; corrept . 30; trin. 13 , 17, 22 ; 13 , 18, 23 ; 15 , 26, 46; symb . 6-8 ; catech . rud. 17, 28; enchir. 34; epist. 11 , 4 ; 137, 4; 138 , 20 ; 219, 1 , etc. 32-33. non ergo dubitabitis ... nascentem : This conditional sentence is a hypothetical type of argumentation . The apodosis is necessarily connected with the protasis because of the integrity

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of the faith, no proposition of which can be doubted without the destruction of the whole. Cf. util. cred. 1 . 36. Sic: Christ's being born as man was necessary to His becoming our Emmanuel. 36. si semper erat Deus : The reading etsi semper erat Deus, found in the manuscripts of the h group, passed on to the editors. But when we interpret the si as a causal conjunction , the reading of the earlier manuscripts seems better, and emendation is unnecessary from a theological standpoint. 41. ista unctio spiritalis est: Spiritalis would seem to be the usual spelling with Augustine. Cf. serm . 30, 1 , 1 ; 30, 2, 3 ; 277, 15, 15. The Benedictine text gives the form spiritualis; Bonnet (Le Latin de Grégoire de Tours, 140) considers spiritalis the older form and remarks that spiritualis appears only in manuscripts that are later than Gregory. Cf. Mohrmann, pp. 154-156; Souter also gives spiritalis as the regular spelling. For other discussions of the anointing and naming of Christ, unde appellatum a chrismate, cf. c. Faust. 13, 7; 20, 18 ; c. Petil. 2 , 105 ; 2 , 239 ; nupt. et concup. 1 , 37 ; consens . evang. 1 , 13; 1 , 14 ; in evang. Ioh . 7, 13 ; c. Iul. 1 , 7, 13 ; civ. 16, 18, 5 ; 17, 16, 3 ; serm. 227 ; adv. Iud . 5. This use of etymology was a commonplace in Christian Latin literature from Tertullian on. (bapt. 7) . Cf. Mohrmann, p. 94.

45. Astitit regina: This application of Psalm 44 to the Church, developed in the exposition of section 6, is outstanding even among the exegetical gems of an Augustine. 46. sacramento sapientiae: The word sacramentum in classical usage was technical with juridical or military signification . See A. Souter, Glossary of Later Latin, s. v. sacramentum . In Christian and later Latin it became used of secret, mystery, mysterious doctrine (SS.; Tert. on) ; religious rite (Tert. apol. 15, 8 on) ; mystical meaning (Jerome, epist. 52 , 3, 7) ; sacrament (Tert. on) ; and in Cyprian various meanings, e.g., bond, rule, lesson, type, symbol, symbolical action, means of grace, sign of the Cross. Thus we see that the Fathers gave the name 'sacrament' or ' mystery' to everything which conveyed one signification to unassisted reason and another to faith . See also J. de Ghellinck's "Pour l'histoire du mot sacramentum" in Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, 3, Paris, 1924, and the article, "Sacrements" in DTC 14-1 , 485-525. Augustine himself defines the word, Signa cum ad res

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divinas pertinent sacramenta appellantur, in epist . 138 , 7-8. Cf. also epist. 122 , 15 ; 187, 21 ; c. Iul. 3, 26, 65 ; serm . 88, 24; 264, 1 ; civ. 7, 32, 1 ; 10, 5 , 2 ; conf. 8, 2 , 4; 9 , 6, 14 ; 10, 3, 4; 13, 18, 23; 13, 24, 36. In a broad sense, Augustine includes under ' sacraments' also those things which today we call ' sacramentals' . It is the sense of ' sign' or signification that is in the word itself that must be applied in this instance, "the language or revelation or interpretation of wisdom ." SECTION 6 1. Si hanc reginam non videtis: This is the beginning of a long conditional sentence that comprises all of section 6. It not only illustrates Augustine's rhetorical power of period construction and effective interweaving of Sacred Scripture into his own text, but it is likewise indicative of the summarizing skill of the apologist. In each protasis is expressed a verse of Psalm 44 interpreting the facts of the Church's present status as external and evident to all as motives for credibility to be placed in its dogmas. For a similar use of periodic construction, involving the piling up of si-clauses, cf. epist. 155, 10 and vera relig. 5. In epist. 93, 30, Augustine also has a listing of prophecies all referring to the Church; cf. also c. Faust. 15, 11 . 1. fecundam : Augustine has profoundly interpreted the plan of salvation through Christ's Church as the Mother of Souls. Cf. serm. 215, 9; epist. 118, 33 ; 34, 3; serm. 22, 10; 216, 8; serm. ed Denis 12, 2.

3-4. ritus pristinos mundi: In the De Civitate Dei we find multiple examples of Augustine's consideration of this topic of Christian apology. 10. ab ecclesia deprecantur auxilium . . . : This phrase throws light on an interesting phase of the growing power of the Church, even in temporal affairs. The help was sought for even by pagan nobles. Cf. J. R. Palanque, “Le Catholicisme religion d'état," in Fliche-Martin, 3, 505-525.

si non agnoscit: The subject of this first element of the protasis is God the Father; in the following part, however, the subject of the conditional verb, renovatur, is again the Church , although the si non is not repeated despite the change of subject . 12-13. et in sanctis ... diem: Cf. 2 Cor. 4, 16. This is an 11.

