Lykophron: Alexandra: Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction 019957670X, 9780199576708

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LYKOPHRON

ALEXANDRA Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction

Simon Hornblower

OXFORD UNIVERSITY

PRESS

Kassandra assaulted by Ajax: two versions (see p. xii for details)

TRLNSHARED PRINTCOLLECTION

OXFORD UNIVBRSITY

PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox2 6DP, United Kingdom

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.

It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries

© Simon Hornblower 2015 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2015 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization . Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198Madison Avenue, New York, NY rno16, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2015936771 ISBN 978-o-1~957670-8 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon,

CRO 4YY

The writing of this book has been made possible by my election to a Senior Research Fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford, in 2010, and I gratefully acknowledge the extra time for research and writing which this has given me. If I had stayed at UCL, where I worked and taught happily for the thirteen years 1997-2010, I would probably have been able to finish my commentary on Herodotus book 5 while still in post,1 but serious work on Lykophron would have had to wait until retirement. In November 2008, as Grote Professor of Ancient History at UCL, I gave an inaugural lecture called 'History from the Dark Poet Lykophron'. In the years since then, I have delivered earlier versions of various parts of the Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix as seminar or conference papers in the UK, Cyprus and Italy. I do not give details here, but I thank those whose comments have resulted in improvements. Section II of the Introduction ('Lykophron and epigraphy: the value and function of cult epithets in the Alexandra') is published in different and longer form in ClassicalQuarterly (see Hornblower 2014 in the Bibliography). In the preface to his excellent little edition of 1921, George W. Mooney observed that the Alexandra requires a 'stout swimmer'. I plan next to splash around in a smaller and more manageable pool than this detailed commentary: a monograph sequel, to be called Lykophron'sAlexandra and the Hellenistic World.See Introduction, section 1, at end; also 3 (k) ('Tirnaios'), and 10 ('Foundation myths'). In that book, I also plan to return to the 'Lokrian Maidens' inscription (JG 9. I' 706), for which see 1141-1173n., where epigraphic detail could not be gone into fully: and to the poem's relationship to Sibylline Oracles and other apocalyptic literature (1465n.). Many individuals have helped me over particular points and I acknowledge this help in the commentary where appropriate, except that I have adopted Stephanie West's privately communicated suggestions more often than I have specifically signified. I have learnt much about the female angle in the poem from my former UCL student Giulia Biffis' outstanding Ph.D. thesis 'Cassandra and the female perspective in Lycophron's Alexandra'. But since I hope this will be published as a monograph, I have not drawn 1 My edition of this (introduction, Greek text, and commentary) was published in the Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics series in 2013.

V

Prefaceand Acknowledgements on her findings in detail, but have merely referred to her occasionally in a general way. For help in obtaining the illustrations and permissions I am indebted to Bert Smith (Oxford), Robert Pitt (British School at Athens), Christopher Smith (British School at Rome), Richard Catling (Oxford), Athanassios Themos (Athens), Branko Kirigin (Split), Maria Luisa Nava (Taranto), and Matthew Gibbons (London). Particular thanks to Dr Themos for permitting the use of still unpublished images from Amyklai near Sparta. My young Polish friend Marcin Kurpios kindly arranged for the translation, from the antiquated Russian, of A. Nikitskii's long and important article on the Lokrian Maidens inscription (Nikitskii 1913). I end this list with an expression of gratitude to Heather Watson, for her patient, meticulous, and excellent copy-editing of a complicated and difficult typescript. The book is dedicated to Esther. My greatest individual debt is to the late P. M. Fraser (1918-2007), a former fellow of All Souls himself, and my college academic advisor in the early 1970s,when I was a very young prize fellow there. His two-term series of graduate classes on Lykophron's Alexandra in 1981at Oxford University first stimulated my interest in the poem. 2 He planned a commentary on it himself, 3 and at his death left some draft notes towards this, which were passed on to me by his literary executor Elaine Matthews before her own untimely death in 20n, along with the extensive Lykophron library which (as she then told me) he had wanted me to have. His comments on the poem are not usable or worth publishing (a dozen typed pages in all, not much more than brief notes on individual episodes, getting ever more sketchy, and eventually becoming mere summaries). In addition, there are two short introductory essays.The first consists of four pages on the 'nature and structure' of the poem. The first part of this stresses the importance of Aeschylus' Agamemnon and Euripides' Troades,and then, with greater originality, draws attention to the relevance to the Alexandra of two Hellenistic epigrams about recitations with Homeric themes, of an anonymous and very difficult anapaestic fragment which seems to be about Kassandra, and of the Adonis hymn in Theokritos' Idyll 15;I have exploited this comparable material (the comparison is also to be found in Fraser's Ptolemaic Alexandria of 1972) in the Introduction below, section 6, 'Performance?' My Appendix is devoted to the anapaestic poem, and gives 2 For an account of Fraser's life and varied career, and discussion of his publications and academic preoccupations, including his work and teaching on Lyk. at different times, see Biographical Memoirsof the BritishAcademyXII (2013),131 85. His main published contributions to the study of Lykophron, apart from his article in OCD' (below,n. 4), were Fraser 1979 (on the Cyprus section, with important conclusions as to dating) and 2003 (on an inscription from Dodona which mentions Kassandra). 3 He was evidently sidetracked from Lykophron by his work on GreekEthnic Terminology(2009), which appeared posthumously, and which I saw through the press at his request.

vi

Prefaceand Acknowledgements text and translation. The second part of Fraser's opening essay is not a proper discussion of structure, but merely a half-page catalogue of the main divisions of the Alexandra. So apart from the brief remarks on the epigrammatists, Theokritos, and the anapaestic poem, this essay offers little worth saving. In particular, there is nothing about why he thought the poem worth studying or even reading. For that, one must go to his excellent article 'Lycophron (2) (ii)' in the new edition of the Oxford ClassicalDictionary.4 By contrast the other of his two introductory essays, a fully written-up account of the history of the text (eleven typed pages), seems to me of great value. In particular it gives a thorough discussion of the Byzantine commentator Ioannes Tzetzes, and an acute, if exasperated, analysis of the use made of Tzetzes by Eduard Scheer in his important' but notoriously intractable two-volume edition of the text and paraphrases of Lykophron (1881)and of the scholia and Tzetzes' commentary (1908). I have therefore, with permission from Fraser's son Alexander, printed this essay as section 16 of the Introduction below. But Fraser's account (written in, I think, the mid-r99os) was out of date, so I have revised this in the Introduction and Commentary where appropriate. Nigel Wilson has kindly checked and corrected this updated version for me, but any remaining faults are my responsibility. For my reasons for admiring the poem and thinking it important, and therefore for undertaking my own commentary, see below, Introduction, section 1. I am, for the third time in ten years, much indebted to Alan Griffiths for help with proofs, and for much more than merely typographic improvements. S.H. Note on presentation: in the Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix, references to line-numbers of the Alexandra are, in the interests of brevity and greater clarity, given in bold.Thus 'see 123 n.' means 'see the note to line 123of the poem'. Generally, Greek spellings are preferred to Latin, and this affects abbreviations; thus Plut. Kim. not Cim.

4 He wrote this for edn 3 (1996). For edn 4 (2012),I updated the bibliography myself, but left the text unchanged. 5 Scheer's work has by no means lost its importance, despite the appearance in 2002 of Leone's edn of the scholia (but not ofTzetzes). See below, section 16, for my square-bracketed remarks on this point.

vu

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures List ofMaps Abbreviations

xii xiii xiv

INTRODUCTION

1

1.

The poem; this introduction

1

2.

The Kassandra myth in literature and art

5

3. Sources of and influences on the Alexandra

7 7

(a) Introduction (b) Homer

B

(c) 1heEpic Cycle (d) 1heHesiodicCatalogue of Women and someotherpoems

of 'Hesiod'orHesiod

8

IO

(e) Stesichoros and someotherarchaiclyricpoets

12

(f) Classicaldrama:tragedy;comedy;satyrplays

14

(g) Epinikian poetry:Pindar and Bacchylides

16

(h) TimotheosandAntimachos

17

(i) 1hemythographers: Hellanikosand Pherekydes

18

G) Herodotusand otherclassicalhistorians(mainly Thucydides and Ephoros)

19

(k) Timaios

21

(1) Hieronymosof Kardia

24

(m) Eratosthenes,Philostephanos, and Androkles

(n) OtherHellenisticpoets

25 26

(i) Kallimachos

27

(ii) ApolloniosRhodios (iii) 1heokritos

31 32

(iv) Euphorion

33

ix

Table of Contents

Table of Contents 1 6.

(v) Minor Hellenisticpoets (esp.Moschos,Nikandros,

(o) Sibyllineoracles 4. Date of the poem; the Alexandra and Rome; the Dasii of Arpi

34 36 36 36

5. Authorship; regional links to S. Italy?

39

6. Performance?

42

Dosiadas,epigrammatists) (vi) Conclusion

7. Authorship again: an author from S. Italian Lokroi?

47

8. Narrative structure and other literary aspects

49 49 51 52

(a) Internalgeometry:the significanceofline numbers (b) Otherstructuralfeatures

(c) Narrativefeatures and narrativevoice 9. Language

53

in the Alexandra

l00

Thehistoryofthe text (1) Papyri (2) Manuscripts (J) Scholiaetc. (a) Thetwo paraphrases (b) Thescholia(i) scholiavetera (ii) thoseusedby Tzetzes (c) Tzetzes

Scheer'sinterpretationofthe Tzetzean commentary B. Modern editions

17- The text and translation provided in this book

100 100 IOI

102

103 104 105 106 108 113

ANNEX: the Antiochos III thesis

114

Synopsis of the Alexandra

115

Sigla

119

Text and translation of the Alexandra,with commentary

120

Introduction (ii) Cult epithetsin modernwork (iii) Vocabulary: epithet,epiklesis,and otherterms

62 62

67 69

503 511

(iv) Divine polyonymy

70

Appendix:The anapaestic Kassandra poem P. Berol. 9775 Bibliography Index ofLiterary PassagesCited Index ofInscriptionsCited Index ofNotable GreekWords GeneralIndex

Lykophron and epigraphy: the value and function of cult epithets in the Alexandra (i)

(v) Lykophron'scult epithets:.firstmentionsand literary

12.

S. H. in square brackets)

A.

53

10. Foundation myths, myths of origin, and similar traditions 11.

History of the text (by the late P. M. Fraser, with updating by

72

fonction (vi) Theevidenceofepigraphy (vii) Thesourcesofthe cu/ticinformationin poem and scholia

79 88

(viii) Localandpanhellenicreligion

89

(ix) Conclusion

92

Metamorphoses in the Alexandra

93

13. Cults

ofwomen

(heroines) in the Alexandra,including the

double (Spartan; Daunian), cult of Kassandra herself 14. Cults and rituals practisedby women

94 95

15. Later poetic treatments possibly indebted to Lykophron (Ennius; Virgil outside the Aeneid') X

96 Xl

553 591

595 597

LIST OF MAPS

LIST OF FIGURES

1. The Mediterranean world of Lykophron

1a. (alsofrontispieceand dust-jacket),'Vivenzio hydria', attrib. the Kleophrades Painter, depicting naked Kassandra about to be violated by Ajax, Naples Archaeological Museum, c.480 BC, inv. no. 81669,LIMC 'Aias' (II) no. 44 (Photo: © INTERFOTO/ Alamy)

xxii

1b. (alsofrontispiece),Kassandra's violation (partially clothed). Krater attrib. the Milan Orpheus Group, c.350BC, inv. no. 82923,UMC 'Aias' (II) no. 56 (by permission of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attivita Culturali e del Turismo-Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli e Pompei)

xxiii

2. Central Greece (Euboia, Boiotia, the Lokrides)

I

3·

xxiv

'Blue horse' statue group from Aphrodisias depicting Troilos XXV

(Photo courtesy R. R. R. Smith) 4•

Diomedes fragment from Palagruza, Croatia. From the private collection of Jadranko Oreb (Photo copyright XXV

Branko Kirigin)

5a and 5b. Daunian stele. Archaeological Museum, Manfredonia, N. Puglia, Italy, inv. no. 1257(by permission of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attivita Culturali e del TurismoSoprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Puglia)

xxvi

6. Hektor's hair-style. Attic red-figure hydria by the Pioneer Group, c.5roBC, 'The Ransoming of Hector', Harvard Art Museums accession no. 1972.40, UMC 'Achilleus' no. 655(by permission of the Harvard Art Museums)

xii

xxvii

I

xxx-xxxi

xxxii

3. Cyprus

2a and 2b. Unpublished (6th-cent. BC) Amyklai sherds attesting cult of Kassandra (as AA[ESANLl]PA) and Agamemnon. (By permission of Dr A. Themas)

xxviii-xxix

xiii

Abbreviations Bill.

ABBREVIATIONS (OTHERS ARE AS IN OCD BUT SEE p. vii)

BNJ

4

;

BTCGI Busolt

A. acc.

AD Ant.Lib. Antim. A.P. APF Apollod. App. BC; Hann. Ap.Rh. AI.

Aeschylus according to Apxaw,\oyiKov Llethfov Antoninus Liberalis Antimachos PalatineAnthology J. K. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families 600-300 BC, Oxford, 1971 Apollodoros the mythographer; and see 'ep.' Appian, Bel/um civile;Hannibalike Apollonios Rhodios Aiistotle; [AI.] mir. ausc.-Ps.-Aiistotle, de mirabilibus auscultationibus (1rep1 0avµ,aa{wv UKOVUJJ,aTWV)

Aiat. Aiistoph. ATL Austin

1

B. Bachmann Badino

Barr. B.E. Beloch Berger Bernabe

Aiatos, Phainomena Aiistophanes B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, and M. F. McGregor, 'Ihe Athenian Tribute Lists, 4 vols, Princeton, 1939-53 M. Austin, 'IheHellenistic Worldfrom Alexander to the Roman Conquest:A selectionofAncient Sourcesin Translation\ Cambridge, 2006 Bacchylides L. Bachmann, LycophronisAlexandra, Leipzig, 1830 R. C. Badino, Filostefanodi Cirene:testimonianze e Jrammenti, Milan, 2010 R. Talbert (ed.) Barrington Atlas of the Classical World,Princeton, 2000 Bull~tin epigraphique,published annually in Revue desEtudes Grecques K. J. Beloch, GriechischeGeschichte1, 4 vols in 8, Strassburg and Berlin, 1912-27. For edn I vol. 3. 2 (1904), see u26-1235 n. H. Berger, Die geographischenFragmente des Eratosthenes,Leipzig, 1880 A. Bernabe, Poetae epici graeci, 2 vols in 3, 1996-2005. Cited as Bernabe (1) and (2) XlV

CA Canter Cat. Chantraine Chauvin and Cusset Ciaceri Ciani

GIL CT Deheque

DFA 3 DGE Diod. Dion. Perieg. DK Dubois:

E. Eclats Edelstein and Kidd

EGM1,2

M. Billerbeck, Stephani Byzantii Ethnica, Berlin and New York, 2006I. Worthington (ed.), Brill's New Jacoby, online edition, 2006G. Nenci and G. Vallet (eds), Bibliografiatopograjica de/la colonizzazionegreca in Italia e ne/le isole tirreniche,Pisa and Rome, 1977G. Busolt, GriechischeGeschichte bis zur Schlachtbei Chaeroneia,3 vols in 4 (11,21,3), Gotha, 1893-1904 J.U. Powell, CollectaneaAlexandrina,Oxford, 1925 G. Canter, AvKOrppovos TOV XaAKtSews AMtavSpa, Basel, 1566 Catullus P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire etymologique de la languegrecque,4 vols, Paris 1968-80 C. Chauvin and C. Cusset, LycophronAlexandra. Texte itabli, presenti et annoti, Paris, 2008 E. Ciaceri, La Alessandra di Licofrone, Catania, 1901, reprinted Naples, 1982 M. Ciani, Lexicon zu Lykophron, Hildesheim and New York, 1975 CorpusinscriptionumLatinarum S. Hornblower, Commentary on Thucydides, 3 vols, Oxford, 1991-2008 F. D. Deheque, La Cassandre de Lycophron, Paris, 1853 A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, revised J. Gould and D. M. Lewis, 'Ihe Dramatic Festivals of Athens, Oxford, 1988 E. Schwyzer, Dialectorum Graecarumexempla epigraphicapotiora, Leipzig, 1923 Diodorus Siculus Dionysios Periegetes H. Diels and W. Kranz (eds) Die Fragmente der 6 Vorsokratiker , 3 vols, Berlin, 1951 see IGDGG and IGDS Euripides (noteAndr. for Andromacheand Her. for Herakles) C. Cusset and E; Prioux (eds), Lycophron:iclats d'obscurite,Saint-Etienne, 2009 L. Edelstein and I. Kidd, PosidoniusVol. I: 'Ihe Fragments', Cambridge, 1989 R. L. Fowler, Early GreekMythographyI: Text and Introduction, II: Commentary, Oxford, 2000, 2013 (also referred to as Fowler 2013)

xv

Abbreviations

Abbreviations Et. Gen. Et.-Gud. Et.Magn. ep.

Fi.

FGE FGrHist FRHist Furley/Bremer Fusillo/Hurst/Paduano Gargiulli

GGM Gigante Lanzara

GLP Gow-Page

GP GreekHistoriography GreekWorld GSW GVI H. HCP Hdt.

HE Hes. Th.; WD Hesych.

HH HHAp.

EtymologicumGenuinum EtymologicumGudianum EtymologicumMagnum epitome (of Apollodoros the mythographer) Finglass-numbered Stesichoros fragments in Davies and Finglass 2014 D. L. Page, Further GreekEpigrams, Cambridge, 1980 F.Jacoby, Die Fragmentedergriechischen Historiker, 15 vols, Leiden, 1953-58. (later vols, by other authors, are not cited) T. Cornell (general ed.), The Fragments of the Roman Historians,3 vols, Oxford, 2013 W. D. Furley and J.M. Bremer, GreekHymns, 2 vols, Ttibingen, 2001 M. Fusillo, A. Hurst, and G. Paduano, Licofrone Alessandra, Milan, 1991 0. Gargiulli, La Cassandra.Poema di Licofrone Calcidese,tradotto in versi italiani, Naples, 1812 (reprinted Naples 1982) C. Milller, Geographi graeciminores,Paris, 1855-61 V. Gigante Lanzara, LicofroneAlessandra, Milan, 2000 D. L. Page, SelectPapyriill· Literary Papyri.Poetry, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1941 see GP and HE A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, 'IheGreekAnthology: TheGarlandof Philip, Cambridge, 1968 S. Hornblower (ed.), GreekHistoriography,Oxford, 1994 S. Hornblower, The Greek World 479-323 BC4, London, 2011 see Pritchett W. Peek, GriechischeVers-Inschriften1: GrabEpigramme,Berlin, 1955 Hymn (of Kall.) F.W. Walbank, HistoricalCommentaryon Polybius, 3 vols, Oxford, 1957--79 Herodotus A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, 'IheGreekAnthology: HellenisticEpigrams,Cambridge, 1965 Hesiod, 7heogony,Worksand Days Hesychios

HomericHymn HomericHymn toApollo (Hymn 3) xvi

HHAph. HHDem. HHDion. HHDiosk. HHHerm. HN'

HN3 Hollis

Holzinger Hopkinson

HP HRR Hummel Hurst/Kolde Hyg.

IACP L AlexandreiaTroas

IC IE' L Erythrai JG

IGDGG1 IGDGG2 IGDS

HomericHymn toAphrodite(Hymn 5) HomericHymn to Demeter(Hymn 2) HomericHymn to Dionysos(Hymn 7) HomericHymn to the Dioskouroi(Hymn 33) HomericHymn to Hermes(Hymn 4) B. V. Head, Historia numorum:A Manual of Greek Numismatics,2nd edn, Oxford, 1911 N. K. Rutter, Historianumorum:Italy, London, 2001 A. S. Hollis, CallimachusHecale. Edited with introduction and commentary, revised 2nd edn, Oxford, 2009 C. von Holzinger, Lykophron'sAlexandra, Leipzig, 1895 N. Hopkinson,A HellenisticAnthology,Cambridge, 1988 see Theophr. H. Peter, HistoricorumRomanorumreliquiae,2 vols, Leipzig, 1906-14 P. Hummel, LycophronCassandra, traduction,notes et commentaire,Chambery, 2006 A. Hurst and A. Kolde, Lycophron,Alexandra, Paris, 2008 Hyginus, Fabulae M. H. Hansen and T. H. Nielsen, Inventory of Archaicand ClassicalPoleis,Oxford, 2004

M. Riel, The Inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas, Bonn,1997. M. Guarducci, Inscriptiones Creticae, Rome, 1935-50 M. L. West, Iambi et elegigraeciante Alexandrum cantati', 2 vols, Oxford, 1989 and 1992 H. Engelmann and R. Merkelbach, Die Inschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai,2 vols, Bonn, 1972-4 Inscriptionesgraecae,Berlin, 1873-

L. Dubois,Inscriptionsgrecquesdialectalesde Grande Grece 1: Colonies eubt!ennes.Colonies ioniennes. Emporia, Geneva, 1995 L. Dubois,Inscriptionsgrecquesdialectalesde Grande Grece2: Coloniesacht!ennes, Geneva, 2002 L. Dubois, Inscriptionsgrecquesdialectalesde Sicile, Geneva, 1989

IGDSII IGUR

L. Dubois, Inscriptionsgrecquesdialectalesde Sicile, vol. ii, Paris, 2008 L. Moretti, InscriptionesGraecaeurbis Romae, 4 vols in 5, Rome, 1968--..(3ov); 643n. (Tartessos);7370. (Misenos); 842n. (Chrysaor);8510.on -rpiavoposKop71,(Aphrodite's anger with Tyndareus). 30 Not all can be considered in detail here. For Alkman, see 3870. (K71pv>..o,, the kingfisher) and 4640. ({3apvrppwv).For Hipponax, see Hollis 2007=278-..µv,,possibly Lydian),8550.(d.crKlpa),and 7080. (1rl>..>..71). 31 For Sappho and Hellenistic poetry,see Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004: 28-9 (Erinna), 156(Theok.1), and 182(Bion). For the Hellenistic scholar Aristarchos of Samothrace on Sappho, Alkaios,Alkman, and Stesichoros,see Barbantini 2009: 302. 32 Page 1955:285.Alkaios knew of the myth of Achilles on the White Island (he calls him '.Achilles lord of Skythia',frag.354Voigt);see 172-179n. 33 On Christa Wolf and Lyk., see Hellmann 2007. 29

13

Introduction

3. Sourcesand Influences

(f) Classical drama:tragedy;comedy; satyr plays

(427-44) may have supplied Lyk. with the idea of the link between Odysseus' ten-year woes and Kassandra's sufferings, an idea easily extendable to the Greeks more generally. See 648-819 n. Sophocles is less obviously prominent as far as we can see,39 except at 450-468, the story ofTelamonian Ajax, where (again, naturally), there is much indebtedness to the Ajax (and no doubt also to the mostly lost Teukros). Otherwise, there are noticeably many verbal reminiscences of the Antigone, whose heroine is another wronged woman like Kassandra. 40 Lost plays of Sophocles dealt with the Greek west; see 1265n. (the Laokoon aware of the story of Aineias piously rescuing his father from Troy). Generally, the diction of the Alexandra is thoroughly tragic, and the very many detailed one-word parallels are collected by Gigante Lanzara 2009. These will be registered in the individual nn. below. For the Hektor by the 4th-cent. Athenian tragedian Astydamas, see above, n. 36, and 1189-1213 n. (no definite relationship can be established). For the Ransoming of Hektor by Dionysios I of Syracuse (a possible source for Lyk. on Achilles' treatment of Hektor's body) see 26()-270 n. Wilamowitz 1924:2. 148-..a,citing Timoth. Persai76 and 129).One or two possible minor thematic overlaps may also be mentioned: see 648 n. (Syrtis, cf. Persai88), and 384-.386 n. (for another ofTimotheos'works, the Nauplios). Antimachos of Ionian Kolophon was a scholar-poet of the early 4th cent. Bc. 51He wrote an epic, the 1hebais,and an elegy in narrative form, the Lyde. The latter included Argonautic material, and this-as well as the more obvious sources, Pindar, Kallimachos, and Apollonios, see belowmay have influenced Lyk.; see e.g. 632 n. for the dragon which pursued Jason and Medea to the west. His difficulty (neologisms, obscure periphrases, and so on) makes him spiritually kin to Lyk., and it may be significant that both poets should have been favourites of the emperor Hadrian, who was noted for his recondite tastes in literature. For Hadrian and Antimachos see T 31Wyss, and for Lyk. see the suggestion offered at 1148n. (on NapvKEtoV aa-rv). The mythical detail which most clearly recalls Antimachos is the storyshared between Lyk. and Antimachos, but otherwise hardly attested anywhere--of Achilles' leap onto the Trojan shore, and the spring of water which resulted. See 247 n. By contrast, it is much less likely that Lyk. owed knowledge of the Arkadian cult of Demeter Erinys to Antimachos, as Hollis 52 seems to have believed, calling this an 'obscure' cult. It was hardly that:53see 1041 n. Other borrowings from Antimachos were at the linguistic level.

(i) The mythographers: Hellanikos and Pherekydes Hellanikos of Lesbos,54 who wrote in the late 5th cent. BC, was an appealing source of material about mythical colonization. We have noted above, 50 51

Hordem 2002: 39-40 (esp. n. II2 for Lyk.) and 253. See F. W[illiams], OCD'. For editions of the fragments see the Abbreviations under Matthews

and (still valuable) Wyss. Hollis 2007-280. For the possibility that Antimachos included some of the material about Knidos 52 and the Triopion which is also found in Lyk., see 1388-1396n. See Hollis 2007- 280-1 for a partial list; and see further 94n., 137n., 416n., 425n. 4580., 489n., 53 622n.,629n.,771n., 987n., 1403n. On ovaa (unusual word for 'cable') see 20n. with Hollis 2007- 279. 54 Jacoby dealt with Hellanikos twice over, as no. 4 (mythography) and 324a (Atthidography). The essential work on Hellanikos is now EGM (vol. 1, 2000 and esp. vol. 2, 2013-the thematically organized commentary on vol. 1).Hellanikos has the distinction of being the only contemporary writer

in connection with the Hesiodic Catalogueof Women(n. 24),that Hellanikos wrote about Erysichthon and Mestra, a foundation-legend about the Dorian region in the vicinity of Karian Knidos; a few lines earlier in the poem comes the story of Orestes' violent settlement of NW Asia Minor. Pindar alluded briefly to this process (above, (g) for N. n), but Hellanikoshimself a native of an Aiolian island-wrote a whole work called the Aiolika in more than one book, and this certainly dealt with Orestes"colonization of the Aiolid': 1374-1377 n. We must also reckon with use by Lyk. of Kallimachos, who described Orestes' colonization of Lesbos (see below (n), n. 78), and perhaps did not confine himself to the islands. Pherekydes of Athens was another 5th-cent. mythographer-elusive to us, but of an importance comparable to that of Hellanikos. 55 Several of the myths in the Alexandra can be traced back as far as Pherekydes, though it would be presumptuous to assume direct and exclusive use by Lyk., or that there was never an earlier but non-surviving source. See 569-585n. (Anios' miraculous daughters); 834-846 (Andromeda); 846n. (detail about the Graiai); 932 n. (Panopeus' perjury); 1203 n. (Kronos father of Cheiron); 1315n. (Medea rejuvenates Jason).

(j) Herodotus and other classical historians (mainly Thucydides and Ephoros)

Herodotus was without question a profound and pervasive influence on Lyk., as on many Hellenistic authors. 56 Herodotean reminiscences abound in the Alexandra, beginning with the verb /J,TJKVVELV ('speak at length') in the very first sentence; see 2 n. For echoes of Hdt. on Libya, Triton, and the Argonauts, see 888 n. (Ap. Rh. is also a presence here, as we shall see below, (n) ); there are differences too, see 881-896 n. But the most unmistakably Herodotean section begins at 1283: the clashes between Europe and Asia, reprising Herodotus in verbal detail (e.g. 1293 n.) as well as in choice ofusually female-subject (Io, Europa, Medea, and so on). In the Persian Wars narrative (1413-1434), intertexts are plentiful, but note in particular that the description of Xerxes as a 'giant of the seed of Perseus' surely goes back to Herodotus' reflections on Xerxes' height and beauty (7.187.2). Nevertheless, the differences between the poet and the historian are also important, and surely deliberate. Lyk. turns the Herodotean order upside down (the abductions opened the Histories but they form the final main 55

FGrHist 3 and 333;EGM. Lyk.'s debt to Hdt. has often been noted; see e.g. Holzinger's nn. on 189 (the 'Keltic' Danube), 1283,and 1291;also Ziegler 1927:2341;S. West 2009 and Priestley 2014:179-86. For Hdt.'s popularity in the Hellenistic world, see Murray 1972. 56

named by Thucydides (1. 97. 2).

18

19

Introduction section of Kassandra's prophecy); and Lyk.'s insistence on an eventual reconciliation between Europe and Asia (see 1448 n. on StaA.\ayas-) was absent from Hdt. For all this, see 1283-1450 n. Finally, the absence of any mention of the Greek burning of Sardis at the beginning of the Ionian Revolt is very curious, since this would have fitted so well into Kassandra's scheme of reprisal and counter-reprisal (see 1409-1411 n., citing avTEVE1T{fl,1rpaaav at Hdt. 5. 102.1).As often, the poet avoids the obvious. Many other classical Greek historians chronicled the struggles which convulsed the Greek world in the interval between Midas and Alexander (14og-14nn.). Of these, we may single out just two for detailed treatment: Thucydides and Ephoros. (For Ephoros' contemporary Theopompos of Chios, FGrHist n5, as provider of a strand in the tradition which brought Odysseus to the West, specificallyEtruria, see 806 n., and for his location of the Laistrygonians in the plain ofLeontinoi in E. Sicily,see 662-665n.) Thucydides was one of the first two prose writers to show awareness of the location of Homeric Phaiakia on Kerkyra (632n.; the other was Hellanikos). The Lykophronic narrative about the 'commander of the whole fleet of Mopsops' (i.e. Diotimos the 5th-cent. Athenian general) who founded the torch-race at Naples, is heavily indebted to Timaios; but as Diotimos son of Strombichos this man had played a prosaic military role in Thucydides' Kerkyraian narrative in bk 1 (see Th. r. 45. 2 with 732737n.), and Lyk. was surely aware of this. The tradition of Phokian settlement in Bruttium after the Trojan War (930-950 n. and 1067-1074 n.) is unexpectedly borne out by Th.'s mention of Phokians at 6. 2. 3 (part of the Sikelika), where the text has been wrongly doubted. If Lyk. had direct knowledge of Kallimachos' Aitia book 2 on the foundation legends of the Sicilian cities, as is probable (see below), that implied indirect knowledge of Thucydides' Archaeology(6. 2-5), and also--at one further remove-of 57 the researches of Antiochos of Syracuse,Thucydides' own source. Ephoros of Kyme (FGrHist 70) lived qo0-330 BC. A historian praised by Polybius (34. r. 3) for his excellent treatment of city-foundations, kinshiprelations, migrations, and oikists could not fail to appeal to the author of the nostoisection of the Alexandra.And indeed a number of particular passages may derive from, or owe something to, Ephoros. Note in particular 695 n.: even in a very 'Timaian' section of Strabo (see (k) below), there is Ephoran58 material as well, and this was no less availableto Lyk. than was the Timaian. 57 Note,however, that Th. (6. 2. 1)spoke of only two Elymian cities, Eryx and Egesta, whereas Lyk. knew there were three: 964n. The third was Entella, and was mentioned by Ephoros; see next n. For the relation between Th. 6. 2.2 and Lyk.'s use of £1Kavos,see 870n. On Th.4.24.5 (Charybdis) see 44n.and 649n. 58 Possible awareness of Ephoros: sec 150n. (Miletos founded from Krete?); 616-617n. (Poseidon the 'Exchanger'); 64..eovTos, at 33,Kassandra'svery first sentence.At 801,'Herakles' en clairis not the god/hero at all, but Herakles son of Alexander the Great and Barsine, a young man who was treacherously killed by Polyperchon in 309 BC (Diod. 20. 28. 2-3; see above, section 3(1)on Hieronymos of Kardia). This, incidentally, is Lyk.'s only mention by name of a historical individual. In a separate category are divine names such as 'Hws for Dawn (who at 16-19 is personified as 'leaving Tithonos', so that this means 'at daybreak', compare above on Ares), cf. the similar connotation of TiTw at 941;Thetis for the sea (22); and Hephaistos for fire (1158).These names are given in non-periphrastic form, but are already periphrastic in a different way. (See above for Kv1rpis.) We should next ask whether these accumulated epithets perform a particular literary function in the poem; in particular, whether we can detect 211

Jost 1985:36. But she treats 'White Hermes' as Arkadian also, and this neglects J:. 212 FGrHist 328 F 22 a and b with Jacoby's comm.

76

Cult Epithets, their Valueand Function

what Homeric scholars call significant 'denomination'. 213 One section in particular stands out, the highly charged auto-narrative of Kassandra's sexual assault by Ajax (348-372), and it has been convincinglf4argued that the gods are here designated in deliberately pointed ways.2 4 The first of Athena's epithets is neutral and indicative, as we saw: it is Pallas, 355.The next line (356) raises the emotional temperature: 1uaovvµ,rpov11.arpplas IIvM.n8os. Of these the first is not quite a divine epiklesis, but it almost functions as one (c£ K6p1Jvat 359): 'marriage-hater', 1ua6vvµrpos, at 356 refers both to Athena's own origin from the head of Zeus rather than by normal female birth, 215 and to the role she played in the trial scene of A. Eum. There she upheld the rights of the male against the female ('I praise . all respects ', TO ' u~• apaEv " ' aivw ' ~ 1ravra, ' E um. 737,wh ere h owth e m ale m ever she adds 'except for joining in marriage', 7T>..~vyaµov TVXELV, perhaps a reference to her narrow avoidance of rape by Hephaistos). 11.arpp{a, goddess of spoils/booty, indicates Athena's role as war-goddess (also used of her at 985 and 1416). >..acpvpa is one of several words for booty, spoils taken from the living, as opposed to aKvA.a, taken from the dead. (Compare Artemis and Apollo Laphria/ios at Kalydon in Aitolia, a notorious piratical centre.) 216 Athena was IIv>..ans as guardian of city-gates. So the three epithets of 356 are not chosen arbitrarily; they all 'call attention to crucial points of the scene':217 Kassandra herself as marriage-avoiding virgin and as living booty; Athena as protectress. Much further on in the poem (1207), Apollo's medical epithets 'larpos and TEpµ,iv0Evs(below,p. 83 and n. 244) are very apt in their context-the Apolline oracle which ordered the fetching of Hektor's bones to Thebes for the avoidance of plague (1205,and for the bones and Theban cult of Hektor see 1189-1213n.). In the same section, Apollo's three epithets at 352 have also, but less compellingly, been seen as marked: the god's sexual appetite is held to be alluded to by Bopafos, on the hypothesis that that obscure epithet is derived from 0op6s, 'semen'; and 'Qplr1Js,'god of the seasons', is held to hint paradoxicallraat the unseasonable nature of his attempt to have sex with Kassandra.2 8 For the third epithet, IIripos, see above, n. 204. 213

See de Jong 1993. Sistakou 2009: 245,arguing for the suitability to their context of Athena's epithets at 355--:359 and 520.See also Cusset and Kolde 2012 for much sophisticated literary analysis of detail. 21s A. Eum. 736. 216 IACP: no. 148. 217 Sistakou 2009: 245 again. 218 Cusset and Kolde 2012: 7-8. But 0opafos may be a variant form of 0~ptos, 'god of the beast'; see Schachter 1981-94:1.43-4. Or it may be equivalent to 0oparris (Hesych. B 642};see 352n. There was a temple of Apollo Thourios at Boiotian Chaironeia: Plut. Sulla 17.6-8, who gives one explanation in terms of a mythical female oikist of Chaironeia called Thouro, and another which identified the 'beast' with the cow which showed Kadmos where to found Thebes. 214

77

Introduction

Again, consider the sequence Boapµ{a Aoyyans 'Op,oAWLS' B{a, at 520 (Athena again); the context is the fight between the Spartan Dioskouroi and the Messenian Apharetidai. The cult-epithets have been held to be specially appropriate here because of the last in particular, B{a, which combines Athena with Ares and Enyo (named at 518-519) so as to indicate the violence which characterizes the episode. Boarmia is said by the scholiast 219 to be Boiotian, and may be something to do with the yoking of oxen. But perhaps it should rather--compare above for the Ajax section-be taken in a passive and apotropaic sense: the goddess who does not wish to be yoked in marriage. 220 This would be thematically appropriate, given that the fight between the two pairs of brothers broke out (in one version of the myth) over the nubile Leukippides. 'Longatis' is, however, not easily amenable to any such interpretation. The scholiast again connects it with Boiotia, but the name may rather derive from a poorly attested 221 Sicilian city called something like Longane. And generally, we must acknowledge that Lyk.'s divine epithets are not always so well fitted to their literary contexts as are those discussed above. Kassandra's agony at 348-372 seems to have called for specially resonant treatment of Athena and Apollo. Other individual occurrences of cult epithets can be explained contextually, to be sure;222 but there were more than three Olympians, and many puzzles remain. The conclusion of this section is that Lyk. can often be shown to have devoted care and thought to the manner in which the cult epithets are introduced (easy first-time mentions); and that sometimes-but only sometimes-the poet chooses and positions cult epithets with sensitive regard to their narrative context. They are, then, not all randomly enigmatic. This conclusion encourages a further stage of inquiry: into their historical authenticity.

Schachter 1981--..wios,for which see n. 234. 220 So Decourt 2009: 385-6. Hurst 2m2a: 74 thinks the reference is to the Apharetidai, a pair of mighty warriors. Lamb in 226 says that these four divine epithets have a 'force quasi-incantatoire', and he remarks on the play of different vowels in the line. 221 IACP: no. 35(various spellings), cf. 1032.For a possible Boiotian cult of Athene Longatis see the very conjectural restorations of Athena A[oyyaru5t in two Tanagraian dedications (JG 7.553and 2463, c.300 sc): Schachter 1981---.>-.wv, 1rapa MiATJafois.Conventional Greek ei-,., much, although the inscriptions ofMiletos are exceptio. Linear B offers a clue; see 522 n. for the full argument. A b Pylos (Tn 316)has the name Drimios, di-ri-mi-jo, who is son o. Drimios is thought by Mycenaean specialists to be Apollo (--w. also have been designated in Linear B by some form of the name Pa. The vowels v and L are not identical, but Linear B experts nevertheless ofl:t. etymologies for di-ri-mi-jo from either 8piµvs, 'sharp', 'piercing'; or else 8pvµ6s, 'copse', 'thicket' (compare below for Hylates). A different (but even more speculative) approach to the epithet LJpvµas might start from the Phokian place-name Drymos. An inscribed Hellenistic agreement about financial matters, between Drymos and the Oitaian federation, is best interpreted as having an amphiktionic aspect. This would bring us to Apollo by another route, because one of the creditors was his sanctuary at Delphi. There is no reason why this approach should exclude the other, Mycenaean, explanation: in Lyk., things are often neither settled

-~

223 In what follows, I use 'epigraphy' mainly to mean inscribed documentary texts such as dedications, decrees, sacred laws, and so on. But no sharp divide separates 'literature' from 'epigraphy': after all, some poems are known only from inscriptions, such as the curious 33-line Hellenistic fragment about Endymion, PMG 1037,which mentions TptToy&fvs (sic,paroxytone; i.e. Athena) in line 1; cf. above and n. 208 for Tpiyivv71Tosat 519.The same is true of a number of paians and aretalogies; and cf. nn. 199 and 246 (inscribed hymns and paians, whose purpose was cultic). 224 It might have been hoped that the great Louis Robert would have illuminated Lyk. moresuo, but references are few. At Robert 1987=296-321,'Lycophron et le marais d'Echidna, Strabon et le lac de Koloe', esp. 2961 , he discussed 1351-1355(Tyrrhenos) in connection with the topography of Lake Echidna/Gygaia in Lydia; see 1353n. Robert 1962:314briefly noted the Lydian village Kimpsos at 1352 (in connection with Nonnos, Dion. 13.465); seen. there. His 1960 study of Aphrodite Kastnietis (above, n. 170) discussed the relevant Kall. frag., but did not mention Lyk. At BE 1943 no. 30, reporting the Dionysos Sphaleotas inscription from Delphi (n. 246 below),Jeanne and Louis Robert briefly noted its relevance to Lyk. There are no doubt other such minor items, but I do not think that Robert ever gave a passage of Lyk. the 'full treatment'.

79

II.

Introduction

Again, consider the sequence Boap11-{aAoyyci:TLS' 'O11-oAWLS' B{a, at 520 (Athena again); the context is the fight between the Spartan Dioskouroi and the Messenian Apharetidai. The cult-epithets have been held to be specially appropriate here because of the last in particular, B{a, which combines Athena with Ares and Enyo (named at 518-519) so as to indicate the violence which characterizes the episode. Boarmia is said by the scholiast 219 to be Boiotian, and may be something to do with the yoking of oxen. But perhaps it should rather-compare above for the Ajax section-be taken in a passive and apotropaic sense: the goddess who does not wish to be yoked in marriage.220 This would be thematically appropriate, given that the fight between the two pairs of brothers broke out (in one version of the myth) over the nubile Leukippides. 'Longatis' is, however, not easily amenable to any such interpretation. The scholiast again connects it with Boiotia, but the name may rather derive from a poorly attested Sicilian city called something like Longane. 221 And generally, we must acknowledge that Lyk.'s divine epithets are not always so well fitted to their literary contexts as are those discussed above. Kassandra's agony at 348-372 seems to have called for specially resonant treatment of Athena and Apollo. Other individual occurrences of cult epithets can be explained contextually, to be sure;222 but there were more than three Olympians, and many puzzles remain. The conclusion of this section is that Lyk. can often be shown to have devoted care and thought to the manner in which the cult epithets are introduced (easy first-time mentions); and that sometimes-but only sometimes-the poet chooses and positions cult epithets with sensitive regard to their narrative context. They are, then, not all randomly enigmatic. This conclusion encourages a further stage of inquiry: into their historical authenticity.