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obligation placed upon those who are in the fold, the present members of the body of the faithful. For a comprehensive treatment of the meaning of sanctus in Christian terminology, cf. H. Delehaye, Sanctus : Essai sur le culte des Saints dans l'antiquité, Brussels , 1927. 14-15.

oculos ... fulgentes :

The reference of Augustine here

is to the gleaming brilliance of the apostolate of the Church's preachers and writers. It was the Golden Age of Patristic writing, and Augustine was aware of (cf. Courcelle, op. cit., 183-194) the great works of the Eastern Fathers and was intimately acquainted with those of his Western contemporaries. Perhaps the reading of fulgente with fama would be easier in this context. However, fulgentes is not a strange epithet for eyes (Horace, carm. 2 , 12 , 15) , and Augustine has commented on its appearance in Gen. 49, 12 (not Vulgate) in c. Faust. 12, 42. 18. consecrandae virgines: The gerundive expresses the pur-

pose of their being led to Christ. Cf. virg. and cont. for Augustine's treatment of religious consecration of women; also his "Rule" for women, epist. 211 . • rectores: A concise statement of the 22-24. si non parit authority of the Church and its hierarchical organization . Cf. util. cred. 35; serm. 294, 18 ; in psalm . 103, 17 ; epist . 118, 32 ; 59, 1 ; bapt. 2, 1 , 2 and other parallel references listed in the Introduction for similar treatments of the idea. 29-30. tam magnae • • congregantur: The argument from the spread of the Church is an appeal to the criterion of Gamaliel, Acts 5, 38-39 : "And now, therefore, I say to you refrain from these men, and let them alone; for if this council or this work be of men, it will come to nought: But if it be of God, you cannot overthrow it, lest perhaps you be found even to fight against God." 39. praecedentibus vocibus: This correction is based upon the authority of the a group of manuscripts ; the earlier editions used vobis for vocibus. For a coupling of praecedentia with consequentibus cf. conf. 10, 8, 12. Note also praecedentibus meritis (civ. 18, 35, 11 ) ; praecedentia praeconia (ibid. 22, 7) ; praecedentia ... merita (epist. 108, 18) . 40. O reliquiae: Similar uses of abstract or collective nouns

are the following: "O hominem pessimum" (c. Adim. 15) ; “O 131

Frontem qualiumcumque episcoporum" (c. Iul. 4, 57) ; "O Intellectum, quid aliud dicam quam haereticum" (c. Iul. op. imperf. 2, 70) . 40. erubescite: Erubescere is a familiar verb with Saint Augustine. Cf. civ. 2, 29, 6 ; 3, 1 , 1 ; 3, 2 , 3 ; serm . 215, 5 ; 279, 7-8; epist. 87, 6; 118, 32 ; 120, 7 ; 194, 46; 231 , 4 ; c. Iul. op. imperf. 1 , 20; 2, 21 ; 4, 56; trin . 13, 5 , 8 ; anim. 2 , 1. Perhaps the frequency of its use in Sacred Scripture may be influential. Cf. TLL 5-2, 821-823.

SECTION 7 1.

Me attendite . .. me attendite:

The urgent insistence and

repetition on the part of the Church is a stylistic device of Augustine's to attain emphasis. Cf. especially mor. eccl. 17 , 32 ; 18, 34; c. Petil. 3, 51 , 63 ; epist. 105, 12 ; 215 , 5 and 232, 7. This last letter is quite similar to sections of the fid. rer. save in its comparative lack of quotations from Scripture . 3. mirabilia: This is a reading from the a mss., in preference to the mirabilem ac of the b group. The miracles of Christ are put forth in the work along with His nativity, passion, resurrection and ascension as reasons for faith. They are discussed immediately after the nativity below (Non vidistis quod de mirabilibus Christi ... ) .

10. miraculum divinum : There is a parallel for this word combination in civ. 21 , 5 where Augustine gives an explanation of the notion also. This parallel decided the choice of this reading. The a manuscripts omit miraculum and have testimonium following parvum. It is possible that neither word was originally in the text but was inserted in each tradition as a gloss on divinum (as substantive) . Miraculum is not a late word, but from the time of Lactantius on it has the definite signification of 'miracle' in the Christian sense, i.e., "an extraordinary or abnormal event brought about by divine agency as a manifestation of the divine power to human beings." 10. unius crucifixi: The participle may be taken as an noun, modified by a numeral adjective (Kühner-Steg. 2-1 , 244 ff) , but

it is also possible that Augustine is considering here unius as the substantive with crucifixi as the modifier. Cf. trin. 4, 13, 17: "Factum est enim ut vincula peccatorum multorum in multis

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mortibus, per unius unam mortem quam peccatum nullum praecesserat . . ." In epist. 232, 5-6 ‘ One' is used as a synonym for Christ. 11-12 . Non vidistis . . . Christi nativitate : Cf. trin . 8, 5, 7 for a similar treatment of our faith in Christ's nativity, although we have not "seen" or "known" the countenance of Mary, etc. 41. conculcavit me: Calcaneum in the scriptural quotation

is an almost exclusively Christian word, cited outside of Christian Latin only for Ps.-Virgil, Moretum 36. Augustine's explanatory phrase makes use of a more usual word of the same root. He uses the same phrase in civ. 17, 18. For the transferred meaning of ' contemn' , cf. serm . 8 , 10; 155, 5. 44. per eumdem prophetam : This is definitely an instance where the reading of the a manuscripts is the better one. It gains strength from the explanation in alio psalmo . Note also ab alio propheta below.

51.

in simulacris utilitatem:

For simulacrum , as ' a pagan

image', cf. civ. 1 , 2, 2 ; 6, praef. For the uselessness and even vanity and deceptiveness of idols, cf. civ. 4, 2, 5 ; 5, 22 ; 8, 5 ; 6, 1 , 2 ; 8, 23, 8. 58.-59. Intelligite ... venire gentium populos: Here we mark a return to the classical and formal construction even though the personal and direct style is continued, after several instances of quod and the indicative after vidistis and videtis. 58-59. ad Deum . . . verus est Deus: An apologetic thrust at those who still think there may be some utility in false gods. 66. invenient eum in corde suo: The theme of such a large portion of the Confessions may be summarized in this clause of the fid. rer. "Lo he is wherever there is a flavor of truth. He is within the heart, yet the heart has wandered from him. Turn again to the heart, prevaricators, and adhere to him who made you ." (conf. 4, 12) "See now, how great a space I have coursed over in my memory seeking thee, O Lord; and I found thee not outside it. For I find nothing at all concerning thee, but what I have kept in my memory ever since I first learnt thee: for I have never forgotten thee, since the hour I first learnt thee; for where I found truth, there I found my God who is the truth itself; which from the time I first learnt it, have I not forgotten ..." (ibid . 10, 24). "Too late came I to love thee, O thou Beauty ever ancient and ever new; too late came I to love thee. And behold, thou wert within me, and I out of myself, where I made search for thee . · ." (ibid. 10, 27).

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SECTION 8 The second conclusion is Sed quemadmodum of natural things, the of knowledge realm as in the reached. Just is seen, so in revealed of what help the through unseen is believed religion, the evident fulfillment of prophecies in the Church is to 1.

be taken as a guarantee of the fulfillment still to come of other prophecies foretold on the same authority. "How beautiful this is, how great, how worthy of God, in fine, how true, which is all we are seeking for, we shall never be able to perceive, unless, beginning with things human and at hand, and holding by the faith and the precepts of true religion, we continue without turning from it in the way which God has secured for us by the segregation of the patriarchs, by the bond of the law, by the foretellings of the prophets, by the sign of the God become Man, by the witness of the Apostles, by the blood of the martyrs, and by the subjugation of the Gentiles," (mor. eccl. 7, 12) . We might well take this general thought as the theme of St. Augustine's philosophical development. "The first step on the way which conducts thought toward God is the acceptance of revelation by faith ." (Gilson, Introduction, 31 ) . "True philosophy presupposes an act of adhesion to the supernatural order, which liberates the will from the flesh by grace and thought from scepticism by revelation." (ibid. p . 311.) 3. omnium quae non videntur: Cyprian (Test. ad Quir. 3, 53) supplies nine Scriptural references in support of the theme that the secret things of God cannot be perceived and that, therefore, our faith ought to be simple. Cf. also Min. Felix, Octavius, 32. 3.

in eis litteris:

Metonomy. The use in Augustine of lit-

terae alone without a qualifying adjective like sanctae for the Scriptures is a specific Christianism. Cf. civ. 8, 24; 11 , 9 ; 21 , 5 . The argument from Scripture is a fundament of Christian apology. Cf. also Tertullian, apol. 20, 1-5 ; Cyprian , mort. 2 ; St. John Chrysostom serm ., Contra Iudaeos et Gentiles quod Christus sit Deus (PG 48, 813-38) . • • praenuntiarentur ...· prae5-17. praenuntia futurorum : nuntiantes ... The word praenuntiare is especially used of the announcements of the Prophets in Christian Latin writings. Cf. Mohrmann , pp. 137-138 .

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5-8. Quia et praeterita ... This sentence is an alteration of the traditional text based upon the readings of the a group. The insertion of futura erant after omnia helps to clarify an otherwise ambiguous section . With the addition of these two words, the nunc does not need to be amended to nec or non and the authority of the more numerous and better manuscripts can be followed.

10. ordinata serie: Augustine is aware that the orderly fulfillment of prophecies adds a new testimony to Divine Wisdom over and above the mere fulfillment . Cf. Wisdom 11 , 21 ; 1 Cor. 14, 40. 16. propheticis libris : An adjective used in place of a noun in the genitive is a poetic feature of Silver and Late Latin. In Augustine propheticus sermo (serm. 43 , 4) and prophetica locutio (serm. 41, 7) refer to the ' words of the prophet'. Cf. Mohrmann, 138-139 ; words used in a similar fashion are apostolicus, haereticus, etc. 18-19. nisi forte arbitrantur . . . conscripta: Several times throughout his writings Augustine refutes the claim of unbelievers that the Scriptures are forgeries. Cf. civ. 18, 46 ; util. cred. 7; pat. 22; conf. 5, 11 , 21 . 20. pondus auctoritatis: The fulfillment of what has been foretold has the weight of great authority. "Although the argument from authority based on human reason is the weakest, yet the argument from authority based on divine revelation is the strongest." (Summa Theol. 1 , q. 1 , a8, ad2.) The concept is met with frequently in Augustine's discussions of Sacred Scriptures; cf. mor. eccl. 29, 60; trin. 3 , 11 , 22 ; conf. 12 , 30 and 31 ; 13, 15 ; 3, 7; doctr. christ. 3, 27 ; civ. 13, 21 ; epist. 28, 3; 40, 3-5.

SECTION 9 1. suspicantur: It is interesting to note that Augustine introduces this section on the Jews by referring to the suspicions of those who would not know of the prophecies, those not of Jewish beliefs . 1. inimicorum nostrorum : The notion of the Jews as an "enemy" sect is common in early Christian literature. For Augustine's interpretation of the Old Law yielding place to the New,

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cf. epist. 82. The Jews like the Pagans were the addressees of apologetical literature . (Cf. A. L. Williams, Adversus Judaeos, Cambridge, 1935. ) For parallel references in Saint Augustine's consideration of the Jews see those given in the Introduction. The background, historical and literary, of this urgent theological problem which faced early Christianity may be found adequately treated in R. Wilde, The Treatment of the Jews in the Greek Christian Writers of the First Three Centuries, Washington, 1949.