Cult Epithets, their Valueand Function

(vi) The evidence of epigraphyl2 3 Historians should be curious to know whether all, or some, or any, of these Lykophronic cult epithets are rooted in reality. The main control is, as always with ancient Greek religion, epigraphy.224 But inscriptions have in general (not just in the matter of cult epithets) been virtually ignored by all modern commentaries on Lyk. To list omissions every time would be tedious polemic; it may be assumed that none of the epigraphic material cited below, or anywhere in the present section, is to be found in the existing commentaries unless I say so explicitly. I now look at some relevant examples. Let us start with LJpv11-as-, an epiklesis of Apollo at 522 (Apollo and Poseidon built the walls of the first Troy), said by Tzetzes to be Milesian, )l770A.Awv, 7TapdMLAYJa{oLs-. Conventional Greek epigraphy does not help much, although the inscriptions of Miletos are exceptionally plentiful. But Linear B offers a clue; see 522 n. for the full argument. A gold vase from Pylos (Tn 316)has the name Drimios, di-ri-mi-jo, who is son of Zeus. This Drimios is thought by Mycenaean specialists to be Apollo (who may also have been designated in Linear B by some form of the name Paion). The vowels v and L are not identical, but Linear B experts nevertheless offer etymologies for di-ri-mi-jo from either 8pL/J,VS', 'sharp', 'piercing'; or else 8pv11-6s-, 'copse', 'thicket' (compare below for Hylates). A different (but even more speculative) approach to the epithet LJpv11-asmight start from the Phokian place-name Drymos. An inscribed Hellenistic agreement about financial matters, between Drymos and the Oitaian federation, is best interpreted as having an amphiktionic aspect. This would bring us to Apollo by another route, because one of the creditors was his sanctuary at Delphi. There is no reason why this approach should exclude the other, Mycenaean, explanation: in Lyk., things are often neither settled 223

Schachter 1981--94:1.134.'OµoAw{scorresponds to a familiar Boiotian and central Greek epithet of Zeus, namely '0µ0Aw1os,for which see n. 234. 220 So Decourt 2009: 385-6. Hurst 2012a: 74 thinks the reference is to the Apharetidai, a pair of mighty warriors. Lambin 226 says that these four divine epithets have a 'force quasi-incantatoire', and he remarks on the play of different vowels in the line. 221 JACP: no. 35 (various spellings), c£ 1032.For a possible Boiotian cult of Athene Longatis see the very conjectural restorations of Athena A[oyycfn81 in two Tanagraian dedications (JG 7.553and 24631 c.300 sc): Schachter 1981--94:1.129(c£ IACP: p. 4531 under no. 2201 Tanagra). But there is much doubt about these readings (c£ SEG 31.497),and this epithet will therefore not be adduced in section vi. 222 The approach adopted in the present section is different from that of Cusser and Kolde 20121 whose arguments are of unequal force. The suggestion that at 403, Aphrodite's epithets 'Kastnian' and 'Melinaian' (i.e. Pamphylian and Argive respectively) are intended to convey the vast extent of the goddess's influence (Cusset and Kolde 2m2: 26) is attractive; add that Pamphylia was an area of Argive colonization. By contrast, the observation that Apollo's three epithets at 352 are in alphabetical order (Cusset and Kolde 8) is not illuminating. Lyk.'s chains of epithets are mostly not alphabetical.

In what follows, I use 'epigraphy' mainly to mean inscribed documentary texts such as dedications, decrees, sacred laws, and so on. But no sharp divide separates 'literature' from 'epigraphy': after all, some poems are known only from inscriptions, such as the curious 33-line Hellenistic fragment about Endymion, PMG rn37, which mentions Tp1Toy£VfVS(sic,paroxytone; i.e. Athena) in line 1; c£ above and n. 208 for TpiyEVVTJTOS at 519.The same is true of a number of paians and aretalogies; and c£ nn. 199 and 246 (inscribed hymns and paians, whose purpose was cultic). 224 It might have been hoped that the great Louis Robert would have illuminated Lyk. moresuo, but references are few. At Robert 1987=296-321,'Lycophron et le marais d'Echidna, Straban et le lac de Koloe', esp. 296~, he discussed 1351-1355(Tyrrhenos) in connection with the topography of Lake Echidna/Gygaia in Lydia; see 1353n. Robert 1962:314 briefly noted the Lydian village Kimpsos at 1352 (in connection with Nonnos, Dion.13.465); seen. there. His 1960 study of Aphrodite Kastnietis (above, n. 170) discussed the relevant Kall. frag., but did not mention Lyk. At BE 1943 no. 30, reporting the Dionysos Sphaleotas inscription from Delphi (n. 246 below),Jeanne and Louis Robert briefly noted its relevance to Lyk. There are no doubt other such minor items, but I do not think that Robert ever gave a passage of Lyk. the 'full treatment'.

78

79

219

Introduction

nor stable. Indeed, the Phokian city has featured in explanations of the 225 Mycenaean word di-ri-mi-jo. Demeter was 'Erinys' in Lyk., as we saw in i above (see 152-153n., cf. 1040,where she is 'Telphousia', a reference to the cult of Demeter Erinys at Arkadian Telphousa, and 1225,where 'Onkaian pit' is a further reference to this Demeter, named from another Arkadian city, Onkai or Onkeion). It is thought that a Mycenaean goddess e-ri-nu, named on Linear B tablets from Knossos on Krete, preceded Demeter, and was eventually assimilated to her.226 This example, however, does not-unlike Drimios/Drymasprovide new and unexpected evidence for a cult title in Lyk. which was otherwise puzzling. I now turn to Greek epigraphy as conventionally understood, that is, inscriptions in the alphabetical Greek script. (For some syllabic Cypriot texts, see n. 243.) In the most rewarding cases, inscriptions not only confirm the historical existence of a cult epithet, but show that it was at home in the geographical area to which .E Lyk. assigns it; in other cases they confirm existence only. A good number of the better-known cult epithets used by Lyk., but as always unaccompanied by the actual name of the god, are naturally epigraphically attested, some of them many times over: [Apollo] 227 Delphinios (208) at Miletos and its numerous colonies, [Apollo] Zoster or Zosterios (1278) in Attica and elsewhere,228 [Apollo] Ptoios (265, 352) at the Ptoion in Boiotia,229 [Dionysos] Bacchos (206, 273) at Knidos in Karia,230 [Poseidon] Erechtheus at Athens, 231 [Zeus] Ombrios, the 'Rainy one' (160) at Athens, 232 [Zeus] Boulaios, 'of the Council' (435) at many

II.

Cult Epithets, their Valueand Function

places,233 Zeus Phyxios, 'of fugitives or exiles' (288) at Thessaly and elsewhere (above, n. 169). I shall not linger over these, because they help to solve no puzzles. My concern is with the light thrown by inscriptions on the more obscure epithets in the poem, of which there are many. More relevant for this purpose are those inscriptions which attest a cult title which Lyk. attributes to a different god from the inscriptions; indeed, the surprising Zeus Erechtheus may fall into this category, see n. 231. For example (and this whole subsection vi is intended to be illustrative not complete), Homolois (s20) is Athena 'among the Thebans' (Tzetzes; J; incorrectly says 'Athenians'), but that epithet was usually applied, mutatis mutandis, to Athena's father Zeus. 234 At 1331,the name Orthosia (attested epigraphically as an epithet of Artemis at several places, such as Athens and Rhodes) is transferred to her follower, the Amazon Antiope. 235 Hoplosmios ('armed') is attested epigraphically as an epithet of Zeus. But Hoplosmia is clearly Zeus' consort Hera at 858 and less clearly at 614. (We are told by E 614 that this was a cult title of Athena at Elis, but this may be an error for Hera.) 236 Hera Hoplosmia features in the modern epigraphic literature in connection with a short and partly unintelligible archaic Greek inscription from Paestum (Posidonia) in S. Italy. But the epithet, as opposed to the name Hera, is not present, and the connection seems to be a mere modern guess. So I do not claim it as corroboration of Lyk.237 Again, Lyk. does not always confer divine epithets in a straightforward way. At 856 the 'recesses of Lakinia' means the grove at Kroton in S. Italy which Thetis gave as a present to Hera, whose well-established epithet Lakinia occurs epigraphically-but also in other types of evidence. The rare word aµh0ot ('mice' or 'rats') at 1306, the first foundation of Troy, inevitably evokes the

225 For Drymos see IACP: no. 178; for the agreement, see JG 9. 1. 226-30 (after 167 Bc), with SEG 53.491.Cf. Stella 1958:26-, and n. 27, explaining Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo on these lines (and citing

Tzetzes on 533). 226 See 152n. For the two Arkadian places, see IACP: no. 300 ('Thelphousa') and p. 407 ('Onkeion'). 227 See e.g. Rehm 1914: no. 31 line n (525-500 Bc); SEG 27. 439 (Olbia, cup, 550-500 BC, but inscription may be later). 228 See e.g. SEG 38.124 (c.265 BC, epithet restored, but very probably), from the excavated site at Halai Aixonides in S. Attica. See Graf 1985:53 n. 33; Parker 2003: 177(Zosterios as one of a group of epithets derived from headlands). Steph. Byz. ZwaT~P says that Athena Zosteria was worshipped by the Epiknemidian Lokrians. 229 Schachter 1981--..10.s, epigraphically attested at Physkeis in W. i.e. Ozolian Lokris (see esp. the manumissions JG 9. 1' 671-84, and now a further set, SEG 56. 570-8) see n41-n73 n.

83

Introduction

Dionysos is hidden behind the epithet EcpaAT'YJS at 207. This refers to the myth ofTelephos of Mysia (NW Asia Minor), who was tripped up (from acp6.),).w)by Dionysos on the occasion of the first and misdirected Greek expedition against Troy. Lyk. says that this tripping-up happened not because of divine anger againstTelephos-the usual storybut because Agamemnon had prayed to Zeus, who therefore helped the Greeks. A mid-2nd-cent. BC inscription from Delphi, a dedication of a stoa, purports to give the hexameter text of an oracle of Apollo ('Loxias') telling Agamemnon to sacrifice to EcpaAEwTas the a.vat, 'king', where the specification of sacrifice means that EcpaAEwTaslooks like a cultic title. (The common Apolline epithet Loxias is suggested at the start and close of the poem, at 14 and 1467, but the correspondence hardly amounts to significant epigraphic corroboration.) This remarkable inscription shows that the mythological tradition, as recorded at length in the scholia and by Tzetzes, was correct to associate the epithet with Telephos of Mysia ('correct' in the sense that this association was taken for granted in the Hellenistic period, i.e. Lyk.'s own time). Dionysos Tavpos, 'the Bull', is similarly attested both in Lyk. (209) and in a verse inscription from Delphi: the cult paian of Philodamos (340 BC).Beotvos (Dionysos as Wine-god, see 1247)is not yet attested epigraphically,but the related Attic genos of the Theoinidai is so attested, in a late Hellenistic inscription. 246 Herakles is called 'Palaimon' at 663.The epithet is epigraphically attested for Herakles at Boiotian Koroneia.247 The scholia and Tzetzes do not mention Boiotia, but merely explain it by reference to the root for wrestling, 1TaA-. Next in the alphabet comes Hermes. The 'shining god', at'8pos 0Eos, at 680 is said by the scholiast to be 'honoured as White Hermes among the Boiotians', 1Tapa BoLWTOLS AEVKOS'Epµ,~s nµ,aTaL. One attractive possibility is that this is an ephebic cult at Tanagra, in which caseTanagraian ephebic inscriptions, influenced by Athenian institutions, might be relevant.248 But there is no hard epigraphic evidence for such a cult, and we 246 SEG 19.399(see Daweand Bousquet 1942-3:u3-25 and 20 (1942-3),1ir-40);c£ Scheer 1993:132-3 and Dignas 2012:135.For the date of the dedicated building, see SEG 53.490. For Dionysos Taiipo, in Lyk. see not only 209 but 1238,KEpaarpopou,yuvaiKa,, with E: the maenads wear horns becausethey are imitating Dionysos,KEpa-rorpopoiiai yap Kai a~-rat Ka-ra.µ{p:r1aivLlwvvaou; see Rohde 1925:269 n. 19,and 258with 272-3nn. 33 and 35.Dionysos Tauros in Philodamos' paian: SEG 32.552(= Furley/ Bremer 2.5),lines 2-3: E[vtf,TaiipEK]taaoxail-ra etc., with 209 n. for more detail. For the Theoinidai see Vanderpool1979with Parker 1996:299. 247 JG 7. 2874(partly supplemented, date uncertain, probably Roman), with Schachter 1981-94:2.9 and n. 4 (Schachter 1981-94:2. 10 notes that at Athens, Herakles and Palaimon shared cult in the sanctuary of Pankrates). 248 Schachter 1981-94:2. 49 with nn. 2 and 4b.

84

II.

Cult Epithets, their Valueand Function

can only hope that some will appear. We have seen in (v) that Hermes is called Kadmilos by Lyk. (162).The restoration Ka'8µ,]{>..ov at SEG 32. 1077,from Velia in Italy, date unclear, is very optimistic. I will come later (viii) to the important epigraphic evidence for Kassandra's Spartan cult under the epiklesis Alexandra, and to the related cult of [Zeus] Agamemnon there. Lyk. mentions the second specifically, and was (it will be argued) well aware of the first. Poseidon is teasingly alluded to in 767 by the name 17T7T'YJYET'YJS, and though Poseidon Hippios is familiar, and he is known by other fo1T-titles, this is an otherwise unattested cult epithet. It is said by the scholiast and Tzetzes to denote Poseidon 'among the Delians'. There is very slight epigraphic support from Delos for this Poseidon the 'Horse-driver' (or 'Horse-begetter', perhaps referring to his mating with Demeter and fathering of Arion): a very fragmentary inscription, perhaps naming Poseidon, has been found on a mosaic near what may (or may not) have been the site of the hippodrome. 249 Komyros, i.e. Zeus (459), is one of the most epigraphically rewarding of the cult epithets in Lyk. Its elucidation will take us to inland Karia in Asia Minor. In a section about Telamonian Ajax, Herakles ('the lion') sacrifices and prays successfully to his father Zeus, KaTa{Owv 0va0'A.aKwµ,vpCfJ Mwv I acpi.aµ11cp6pot, -rptEU1TEpov Mov-ro,, av 7TOTE yva0oi,

Aeschylus is also recalled: his Kassandra (Ag. 1076) breaks a prodigiously long silence with a wail of lamentation: orororo, 1To1Tot. In both cases, the build-up has been such as to leave a doubt as to whether she will speak articulately or not, and the opening cry does not resolve this. Kassandra's last word (1460) will compare herself to a swallow, the twittering bird to which, when still silent, she had been compared by Klytaimestra

.,-a,\awa 811>..aµ.wv: Kassandra begins with a

lament of a type which will have been familiar to many Hellenistic hearers or readers: a lament for the fall of a city, often addressed in the vocative i.e. personified, as in Antipater of Sidon's lament for Korinth after 146 BC, A.P. 9. 151(HE 568 = epig. LIX. This particular example is later than the Alexandra, but the general category is not. The apostrophe at Or.Sib.3.48]--also addressed to Korinth-is interestingly comparable). For (Ag.1050). such civic laments, as we may call them, see An even earlier lament, which begins as if for Norden 192]: 265; Alexiou 1974 [2002]: 83-101; a place (see next n.), had begun aia,: the late Chaniotis 2005: 191 8; CTIII: 712(discussing Th. 6th-cent. verse drinking-song or skolion which 7. 75. 5, and arguing that that emotive passage lamented those who fell at Leipsydrion in the recalls the fall of Troy without actually mentionattempt to overthrow the Peisistratid tyranny at ing Troy, and is influenced by the language of Athens. See Hdt. 5. 62. 2 for the fact, but the fourcivic laments, which were certainly a featUie line skolion (perhaps the whole poem, perhaps of classical Greece; see e.g. E. Hek. 910 ff.). not) is given at the otherwise Hdt. -derived Ath. Initially, i.e. with the foui words of 31,we suppose Pol.19. 3, whence PMG 907. Its opening line is that Kassandra is looking ahead/back to the aiaf AEupvlipwv1Tpo8waha1pov... But despite famous and final fall of Troy, as described in the mention of the place, the lament is rather for Virgil's Aeneid (probably with some borrowing those comrades who were betrayed at (the poem from Sophocles' mostly lost Antenoridai).Editors implies 'betrayed by') Leipsydrion. punctuate variously: Mair (here followed) prints Is it possible that Kassandra conjuies up a comma after 811>..aµ.wv; Scheer, Kinkel, another young life ruined by Apollo, as her own Mooney, and Mascialino after Krnauµ.b71; will be? But not ruined deliberately, like hers. Holzinger and Huist/Kolde run the sentence on Hyakinthos was killed accidentally by a discus with no punctuation between raAaiva and Mothrown by Apollo, and the letters Al Al on the VTOS'. It makes a small difference: a pause after flower,which he then metamorphosed into, com811>..aµ.wv means that 'wretched nuise' is a general memorate in perpetuity Apollo's grief for his sort of opening lament for the fall of Troy, a favouiite: Ovid, Met. 10. 215-16,'et Al Al flos lament not yet connected with the burning of the habet inscriptum' (cf. Colluthus, Rape of Helen city on the earlier occasion which will now be line 248). Hyakinthos and (Lokrian) Aias are narrated (K£Kauµ.b71Kal 1Tpoa8£). ingeniously linked at Met. 13.395-8 by means of For the form of addresses to cities, see Dickey the story that hyacinths originated from the 1996: 186, showing that they can be addressed blood of Telamonian Aias, the suicide (see also either 'by name or with a generic term', like Euphorion, as above). Ovid, in fact, has it both TA71µ.0V£UTUT1/ 1ToA1S' (Jos. BJ5· 19)-or indeed ways: the etymology this time is from the name like the present formula, which is almost but not Aias, cf. above. quite an apostrophe because there is no au or a£ Bion's Adonis begins aia,w, that is, 'say aiaf (contrast 52, with n. there). Kassandra natUially for' (see J.D. Reed's n.). De Stefani and Magnelli will not address Troy by that name, given her 2009: 606 observe that loannes Tzetzes himself preference for allusiveness, though she could imitated the opening of the Alexandra, in the have found an out-of-the way alternative (thus opening of a poem of his own: ai ai raAaiva 'Bebrykian' is a favouiite riddling ethnic for arpana. TUWAvaovwv (de imp. occ.1). 128

First destructionof Troy by Herakles

32-:33

once before also, by the army-bearing pine-timbered ships of the three-evening lion, whom the jaws

'Trojan', as at 516, 1305, and 1474). Here she equates the city with a nuise, and that feminine noun can also be supplied at 69, where strictly the only vocative is a£ (Mooney supplies 'my town', which is not in the Greek). But then at 72 Kassandra drops the nuise metaphor in favour of 'fatherland', and says arlvw a£, 1Tarpa. Kassandra likes this device. See 968 and n. for apostrophe ofEgesta, and for multiple apostrophe of this sort-lists of emotionally charged toponyms in the genitive--see e.g. 372-:376(Euboian places) and u46-u50 (Lokrian).

passage: fir was lighter. But pine is sometimes found in military contexts, e.g. Pol. 5. 89. 1 with Meiggs 1982: 145.An ov>..aµ.ov was an army in Homeric Greek (e.g. II. 4. 251)so the compound must mean something like 'warlike'; paraphrase p has mfS' 1ToA£µ71rpopo1S' vauat. See also 183, where Neoptolemos is ov>..aµwvuµos,'taking his name from war/battle'. There may also be an illicit but understandable seepage of sense from ov,\op.EVOS, as at II. I. 2, where it qualifies µfiv1S', 'accuised wrath'.

33. -rp1EU1TEpou >..iov-ros: the 'three evenings' refer to the prolongation by Zeus of one night into nutrix) to 871,\aarp{a,a word used at S. frag. 98 three, to enable him to impregnate Amphitryon's TrGF, from the Alexandros,a play about Paris wife Alkmene with a supernaturally strong offspring. The result was Herakles, the 'lion', so desand Troy, and thus conceivably alluded to here. ignated periphrastically in the first of Kassandra's But the one-word fragment is from Hesychios, many animal words for her characters. For this and we do not know its context or application. sort of animal usage see Introduction section 9: it was characteristic of oracular discouise, as at Hdt. 32. Kal 1Tpoa8£:only with these words do we realize that instead of the expected reference to 5. 56. 2 (actually divination by a dream apparition): r>..i;81 Mwv ... For Herakles as lion (as the famous siege and sack of Troy (for the siege see the whole Iliad, and for the sack Od. 8. 516), also at 460,697, and 917) see Sistakou 2009: 242, Kassandra's immediate theme is the earlier sack 252n. 42 and 2012:155:'bizarre by birth', he 'repreofTroy's predecessor Ilios by Herakles (and comsents the archaic form of violence'. It was one of the more obvious animal-identifications in panions, including Telamon, see 337-:338n. The Lyk., because the lion was Herakles' animal (he is force consisted of a mere six ships, see 1347n.). regularly depicted wearing the skin of the See II. 5. 642, speech ofTlepolemos: Laomedon refused to give Herakles the mares he had promNemean lion, UMC 4.1 p. 185;see further 455 and ised, so Herakles sacked the city. The episode is 1347with nn.). For the 'three evenings', see also Diod. 4. 9. 2 developed further at 1346-1350,where the sacking is one of the long series of reciprocal acts of and Apollod. 2. 4. 8, which Schwartz 1959: 207 thought derived from a J: on the present passage aggression carried out by the forces of Euiope of Lyk.; but Frazer in the Loeb Apollod. may be and Asia. 1rEVKa,a,vov>..ap,11q,opo,s: by a common metonymy, the ship is referred to by its right that the ultimate souice was Pherekydes, planks, c£ Brasidas at Th. 4. 11.4, telling his sailors who gives the story at frag. 13c EGM (Fowler not to be 'sparing of the timbers', rp£16oµ.£vo1 2000: 184,where, however, see Fowler's cautious n., and now Fowler 2013:266). See also Cameron g6Awv; c£ 883n. on 6opoS'. For nautical pinetimber see E. Med. 4 -rµ.718£iaa 1T£VK1/ (c£ Cat. 2004: 68. See also (Holzinger; Hollis 20or 282) the 'altar' 64. 1),where, however, Page says that pine was for merchant ships, but fir (t!,\ar71)was for warships or Bwp.os of Dosiadas (a literally altar-shaped poem, for which see A. H. G[riffiths], OCD4 like those referred to here, so that the present 'Dosiadas') line n, rp1Ea1TEpou Kavarav, with passage would be a slight paradox. He refers to Torr 1895:32 (read 31),who relied on Theophrastos Wendel 1914:349: the scholiast on those words HP 5. 7. 1-3; see also Meiggs 1982:n8-19 for this refers to the present line of Lyk. Hollis 2007: 282 811>..aµ.wv: equivalent in meaning ('wet-nuise',

129

First destructionofTroy by Herakles

Kassandra'sspeech

34-:38

, • ',\ .,. TpLTWVO, 7)/J,a a.,,E

,

,

Kapxapo, KVWV, eµ.1rvov, SeSatTpo, ~7TCl1'WVrp,\oiSouµ.Evo, > ,\ TtV0(t'" ,\E,-,7)7'0> arp oyot, , , ',\ t IQ

I

>

> >

35

I

E7T Eaxapat, .., , ,.., aµ.71piyya, EGTa asE KWOfla, 7TEO(t', 1'EKVOpa{aT7)S, ,\vµ.EWV Jµ.~, 1TaTpa,,

o

(=EGM 1. 166-7); cf. West 20n: 32; Fowler 2013: 312-13on Herodoros frag. 28. Hellanikos narrates the sequel (as does Tzetzes): Poseidon in anger and lists other parallels. But as Holzinger: 49 says, sent a sea-monster to terrorize Laomedon, who Dosiadas cannot be dated, though Hollis 283 consulted an oracle, which demanded a female notes a 'tendency to date the Bwµ.os and other sacrifice; as an eventual result of this (see below) similar technopaegnia early in the third century Laomedon gave his daughter Hesione to the Be'. See Introduction section 3(n)(v). monster for food. He proclaimed a reward of his immortal horses to whoever got rid of the mon34. Tpl-rwvos-1,µ,a}.a.,/JE Ka.pxapos,cvwv:the verb ster. Herakles did so by entering the creature is glossed ,;,µ.6).a~E0£ UVTITOU,;,rpavtaEV, i.e. through the mouth and cutting through its sides. 'made to disappear' (E) or Ka-rlmEv,'swallowed' But Laomedon broke this promise too, by giving (l: (N)) . The word is otherwise found only at Herakles only mortal horses. So Herakles sacked Sophocles' mostly lost play the Mad Odysseus Ilion (II. 5. 640-2 and 20. 145-8, surely indicating (frag. 465 TrGF, consisting of one word only), awareness of the whole Hesione story, see Gantz which would be a suitable enough source for 1993:400 and Edwards on the II. 20 passage: -rel Kassandra to draw on, if the play dealt with K~-rosis 'the sea-monster '). Palamedes' exposure of Odysseus' pretended madThe myth of Kassandra's aunt Hesione will feaness. For this pretence see 815-819n., and for ture twice more in the poem, at 470-478 and 954 Palamedes see 1097-1098.The 'sharp-toothed dog' The details are surrendered gradually (see Gantz is a sea-monster (K~-rosin Homer, see below; for 1993:400-2 for the myth, and UMC 8. 1: 623--..aioT~S has a powerful Aeschylean resonance; see Ag. 1206,

43. There were several candidates for the title of Taraxippos, the malign deity who caused horses to shy: Paus. 6. 20. 15-19,with Frazer for modern anthropological parallels for such beliefs; see also Usener 1896: 259. Taraxippos has been seen (Parker 20n: 105-6) as an example of a herocult to a power which is defined by doing 'certain things'-i.e. has definite functions or attributes, and so seems different from the usual sort of heroized individual-but which was, on Paus.' evidence, nevertheless identified with various ex-mortals, or perhaps with Poseidon himsel£ Ischenos was son of Hermes and Hiereia (1:). Tzetzes says he sacrificed himself to avert a famine, and that he startles horses either because of some secret and irrational power or because the laurel, growing over his grave, shakes and frightens horses. Ischenos is not one of Paus.' candidates, and this, as far as it goes, suggests that Paus. did not know Lyk. For a new frag. of Kallimachos which mentioned Taraxippos (the evidence is a papyrus commentary on a lost poem), see D'Alessio 2007: 794 with discussion at 795n. 2: Kall. frag. 641 = 271Massimilla (about the hill of Kronos) may belong in the same context. See also Howie 2012: 206-13 (esp. 2II for Ischenos), with 245 fig. 10 for a 6th-cent. Korinthian pinax depicting a rider, behind whom stands a little goblin who may be Taraxippos/ lschenos. Howie seeks to link beliefin and cult of Taraxippos with curses for the death or injury of

132

He struck his invulnerable second mother with a grievous blow to the breast with an arrow; and on the running track he gripped with his hands the body of his wrestler father by the high hill of K.ronos, the place of the tomb of the earthborn frighten er of horses, Ischenos. He killed the fierce bitch who watches over the narrow creeks of the Ausonian sea

39-45 40

45

charioteers. Ta.q,os: tombs as geographical indicators and providers of gloomy atmosphere are very common in the poem; see the lists at RougierBlanc 2009: 555,and add iJplovat 444 and 1208.

tain (i.e. caverns), not to recesses of the sea, as it does here and at e.g. 753 and 823.At 1244-1245it refers to both (µ,vxov/a,\o,;TE Kat y~s). In the 5th cent., Th. (4. 24. 5 with CT II: 181) had reported the alleged location of Charybdis at 44· njv BaA&.aa-r,s AvaovlTi8os µ.vxovs: the the straits of Messina, and those two horrors adjective is the fem. form of the ethnic whose masculine form is AvoovfrTJ, (LSJ Revisedsuppl., form an adjacent pair at Od. 12. 73-no, situated on or beneath facing cliffs. See Barr. map 46 1996).The reference in these lines is to Skylla,who watched over the straits of Messina; the '.Ausonian C5, which indicates both of them. So although Hurst/Kolde are right that the present passage is sea' (named for Auson, son of Odysseus and the first hint of the Italian (and Lokrian?) flavour Kirke) must here mean the sea off Magna Graecia which will characterize large parts of the poem, a (c£ 922, where the AiioovEs are the Achaian settlers in the Sybaris/Kroton region); the first western location for Skylla in particular would not have come as a surprise. The present passage example of this use is Pi. frag. 140b, a poem for prepares us for 641)-652 (from Lyk.'s 'Odyssey'), Epizephyrian i.e. Italian Lokroi, line 6: v1r«!]p where some of the same material is re-presented. Avoovla[s ?a,\6,. So too for Pliny (NH 3. 95) the Seen. there: the inclusion, within the 'Odyssey',of Ausonian Sea begins at Lokroi. But Lyk. is not a traditionally western-located myth will help to quite consistent: later in the poem, AvoovfrTJ, legitimate the untraditional western slant of will be used about the Daunian river Phylamos in SE central Italy (s93, and c£ Avo6vwv at 615, much of the rest of that section. See also 47 n. also about Daunia, and 1047, Kalchas' tomb). 44-45. µ.vxovsI aTEVovs:translators hanker for Then again, at 1355,Avoovins will be applied a sense 'narrow straits', but the noun seems unto Agylla in Etruria (c£ Ap. Rh. 4. 660 with Livrea avoidably to mean 'recesses' i.e. 'creeks' or 'inlets'. and OLD '.Ausonia').This usage is first attested For oTEvosin this connection, see 649 n. in Aristotle (Pol.1329b20), for whom the Ausones 45-47. aTEVovs... : Cusset and Kolde 2013: dwelt in the western rather than the eastern 170 detect here a cryptogram on the name part of south central Italy. The metrically conSkylla (1:TEVOUS . .. KYva Kmvwv 'Y1r«/p venient '.Ausonius'became a virtual synonym for Avyyos ... AlaivAv, making l.'-KY-KYAAA). 'Italian' in Greek and Latin poetry (e.g. Ps.-Opp. Kyn.1. 3). In Lyk., it is already moving towards With enough ingenuity, the poem can be made to yield much more of this sort of thing. On the that sort of fluid general sense, thus at 702, KaT' dangers of too ready detection of anagrams in the Avoovinv ... x86va has a wide extension, referpoem, see 1440 n. ring as it most naturally does to Italy as a whole,

=~-

most of whose rivers flow from the Apennines ('Mt Polydegmon'), though perhaps only the central or Campanian Apennines are meant. Note that the present passage is doubly recalled there, because µ,vxwv at 701 chimes with µ,vxovs here, though there it will refer to recesses in the moun-

45. 01r,1rwovaa.v:a rare word, borrowed from Homer, see II. 4. 371(to 'eye'something: Willcock). C£ Rengakos 1994: n9. aypla.v KVVa.:at Od. 12. 86, Skylla has the voice of a newborn puppy, 01.ia.wa.v:Skylla stole one of

the cattle ofGeryon from Herakles, who therefore killed her. Tzetzes (apparently followed by Mooney, whose tr. is 'steer-devourer') took the adjective to mean 'bull-eating' (from mvpo- and rpay-, with an intrusive sigma, either because of the metre or as an Ionicism). The more natural way of taking the word is as formed from Tavpo- and orpay-,'bull-slaughtering', the sense it has at S. Tr. 609. The 'lioness' is weakly explained by a Eon this passage, as 'because she is frightening', rpo~Epav (Scheer has ,f,ovtKov).But from E on 650, we learn that one of Skylla'sheads was a lion's. The episode of Geryon's cattle will be connected twice more with the Greek west (Sicily and Italy) in the course of the poem, both times in Lyk.'s Odyssey.the Laistrygonians, located near Leontinoi in Sicily, attacked Herakles when he was driving the cattle through their neighbourhood (662 and n.); and Herakles constructed a dam in Campania so as to create a path for them, thus creating the Lucrine lake (697 and n.). For the present section as programmatically western, see 44 n.

is clearly meant, in view of the second half of the line (see next n.); the name is said by E and the paraphrases to derive from ,\E1rTvvw,'I make thin', plausible, but a guess. The true explanation is yet to find. (See, however, Holzinger, citing 686-687.) Persephone's cult was important at Italian Lokroi, so this may be another programmatic hint at S. Italy (see 44-47n.).

47-"48. '7TO.'TTJP I aa.pKa.SKa.Ta.l9wv>.orpvlaw 6wµ17aa.To:Skylla's father Phorkys restored her to life by burning her flesh (E). No other source recounts this, apart from another E, that on Od. 12. 85. See Gantz 1993: 732.The motif suggests Hekate; c£ 650 n. See A.H. G[riffiths] 'Skylla' in

ov6alav 9Ea.v:'infernal goddess' i.e. Persephone (the adjective, from the word for 'the ground', is the equivalent of x06vws; c£ Dion. Per. 789 = GGM 2. 153 ov3alov Kpovl3ao, i.e. Hades); at 698 the epithet is again used of Persephone, and this time she is given her standard, unmistakable designation ofThe Maiden, otl3afo KapTJ,

a.fupq, So>.q,I VEKV,:the story here succinctly alluded to is one main subject of S. Tr. (lines 531-87 and 1046-un: the centaur Nessos, killed by Herakles, gave Deianeira in his death-throes what he deceitfully told her was a love-philtre but was really agonizing poison which killed Herakles horribly after she had dyed his tunic with it). For the hapax word Mirpos see

50-51.

Guilleux 2009: 234.

Tov ::4,BT}vBEE,ovµwov .,,.&,>,.,u: an allusion to Herakles' battle with Hades: see 3g-40 n. The verb is difficult; it may be an ingenious synonym for ](Hpovp.Evov,another verb formed from a word for 'hand', xdp rather than 3EEt&.. Others take Lyk.'s verb in its usual sense of 'greet' (as at 416 and 565), in which case it might refer to Herakles' visit to the Underworld

134

and who fishes above the cavethe bull-slaughtering lioness, whose father restored her to life by burning her with torches of vine-bark: she no longer fears Leptynis, the infernal goddess. A corpse killed him by swordless deception, though he had defeated Hades once before. I see you, wretched one, burning a second time, by Aiakid hands; by the remains ofTantalos' to fetch Alkestis. The ambiguity may be deliberate.

46-53

50

shows knowledge of two of these three items. The bow was in the possession of Philoktetes of the festering foot, and this led to the visit to 52-56. Prediction of second fullofTroy Lemnos by Odysseus and Neoptolemos, which 52. Aruaaw aE,TAijµov:again (c£ 3m.) , the lanforms the subject of S. Ph., and of lost plays by guage is suggestive of civic laments, and TAijµov both Aeschylus and Euripides, TrGF 3. frags here is a compressed and quasi-anagrammatic ver24~57 and 5. frags 781 803 (for other early treatsion of TMatva 07JAaµwvthere. With the unusual ments see Jebb 1890: xxxiii, to which add B. vocative T,\ijµov (not TA17µwv)compare A. Prom. Dithyramb23 Maehler; see Introduction section 3 614, TAijµov llpoµ7J8Eii.The word for 'I see', (g) ); cf. Bowersock 1994:56 and n. 3. Euphorion ,\Evoaw,is poetic (Homeric, Pindaric, and tragic, also wrote a Philoktetes,but very little of it surmost famously used at E. Ba. 1280,Agave's agovives; see 9n-g29 n., but note that frag. 209 nized, la, T1,\Evoaw;and a papyrus fragment of a Lightfoot, which appeared to bring Philoktetes 4th-cent. or early Hellenistic tragedy about Hektor, to Italy, may be from Oros not Euphorion, see TrGF 2 Adespota frag. 649 line 13,has Kassandra 920 n. (Philoktetes, and his posthumous cult at S. herself exclaiming la la · Tl AEvaw;).It is Italian Kroton, will be the subject of 9n-g29; see something of a favourite line-opener in the early introductory n. there for his importance in the part of the poem (86,216). TA17p.wv is another such poem, and the reasons for this). For the relation favourite; see Schade: 176on 773. between Philoktetes' killing of Paris by his supeKassandra here (and at 69) apostrophizes Troy rior archery, and the emphasis in the sources on itself (see also 31n., which is close to an apostrothe importance ofHerakles'bow, see 9n n., citing phe of the city). Among individuals, she usually M. West: originally, Paris' death was the primary apostrophizes Trojans, for reasons discussed at and Herakles' bow the secondary element, but 90 n., but 815 (Odysseus) is an exception. The the latter came to dominate the tradition. apostrophe to Troy's daughter city Egesta at 968 On the bones of Pelops-also stipulated in a is phrased similarly to the present passage: prophecy by Helenos, Apollod. ep. 5. 10, but with Al,,,forn TAijµov,aol 3.[ ... KTA. two different requirements, possession of the Palladion (Athena's statue) and the participation S3-56. Kassandra lists three causes of Troy's fall: the presence of an Aiakid (Neoptolemos; or of Neoptolemos-see Gantz 1993: 646, suggestpossibly Epeios, who built the Wooden Horse, ing that Pelops' Lydian origins may explain why because he was son of Panopeos, son of Aiakos' his bones are needed for the capture of an Asian son Phokos, who was killed by his brothers town. It was probably the Little Iliad (part of the Peleus and Telamon), the bones of Pelops, and Epic Cycle) which first attributed to Helenos the three requirements (1) Philoktetes and bow (2) the arrows ofHerakles. According to Paus. 5.13.4, the Greeks, dismayed by the length of the siege, Neoptolemos and (3) Palladion; see arg. 2b and consulted their seers, who said--chiastically, West 2013a: 181-2 (and 201 citing Dion. Hal. ABBA-that they must get hold of Herakles' Ant.I. 68. 4 for the oracle given to Dardanos, bow (or bow and arrows, Ta ToEn) and the bones according to which Troy would be safe if the of Pelops. Here the Trojan quasi-seer Kassandra Palladia remained on Trojan territory). A curious 135

54-63

I > " \ ,/, I \ A erpivav otKovpovat /\Et't'avots 1rvpos

1TatSos, KaTa~pw0{vTOS al0a.Acp Slµas, • T , a ,, , TOtS EVTUpEtotS,-,oVKOI\OV1TTEpwµaat. T(l 1TUVTU1rpos cpws ~ ~ap{❖JAOS s&.µap UTE{Aaaa KOVpov TOV KUT~yopov x0ovos "I:. \ ... , , asEt, 1TaTpos µoµcpawiv 11ypiwµev11, AfKTpwv 0' EKUTt TWV 7' E1TEWO.KTWV yaµwv. UIJT~ SecpapµaKovpyos' OUK l&.aiµov EAKOS SpaKovaa TOV tvvEVVETOVAvypov, I'tyavTOpa{aTOtS apStatV TETpwµlvov

55

Oinone,.firstwife of Paris

Kassandra'sspeech 55

60

son, as much as survived the flames and is housed at Letrina; and by the arrows ofTeutaros which devoured the body of the cowherd. All that, his deeply jealous wife will bring to light, after sending her son to betray his country-driven wild by her father's reproaches, and on account of her wedding-bed and the marriage to an outsider. But when she, the maker of medicines, sees the grievous incurable wound of her husband, inflicted by the giant-slaying arrows

54-63 55

60

KaTa{3pw0J.,.ros deteriores Kam{3pox0bTosACD, Tzetzes KaTa{3pwx0lv.,.os B

variant combined two of the talismans by having the Palladion made out of the bones of Pelops (FGrHist 15Dionysios of Samas F 3), perhaps so as to obviate the difficulty that the bones were in Elis and thus not close at hand, unlike the Palladion (West 2013a:201n. 48). For these and other similar talismanic requirements for winning wars, see Faraone 1992 and Malkin 1998b:132.

53.AlaKilo,s: this is the ktetic (possessive)form of the more familiar AlaKllla,. For ktetics in -nos, see Fraser 2009: 4g-53, esp. 4g-50 for their use as patronymics in Thessalian and Boiotian dialects.

word will refer to the dismemberment of Pelops, but No, it is to Paris. 54. Alrpivav: Letrina (for which see also 158)lay between Elis and Olympia, for whose connection with Pelops see above all Pi. 0. 10. Letrina was a perioikic (neighbouring and dependent) polis of Elis in Xen.'s time (Hell. 3. 2. 30, c£ 23), and was more usually spelt AETpivo,:IACP: no. 258, giving the present passage as the only evidence for the connection with Pelops' bones; but Paus. 6. 22. 8 says Pelops' son Letreus was oikist of the city. See Pache 2004: 87 £ for the child-hero Pelops. Aiupa.vo,shere means 'remains' i.e. bones; contrast 662 where it means 'survivors', as at E.