Especially concerned with Augustine's treatment of

the problem is B. Blumenkranz, Die Judenpredigt Augustins, Basel, 1946, in which the fid. rer. is cited on pp. 68, 164, 177, and 199. 2. codices: The word codex is used in Augustine of books in general (cf. epist. 35, 3; retract. 1 , 7, 2 ) and especially of the inspired writings (cf. epist. 29, 5 ; 137, 16 ; in psalm . 40 , 14; c . Fel. 1, 3; conf. 8, 6, 14; 8, 12 , 29; doctr. christ. 2 , 11 , 16) . By the time of Augustine the leaf book had supplanted the roll for Christian writings, and it is now the accepted view that for literary works in general the codex was regarded as an improvement over the roll early in the second century and perhaps even in the first. Cf. C. C. McCown , "Codex and Roll in the New Testament," Harvard Theological Review, 34 ( 1941 ) , 219-250. 2-4. sive non commemoravimus : This clause is not

found in the b manuscripts and therefore appears as an alteration of the traditional text. 5.

ecclesia quam tenemus :

Previous editors have used cerni-

mus here. The weight of manuscript evidence is in favor of tenemus, a word which does no violence to the context; for it is not so much a case at this point of repeating the argument from the marvelously evident growth of the Church as it is of showing that in the Jewish Scriptures are found prophecies concerning Christ and His Church. The contrast in both word and idea between credere and cernere throughout the work could easily have produced the reading cernimus, found in Z alone among the manuscripts, and followed in all the previous printed editions . 5.

laboriosae fidei:

Previous editors of the fid. rer. have not

used this reading, but it is a probable epithet. Furthermore, in this context, all the subjects of prophesy as well as our acts of believing and cherishing are here included and referred to, be-

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ginning with faith that must labor and consummating in the fruition of everlasting vision. 7. propter inimicitiarum tenebras: An effective presentation of the groping of the Jews in darkness as an effect of their own wilful rejection of the Light. On their unfaithfulness, cf. Origen, c. Celsum 2, 8 and Tertullian, apol. 21 . 9-10.

occulto iusto iudicio Dei :

Cf. civ . 1 , 28, 4; c . Iul. 6 , 12 ,

38. The condemnation of the Jews is an indication of the justice of God. The attitude of the Christians of this period toward the Jews is basically theological . 10 . meritis ... debitam reddi : Again the notion of the justice of the penalty inflicted on the Jewish nation is stressed. 12. in ligno pendens: expressions.

Cf. epist . 23 , 4; 140, 15 for similar

14-15. ceteros quos ... deserturus: The mystery of predestination. Christ's ' Word of Forgiveness' embraced those actually putting Him to death as well as all subsequent offenders against the Divine Majesty yet, "for even more hidden reasons" some souls would be lost. Cf. Cayré, 1. pp. 688 ff.; Portalié, cols . 2398 ff. For Augustine's special treatises on the subject, cf. De correptione et gratia, De praedestinatione sanctorum, De dono perseverantiae. In summary Augustine regards predestination as God's firm and precise will to sanctify and save all the elect gratuitously. Those not saved will show forth the justice of God. (enchir. 100) 17. muscipulam : Mohrmann, 229-230 considers muscipula as a word used by Christian writers only. 17. scandalum : Cf. Mohrmann, pp. 148-149 for the historical development of scandalum. 19. testimoniis : This is the first use of this technical word in the work. Previously Augustine has used indicia and the neuter plurals of participles, praenuntiata, praedicta, impleta, etc., to bring out the same idea. 20.

ambulant oculis obscuratis : There is pity evoked by their

blindness even though we must remember that it was wilfully incurred. 22-23. Ideo factum ... nulla esset: The variant readings of the manuscripts for this passage indicate that it was difficult of comprehension. Owing to the paleographical similarity of s and f in certain scripts (cf. Lindsey, Intro. to Latin Textual Emenda-

137

tion, 83, 85 and Hall, Companion to Classical Texts, 161) , secta, being not too common a word, was probably erroneously interpreted by scribes, festa appearing as frequently as facta. Instead of esset, the well-witnessed ' lectio difficillior,' essent, might be defended as a plural with the collective subject, secta. 23-25. sed dispersa ... nobis ubique prodesset: It is the same problem, a doctrinal one, of the preservation of the Jews for our benefit, the mystery of which made St. Paul proclaim his wonder in his Epistle to the Romans. Cf. especially Chapters 2 and 3. 30. in ipso Judaico ritu: By the very formality of the system of Jewish belief, by its rigidity, its insistence on the letter of the law, those who should disregard it utterly would be killed . 33. quamvis in fide: VWZ have quamvis fidem but such a reading seems to be a deliberate and unnecessary alteration of the traditional text. 34. in verbis contradictores: It is only the a tradition that preserves this phrase, which is a necessary element in the balanced antithesis.

35.

suffragatores:

This is a colorful use of an unusual word.

Suffragium involved the use of tablets, ballots, or some bits of material for writing opinions; hence, the effectiveness of the use of suffragatores with libris. 35.

in cordibus nostri hostes:

Some of the manuscripts have

in cordibus nostris placing the enmity in the hearts of the Christians. Aside from the thought content even, the balanced arrangement of the phrases would discredit this. Of the four objects of the in phrases, three necessarily relate to the Jews; it is not likely that the fourth would concern the Christians.

SECTION 10 In this section Augustine makes a final appeal, this time to the evidences of the tremendous illumination effected in the world as a result of the abandonment of pagan worship and the spread of Christianity. It is the argument of Minucius Felix and an integral feature of all Christian apology. The specific mention of the overthrow of temples and their conversion to other uses has been used in dating the work. (See Introduction .) For similar treatments in Augustine, cf. especially, civ. 8, 23-24; in psalm. 96,

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11; trin. 4, 10, 13 ; 4, 13 , 17 ; c. Petil., 2, 93 , 210; c. Faust. 13, 7; epist. 91 , 5; 137, 16 ; 232, 1 . 3. illuxisse divinam . . . claritatem : A deliberate and meaningful redundancy. The three words are from different roots but have the same basic signification of brilliance and light. The pagan 5-6. ab humana veternosissima consuetudine: rites supplanted by Christianity were surely of inveterate human usage. Augustine had been a practicing adherent of Manichaeism, some of the basic notions of which emphasized the old Zoroastrian dualism, and as we know from The City of God he was intimately acquainted with the history of Roman religion . Veternosissima is a Late Latin word; in civ. 6, 12 Augustine uses veternosa with consuetudo.

7-9.

per unum hominem .

occisum :

This enumeration of

the torments of Christ's passion is an effective and frequent device. Cf. civ. 20, 30 : "quando tenebatur , ligabatur , caedebatur , inludebatur, crucifigebatur "; and symb. 3, 10: "Tenent Iudaei, insultent Iudaei, ligant Iudaei, spinis coronant, sputis dehonestant, flagellant, opprobriis obruunt, ligno suspendunt , lancea fodiunt , postremo sepeliunt ." The derisum of the a manuscripts may be an incorporated gloss on illusum or exprobratum. On the other hand, it may well belong to Augustine's text as a reflection of "deridebant eum principes" (Lc. 23, 35) . The parallels in Augustine which have just been cited are not in such close accord with the present passage as to make this alternative impossible. 9. expalmatum: The verb expalmare is very probably of vulgar coloring. Cf. Mohrmann, 179. The pre-Maurist editors used exspoliatum. The two words are not doublets and both may have appeared in Augustine's original. 10-12 . discipulis · • annuntiantibus: The reading selected here is that of D and the Benedictine text, aided by a for quos

and annuntiantibus. The a readings for this passage would indicate a crossing of the traditions. The d readings, discipulos and annuntiantes, eliminate the awkwardly disposed ablative absolute; yet this would require suos for eius (line 10) for which there is no evidence at all. The FIS or e reading, vero for eius (line 10) is plausible. 10. idiotas: Cf. TLL 7 , 221. The original meaning of idiota 139

in Greek implied a uselessness to others ; then it came to denote a lack of skill in any knowledge or doctrine. In Christian Latin idiotae refered to those unskilled in letters, simple, uncouth even as regards Christian doctrine. Cf. Augustine, in psalm 65, 4 ; 96, 2; 138, 8; serm. 36, 6; 175, 3 ; c. Iul. 5, 1 , 4; doctr. Christ. 3, 34, 47; c. Faust. 16, 10; catech. rud . 8, 12 ; 9 , 13 ; 16, 24 ; epist. 137, 12 . For an interesting commentary on this notion of the simplicity of those to whom Christ revealed His doctrine, cf. St. John Chrysostom, Homily 39 in Matt. (PG 57, 427-434) · 13. linguiis omnibus : Cf. civ. 22 , 5 ; trin . 4, 20, 29; epist. 137, 16 for similar expressions of this thought. 16-18. ita fidelibus usque ad mortem ... : Augustine avails himself of all the resources of rhetoric to emphasize his message in this passage. The witness of martyrs received classic treatment with Tertullian (apol . 50) . Cf. also St. Augustine: "sicut martyres nostri, cum eis pro crimine obiceretur Christiana religio, qua noverant se fieri salvos et gloriosissimos in aeternum, non eam negando temporales poenas evadere delegerunt, sed potius confitendo, profitendo, praedicando et pro hac omnia fideliter fortiterque tolerando et cum pia securitate moriendo leges, quibus prohibebatur, erubescere compulerunt mutarique fecerunt" (civ. 8, 19, 3). In previous editions a new sentence began with Ita fidelibus, but it seems best to have it continue the preceding sentence and complete its thought. 20. marium et feminarum ... : For enumerations of classes of people in this manner, cf. civ. 2, 19, 4 ; enchir. 103 ; de duab. anim . 11 , 15.

23-24. per omnes gentes sic crescit: The spread of Christians throughout the world was a strong argument. Cf. conf. 6, 11 , 19: "quod tam eminens culmen auctoritatis Christianae fidei toto orbe diffunditur." 26-27. ut non affectet . • gloriari: A consideration of error going about in the name of Christ as in a cloak is made frequently throughout Augustinian apology; cf. especially: civ. 1 , 1 , 3 ; 1 , 7, 1 ; 18, 44; c. Iul. op. imperf. 6, 23 ; epist. 23, 2 ; 118 , 21 ; 118, 32 ; 137, 16 ; 194, 31 ; 200, 2 ; 232 , 4; cons. evang. 1 , 14, 22 . 28. nisi exerceret ... disciplinam : Cf. 1 Cor. 11 , 19 for St.

Paul's teaching of the disciplinary value of heresy. St. Augustine echoes this in conf. 7, 19, 25.

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29.

quando:

In this passage quando would seem to have the

meaning of quomodo. (Leumann-H., 740; Löfstedt, Komm . 128.) It is usually of temporal significance from Plautus down through late Latin, and especially so in popular usage. 29-30. nisi Deus hominem suscepisset : The use of the verb suscipere to express God's taking on of a human body is common in Augustine. Cf. trin . 14 ; c. Iul. op . imperf. 4, 84 ; epist. 140, 3 , 7; 187, 2 , 21 ; 264, 3 ; fid . et symb . 4, 6 ; vera. relig. 30; 32 ; civ. 9, 15 ; 10, 27 ; 10, 29 ; 10, 31. Souter (Glossary, s.v. suscipere) cites it for Niceta of Remesiana (Te deum 16 et saep.) It was of technical significance. 31. tam magnum pietatis sacramentum : The Incarnation of the Son of God is the ' mystery' referred to here. Cf. note above on sacramentum 5, 46. 31-32 . antecedentes vates suos atque praecones: The reading ante credentes of the pre-Maurist editions is found in most of the manuscripts that I have collated, but the reading of the a group, D and the Benedictine text has been adopted here as more appropriate. Note Augustine's use of old, generic words to refer to prophets. It is likely that it is a meaningful recurrence to the classical or pagan terminology: vates-foretellers, seers, soothsayers, oracles, (used of Jewish prophets by Commodianus, carm . apol. 61 , 397, 517, 673) ; praecones-criers, heralds, publishers. In this instance, after enumerating prophecies, it is clear that the reference which Augustine makes is to the Hebrew prophets; yet, it is possible, also, that he may be alluding to the pagan prophecies of which the early Christians were aware, e.g., Sibylline oracles and Virgil's Fourth Eclogue. For Augustine's view of the Sibylline Oracles, cf. civ. 18 , 22 ; 18, 46; in . Rom. imperf. 3 ; epist. 258, 5. For his views on the Fourth Eclogue, cf. epist. 137, 12 ; 258, 5; civ. 10, 28. 32. quorum divinis vocibus: In the Confessions, 7, 21 , 27, Augustine metaphorically calls the Sacred Scriptures ' pen' or 'stilus', Itaque avidissme arripui venerabilem stilum spiritus tui. ... In the City of God, 18, 43 he stresses their divine spirit and authority. The words in these cases seem to imply a belief in a verbal inspiration of Sacred Scripture. While it is clear that Saint Augustine honored the Sacred text as God's inspired word, it is equally clear that he gave full recognition to the human ele141