Tro.716. 54-56. Older eds took 53 (from TO is TETav7'CUov) 56. For Teutaros see 54-56 n. He was a Skythian to the end of 55to refer in their entirety to Pelops, herdsman ofHerakles' mortal father Amphitryon, including Kam{3pw0ivTos ('devoured', the prefand taught Herakles how to shoot with the erable reading) or Karn{3pwx0iv.,.os('engulfed'). bow: Kall. frag. 692 P£ and FGrHist31Herodoros 56 (the arrows of Herakles) then stood alone as F 17 with Fowler 2013: 267. Cf. Braund 2010: (in the dative) a third agent ofTroy's destruction, 384 (the name Teutaros is not otherwise precisely and the cowherd is the Skythian Teutaros, for attested, but resembles a cluster of similar names whom see 56n. To avoid the harsh asyndeton from the northern part of the Greek mainland). thus produced in 56, Holzinger transposed as folSee further 458 and 915-917 (Philoktetes) lows: 52-56-53-55-54. A better solution is to and nn. punctuate after 1raillos at the start of 55, so that everything after that, including Kam{3pw(x) 57-68. Oinone, firstwife of Paris Blv.,.os, refers to Paris, the cowherd, who was For the story, see Apollod. 3. 12. 6; FGrHist 26 killed by Philoktetes with the bow which had Konon F 1. XXIII; Parthenios IV and XXXIV; once belonged to Herakles. But Tzetzes took Kam{3pox0ivTos [sic] with Pelops. Fusillo, fol- Fowler 2013:528-..oaorplas frag. 8 Walzer/Ross, Lobel, both suggestions, but preferring the secwhich explicitly combines the Deukalion and the ond)-or even Kleopatra the wife of Meleagros, Dardanos floods). E Plato Tim. 22a knows of as suggested by Maehler 1997:338. three floods, of which the second is that of Deukalion and the third-evidently thought 66. po,(7186v:Kassandra likes this root: cf. f,01of as distinct-is that of Dardanos, who went ,iw at 1325and 1426,and emppo,,iw at 217 and to the mainland from Samothrace by raft, 8111 585. e,c{Jpaaaaa:another favourite word, see axt:8uis a1h6at:,coµ,iaOds.But Caduff1986: 137 377n. ,cvµ.f3a.xov: Homeric; see II. 5. 586, ,cv,_,.f3adoubts whether there was a separate tradition of xos ev,covl71a1v, with Kirk (whose Kvµ,f3a>..ov a 'Dardanos flood' as opp. the 'Deukalion flood', seems, however, to be a misprint) and J anko on II. and thinks that Kassandra's special interest in 15.535-6, describing the occurrence at 5. 586 as 'a Troy is enough to explain the limitation to fancy substitute for "p71v~s'. Dardanos; cf. Aristokles, as above. 69-85. Dardanos'escapefrom the flood The idea of a Dardanos-flood may go back to a Dardanos (not actually named until 1307,see n. hint in Homer, II. 20. 216-18:Dardanos founded Dardanie on the heights, because Troy in the there) emigrated from Samothrace because displain did not yet exist. For the Platonic motif of traught from grief at the death of his brother foundation of a city in the plain after a flood Iasion, who had been divinely punished for an (Laws 677a/b, cf. 682b and 702a for Troy and offence against Demeter (Apollod. 3-12.1, Strabo Dardanos), see Caduff 1986:135(and 41 testimo7 frag. 20. 19, and see 72~3 n. for Hesiod, who is nium no. 77 for the Plato passages), but also the earliest source, though very fragmentary). But

64. 7Tpos &.vOmr>...lTav: the noun is hapax, but the verb d.vOoTTAt'w is found at E. Suppl.666, in the sense 'arm against'. A MS variant here is av0o7TA.frov, and this is preferred by Hurst/Kolde, on the grounds that it means 'with equal weapons' (Paris and Philoktetes were both archers). But LSJ9 gives this sense for d.vOowMr71s!(And it does not register avO- at all.) this, like oKxiw, is a lengthened form of the verb oxiw, 'suffer', 'bear'; cf. Euphorion frag. 12.13Lightfoot, 0Kxol71.See also 1049.

omae,:

138

of a fellow-archer, she will share his fate: she will fling herself from the topmost towers in a headlong rush, onto the newly-killed corpse. Caught by the hook of grief, she will breathe out her life on his still palpitating body. I groan, I groan for you, twice and three times, you who see battle once again, and the plundering of houses and destructive fire. I groan for you, my fatherland, and the tomb of the diver,

139, noting the contradictory tradition at 72, where Kassandra, by her mention of Dardanos' tomb, clearly locates his city in the plain. See also 29n. On the variant version that Dardanos killed his own brother and then (like Cain, Romulus, and Timoleon) went on to found a city, see Burkert 1993:184,who speculates that this ritually remembered fratricide may lie behind the question put to Samothracian initiates, 'what is the worst deed you have ever committed?' (Plut. Mor. 21]C); and that salvation from drowning-just as Dardanos was saved-is the big promise of the Samothracian mysteries. Dardanos is a culturehero in that he brings the Mysteries from Samothrace to Troy, Caduff 1986:230. The present passage must be taken together with the guard's brief allusion to the founding activity of Dardanos' descendant Ilos at 29 (see n. there). The successive stories of Dardanie/Troy/ Ilion constitute, in effect, the first of the many foundation-legends which will be such a feature of the Alexandra;and it was not until the time of Ilos' son Laomedon that Troy/Ilion acquired walls, that diagnostic criterion of polis-identity (IACP. pp. 1351 ). For those walls see 393n. Like Boiotian Thebes (see Introduction, section 10), Troy was the subject of more than one foundation legend. That of Troy was spread over several generations of eponyms; for the sequence laid out clearly as a narrative of this sort, see Apollod. 3. 12. 1-3.The Dardanos legend which begins the series may record some memory of a migration from Samothrace to the mainland, perhaps by nonGreek speakers: Caduff 1986:134(but Diod. 5. 47. 2 merely speaks of a different dialect). The curious detail of the inflated skin may derive from local

64,2 65

70

tradition (Caduff 264). Like Pi., Lyk. makes the flood the cue for an act of colonization. Dardanos' arrival is alluded to by Lyk. only obliquely,analeptically and in passing, by the opening reference to his tomb at Troy at 72 (Caduff 1986: 139; see above). See FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F23 and 24, and Fowler EGM: 1. 163-4.

69. C1TEIIW, aTEJIW at: 8,aaa ,ca., -rp,7T.\a:cf. A. Cho. 792, 8t8vµ,a Ka1 -rpm>..ri or Pers. 1033, at8vµ,a yap ean Ka.1Tpmllri. For the form of address to the city, here and at 52, 69, and 72, see on 31, where, however, Kassandra does not actually use an address (apostrophe) in at:. For the initial repetition, used at specially agitated, emotional, or pathetic moments, cf. e.g. 321-322 (wplv) and 535 (lan). Compare e,_,.ov eµ,ov a(wva at Tirnoth. Persai 129, part of the Persian lamentation; Pmai 76 (eµ,os avag eµ,os) is not from the lament, but the context is nevertheless highly emotional. Both Timotheos and Lyk. were probably influenced by 'highly emotional passages in later Euripidean lyric'; see Hordern 2002: 169 f. 72. C1Tt:vw at:,TTa-rpa.: see 69 n. and 1230, in the course of a climactic section, where the d.OMa waTpls,addressed again in the vocative, is again Troy. But there the address is more hopeful: Troy will survive in memory because of the greatness ofRome. 72~. -ra,povs.:4-r>..avrllios I 8V1T"Tov KEAwpos: the 'daughter of Atlas' is Elektra (at 744 the same periphrasis will refer to Kalypso), and her son (by Zeus) is Dardanos (Apollod. 3. 12. 1). Ap. Rh. 1. 915-16 says the Argonauts put in at 'the island of Elektra daughter of Atlas', which a Eon

139

Dardanos'escape from theflood

Kassandra'sspeech

73-80

os

Sv1rTov KEAwpos, 1roT' ev f:,a1rTij, KVTEL 01roia 1ropKos 'IaTptEVS TETpaaKEA~s aaKij, µov~pTJS dµcpEAVTpwaas 8{µ,as 'PEt 0vµvtaTTJS ' ' " EVTJsUTO, ' 'I:. KE7Tcpos WS Z~pvv0ov avTpov T~S KVVoacpa.yov0Ecis ' , Epvµvov ' ' KTtaµa , K vp,-,avTWV a' '"'' t1t1rwv, ""aov, "oT ' 1/1-"a ' '0 vvE 1raaav • 'oµ,-,p7Jaas a ' 0' x ova , ' ,r , •~' , ,~ vaaµos. Ot OE 1rpos 7TEO'tJ Z 7JVOSKaK11a1:,WV 77

75

Bo

the son of Atlantis' daughter, who once, in a stitched coracle, like a four-limbed creature in a Danubian fishing-trap, swam with one paddle, his body strapped to an inflated wine-skin. Like a stormy petrel from Rhithymnos, he left Zerynthos, the cave of the goddess to whom dogs are sacrificed, when Saos, the mighty citadel of the Kyrbantes was destroyed by the foaming deluge of Zeus as it rained down on the whole earth. Towers

73-80

75

Bo

KVVOCICpayov Scheer KVVOII \ I/:_ I /:_ I I\ TEKVWVU/\V!,US -ras sEVOKTOVOVS 7TU/\US, \ \ I ./, \ , I \ I Kat 1Ta-rpt 7TEfL'l'US -ras E1T1JKOOVS /\t-ras, a-r~aat 1raA{µ,1rovv els 1r6.-rpav, o0ev 1TAaV1JS IlaAA'TJv{av E1T~A0e,Y'TJYEVWV -rpocp6v· KEtV6Sae, I'oVVEUS WU1TEp,epyaT'T]S8{K'TJS, " 0' 'H',Mov 0vya-rpos, 'Ixvaias , ,.,pa,.,evs, a a , T'TJS E1TEa~OA~aasAvypa voacptEt y6.µ,wv, M1r-rov-ra KaUU'TJSEK~aAWV 7TEAeta8os. OS -rous AvKOV TE KaL Xiµ,atpews -racpovs XP1JUf1,0tUtKv8a{vov-ras OUK al8ovµ,evos,

130

Paris'abductionof Helen

Kassandra'sspeech

121-133

1'I

ota

TLS

125

130

,\v,rpa Scheer

121,ola TtS at.{3as,'prostitute', as at e.g. Aristoph. Eccl.uo6. The root of such words may be semitic; see Papazarkadas and Sourlas 2012: 592 n. 43, discussing a new 5th-cent. epigraphic attestation of the curious Argive name Kaaaa{3as. 133-134, There are several accusatives here, and translators have differed as to how to take them. On the tr. here adopted (essentially that of Ciaceri and Mooney), Paris is said not to respect (ovK alllovp,EVos)those who (TOUS),in obedience to oracles (xpTJaµofot), honoured (Kvllalvavras, agreeing with -rous and referring to Menelaos and his fellow-envoys to Troy from Sparta) the tombs of Lykes and Chimaireus (AVKOV TE Kat Xtp,aipews TO.Ae' "

•~'

'c' 51:VOtS' DUO .t-1V1:WS'1:pwTaS-,OUOI:TOV auvSop1TOVAlya{wvos- ayvlTT)V 1Tayov, ET,\T),81:wv ci,\otTOS" EK~~Vat S{KT)V, 'c I r ' I c,I a.,asTpa1T1:1:,av KavaKu1Twaas.axµ6v for AaKTlaµos, 'kicking', at Antimachos frag. 101Wyss (97 Matthews). 138. a.pK-rov:for the bear as nurse of the infant Paris (a detail also in Apollod. 3. 12.5, see 224225n.), see Wathelet 2009: 340. 'Helpful animals' often perform this sort of role in stories about the miraculous deliverance of special infants. See Griffiths 2006: 141.EKf1,E/J,4'Y/J.€110f; -rpwov;: the verb (for which see also 713) is from EKµaaaw, originally 'wipe', then 'mould in wax/plaster', hence 'imitate'. 139.-ro,ycip i/Ja.>.&.ee,,: for Paris' lyre-playing see II. 3. 54 (Hektor, contemptuously). 'You'll play your lyre in vain'was proverbial.£ thought that a secondary, sexual reference to the male organ was hinted at: aivfrTETal 611µopwv civ8p6;. There are similar comments in the Aristophanic £ about 'hinting' at obscenities (Niinlist 2009: 234n.31).

134-144 135

140

141.-n}v1rp,viJ8a.>.wµiv,p,:this refers to the first destruction of Troy by fire, at the hands of Herakles: 31-51.For the verb, a rare one, c£ E. El. 1140,and c£ 970 n. 143, 1TEVTaAEK-rpov 8vui8o; llt.tropwvla;: the five husbands (Theseus, Paris, Menelaos, Deiphobos, Achilles) form the organizing principle of 144-179. For Helen as a kind of bacchant (8v1cf8os,again at 505), see 106 and 107 with nn., and Mari 2009: 434 n. 67. She was descended from Pleuron (eponym of the Aitolian city, IACP. no. 153)as follows: her mother Leda was daughter of Thestios, son of Agenor, son of Pleuron: Apollod. 1. 7. ]-IO. Alternatively, Leda was daughter (again byThestios) ofLaophonte or Laophone, daughter of Pleuron: FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 9 (from £ Ap. Rh. 1. 146, given more fully in EGM). 144-179. Helen'sfive husbands 144-145. These are the three Fates: Klotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. They are not usually daughters of the Sea (Tethys), but of Zeus by Themis: Hes. Th.901-5 with West. Klotho's name ('the spinner') is most obviously appropriate to the idea here expressed, and at Od.7. 197 all three are called the Spinners, K.>.w0ES', For the Moirai, as they are more usually called, see Eidinow 2011a:35-41 with n. 61 for the spinning motif, citing II. 24. 210, Hekabe reminds Priam that strong Fate spun, l1rlv71aE, Hektor's fate long ago (this is perhaps verbally echoed in the present passage by 1r~va1s,although the words are unrelated since the Homeric verb is from lmvlw).

153

Helen'sfive husbands

Kassandra'sspeech

145-I52

1r~vais KaTEKAwaavTo S71vauis'Ai\6s, vvµ,rpeta 7TEVTayaµ,~paSa{aaa0aL yaµ,wv. So{w µ,Jv ap1raKTijpas avyaaaL AVKOVS' 1TT7IVOVS' Tpt6pxas alETOVSorp0ai\µ,las, TOV EK lli\vvov TE K0.7TO KapLKWV7TOTWV Q\ ' • 'Y • ~ QI Q ,-,11aaTovTapi.,,71s,71µ,iKp71Ta ,-,ap,-,apov, 'E1rei6v, ovK J4pyefov a.Kpairpvij yovafs. 1ra1r1rovEVyaµ,rpafaiv 'Evva{a 1roTE

s,

145

150

ov

150

pl{av Scheer ~ap~apovWilamowitz 1883a:7f1·.. [= 1935"""72: 2. 18n. 1]

147-148.Husbands(1) and (2):Tueseusand Paris 144. yv,al: a Hellenistic poetic word for 'lame'; see also Kall. H 3 toArtemis 177with Bornmann For the abduction by Theseus (and Peirithoos) of ('parola ellenistica', but derived from yv16w, as Helen as a young girl, see 505 n. at II. 8. 402). aµ.vapm: Lyk. is partial to this ... AvKovS': 'greed and lust are unusual word for 'descendant' (used also at 872, 147. O.fY1TO.K'J'T/pa.S' often interchangeable', says Forbes-Irving 1990: 1227,and 1338);the literal meaning is 'little lamb', 104 n. 28, citing the present passage, and see 137from o.µ.vos,composed by gemination, like 1Ta1is rare, and perhaps (Ciani) taken So1Tais; c£ Chantraine. It appears to be a 138n. ap'ITO.K'T~p from JI. 24. 262, an abusive passage (Priam Dorianism. See SEC 48. 2059 = 57. 2007 line B denouncing his worthless sons: 'only here and in (Kyrene, 2nd to 1st cents sc) and 18. 744 line 9 late literature (Oppian, Nonnus, Julian)', says N. (also Kyrene, 2nd cent. AD),in both of which it Richardson, but Lyk. is much earlier than any of means 'grandson'; also JC 1. 98 B 1-2 (with SEG these). For the combination of a near-identical 48. m8, Kretan Lyttos, Roman Imperial period) word with wolves, c£ Kall. frag. 202 P£ (Iamb.XII) for ~ a.µ.vaµ.µ.os(sic) as 'granddaughter'. Ar. line 70 P£ (with Kerkhecker 1999:238for improved Byz. frag. 235 Slater said that the Kyrenaians call their children's children amnamoi(-ra £Kyova text): ap1Tay[es,\]uKOlj also Sistakou 2009: 252. Holzinger suggests that 147 refers to Theseus 'TWV lryovwv o.µ.vaµ.ovs Ka,\ovai); similarly Tzetzes, on 1227, says a.µ.vaµ.01] oi o.1Toyovo1 and 148 to Paris. In that case, the redundancy Kvp71va1KWS', For the variant form o.µ.vaµ.wv(sic) of expression will be less than is supposed by Kalospyros 2009: 216. Mari 2009: 439 notes as 'grandson', see the Kyrenaian Kallimachos frag. 338 P£ (0elas o.µ.vaµ.wv)and 110.44 (o.µ.vaµ.wv that here Helen is represented as a victim of male violence (more usually she is blamed by Kassandra 0el71s), where the refs. seem to be to the windfor lust and promiscuity). god Boreas as grandson ofTheia. Harder on Kall. frag. 110.44 P£ writes, incorrectly in view of all 148. -rpiopxas:Pol. 12. 15 = FGrHist 566 Timaios this epigraphic evidence, 'apart from these pasF 126. Walbank in HCP misses the point about sages [Lyk. and Kall.] we find these words the three testicles, as does Davidson 2007: 64. [o.µvaµ.wv and a.µ.vaµ.os]only in lexicographers The allusion is clearly to 'sexual rapacity' (so and grammarians'. Holford-Strevens 2000: 610). See Loeb edn foot145.li11va.uiS' .:4,\oS': 'reverse metonymy', as Hunter note for Pol. LSJ is also wrong: the Lyk. and Tim. 2006: 79 n. 114calls it: Tethys is meant. passages should have been dealt with together. There may be comic influence here; see Aristoph. 146.Holzinger sees here a reference to Aphrodite's Birds 1181with Holzinger: 32, and his n. on the curse (an ill reputation) on the daughters of passage. a.lerovS': see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105 Tyndareus, i.e. Helen and Klytemnestra, for on the eagle as 'symbol of force' in Lyk. omitting her from the oath. 154

ordained, with three threads of fate, that her bed-fellows shall share a wedding-feast of five bridegrooms. She will see two rapacious wolves, winged eagles, over-sexed, keen-sighted; and a third, sprung from roots in Plynos and the rivers of Karia, a half- Kretan barbarian, an Epeian, not pure Argive by descent. Ennaia-Herkynna, Erinys, Thourian, Sword-bearer-

14g-167.Husband (J):Menelaos Menelaos' wanderings in search of Helen will be treated at length later (820-876).

14g-150. 'TOVS' 110-rwv I

EKll,\1111ov'TEK01TOKaptKWV

{3>.da-roVTa. p{t'1/5':for Plynos in Libya,

close to the Egyptian border and east of Antipyrgos (mod. Tobruk), see Barr.map 73 C2. It was supposedly the birthplace of Menelaos' ancestor Atlas. 'Karlan rivers' probably hints at the rule over Karia of another ancestor of Menelaos, Minos. (But Karia is not well-watered, and Holzinger preferred to think that Lyk. was continuing the Libyan theme by a re£ to a river near the KapiKov Tefxos attested by Steph. Byz.,citing FGrHist70 Ephoros F 53, c£ Hanno periplous5). For the Karia-Krete link see 150n. 1r0Tovis extraordinarily common in Lyk. in the sense 'river', usually in the pl., 1r0Ta: thirteen occurrences, not including three in the sense 'drink'. See Holzinger on 1275. On the definite articles used here and in the following lines about Menelaos and Helen's other husbands (e.g. 168, 172), see Sistakou 2009: 250-1, who sees it as part of a pattern of name-avoidance.

150. 71µ.,KfYTITO. {3a.pf3a.pov: with this reading, these two words go together and a comma is needed before 71µ.iKp~rn.Menelaos was Kretan because of his descent from Minos (father of Katreus, father of Aerope, mother of Menelaos). Wilamowitz 1883a:7 n ... [= 1935-72: 2. 18 n. 1] emended without argument to f3apf36.pov(agreeing with p{,71s), but though possible, this is not necessary. The word might then refer to the Asiatic origin of Menelaos' ancestor Pelops; for this, see Fowler 2013:426-7. Indeed this implication (Menelaos' ancestor Pelops as Lydian) may

145-152 145

150

be simultaneously present on either reading. If, however, the primary reference is to Krete, Menelaos is perhaps being called a barbarian because of Minos' rule over Karia: Hdt. 1. 171.2. It may be relevant that there were links between Krete and Karia in Hellenistic times, expressed by a series of inscriptions attesting kinship between Krete and Karian Mylasa: Curty 1995: 160-3, nos 66 a-d; this kinship may lie behind the proxeny grant made in the mid-4th cent. by Mausolus and Artemisia to the people of Knossos in Krete, and found at Labraunda (RIO: no. 55); see Hornblower 20n: 357.Note also the foundation legend according to which part- Karian Miletos was founded, not from Athens (the usual story, see Hdt. 5. 97. 2) but from Krete, with Sarpedon as oikist: FGrHist 70 Ephoros F 127 and my comm. on Hdt. 5. 49. 3. The gibe at Menelaos as 'barbarian', is put into the mouth of the Trojan (i.e. Phrygian i.e. barbarian) Kassandra. For the irony, see Kolde 2009: 47, and see Hurst/Kolde (on 149-167).

151.'E1ru6v:that is, from Elis, whose contingent in the Homeric Catalogueef Ships is part of the larger Epeian contingent (II. 2. 615-19 with Hope Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 96-100). Menelaos is 'Eleian' because his grandmother was Hippodameia, from Elis. Hippodameia and Pelops are the parents of Atreus, the father of Menelaos and Agamemnon. 152-155.In a nutshell, Demeter, absent-minded from grief for Persephone, ate Pelops' shoulder. The digression on Pelops' biography is prompted by his relation to Menelaos, following a principle discussed by Sistakou 2009: 243 n. 17. On the relation of Lyk.'s account to that in Pi. 0. 1, see Gigante Lanzara 2009: rn6-8.

155

153-160

Helen'sfive husbands

Kassandra'sspeech

"EpKVVV''EptVVS 8ovpfo 8t..&.rnyes or dregs, see the opening section of Ath. bk 15(665ff. in Casaubon's numbering) and Pollux 6. 109. But it is here used to introduce a curse screamed just before death by drowning. Holzinger aptly cites Pollux 6. 107,

,ei

a.AfJ,1/> TTOT~pwveKmeiv.

164. cpepwvvµ,ous: see 162-165n. for the M yrtoan Sea. Lyk. uses several such words in -wvufJ-o,, which attest an interest in names which is manifested in other ways all over the poem (see e.g. 339n. on the name Priam, and note ovAafJ,wvvµ.os at 183, civwvvµ.osat 587, OU..• VwVVfJ,OS at 1u6, and DfJ,WVVfJ,OS at 1370).Lyk. resembles Classical Greek historians in commenting on locations which (as here) take their names from a mythical individual; for other such uses of cpepwvvfJ-o, see 599 and 1081, and for other exx. of this phenomenon, but with e1twVVfJ,OS, see 723, E. Or.990 ff. 1004, and 1031;c£ 192-193for a different formula162-163. iis O Ka8fJ,O..ouyovos I ,jfpTUaE: tion, with av8718~aeTat,There is a connection Myrtilos, the mythical archetype of the clever between this habit and Lyk.'s equally noticeable charioteer, helped to generate stories like those of fondness for indicating that a cult continues to the clever grooms in Hdt., who act in ways the poet's own time (see 72o-;i2rn.): often the which-like that of Pelops and Oinomaoseponymous places are also centres of the cult often (1) involve horses and (2) trickery, and (J) for the mythical individual so commemorated. bring benefit to their masters: 3. 85"""7 (Oibares E8vy,E:for this rare verb see also 715.It is perhaps helps Dareios to the throne), 5. m-12 with my imitated from Antirnachos; see Wyss: XLIII on comm. (Onesilos of Cyprus saved from Artybios' frag. 71 = 132Matthews, from a E on Ap. Rh. 1. horse), and esp. Kiihnken 2006b.

158

and to kill the suitor-murderer with unholy schemes for slaying a father-in-law, which the son ofKadmilos devised. And as he drank the last of the cup, and sank into the tomb ofNereus, which bears his name, he screamed a doom-laden curse on Pelops'whole househe who had guided the reins of fleet-footed Psylla, and Harpinna, with hooves as swift as the Harpies. The fourth husband she will see is brother of the down-swooping falcon, whom they will proclaim as winner of the second prize among his brothers 1008, where the word is also used, c£ Wyss: XLVIII. For the noun 8v1TT71,; (also rare) see 72-'/3 n. N1JplwsTacpous:the 'tomb of Nereus' is ingeniously explained by Holzinger as a brachylogy: the sea ('Nereus', by a typical metonymy) will be Myrtilos'tomb, not Nereus'.

161-170

165

170

and comm. at 2013:187.Eustathios, comm. on Il 24. 251(p. 897 van der Valk) said that Priam promised Helen in marriage to the bravest of his sons after Paris' death, and that Deiphobos won her as the prize of valour: )111etav8pov7TEC70VTOS II p{afJ,OS TQV'E11&71s yciµ.ovE1Ta0>..ov e0eTO T.ew-r71s, sanctuary during the winter months, when including what purports to be a hexameter oracApollo was away in the land of the Hyperboreans ular response to Agamemnon, warning him not (Plut. Mor. 389c with Burkert 1985:224, c£ also to go to Mysia and suffer harm from the 'Greek 146 for Apollo's winter absence). Dionysos' tomb of barbarian speech' (i.e. Telephos), and telling was displayed there, acc. Philochoros (FGrHist him to sacrifice to Dionysos Sphaleotes instead. 328 F 7). See Burkert 1985:223-5; Zacharia 2003b: See Dalll( and Bousquet 1942-3: 1 and 2 (esp. 1. no-17, also the Delphic inscription cited at 124,arguing for an Attalid connection and a late 206--207n. 3rd-cent. date, when the Pergamene Attalid rul208. Kep8cf,ov Oeoii:this cult of Apollo is epiers were specially close to Delphi); also Parke and graphically very well attested in Thessaly-and Wormell 1956: 164-5 no. 408; Fontenrose 1978: nowhere else. See Decourt 2009: 388-91 (c£ 390, 391: no. L[egendary] 100; Scheer 1993: 132 £; 'un culte purement thessalien'), with a list of Jacquemin 2005: 250-1; Dignas 2012: 135.""1/JoavG'TTjptos: cite the bull in the Delphic amphiktionic law three epithets for Dionysos. For the first as 3 inscribed at Athens in 380 BC, Sy/1.145= CID I no. meaning sexual potency or lust, see 148n. on -rptopxas. Other and less plausible explanations 10,line 32,but this is mysterious, see Rougemont's CID comm., 114). If Dionysos were the BEos include a derivation from opx71a1s,dancing (I:). mvpos of JG 7. 1787(Roman, Boiotian Thespiai), 'Evopx71swas an epiklesisof Dionysos on Samas, as Nilsson 1967=571and n. 7 confidently believed, acc. Hesychios, £ 3255.In the course of a discussion of wine-growing on ancient Samos, Shipley that would be a simple epigraphic attestation to 1987:16remarks 'the worship of Dionysus implies set beside Lyk. But this and several similar inscripwidespread viticulture'. tions are now thought to be evidence for the deifiFor the cult of Dionysos at Phigaleia in cation of a member of the Roman family of the Statilii Tauri! See Schachter 1981--.iov-ra BolVtJs:for the whole expression, cf. E. Rh. 57,Bo{v71s Mov-ra.The lion is Telephos, and Dionysos' enigmatic epiklesis'Tripper up' (207) is now explained; see 206-207n. Holzinger, Mooney, and others think that Lyk. has here mixed up the animal metaphors: the behaviour ascribed to the lion (wasting the cornfield with its teeth or ? tusks) is more appropriate to a boas. For the favourite Lykophronic word 8o{v71,see 773n. lµ.1TMfas .\vyotr: echoed at 1247, also about Telephos: yvfa avv8~aas .\uyois. For the noun, see Od. 9. 427,£'3u-rpe.oia8lov A'

239. X17Acjj: c£ II. 16. 221with Rengakos 1994:122. 243--248.Achilles leaps ashore 8,1Troxovs,,ova.s: c£ E. IT 243 (Orestes and Achilles' leap was repeated, surely in conscious Pylades) and (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: m) E. imitation, by Alexander the Great: Diod. 17.17.2. Med. u36, at1T1vxosyov~. Lyk. likes to apply the But see 246n. word to siblings, see 511and 554, the Dioskouroi, also 1245,Tarchon and Tyrrhenos. C£ 1p{1T1vxo, 243. Ka, 817(M'EJ/Et Mvpwa: for Myrina, an Amazon, see Strabo 12.8. 6 (c£ 13.3. 6), quoting II. Kapa.µ.a.: 'Pelasgian' i.e. Thessalian QG 28 with Halliday. But it 'is an unlikely irony leap, because Achilles was from Thessaly, cf. 177. for archaic epic that this forgetful messenger was 246. els 8iv' ipelaas i\o,a8lav ai.'8wvi\uKos:8{s actually called Mnemon': Cameron 2004: 139;so means a heap, usually a literal or physical heap of it is possible that Mnemon was Lyk.'s invention (so Sistakou 2008: 148;see also Sistakou 2012:160 sand i.e. sandbank, hardly more than 'shore', as here and 877, but once (812) it is used figuratively for Mnemon as one ofLyk.'s 'darkest inventions', of a 'heap' of troubles. The MSS are confused; whose death 'suggests the killing of the hero's conscience'). A third and improbable possibility, the choice is between i\o,a0lav and (unmetrical) )10{a0,ov,agreeing with ai\/La in 245. The latter apparently advanced by Ptolemy Chennos, is that mnemonwas a title for a remembrancer or clerk. (which seems to have been read by I:) is preferred by Scheer, and would make Achilles the last See Cameron 2004: 138-40. Greek to land on Trojan soil. The first Greek It has been attractively suggested (M. West to do so was Protesilaos, who was killed immedi2013a:u2) that there was once a version which ately (II. 2. 698 and 528-534 and nn.); Apollod. had Thetis warning Achilles not to kill any son of ep. 3. 29--.30(from the Kypria, c£ arg. 10a and Apollo (see 232n. for Tennes as son of Apollo) West 2013a: u4) says that Thetis had warned because he would die soon after, and in which the Achilles that the first to land would also die only son he killed was Hektor (c£ II. 18.96 for the first, a prophecy not alluded to by Homer. This certainty of Achilles' death soon after Hektor's, results in a timid and cautious Achilles. But and for the variant tradition which made Hektor though Kassandra might be expected to transmit a son of Apollo see 265n.).

176

enclosed his two offspring in an ark, and with them the wretch, who was not 'mindful', but failed through forgetfulness to pass on the orders of the goddess-mother; he shall die, pierced through the breast by a sword. And now Myrina and the seaside beaches groan as they absorb the neighing of horses, when the fierce wolf makes his Pelasgian leap and lands his swift foot on the shore's edge. He causes a sparkling spring to gush forth from the sand, and opens up long-hidden streams. And now Ares, the dancer, sets fire to the land, a version unfavourable to Achilles, and does so at 279--280(Achilles the last, i\oia0os, to set foot on shore), the emphasis here is rather on Achilles' aggression, the description 'fierce wolf' is not consistent with cowardice, and it is better to read ,\o,a0lav and take it with 0iva, the 'furthest shore', as it is usually rendered (although as often with Lyk., there may be deliberate ambiguity and we may be meant simultaneously to think of i\oia0os in the sense it has at 279). But it could also, surely, mean the 'nearest to the ship' because 'furthest away' sc. from the land, in which case Lyle.is stressing Achilles' eagerness to set foot on Trojan soil. See E.Andr. n39 for Achilles'leap. See also Holzinger: the leap wasfrom a great distance, but did not carry him far inland. aillwv i\vKos:the identification of a mighty warrior as a wolf is a laudatory metaphor found in lndo- European poetry; see M. West 2007: 450, who notes that the Homeric word for battlefield fury or i\vaaa is derived from AVKOS',See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 99 and Sistakou 2009: 252 for the animal simile here. C£ also Mahe-Simon 2009: 443. 247. KP"lllaiov... ,,a.vos:this expression is (see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 109) borrowed from A. Pm. 483, where Broadhead (who emends to Kprivalovya.vos) compares Hdt. 4. 181.3, v8wp KpTJvaiov. As Broadhead says, the word ya.vos is an Aeschylean favourite. The detail of the water is intriguing. It featured in Antimachos (frag. 84 Wyss = 136 Matthews: his mighty leap produced a fountain, c£ Griffin 1977:40). See esp. Hollis 2007: 280, for whom the recurrence of this 'very rare myth' in Lyk. is a strong indicator

239-249 240

245

that the latter used Antimachos. But there is slight uncertainty about the attribution of the Antimachos frag. Matthews' argument, that the sudden appearance of water is a Hellenistic topos which indicates Antimachos of Kolophon as the author rather than the epic poet Antimachos of Teos, risks circularity, because it is a main thesis of Matthews that Antimachos anticipated Hellenistic poets. With the motif, cf. Theok. 7. 6 (with Hunter 1999: 154): Chaiken created the Koan spring Bourina with his foot (and the winged horse Pegasos created the spring Peirene at Korinth with its hoof: Strabo 8. 6. 21). 249--257. Trojan territory laid waste amid cries of woe 249. opX17 \ I >/; >I > ~ I\\ EV WUL 1rupywv Es aKpWV LVOal\l\ETaL, 1rpos aWepos KUpoiJaa VTJVEJJ,OVS l8pas, yoCf) yvvaLKWV Kat Karappayafs 1re1r.\wv, a.AATJV e1r'a.\.\r, avµcpopav 8E8Eyµevwv. EKEtvo a', cLr6..\a,va Kap8{a, KaKov, > • ~ I,/, I < I EKELVO oa.,,EL 7TTJJJ,aTWV U1TEpraTOV 1 r 1" '" \ a , aLXJJ-TJTTJS , , xapwv, , evr av l\a,-.,pa.,,wv 1rEpKvos 1TTEpOtUL xepaov aLETOS8,aypa.cpwv < Q • \ I > I\ QI paL,-.,OL TV1TWTTJV ropµav ayKVI\T/ ,-.,aaEL, 262

Deaths of Hektor and Achilles

Kassandra'sspeech

250-262

pmfJoi Scheer pa,fJcj,MSS

250

2 55

260

o.yK6,\,\17 Holzinger (ad 260-8)

distance, returning with Hektor's corpse. She is then given three articulate but anguished lines 251--257.One of the least difficult sections of the (704-6) which precede the longer laments of poem to understand; in particular, 251--252, Andromache, Hekabe, and Helen. This Homeric ci-rraaa..• Kei-ra, consists entirely of words in episode is crucial to the later literary development common poetic use. Why should this be? The fall of Kassandra the mantle maiden; see Introduction of Troy is central, all else is either 'prequel' or section 2. For the towers here, see Trachsel 2009: sequel. The switch to simple language may be 534 n. 18 and Rougier-Blanc 2009: 555. lvll&.Me-ra.1 (cf. also 597and 961) means 'seems', intended to emphasize this centrality. and is said to be derived from the root for seeing, 252--253.'TrEcpp,Ka.V ll' wcrrEli.71lou yva.,I Myxa.,s eill-. It is therefore bold to use it of sounds (as aTroCl'TO.fJov-res: the thought is Homeric, cf. E remarks, oti µ.ovov E'Trt-ri;s o,fH,WS, d.,\Acl Kat (with El II. 4. 282,the dark thick phalanxes aa.Kea.Koi;s -rhaxe). a{v 'TE Kat eyxea, 'TrEcppvKuia,, or 7· 62. For the specific comparison of a mass of men to a corn255,With this splendid line cf. II. 8. 556,v~veµos field, see II. 2. 147 (the Greek assembly); and al0~p and, with E, the final line (837) of II. 13, Mynors 1990: 120 remarked on the closeness to ~X~ (or cpwv~)ll' d.µcpo-ripwviKe-r'al0Epa Kat the present passage ofV. G.2. 142,'nee galeis denLl1osatiy6.s. sisque virum seges horruit has tis'. See also Skutsch 1985:548, discussing Ennius Annals line 257. lliTJV rn' lli11: with this doubled expres384,'horrescit tells exercitus asper utrimque'. sion ('polyptoton') cf. line 3 of the oracle at TrEcpptKav for TrEcpp{Kaa, is said by E to be Hdt. 1. 67. 4, Tr~µ.'E'Trt'"~µ.an, which may in a Euboian ('Chalkidian and Eretrian') form. turn derive from S. Ant. 595, Tr~µ.a-racp01µ.bwv E'TrtTr~µ.aa1Tr{Tr-rov-r'. With avµ.cpopclvllelleyFor a.Troa-r{li.fJovTEs see Berra 2009: 267 n. 20 ('solecism' for a.Troa-rD\.fJoua1, to be explained by 1-'fvwvcf. Pi. P. 8. 87, auµcpopq.llellayµ.ivo1. In sound, these are very close, though the perfect the 'enthusiasm of the prophetess'). participle in Pi. is from a different verb, 86.Kvw: 254--256.mpywv IEa.Kpwvlvll&.Me-ra,••• yoqi defeated athletes are 'bitten/gnawed' by disaster, yvval1..vv aµ.,p1 awµ.a.•.• : Tzetzes says the motive was not cowardice, but a desire to be in '1tpo8E,µ.a.lvwv '7TOTµ.ov: the idea that Achilles the womens' quarters in search of Deidameia himself feared death is part of Kassandra's blackening of his reputation (McNelis and Sens 2011a: (Berra 2009: 291 n. 101).

os

r82

275--284

and the Leibethrian watchtower above Pimpleia. 2 75 He, the corpse-seller, who in fear for his future fate will even submit to wearing a woman's dress on his body, handling the chattering shuttle by the loom; and will be the last to set foot on enemy soil, fearing your spear, my brother, even in his sleep. 280 0 Fate, what a pillar of my house you will destroy, pulling away the bulwark of my wretched fatherland. But it will not be with impunity, and not without bitter hardships, that the Dorian army oflooters will laugh at him, Pi. 0. 2. 81-2 calls Hektor an invincible, steadfast pillar; the metaphor (continued by lpHaµa in 282 and repeated by lpµa at 1190) is perhaps suggested by the literal meaning of 279. Kai >..ofoBosEls yijv 8vaµ.EVwvpuf,a.,'7Tolla.: the name Hektor, for which see 100 n. See DUibec 2009: 400 and 527n. (But Rougier-Blanc see 246 and n.; Gigante Lanzara 2009: 100. For 2009a: 548 thinks the metaphor a creation of pi,f,ai rr61la c£ 51s-516, Kassandra hopes the Lyk., c£ 542.) DioskoUioi will not leap ashore at Troy.

278. KEpKlllos,f,a.vaa.sKpoTwv:lit. 'touching the noise of the shuttle', a paradoxical but easily intelligible expression for 'touching the noisy/ chattering shuttle'.

280. TO aov, fvvai,u;note the alternating 282. This line virtually repeats the thought of 281. narratee; Sistakou 2009: 250 argues that first- and For lpEtaµ.a see n. there. second-person addresses by Kassandra mark the Trojan identity of the recipient. These words 283. ov µ.~v ava.TEI:the normal form is avaTt, will be closely echoed at 1189,where Kassandra as at A. Eum. 59. See n72 and n. for a particularly again addresses Hektor in imagination: av ll' w interesting use of the word in the Lokrian f uvaiµE •.• The word f uvaiµos (six occurrences Maidens section (the only other occurrence in in Lyk.) is poetic, specifically Sophoclean, both as the poem). For the spelling here, c£ Herodian noun (Ant.198) and as adjective (EL 156),including Partitiones 256. The adverb, equivalent of Lat. use as cult epithet (Ant. 658~, ZEvs fuvaiµ.os). 'impune', derives from a.vaTos, 'without c1.T71". This is appropriate for Kassandra's affectionate Lyk. brilliantly inverts the sense of the similarand wistful addresses to Hektor, given S.'s own sounding and similarly formed adverb avovTTJTL emphasis on sisterly devotion, both in sUIViving at II. 22. 371; see next n. The Greeks will not plays and the fragmentary Tereus. refrain from sticking their spears into Hektor (Hom.), but they will not do so without retribu281-:306.Hektorfiresthe Greekships tion (Lyk.). For oil µ~v see n26 n. This is a kind of aristeiaofHektor (celebration of For the illogicality of thought here (the deeds a heroic episode), intended to show that the of Hektor which are about to be recounted can Greeks who jeered at the dead Hektor did not/ hardly rank as revenge for the ill-treatment of his will not go unpunished: oil µ.~v avaTd . .. (283). corpse) see 281-:306n. But this is not logical, because the firing of the ships happened long before, dUiing Hektor's life284.The laughing Dorian i.e. Greek army refers time. For this 'striking anachronism', see McNelis to II. 22. 371-4: none of the Greeks stood over and Sens 2011a:71. Hektor's corpse without inflicting a wound on it, 281. cL8a.,µ.ov,olov KIOV' a.lGTwaus 86µ.wv: for llalµ.wv in the sense of 'fate', see LS]9 I. 2. Kassandra here apostrophizes a daimon rather than (as usual, see 90 n.) a Trojan.

avovTTJTL(22. 371), and then they would say to each other, he is weaker now than when he bUint the ships. This is a prompt for Lyk. to narrate the ship-burning.

r83

breyKax&.~wv 'TOVSe8oV1TO'TOS µ,opcp, d,,\,,\'dµrpt 1Tpvµ,vais'T~V1TaVVG'TG.'T7IV Spaµ,wv 1TEVKatS f3{ov f3a.\f3f8a avµ,rp.\ex0~ae-rai, 1 KaAWVE1T evxafs 1TAEta'Tacf>vtwv .Ma, 1Top8ovµ,evowLK~pas dpKEGat 1TtKpa.s. 'TO'T'OV'TETa.rppos,OV'TEvav.\oxwv aTa0µ,wv 1Tpof3.\71µ,a Kat a-ravpofai KopawT~ 1TTEpvg, •s:•E1Tal\sLes· ' /\ t ov yewa xpaiaµ,71aovaiv, ovo d,,\,,\' ws µ,e.\iaaaL avµ,1Terpvpµ,evoL Ka1Tvcj, Kat ALYVVOS pL1TataLKat ypVVWVf30AatS, acp.\aa-ra Kat Kopvµ,f3aKat KATJ8wv0povovs 1TVKVOt KVf3WT7IT~pes Jg JSwMwv ~ • r /C '0 I I 1T7IOWV'TES, aiµ,asOVGLV O VELaVKOVLV. 1To,,\.\ovs8' dpwTets 1TpwT0Aei6.0' 'E,,\,,\a.Sos '

291

Hektorfires the Greekships

Kassandra'sspeech

285-298

A

285

290

/

295

KopawT~ABDE KpoawT~C KpoaawT~dett.

the expression fl. fl. seems borrowed from E. 285. meyKa.xa(wv: this ugly word is unique to Med. 1245,ipm, 7rposflaAflilla Av1T71pa.v fltov, Lyk. in this form, but is a compound of the good and the rare compound verb av,.,...gtES' c£ 12. 258, £7Td>..gn,. With arn0,_,.o{or arn0,_,.&c£ S. OT n39 with Rougier- Blanc 2009: 544. 11''TEpvg: the word occurs here only in Lyk. It is Homeric and tragic for 'wing', but does not occur in the Iliad passage cited above. LSJ sense (III) is a general category 'anythingthat coversorprotectslike wings' and gives the present passage as a sub-meaning (2): 'fence, wall'. For xpaia,.,.lw in the sense 'help', see II. 1. 28 with Rengakos 1994:123and n. 55,listing other II. passages.