ment in the words. Cf. cons. evang. 2 , 12 and 24, where both aspects are discoverable. For a systematic treatment of the matter cf. G. Courtade, "Inspiration et inerrance" in Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplément, 4 ( 1947) , 482ff. and Portalié, art. cit. 2340-44 . 34. Quis ita sit demens ut : This may be an echo of Tuscu-

lans, 3, 71 where Cicero's rhetorical question has a similar ring : "Quis est tam demens ut sua voluntate maereat?” 35-37. qui nec • • • tacuerunt : Cf. epist. 93 , 52 ; 232, 3 ; cons. evang. 1 , 26, 41 ; civ. 17, 18, 1 for the same thought . 41. Quis itaque : This type of rhetorical question , labeling and characterizing the opponent, is an argument ad hominem. Cf. also epist. 220, 11 .

SECTION 11 1. Vos autem, carissimi : This is an ending that bespeaks a sermon. Cf. serm. 146, 2 for a similar appeal to the recently baptized to live uprightly, not to imitate bad Christians, etc., but there Augustine is more insistent and personal than here. The ending of the fid. rer. may have been adapted to delivery before an audience, for it is well-known that Augustine's works were early popularized among the Christians. Furthermore, the evidence of the three manuscripts in the a class, all ending abruptly at nolit habere near the end of section 10, might tend to throw suspicion on the traditional closing paragraphs of fid. rer. They mark a definite departure in style from the rest of the work. However, the use of the quotation, Qui habet aures, etc., is not confined to the ending of sermons only; cf. epist. 43, 22. 5.

haeretici:

For the development of haeres, haereticus, etc.,

cf. Mohrmann, pp. 115-116 . For the place of heresies, see note above, 10, 28.

5. Catholica: Here we have a case of the adjective standing for the noun, Catholica = ecclesia Catholica, which is usual in Augustine. Cf. vera relig. 7, 12 ; serm. ed. Mai 120, 13 ; c. epist. fund. 4, 5; retract. 2, 18. See the articles on this word in the TLL and DACL . 6. tanto nocentiores, quanto interiores: Augustine is faced here with the fact of bad Christians whose very presence within the Church increases their power to harm it. For similar consid-

142

erations of the matter and the same Scriptural application, cf. c. Faust. 13 , 16 ; epist. 93, 9, 28 ; bapt. 5, 27 ff; 6, 3, 5 ; 7, 51 , 99. In epist. 208, 3-4 Augustine makes reference to the "winnowing" of Scripture (Matt. 3 , 12 ) in his discussion of good and bad shepherds and good and bad sheep . 7. ne perturbantur infirmi : A combination of exhortation and consolation is met with in this section, where cognizance is taken of the feebleness of the faithful and their liability to scan-

dal of every kind. 12-13. dum sagena ... piscium: The ' dividing on the shore' and the net' are familiar devices of Augustine's apologetical treatments; cf. serm. 252 , 2-4 ; serm. ed. Wilm. 13, 3 ; serm. ed. Guelf. 15, 1 ; civ. 18, 49, 1 . 15. secernat se à piscibus malis: Secerno is a common word

meaning 'separate' , but its use with a and the ablative is poetical and late. For the subject of secernat we must go back to habet • audiat, line 12 . 16-17 . probati reprobis videntur esse permixti : Cf. serm . 88, 19-20, civ. 18, 49, 1 for this notion of the mingling of the evil and good. It is a basic concept in The City of God; the souls of both cities are not finally separated until the end of the world.

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I.

INDEX LOCORUM

A. SCRIPTURA SACRA Gen. 22, 18: 90, 98; 49, 12 : 131 . Ps. 2. 7-8: 98; 3 , 6: 102 ; 18 , 4-5 : 112 ; 21 , 17-19: 100; 21 , 28-29 : 100; 40, 7-9: 100; 40, 10: 100 ; 40, 11 ; 75 , 100; 44, 7-8: 92 ; 44 , 10 : 92 ; 44, 1118: 92-94; 45 , 9 : 98; 58, 12 : 108 ; 68, 22-24: 106 ; 107 , 6 : 104. Cant. 2, 2: 114. Is. 7, 14: 75, 92 , 98 . Ier. 16, 19: 102 ; 16 , 19-20: 102 .

Soph. 2, 11 : 102 . Matt. 1 , 23: 75 , 92 , 98; 6, 9: 94; 13, 9: 114; 13, 47-50 : 114. Lc. 23, 34: 106 ; 23 , 35 : 110, 139. Ioann. 13, 18 : 75 , 100. Act. 5, 38-39: 131 . 1 Cor. 11 , 19: 140 ; 13 , 12 : 120. 2 Cor. 4, 16: 94, 130. Gal. 3, 16: 127. Hebr. 11 , 1 : 120.

B. AUCTORES ANTIQUI Aristoteles, Ethic. Nic. 2 , 2 : 58; 4: 122 ; 8: 120; 9: 120. Augustinus, c. Adim . 15: 131 . civ. 8, 19: 140; 10, 29: 44; 14, 7: 124-125; 18 , 35 : 132 ; 19, 4 : 56; 19, 6: 42; 20, 7: 43 ; 20, 30 : 139; 21 , 5 : 132 . conf. 1 , 16: 56; 2 , 2 : 56 ; 4, 12 : 133 ; 4, 15: 43; 5, 10 : 45 ; 6, 5 : 126; 7, 10: 119; 7, 20: 43; 7 , 21 : 141 ; 8, 8: 128 ; 10, 6: 56; 10, 8 : 131 ; 10, 24: 133; 10, 27: 133; 11 , 2 : 72 ; 13 , 23: 44. cons. evang. 2, 12 ; 2 , 24 : 142 . de duab. anim . 10: 120. doctr. Christ . 2 , 14: 74. epist. 43 , 22: 142 ; 76 : 56 , 127; 120, 8: 43; 138 , 7-8 : 130; 140, 3 : 45; 147, 3: 43; 231 , 7: 39 , 51 , 116; 232, 5-6: 133. in evang. Ioh. 90, 2 : 43. immort. 10, 17: 43. c. Iul. 1 , 3: 54; 3 , 21 : 55 ; 4, 57: 132. c. Iul. op. imperf. 2, 70 : 132 ; 2 , 172 : 55; 6, 29: 42. mor. eccl. 7, 12 : 134. II.

praed. sanct. 2 : 118. in psalm. 41 , 13 : 42 ; 55 , 17: 123. quaest. Simpl. 36, 1 : 125. retract. 1 , 13: 116; 2 , 41 : 33. serm. 23, 13: 44; 41 , 7: 135 ; 43 , 4: 135; 62 , 11 : 30; 87, 13 : 54; 126, 2 : 55; 126, 5 : 128; 146 , 2 : 142 ; 186, 1 : 45; 215, 4: 128 ; ed . Den . 24: 117. symb. 3: 139. trin. 2, 3: 118 ; 4, 13 : 132 ; 4, 14: 45; 8 , 5 : 133 ; 10, 7: 119; 14, 7: 118 ; 15 , 16 : 118. util. cred. 1: 129. virg. 4: 45. Cassiodorus , inst. 1 , 22 : 35. Cicero, amic. 6 , 22 : 121 ; 7 , 24: 121 , 8, 26: 121 ; 17 , 64: 121 ; Tusc. 3, 71 : 142. Codex Theodosianus 16: 31 . Heraclitus, Fr. 45 : 58. Hieronymus, epist. 106: 74. Lucretius, de nat. rerum 1 : 58; 5 : 58. Plato, rep. 1 , 334C: 121 . Possidius , vita 7: 57. Quintilianus, inst. orat. 9, 1 : 59.

INDEX NOMINUM RERUM ET LOCUTIONUM

Acta Sanctorum : 6 n. Aetheria: 67. affection: 48 , 125. African Psalter: 74. Aggsbach: 13. Ambrose: 127. Amerbach: 21 , 22 , 23 , 38 n. amicitia: 86, 125. animadversiones: 23. animo nostro : 117. apodosis : 68.

Apostles: 140. Arcadius: 31. archetype: 10, 29. Archivio della Badia: 4. argument from prophecy: 127, 131 . argumentum ad hominem : 123 , 124. Aristotle: 58 , 120, 121 , 122. Assisi : 1 , 12. Auch : 12. authenticity , evidences of: 41 , 42-47. Baldwin , C. S.: 59 n.

144

Bartholomaeus of Urbino: 36. Bede : 35. Bellarmine, Robert: 38. Benedictines: 10, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 38, 39, 40, 41 , 116 , 124, 141 . Beneventan : 4, 5. benevolentia : 86, 120. Bible, of A.: 72 ; A. reviser of: 74. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: 4, 12, 13. Bibliothèque Nationale: 11 , 25, 26. Boniface : 39. Bruges: 13. Brussels: 12. calamitas: 84, 123. Cambrai: 12. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College: 12 , 13; Gonville and Caius College: 13. Cambron: 12 . cantilena: 82, 122 . caritas : 84, 86 , 122. Caroline minuscule: 10. Cassiodorus: 35. castigationes: 23. cautela : 88, 125. the Church: 127, 130; as a Mother: 55; evil within: 142 , 143 ; spread of: 47, 49, 130, 131 , 138, 140. Cicero : 57, 121 . City of God: 51 . Clairmarais : 11. Clairvaux: 11 . clausulae, accentual: 69; metrical: 70. Codex Gemmeticensis: 39. cogitatio: 80. collations: 24, 25, 26. Cologne Dombibliothek: 3. color: 82. comes Africae: 32 n. comes domesticorum: 39 n. confusio: 86. consecrandae virgines: 96. cor: 84. cordibus credimus: 84. Courcelle , P.: 121 . credere : 82, 92. criticism of Christians: 48. cursus: 70, 71. Cyprian: 74. Darius: 33, 39, 40, 51 , 52 , 116. De Bruyne, D.: 73, 77. De fide rerum invisibilium : 116. De Ghellinck, J.: 11 , 33 , 50 n. De Lagarde, P.: 73. Dea Caelestis: 32 n. Delisle, L.: 26. dilectio: 82 , 124.