285-298 285

290

2 95

295. acpAaC1'Ta Kat Kopv,.,.{la.ICO.L Klly8wv 0p6vovs: the three accusatives here appear to be governed by 1T711lwvTES in 297, 'jumping (onto)'.The vocabulary and thought is again (see 290-292 n.) derived from Homer; see Rengakos 1994: n3-14 (who suggests that Lyk. is, by choice of words, offering an indirect commentary on difficult Homeric expressions). C£ II. 15.716 for a.rp>..aarn, and for Kopv,.,.fla c£ 9. 241, O.Kpa Kopv,.,.fla;the whole of 9. 241-3 is relevant for Hektor's deed of valour, firing the Greek ships. Hdt. 6. n4 (a.rp>..aarn at the battle of Marathon) is a Homeric echo, see Felling 2013:25and n. 12; for a.rp>..aam see already 26. KAyllwv:for KAds as a rowing-bench, see Od. 2. 419, £7Tt1CA71iat

Ka0i(ov.

11'VKVOL KVfl,C1'TT/~pEs: this description of the Greeks inverts Patroklos' black humour at II. 16. 745-50 about the Trojans as possessing excellent 'divers' (Kebriones has just taken a fatal 293. C1V/,L11'Ecpvp,_,.bo, Ka.11'Vq,: the verb is av,_,.- tumble). The exact word 1CvfliaT7/T~pES' occurs rpvpw, and for the metrically convenient per£ at 16.750. part. see E. Med. II98-9, at,_,.a••• C1V/,L1TE.vovaa.,: the verb, a rare and remarkwas popular in art, most remarkably at Karlan ably vivid one, meaning to ooze or bubble, Aphrodisias, 'Aphrodite's city', where the 'Blue is a variant of the poetic (and onomatopoeic?) Horse' statue group, found in 1970and re-studied fJ>..6,w. See Guilleux 2009: 231.,camµa.,µ.waa., recently, depicted a vigorous heroic youthful p.a.X"/s: the verb E7rLfLO.lfLO.W is Homeric in both male mounted on a horse, and a large third figure active (as here) and middle voices. (lost): surely a mounted Troilos being attacked 302-J04, The language in these three lines is, by by Achilles. See Fig. 3. The original sculpture was Lyk.'s standards, plain and straightforward, conan early Hellenistic group, no doubt in bronze, vincingly expressive of grief; but they are folof which the surviving group at Aphrodisias in blue-grey marble is probably a copy or version lowed by an elaborate conceit at 305""306. of the early Imperial period. The marble group 304. KEiv'l1roif,oµ,a., ,pa.as:elision is uncommon was found repaired and reused, given a 'second life' in Lyk., though see 894 and 896 with nn. KE1vois in the later Roman period (AD 360s). An early elided in E. Tro. 541and He/. 1082,and EKE1voin Imperial inscription had mentioned 'the people several places. (Thanks to Martin West for help [sc. set up], Troilos, the horse, and Achilles', o with this.) 3-qfLOS I TOV TpwO,ov KO.I [ 'l'OVi.'1r] / 1rovKO.I TOV 307-JIJ, Kassandramournsher brotherTroilos .ltxi.\Ma, MAMA 8. 415,c£ Smith 2012: 69. See generally Smith 2012(I am grateful to Bert Smith This is a conspicuous example of Kassandra's elabfor alerting me to the statue group, and for sendorate response to and development of a very small ing me a copy of his article). This sculpture-group hint in Homer; but as often the alternative possishows that, in art at least, 'by the Hellenistic bility is that Homer was aware of a pre-existing period Troilos had grown in stature to be a great tradition which Lyk. somehow had independent warrior' (Smith 2012:72, noting the ambiguity of access to, and is here reviving. In Homer, Troilos is his treatment before that). But Lyk.-who is also merely one of Priam's better dead sons (mentioned

299. cnropa.iswy,cwµlvovs: lit. 'puffed up by/ swelling from their seeds' i.e. proud of their race or lineage. a1rop6.is rather a favourite word of Lyk. (seven occurrences). It is a poetic word, when used in the sense of 'offspring', as e.g. Evp{rrov a1rop6.(= lole) at S. Tr. 316 and 420.

186

:299-.307

will be carded by your mighty hands, which drip with blood and which crave for battle. But I shall bear no less a grief as I mourn your burial in perpetuity. For I shall see that pitiful, yes pitiful day, and what will be called the uttermost woe of everything that Time, as it revolves the circle of the moon, brings into being. Woe! I groan for your milky youth, evidence for the Hellenistic period-seems to express a different, even younger, and more sentimentalized Troilos; see below for his eroticization. For other treatments in art see LIMC 1.1:72""95, 'Achilleus' nos 206-388 and 8.1:91-.3(Troilos). In a variant version, alluded to by Kassandra at 313,Achilles ambushed and killed Troilos in the temple of Apollo Thyrnbraios, his real father (see on 313): Apollod. ep. 3. 32, probably from the Kypria,see M. West 2003: 78-.ruaaovaav a.,-xl11ow.this hints at the version which had Laodike asking a god to be saved from the 'doom' of slavery when she saw what was about to happen to her. See 316n., and for a different emphasis 498 and n.: she was distraught at the handing over of her son Mounitos to Akamas. For the hapax ayx{1rovs-,a characteristic coinage ofLyk., see Guilleux 2009: 234-

320

325

whelp (sc. of a lion, see 308n.). aKvµvos- and µoaxos- are found closely together at E. Hek. 205-6 (Polyxena on her impending death by sacrifice), a play and a passage which Lyk. probably has in mind hereabouts (see 323n. and 334n.), but though that passage is corrupt, the nouns there both seem to refer to Polyxena herself, rather than to herself and her mother.

ae

323. BE... : with this apostrophe, Kassandra passes on to her other sister, Polyxena. The story, according to which Polyxena was sacrificed by Neoptolemos to satisfy the demand of Achilles' ghost, and the subsequent metamorphosis of Hekabe into a bitch, is in Euripides' Hekabe 319. a.>.µ.a 11a1T1Tov: cJ.>.µa= cJ.>.aos-,'grove'; (94 f., if not interpolated), and this source may elsewhere in this sense only at Euphorion frag. be in Lyk.'s mind (the Iliou Persisarg. 4c merely 186 Lightfoot (the attribution is not quite cersays that Polyxena was sacrificed on Achilles' tain), which is also about the grove ofTros: lv0a tomb). The erotic motif (Achilles in love with Tpwwv a>.µa Kat ~p{a Movv{1111ow;see Hollis Polyxena) has been thought new and Hellenistic 2007: 290--1for this striking intertext (Guilleux (Sistakou 2008: 167,and c£ 307--µ3 n. for Troilos; 2009: 231is thus wrong to imply that Lyk.'s use is also the excellent discussion of Sistakou 2012: hapax). The alternative explanation (since 'grand157--Jr);but West 2013a:242 f. argues convincingly father' must mean 'ancestor', i.e not Laomedon) that it provides the only explanation for Achilles' is that the reference in Lyk. would be to the tomb otherwise unmotivated demand i.e. was older. ofllos; see II. 11.166.xa,uvva8os-: this word here (Grossardt 2005 thought it went back to the = xaµ,a, TV1T1J or xaµeTmp{s-, i.e. 'prostitute'. It Ransoming of Hektor by Dionysios I of Syracuse; has a different and literal sense at 848, where it see 269--270n.). Achilles had come to the temple refers to beds on the ground; but see n. there. of Thymbraian Apollo to discuss the marriage with Priam, but was treacherously shot dead by 320. -rijs>.a.Opovvµ,q,ov: this hapax word (Gigante Paris (second E on E. Hek.41, with Gantz 1993: Lanzara 2009: II4) prompts E to say that Priam 628). See further Fantuzzi 2012:18. was the adulterous father of Killa's son; see 224 n. 323-:324. C:,µ,a.11poS'vvµ,.lovs I 320-:321. 1TOf1TLOS',uµ,,-yµ,oa., I UKV/J,V'I': two a.fE• 6V7JAas: this hints at the frequent Greek animal metaphors seem to be co-present here, equation of the rituals of marriage and of death, referring to mother and son: the heifer and the 190

when she sees, with groans of anguish, her approaching doom: there, at the grove of her ancestor, where the whore who married secretly lies buried, her bones mixed with those 320 of her son, the heifer together with the whelp, before it gulped

milk,

I

31n22. The reference is to the killing by Priam of Killa and of her son Mounippos (the father was either Priam himself or Killa's husband Thymoites), in circumstances already alluded to at 224; see n. there.

318--328

and before her limbs had been washed clean after childbirth. And as for you, the grim lion-son oflphis will lead you to a cruel wedding and marriage sacrifices. Imitating the sacrificial libations of his grim mother, he will slit her throat over a deep bowl: the dreadful murderous dragon will slaughter the wreathed heifer with Kandaon's sword of the three owners, esp. the death of a prenuptial maiden; see Seaford 1987and 1994:320; Sistakou 2008: 167 and n. 181 and 2009: 439.

325

324-:329. See Mahe-Simon 2009: 444 (Pyrrhos/ Neoptolemos as lion, c£ 1435-1450).

ventre mactans naviae') assumes a play on the meaning of the ordinary noun Ta.vaypa, a bowl or cauldron (Hesych. and Pollux (10. 165, mvayp{fiEs) ). This ingenious explanation ('cum Lycophrone ingeniose insaniens' as Bachmann approvingly remarked) would avoid the need for a Boiotia-specific meaning, and allows a reference to Neoptolemos'sacrifice of Polyxena. But it is an attractive suggestion (Livrea 1989,c£ Rutherford 2001: 320 n. 60) that Lyk. intended a simultaneous reference to both Polyxena and lphigeneia, to Agamemnon and Neoptolemos, so that all the possibilities above can be true together. For the riddlingly described sword, see 328 n.

325. He is 'imitating his grim mother' Iphigeneia because of her murder of Greeks, as described at 186-187.

327. UTE'P"/ • > 0 I €Tr€a o oi, apaiaiv YJPEwµEVlJ, './, I I~ > /3pig,, I Kpv..,,H Kv-rraaai, XEpµaowv €-rroµ I I/:. " I aipa, oTav cpaiovpov a ar,, 71, ooµY]v. M < 11> > /3 > / 11 o o aµcpi TVµ cp TayaµEµvovo, oaµH,, KPYJ7Ti:8a 1TTJY0 vep0€ KUAAVV€t7TAOK(fl, o -rrpo, KaAVTrTP'TJ> T~S" oµa{µova, TO.AUS" WVYJTOS" al0aAWTOVEl, 7TO.Tpav µo,\wv, TO-rrpiv8' d.µv8pov oiJvoµ' alaTwaa, UKOT(fl, " I > 10ptr,, /:./3apvv oTav XEI,\vopo, -rrvpaov wµo ff

I

\

333

33°

',\,\

/

I

'1

332

Priam'sdownfall;the WoodenHorse

Kassandra'sspeech

329--340

I

335

34°

killing the first-slaughtered victim to gratify the wolves. But you, aged prisoner on the hollow shore, stoned at the hands of the Dolonkoi because they have been provoked by your abusive curses: a shower of stones will cover you in its robe, when you assume the dark shape of Maira. But he, slain at the altar of Zeus-Agamemnon, will adorn its base with his white hair below it; the wretch, who was ransomed by the veil of his sister and came back to find his fatherland burnt to ashes, after losing his earlier obscure name in darkness; at that time the fierce-crested snake,

329--340 330

335

340

~peO,aph71Canter ~peO,aµlvwvWilamowitz 1883a:7 [= 1935"""72: 2. 18n. 1] ~peO,aµlv11v MSS Kv1Taaais A Kv1rcl.s -ris BCD EV, Bachmann, Kinkel 332. A three-word line, cf. 63 n.

that the sacrifice is that of Iphigeneia, who was sacrificed not far away at Aulis. Lyk. is capable of packing three meanings not two into a line.

333. ma.aa,s x11pp.a.8wv:the model here is Hektor's scolding of Paris at JI.3.57:.\a,·vov laao x,-rwva, 'you would have put on a stone coat'i.e. have been stoned. For KV1Taaa,, as an exotic word for a short tunic, see FGrHist 1 Hekataios F 284 (from Harpokration, who cites other early uses); and for the hapax expression ('cement overcoat') see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 114.On the reading Kv1rasns see Dickey 2014.

329. For the Greeks as wolves, see Sistakou 2009: 252.

ae

330. 8f. Kassandra passes from the children to the parents. But they are differently treated: Kassandra's mother Hekabe, wife of Priam, is addressed in the second person, Priam is referred to in the third. See 335n. The next lines presuppose Euripides' Hekabe(see Durbec 2011b:4-8). After the sacrifice of Polyxena, the Thracian king Polymestor is blinded by the captive Hekabe, with Agamemnon's permission, in revenge for his treacherous mercenary killing of her son Polydoros, to whom Priam had entrusted the boy. Polymestor's final speech predicts Hekabe's metamorphosis into a bitch, cf. 315 and 334 with n. This motif will be resumed in the second Hekabe episode, at 1174-1188;see 1176-1177. 331. .do.\oyKwV8.,p.oMVaTCW w.\EVQ: for the Dolonkoi of Thrace (also at 533) see Hdt. 6. 34-6, where they invite the Athenian Miltiades the Elder to be their oikist. With 811µ6.\eva-rov cf. S.Ant. 36 with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58; it was a Sophoclean coinage, and not used again before Lyk., cf.R. Rutherford 2012:73 and n. 15.For stoning see 1168n. (the Lokrian Maidens). At 1187it will be implied that Hekabe will be stoned by the Greeks, led by Odysseus, not by the Thracians, as here. Either way,the stoning is not in Euripides.

334. 'assume the dark shape of Maira' means that she will turn into a black bitch; Maira is the pet dog of Erigone, which helps her find the dead body of her father Ikarios (Apollod. 3. 14. 7), so the name Maira stands for all dogs. The most prominent earlier source is the close of E. Hek. (esp. 1265)with Forbes-Irving 1990: 207-10, Mossman 1995:197-8, and Buxton 2009: 57-9; for the relationship see Durbec 2011b: 8-11. The meaning of Hekabe's metamorphosis is a puzzle, but Mossman 1995: 201 {followed by Buxton) makes a virtue of this by arguing that E. intended an embittered, confused ending to the play. At 1176,Kassandra foretells that Hekabe will be anevidently canine-attendant ofHekate; cf. E. frag. 968 TrGF, 'EKa-r71,o.ya.\p.a rpwarpopovKVWV ian, Burkert 1985:65 (cf. Mossman 1995:198)suggested that this connection came about through 'an association of the names Hecabe-Hecate' (cf. E. Sittig, R.-E. VII 'Hekabe' [sic]col. 2662).The name-association might even explain the original metamorphosis of Hekabe into a bitch, not

192

just her subsequent attendance on Hekate, but Forbes-Irving 208~ is cautious about this. On the Thracian coastal place-name Kynossema or 'tomb of the bitch', the scene of a sea-battle in 411 BC, see E. Hek. 1273;cf. CT III: 1058on Th. 8. 104.5, giving other refs. Neither the stoning nor the metamorphosis seem to have been depicted iconographically, on present evidence. See, explicitly,IJMC 4. 1:480-1 (A.-F. Laurens). 335--:347. Priam'sdownfall;the Wooden Horse 335.cl8,! .•. : Priam is not addressed by Kassandra in the second person (see 330 n.). The guard is, after all, delivering his speech to Priam, and a second-person pronoun here might awkwardly remind us of this. Kassandra approaches the climax of her Trojan narration, viz. the act of violation perpetrated against herself. &µ,pirup.fJq, T4yap..!p.vovos8ap.El,:'.Agamemnon'here means Zeus, and conversely 'Zeus' sometimes (see 1124II25and 1369-1370with nn.) means Agamemnon. See Finglass 2007-103,cf. Parker 2005b: 224 and n. 32.For -rvp.{Josas 'altar' see 313n. and 613-614n. 336.mn'~I \ \ I ({>IIEc;aS,TOV WOLVOVTa fJ,OpfJ,WTOV I\OXOV > ,/, \ I t \ t \ I r I ava'l'a11ac;'[)yaa-rpos E11Kvaas .,vya, T~S I:wvq;efas 8' ayKVA7/S ;\aµ,1rovpi8os \ I ,/, \ I > I,/, 11aµ,'1''[/KaKov q;pvK-rwpov av-rave'l'ios -rots els a-rev~v AevKoq>pvv EK1TE1TAEVKoai, KaL 1rai80{3pw-ros llopKEWS v~aovs 8mAas. eyw Si TA~µ,wv, ~ yaµ,ovs d.pvovµ,lv71,

345

Page. ,\aµ.1rovp,8os:A frag. 433 TrGF, from Photios: ,\aµ.1rovpls-~ rl,\wm1g1rap'Aluxv>.cp. ?i.vaif,a>.&.ev yaC1Tpos «rAKvaastvya: these two Note the assonance of the two unielated words lines describe the Wooden Horse, full of soldiers, This is a reference to by which Troy was taken; see Faraone 1992: Aaµ.1rovpll3osAap.ifiTJ, 92-100 for this sort of talisman. For the i1T1ro-rl- the Greek Sinon, the 'crooked cousin of the K-rwv or 'Horse-builder' i.e. Epeios son of Sisyphean fox' i.e. of Odysseus (c£ 1030, with Cusset 2009: 135); Sinon was son of Aisimos, Panopeus, see further 930-950 n. the brother of Odysseus' mother Antikleia. The virtuoso double meanings of the Greek here Pretending to be a deserter, he persuaded the cannot be brought out in translation. >.oxos means Trojans to take the Wooden Horse into the city either a Spartan regiment, as in 'Pitanate lochos' and then opened it up to let the soldiers out (Hdt. 9. 53. 2), or else an ambush (the wooden (Virgil), and/or guided the Greek fleet back from horse is called a hollow ambush, Koi.\os,\6xos, at Od.3-277,and c£ the oracle at Hdt. 3. 57.4), or else Tenedos with fire-signals. Sinon's story was told in the Epic Cycle (see M. West 2003: 135,Little childbirth. All three meanings are co-present here. Iliad, and 2013a: 204-5 (the kinship link with The Wooden Horse was often described as a great Odysseus via Aisimos found only in Lyk. and pregnant animal, which gave birth to the troops who poured out ofit; c£ the 'horse's brood', i1r1rov other, even later, sources), and 145, Sack of Ilion), vlouuos A Ag. 825,which Fraenkel calls a griphos and by S. in two plays, Sinon and Laokoon.It was elaborated by V.A. 2. 54-198, the best-known veror riddle. Finally, {vyarefers both to the bars sion, which perhaps drew on S. For the minor which secured the belly of the horse, and simultadiscrepancies between Virgil and what survives neously to the group of heavy-armed men inside of the Greek accounts, see Gantz 1993:646-50. the horse (CEvyfrat means hoplites, men 'yoked Lyk.'s Kassandra, contrary as always in choice together' on one ancient etymology). See also V.A. of versions, says nothing about her own warnings 6. 516,'armaturn peditem gravis attulit alvo'. against accepting the horse into the city; for these For the hapax µ.opµ.w-rov,formed from the see Apollod. ep. 5.17 and V.A. 2. 246~. substantive µ.opµ.w,see Guilleux 2009: 230 and The manner of reference to Sinon is unusually n. 39. rlva,µa>.auuw is another hapax word, roundabout, even for Lyk.; see Sistakou 2009: evidently meaning 'open' (p. has rlvolfo). For 252 n. 43 citing Lambin 2005: 228--30. See also simple ,µa>.auuwsee 139,where it has a different Gigante Lanzara 2009: 102 and 109 f. and Cusset meaning, 'touch' or 'twang' a string. Jocelyn 2009: 135. 1969: 233 (commenting on 'saltu' at Ennius line

342-343. 1"0VC:,8{voVTaµ.opµ.w-rov>.axov I

72, Alexander XXVI, a prophecy by Cassandra about a pregnant leaping mare) seems to extract the meaning 'leap' from 342, but does not explain how. 344-:345•?i.yKvA11s: 'crooked', i.e. crafty; c£ HE 496 (= Antipater of Sidon XLIX. 1) with Gow/

347. This refers to the serpents which swam separately from the two Kalydnai islets off Tenedos (25 and n.) to strangle Laokoon (son of Antenor acc. E or uncle of Aineias acc. Hyg. 135,see West 2013a: 231)and his children; hence 'child-devouring'. The serpents were named as 1 94

341--:348

he who sold the land which bore him, shall light the torch of doom. He will open the ghastly pregnant hiding-place, dragging aside the wooden bars of its womb; and the crooked cousin of the Sisyphean fox will illuminate the evil fire, as a signal 345 to those who had sailed away to narrow Leukophrys and the double islands of Porkes the child-devourer. And I, miserable wretch, who rejected marriage,

Porkes/Porkis and Chariboia by E, by Lysimachos oath was a promise to do penance for his offence of Alexandria in his Nostoi (FGrHist 382 against Athena by sending the Lokrian Maidens F16, from Servius), and-as we now know-by to Troy.) Nikandros: Suppl.Hell 562 (= P. Oxy. 2812)lines On these lines (348--372= lines 1346-1370 of u-12, llopK''}VKa[/ Xapl{3ot]av,O'TE 1rp0At1T6VTE his anthology), Hopkinson 63 £ and 22g-33 proKa,\v/3vas I vU[a AaoK6wv-ros] V1T€p/3wµ.wv vides text, introduction, and commentary, with l11rauav-ro. Sophocles had already named them translation in two halves at 231 and 232, except (see frag. 572 for the mere fact, without giving the that he considers 367 to be hopelessly corrupt and actual names). West 2013a: 231£ pertinently asks offers only a paraphrase of that part. See also why the serpents should have had names at Mari 2009. all, and suggests that the idea originated from 348. eyw8.1-r.\17µ.wv: for such first-person protheir metamorphosis into a man and a woman, nouns as features of key sections of the narrative, as attested by B. frag. 9. For Andreae 1988: 164, see Sistakou 2009: 24g-50; c£ nos (Kassandra's Laokoon is for Lyk. a 'symbol of captured Troy; killing by Klytaimestra) and 1451,Tl µ.aKpa-r,\17but this is Tzetzes not Lyk.: Smith 1991:354. µ.wv (Kassandra's farewell). ~ yaµ.ovs ?i.pvov348--372. The sexualassaultbyAjaxon Kassandra µ.b,,:Kassandra's role as object of premarital cult herself; many Greeks will pay the penalty is hinted at here, and is developed at 1131-n40 (Daunia in central Italy): maidens who deny forthis their would-be husbands, vvµ.rpfovsapvovµ.EVaL In the structure of the poem as a whole, this sec- (n32,note the echo of the present line, with Mari tion is a crucial hinge between the Fall of Troy 2009: 419 n. 33) will clasp her statue (n35), thus narrative-the first panel of a triptych-and the simulating Kassandra's own appeal to Athena, nostoiand failed nostoiwhich are the subject of the the 'marriage-hater' (356).These rites are, in fact, great central panel. 365 is the most important of a preparation for marriage, by the enacting and all:because of one man's crime or sin, tens of thouemphasizing of its opposite ('refusal' of marriage); sands of Greeks and their families will suffer in see nn. on that section. See Mari 2009: 438 £ times to come, most immediately by the failure of The present passage does not imply that the returning heroes' attempts to reach home. The Kassandra preserved her virginity from Ajax's offence of Ajax, like the sack of Troy itself, is perassault; on the contrary. For the evidence against petrated by Europe against Asia, and this perenany such idea, see 365n. The reference here is nial conflict will be the theme of the final section to her refusal to have sex with Apollo, a theme of the poem, the third panel made famous by Aeschylus, but not made For the theory-here rejected-that an explicit by Lyk. until almost the end of the poem: attested solemn oath sworn by Ajax was a denial 1457. For what might be meant by sex with that he had sexual intercourse with Kassandra, Apollo see (with particular re£ to Pindar's nymph see 1141-n73 n., introd. to the Lokrian Maidens Kyrene and Euripides' Kreousa in the Ion), section. (Another modem explanation is that the Keams 2013.

195

ev 1rap0Evwvos t\a{vov 'TVKfoµ,aaiv, I I avis 'TEpaµ,vwvHS avwpocpov aTEYTJV • " • \ Q'I,, \ , 'I,, EtpKTTJSa"i,-,ovaaaa "vyaias oEµ,as, ~ 'TOVeopafov Ih.i/lvovuait. with powerful resonances, for which see Griffin on 352.-rov8opafov II-ripov'Dpl'TT}v: these are epikat II. 9. 413;c£ also Theok. 18.52 for leseis of Apollo, and this time-contrast 265, KMosa.rplJtToV a.rplJtTov5Af3ov(perhaps borrowed from 5>.f3ov see n. there, also lntrod. p. 74-the poet does not l/lw[KaVa.rp/JiTOv?] at PMGF'lbykos' S166line 12 start with the easiest, namely Ifrcjiov, for which (= P.Oxy. 2735frag. 1;see 503-568n. for the correct see again 265n. For 0opaiov, which may be a variant form of e~pws, 'god of the beast', see attiibution: Stesichoros not lbykos). 1ra1raµ.b,,: Aeschylean, from a presumed root 1raoµai, 'I get', Schachter 1981-94:1. 43-4 and 153n. Or else it = see Ag. 835and Cho.191. 0opaTTJS, c£ Wide 1893: 73, 90. Though Hesychios says it is a Lakonian epiklesis, it is 355. 1rpos ')'-qpasa.icpov:see Mari 2009: 414. IIaMo.8os: Athena, at this her first mention in likelier to be Boiotian. There was a temple of the poem, is referred to by an easily understood Apollo Thourios at Boiotian Chaironeia: Plut. epiklesis, namely Pallas; see 152-153n. Sulla 17.6-8, who gives one explanation in terms 356. riJs µ.,aovv/1¥'v Aa,pplus IIv>.a-rl8os:the of a mythical female oikist called Thouro, and first of these epithets is not quite a divine epiklesis, another which identified the 'beast' with the cow

196

here, within the stone walls of my maiden-chamber, with no ceiling, have hidden myself in the roofless cell of a gloomy prison. I, who drove the lustful Thoraian, the Ptoian, the lord of the seasons, away from my maiden bed, as if possessed of an undying virginity until extreme old age, in imitation of Pallas, the Marriage-hater, the goddess of booty and of city-gates. At that time I shall be dragged violently to the vulture's nest, a frenzied dove in his crooked talons, crying out often for the help of the Ox-binder, the Seagull goddess, but it almost functions as one (c£ on K6p71vat 359), because it enables Lyk. to designate a god by an asyndetic sequence of three elements. 'Marriagehater' refers both to Athena's own origin, which was from the head of Zeus rather than by normal female birth (A. Eum. 736), and to the role she plays in the trial scene of A. Eum., where she upholds the rights of the male against the female in every way (To/l' a.paEV'alvw 1ro.vm,Eum. 737, where, however,she adds 1r11~v yaµou TVX£iv,perhaps (so Sommerstein ad loc.) a reference to her narrow avoidance of rape by Hephaistos. Aarpp{a, goddess of spoils/booty, indicates Athena's role as war-goddess; she has this epithet at 985 and 1416 also (but at 835 Hermes is Aarpptos).Pritchett 1971--91: I. 55and 5.133follows the lexicographers, who explained that Mrpvpa means spoils taken from the living, uKiiAaspoils from the dead (for Athena l:KvATJTpla see 853and n.). Cults of deities with epikleseis of this sort (Apollo Laphrios and esp. Artemis Laphria) are prominent at Kalydon in Aitolia, a notoriously violent, piratical, and uncivilized region. See IACP:.no. 148. Artemis Laphria was also worshipped at Patrai in Achaia on the other side of the Korinthian Gulf, Paus. 7. 17.6. She was IlvAo.nsas guardian of the city-gates (or is the implication somehow Amphiktionic, from Pylaia? The ethnic is close to the feminine form). See Rougier-Blanc 2009: 546 n. 57. The three epithets of 356 are not chosen at random; they all 'call attention to crucial points of the scene' (Sistakou 2009: 245): Kassandra as

349-.359 350

355

virgin and as living booty; Athena as protectress. But Lyk. 's divine epithets are not often so well fitted to their contexts. 357. For the bird metaphors here see Sistakou 2009: 242; c£ 314n. 358. yaµ,rpafow ap7ra,s: see 152n. on EV yaµ.rpaiuiv,and for the double substantive here, see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115.olvo.s is thought to mean 'frenzied', because of the chain of connections wine-Dionysos-Bacchic-mainads. For 'Oinads' as 'Mainads', see [Opp.] Kyn.4. 235.

359.Bov8e,av Ai/Jv,avK6PTJV: the first two epithets (contrast the last two at 356)connote Athena in peacetime: agriculture, then seafaring; so rightly Holzinger. The 'Ox-goddess', Bovll£ta, teaches men how to yoke oxen (c£ Athena Chalinitis, 'of the bridle', at Korinth, with Pi. 0. 13,and Paus. 2. 4. 1 and 5), and there may be apotropaic significance here, because Athena avoided the yoke of marriage: Decourt 2009: 385-6. The epithet is Thessalian, acc. Steph. Byz. /3 136 Billerbeck: Bov/leia· 1r6>.isb MayVTJU{(!-, d1roTOVolKlaaVTOSBovllElov. ouTw nµa.m, ~ l4/JT}va.EV 0ETTaA{fl(then follows a quotation of the present passage of Lyk.). Decourt 2009: 386-8 concludes that this Boudeion in Thessalian Magnesia was the home of Epeigeus of Boudeion, one of Achilles' companions, who went into exile after homicide and, like Patroklos, was taken in by Peleus (II. 16. 572;the ancient commentators give various possibilities, including a Boiotian Boudeion. See also

197

360-:365

Kassandra'sspeech Tappo 0ov yaµ,wv.

> I •~I(. I I apwyov avoa~aaa ~ Els TEpaµ,va SovpaToy..\vcpov UTEYTJS y,.\~vas O,VWUTpEipaaa XWU€TULUTpaT(. J " " I 0 I A I €~ ovpavov TTEaovaa KaL povwv .uLOS, aVaKTL 7T(l7T7TCfJ XP~µ,a nµ,a..\cpEUTaTOV, f I ~\\IQ > \ I I €VOS 0€ 11W,-,7JS avn µ,vpLWVT€KVWV

Ajax's assaulton Kassandraherself 360

s'

365

intercourse, as also at the parallel passage 1151 (from the Lokrian Maidens section), 8uaaEfJwv yaµ,wv; at 744 it means a sexual relationship or affair with no implication of marriage (Odysseus and Kalypso). See also 60 n.

Janko ad loc.). The mention of a month Bov81wv in an inscribed sale-list from 4th-cent. BC Kyzikos in Asia Minor has led to a conjecture that behind this lurks the Boudeia of Lyk. and Steph. Byz. See Triimpy 1994,prompted by SEC 36. m6 line 7. AWuia (the noun means a shearwater) was a cult epithet of Athena at Megara, Paus. 1. 5. 3, hence a goddess who protects sailors (Decourt 2009: 385). The 'maiden', K6p17,is more usually Persephone, but in the present context it picks up the 'marriage-hating' theme of 356; cf. Athena Parthenos at Athens and elsewhere. Again (see 356n.) the epithets are all appropriate for Athena's prayed-for protective and virginal role in the present context. The present passage is a narrated prayer, and unusually for Lyk., who mostly accumulates cult epithets as a matter of course and in narrative, the piled-up epithets here conform to the usual Greek pattern in prayers (see lntoduction section 11 for the rationale for this). But is Kassandra here Kassandra the narrator or Kassandra the terrified praying maiden? It is a species of indirect speech: the predictive narrator Kassandra is 'reporting' what will be said by her future self.

361--:362. ij 8' Els -rlpaµ,va.8ovpa.-roy,\txpovC1'7'EY1/SI y,\11va.sa.vw C1'7'pa/Ja.aa.: Athena famously averted her gazefrom the dreadful act. See V.A. 2. 403-6 for Virgil's probable imitation of this passage (S. West 1983:135).For the implied allusion to Odysseus, who stole the Palladion later, see Cusset 2009: 135.For y.>.11v17 (lit. 'eye-ball') see esp. 988, where again it refers to Athena averting her eyes from an act of violent profanation (the slaughter in her temple of the lonians at Italian Siris), also 660, µov6y,\17vos; cf. also HE 1465 = Dioskorides (late 3rd cent. BC) I line 2, listing YA1)VUL , , , a.a-rp1111'T01JGaL, 'a pair of sparkling eyes', among female charms; and Kerkidas 4. 20 in CA.The Iliou Persis(arg. 3a) had the statue pulled away from its base (apparently this motif was already in S., see frag.roe TrGF lines 8 f.), but in Lyk. it evidently stays firm.See West 2013a:236.

360. Kassandra, clutching Athena's statue and invoking the help of Athena, was a favourite subject in art (Figs 1a and 1b). The motif is first found in the Epic Cycle; see Arktinos at M. West 2003: 146. But Lyk. does not actually specify the clutching here; contrast 1135(the Daunian maidens clutch Kassandra's own statue) with n. there for the method of supplication. apwyov: cf. 513 and 5360. yaµ,wv: the noun, frequently used by Kassandra for whom it is a nagging preoccupation, does not always mean 'nuptiae' (so Ciani, who does not differentiate between the nuances). Here it means violently forced sexual

362. xwaE'J'Q.La-rpa.-rq,: this motif is already in Homer: see Od. 1. 327 (Athena laid a painful return, a voa-ros .>.vypos,on the Greeks) and 3. 133(Zeus-father of Athena-planned a voa-ros .>.uyposfor them because they had not all been intelligent or just, vo11µovEsov-rE 8{Kawi); at 4. 502 Ajax specifically is hated by Athena, lx06µEVos14011v'l/, but even so would have escaped his fate if he had not boasted that he had escaped from the sea against the will of the gods. On the other hand, at 5. 108 the Greeks are said to have offended Athena en route for home, EVvoa-rip, which places the emphasis away from the assault on Kassandra. See further 365n. It is also relevant that this (Oilean) Ajax is presented as a rude and disagreeable character in the funeral games for Patroklos, and is tripped up

198

the Maiden, to help and defend me from this rape. And she, turning her eyes up to the wooden coffers of the temple's ceiling, will be angry with the army, she who fell from heaven and the throne of Zeus to become the most precious possession of my royal ancestor. In requital for the sin of one man, all Greece by Athena so that he falls humiliatingly into the dung. See II. 23. 473-81 and 773-84.The connection with his later assault on Kassandra, and Athena's anger at it, has often been made (see M. West 2011b:408), though as often we cannot say whether Homer knew and hints at the story he does not mention, or whether that story grew out of the Homeric characterization.

360-:365 360

365

reference to Ajax's fellow-citizens the Lokrians, at 1151),see 348--:372 n. Deacey 2008: 70 thinks that the real fault was that of the other Greeks, for not punishing Ajax. This line may owe something to E. He/. 1122-29, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2010: 260. It was itself influential: it was echoed by V.A. r. 41 'unius ob noxam et furias Aiacis Oilei' (S. West 1983:132 and Hopkinson: 232--echo of this line of Lyk. 363. elfovpa.vov -,r/aovaa.: Athena's image, the 'or its source'-and Klein 2009: 570-1. Scaliger Palladion, which fell from the sky as a sign to llos actually used V.'s words when translating the who had asked Zeus where to found Troy, held a present line). I twas also imitated byTryphiodoros distaff and spindle in one hand and a spear in the in the Kassandra section of his Taking of Troy, other, signifiers for Athena's double role in peace 650: Athena was angry with all the Greeks because and war (for which cf. 356 and 359). See Apollod. ofoneman,dv8' fvOs-. 3. 12,3, and cf. E. JT1384, TO-r' ovpavov TrEa17µa, For Kassandra, the main .>.wfJ17 was that Ajax which may have influenced Lyk.'s language here. had sex with her. This has been doubted. Actual See Arktinos again, frag. 4 (M. West 2003: 151), intercourse is implied by the depiction in art though he says that the Palladion was given by of Kassandra as naked (see Corssen 1913:236-9 Zeus to Dardanos. at 238, and Graf 2000: 265; cf. Fig. 1a, c.480 Apollod. (as above) says that Elektra daughter BC = LIMC 1. 1. 'A.ias (II)' no. 44, Naples. Even of Atlas sought refuge at the Palladion when where she is partially clothed, as at Fig. 1b = threatened with rape by Zeus. ls this an error for LIMC as above, no. 56, Naples,350 ec, she is close 'Kassandra'? to naked; Joan Connelly discusses Kassandra's It was fated that Troy would not fall while the nakedness, but says it 'remains unclear' whether city contained the Palladion; therefore, Odysseus Kassandra was actually raped by Ajax: Connelly and Diomedes stole it (see 658n., and for such 1993: 103f., cf. 88). One and the same play of talismans see Farone 1992). How, then, was it Euripides (Troades) has been taken to imply possible for Kassandra to implore the statue at both that she was and that she was not a virgin. the time of the Trojan sack? On this problem, see E. Tro. 324 makes her speak of -,rap0bwv E'll't Sourvinou-lnwood 2011:227-62, esp. 232 (answer: MK-rpois, the marriages of virgins, and Corssen there were two Palladia, and Kassandra took 1913:236 regarded this as an explicit reference refuge at the 'imitation' one; but Sourvinouto her own virginity. But Tro. 69 calls her Inwood rightly insists at 233 that no dissonance vfJpia0Eiaa,and Reinach 1914b:40 was equally would have been felt). confident that this meant sexual violation (he also cited the strong noun used by Strabo 364. a.va.,c-r,Trl1Tr'll'q.t: Kassandra's 'royal ancestor' to describe this action of Ajax: rp0opa,13.1. 40). is llos, see 363 n. So also at 1341. Against the argument that Agamemnon would 365.El/OS a;M,fJ71sav-rl... : for the importance not have wanted 'used goods', Reinach (as of this line (the thought of which is repeated less above) replied with a rhetorical question; 'was pithily at 1087-1089, and again, with particular Andromache a virgin when she was taken away 1

99

366-376

Greekswill be lured to their deathsby Nauplios

Kassandra'sspeech

\\ \ Ii:. • \ \ I 11aaa TOVS KEVOVS Ta.>.wva). Rutherford 2001: 265 accepts Lane Fox 2008: 226--Jand 425 n. 20. ln Hellenistic that Derainos derived from a place-name, but

transition of thought is easy: Cyprus is opposite Kilikia, and once formed part of it in geological time, as Greeks might have guessed. For Sens 2010: 3m-2, this large section is an example of'Herodotean' digressiveness; so too S. West 2009: 85 (the Cyprus section a 'virtuoso display of technique', enabling Lyk. to feed in much that happened before the Trojan War). See also 439n. for the Homeric style of transition between nostoinarratives. Lyk.'s choice of Cypriot myths is determined by a desire to select Greek figures who are or can be associated with nostoi stories (see 494-585 n. for Akamas' connection with the Trojan War). This explains the absence of exotic and steamy stories about Cypriot eponymous figures who committed incest (Paphos, Kinyras, etc.). Only the last-and most obscure-two of 445. ws µ:q{3>.i1rwa,: for the tombs of Mopsos the five leaders, Kepheus and Praxandros, are and Amphilochos, out of sight of each other named explicitly (Berra 2009: 307); see 586 n. for because separated by Magarsos, see Strabo, as in the reason for this. See Geus 2003: 269 n. 51. previous n. E gives this story, and then quotes The length of the section might offer support Euphorion as saying ofMopsos and Amphilochos to those who think the poem was written in that they 'singly passed the gates of Hades the Alexandria, because Cyprus was a Ptolemaic inexorable' (frag. 103 Lightfoot, whose tr. that is): possession, although the conclusion is not necesIlvpaµov -lix~EV'Ta,TTOALV 8' f.l.asl{3avAl8wv~os. early 3rd-century date for the poem as a whole, Massimilla 2004 shows that this passage of since Eratosthenes probably wrote his geography Lyk. was imitated by Qyintus of Smyrna at the between 240 and 210, and Philostephanos was end of his Paris and Oinone section, 10. 486-9. a pupil of Kallimachos. An important piece of evidence for Fraser's view was an apparently 447-591.The five leaders who will go to Cyprus double reference to Eratosthenes, made by the This section of the poem (minus the digressions) E to the best MS of Lyk., Marcianus 476, and is FGrHist 758 (Kypros, Anhang) no. 5. The positioned at or just before the beginning of the

216

217

440. a.V'l'OK'Tovo,s arpa.ya.ia,:this must mean 'mutual [lit. 'mutually-killing'] slaughter'. For the adjective in this sense see A. Th.681 and 810, about Eteokles and Polyneikes. But at 714, the words av'ToK'TOV01s /mpaiaiv, though similar in grammar and position in the line, mean 'suicidal leaps'. The close proximity to av"Torp6v"T71v at 438 (another word for 'murderous', but with a different meaning again) is striking, and serves as a neat device of transition, because 438 referred to Eteokles and Polyneikes. Derainos was a cult epithet for Apollo at the Greek city of Abdera in Thrace. E cites Pindar in the paians for this fact, and for a temple of Apollo there (Derainos said to be a 'TOTTos b

441. {3o~v:see Rengakos 1994: u5-16. 442· IIa.µ,q,vAovKOPTJS: Magarsos, daughter of Pamphylos, eponym of Pamphylia (FGrHist 777, Demetrios of Pamphylia), and of the third Dorian tribe the Pamphyloi, 'all tribe-men', alongside Hylloi and Dymanes: 1388n.

443. b µ.E'Ta,xµ.lqJ: this is the easier of the two uses of the word in the poem; here it must mean 'in the middle' (i.e. middle space between two objects). For '{JOV01 µ,emlxµ,101 at 1435,see n. there (where the word seems to convey the idea of an extent of time in between two events). For µ,e"Talxµ,iov as the space between two armies, see Hdt. 6. 77.1 and u2. 1 (the battle of Marathon). The literal military meaning of the word (which is derived from alxµ,~, 'spear') is certainly present in those two Hdt. passages. But then µ,emlxµ,iov extends its meaning to 'in between', with no obvious military flavour (see LS]9 2, 'what is mid-way between'). In the present line, the hostility between Mopsos and Amphilochos means that the military meaning is vestigially present, as more obviously at 1435.

l1{38~po1s,b8a Ll71Palvovl11r6Mwvos {ep6v ,fonv, otJµ,v71µ,oveve1 lllv8apos b 1rauia1).This

446-447

Introductionto the Cyprusfive

'Ihefive leaderswho will go to Cyprus

to the seats of the dead, the other's blood-soaked tomb. Five, coming to Sphekeia, to Kerastia,

Svv'TES-,rpovqJAova0ev-ras-a.AA~AWV -rarpovs-. oi 7TEV'TE 8eErp~KE!aV1:ls-K1:paa-r{av 4-.¢ 447

>.ov8tfvrnsScheer KEpaaT{fiaSteph. Byz.s.v. Erp~KEta;Scheer

frag. 9 Badino = Ath. 331e:tt,,>.oarerpavos8' o Cypriot section (see below for the exact position). KvpTJVatos/,LEV yevos, Ka>.>.i,-,,&.xov 8i yvwptµ,os. This MS and the accompanying scholia and As we shall see (447n., citing the I:) he was the paraphrases were collated by Kinkel and Scheer first to call Cyprus by the name of Sphekeia, 'place independently, and published by them in their of wasps'. Philostephanos also said that Kepheus editions of 1880 and 1881respectively.The coincithe Achaian and Praxandros the Spartan colonidence of timing meant (see also 442 n.) that the zed Cyprus; these two are Lyk.'s fourth and fifth item or rather two items are not included among Cypriot oikists; see Philostephanos frag. 19Badino the geographical fragments of Eratosthenes and 586-59rn. (Note also that Eratosthenes menedited in 1880 by Berger; nor are they in Roller tioned the Achaian city ofBoura, FGrHist 241F 43, (2010),or Jacoby no. 241(historical fragments); or see 591-592n. for Lyk. on Bourn.) It is thus very in CA or Suppl.Hell. (poetic fragments; see below likely that Lyk. was aware of Philostephanos, and for the Hermesof Eratosthenes). At the end of the comment on 444, explicating this too strengthens Fraser's 1979suggestion about Kilikian Magarsos, we read (Scheer's edn): µ,eµ,vTJ- the date of the poem. The only indication we have rn, 8i aVTOVKat 'EpaToaBEVTJS, €' 8erpTJCILVfor Philostephanos' date is that Ath. (above) said that he was a yvwpiµ,os of Kallirnachos. Badino ds Kvrrpov U.1TfVEX0~va, TEvKpov,)tyarr~vopa, 2010:29 n. 2 says that the interpretation of yvwpi)tKa.µ,avrn, llp&.tav8pov Kat Kwea (Kinkel punctuates with a colon after 'EpaToa0EVTJS µ,os as 'pupil' is certain; c£ Fraser 1972:1. 522 on Philostephanos as' ... "friend" (in the special sense and then prints the numeral in full, thus: rr&u of"pupil")'. This is surprising, given that the obvi8,! rpTJULV . .. ). 1his is a double fragment (see ous etymology of the word is just 'acquaintance', further below). The first part is retrospective and is still about Magarsos ('Eratosthenes, too, refers but is generally accepted. See LSJ 3(b), citing inter alia Dion. Hal. On literarycomposition(de comp. to it, avTov'). Then the commentary moves on to verb.) 19, a>.>.' ovx ~ YE 'JaoKpU.TOVS Kat TWV the next and unrelated section and continues EKE{vwvyvwp{µ,wv aipEats.The case is argued by 'Eratosthenes also says that five [men, heroes] Fraser 1972:2. 737 n. 140, discussing Istros, said were carried off course to Cyprus, namely by the Suda to be a 8ov>.os Kat yvwpiµ,os of Teukros [etc.]'. Kallimachos (FGrHist 334 T 1), and by Ath. The evidence for Eratosthenes' interest in (T 2 and 6) to be Ka>.Aiµ,&.xnos.On the other Cyprus increased in 1974,with the publication by hand, the grammarian Oros (VocumAtticarum P.J. Parsons of P.Oxy. 3000 (=Suppl.Hell. 397), a collectiofrag. 25 line 1) says yvwpiµ,os ovx o fragment of his poem Hermes. This mentions µ,a0TJT~S, d.>.>.' oy,vwaKOfl,fVOSTtVL~ cirr>.wso Paphos as a synonym for Cyprus (deleted), and lv8otos. I am grateful to Martin West for help then as the 'metropolis' i.e. here 'most important with this point. city', of Cyprus. 1his raises the possibility that If Fraser was right, we have not one but two Kinkel's Cyprus frag. (rrEVTE8erpTJatV .. •) also frags of Eratosthenes, one (a) about Magarsos came from the Hermes.Parsons and Lloyd-Jones (Suppl. Hell.: p. 186) assign the Magarsos frag. in Kilikia and the other (b) about the five leaders or oikists who went to Cyprus (447). He was ('Eratosthenis fragm. nov.') to Eratosthenes' geofollowing Gisinger (not Wendel as he says at graphical work but do not discuss the separate 335 n. 1) in R.-E. 'Philostephanos' col. rn9, who frag. about the five leaders who went to Cyprus. suggested briefly that the scholiast's rrevTE 8e Philostephanos, like Eratosthenes and rpTJGLV ... referred to Eratosthenes. Kallirnachos, came from Kyrene: see test. 1 and 218

446-447

This view is of great interest, in view of the mentions of Paphos and Cyprus in the frag. of Eratosthenes at Suppl. Hell. 397 (above). Fraser's interpretation is not certain; Peter Parsons, in a letter sent in January 20n, told me that he does not acceP.t it. I quote the most relevant part in a 1 footnote. Badino rejects it (Badino 2010: 133-8, discussing frag. 19 about Praxandros, the Spartan who went to Cyprus as one of the five oikists; see 586). He has two arguments: (i) he thinks that rrevTE 8,! rpTJGLV ••. refers to Lyk. not Eratosthenes, and is just a summary of what the poem says. But Fraser dealt with this in advance at p. 335 n. 1 ('the subject cannot be Lycophron, since the passage precedes the opening lemma'). (ii) the known frags of Eratosthenes' Geography are 'purely scientific' not antiquarian, so this would not fit the pattern (Badino concedes that the Hermes frag. about Paphos is different in character). Fraser 340 met this in advance too, though he did leave it open whether both the two frags (a) and (b) came from the Hermes not the Geography. This is not impossible. Parsons, in his introduction to P. Oxy. 3000, noted that the poem is now known to have been at least 1,600 lines long and that 'the range of such a poem is unpredictable': it is possible that col. 1 concerned itself with Kinyras, the legendary Cypriot king, so the poem might also have talked about Lyk.'s legendary founders. Badino does not discuss Fraser's additional and cogent argument that 484 (see n. there) 1

'Certainly rp71a{v can introduce a summary or paraphrase (with 'the poet' understood), or alternatively the quotation of an authority (normally with the name of the authority stated). Here one might argue that E' Stf rp71aivintroduces more than a summary, because it specifies all five names wben L. himself uses only two of them {586):therefore this is substantive comment, and E. is the nearest authority. But I think that would be pressing it all too hard. The fact that E' comes first in the sentence suggests to me that this was once part of a short summary of the four groups 417ff. a' µiv ... y' fie... f3'Stf ... e' fie.And e' 7T£VTE serves as lemma but also as subject of the paraphrase/annotation following. So on the whole I'd side against Fraser .. .'.

219

reflects Eratosthenes on copper-mmmg (frag. IIIB, 91 Berger= Strabo 14. 6. 5). In conclusion, Fraser's particular argument about the interpretation of the reference in E to Eratosthenes is unsafe. But this by no means destroys his entire case for use by Lyk. of Eratosthenes and Philostephanos in the Cypriot section. For Eratosthenes see 484n. (the copper-mines), and for Philostephanos see 447n. (Sphekeia) and 586-587n. (Kepheus and Praxandros). See also Introduction section 3(m) for further refs outside the Cypriot section. 447-449. Introduction to the Cyprus five

447. Z'9"11mav,!ls KEpacrrlav:Cyprus is both the place of wasps and of horns, or a homed people. For the wasps, see Buxton 2009: 68-g (citing Bowie 1993:15g-60) for foundation myths which 'use the image of physical transformationCyprus from wasps, Myrmidons from ants [for Aigina, see 176n.] even humanity from stones'. But the metamorphosis of Diomedes' companions at 176is the opposite, more like Aristophanes' men who turn into birds. Lyk. as often inverts expectations. See also my n. on Hdt. 5. 64. 2 (the 'Storkade') for Pelasgians or Pelargians as storks. The equation of Cyprus with Sphekeia was made by Philostephanos (above, Introductory n.). See frag. 5 Badino = E on the present passage, repeated by Et. Magn.: Erp~KEtav·~ Kv1rposrrpoTEpovl:rp~KEta€KM€LTO ws 'PT/atIPt>.oarerpavos €V TC/)1TEptKvrrpov a.ml TWV €VOLKTJGU.VTWV d.v8pwv,ol JKMOVVTO E~KES •.•

As for Kerastia, 'place of horns', E attiibutes this to a historian called Androkles. In view of the possibility that Lyk. derived the name directly from this Androkles, some detailed discussion is in order, because there is no satisfactory modem account of Androkles He is a very interesting figure and the evidence for him has increased in recent years. The comment quoted above continues (FGrHist 751Androkles F1) as follows: ... KaAEfrat 8i [sc. ~ Kvrrpos] Kat KEpaarla, ws

/,LEV )tv8poK>.~sb

448

Thejive leaderswho will go to Cyprus KaLEa:rpaxovfJ>-.wgavTE I GTOp TOV KTUVOVT TJfLUVaTO \ Ii:, , I I 7TATJr,,USacpUKTWS aKpov opxTJGTOUacpupov.

ws

Ankaios,father ofAgapenor

1hefive leaderswho will go to Cyprus

485-493

485

o

490

o

ti

,

,.

section (Fraser 1979:339): Eratosthenes spoke of the copper- and silver-mines at Tamassos in the mountainous centre of the island (for this place see Barr. map 72 C2; IACP. pp. 1224£): Strabo 14. 6. 5 = Berger frag. IIIB, 91. 486-493.

Ankaios,fatherof Agapenor

This Ankaios was son of Lykourgos and one of the Argonauts: Ap. Rh. 1. 164 and 398, who makes him come from Arkadian Tegea, and puts him on a level with Herakles for strength. (See also E. frag. 530. 4-6 TrGFand Suppl Hell 970. 22-3 and Apollod. 1.9. 16;Fowler 2013:215-16 on Pherekydes frag. 36.) He was killed by the Kalydonian boar. Another Ankaios, a son of Poseidon and king of Sarnos, was also an Argonaut (Ap. Rh. 1. 185-"9)and also killed by a (different) boar; the 'many a slip / 'twixt cup and lip' story is usually told about him. See 488-490 n. To argue that Lyk. has confused the two Ankaioi out of mere ignorance-Mooney: Lyk. 'seems to confuse ... ', cf. also Mair-is to fall into a trap, as most other commentators see (cf. Lambin, and Berra 2009: 291 n. 99. The proverb is a transferable comment on the unexpectedness of fate, brt TWV11'apa11'poa6oK{av Tl 11'paTT6VTwV (Zenob.). The point is, that it was not to be expected that the massively strong Ankaios son of Lykourgos (486-493n.) would succumb to a wild boar.

23. 396. For the literary theme of boar-wounds, usually in the thigh or groin, see Reed on Bion Adonis7 (Adonis is 'presumably bleeding to death from a ruptured femoral artery'). Shakespeare, VenusandAdonis m5-16 ' ... nuzzling in his flank, the loving swine / sheathed unaware the tusk in his soft groin' derives from Ovid, Met. 10. 715-16. Thigh-wounds have been seen as 'initiatory signals': see Versnel 1990b: 84 and n. 135,a notion which fits the Argonautic Ankaios better than the Sarnian king. 488-490. µ.a8wv mos I WS 1To.\..\a ](E&AEVS Kal 8rnacrrpalwv 1TO'TWV I plaq, Ku>.lv8E1 µ.o'ipa

486.GTovvf:a Euripidean word (Gigante Lanzara 2009: m n. 59), cf. E. Kyk.401, as restored by Scaliger, an expert on Lyk.; see also 795 and n81. It was also used (once only) by Ap. Rh. 4- 1679;see Livrea on that passage, also Schade on 795. 487. For fJovfJwv cf. II. 4. 492, where it is a

Homeric hapax word (Kirk). For 0puMtas, cf. II. 230

1Taµ.µ.71crrwp {JpD'l'wv:the full story was given by Aristotle (frag. 571, from the Constitution of the Samians, and reproduced by, among others, the paroemiographer Zenobios). It may derive from the epic poet Asios of Samos; see Huxley 1969: 90 n. 1 (citing Barron 1966:5-6, who suggests that the winged boar on Samian coins might have something to do with this story). Small details vary,but in essence, Ankaios was a vine-growing early king of Sarnos (Shipley 1987:25 n. 1 for refs) who treated his slaves badly. One of them warned him that he would never taste the wine of his vineyard. Came the day when the king lifted to his lips a cup containing the first of the new vintage, and he sneered at the warner, who replied 11'0.\..\a µ.erntv 11'EAEL KVAIKOS' Kat xdAeos a.Kpou.At that moment news arrived of a savage boar which was ravaging the area, so he put the cup down immediately, went to deal with the animal, but was gored to death. In this form, the prediction belongs to the same family as that given neatly at Plut. Caes.63. 5-6 (with Pelling for Plut.'s simplification here), and memorably drawn on by Shakespeare: a soothsayer had

from out of the pit, mining the whole shaft with his mattock. The Oitaian tusk killed his father, shattering his body in the joint of his groin. The wretched man learnt in his agony the meaning of the proverb, that between the lip and the drinking-cup all-inventing mortal fate rolls many surprises. The same tusk, all foaming with glistening blood, took revenge on its killer as it fell dead, striking the ankle-tip of the dancer with unerring blow. warned him to beware the Ides of March. On the day, Caesar says to him light-heartedly 'the Ides have come' and gets the calm reply 'Yes, they have come, but they have not gone', and is assassinated. Lyk. has turned the hexameter line into two ingenious iambics. Lyk. does not treat this as an actual prediction by anyone, while taking knowledge of the Samian slave-story for granted. £71'oshas a variety of meanings, including 'warning' and 'oracle' (see LSJ), either of which is possible here; but 'proverb' (or 'saw': Mooney) is particularly attractive here, in view of Hdt. 7. 51. 3 and its subjectmatter: Artabanos advises Xerxes to remember the good old proverb which says that the end is not always obvious at the beginning, To 11'ai\aiov £71'0Sws EVEtp71m1,TOµ.~ aµ.a apxfi miv d>.o, Kamrpa{vea8ai. Possibly Lyk., always alert to Hdt., had this passage in mind. Cf. also (with Holzinger) Od. 22. 10-21: Odysseus shoots the suitor Antinoos through the throat while he is in the act oflifting a wine-cup to his lips.

489.XEl\EUs:Homeric-style contraction for the gen. xd>.eos. 8E1Tacrrpalwv: a hapax word, but an obvious formation, from 6bras, 'a cup'. Perhaps influenced by 8i11'aaTpaat Antirnachos frags 19, 20, and 23 Wyss (19, 20, and 21 Matthews), cf. Wyss: XLIV; see Hollis 2007- 281. 490. µ.o'ipa11"aµ.µ.71crrwp: the apparently neat

485-493 485

490

(cf. Zuntz 1971:350 and n. 3) in view of trag. frag. adesp. 129in TrGF2, a poem quoted by Diodorus (37, 30. 2), line 8: aol /5,/ Kat x0wv miaa Kai 1l'OVTosKai o 11'aµ.µ.~aTwp'1.p71,.That poem actually mentions the songs of Orpheus at line 6, but that does not make it 'Orphic' exactly. 491. .71p,wv: see 188 n. and Rengakos 1994:121. >.69pq,:the word is Homeric, and always found in the dative singular, see e.g. II. 6. 268, aiµ.an Kai >.60pcp11'E11'a>.ayµhov, with Graziosi and Haubold: it means 'the defilement of blood', and is always used by Horner with 11'a,\&.aaw, 'I spatter'. 492. GTopBIJ')lf 8E80V1Tws:for 8e8oU11'WS see 285n. With the ugly aTop86yg (a favourite word

of Lyk. for any kind of spike or spike-like object, see 761, 865, 1406), cf. S. frag. 89 line 4 TrGF (from the Aleadai, a play about the family of Telephos) with Gigante Lanzara 2009: no n. 58; also HE 480 (= Antipater of Sidon 46. 5) 61Kipaiov aT6p8uyya (i.e. antlers) with Gow-Page. Here the tusk is used as part for whole (the boar), and is thought of as dying, like the animal itself, as it administers the fatal blow. This line and the next enact the horror: they are full of ugly sounds intandx.

493. opx71crrou arpvpov:for the warrior as dancer and exact parallel at Orph. frag. 47 Kem, 11'aµ.µ. ~see 249 n. The affiicted part of the body is now the aTopi µ.o{pq.,is no longer thought to be the ankle, whereas at 487it is the groin. This is neicorrect reading. See Bernabe (2) frag. 492 (Graf ther contradiction nor a clumsy description of a and Johnston 2007: 10-n no. 4, Greek text and double wound; rather, the metaphor of the dancer tr.) for the now-preferred reading 1Taµ.v71aT01 with whirling feet (the 'vehicle') has affected the Moipai, 'the all-remembering Fates', plural. main thought of the line (the 'tenor'. See Silk However, the old reading still has its attractions 1974:9 for these terms).

231

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.wv, 1rapaM1>.T/alo1s. This puzzleabove) derived the name Homolois from a daughepithet is not easily solved from conventional ter of Enyeus, sent as a prophetess to Delphi. For Greek epigraphy, but Linear B offers a clue. A Zeus Homoloios see I: on the present line; L. gold vase from Pylos (Tn 316) has the name Robert 1960: 238 n. 6 (discussing Boiotian names Drimios, di-ri-mi-jo, who is son of Zeus. This is in 'Oµoi\.-, cf. already Usener 1896: 354) and thought by Mycenaean specialists to be Apollo Schachter 1981-94: 3. 120-2, 148 and n. 3 (for the (who may also have been designated in Linear B 5th-cent dedication JG 7. 2456, and c£ SEG 26. by some form of the name Paion). Rougemont 585). For 'Oµo>.wios as a Boiotian month-name, 2005: 375,in the course of a very full discussion of derived from Zeus Homoloios, see JSE: no. 64 cult epithets in Linear B, does not seek to explain line 2. Demeter was also perhaps Homolois or derive it. The vowels v and I are not identical, (Schachter 1981-94:1.168). but Linear B experts nevertheless offer etymoloB{a is personified force or violence. Ciaceri gies for di-ri-mi-jo from either /5p1µus, 'sharp', and Mooney compare Athena's Boiotian title 'piercing'; or else /5pvµ6s,'copse', 'thicket': Garcia )l>.a>.,coµEvTJ{,, i.e. they assume that that has a Ramon 2011: 230; c£ F. Aura Jorro, Diccionario root di\.,c~,'strength'; but this epithet (connected Mictnicovol. 1 (Madrid, 1985),entry under di-riwith the polis Alalkomenai, IACP. no. 199} is far mi-jo. I am grateful to Stephen Colvin for these from transparent, see Schachter 1981-94: 1.m-14. refs. Oddly enough, the noun /5pvµ6sfirst occurs Mooney's analogy with another of Athena's in prose in the Molpoi inscription from Miletos epithets, E8b£ia, is better, see 1164 and n., and (sth cent. BC),Rehm 1914:no. 133line 28.Lyk. has, 2 39

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e11aTvTTr,aavKOLpavcp..,,evowµ,oTTJ, i'v ~µ,ap dpKeaeie 7Top0r,mfs AVKOLS, 't. a • eµ,t-'011r,v • a \ ' paiaTr,piav, ' , aTEsaL t-'apeiav Kafoep 7Tp0 7Tvpywv TOVKavaaTpafov ,-dyav eyxwpiov y{yavm Svaµ,evwv µ,ox,.\ov ,1 \ \ ,.. ' I Q \,.. EXOVTa, Kat TOV 7TpWTOVEVUTOXCf) tJOIITJ " , '\ , µ,aiµ,wvTa Tv..,,at TToiµ,viwv a11aaTopa.

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however, played virtually no part in the argument hitherto, though see below. (In regard to spelling, we should recall-see above on Kastnia-that Lyk. sometimes gives epithets in slightly eccentric forms.) There is a slight link between Miletos and Messenian Pylos, because Neileus son of Kodros, a younger kinsman of Pylian Nestor, founded Miletos, according to a myth treated in detail by Lyk. (1379;see also Hdt. 9. 97). So Lyk., when narrating an episode of vast antiquity (a episode from long before the main Trojan War), seems to have chosen a venerable epithet indeed. (But Poseidon's descriptors 'Prophantos' and 'lord ofKromna'are not noticeably ancient; see below.) A different (but even more speculative) approach to the epithet Llpvµa, might start from the Phokian place-name Drymos. An inscribed Hellenistic agreement about financial matters, between Drymos and the Oitaian federation, is best interpreted as having an amphiktionic aspect. This would bring us to Apollo by another route, because one of the creditors was his sanctuary at Delphi. There is no reason why this approach should exclude the other, Mycenaean, explanation: in Lyk., things are often neither settled nor stable. Indeed, the Phokian city has featured in explanations of the Mycenaean word di-ri-mi-jo. For Drymos see IACP. no. 178; for the agreement, see JG 9. 12 226-30 (after 167 BC), with SEC 53. 491. Cf. Stella 1958:26-Jand n. 27, explaining Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo on these lines (and citing Tzetzes on 533). Mynors on V. G. 3. 336 wondered if there was a connection between Cyrene's woodland nymph Drymo in V. and Apollo's epithet in the present passage of Lyk. Prophantos is said by£ to be a cult of Poseidon at Italian Thourioi; there is no other evidence.The name suggests an oracular deity (for 1rp6rpavTO, cf.

Hdt. 5. 63. 2 and 9. 93. 4), and thus more suited to Apollo than to Poseidon; but the run of the line precludes this. 'King of Kromna' is also Poseidon. £ identifies this Kromna as the Paphlagonian city (IACP. no. 723) and says there was a temple of Poseidon there; but also cites Kall. (frag. 384 Pf., see Pf. vol. I p. 312,on line 12)for a Korinthian Kromnos. This place (not a polis) is now epigraphically attested at Korinth, see SEG 22. 219 (late 4th/early 3rd cent. BC);cf. IACP. p. 466, part of no. 227 (Korinth), citing Lyk. Poseidon was well established at Korinth, see Pi. 01. 13 and the Korinthiancontrolled sanctuary of Poseidon at the Isthmia; but that does not prove Es first suggestion wrong. For a Spartan Kromnos see JACA no. 334.

240

523. E,\aTVm'}aav Ko,pa.vq, tp£V8wµ6ro: an admirable three-word line, cf. 63n. The first word, a hapax (Guilleux 2009: 227; but cf. S. frag. 530 TrCF for .\chv1ro,,'stonemason'), is related to .\aTOµEiovand suchlike formations. The perjuror king is Laomedon, see 34 n. for his cheating of the two gods; in that opening section of Kassandra's speech, the background here given was not spelt out. (Lyk. is sometimes more helpful second time round.) Cf. V. G. 1. 502, 'Laomedonteae luimus periuria Troiae'. 524. ,\uKo,,: See504 n, 525. pa,arqplav: the word is used of poisonous drugs, rpapµaKa, at Ap. Rh. 3· 803, some good, some bad, T(l fJ,EV ea0.\a, Ta 8£pataT~pta. 526-527.

TOV

Kavacrrpaiov µ,eyav I eyxwp,ov

ylyaVTa: this is Hektor. He is called a 'local[i.e

Trojan-born] giant' to make clear that, like Xerxes but unlike Aigeus (495, 1414 and nn.) he is not one of the Giants in the technical sense,

had built of stone for the perjured king, would have held out for one day against the destructive wolves, so as to stem their heavy destructive attack; even though the city had before its towers the great Kanastraian giant, local-born, to bar the enemy's way, keen to strike, with a well-aimed spear-throw, the first man to bring destruction on the flock.

but is so-called as an indicator of his size and strength (Massa-Pairault 2009: 488; West 2009: 91). For Kanastraion (i.e. the Pallene promontory of Chalkidike) as the home of the (real) Giants, see 127n. Cf. Durbec 2009a: 400: the confrontation between Hektor and the Greeks becomes a new Gigantomachy. 527-528. 8vap,wwv µox.\ov I E](OVTa:with this metaphorical use of the standard word for a bar or bolt, with a genitive of the thing or person protected against, cf. S. frag. 760, rp6~ovµox.\6, with Gigante Lanzara 2009: no. The barring metaphor is appropriate for Hektor in his role as protector, cf. Rougier- Blanc 2009: 547 and Durbec 2009a: 400, who notes the derivation of his name from lxw, 'I hold', and therefore the appropriateness of lxovrn in 528. See also 28m. 528-534. Protesilaos and his tomb Protesilaos, leader of a Thessalian contingent, was the first Greek to land at Troy and the first to be killed (II. 2. 6951 02), in accordance with an oracle which said (Apollod. ep. 3. 29) that the first to land would be the first to die: his name means 'first of the people' i.e. army, or 'first to be killed', from o.\.\vµat, In Homer (2. 701) the death-blow is dealt by 'a Dardanian [i.e. Trojan] man', not specified as Hektor, but the Kypria arg. 10 (M. West 2003: 77) names Hektor as the killer. See 246 n. and 279-280 n. (Achilles was warned by Thetis not to be the first to jump.) The sequel to the main story of Protesilaos is given by Apollod. ep. 3. 30: his wife grieved so much for him that he was allowed to return from Hades for a while; this develops a hint in Homer (who speaks only of her cheek-lacerating grief) or else possibly alludes to a story known to Homer but passed 241

523-529

52 5

over by him. She is named as Polydora in the

Kypria (frag. 22 at M. West 2003: 101). Lyk. surprisingly declines the opportunity to associate Protesilaos with a nostosstory involving his foundation of Skione in Chalkidike: see FGrHist 26 Konon F. 1 XIII, and he features on the city's coins (Kraay 1976: 134 and UMC 1: 554-5).But there is an obvious problem, because a man famously killed at Troy could not have had a nostos or return from there. So one ingenious modern suggestion is that he founded Skione after the first Greek expedition against Troy, that by Herakles and Telamon. For further discussion see CT II: 378--vwTOvUK71v.

545

1

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distinguish clearly between the two visits (so rightly Holzinger), and implies that the quarrel with the Apharetidai and attempted abduction of the Leukippidai (for which see 517n.) took place at an unspecified banquet. Tzetzes (followed by Mooney) assumes that the Tyndaridai and Apharetidai were all present at a banquet given by Menelaos, but Lyk. does not quite say so. 539. a{vwKO.Ta.ppaKTT/Pa. : for the second word cf. 169 and n.: there the bird of prey (1clp1rns)is specified, but it is present here too by implication, esp. if we remember the earlier passage. Mooney actually translates 'destroying eagle', though a{vis just means a ravager or plunderer.

into their home, the bitter down-swooping destroyerthey who will suffer frightful, dreaded fates, and who will try, with feasts and libations of the first pressing of wine, to propitiate unyielding Kragoshe will cause them to quarrel violently as they converse. At first they will rend with biting words, roughing each other up to fury with their taunts. Then those cousins will fight with spears, seeking to defend their cousin-chicks from violently forced marriage and seizure of kin, to punish what was usurped without bride-price.

53~549 54°

545

542· JJ,E&Alaawa&V aaTEpyii Kpa:yov: Kragos

is a Lykian epithet of or name for Zeus, who is here alluded to twice, because his cult title Meilichios (common in the Hellenistic period) is suggested by the verb µ.oA{aaw. For Mt Kragos in S. Lykia, above Sidyma, W. of Xanthos, and home of the mythical creature the Chimaira, see Strabo 14. 3. 5, Dion . Perieg. 850 with Lightfoot 2014: 445-6; Barr.map 65 B5 (it is part of a mountain complex whose other and larger component is Antikragos to N. ofit) .

543•KoAcpov & Maxa.,sµ.laov:for the rare word KoAcp6s,'quarrel', 'wrangle', cf. II. 1. 575,with Rengakos 1994: 118 for the echo. The context there is a feast on Olympos, and the Homeric 540. Suva Ka1ro8EUT0.: the second and very line ends with the genitive of Sa{,, 'a feast', used rare word is used, in a Homeric hapax, at by Lyk. in the dative at 541. See also Ap. Rh. 1. Od. 17. 296 of Odysseus' neglected old dog 1283-4,£1'8,1KoAcposI O.G1TETOS , Argos. See also Kall. frag. 325 Pf. (from the The motif of alcohol-fuelled quarrels at Htkalt) = 131 Hollis and perhaps Suppl. Htll . banquets, especially weddings, and the resulting 1066 (a1TEGTOS 'Epivv,;).For the etymology violence towards both sexes, is familiar from (either a + 1ro8rivor else a'ITO+ 8iaaa.a8a.i)see the story of the Centaurs, told by Antinoos at Hollis: 310-11,who concludes that the first meanOd. 21. 293---.304 . This took place at the wedding ing ('despised') suits Homer better, and the secof the Lapith Peirithoos to Hippodameia, see ond meaning ('which one prays not to encounter') e.g. Diod. 4. 70. 3 for the Centaurs' violence suits Kall., Lyk., and the Suppl. Ht/I. frag. For against Hippodameia on this occasion; cf. A. H. links between Kall. Htkalt and Lyk. generally, see G[riffiths], OCif 'Centaurs'. See also, for a modHollis 2007: 283-6, cf. 494n. em anthropological parallel (the Sarakatsani in 541-542. lv T'E80.,.,.iKa.i Ba.>.valo,sI Aoi{:Ja.iai: NW Greece in the 1950s), Campbell 1964: 97 (also 107, 114), noting that fights and brawls for Sm.,.{see 543n. 80.Avaiosseems here to be a happen in certain contexts in particular, includtwo-termination adj.; so Ciani. It means 'pertaining 'at a wedding when men drink to excess and ing to first-fruits' (Jim 2014: 105-6), so as applied to a libation it presumably indicates the first see a veiled insult in each word or gesture. Yet these fights seldom lead to a killing'. But they pressing of wine.

244

do in myth, where patterns of behaviour are commonly taken to extremes (cf. 1141-1173n.,on ritual and myth) . The Dioskouroi-Apharetidai quarrel does not happen at a wedding exactly, but it shares some features of such incidents, mythical and real (wine no doubt; abusive words; men corning to blows; violence against or even abduction of nubile women; and we recall that Helen, who is present, is the bride par txctllmce, 143 and 146, and is about to be abducted by Paris). 544• Kai 1TpWT'Q/J,Elf µ.v8otatv: the

classic sequence (s43 n.): heated words first, then escalation to violence. o8af : cf. Od.I , 381,where o8dg b xdArai rpvvns appears (LSJ) to mean that the suitors are 'biting tht lips in smothered rage' at Telemachos' speech. This too (see 543n. on KoAcpos)is at a feast, cf. I , 369 vuv µh 8aivvµ.rvo, TEp1rwµ.,d)a . Homeric language for quarrels is continued in 545, see n. there . 545.A three-word line, cf. 63 n. IC'f/Ka.aµ.oiaiv: the noun will be used again at 692 (the monkeys appointed by Zeus to mock the giants), and the verb K1JKa.Cw at 1386. Cf. Kall. frag. 656 Pf., K1]Ka.8t avv yAwaar,. a>Kp&WJJ,EVOI is from DKpt&.oµ.a.t, cf. Od. 18. 33, oKpt6wno, of Odysseus' quarrel with Iros; cf. 544 n. The root word is DKpis,meaning a rough,jagged object. 547. o.vaf,,aisopv,a,: the multiple interrelationship of cousinhood is explained by Tzetzes. The 'cousin chicks' (for the double noun see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115)are Leukippos' daughters the

Leukippidai or Leukippides, or rather two of the three, Phoibe and Hilaeira. See A. H. G[riffiths], OCD4 'Leucippides'. Leukippos was brother both of Aphareus and ofTyndareos the mortal father of the Dioskouroi, so that the girls seized by the Dioskouroi were cousins both of the Dioskouroi and of the Apharetidai, ldas and Lynkeus. See Apollod. 3. IO, 3 and Gantz 1993: 181. Mari 2009: 439 rightly notes that the sexual violence offered to the Leukippides reminds us of Kassandra's own fate, the main narrative line of the poem. J. N. B[remmer], OCif 'initiation' suggests that names in -hipp or Hipp-, such as Leukippos and Leukippides (and Hippolytos), indicate initiatory rituals, because youths were seen as resembling wild animals, in need of taming. On the names Phoibe and Hilaeira ('shining' and 'genial', perhaps versions of the Daughters of the Sun who feature in Indo-European myth), see West 2007- 232; cf. also North 2012: 47 for the idea that the kidnapping theme might be seen 'in terms of cosmic symbolism': the Dioskouroi are sometimes identified with the morning and evening star, cf. West 2007= 234. Fowler 2013:418-25. 549• &E8vwT'oU : this hapax word has been held (see e.g. Holzinger) to hint after all at the alternative or Pindaric version of the origin of the quarrel, that involving theft of cattle (s17n.): cattle are on this view assumed to be the normal medium of exchange, in which bride-price would have been payable.

245

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550. KJ/'f/KI.WV -rropos:this river, near Sparta, is

were brave and warlikemen other than 'those between B. and K.'). Tzetzes says that Knakion was later called Olvovs, which implies that the old name had disappeared. BC showed there

mentioned, in its Doric form, in the Great Rhetta preserved at Plut. Lykourgos6; see para. 2 for popular meetings to be held Ba{3vKas TE Ka1KvaKlwvos. See Bolte, R-E IIIA 'Sparta 551. To>.,,,aisalETwv:for the eagle as the usual (Topographie)', col 1372,calling the location ofB. symbol of force in the Lykophronic bestiary, see and K. a 'still insoluble puzzle' in AD 1928,and that Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105. remains true today. He suggested, partly because 552. tP-qpalo,s:this is evidently an ethnic of the of 559 (Amyklai) that Knakion/Knekion must have been a stream to the south of the Eurotas polis of Pharai, in the border area between Messenia and Lakonia, IACP; no. 320, Barr. map. (c£ Geiger, R.-E. XI (1922)cols 901 8,'Knakion' for no. 58 C3 (marking it as Pherai). See Steph. Byz. other possible locations), and preferred the accen..aa-rosis Dionysos, so-called, acc. E, because sacrifices were made to him when the vines began to shoot, DTE/3>..aaravoua111 al a'.µ1rEA01, or when they were first cut.

f1,VA7Jrparov XtAOLOSaiSaAevrpfos ., • 'Y '_.,' '\ " \, Ep1TtV TE pe,,,eiv 'YJOa11otrpaiovl\t1TOS, , , Z' ' 'Q oivorpo1rovs ap7JKOSEKyovovs rpa,-,as. a '0 at Kat arparov ,-,oV1TEtvav O VEtWVKVVWV rpvxovaav aA0avovaiv, EA0ovaa{ 1TOT€ 1:i0wvos els 0vyarpos dwaar~pwv. KULTUVTaµ,iv µ,froiat xaAKEWV1TClAat IQ , Y" arpoµ,,-,wv emppoi.,,ovai y7JpatatI, Kopat. K7]rpEVSSi KULllpa(avSpos, ov VUVKA7Jp{as Aawv avaKTES, aAA' avwvvµ,ot a1ropa{, I

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"

585

632--74. (But might Ovid have ingeniously exploited Lyk.'s single word so as to generate the metamorphosis? Lyk. often uses 'doves' to describe sexually vulnerable girls, c£ 87 and n., and most recently 547, the Leukippidai described as birds.) For this as one of many metamorphoses in Lyk., see 176n. (where this is no. (9). See also 578. A three-word line, c£ 63 n. µ.vA71cpa:rov Olding 2007: 145 (the story possibly treated by Ion ofChios). x&Aofo:x1A6S'was at first a purdy prose word meaning green fodder for cattle: Hdt. 4. 140. 3 581.fJ01nmvav:also at 1395.This rare alternative and Xen. Anab. 1. 9. 27, c£ 95 n. It was used by to fJovA1µ.la,ravenous or uncontrollable hunger Euphorion also, and in the same epic form xiAoio (whence our 'bulimia'), is also used by Kall. frag. (frag. 81 Lightfoot), part of a fanciful etymology 24 P£ (26 Massirnilla) line n; see Harder's n. of the name of Achilles, who never tasted x1A~, o9vElwv KVVwv:the noun is a favourite of Lyk. nourishment in the form of mother's milk. In the often used of women or frightful mythical present passage a more general meaning 'food' is females, i.e. 'bitch'. It will be used again of the needed, so that in combination with ,.wA~rpa TOS', male Greeks at 1266,alxµ.71rn/KVVES'. 'mill-ground' (used at Od. 2. 355 of barley) it will mean 'bread'. See also 677 with Schade (the 582. Tpvxovaav a.,\8avoiiatv:although the Greeks fodder eaten by Kirke's metamorphosed pigs). had originally refused Anios' offer, Agamemnon For the food-description see 482 n. later sent Palamedes to fetch food from Ddos when the army was hungry (J:). For dABatvw,lit. 579. l,nrw: acc. Tzetzes, this word for wine 'cure' (c£ Il 5. 417,a.ABeToxelp, Dione's healing of was Egyptian, suitably enough in this context (see 576 n.). It was used by Hipponax, frag. 79. Aphrodite's hand) see 1122.The use at 1395 is closer in sense to the present passage (it refers 18West. there, as here, to the relieving of hunger). 580. olv0Tpo1rovsZa.P7JKOS EK')IOVOVS q,a/Jas:the name 'Wine-turners' (i.e. turners of water into 583. This is a roundabout way of saying that the Greek army was near Troy when the famine wine), is strictly appropriate to only one of the struck. Sithonia was the middle prong of girls, but is applied to all three. the Chalkidic peninsula, on which Torone was Zarex (= Euboian Zarax, c£ 373) married situated (c£ 116n.). Its eponym Sithon, king Rhoio after she had borne Anios to Apollo. He ofThrace, was son of Ares and father ofRhoiteia, was son of Karystos, eponym of the Euboian who was buried in the Troad and became epopolis (1:). nym of Rhoiteion (IACP. no. 490. A variant 'Doves' (nom. sing. rpaip)appear to be a brief tradition made Rhoiteia the daughter of Proteus allusion to the story that the girls were turned into doves by Dionysos; for this see Ovid. Met. 13. by Anchinoe, daughter of the Nile. See Fowler Hurst 2009: 203 suggests that 577-580 offer a reassuring picture of peace and abundance, by contrast with the grim themes of the poem as a whole. There is something in this, but the magical sustenance provided by the Oinotropoi is a cure for an extreme famine, 581 (Hurst 203 n. 18).