Divine Indwelling: 133. Dodo , A.: 22 . Donatists: 74, 127. DuPin , E.: 40, 42. Durham Cathedral Library: 12 . ecclesia: 90, 92, 98, 100, 104, 108 , 114. Erasmus , D.: 22, 23 , 37 , 38, 39. epistulae : 51 . Eugippius : 35. evangelium : 114. explicit : 1, 114. extrinsecus: 82 , 122 . faith: 42, 81 , 83 , 85, 87 , 89 , 116, 136; in friendship: 44; in natural order: 42 , 43, 48; nature of: 55 , 118 ; in the unseen: 42 , 58, 81 , 118; in things to come, 40; role of in Christian life: 48, 118. fallaces haeretici: 112. falsi Iudaei: 112 . fanaticism : 30. fides: 80, 84, 86, 118. figura: 82. Finaert, J.: 57. fingendo benevolentiam: 84. Flavigny: 7. Fleury-sur-Loire: 4, 7. friendship: 44, 48, 121 , 122, 123. florilegia: 34. Gaudentius: 32. Gelasian Decree: 34. Gilson , E.: 119 , 126, 134. Gothic: 11. Greek, A.'s knowledge of: 120. haplography: 29, 84. Harnack, A.: 117. Heptateuch: 73. Heraclitus: 58. Hildebald: 3. Honorius : 31 . Hugh of St. Victor: 38, 39. humana societas: 88 , 126. humanist hand : 13. Hurter, H.: 41 . idiotas: 110, 139. idols , uselessness of: 133. Immensa aeterni Dei: 24. impietas: 126. Incarnation: 44-46, 128, 129, 141 . indagare: 88, 126. Indiculum: 33 , 51 . infidelis impietas: 88. Inguanez, M.: 4. Institutes : 35. intrinsecus: 82, 94, 122. invisibilis: 86. Iudaea terra: 98. Iudaeorum codices: 106.

145

Jerome: 34, 72, 73. the Jews: 47 , 135 , 136, 137; history of: 49; witness to Christian belief: 49. Jones, L. W.: 3, 4. Jovius (or Jovinianus) : 32. judgment : 141 . Jumièges: 10, 25, 28, 124. knowledge, nature of: 42-44, 48, 58, 118. Kukula, R.: 24, 25 , 26. laboriosae fidei: 106. Lambot, C .: 41 n . Langres: 7. language, simplicity of A's: 58. Laon: 11. Leipzig: 1 . liber, libri: 51-53. Louvain Theologians : 23, 24, 37 n., 38 , 39 n., 40. Lowe, E. A.: 4. Lucretius: 58. magister utriusque militiae: 31. magister officiorum : 31 . mali Christiani: 112. manuscripts, agreements of: 7-9, 1420. division of: 1. evaluation of: 29. external features of: 1-7; 10. and editions, comparison of readings of: 27-29. Marrou , H.-I.: 33 n., 34 n., 121 . martyrs: 140. metonomy: 134. Milleloquium Veritatis: 36, 37. miracles : 132. miraculum divinum : 98, 132. Monte Cassino: 4, 7. Morin, G.: 6 n. , 41 n. Neufchâteau : 14, 19. Nicholas V, Pope: 13. nomen Iudaeorum : 90. nominal word order: 66. Norwich Cathedral Priory: 12. occulto sed iusto iudicio: 108. Olympius : 31 . Optatus: 74. opus habemus: 82. ore maternae dilectionis: go. paganism: 139, 140; abandonment of: 49; legislation against: 31-32. paleography, evidence of: 39. passions, saints': 4. perseverance : 115 , 141 , 142. personification: 55, 56, 68. perturbatio: 86. Peter the Lombard: 36.

Placidia: 39Plato: 50 n., 58, 120, 121 . Portalié: 117. Possidius: 33, 51 , 52, 57, 131 . predestination: 137. printed editions: 21-29. Projected Vatican Edition : 24-25. prophecy, agument from: 46, 47, 49, 141 . propheticis libris: 106, 135. protasis: 63, 68. provenience: 13. Psalter of Augustine: 77. pseudepigrapha : 22. purpose of the work: 47-49. Quintilian: 59 n. recension: 9. 29. reductio ad absurdum: 123. regia prole fecundam : 94. religio: 116, 126. Renaissance : 13. Retractations: 22 , 33 , 41 , 51 , 52. rhetoric: 57, 58, Christian : 57; figures of: 59-66. rideo: 116. ridicule of Christians: 81 . Rouen: 10, 25. Royaumont : 26. Sabatier, D. P .: 73. sacramento sapientiae: 92 . sacramentum : 129. sagena: 114. Saint Amand-en-Pevèle: 11 . de Saint-Marie, H .: 2 n. Saint Maur, Congregation of: see also Benedictines. Saint Omer: 11. Schriftheimat: 5 , 13. Scripture, A's attitude toward: 72. Scriptures, authority of: 48, 135. evidences for belief in: 48 . inspiration of: 141 . Second Sophistic : 59. seed of Abraham : 47, 127. semen Abrahae: 90. sermo plebeius: 53. sermones : 51 , 52-57. simulacra: 102. Sixtus V, Pope : 24. Sophistic: 57. Sorbonne, Manuscripts: 25, 26. spiritalis: 92, 129. Stellartius, P.: 38 n. stemmata: 10, 15, 18, 21 . Stilico: 31. suffragatores: 108, 138. tegendo malitiam: 84. temples, destruction of: 32.

146

terminus ad quem : 32. terminus a quo : 30. Tertullian : 125. textual emendation : 29 , 84, 124. Theodosius: 31 . Tillemont, L. S.: 40, 42. topoi: 46. Tours: 1. tractatus: 51 . Troyes: 11 . typology: 69, 70, 71. Union Académique Internationale: 30. Urba, C .: 3. Valentinus, Saint: 7.

vani pagani: 112. varia opuscula: 26. vates: 112, 141. verbal word order: 67. Verona text: 74. Vienna : 13. Vindingus, Bernardus: 38, 40, 116. Virgin Birth: 44-46, 128, 129. virgins: 131 . vision: 120. voluntas: 82, 86, 120, 122 . Vulgate: 72, 73, 75, 76. Wilmart, A.: 3 , 4, 5, 6, 7. Zycha, J.: 1 , 3, 6.

147