252

creators of mill-bruised fodder, how to make wine and oil for anointing: the Wine-turners, the doves, the granddaughters of Zarex. They will cure the ravenous wasting hunger of the army, those foreign dogs, when some day they come to the sleeping-place of the daughter of Sithon. The aged maidens have long been whirring all this with the threads of their bronze spindles. Then Kepheus and Praxandros, not as leaders of sailor folk, but as obscure stock, 2013=42 n.155).This story would seem to make Rhoiteion a Euboian (i.e. Ionian) foundation, but it was first 'possessed' by Dorian Astypalaia: Strabo 13. 1. 42. For 'fields of the daughter of Sithon' as shorthand for Troy (because of the link with Rhoiteion), see 1161,where the expression designates the destination of the Lokrian Maidens. For different scansion and spelling, see 1357and 1406. 585,'Y7Jpa,a/Kapa,: these are the Moirai or Fates. 586-591. Nos (4) and (s), Kepheus and

Praxandros The fourth and fifth Cypriot oikists are dealt with very rapidly, compared with the first three. Lyk. may have taken over the number five from Eratosthenes (see 447-591n., and see 591n. for Eratosthenes on Boura), and was committed to mentioning them all, but did not wish to develop these two unHorneric heroes, or lacked the material to do so. 586-587. K71rpEVs 8J Kai llpa.fav8pos, ov vavK>i.71plas I Aawv a.vaKTEs:we are told by the commentators (1: and Tzetzes) that the uncharacteristic naming of Kepheus and Praxandros caused puzzlement in antiquity (why, it was asked, are they not designated in the usual way as wolves, lions, or serpents?), but the commentators themselves supply one clearly correct answer: these two were not f3aa1AeiS'or avaKTES"but obscure figures, and in particular they did not feature in the Homeric Catalogueof Ships,so Lyk. was compelled to name them. The presentation by negation (ou vavK>i.71plaS' I Aawv avaKTES") is a virtually explicit way of saying 'not in the Catalogue'(Sens 2009: 27, Berra 2009: 307). It is

578-587

580

585

also relevant that Lyk. tends generally to name only minor figures, not well-known ones (Cusset 2006; Sistakou 2009: 249,cf. 244 n.19; Holzinger). Kepheus the Achaian oikist is as obscure to us as he was to Lyk., except that he is said by Philostephanos (frag. 19 Badino = E on the present passage of Lyk.) to have come to Cyprus like Praxandros, Kai 0JT01 8J 1rapaybovTO elS' Kv1rpov, WS' rp71a11AoaTii.ywv dvaaUTJS'cLv oµ,iv 116.Kwv'ox>i.ov aywv e1:pa1TV1JS, 06.npos S' d1r' 'QMvov LJvµ,T}STl: Bovpafotatv ~y1:µ,wv aTpaTOV.

for believing that Spartans colonized, or were thought to have colonized, places on Cyprus. (For what follows, see more fully Hornblower 2010: 87~0.) (r) There was a cult of Amyklaian Apollo in Cyprus at Idalion, in the central SE part of the island. For Amyklai near Sparta, see 559n., and for the Cypriot cult and its implications see Hill 1940: 87 and n. 3; Gjerstad 1944: II2; Cartledge 2002: 94; Lane Fox 2008: 341 and 445 n. 16. Lipinski 1987: 98 identifies the Lakonian deity Amyklaian Apollo with the Phoenician Resheph. (2) There was supposedly a place called Lakedaimon in the interior of Cyprus: see Steph. Byz. AaKEila{µ,wvand R.-E. 'Lakedaimon' no.3. Conversely, there was a Lakonian place-name Lapithaion, named from a local man called Lapithos: Paus. 3. 20. 7.

(J) A recently discovered fragment of the Hesiodic MegalaiEhoiai(frag.157.2 Most, from Philodemos' On Piety) mentions Lapetheia, an eponym of Lapethos (sic),among Poseidon's lovers, together with Methane, another eponym. D'Alessio 2005: 212convincingly explains these paired mentions in terms of the Lakonian perspective of the poem as a whole, and adduces in support the Cypriot activity of the Lakonians and Praxandros, as described by Lyk. and Strabo. (4) The name Praxandros is extremely rare in the Greek world generally, but for Prax-names at, precisely, Lapethos see Hill 1940: 99 n. 6, 'Greek names compounded with Prax- seem to be characteristic of the place'; this goes too far in view of the fifty Prax- names in LGPN I alone, but the observation was soundly based, c£ LGPN I: 384£ for Praxidemos nos (r) and (2), and Praxippos nos (r and (2), all from Lapethos. For Praxandros in particular, LGPN I cites the one-word 6th-cent. inscription from Paphos on the SW of Cyprus. This is in sinistroverse Cypriot syllabic script, pa-ra-ka-sa-to-ro, which

59°

represents Greek llpa~a(v)ilpw. See Mitford and Masson 1983: 52 no. 30 and comm.: 'the rare name llp&.gavilpos is already known in Cyprus for the mythical founder of Lapethos', with a re£ to the present passage of Lyk. Now the mythical oikist was a Spartan, but the name Praxandros could have migrated to Cyprus along with its original bearer. Alternatively and even more speculatively (Hornblower 2010: 89) we might think in terms of hero-cult for the oikist Praxandros, and the inscription will then be a dedication of some sort, at one of the most famous sanctuaries of the island. Whatever the explanation, onomastic and other scattered evidence supports Lyk. and Philostephanos in their apparently surprising claims that Spartans under Praxandros were held to have colonized Cyprus; and this evidence, in a small way, reinforces Lyk.'s claim to be a reliable source for traditions about early Greek settlement in the Mediterranean. But an Achaian presence on Cyprus is not otherwise attested, and the 'Achaia' ch. of IACP ignores the evidence of Lyk. Note finally that LGPN is not consistent in its treatment of Lyk.'s five Cypriot oikists; see Hornblower 2010: 84 £ Praxandros the oikist has a separate entry in vol. IIIA but not in I, Agapenor is in I but not in IIIA,and Kepheus is entered in neither vol. (see above), and nor are Akamas or Teukros. ,U,\' avwvvµ,o, a-rropa.l: it is a paradox to say they are anonymous, just after naming them; the adjective here means 'obscure', 'not named byHomer'(see previous n.). 588. 1reµ,1M"o, Te-rapTo,: the unexpected order

should be retained in tr. Tzetzes seems to explain it by saying that since they arrived together, they were equal fourth, oi ilvo oµou Tl-rap-rot ifovTaL. 588-589. yaia.v ifoV'1'aL 8EO.S' I I'o.\ywv avaa..i:{s, )

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)

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i:vxas apovpats aµ,cp E'TTJTuµ,ovs,-,a.Mt, Ll71ousUVELVO,L µ,~1To'T'OfJ,1TVLOV a'Taxvv

61s-632. Acc. E, Diomedes put stones from Troy into his ship as ballast, then was driven out of Argos by Aigialeia, went to Italy, and at Kerkyra (presumably en route for Italy) killed the dragon which had been guarding the Golden Fleece; the dragon mistook Diomedes' golden shield, given him by Glaukos (IL 6. 234-6), for the Golden Fleece. See 632n. At the end of this summary,E 615 adds 'Timaios says this ({cnope1 /li -rou-ro),and also Lykos in his third book', an important piece of evidence for the inquiry into Lyk.'s own sources (the frags are FGrHist566 F 53and 570F 3,with the BNJ comms of C. Champion for Timaios and D. Smith for Lykos). See 615n.Timaios and Lykos (possibly father of the tragedian Lykophron of Chalkis) were approximate contemporaries, both active about 300 BC. There is no way of knowing which of them was used by the other. Geffcken 1892:5 argued from Es order of naming here--Timaios-Lykos, see above-that Lykos used Timaios (Jacoby's comm. on no. 570, n. 7 to the introduction, at p. 349,attributes to Geffcken a view opposite to that which he actually held). Holzinger (n. on 615)countered withAgatharchides' reverse order of naming, Lykos-Timaios (FGrHist 570 T3); and the more usual view is that Lykos came first and was used by Timaios. See Laqueur, R.-E. 'Lykos, (so), col. 2405,who admits the theoretical possibility that Lykos drew on Timaios, but observed that the E on Lyk. cite Timaios seven times but Lykos only here, and therefore concluded that Lykos was mediated via Timaios. The question is wide open, and Lambin 2005:16-29 produces no new evidence for the theory that Lyk. used Lykos extensively:we have only 14certain frags as opp. 158 of Timaios. Mahe-Simon 2009: 446 says overconfidently that Lykos' work centred on S. Italy. See De Sensi Sestito 2013b:103-5,for an argument that Lykos'work reflected historical exploitation of the Diomedes myth by Agathokles.

620

It is not clear how much of the summary went back to Timaios and Lykos: the maximum would be the whole narrative of Diomedes in Daunia (Holzinger) and perhaps much more, the minimum would be just the final section. See 615n. 615. Ko>..oaaofM.µu,v: this hapax word implies locomotion and should mean 'with the stride of a colossus', but Diomedes is standing still ( am0el,) to view the terrain, so the comparison to a colossus is of a general sort, unless the adjective resembles Homeric 'swift-footed' as applied to Achilles even when stationary. Angio 2012 (published 2014): 275(in the course of a study of Aeschylean and other words in -/36.µ.wv,including the curious a.µ.m,>..0/36.µ.wv in a new frag. of Empedokles) suggests that Lyk. may have intended a re£ to the famous Colossus of Rhodes. She also suggests that the paradox of a moving colossus is an advance hint at the equally paradoxical moving pillars of 625-629. See also, independently, Janka 2014: 41 8, discussion of -re-rpa/36.µ.wv,'four-footed', at line 10 of a 5th-cent. BC hexameter incantation from Sicilian Selinous, of which he gives text and tr. at 42-3. A completely different line of explanation of the word seems to have been suggested by Timaios and Lykos: E and (derivatively) Tzetzes on the present line explain that Diomedes took stones from the walls of Troy, went to Argos but was driven out by his wife Aigialeia and then went to Italy. He found the dragon 'there', -r71v1Kavm, as it was ravaging Phaiakia/Kerkyra (but 'en route', Ka0' clllovwould have been more accurate in view of the position of Kerkyra).So he killed it. See 632. He was honoured greatly for this, and he erected a statue (or statues, a.vllpi&.v-ra,, the reading of Tzetzes preferred by Holzinger) made from the stones of Troy. 'This is related by Timaios and Lykos in his third book', la-rope, /li -rou-roT{µ.mo,

264

Like a Colossus he will stand in the recesses of Ausonia, and will place his legs on stones taken from the acres where the Exchanger once built walls; he will throw these ballast-rocks out of his ship. When defeated in the arbitration by his brother Alainos, he will utter effective curses against the soil, that it should never produce Deo's bountiful grain, Kai AvKo, b -rcj,-rpfr'!J, So farTzetzes reproduces E (the 'old scholia' in Marcianus 476), but he continues at considerable length, giving material from E (N) and from elsewhere. It will be seen that the extent of the derivation from Timaios (or Lykos) is not at all certain. It might be quite small, perhaps the final detail about the statues only: c£ Jacoby, comm. p. 562,remarking that the condensed nature of the scholion makes it impossible to be sure if Timaios is being cited for more than the statue. On the other hand, for what it is worth, there is other evidence (s66 F 129)that Timaios was interested in the fortifications of Troy: Brown 1958:33. But these difficulties mean that Baron 2013:222 is too confident in his view that Timaios here offers a 'typically Greek' way of incorporating Greek mythology into Western prehistory.

615-621 615

620

The so-called 'Daunian stelai ', a very distinctive local product, may be somehow connected with this strange story of magical boundarystones, perhaps by understandable later confusion about their purpose. These blocks, which date from the 7thand 6th cents BC and were found all over pre- Roman Daunia but mainly in the lagoon area (Cupola-Beccarini and Salapia but also Arpi and Tialto) are now in the archaeological museum of Manfredonia. They appear to be dedications of some sort, and depict banqueting, sacrificial,and marital/erotic scenes, some involving women (for female dress depicted on the stelai see Verger 2008). See Nava 1988:1. 32-44, Genovese 2009: 214-33; Mazzei 2010: 111 35 (with excellent photos). In addition to the conjectural link with the boundary-stones (for this link see Mazzei 2010: 117),it is tempting to spec616-617.xepµ.6.8wvEm I 'TOV-rux01ro,ov ya.1TEulate further that there might be some icono8wv 14µ.oiP.!ws: the 'Exchanger' is Poseidon (not graphic hint at the Daunian cult of Kassandra Apollo, as Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 461). herself, for which see 1126n. and 1137n.:the ritual Poseidon built the walls of Troy together with dress of the girls who practise the cult, and Apollo, see 393n.; this divine origin explains the are compared to the Erinyes, who are thought magical power of the stones (Holzinger). The epito be depicted on one of the Daunian stelai; thet l4µ.01/3ev,is explained by Poseidon's gift of for this suggestion, see Ferri 1971and Nava 1988: Delphi to Apollo in exchange for Kalaureia; both 140-4 and Fig. 5. As for the other stelai, Mazzei places became centres of amphiktionies. E cites 2010:134is not confident about identifying any of Kall.for this exchange; the relevant frag. is 593P£, the depicted figures as gods of Daunia. quoted by E A. Eum. 27, µ.iarpa.Ka>..a.vpel71, ~>..0EV l, a.VT{lloaiv.It was also mentioned by 621.For Deo as Demeter (probably a hypocoristic Philostephanos, frag. 21Badino, from E Ap. Rh. 3. form, though this is not quite agreed) see 1242-3b.For Poseidon at Delphi, see Paus. 10. 24.4 HHDem. 47 with Richardson, and for the expresand Syl/.3 247 K. col. III. 12, the Potidanion. (A sion oµ.1TV10V a-raxvv (in reverse) c£ Ap. Rh. 4. slightly different, double, exchange was recorded 989, Deo taught the Titans on Kerkyra to harvest by Ephoros. See FGrHist 70 F 150,from Strabo 8. it. That passage was surely in Lyk.'s mind here6. 14: Poseidon exchanged Delos for Kalaureia abouts (c£ 632n. for Kerkyra). As for oµ.TTV10, with Leto, and Tainaron for Delphi with Apollo.) (also at u64), see Hollis 2007-281,suggesting that Amoibeus is thus an example of a cult epithet Philetas or Philitas of Kos popularized the word which refers to a mythological detail; see Parker among Hellenistic poets (c£ Kall. frag. 1.10 P£ for oµ.1rv1a0eaµ.orpopo[,]). See Philetas frag. 46 2003: 177 n. 34. Another is Dionysos Sphaltes/ Sphaleotas, see 207 n. Lightfoot, listing it as a grammatical fragment.

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Diomedesin Daunia (I)

Thenostoi continue

yvas n0aL~waaov-ros ap8710µ,cj, LlLOS, " , , t 'Y A,L-rw11wv \ - a1raaas, , 71v µ,71 ns av-rov pLi,av xepaov .\ax~VTJ, ~OUGLVavAaKas -reµ,wv. a-r~AaLs 8' aKLV~'TOLULV oxµ,aaEL 1re8ov, els ov-rLs dv8pwv EK~fos Kavx~ae-raL \ I , \ 'Y .. \ , , f1,ETOX11LUaS O1\Lt,OV.71yap a1TTEpWS > \ \ I a1:. QI av-rat 1Tal\Lf1,1TOpEV'TOV LsOV'TaL,-,aaLV " ~ , , ,y " ~ , avo71p a1TE1:,OLS LXVEULVoa-rovµ,evaL. 0eos 8J 1ro.\.\oi'sal1rvs av8710~aETaL,

625

630

there in 215.The Dasii were pro-Carthaginian (Livy 21. 48. 9 and 26. 38. 6), and were proud of their Greek lineage: it is precisely in this postCannae context that we learn that they claimed descent from Diomedes, i.e. they presented themselves as Aitolians. For this vital point see App. Hann. 31:a man called Dasios, who considered himse!fa descendantofDiomedes,ns l1 ~ ~uo, KlpKvpa EK'A~0T/, TO7Tptv Llpmav71u Kat ExEpla K'A710Eiua; c£ Fragoulaki 2013:79 with n. 153,Fowler 2013:555,and M. West 2014: !4-5. For the name Drepane, see 762n. on Jtp1r71v). For the identification see also Kall. frag. 12 P£ with Harder 2012:176,and H. 4. 156and E. Lyk. accepts the version of the Argonautic myth according to which the diagon guarding the fleece was merely put to sleep temporarily and then pursued Jason and Medea westwards. This is first given by Antimachos (frag. 63 Wyss, 73 Matthews), and perhaps also by Ap. Rh. 4. 156-66.The diagon is linked to Phaiakia/Kerkyra because that was where Jason married Medea (Ap. Rh. 4. 1141-3with S. West 2007- 206); the location of the marriage in Kerkyra was due to Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 8;r, c£ 61,5-632n.). For Diomedes' killing of the diagon, see 615n., citing Tzetzes' summary ofTimaios and Lykos. Diomedes' killing of the dragon at Kerkyra has been speculatively linked with the Spartan Kleonymos' occupation of Kerkyra in 303/2 BC (Diod. 20. 104. 4): Braccesi 1994: m,, c£ Malkin 1998a: 246. Kerkyra, crucially placed between Greece and Italy,was certainly a coveted possession

in the period of the Diadochi, c£ Agathokles' capture of the island in 299 BC after relieving it from siege by the Macedonian Kassandios (Diod. 21.2. 1with Niese: 1.357,an episode wellanalysed by Intrieri 2011: 438-50). But the island's strategic importance and desirability is also attested much nearer Lyk.'s own day: Pol. 2. g-11 (229 BC). The story of Diomedes' Aitolians will be resumed at 1056.

633-647.The Boiotians in the Balearic islands For the Balearic islands in antiquity, see Strabo 3. 5. 1 and S. J. K[eay], OCD4 'Baleares et Pithyusae insulae'. The largest two Balearcs, mod. Majorca and Minorca, were also called the Gymnesiai (Barr. map 27,inset), the Greater and the Lesser respectively.To the SW of them, mod. Ibiza (ancient Ebusus) and Formentera (ancient Ophioussa or Colubraria) form a separate archipelago called the Pityousai in antiquity (Barr. map 27 G 2-3); but the islands are all the mod. Balearics, and Lyk. (and Timaios) may have had both clusters in mind. They were finally brought under Roman control in 121BC by Q Caecilius Metellus, who took from them his triumphal cognomen Balearicus; see Livy Per. 60 with MRR: 1.513,518,and 521,and, for such geographical cognomina, Dueck and Brodersen 2012: 14. Archaeological evidence for contact with the wider, esp. E. Mediterranean world, is meagre in prehistoric and archaic times; for the isolation of the early Balearics see Broodbank 2013: 421-2, 481,567,and 599, drawing on Lull et al. 2002, who seem to suggest (see esp. 2002: 124)that this isolation was the result of choice. By contrast, for the abundance of Carthaginian and Greek trade after about 650 BC, see Waldren 2002: 164. E and Tzetzes begin their notes by saying the islands are (a) in the Tyrrhenian Sea (7rEp1-r~v Tvpa71v{av)and (b) are mentioned by Artemidoros, sc. of Ephesos, the geographer, for whom see OCD4 'Artemidoros (2)'; see frag. 24 Stiehle. Canfora 2007-29 n. 51maintains that this 'reference to Artemidoros in Tzetzes ... is only apparent', because 'it is actually Strabo (Ill. 5. 1) who in turn quotes Artemidoros, on the subject

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1heBoiotiansin the Balearicislands

631-632

all those who live by Io's hollow basinhe who killed the dragon which harried the Phaiakians. of the Balearic islands'. But this ignores E, the 'old' scholia, all of which long antedate Tzetzes, and some of which may go back to Theon of Alexandria, who is more likely to have known the work of Artemidoros than that of Strabo. Note that the 'new Artemidoros' papyrus (for which see Canfora 2007 and-for further bibliog.-OCD4, as above) does not cover the Balearics, although it does include some of Spain. We learn from I: that Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 66) had said that 'some of the Boiotians went to these islands'. So it is an obvious inference that Lyk. drew on Timaios here (Gunther 1889: 34, Geffcken 1892:4, and the hypothetical reconstruction ofTirnaios' text at 155;see also Pearson 1987:66 and n. 53). This does not absolve us from asking, (1) why Lyk. gave coverage to this nostosat all, and on such a generous scale; and (2) why it is placed just here in the poem. As for (2), the approximately clockwise movement of the nostoi part of the poem (see 373--:386 n.) means that the Balearics are the westernmost point of Greek colonization: the poem moves from Diomedes in Italy and the Adriatic to the far western Mediterranean, before embarking on the complex stories of Odysseus and Menelaos. As for (1), Boiotians were normally thought of as stay-at-homes, but this can be exaggerated: apart from early Boiotian settlement of Lesbos, Tenedos, and (on the Asiatic mainland) the Aiolid, there is the tradition that both Thebes and Tanagra joined the Megarians in founding Herakleia on the Black Sea (Suda T/ 715 Adler and Paus. 5. 26. 7 with IACP. nos 220 and 221). There is, however, no indication, other than the present passage (and F 66 ofTimaios, see above), ofBoiotian interest in the western Mediterranean. One might wonder if Lyk., in making the Boiotians into naval wanderers, was influenced by the Homeric Catalogueof Ships(see 586-587n. for an unmistakable hint at the Catalogue),in which the Boiotians were listed with the largest contingent of all,as Thucydides noticed (II. 2.509, Th. 1.10.4). Of the Boiotian places mentioned by Lyk., four also featured in the Catalogue(Arne,

Graia/Tanagra, Skolos, and Onchestos: II. 2. 507, 498,497,506), and the most obvious reminiscence of the Cataloguelies in the catalogue form itself. But these arguments cannot be pushed very far. First, Hellenistic poets were anyway fond of lists. Within the Alexandra itself, c£ 373""375 for a string of Euboian places, none in the Homeric Catalogue,901r907 for Thessalian places, two in the Catalogue(Trechis and Oloosson) and 1146n48 for a string of Lokrian places, three in the Homeric Catalogue.Second, the latter passage does not describe a Lokrian nostos,so there would be a risk of special pleading if one were to use Homeric overlap so as to explain the Boiotian travels. Nevettheless the Boiotian section of the Homeric Cataloguedoes appear to have been unusually influential here; see Hurst 2012a:90-1 (originally 1985),and Sens 2009: 27-8, noting that each of 644-646 begins with a name from the Homeric Catalogue. On another tradition, the colonizers of the Balearics were the Rhodians. See Strabo (14. 2. 10): 'some say that they [the Rhodians] founded the islands after their departure from Troy', -riv,!, 8,! JJ,ETa. T~VEK Tpolas arpoSov-rd, I'vµ.v71a{a, v~uovs v1r' av-raw KT1C10~va1. This passage is immediately followed by a citation from Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 65, c£ 164 = Diod. 5. 17) to the effect that the largest of the Balearics (Majorca) was the eighth largest in the Mediterranean after Sardinia, Sicily, Cyprus, Krete, Euboia, Corsica, and Lesbos, though Strabo denies this, and says there are others which are much bigger. Jacoby prints this entire section of Strabo, including the opening statement about Rhodian colonization, in large font, as if from Timaios in its entirety. If that were right, Timaios would have attributed the settlement of the Balearics both to the Boiotians and to the Rhodians. But in his comm., Jacoby makes clear that he thinks that Strabo got the colonization sentence from his Rhodian source, i.e. that only the remark about the size of Majorca is from Timaios. The double tradition remains curious: no kinship tie links the Dorian and Argive Rhodians and the Aiolian Boiotians. But here is a possible

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633-643

1he nostoi continue

o{ S' aµ,rptKAVGTOVSxoip6.Sas I'vµ,v11a{as atavpvoSvTaL KapK{vot 1TE1TAWK6TEs >I \ > I I\ QI ax"aivov aµ,1rpevaovat V1JAL1Tot ,-,iov, Tpmt\afs StKWAOLSarpevS6vais W1TAtaµ,evot. 1' r • \ r QI\ I WV at TEKovaat TTJVEK1J,-,OI\OV TEXV1JV a.Sop1ra 1raiSevaovai v111rfovsyov6.s. I > • ,/, I I ov> yap ns avTwv 'f'taETat 1rvpvov yva'0qi, 1rptv av KpaT~G'[J vaaTOV EVaT6xqi t\{0qi, tmep TPUCf'1JKOS aijµ,a KE{µ,evov GK01TOV. \ \ \ , \ , Q I \ \ Kat TOLµ,ev aKTas eµ,,-,aT1JGOVTaL I\E1Tpas 'If311po/3oaKOVS ayxi TapT1JGOV1TVA1JS, clue: Lyk. insists and expands on the Boiotians as slingers (this is authentic, c£ Feyel 1942: 200; Roesch 1965:5 line 26; SEC 3. 354 with Launey 1949-50: 829 n. 6 and 888), and this was a military speciality of the Rhodians also. See already Th. 6. 43, and for the Hellenistic period App. BC 2. 71 with Launey 1949-50: 245 (who evidently takes urpo8ov~rn, with K{mpw, and 'P68w, as well as with Kp~-r,;s).If we had Timaios in full, the mystery might be solved. 633. ol 8f. the usual formula of transition,

Sens 2009: 25. aµ,p,,cAvOTovs:perhaps imitated from S. Tr. 52. xo,pa8as I'vµ.VTJulas: .E and Tzetzes, after quoting Timaios for the tradition of Boiotian settlement (633-647n.) continue lis v~uovs xo,po.8as ,;lt,,;. The subject of ,;lt,,; appears to be Timaios, in which case Lyk. took over his vocabulary as well as the fact; but might it be better to understand 'the poet' as the subject? The name I'vµ.v71ula,for the Balearics was widespread in antiquity; .E and Tzetzes quote bk 3 of the Naxiaka of Phil teas (FGrHist 498 F1) for this as the original name and Ba.\,ap(/5,;sas the later one. (It is an insoluble puzzle why Philteas should have discussed the Balearics in a book about Naxos, whether this Naxos was the Aegean orless likely-the Sicilian city.) The two names were variously explained: Ba.\,ap{/5,;swas supposed (Diod.5.17.1) to derive from /30.AA,;iv, 'to throw', a re£ to the inhabitants as slingers (c£ the f3illwderived word EK~/30.\ovat 637 with Hurst 2009: 204 (= 2012a:43); Strabo (14. 2. ro) says that some authorities derived the name Balearides from baleares,the Phoenician word for light-armed troops, rpaui 8,/ -rovs yvµv~rns V'IT0..,;ap,;fs My,;u0ai. (I follow Radt for text, tr., and accentuation.) Perhaps the Phoenician god Baal lies behind the name. Finally, Livy (Per.60) connects the name with Baleus, an otherwise unattested companion ofHerakles. 634. u,avpvo8v-rai: this hapax word means 'clad

in skins'; for utuupva as a jerkin, see Alkaios frag. 379 Voigt and Hdt. 4. 109. 2 and 7. 67.1..E quotes 'Simonides'for utuu1•1rax,;{71v, but this should be 'Semonides'. See frag. 31b West. The Boiotians are ,cap,c{vo,,'crabs', because of their wanderings by sea. Lambin 2009: 165 sees this as one of a number of refs in the poem to an 'etrange lieu dos'. For the three-word line, see 63n. 635-642. The description of these strange naked people is ethnography verging on paradoxography. It is similar at several points to the account in Diod. 5.17-18,much of which may be Timaian; see 633-647n.; note esp. Diod. 5. 18.1 1rapo.8ogov 'TLKai Ka'TO. 'TOVSyo.µous K'TA,(there follows an account of Balearic promiscuity with the bride on the occasion of a wedding). But Diod. says nothing of Boiotian post-Trojan war immigration and settlement. In addition, [Ar.] mir. ausc., a paradoxographical collection which is heavily indebted to Timaios in general, gives material about the Gymnesiai islands at ch. 88. This overlaps with Diod. but not with Lyk. A set of 'Greek Qyestions' on the lines of Plutarch's, and preserved on papyrus, also explains the association between Balearics and Gymnetes by reference to the nakedness of the inhabitants, but uniquely says that the naked ones were companions of Odysseus: P. Oxy. 2688.

a,

Others, crabs clad in coats made of skin, will sail to the sea-washed Gymnesian rocks, and drag out their lives without cloaks and barefoot, armed with three slings of two thongs. Their mothers will teach the art of shooting from afar to their young unfed children. For none of them will chew barley-bread until with a well-aimed stone they earn their food, placed as a mark above the baker's board. They shall climb the rough headlands which nurture Iberians, near the gates ofTartessos:

633-643

635

640

637. r,}11 EKTJfJo.\011 TEXVTJV: see 633 n. 'Far-shooter' was a Homeric epithet of Apollo, as at//. 1. 14,but where it is literal) see the literal use at Kall. frag. E. Ph. n42 has 'far-shooting slings', C1..o,s, c£ no8 £K71/36>..o,s -r&go,u,v with remarks 'Lycophron may derive his taste for the Mastronarde: 'a stereotyped juncture in tragedy, verb partly from this line of Call.' An &.µ.,,.p&v which removes the epithet from its original conwas a rope attached to animals pulling heavy stant attachment to Apollo'; he gives other tragic loads (e.g. JG i' 1426 B line 410 (369/8 BC).~A,refs. But Ph. was set in Thebes, so the reminis1ro,:this word for 'bare-footed' is also used by Ap. cence (if that is what it is) is neatly appropriate in Rh. 3. 656 (Medea leaving her bed-chamber); at this Boiotian section of the poem. S. O.C.349 the MSS have VTJAL'Tl'ous, which some 638-641. Diod. 5. 18. 4 is very close to this in its eds emend to v~>..mos.Hurst 2009: 204 sees in description of the training of children in the use of this whole section echoes of Ap. Rh. and of the slings (no food unless and until they hit the target): Aitia of Kall. 635. aµ.11'p€VC10VC1L: for aµ'Tl'pevw(also used at

975,where it is metaphorical as here, and at 1298,

arna, /l,/'TOV'TWV al C1UV€X€1S EK1ra{1lwv fL€AETaL, ,call'lis V'TTO 'TWV/LTJ'TEpwv avayKa,OV'TaL 1raflles attached to different parts of the body, head, belly, OV'T€SC1UV€XWS C1p,E~EI: sec 4 n.

672. The Sirens killed, not by violence, but by distracting their victims from everything except their own song, so that the sailors starved. But because Odysseus defeated the Sirens by cunning, 1rdan should mean 'invite' not 'persuade' (so rightly Holzinger, unless Lyk. has been carried away by the desire to list fatal agencies which await Odysseus and his companions. By the time the poem reaches Kirke, Lyk. is aware that not every threat listed is fatal; see 678). 673-680. Kirke The source is plainly Od. ro. 153-574with Heubeck (but for criticism of Heubeck for his assumption

281

665

670

that Homer played down the magical elements, sec Buxton 2009: 39-43). Apollonios (4. 661--?52 with Buxton 2009: 11~20) also included a Kirke episode, but his Kirke is very different; she cleanses Jason and Medea of the pollution of homicide. But there are subtle differences of emphasis even between Lyk. and Homer, and these may reflect the development of magic from Homeric 'magic before magic' (Gordon 1999a: 178,Stratton 2007: 242 n. 133)to the kind of more routine and human Hellenistic magic that we find in, say, Thcokritos 2 and in curse tablets. Homer's Kirke is a goddess (so explicitly Od. ro. 136 and 220, an aspect not mentioned by Lyk., who introduces her as 'she-dragon' at 674),and in Homer her powers have been thought to derive from this divine status, rather than from her performance of particular rituals (so Stratton 2007: 43 and cf. again Gordon 1999a: 178).But this last point should not be exaggerated. When Homer's Kirkc strikes Odysseus with her wand or staff, ,',a.~8os, at 10. 319, cf. 10. 293, she does seem to accompany this with the utterance of 'a kind of spell' (10. 320 with Heubeck) and this is absent from Lyk., though in so short a reduction of Homer (more than 400 lines reduced to eight), this cannot be pressed. See further 674n. Kirke was associated with the Italian West as early as Hes. Th.1011-13:Kirke bore Agrios and Latinos to Odysseus, and they ruled over the famous Tyrrhenians i.e. Etruscans; this item found its way into the Hellenistic prose tradition (see FGrHist 382 Lysimachos of Alexandria F 15, from his Nostoi, a work we would like to have more of). These celebrated lines, which are from near the end of the poem, are probably not by Hesiod, but date from the second half of the 6th cent. ec (on the date of the last hundred lines

673-680

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

I ~ \ 0 I \ > ) I,/, 1roiav oi:: YJpo1r11aaTov ovK i::ao.,,i::TaL SpaKaLvav, EyKvKwaav a.Arpfrlf) 0pova, KaL K~pa KVW1Toµ,oprpov; OLSeSvaµ,opoL I JI , ,.. I Q aTi::vov-ri::saTas i::v avrpotaL rpop,-,aoi::s y{yapTa XLAcj,avµ,µ,i::µ,tyµ,&a Tpvyos Kat GTEµ,rpvAa{3pv[ovaLv. aAAa VLV{3J\af3YJS •' , ''r KaL' KTapos ' rpavi::Ls ' µ,w11vs aawai::L pti,,a NwvaKpL.oiov lxovm). At Od. 10. 132 Odysseus, closing his Laistrygonian narrative, speaks of 'my ship' (singular), and explains that the other ships had all been destroyed. 691-692. 1T&8'71CWV ... y&os I Bvaµoptpov Els

K71Kaaµov:for the mythical explanation of the monkeys, see 688-693 n. 1r{871Ko;means a 'Barbary ape', which is really a kind of monkey; see Finglass 2or2: 52 n. 7,drawing on McDerrnott 1938:102-8; Maspero 1997=301-6; Theoph. Char.5. 9 with Diggle. Finglass 2012 shows that, on the evidence of a papyrus fragment (P. Oxy. 2508 frag. 90), TheMonky (II{Owv, a variant noun), was the title of a play by the 5th-cent. BC Sicilian comic poet Epicharrnos. Lyk., if a western Greek, would have been aware of this work. The monkey was a byword for ugliness (as here, y&o; 6uaµ,oprpov)in both comedy (Taillardat 1962: 228) and oratory (Dern. 18. 242, Aischines an av-ro6{6aKTo; 1r{871,cos, with Wankel); see Finglass 2012:51-2 n. 7, and cf. 1000 for Thersites as m871Koµ,oprpo;, 'monkey-forrned'. For KTJKaaµo; see 545n., and with 6uaµ,oprpovcf. E. He/. 1204 (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59), also frags 790 and 842 TrGF. For a possible depiction of this mockery, on a 5th.-cent. BC Etruscan bronze mirror, see Massa-Pairault 2009: 495. 691. 1ra>.µus:Tzetzes on the present line says 1ra>.µ,v;was an Ionic word, and quotes the Ephesian Hipponax frag. 38 West. Hipponax uses it often, judging from its frequency just in the fragments we have (J; 42. 4; 72. 6; and perhaps 47. 2, see West's app.). It is thought to have been a Lydian word originally: Masson 1962:103-4. For the hyperbaton, Kalospyros 2009: 216.

287

Campania

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

692-699

Svaµ,opcpovEls KT/Kaaµ,ov cpKLaEV'TOUWV QLµ,w>..ovwp60vvav EKYOVOLS Kpovov. I > 1,/, • Q I I O,LOV O aµ,EL.,,as 'TQV KV,-,EPVT/'TDV rarpov, B KO.LKiµ,µ,lpwv bra.v.-\a KaxEpova{av p6x0owL Kvµ,a{vovaav o,Sµ,aros xvaLV, \\I > IQ• "Oaaav 'TE KO.L/\EOV'TOS arpa11'DVS,-,owv I xwaras,I ,-,piµ,ovs T a/\aos ovoatas K opT/S, llvpt.o,fJ~saq,vaawvScheer >.o,{Jtis T' aq,vaawvA >.o,{Jas T' aq,vaawv BCDE

an obscure personal name from the muster of the Trojan contingent at Troy: Lethos the father of Hippothoos, leader of the contingent from Larisa in the Aiolid at II. 2. 843.To be sure, Aineias was not the only Trojan to settle in Italy, but this is a long shot. Geffcken 1892: 32, followed by Ciaceri, suggested Mt Vesuvius. The likeliest explanation of this puzzle is the least exciting: Lyk. wished to mention as many of the rivers Kai 1ro>..v8£K'T1JS Kai 1ro>..v8lyµ.wv Kai 1ro>..vap- of the Underworld as possible, but Lethe, River of xos, 1ro>..Aovs 'TE ilEXDfLEVOS Kai TWVAEyoµ.&wv Forgetfulness, was post-Homeric (it featured most famously in the Myth of Er, Pl. Rep.621a); 1r>..n6vwv rj 1ro>..Awv a.pxwv. so the name, or an enlarged adaptation of it to 701. xu-r>..a: at 1099, at Kall. frag. 245 Pf. = 60 suit a mountain, could be introduced into the Hollis, line 2, and at Euphorion frag. u Lightfoot Campanian narrative only by a bold fictional crealine 7,the meaning in all is 'water for washing', tion. KA&as:here used for the first time as far not 'libations' (see Hollis). Here it just means as we know, is said (£ followed by Tzetzes) to be 'streams'. equivalent to the Homeric and tragic KAnrvs, 702. Kar' Avaov,-rw ••• x86va : see 44 n. for the for which see e.g. Od. 5. 470 and S. Ant. 1144-5, llapvaaatav I v1rip KAtTVV. range of meanings of 'Ausonian'; this is one of the broadest in Lyk. ltaly is not a land of specially 704. a.µ,,p,-ropvw-rqv /Jpoxq,: the adjective is a long rivers, but-as already noted by Polybius hapax-word, but is clearly developed from tragic (3. uo. 9)-the most important ones flow down d.µ.rplropvor; at E. Tro.n56 ('rounded', of the dead from both sides of the Apennines (Tiber, Arno, Hektor's shield; Kassandra thus obliquely recalls Liri, Volturno, Ofanto). her beloved brother). For Lake Avemus/Aomos as encircled by hills ('the 'noose' of Lyk.'s power703. A718a,wvos:J: and Tzetzes are no help, but an ingenious modem suggestion (Holzinger) conful metaphor, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 103),see nects it with Pausilypon, mod. Posilippo, 'SansStrabo 5.4. 5 and esp. [Ar.] mir. ausc.102,TC/' ax~µ.an KVKAon;pij.The lake is circular because it is souci', the place where you forget your cares. For this luxurious Roman villa, owned by the notorious a volcanic crater, like that on the Aegean island voluptuary Vedius Pollio, see OCI:I 'Pausilypon'. of Nisyros. The name was supposed to mean 'no-birds' because birds who flew over the lake This theory requires that Pollio should have borwere asphyxiated by noxious vapours (Tzetzes rowed the name from a local natural feature. But Pollio's name Pausilypon can be explained without and Strabo, as above. Tzetzes goes off on a tanthis extra dimension. Tzetzes thinks in terms of gent about the Baktrian Ao mos of the Alexander700. 'Polydegrnon' must surely, from the descrip-

tion which follows, be the entire range of the Apennines, or at very least the central part of it (the 'Carnpanian Apennines'); but it is also a name for 'many-receiving' Hades, and a nearsynonym for 1rav80KEVS, See 655n. and refs, esp. HHDem. 17,a.vat floAv8lyµ.wv, and add FGrHist 244 Apollodoros F 102 (f), from Comutus, on names for Hades: brovoµ.a{Erai 8i bn8EnKws

290

expedition, for which see Arr.Anab. 3. 29. 1 etc.). However, [Ar.] (cf. Antig. CLII) says this is false because those who have visited it say there are plenty of swans there; the main marvel is the purity of the water, on which there are no leaves floating despite the many overhanging trees. This probably reflects Timaios, see Geffcken 1892:31. (Antig. actually cites Timaios: FGrHist 566 F 57.) 705. Kokytos, 'named of lamentation loud' (Milton), was one of the rivers of the Underworld, and like Acheron it had a real-life counterpart in Thesprotia (NW Greece); but another Acheron was identified with the Lucrinus lacus by Silius Italicus (Punica 12. n6-17, cf. 706 n.). For XEvµ.a, see 647n., and for Aa{Jpw(Uvsee 475n. and cf. below, 724n.

706. The idea that the Kokytos was a tributary of Styx is Homeric. See Od. 10. 514 (quoted by I:): KwKVTOS8', DS 8~ £rvyor; iJ8ar6r;lanv d.1roppwt,a line imitated from //. 3. 755,where the tributary of Styx is the Titaressos, which therefore does not mingle its waters with the Peneios (see also 904 n.). For vaaµ.6s, 'stream', here used in apposition to X£vµ,a, see E. Hipp. 653,Hippolytos says he will wash away the pollution of Phaidra pvrois vaaµ.oia,v. But the closest parallel to the present passage is A. Psychagogoi frag. 273a (Cologne papyrus) lines n-13, oJ r6a'

because of a belief that it was Styx, and Silius ltalicus (Punica 12. 120--1,cf. 705n.) identified Styx with Avernus. For Zeus Termieus, Zeus who is the beginning and end of all things (E: 1rapd.To 1r6.vrwva.pXELV Kai rlpµ.a Etva,),see FGrHist 244 Apollodoros F 102 (g) = Tzetzes on 706. 707. For the house of Hades as the dwellingplace of Styx, who is hateful to the gods, see Hes . 1h.776-806; at 1h. 805-6 the gods (plural) are said to have appointed the a.rp01Tov iJ8wp, I wyvy,ov of the Styx to be their oath; at J9'r 400 it is Zeus alone who honoured her and appointed her to be the great oath of the gods (on this see M. West 1966, and cf. //. 15.37-8 = Od.5.185-6). opKwµ,6-rovs: a hapax-word in this form, but there are various closely related compound-words, e.g. opKWfLOT1JS, 'juryman', at JG 5. 2. 261 line 2 (from, suitably enough, Arkadian Mantineia). 708. >..o,{Jijs a.,pvaawv:the verb is Homeric for pouring a libation: //. r. 598; cf. E. IA 1051.With

Scheer and most other eds, we must delete the MSS' 'TE after the first word, and then emend that word from >..01/Jcis or >..01/36.s. It is best to take yavos with Ao,/Jijs, 'the stream of a libation'. 1rl.V.a1S':E says that a 1rlAA7Jwas a shepherd's cup. In the simile at//. 16.643, flies buzzing round d.1roppc1taµ.lyap-rov iJ8wp I KO.XEpVt1TTOV I a milk-pail, it certainly has a rustic air (Rengakos £TVylo1s va[a]µ.oi'aiva.vEira,. 1994:123f. for the Homeric echo). So too has the The best-known actual, as opp. mythical, river cognate 1rE>..Als at Hipponax frag. 13 West; the Styx was located at Arkadian Nonakris in the context of frag. 14 (1rl>..A1J, as in Lyk.) is probably Peloponnese, see 680 n., but there is some evisimilar (both frags from the same section of dence for a Campanian Styx as well: Strabo 5.4- 5 Ath.). It was daring of Kassandra to turn so mentions a stream in Campania whose waters everyday an object into gold, and to use it of a were drinkable, but were nevertheless avoided solemn libation by Zeus. 291

7°9-'717

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

µ,eAAWVI'tyaVTas K0.1TtTLT~vas 1TEpiiv· 1 A I 't. I ~, ~aELpQ,KaL 1:,VVEVVET7J oavos, 0TJGEL 1T~ATJKO. Kopan K{ovos 1rpoaapµ,oaas. KTEVEiSJ Kovpas T1J0vos1TO.L8os TPL1TAO.S, oiµ,as µ,eJ\cf,SovfJ,TJTposeKµ,eµ,ayµ,evas, avToKTovois /mpaiatv JgaKpas aK01r~s TvpaTJVtKOV 1rpos KVµ,a Su1TTOVGO.S 1TTEpois 01rov ALveprris KAwais eAKvaei mKpa. \ I ,h \ I I > Q Q I TTJVµ,ev "¥0.IITJpovTvpats EK,-,e,-,paaµ,evriv

709. The battles against the Giants and the Titans are not identical, but nor does Lyk. quite say they were, and cannot be faulted for muddle on this score. The order Giants-Titans is, however, the reverse of the normal sequence (see Apollod. r. r and r. 6), and acc. Hes. Th. 392ff., Styx was the first goddess to join Zeus in his fight against the Titans, not the Giants. But a similar but otherwise unattested tradition about the Giants cannot be ruled out.

1be Sirensagain 7ro

715

711.Kopav:a part-for-whole word (lit. 'temple', i.e. side of the forehead, then 'head'; then, by a familiar metaphor, 'top'). Klovos:an architectural term with a religious tinge (Rougier-Blanc 2009: 548 n. 63). 712""137· The Sirens again

as he set out against the Giants and Titans. He will dedicate a gift to Daeira and her husband, his helmet, fixed on top of a pillar. And he will kill three of the daughters of the son of Tethys, who imitated the songs of their melodious mother. With suicidal leap from their high lookout-place they shall dive on wings towards the Tyrrhenian waves, where the bitter thread of fl.axdraws them. One of them, cast up on shore, Phaleros' tower will receive,

calls the Sirens the Acheloides, Met. 5. 552); on Acheloos see Aston 20n: 78-89. Hes. Th. 331 45 names the great rivers which were considered to be children ofTethys and Okeanos. One of them (Th.340) is 'silver-eddying Acheloos'. -rp..,,.>..a.s: it is usually thought that Homer knew of only two Sirens ( Od. 12.52,where they are referred to in the dual), but E. Hofstetter, IJMC 8. 1: 1093, argues that the dual does not necessarily mean that the two are 'die einzigen ihrer Gattung'. However, there is no obvious reason why one Siren should be absent without explanation. Hesiod and later mythographers spoke of three or more, as does Lyk.; see Hes. frag. 27M/W with l: Ap. Rh. 4. 892 (but calling them Thelxiope or Thelxinoe, Molpe, and Aglaophonos). There are folk-tale parallels for both two and three female temptresses; see Davies 2004: 6oir-ro and n. 39.

7°9-'717 7ro

715

merely says they were birds from the thighs down), and wings are a standard feature of their iconography (see 653n. for IJMC refs., esp. the famous stamnos of c.475-460 BC with the upside-down Siren, IJMC 6. r: no. 153);see also 721n. Ovid charmingly explains that the Sirens were equipped with wings so as to enable them to search for their lost companion Persephone: Met. 5. 552-63.For 8vrrTw see 164n.

For the Sirens see 653n., and for the importance of the Siren theme in the Alexandra, 653-654n.: Kassandra herself is presented as a kind of Siren. This is the third, and easily the fullest, account of 710. For Daeira as Persephone, see A. frag. 277 the Sirens in Lyk.'s Odyssey(for the others, see TrGF (the Psychagogoi), Llafpa, from 1:Ap. Rh. 3. 653-654 and 67o-672 and nn.), but they book!46-4~ Wendel, commenting on Llafpav µovvoend the entire poem. The whole of the present ylv,;iav at 3. !47, and also citing FGrHist 354 section is constructed round the mentions of the Timosthenes F r; Gigante Lanzara 2009: no n. 55. Sirens' tomb-sites-part of the poem's preoccuThe name Daeira either suggests torches, 13q./3,;s, pation with the macabre (Sistakou 2009: 246, and and thus chthonic cult, or else is derived from for the Sirens' connection with death see 6538aw, 'I learn/know' (so LSJ: 'Knowing one', citing 654n.); but Lyk. also repeatedly associates the Pherekydes FGrHist 3 F 45 and EGM, where Sirens with rivers and river-gods (Aston 2011: Daeira is said to be sister of Styx, see Fowler 2013: 68-76, esp. 69, rightly stressing that they are, after 16-18, listing the many other ancient identificaall, daughters of Acheloos, see 712n.). For Aston tions ofDaeira and discussing the name as n. 52) or 20I1: 75 birds are either victims or aggressors. In both simultaneously.The detail of a thank-offering most of the Alexandra they are victims, but see made by Odysseus to Persephone and Hades after 148 for eagles used as metaphor for male force. his visit to the Underworld is not Homeric. It may See also Padel 1992:65;Bettini and Spina 2007, have been suggested by a landmark pillar with Egeler 2010: 368; Fowler 2013:30-1. On 712-721 a distinctive crowning feature, visible at some and 732""137, see Raviola 2006. cult-site in Campania. For a historical dedication 712.KT£V£i at.Odysseus does not kill them in any of a helmet, see ML 29 (Olympia, 474 Be):'Hieron direct and obvious sense. But the myth (first forson of Deinomenes and the Syracusans to mulated in this respect by Lyk.) said that the Zeus: Etruscan (spoils) from Kyme' (and ML Sirens were fated (cf. 716 for the auxiliary role of comm.). Plut. Marc. 20. 4 knew of a temple at the Moirai) to commit suicide when foiled of Sicilian Engyion containing a dedicated spear and their prey.This is the last verb of which Odysseus a helmet, inscribed with the names of Meriones and Odysseus (-rd µiv exovra M-1Jpi6vou, Ta6' is the subject until 738,itself slightly problematic; Oi,>..lfou, Toudanv '08vaalws, briypmpas). see n. there. The son of Tethys and father of the Sirens is the river-god Acheloos (so that Ovid llavos:see 269 n.

713.For oiµas see rm., and for EK(J,Eµayµlvas 717.rrjv µb ••• : the first of the three Sirens is 138n. The mother of the Sirens was variously Parthenope, the eponym of the settlement which given, but a muse is likeliest, and Lyk. 's preferred became (or was the predecessor of) Neapolis, candidate seems to be Melpomene, the alliteramod. Naples: 736n. Lyk. will return to her at 732 tive 'melodious mother', f-',£A..wv.

7he Sirensagain

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

718-725

I'.\6.vis TE p1:{8poisUg1:Tai Teyywv x86va. ov a~µ,a Swµ,~aavus eyxwpoi KOPTJS Aoi{3atai Kal 8va8.\owi Ilap81:v61TYJV {3owv ETE!a KvSavovaw olwvov 81:6.v. aKT~V 8i T~V 7Tpouxovaav 1:ls'Evmews A1:vKwala /mp1:faa, T~V e1rwvvµ,ov I ..1pp60wv. Ciani treats the word as adjectivalboth times, but here it must be a noun.

758. a.µ'ff'Vf oawoE,: for the strange narrative in which Leukothea takes pity on Odysseus and saves him from drowning with the gift of her 'immortal veil', Kp~Beµ,vov... ri.µ,ppornv,see Od. 5. 333-51,esp. 3461 and 351. Presumably the immortality of the veil somehow communicated itself magicallyto its wearer. In Homer, a.µ,1ru!is a hair-band, II. 22. 469 (Andromache flings it away with the rest of her headgear),alreadyquoted by E and Tzetzes. Cusser 2009: 135 stresses the negativity of Kassandra'spresentation of Odysseus hereabouts, but his powerlessnessis not total: if Poseidonis his implacableenemy,he still has the abilityto attract friendly saving gestures like that of Leukothea. Lambin 123n. 314 (and 2009: 167)claims to see here a radicalrewriting ofLeukothea's role in Od., but she helps him in both texts and in much the same way.

3°5

\

,..

JI

1"

I

I

Kat XEtpas aKpas, ms Kpf.aypf.v-rovs 1Tf.-rpas , '\ a , ' 0,TJUf.'Tat µap1r-rwv, a11tJJpw-rotatv aiµax I 0 t " ..,, ' K I , a-rop vy.,,t. V7Jaovo f.tS povcp a-rvyovµEVTJV •A I y , I np1T1JV1repaaas, µe,,,ewv Kpeavoµov, axAatVOS LK'TTJS 1T7Jµa-rwvAvypwv KD1TtS 759

Odysseusin Phaiakia

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

759-'763

760

his chest, and the fingers, with which he grasps the flesh-lacerating rocks: he will be bloodied by sea-corroded spikes. Then he will come to Sickle-island, hateful to Kronos because it mangled his genitals; as a naked suppliant, inventing a miserable tale of woes,

759-'763

760

1.a8pov... : here and elsewhere, the language used for Odysseus' house is Homeric; see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 540-1, 548-g, 554,556.

771. µv,c>.o,s:cf. Antimachos frag. 154 Wyss = [206] Matthews; but this is probably not Antimachos but Kall. (frag. 650 Pf.). For the lecherous behaviour of the suitors, see Od. 16. 1og-10 (they drag the women about, cf. 1089n. for the verb; 22. 37 is more frank) and 20. 325 (Melantho sleeps with Eurymachos). yvva,,coKAw,f,w: this compound word is a kind of reverse of KA£if,{vvµ. I 7T/\T}yais V7T€LKf:LV Kai\ /3Dl\aiaiv oaTpaKWV. > I t, I I > \ \ \ ..ais, as E says. The reference is to the battle for the dead body of Achilles, as described at Od. 5. 310 and 24- 36-42; Aithiopisarg.3a and 3b with West 2013a:14g-53.The specification of the Skaian gates is implied by Hektor's dying prophecy (II. 22. 35g-60) that Achilles would die there. Kassandrainsistentlyevokesthe city offroy in its physicalaspect;seeTrachsel 2009:533-4 (also Rougier-Blanc 2009:546 n. 57).

775.µ.oAo{Jpos: see Od. 17.219 (already quoted by Z) and 18.26, with Rengakos 1994: 124.

776. C£ (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: non. 58) S. Ajax 1286,, EvA6ipovI KVV~S;also E. Tro.303,

6va>..6..wp-words (3.154.2-155.3, and 156.3), c£ >..wpa,aiat 785 (also used of Odysseus at 656); and with Hdt. 3. 154-2 µaanywaas and 157.I µ.aang, c£ µ,aanyES at 779. For Thoas, see further 1013-1026,esp. 10121013for his periphrastic description. 781. Avp.Ewv: see 38 n. The basic meaning 'destructive agent' is better suited to that passage

3n

783. aµ.w8,yya.: this word is used twice by Homer, both times in connection with Odysseus: II. 2. 267 (he beats Thersites) and 23. 716 (his wrestling-match with Ajax). Rengakos 1994: 120 notes that Lyk. was the first author to use the word since Homer. 784--785. Kl7.1'17.Ul(01TOLS I Aw{Ja,a,: a daring brachylogy, involving a kind of synecdoche. Odysseus' wounds are themselves thought of as the spies. For AwPaiai see 780n. 786. .Esays that Bombyleia was a Boiotian epithet of Athena, Boµ,{JvAEla~ 'A071vanµ,ami lv BoiwTlq..The epithet has been thought to refer to Athena as inventor of the flute, presumably because p6µ,pvg was the lowest note on the flute, as Aristotle says in the Metaphysics(1093b3).See Schachter 1981~4: 1.134,citing Farnell 1896-1909: 1. 315,and noting Thebes' connection with fluteplaying. For this, see e.g. Pi. P. 12. 5-8 and Plut. Demetr.1. 6, Boiotian authors both. Teµ.µ.,Kla: see 644 n. for this old name for Boiotia.

''./,

Odysseuson Ithaka; his death

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

787-800 f

,.

,.

,

,

,

,

V'l'LUTOVTJfLLV 7TTJfLETEKVWGEV 7TO7'E, µ.6vos 1rpos oiKOVS vavT{Awv aw0ELS TaAas. Aofa0ov Kav71! WGTE KVfLClTWVSpOfLEVS < I "\ I 0 Q I WS KOYXOSa11µ.TJ 7TaVTOEV 7TEpLTPLfJELS, KT~a{v TE 0o{vats llpwv{wv AacpvaT{av 1rpos 7'~S J1aKa{v71salvo{3aKXEV1'0VKLXWV, aucpap 0aVE!Tat 7TOV7'LOV cpvywv GKE1Tas, I i:. \ ., \ N71ptTWV I ~ I\ Kopa.,, avv O1r11ots opvµ.wv 1TE11as. • ~ I I,/, \ I \ / / i:, K7'EVEt OE Tv.,,as 7TI\EVpa11otytos GTOVV!:, KEVTP.71atov Kirke, mother ofTelegonos, was sister of Aietes, Bovv{µ.wv. For a conjectural location (mod. father of Medea. Voutonosi) in inland Epeiros, on the upper 799. For Eurytania, whose inhabitants were said Arachthos, see Hammond 1967:798 with 550and (as reported by Th. 3. 94. 5) to speak an unintellimap at 675.His main reason for putting it there is gible dialect and to be eaters of raw meat, see its distance from the sea, c£ Od. 11. 122-3 for Odysseus' death among people who did not know Barr. map 55 AB 2--:3.It was a large area in the northern part of Aitolia; see Carsten 1999: 138 the sea (and 'away from the sea', if that is what the mysterious t!gd,\6, means at u. 134; but see and 152for the Hellenistic Eurytanians as a kind of sub-ethnos of Aitolia, citing Ar. frag. 598 (see below). See West (799n.). On the other hand, below). Steph. Byz. (e 169 Bill.) gives the present Lyk., by having Odysseus killed by a sting-ray, passage, and no other, as evidence for the ethnic appears to subscribe to the alternative interpretaof Eurytania. Cusset 2009: 137 sees a parallel tion of the words, viz. 'out of the sea'. Or else, as often, the poem has it both ways. between the unintelligible Eurytanians and the

313

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

801-808

Odysseuson Ithaka; his death

€JIfl 71'07' av0is 'HpaKAi/ cp0{af.t SpaKWV Tvµ,cpafos EV 0o{vatatV Al0{KWV 11'poµ,os, TOVAlaKOV Tf. Kci71'0 llf.paews G11'opas Kat TTJf-1,f.Vf.LWV OUK0.71'W0f.v alµ,aTWV. llepyTJ µ,iv 0avovTa, TvpaTJVWVopos, €JII'opTvva{q. Segf.Tat 71'f.A,/, I I > ,/,' I\UVKWVOS n..,..vpTOLO T > avTave.,..ias. xw µ,iv TOUOIJTWV 0,va 7T'T}fl,(lTWV lSwv aaTpE7TTOV '1i871v SvaeTaL TOSevTEpov, ya,\71vov ~µ,ap OIJ7TOT' EV ~wfi SpaKWV, clJaxh,\i ·, UOLKpEtaaov ~v µ,{µ,vELV7TaTpq, /3071,\aTOVVTa, Kat TOVJpyaT7JVµ,vK,\ov '0 WV'''Y',\ KaV V7TO.,evy aLULµ,eaaa{3"" ovv ETL 7r,\a,aTaLUL,\vaa71s µ,71xavafs olaTp71µ,lvov, ~ T7J,\LKC1JV8e TTEtpav,h,\~aai KaKwv.

r'\

ws

818

Odysseuson Ithaka; his death

Lykophron's'Odyssey'

8og-819

Bro

815

and then follows her on the path to Hades, his throat slit by a sister's slaughter, the cousin of Glaukos and of Apsyrtos. And he, seeing such a heap of ills, will enter Hades for the second time, with no return, never having beheld a peaceful day in his life. Wretch! It would have been better for you to stay in your fatherland driving the oxen, and to join the lustful working donkey to the oxen under the yoke, goaded by a pretended device of madness, than to endure the test of such great ills.

809-819 Bro

815

ola-rp11µtvcp CE

810:-rj,\01e,aµ£Vos: see 119n. lUP'l'f": see 843 n. 811. The allusion is to Kassiphone, daughter of Kirke, and J; explains the relationships. Glaukos

was son of Minos and Pasiphae. Pasiphae, Kirke, and Aietes (father of Apsyrtos) were all children of Helios. So Kassiphone was cousin of both Glaukos and Apsyrtos. 812. 8iva. 1T'1//J.O:rwv: for this metaphorical use of 0{, see 246n. 813. Odysseus is said to go down to Hades a sec-

ond time (i.e.to die) becausethe Nekuiadescribed his first visit. 8va£-ra.,:c£ 273and n. 814. 8pa.1ewv:from 8lp1eoµat,contrast the differently accented noun a few lines earlier, at 801. Both words appear at the end of a line, and the differencein sound would not have been great, so some word-play may be intended. 815-819. Odysseus'feigned madness.Closure of

Lyk.'s'Odyssey' Kassandra,having killed off Odysseus,now closes the 'Odyssry'byreverting to the period before the Trojan War, when Odysseus pretended to be mad in order to avoid military service.(Compare 276-277, where a comparable stratagem, designed to prevent Achilles going to the war, concludes a section about Achilles; see 276 n.) The version told by Apollod. (ep.3. 7,c£ West 2013a:102-4 on Kypria arg. 5b) was that when Odysseus feigned insanity,Palamedes son ofNauplios saw through it and imitated him, and when he drew a sword

against the infant Telemachos,Odysseus dropped the pretence (but took his revenge against Palamedes later; see 384-386n.). Lyk.'s more elaborate version involving Odysseus' yoking of ill-matched draught-animals (ox and either horse or donkey) is also found in Hyg. Fab. 95. PalamedesplacesbabyTelemachosin front of the ploughing team and Odysseus stops abruptly, revealinghis sanity.A nice added refinement was to have Odysseus ploughing the seashore with salt (Servius on V.A. 2. 81).Sophocles wrote an '08uaad,, µatvoµEVosor Mad Odysseus,but the frags (4621 TrGF) are uninformative and mostly consist of single words (c£ 34 and n. for one of these). Lucian (dedomo30) seems to combine the versions, and implies that there was a famous painting of the episode (a modern pictorial treatment is Heywood Hardy's Odysseus'Induction, 1874).See Frazer on the Apollod. passage, citing other sources;also Gantz 1993:580.The basic idea mayhavedevelopedfrom Od.24.II9 (Agamemnon says that he and Menelaos persuaded Odysseus 'with difficulty',cnrou8fi).But its charm as a story is that it has the great schemer Odysseus for once outwitted by a greater; naturally, Kassandrawelcomes the opportunity for implied disparagement (see generally Cusset 2009: 135;but see 815n.). It adds piquancy that Achilles' comparable attempt to avoid the Trojan War (above) was foiled by none other than Odysseus. 815. c'J, I ",/, ~ \ ,\ I 7Tpo /3,\TJ'TUS aKTa.arpvpa; Athena in Lyk. is both Laphria (see 356n. for the difference in nuance between a,cv>.a and >.arpvpa)and Skyletria here. Scheer (followed by Mascialino) wanted to emend to E,cv>,.>,.T/.,{'f, so as to make the epithet an 'ethnic' of Skylletion/Scolacium on the Italian coast between Kroton and Kaulonia (Barr.map 46 E4). But we do not need to alter the text to produce this result: the place-name is suggested by the cult-epithet even in its unemended form, i.e. Lyk. is having it both ways. The sanctuary has not been identified for certain, but may have been at Castro, south of Hydruntum (mod. Otranto, Barr. map 45, right inset, marked as 'Castrurn Minervae'). See Edlund 1987b:47, noting that Virgil (A. 3. 531)made it the first sanctuary seen by Aineias as he approached Italy: templumqueapparel in arce Minervae; c£ Strabo 6. 3· 5, T~S )18.,,vcisiEpov1TAOVGLOV. In the classical and early Hellenistic periods, the inland Peuketians, lapygians, and Messapians were in a state of constant friction with, and sometimes outright violent conflict against, the Spartan colonists at coastal Taras (Hdt. 7. 170, Sy/13• nos 21 and 40). Menelaos in the present passage, apparently making dedications to a warlike Athena from Iapygian spoils, has therefore

328

been seen as the 'forerunner of the laterTarentines' (Malkin 1994: 58£ with n. 44 and D. Cairns 2010: m with n. 25, both citing FGrHist 555F13, a foundation oracle of Taras instructing the Tarentines to 'be a plague to the lapygians', 1r~µ,a 'la1rvyEaa1y&Ea8a1).1his is surely on the right lines, but Menelaos, the mythical Spartan king, should rather be seen as the forerunner of those historical Spartan kings who periodically went to help the beleaguered Tarentines against their local enemies. (See 852-876 n.) Thus Archidamos III died fighting against the Messapians and/or another set of Taras' neighbours, the Lucanians, on the same day as the battle of Chaironeia in 338 BC (Plut. Agis 3. 3; Diod. 16. 62. 4-63. 1 and 88. 3); and the Spartan pretender Kleonymos in 303 also fought against the Lucanians, but with the surprising support of the Messapians (Diod. 20. 104-5). For these episodes, memories of which would have been transmitted to Lyk. 's time (Archidamos and Kleonymos anticipate Pyrrhos, who went to Taras' aid against Rome in 280) see Cartledge and Spawforth 1989:13£ and 30. There was a cult of the Atreidai (and Aiakidai and other mythical families) at Taras; see [Ar.] mir.ausc.106, perhaps from Tirnaios (Geffcken 1892: 137£). Menelaos in Iapygia, and his dedications, are discussed by Lamboley 1996: 273and 400. 854.Theplace referred to by Taµ,aaawv is ambiguous: is it Tamassos in central Cyprus (Barr.map 72 C2) or Temesa/Tempsa in Bruttium, S. Italy (Barr. map 46 D3, on the western side of the peninsula; see 1067 and n.)? Both were supposed to be centres of bronze-working (Strabo 6. 1.5: less plausible for Tempsa, see S.West on Od.1. 184and Harder 2012:7-4£), and so would be appropriate as providing epithets for an out-of-the-ordinary mixing-bowl. Sistakou 2002: 167 believes that Lyk.-both here, and also unequivocally at 1067and Kall. (frag. 85.10 P£) put the place in S. Italy, and Tzetzes supports this; so too, for the Kall. frag., D'Alessio in his comm.

By contrast, West 2013a:272and n. 39 takes the re£ here to be to Cypriot Tamassos ('a Cypriot crater'). Noting Holzinger's suggestion that these were gifts to Menelaos from Kinyras king of Cyprus, and that they featured in the Epic Cycle, he comments 'presumably these objects were actually to be seen in the temple' i.e. of Hera Lakinia. West n. 39 corrects Holzinger on one detail: the gifts would have been mentioned in the Nostoi, not the Kypria. But they would have been part of a Cypriot, not necessarily an Italian, narrative (c£ 852-876 n.: the Epic Cycle does not appear to have taken Menelaos to the west). Harder 2012:704-5 thinks that Kall. intended a simultaneous reference to both places; the same may be true of Lyk. also. See further MerCUii 2004: 197and 288-.aaiov,XELµ,wvosxp~a,µ,ov. This presumably derives from Hipponax, frag. 34. 3 West (c£ Gigante Lanzara 2009: no): ovT' o.a,cipnai Taus 1r68as 8aadna1 I {,cpv,f,as. Hipponax was an important influence on Lyk.; see Hollis 2007=279. 856. For Siris and its complicated early mythhistory (there is an unexpected Trojan aspect), see 978-.as: Taucheira (IACP. 879. Atlas was both a mountain and a Titan. See no. 1029,Barr.map 38 Br) was on the Libyan coast Buxton 2009: 200-1 on Atlas' transformation, between Euesperides/Berenike (mod. Benghazi) and 176 n. no. 21for this metamorphosis. Tzetzes and Ptolemais. It was a member-city of the on the present passage relays a story by the dithyPentapolis of Cyrenaica (see J. M. R[eynolds], rambic poet Polyeidos (c.400 sc), according to OCrf 'Pentapolis'). For excavationsin the 1960s which Atlas was a shepherd who was shown the see Boardman and Hayes 1966-74.It became a Gorgon's head by Perseus, and so was petrified Ptolemaic Arsinoe, named after the sister-wife of (844-845n.): PMG: no. 837. olKTJT71ptov: see Ptolemy II, Philadelphos, but had reverted to its 376 n. for this rare word. earlier name by the time of Strabo (17.3. 21), 880. 8lprpo,cri: c£ Od. 11. 579,the punishment of and this survives in the form of mod Tocra. (It Tityos by vulture-peck in the Underworld: 8lpis the first in the list at Steph. Byz. 'Arsinoe', a 454 Bill., with Fraser 2009: 342-J.) The name was, rpov law 8uvovrEs (where it means 'peritoneum however, presumably Arsinoe when Lyk. was (or part ofit)': Heubeck). It is a far cry from 'peritoneum' to 'sharp fragment', which must be writing, so 'Taucheira'is not quite an exception to the poem's usual preference for roundabout or roughly the meaning here; but the explanation is riddling designations; it does, perhaps, attest yet thought to be that early grammarians misunderagain Lyk.'sextensivefamiliaritywith Hdt. (4- 171, stood the word as referring to the sharp beak the Bak.aleslive on the sea Kara Taux€ipa 1TOALV which penetrated the bowels of Tityos, rather r~s BapKal71s;see P£ on Kall. frag.484). Steph. than to the body-part so penetrated. See Et. Byz. under Tauxopa says the name derives from Magn. 257.31-2, a.µ,Eivov8J 8/prpov f,&.µrpos, the daughter of Autandros, so Taucheira was evi- with Ciani, and Rengakos 1994: 122.The Greek, dently an eponymous nymph, but there seems as Mooney observes, is odd: the underlying idea as yet to be no other evidence for her existence, in ,rpoaa,;U7Jp6rasis 'gaping wound' (c£ Ps.unless she was one of the anonymous guardian Theok. 20.14-15,U€aapos ... ,!y/,\afEV),but the heroines of Libya who helped the Argonauts: Ap. literal meaning seems to be that the men gapeat Rh. 4- 1309, 1323,etc. The entries 'Autandros' in the spars of wreckage which have wounded them R.-E. and 'Taucheira' in Roscher,both by Hofer, (so Mair: 'grinning on the points of their wreckmerely repeat the information in Steph., and add age', but that does not make much sense). See also 878 n. (the thiee-word line). nothing.

ro

878. This and 880 are three-word lines, clustered as often: see 63n. µ,upfJ,TJKEs: see 176 n., and c£

890 n. (S. West 2009: 84 suggests that there is here an allusion to Hdt. 7.183.2,the lpµ,a between Skiathos and Magnesia, KaAEOµ,Evov8J Mupµ,71Ka).lK{Jt!{Jpaaµ,aovs:Lyk. is extraordinarily fond of this verb; see 66 n.

881-896. Kassandra uses Libya, the final destination of the three Thessalians returning from the Trojan War, to append an analeptic section on the Argonauts (themselves also Thessalians via Minyas, c£ 874n.), whose difficulties in Libya a generation earlier were narrated by Ap. Rh. 4. 1221 610,who in turn partially follows the brief narrative at Hdt. 4. 179.(For Lyk.'s dependence on

336

near Taucheira make lament, as they are flung ashore at the deserted dwelling-place of Atlas, their wounds gaping from sharp spars of wreckage. That was where Titaironeian Mopsos died and was buried by the crew; they raised above the foundations of his tomb a broken oar from the ship Argo--a treasure for the dead. There the Kinypheian stream makes Ausigda fertile,

Hdt. see Wilamowitz 1883a:14 [= 1935 1 2: 2. 27], but there are divergences too, see Maiten 1911:131 n. 1 and 888 n.) Kallimachos may also have treated the Argonauts' experiences at Lake Tritonis or Pallantis, judging from an obscure frag. preserved by Pliny, NH 5. 28.: Kall. frag. 584 P£, with D'Alessio 2007:736n. 81.But Kall.'sinterest in his native N. Africa may be enough to explain this; see Hollis 20or 286 (noting that Kall. did not as far as we can see cover the Argonauts' adventures in Libya) and n. 43. 881. This Mopsos (a secondary character,therefore

called by his right name, c£ Sistakou 2009: 249) is not the same as the more famous seer of 426-430 (not named, but referred to riddlingly);the present Mopsos was one of the two seers who accompanied the Argonauts. The other was Idmon, who also died on the expedition, as he had himself foreseen,1.139-41and 2. 815-42,where he is killed by a boar; on his burial mound the Argonauts erected a trunk of wild-olive-tree of the kind used for shipbuilding,cf.884 n. For Mopsos see Ap. Rh. 1. 65-6, where he is M6,f,os Ttrap~aios, and is said to have been taught the art of bird-augury by Apollo. Just fifteen lines later (1. 80-1), Ap. Rh. explains proleptically that Mopsos will be killed wandering within the borders of Libya, and this duly occurs at 4- 1502-36:he dies bitten by a snake born from the blood of the Gorgon, and the Argonauts march thiee times round the corpse in armour and pile a mound over him. Unlike Idmon, Mopsos is not said to have foreseen his own end. T,raipwvuov: for Titaron in Thessaly see 904n. and c£ Bouchon 2009: 522. 882.-rapxvaavro: see 369 n. 883.:A.pycf,ov8opos: for 8opu as a ship, c£ A. Pm. 411and Ag. 1618,also E. Andr. 793 with Stevens.

878-885

880

885

Compare the colloquial part-for-whole use of f uAa for a ship at Th. 4. 11.4, indirect speech of military encouragement by Brasidas (c£ 32 n.). This expression is close to, but not quite, a naming of the Arg£r-Supposedly the first ever named ship. For that we have to wait until 1274. 884. KAaaBw ,r/r,;vpov: the noun is used for any length of wood, as at Theok. 13. 13, where it means a hen's perch (c£ also Nik. Th.197)but that whole poem is Argonautic (it tells the story of Herakles and Hylas) and Lyk. perhaps recalled the unusually domestic and everyday word because of this. The motif of the erection of a trunk or plank of wood over a tomb recalls Ap. Rh., but seems to be taken from his account of the obsequies of Idmon rather than of those of his fellow-seer Mopsos (88on.). This detail of death-ritual is, however, old and Homeric; at any rate, it is similar to the treatment accorded to Elpenor at Od. 12.14-15:a pillar and an oar were placed on his tomb, as had been requested by Elpenor himself in the Underworld (11.77).v,;prlpwv KEtµ,iA,ov:for such offerings of 'treasure' to the dead (weapons and so on), including Elpenor's oar, see Bruck 1926:29.

885. :4.va,y8a: neuter plural; see Steph. Byz. a 544 Bill. (ov8Edpws), citing Kall. frag. 706 P£ For its location see Ptol. 4. 4. 3 (Avpiy8a ~ Ava,y8a, E. of Ptolemais and W. of Aptouchou hieron and Apollonia, evidently on the coast); Hekataios (FGrHist I F 330,also cited by Steph.) said it was an island. It is marked as a coastal place (with '?') at Barr. map 38 C1; see Maiten 1911:129and Laronde 1987:282,also Applebaum 1979:2 for Ausigda as one of several 'small but viable bays [of central Cyrenaica] suitable for the light vessels of ancient times'.

337

886-891

ShipwrecksoffLibya ofThessa/ians

Further nostoi

vaaµ,ots /\L7TaLVEL, TCP SeNTJpEWSy6vc:p TpLTWVLKoAXLS amaaev Savos yvv~ xpvaA QI I 1:vxas 01: oHµ,aivovTES ria,-,vaTai KT1:ap Kpvipova' arpaVTOVEV x0ovas Vctpots µ,vxofs, EV Kvrpa{wv Svaµ,opov aTpaTTJAaTTJV I Q I B oppaiai - rrvoai,I vavTais avv1:K,-,paaovai TOV7' EK Ilat\av0pwv EKyovov T1:v0p'T}S6vos J4µ,rppva{wv UKTJ1TTOVXOV Eupvaµ,rr{wv, KaL TOVSvv6.aTTJVTOV 1TcTpw0evrns AVKOV ~I~

ShipwrecksoffLibya of1hessa/ians

895

ll

900

aillla!ev WilamowitL1924:2. 173n. 1 atllla!et MSS atlll&.,e,Scheer 1raTpavGriffiths

892 894

that Greeks would take possession of the land when a pastoral Libyan people handed back to a Greek a gift returned to its giver, so depriving their own country of it. So the Asbystai, fearful of these prophecies, shall conceal the prize, out of sight in the depths of the earth. There the blasts of Boreas shall fling ashore the ill-fated leader of the Kyphaians, together with his crew; and also the son ofTenthredon from Palauthra, who wields his sceptre over the Amphrysian Euryampians; and the lord of the petrified wolf

but Kassandra deals with them in the Homeric order 2,3, 1.

892. 8{µ,op.ioV"Ta: for Herakles as lion, see 33n.

s.

918. dtpuKTWV: c£ Ph. 105,iovs atpVKTOVS', yop.rpuuv:here only in the poem, but c£ Hdt. 9. 83. 2, a86V'TaS' Kai YD/J, I '0 I 0' sEV7JVE1TOLK7JUOVTas O VELOVS X ova. 8' av MaKaAAOLSU7JKDV{yxwpot µ,eyav V1T€ p Ta.wµ.Ell"/s: for the verb, see 141and n. It is in sadness their former way of life' (609); the also used, again of the firing of Troy, in Ps.notion of divinely ordained collective mourning Simias' lli>.EKV,(for which poem, and its posrecalls the women of Kroton, who will be subject sible thematic debt to Lyk. see 948 n.). See lines to an eternal law to mourn Achilles forever, 3-4 (in Gow 1952:174): Taµ.o, £1TE1 To.v iEpo.v T£8µ.as... ck, I 1r£118£iv (859"-860);the gloomy KTJP'1rvpl-rrvcp 1r6>.tvn0a.>..waevI da.pBa.vL&ii.V dress, ia8~,, of the Egestaian people (974 n.) (c£ 967, Twv da.pBa.ve[wv£KTo1rwv). anticipates the black Fury-dress, 'Ep,vvwv ia8ijm, worn by the Daunian women of 1137 971. 1TVpyw11: with the stress on towers, c£ (see n. there: there is a Trojan link in that section Antipater ofSidon's lament for'Dorian Korinth', too); and finally,and perhaps most important, the HE 569 (epig. LIX line 2), where the vanished

Met.14.83.

362

towers head the list of regrets, second only to the city's much-admired beauty: 1TOV aTE.awa e.,,Aaµwv ); see also E. Ph. rr96 1rvpywv µ.& oov yij, laxoµ£V KaTaaKacp&.,,with Gigante Lanzara 2009: III, 972-973. 11711raVOTOII • • • I 8apo11:for V~1TaVaTo,, a hapax word formed by analogy with e.g. VTJTPEKw, at 1, see Guilleux 2009: 235.This language of unremitting permanence is surely compatible witlr the celebration of regular, perhaps annual, festivals, like those celebrated by the people of Poseidonia, as described by Aristoxenos of Taras (609n.). See Mari 2009: 431 n. 60. 974: For mourning black as the proper dress for suppliants, see Naiden 2006: 58-60 (witlr 59 for the explanation: mourning clotlres 'provide publicity'). Lyk. goes round in a kind of circle: the Egestaians are in actual mourning for Troy, and their dress is compared to drat of suppliants (which tlrey are not), which is itself modelled on that of mourners. For tlre three-word line, see 63n. 975. 1r111w8.,,s: c£ E. Or. 225. The word means 'greasy', of hair, and tlrus 'squalid' more generally. For abstention from washing as part of mourning ritual, see IL 23. 41-4 and HHDem. 4?-50, botlr with Richardson. a.µ.1rpwaE,: see 635n. 976. a.Kovposcpof¼: cutting the hair was some-

times part of mourning ritual (see II. 23. 46 and Hdt. 6. 21.1,c£975n.). But growing it might also be part of tlre general self-neglect characteristic of extremes of mourning. Discussing tlre dishevelled appearance which the Romans of the Republic

called squalor,and which might be assumed for political purposes (tlre arousing of indignation), Lintott (1968: 16) writes 'its basic forms were immittere/summittertcapillos,to let the hair grow or dishevel it .. .'. For the adjective, c£ Aristoph. Wasps476 (about tlre imitation of tlre Spartan habit of not trimming the beard). 977. In expression and content, tlris line resembles 609, Diomedes' companions in the Adriatic, met-

amorphosed into birds, remembering in sadness their former way of life, Tij, 1rpiv 6tal-r7J, T>.~µ.ovw, µ.Eµ.v7Jµ.E11ot, though there are obvious differences: Diomedes' men feel general nostalgia for tlre Greece they have left behind, whereas the Egestaians mourn for a specific loss, the fall of tlre fatherland Troy. 978-992. Greek settlement Tarentum (Taras)

on the bay of

Moscati Castelnuovo 1989:125-9,app. l, 'Licofrone, Alexandro, 978-992', is a selective lemmatic commentary on this section.Lyk.'s reason for giving so much attention to Siris is revealed at 984, see n. there. 978. 1ro>.>.oi 8.!:these must be Achaian Greeks, not Trojans; see e.g. Holzinger on 985 and Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 125. See also 985 n.

on tlre question whetlrer tlrese Achaians were thought of as 'returning from Troy', sc. after the Trojan War, in a nostosof regular sort (answer: probably not). 1:'ip111 a.µ.cplKai AEVT«!pvlav:like W. Sicily (see 951-977n., first para.), Siris has featured already and briefly in the poem because of a visit by Menelaos; see 856. Siris (IACP-.no. 69,

363

979--..xaso>..vv0wvEiav..n TV1TE{s,

980

by T. Fischer-Hansen, T. H. Nielsen, and C. 985-990, with different detail. With this c£ [Ar.] Arnpolo, c£ also Moscati Castelnuovo 1989 on mir. a11sc.106, Justin 20. 2. 3-8, and Ath. 523d, the literary traditions) was destroyed or overrun which speaks of Siris as first occupied by people in mid-6th cent.---see below---and replaced in coming from Troy, Kai ol r~v Eipiv Karo1KovvTES', the 430s BC by the new foundation of Herakleia ~v 1rpwro1 KaTiaxov ol dml TpolaS' l,\86VTES' in Lucania (IACP. no. 52). For the joint founda(Greeks or Trojans? see 985n.), iJaupov 8' V?To tion of Herakleia by the people of Thourioi KoAocpwv{wv [lacuna], WS' rp71a1T{µ,aLOS'Ka/ and the Spartan colony Taras, see FGrHist 555 :4.piarori,\71;,the sentence is, however, gravely Antiochos of Syracuse F n, from Strabo. Barr. corrupt (see Gunther 1889and Jacoby's app., listmap 46 Er marks Siris and Herakleia separately ing the many attempts to fill the lacuna, all of (Siris a few km. S. ofHerakleia), but IACP. p. 293 which inevitably assume what needs to be proved). Ath. continues with a citation from Timaios (and col. 1 disagrees, and puts both in the plain of mod. Policoro. For the relation between Siris and the Aristotle, frag. 584 Rose), and Timaios looks likely excavated site of mod. lncoronata, which may to be the source for this sentence too; so Geffi:ken have been the emporionor trading outlet of Siris, 1892:138,followed by Jacoby, who prints it all as see Kowalzig 2007: 314, discussing the material FGrHist566 F 51,and whose comm. on the frag. is finds. very helpful. (See, however, West 2013a:38 for the possibility that the author of the epic Nostoicame Siris has an unusually complicated history and mythical tradition of early settlement, beginning from Kolophon, and had a special interest in Kolophonian foundation legends. So Siris might with the supposed Trojan replica-city of 984; see n. there (IACP. p. 294, treating this city as legenhave been dealt with there. This is not inconsistent dary and distinct from historical Siris-not a with the Timaian theory; Timaios must have distinction which Lyk. would have accepted). The got his material from somewhere.) Hdt. 8. 62. 2 city-name Siris was supposedly derived from a made Themistokles utter a threat to the Spartan woman of that name, as E. said in his Melanippe Eurybiades in 480 BC that the Athenians would Desmotis(FGrHist 566 Timaios F 52 from Ath.; emigrate to Italian Siris, 'which is ours of old', -ij ri lan EK1raAa1oiJ ln. This piece see TrGF 5. 1. frags 489- I I T'[J D EK nL av'1'0 LS EP.,1TL1TTWV VOTOS ds J4pyvp{vovs KaLKepavv{wv vcfoas &.get{3ape, 1TPTJGTTJPL 1Totµ,a{vwvat\a, lv0a 1TAaV~TTJV t\v1rpov OtpOVTaL {3tov AaKµ,wvtov 1r{voVTES Ai'avros poas. Kpa0is Se yefrwv ~Se MvAO.KWVopots xwpos avvo{KOVSSegETatK6t\xwv II6t\ais, µ,aariJpas ovs 0vyarpos EGTELAEV {3apvs Ai'as Kop{v0ov r' a.px6s, ElSvtas 1r6ais, \ , ,. , TTJVvvµ,rpaywyov €KKVV7JYETWV rpo1rtv, AY' I ot"'{30"' 1rpos a Et vaaaavro .(.JL'::.TJPDV 1ropcp.

1020

\

1022

1025

1020

1025

xcl,pasScheer

Els:AfYYVplvovs: an 'Epeirote ethnos',says Steph. Byz., citing as evidence Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 78), Theon (the main ancient commentator on Lyk.), and the present line of Lyk., quoted in full. C£ Ciaceri. KEpavvlwvva.1ra,s:c£ Ap. Rh. 4. 518-19. For the Keraunian mountains, named from their frequent thunderstorms (Serv. on V.A. 3. 506), see Strabo 7.5. 8-

,

I

'

I

Podaleirios'Daunia cult;Diomedesin Daunia (2)

I

(,f:V7}V€1T OUTEOLUtvOYX7JUELKOVLV, .n11ds '1/311.s: Phokian Abai (IACP: no. (the Korinthian Gulf) from Peloponnesos. That 169) was 'famous' above all for its oracle, one of passage was discussed by Aristotle (R.htt. 1409b the very select group consulted by Kroisos at Hdt. 10-12).See Gigante Lanzara 2009: III n. 59. 1.46. 2.That is enough to explain Lyk.'s choice of 1072. o~a(q, : see 216 n. '11'T£pci,: 'wing' is a fine adjective, though Sens 2009: 29 detects humour metaphor for the blade of a plough (but is not in the description of a place as 'famous' when it is listed by LS,r among the many extended or metanot in Homer. The present line is quoted in the in the surviving phorical uses of the word). See Bouchon 2009: 519. course of the first entry, 11.{3a,, epitome of Steph. Byz., a I Bill. The dust jacket 1073. For Lilaia (IACP: no. 185),'by the springs of of Fraser 2009 is illustrated by the handsome Kephisos', see II. 2. 523.It is surprisingly absent opening page of the Aldine td. prinaps of Steph. from Hdt. 8. 33 and 35 (enumeration of cities Byz., which contains that entry. destroyed by the Persians in 480). Anemoreia is unlocated; see /ACP. p. 404, severely listing it 107s-1082. Setaia under the heading 'extrapolation or misinterpreThe story of Setaia, the Trojan prisoner who tation in late sources', and concluding that it was encouraged her fellow Trojan women to set fire not a polis (despite Steph. Byz. a 314 Bill.) but a to the Greek ships at a site near Sybaris, and mere place, topos. See Strabo 9. 3. 15,giving an etywas then punished by crucifixion on a rock which mology from squalls of wind blowing down on it. was then named after her, has been hinted at 1074. 1ro8oiivr1Es: for this key nostos-word, see already (see 921n. on Nauaithos). Strabo alluded very briefly to the 'bold act', -r6>.µ,11µ.a, of the 645 n. and 904 n. As there noted, the structure there is similar: colonial Greeks will yearn for ... Trojan women (plural), but added that the place then list follows of homeland places, Boiotian where it happened is variously given: 6. 1. 14. See and Thessalian there, Phokian here. C£ Bouchon also V. .A.5.603-63; Steph . Byz. E11rniov. Strabo was quite right. Even the identity of 2009: 518. .itµ,p,aaav: W. Lokrian Amphissa the fleet which was torched (Greek or Trojan?) is (IACP. no. 158)is strictly out of place in a Phokian differently given; Dion. Hal. 1. 72 (below) gave catalogue. Perhaps one reason for smuggling it in here is Lyk.'s awareness of historically certain the two basic versions side by side, first Trojan Lokrian colonizing activity in S. Italy: not only fleet, then Greek. Lyk. follows the version in

386

387

Of Lyk.'s five mainland Greek place-names, three featured in the Catalogut(Krisa, Lilaia, and Anemoreia) 2.520,523,521. The other two,Abai and Amphissa, were not, nor were they in Homer at all; nor was Amphissa strictly in Phokis, but in W. (Ozolian) Lokris. However, several of the placenames in Lyle.have, as will be seen, a religious tinge, and this may be why they were chosen bya poet so acutdy aware of cult. On possible reasons for the mention of Amphissa, see 1074n. Conversdy, Lyle. discards Homer's Kyparissos,Pytho (but see 1070 n. on Krisa), Daulis, Panopeos (but see 9JCHJ50 n. on Epeios) and Hyampolis. Ti,uaaav: perhaps the same as Homer's TEµ.i.&.v71, and encouraged the other Trojan women to set fire to the (Trojan) ships. Tzetzes also knows this version, and attributes it to Plutarch (Rom. 1,Roman Qu~tion.r6 and Thecour-

ageof women 1, Mor. 2656-e and 243C"-244a) . It is also in Polyain. 8. 25.2. Fowler 2013: 568 concludes that the name of the woman who set fire to the ships can have been Rhome, who is 'simply the eponym of the city'. For the development of the story (Aineias an addition by Hellanikos, 'the mythological systematiser', to a story in which he did not originally fit), see Wiseman 1995:50-1. As Holzinger says in his n. on 921, the storytype recurs in the foundation legends of several ancient cities, including Skione (FGrHist 26 Konon F 1.XIII), Phlegra on the Pallene promontory in Chalkidike (Strabo 7 frag. 14. 12; here the ships are Greek and the Trojan women are captives), and Egesta (Virgil, as above). For the various locations and sources see also Fowler 2013:567 and n. 150:'a roving anecdote, variously localised, though it is always part of the Nostoi, and Trojan women are always the perpetrators, whether as free women or captives in a Greek fleet'. To Fowler's list of places and sources, add [Ar.] mir. ausc.109, locating the episode among the Daunians, and giving it as an aition for the wearing of black clothes. This has obvious relevance to 1137,the Daunian Maidens are dressed like the Erinyes, i.e. in black. See n. there . 1075. .E~Ta,a 'TA~µ.ov: as usual (90 n.), Kassandra apostrophizes a Trojan character. She has used 'TA~µov to apostrophize Troy itself, and also Egesta, a kind ofTrojan offshoot (s2 and 968). 1076. yv,00(0,s-1rl8a,s-: the adjective is a hapaxword, from Homeric yvia, 'limbs'. With the whole expression c£ A. Prom.168-9 Kpa'T€paisb yv,oml8ais and Pi. P. 2. 41, ,!v ll' aq:>VK'TOIGI

yv101rlllais,

388

Unhappy Setaia, a miserable fate awaits you on the rocks, where you will die a pitiful death, in chains of bronze pinioning your outstretched arms, because you set fire to the ships of your masters. Near the Krathis you will lament your body, thrown out to hang in mid-air for the bloody vultures. That crag which looks out over the sea will bear your name and be called after your fate. Others will sail out near the Pelasgian streams ofMembles and the Kerneatid island;

1077. For the three-word line, c£ 63 n. (there is another at 1082). wpyv,wµ.a,T/: 'with arms

1075-1084 1075

1080

Hipponion, historical colonies of Epizephyrian Lokroi (Th. 5.5. 3, c£ 1069n.). stretched out', from opyv,a, 'the length of the (1). The case for Sardinia (Carthaginian i.e. outstretched arms' (LSJ). The tongue-twisting Punic territory) rests on the similarity of the long vowels of the line enact the crucifixion. Phoenician name MEµ~>..1a.pEw1> son of Kadmos at Hdt. 4- 147. 4 and 148. 3. The island-name 1080. alwP71µa:Gigante Lanzara 2009: m n. 59 KEpv,;ans is then explained by a loose association compares E. He/. 353(q:>OVIOV alwp71µa,c£ q:,01vt- with the noun Kipvo1,,an earthenware dish with OI!, here) and Or. 984 (so too Ciani), but the small pots attached, and used for making offerings meanings there are slightly different, nooses or to the gods. This is then taken as an allusion to the chains for hanging, whereas here the meaning is nuraghi (granaries?) which are a feature of the that the woman herself is suspended. Sardinian landscape, and which might be described as 'Pelasgian'i.e. old but non-Greek. It may or may 1081. rp,;pwvvµos-:see 164n. The characteristic not be relevant thatTimaios, whom Lyk. probably preoccupation with naming is reinforced by the followed elsewhere, was interested in Sardinia near-redundant q:,71µ1aO~a€Ta1 in 1082. For the (FGrHist566 F 63-4 with Brown 1958:38-42). crag Setaion, see introductory n. (2) Melos is called 'Mimbles' by Pliny NH 4. 1082.Another three-word line (1077n.). See also 70, 'Melos cum oppido, quam Aristides Mimblida 1081n. appellat'; this Aristides is hesitantly taken by Jacoby to be the author of a work on the founda1083-1086. Other Greeks settle in Lucania, tion of Knidos (see FGrHist 444 F6). See also aftersailing via 'Membles'(Melos? Sardinia?) Hesych. MEµf3M1,·M~>..01, ~ v~aos and Kall. This short near-final section of the Greek nostoi frag. 582 P£ (Mimallis or Memallis) with Pfeiffer's narratives is the most obscure of the entire series. comm. Perhaps there was a river Membles on Only the final destinations, Lucania and the Melos. KEpvEanswould then refer to Melian pot'plains of Lametos' (1085 n.) are secure. E merely tery (c£ above). Apollodoros 6. 15bhas Athenians, says that Membles was a river in Italy. But this has returning from Troy under Menestheus, going not been generally accepted by commentators, to Melos. Might this be an invention designed to perhaps because the implication of the passage is deny the Spartan colonial role at Melos? that Membles and the 'Kemeatid island' are the Ingenious though both these explanations are, points of departure for a voyage which ends up in it may be better to stick to the ancient explanaS. Italy. The two main modem candidates for tion: the Membles an Italian river, perhaps the Membles are (1) Sardinia and (2) Melos, advoLucanian Melpes; Kemeatis will then be some cated by Holzinger and Ciaceri respectively.The off-shore island. See 18 n. for a different island places eventually settled might be Medma and called Kerne.

389

1085-1097

Further nostoi

IJ1TEp1ropov TvpaYJVOVEVJlaµ,TJTCais Uvaiaiv o{K~aovai 111:vKavwv1TAaKas. Kat Tovs µh a.AyTJ1roiK{t\ai TE avµ,cpopat II ) / }' tli; I avoaTOV aia.,ovTas EsOVULV TVXTJV, eµ,wv EKaTLSvayaµ,wv pvarnyµ,aTWV. ovS' OLxpovcp µ,ot\ovns da1raaTWS 86µ,ovs ) " > \ I •'• 0vµ,aTWV I I\ f:VKTaLOV f:Kl\aµ,'1-'ovai Ut:l\aS, xapiv T{vovns K1:pSvt\q.J1apvv0{cp. TOtataS' exfvos 1-'-T/xavafsolKocp0opwv, \ I/; \ >\ I \ 1rapatol\LsELTas al\t:KTopwv 1TtKpas anyav6µ,ovs opvi0as. ovSJ vavcpayoi t\~tovai 1rlv0ovs Svaµ,1:v1:fs cppvKTwp{ai, 1TTop0ouSiappaia0EVTOS, ov Vf:OUKacpJs

Nauplios will punish thosewho doget home rn85

ro90

ro95

1085. b Aa.µ..,,Tla.,s: the river Lametos reached the sea just S. ofTereina. See Barr. map 46 D4.

ery in Palamedes' tent and he was stoned by the Greek army. See 384"""386n. Nauplios took revenge for this by (a) wrecking some of the Greek ships off 1086.AEV,ca.vwv1r.\a.,ca.s: Lyk.'s only explicit menEuboia (385"""386, where Nauplios is the 'viperous tion of Lucania, though the region is prominent. wrecker'), and (b) causing the unfaithfulness of wives of some of the Greek heroes (Apollod. ep. 6. 1087-1089. Recapitulation 9). Revenge (b) was perhaps already hinted at in For such short sections, see 1281-1282n. the section about Diomedes, who was one of the Greeks so punished; see 611n. on 1rapalnov. We 1088. G.voa-rov ••• TVXT/v:c£ Od. 24. 528, Ka.(vv would have expected Odysseus to be the main tarKEa~1TO.VTa.S DAEaavKai l07JKaVdv6arovs. See get ofNauplios' revenge, so that the famous fidelity 910 n. for the nost- root. of Penelope would be a puzzle on the standard tra1089. This line, whose thought echoes 365, closes dition about her; but for Kassandra, she is a the ring of the main nostoinarratives; but the idea demurely fornicating vixen: 771""772, (central to the poem) that Greek sufferings are in There is another echo of an earlier section of requital for the violence offered by Lokrian Ajax the poem, the description of the beacons lit by to Kassandra, will recur, with pointed specificity Sinon to guide the Greek fleet back to Troy; see of place, in the Lokrian Maidens section at 1151: 1096 n. On 1090-1098 see Debiasi 2006. ilµ.Eis lµ.wv EKaT&BvaaE{:Jwvyo.µ.wv. 8vaya.1090. The long preceding section was devoted to µ.wv:c£ E. Ph.1047"""8, yo.µ.ous / 8vay6.µ.ovs, or those whose nostoswas denied them (c£ 1088,a.voTro. m4, 8vayaµ.ov afoxos. pva-ra.yµ.a.Twv: on arov ... rvx1Jv). Now Kassandra turns to those this hapax-word for (sexual) violence against a woman, see Guilleux 2009: 230; the root verb is who came home, but unhappily, or rather not happily for long. Agamemnon, subject of the immedipvara,w, as at Od.16. 109, where it describes the ately following section, is the prime example. treatment of the servant-girls on Ithaka; c£ 771n. 1090-1098. Nauplios will takerevenge on those who do find their wayhome

Nauplios was father of Palamedes, who outwitted Odysseus by seeing through his feigned madness (81,5-819),and compelled him to join the war against Troy. Odysseus planted evidence of treach-

1091. £VICTa.&0v: 'votive'' from EVX~,Evxoµ.a,. In this word, and in 1091-1092 generally, there is surely an ironic allusion here to Klytaimestra's claim that the third blow she struck against Agamemnon in his bath was a votive thankoffering to 'Hades of the dead' (i.e. Zeus) below the earth, TOV Ka.Ta x0ovos I J116ou VEKpwv

39o

they will settle beyond the Tyrrhenian strait, in the Leukanian plains by the swirling waters ofLametos. So griefs and various disasters shall grip them, as they mourn their destiny of no return, the requital for my ill-wedded violation. Not even those who joyfully arrive home at last will light votive flames of sacrifice, paying thanks to Kerdylas, the Larynthian. With such tricks the home-wrecking hedgehog will deceive the embittered house-bound hens of the cockerels. But his hostile ship-destroying beacons will not put an end to his grief for his murdered son, whom a newly-dug grave awr~pos EVKTaiavxapiv: A.Ag. 1386""7,/,c,\&.µ.if,ova,:the verb must here be transitive, as at 345 (,\o.µ.tp'[J, a passage which will be recalled at 1096; see n. there). 8vµ.6.rwv a,f.\a.s: the sacrifices are thank-offerings for safe returns, xap,ar~pia (c£ 1092,xo.piv) or awr~p,a.

I085

ro90

1095

lures the Greek ships at night onto the rocks of Euboia) make 'sea-urchin' equally appropriate; as often with Lyk., both meanings may well be present. There is a possible extra pun on nearby Echinos in Malis, the place mentioned at 904; see n. there. For Palamedes and Nauplios see generally Gantz 1993: 603-8. See also 12161225 for Nauplios and the wives of the Greeks. ol,corp8opwv: a Herodotean word; see 5. 29. 1 (neglected Milesian estates).

1092. xa.piv:see 1091n. for the Aeschylean echo. KEpBv,\q. Aapvv8lqJ:epithets for Zeus. The first superficially resembles KEp8cjios i.e. Apollo at 208, where, however, the reference was to 'cunning' rather than 'profit'. Here 'profit' makes better sense: the returning hero expected to bring back booty in one form or another. The suggestion that the second has to do with Roman or Etruscan Lares is daring. 1093. lxivos: see 386, also referring to Nauplios, where a(vTTJSis a synonym for lx1s, 'viper', seen. there (also discussing the Greek rather than Trojan focalization in both passages). The preferable tr. is 'hedgehog' (xEpaaios lxivos or land-echinos, as opp. 0all.6.aaws lxivos or sea-echinos). To us, hedgehogs are delightful creatures, said to be Britain's most popular mammals, but c£ Aelian 6. 54 on the malicious cunning of the hedgehog (and a famous line of Archilochos, frag. 201 West, 'the fox knows many things, the hedgehog one big thing'), and more recently Shakespeare MND 2. 2. 9 ff.: 'you spotted snakes with double tongue, / thorny hedgehogs, be not seen; / newts and blind-worms, do no wrong, / come not near our fairy queen'. But the sinister maritime activities of Nauplios (at 384--:386he

1085-1097

1094. 1ra.pa.10.\lfE1: a hapax word, apart from 1380 (the deception of the Milesian potter's daughter). It is apparently formed from alo,\{,w, as at S. frag. 912 TrGF, where verbal trickery is meant. Perhaps compare 4, al6.\ov ar6µ.a, said of Kassandra hersel£ 1095. a-reya.v6µ.ovs opv,0a.s:the adjective is very rare, possibly influenced by arEyavov UKrvov at A. Ag.358 (so Rougier- Blanc 2009: 546 and n. 52. The root-words will recur at 1098, ar,fyos, and 1103,ady1Jv). Behind these lines there are other echoes of A. Ag., e.g. Kassandra's contemptuous description of Aigisthos as a stay-at-home lion,

Movr' a.vaAKIVEVAEXEIarporpwµ,EVOV I olKovpov (1224-5, c£ 1626). va.vrpo.yo,: a hapax-word, 'ship-devouring'. 1096. 8vaµ.EVEisrppvKTwpla.,:c£ 345, .\6.µ.ip'[} KaKovrppvKrwpov(Sinon): deceptive beacon-fires frame the nostoinarrative.The noun rppvKrwplais found in good Attic prose (Th. 3. 22.8). 1097.1TTop8ov: see 965n.

391

Themurder ofAgamemnonforeseen

Further nostoi

1098-1106

'· 1• 1TOT ' EV ' KIITJPOLUL \ ' MTJ0'V/J,VTJS ' Kpv.,,ei UTEyos. r \ \ > \ , \ \ /; I~ o µ,ev yap aµ,cpt xv-r11a -ras ovae 5 ooovs {TJTWVKEAev0ovs avxevta-r~pos (3p6xov ' ' Q\, , EV aµ,cpt,..,11T}aTpqJ avv-re-rapyavwµ,evos -rvcpAais µ,aTEVUEtXEPULKpoaaw-rovs pacpa.s. 0Epµ,~v 8' V1TULAov-rpwvos apvevwv UTEYTJV, Q• \ , \\ ' , ' • TL,-,TjVaKat KV1TEI\I\OV eyKapcµ pavet, TV1TELS UKE1TapvcµKoyxov evB~KTqJ µ,eaov. ' \ OE ~ \ ' /; ,.,, , 't OLKTpa 1reµ,cptr;, l aLVapov 1TTEpVr;,ETat,

will one day hide in the territory ofMethymna.

~

II02

1098-1106

IIOO

nos

One in his bath will seek a difficult way of escape from the noose round his neck; entangled in a net, he will search with blind hands among the tasselled stitches. He will leap towards the hot roof of the bath-chamber and sprinkle the tripod and basin with his brains, struck through the middle of his skull by the sharp axe. His sad ghost will flutter towards Tainaron,

IIOO

IIOS

Kpoaaw-rousD KpoaWTOI/S B KOpawTOI/S CE KOP'f'WTOUS A

1098. Philostratos (Heroikos 33. 48) says that Achilles and Ajax buried Palamedes on the Aiolian mainland. Since the cities of Lesbos possessed Asiatic peraiai, this is compatible with Lyk. (See OCD4, 'peraea'.) 109g-uo7. foreseen

The murder

of

Agamemnon

The violent death of Agamemnon is the paradigm of the unhappy homecoming, of the kind prepared for in general terms at 1090-1091. It can be seen as one of a pair with the equally important death of Ajax at 387"""4or, see Durbec 2009a: 394-8; Mari 2009: 407.The treatment is Aeschylean, as we shall see; c£ Durbec 2006b, also Kolde 2009: 48-55 (who at 51 notes the absence in Lyk. of Aigisthos). In Homer ( Od.11.387"""464), the nostosof Agamemnon is offi:red as contrast to the ultimately happy return of Odysseus, but that contrast is naturally absent here, in a narrative in which Odysseus is a wretch who would have done much better to stay at home (815-819). Further, though in Homer Klytaimestra is admittedly treated as equally guilty with Aigisthos (see e.g. Od.3. 235and 4- 92, with West 2013a:268), the actual murder of Agamemnon is emphatically the work of Aigisthos, who feasted him, then killed him 'like an ox at the manger' (Od. 4. 535and 11. 411);Homer's Klytaimestra, the cunning one, 80>.0µ71ns,kills Kassandra (11.422). In the opening scene of the Odyssey,Zeus speaks entirely in terms of Aigisthos, whom he uses to illustrate human folly in blaming the gods for their own errors (Od.1. 2~43); A.igisthos is the killer of Agamemnon, and Klytaimestra (not named) is merely his stolen wife (1.36).

For Aeschylus, Klytaimestra is the main or sole agent of Agamemnon's murder, and boasts of it (.Ag.1380,OVTW8' brpata, Kat -ra8'OVKcipv~aoµa,). She kills him in his 'silver-sided bath-tub': A. Ag. 1539-40 (the Chorus), apyvpoTo{xov I 8pofras (for the noun see uo8), c£ also Cho.491, Orestes urges his father's ghost to remember the bath, µiµv17ao >.av-rpwv;and see 1104n. This is the version which Kassandra appears to follow, although Klytaimestra is dramatically saved up, and not actually alluded to until the final line of the Agamemnon section, where she is the 'lioness of the baleful house-keeping', which his ghost will see as it flutters to Hades (nor, see Durbec 2009a: 391 8). This does not quite amount to saying that Klytaimestra was the killer of her husband, but her agency is surely implied by the very Aeschylean prophecy of Orestes' revenge for the pollution of kin-killing (µ{aaµ' lµrpv>.av,m2). The main new element provided by Lyk.'s Kassandra is the important and historically verifiable prediction of the posthumous cult of both Agamemnon and Kassandra (1u3-1140). 1099. 8vaEEo8ovs:for the idea that the net was hard/impossible for Agamemnon to extricate himself from, c£ a:rmpov at A. Ag. 1382,quoted at 1101n. 1101.A suitable impressive and Aeschylean threeword line, c£ 63 n. This whole section about the violent deaths of Agamemnon and Kassandra contains two more (1109, u17). aµ.,p,/JA~crrpq,: this and 8pofr17sat uo8 are the most explicitly Aeschylean words of the whole section; the literal meaning of ciµrp{fJ>.17aT pov is 'something

392

1104, T&~ ,ca, ICV1TEAAov: acc. I:, nf3~v is a cast around'. For the net-like garment in which Klytaimestra ensnared Agamemnon, see Ag. tripod; the KWEAAovis the basin at the top of the tripod.Aeschylus'Kassandra foreseesAgamemnon 1382-3,where she says she has staked a net round him, from which there is no way out, as for fishes, falling in the bathtub full of water, and the death an evil :Calth ,of ~othing, a:,mp?v ciµrpl~>.TJ- involving the murderous cauldron, 80>.orpovou a-rpov,wa1rep ,x8vwv I 1r,;pianx,,w, 1rAov-rov MfJ17-rosnlxav, Ag. 1129.E')'Kapqi:the meaning must be 'skull', and be connected with Kapa, ,;iµa-ros KaKov.See also Cho.492, Elektra (pick'head'; but for an ancient derivation c£ II. 9. 378 ing up Orestes' invocation in the preceding line 'TLW81 µ,v lv Kapos aicrn(a problematic expres491, see 109g-1107n.) urges her father's ghost to 'remember the net', µlµvriao 8' ciµrp{fJ>.17a-rpov.sion meaning 'care nothing for') with Rengakos 1994:122;HE 2o=ep. ll. 3 (Alkaios ofMessene). At Ag. m5-16, Kassandra refers prophetically to the net as a 8tKTvovand an a.pKVS,and Orestes 1105.a,cmapvqi: an axe, or rather adze. It is unceruses both words at Cho. 99~1000. ciµrp{f3.\17tain and disputed whether Aeschylus makes C1Tpov will recur in the present poem's final epiKlytaimestra kill Agamemnon-and Kassandra?sode devoted to Agamemnon, namely 1369-1377: with a sword (at Ag. 1262,Kassandra speaks of a first Agamemmnon, then his son Orestes, will rpaayavov,c£ g{rpnat 1351,the Chorus) or with an lead destructive invasions of Asia Minor. Orestes axe, as may be implied by the chopping-block, m{will there be called son of the man who was g17vav,which Kassandra mentions at 1277,where slain in a net, like a dumb fish (1375). avvrETapshe foresees her own death. Lyk.'s Kassandra has it yavwµlvos: this hapax word, which occupies the both ways, or rather implies an axe for Agamemnon whole second half of the iambic line (Durbec and a sword for herself, c£ 1109n. on ,cvw8ovn. 2009a: 397), enacts the sense of envelopment and 1106. 1rlµ.,p,f:a ghost, c£ Kall. frag. 43. 41.P£ with inextricability. D'Alessio 2006 (see also 686, where the word was 1102. TVtpAais... XEpal:c£ E. Ph. 1699 -rvrp>.~v spelt differently). See also Euphorion frag. 131 x,;ipa (of the blinded Oidipous), with Gigante Lightfoot, with her n. 173.Talvapov: Tainaron, at Lanzara 2009: m and Durbec 2009a: 396, also the S. tip of the Peloponnese-the mod. Mani Craik on the E. passage, noting the transferred peninsula-was alluded to, but not named, at epithet. ,cpoaawTovs pa,pas: the adjective, 'tas90-91; see n. there. It was a place of access to the selled', was used in the variant form Kopaw-r~at Underworld, and site of an oracle of the dead: 291, where Kpouuw-r~was av. l., see 290-292n., Strabo 8. 5. 1 and Paus. 3. 25.4, both mentioning a discussing the difficult Homeric word Kpoaaa,. temple of Poseidon and a cave, and relating that this is where Herakles brought up Kerberos from 1103. apvrowv: a difficult verb, perhaps connected Hades. C£ Ogden 2001: 34-42; Ustinova 2009: to cipvwT~p,'acrobat', as at IL 12.385;see Guilleux 6n1; OCii' 'Taenarurn'. (IACP-.576usefully col2009: 227 n. 27. OTEY'Jv:the covered bath is lects the evidence about the historical location another of the sinister 'closed places' in the poem; Tainaron, but says nothing about the Underworld see Lambin 2009: 166.

393

Further nostoi

1107-1118

,\v1rpav AEa{VYJS daiSova' olKovpfov. eyw SJ Spofr'YJSa.yxi KEfooµ,ai 1reSep, Xa,\vf3SiKcji KvwSovTL avvTE0pavaµ,EVYJ, end /J,"-,11"€VKYJS 1rp{µ,vovij U'TV'TrOS Spvos O'TrWS 'TLSVAOKOvposepyO.TYJSopEVS t PYJr;;EL 11"1\U'TVV 'Tf:.VOV'Ta KaL µ,E-racppEvov, Kat miv AaK{{ova' cpovafs rpvxpov Slµ,as > /3aa > En > > > / opaKaiva oi.,,as, Kan, avxEvos, 1rA~U€Ly{µ,ovm 0vµ,ov dyp{as xoA.~s. r \ ,/, > ws Kl\€.,,ivvµ,cpov, KOU oopLK'TTJ'TOV yEpas Sva{YJAOSda-reµ,{3aKTanµ,wpovµ,EVYJ. ~ 1roaiv, /3owaa o av K11vov-ra0Ea1roTYJV

Kassandraforeseesher own murder byKlytaimestra

as it sees the baleful house-keeping of the lioness. And I shall lie on the ground close by the bathtub, shattered by a Chalybian blade, when, just as a pine-trunk or the bole of an oak-tree mo is split by a wood-cutting workman on the mountains, she splits my broad neck-muscles and my back, tearing my cold corpse all over with bloody wounds. The thirst-viper will trample on my neck and sate her passion full of wild fury; ms as ifl were an adulteress, not a spear-won prize, the jealous woman takes her revenge pitilessly. And I, crying out to my lord and husband, who does not hear me,

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and the oracle.) Here Tainaron metonymically does duty for Hades. In both this line and 1119, Lyk. may have in mind the account of these events in Pi. P.11.20-2: Klytaimestra, the pitiless woman, sent Kassandra, together with the soul of Agamemnon, to the shadowy shore of Acheron,

A. Ag. and Pi. (1105n. and 1106n.). At 1372, Kassandra repeats that she will die together with Agamemnon, avv l.yaµ,eµ,vovlq. I ,f,vxij. 7ropev' >txlpovros EYW lli r,\~JJ,wv);see Sistakou 2009: 250. For dKrav 7rap' eiJaKLOV I v71,\~syvva.. 7TTEpvfera.,: further examples in this section (EJJ,OSor Eyw), see 1126, 1135, 1139. 8polrr,s: Garvie 328£ on the picture of the soul or ghost of the dead man A. Cho.999 (the word ambiguous); Pfeiffer 1960: leaving his body and flitting off to Hades is Homeric; c£ II. 22. 362 (Hektor): ,f,vx~ ll' EK 143n.38. pe0lwv 1TraJ1-lv11 JJ.,ll6allef3ef3~rn. 1109.For the three-word line, see 63 n. and uo1 n. XaAvf381KwKVw8ovr,:the Chalybes lived at the 1107.,\V1TpavAea.lV7Js ... olKovplav: for olKOV- E. end of the Black Sea (Xen. Anab. 4. 7. 15)and were famous for steel-making. C£ A. Prom. pov used of Aigisthos, see A. Ag. 1226, quoted ... X6.,\vf3es, and E. at 1095n., and with ,\v1TpaolKovpla c£ olK011pos 714-15, a11l71porlKroves frag. 472. 6 TrGF, Xa,\vf3cp 7TEMKEI, and Kall. mKpa. at E. Hek. 1277,also about Klytaimestra frag. 110P£ line 48, denouncing the makers of the (c£ Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112 and Collard iron shears which removed the lock of hair from on the E. passage, citing A. Ag. 606-8, where Berenike's head: XaAvfJwv ws a1T6,\o,roylvos. Klytaimestra treacherously calls herself a good watchdog in the house, EV lloJJ,OIS... KVVa Strabo 12. 3. 19-20 connects the Chalybes with Ea0A~v).For Klytaimestra as 'two-footed lioness', the Alybe region, where there were silver-mines (II. 2. 857). For KVwllwi•see 466 n. avvre8pa.vsee A.Ag. 1258(speech by Kassandra). She will be OJ1,EVTJ: for the verb, see 436 n. a viper at 1114and 1121(for these nasty animal metaphors, see Sistakou 2009: 242). See 404 n. mo. Trplµ,vov-ijOTV1Tos: two words for the trunk 1108-1122.Kassandra foresees her own murder of a tree; for the first, see HHHerm. 238 ('only found here in early poetry', acc. N.J. Richardson); by Klytaimestra for the second, c£ Ap. Rh. 1.1117(of a vine-stump). Already at Od. II. 423, Agamemnon had told Odysseus that Kassandra was killed with him, 1111.07TCIJSTIS vAoKovpos ••• : the model for the dJJ,rp' Eµ,ol, and the theme was developed by simile is surely S. El. 9H, Electra speaking in

394

lyrics: JJ,~TTJP ll'~/1-~ xw Koivo,\ex~s I Aiy,a0os 07TWSllpvv ti,\orOJJ,01I ax{,oua, Ka.pa.rpov{cp 1TEMKe1 (Finglass in his comm. traces the comparison to Il 13.389-91 = 16. 482-4). But Lyk.'s language is predictably more unusual: ti,\oKovpos is a hapax-word for u,\orOJJ,OS.

the adjective, see 933n. There is a likely allusion, in the present emphatic denial, to Agamemnon's claim at A. Ag. 954-5 that Kassandra was a 'specially chosen flower, the gift of the army', Ega{pErov I av0os, arpa.rov llwp71J1,a, i.e. she was not a mere adulteress. See further 1118n.

,,,.)ia.-rvv Twovra.: the expression is superficially Homeric-sounding; c£ II. 5.307 (the wounding of Aineias by Diomedes): 7rpos ll' O.JJ,rpw f,iJtE rlvovre; but there the reference is to the tendons of the legs, whereas here Kassandra must mean the muscles of the neck; for r&wv c£ also HE 140 = Alkaios ofMessene XXI. 7.

1117.For the three-word line, c£ 63 n., no1 n. 86aC17,\os: a Homeric word; see Od. 7.307 (Odysseus

1112. irl,fe1

8pa.Ka.iva.8u/Ja.s: a very strong animalmetaphor, apparently made up of two substantives. The lli,f,6.s was an extremely venomous snake which supposedly caused intense thirst; see Nik. Th. 334 and Aelian NA 6. 51. At A. Cho.249 (c£ also 994), Orestes called his mother Klytaimestra a dreadful viper, lleiv~ lxillva, and this word is picked up at 1121. There may also be an allusion here to the ancient belief that the female viper killed its mate after intercourse (so I:). The only other female who is called a llpa.Kaiva in the poem is Kirke (674n.). Ktl1T1f3iia' .. .: this detail of Klytaimestra trampling on Kassandra's neck may derive from the epic Nostoi(so West 2013a:269). 1114.

m6. ws K,\af,{vvµ,rpov: a vivid and bitter hapaxword of obvious meaning; see Guilleux 2009: 234 for other KArnr- formations (yvva1KoK,\ru,f,,771, ,\a.Jl,7TT1JpoKM7TT1JS, 846). 8opl1..ai·aµ,lvovsKD/J,atS, µ,oprp~s exovTac; a{rp>..ov ~ µ,wµ,ap ylvovs,

IIJO

early 1st cent. BC, after the Social War: Vitruv., as above (with Toynbee 1965: 2. 566 and n. 4, citing Cic. de leg.ag. 2. 71, 'in Salpinorum plenis pestilentiae finibus', for the unhealthiness of the place); c£ OCD 4 'Salapia'. We have already noticed (623 n. on Arpi and the Dasii, who claimed descent from Diomedes) Lyk.'s remarkably good detailed knowledge of the behaviour of the local elites of this region in the Hannibalic War, and the support which this well-informed coverage--expressed in Lyk.'s usual .veiled and unspecific language, to be sure-gives to a late (post-200 BC) dating for the whole poem.

Monad, close to the Salapina palus, where Daunian settlement from as early as the nth cent. BC has been established archaeologically (Marin 1972).This site is believed to be the predecessor of Roman Salpia/Salapia vetus. For further speculation (e.g. an identification with the Herdonea of Livy 25. 21. 1?) see Ciardiello 1997: 100-1. Giangiulio 2013: 742 suggests a local toponym with a base *dard.

1ug-1130. oi' T£ L16.p8avov1r&,\w I valoua,: Pliny, in his section on Daunia/Puglia, says that Diomedcs destroyed the races of the Monadi and Dardi, 'gentes Monadorurn Dardorurnque delevit' (NH 3. 104). Since 'Dardanian' was another name for 'Trojan', it seems that a mysterious and unlocated Italian city called something like Dardanos claimed, like Egesta (968), Siris (984), and most famously Rome, to be a new Troy in the West. At IL 20. 215-16 (the genealogy of Aineias), Dardanos, grandfather ofTros, is said to have founded a pre-Trojan city called Dardanie. The Dardanians, if distinct from the Trojans, are thought to have originated in Illyria, across the Adriatic from Daunia (M. West 2ona: 58), so that the Daunian Dardanos might have been founded directly from Illyria. It could still have claimed kinship with Troy. It has been speculated (Torelli 1984 and 1999: 951 , cf. 172) that Lyk.'s 'Dardanos city' should be identified with Luceria on the Samnite/ Apulian border, where the Romans planted a Latin colony in 315/r4 BC (c£ Strabo 6. 1. 14 for Lucerian claims to Trojan origin), but that is too far away from the coastal Daunian region here implied; see Ciardiello 1997: 106--7, Russo and Barbera 2006. A likelier site is Torretta dei

1131. 1rap8€VtilOV ~IC!pll')'tiLVCuyov: 'maidenly yoke' may seem a paradoxical way of describing marriage (Vilrtheim 1907: 127), but marriage is evidently thought of as the future state appropriate far maidens; c£ J:: -rov -ra,s 1Tap0ivois 1TpE1rovTO. A£y£t8J-rovya.µ,ov.

400

1130. &.yx,-rEpµ.ovEs: see 729 n. As often (see e.g. 885 or 1008-1009), Lyk. defines a people in terms of the nearest waters, whether sea, river, or marsh--as here, and as at 1275,where again we have Atµ,v'T}, 1TOTC1.

1132.vvµ.rplov. &.pvouµ.eva,:Kassandra's Spartan name 'Alexandra', 'man-repeller' (Jon.) expresses this aspect of the ritual; see Wathelet 2009: 335. For Kassandra's own sexual refusal (of Apollo) see 1457and n. 1133. 'E,c-ropElo,s: the starting point for the understanding of this has to be Homer's description of the dead Hektor being tied to Achilles' chariot: 'his dark hair streamed around', a.µ,rp/ 8i xafrai I ,cua.vrni 1Tfrvavro (IL 22. 401-2). Accordingly, a 'Hektor-like hairstyle' was long at the back, short at the front, acc. J:.Lyk.'s source here is surelyTimaios, see FGrHist566 F 54, from Pollux 2. 29; Hesychios' entry 'E,cropELOI ,coµ.ai, which connects the Hektor-like hairstyle with Daunians and Peuketians specifically, and derives it from Troy, says it flowed onto the shoulders (ws LlauVLOL ,ca/ ll£UKETLOL, lxoVTES T~V a.11'' '/Mou TOLSwµ.o,s 1r£pLK£XUP.EVTJV -rplxa);this is also likely to derive from Timaios. The link with

and live next to the waters of the marsh. And maidens, when they wish to escape the yoke of marriage, refusing husbands who glory in their Hektor-like haircuts but have some stain of body or family disgrace,

Troy expressed by the name of Hektor reinforces the Trojan aspect already evoked by the name Dardanos at n29. Surprisingly, there is only one relevant item of archaeological evidence; it came to scholarly attention fairly recently. A remarkable hydria of 510 BC from the circle of Euthymides, depicting the ransoming of Hektor, whose corpse lies on the ground, illustrates the Hektor hairstyle perfectly. See Fig. 6. The connection with the present line of Lyk. was made by Austin 1972 soon after the vase appeared in a Swiss auction catalogue in 1967, the object is now in the Fogg Museum at Harvard, and is LIMC 1. 1 'Achilleus' p. 150 no. 655, illustrated at 1. 2 p. 123. See also Schefold 1992: 264 fig. 318,with description of its 'forceful expressionism' at 263-4: the dead Hektor 'a great tortured hulk, his skin spattered with blood and his hair in wild confusion'. ,jy,\a,aµ.ivous ,coµ.a,s:growing the hair was a manifestation of young male aggression, sexual potency and general self-assertiveness; see Hdt. 5. 71. 1 for the ]th-cent. Athenian Olympic victor Kylon, who 'grewhis hair long for a tyranny', l1r/ -rvpavv{8i £KO/J,7lrTE, with my comm.; c£ generally Leitao 2003: 123on the symbolism of hair-growing and hair-cutting. (But Versnel 1990b: 56 rightly cautions against seeing Hektor himself, a mature warrior, as some sort of ephebic figure merely because of his 'E,c-ropnos ,coµ,7J.)

n34. a{rp,\ov:c£ II. 14. 142, &.,\,\'oµ.iv c:ls a.1ro,\oi-ro,0£os 8€ i airpllwa£t£,where the final verb is a Homeric hapax, see Rengakos 1994: 120. For a{rpllosas adjective, c£ Kall. at Suppl.Hell.no. 276 line 2, Ap. Rhod. 1. 204, and Opp. Hal. 3. 183. ,) µ.wµ.apya,ous: the first noun is a poetic variant for µ.wµ.os (J:,cf. Guilleux 2009: 231).The specification of some sort of stain or family disgrace adhering to the rejected male suitors is intriguing: in the ritual, the Daunian girls do not refuse each and every man who offers himself. Part of 401

1130-1134 IIJO

the point must be that the ritual enacts the Kassandra myth: Lokrian Ajax had incurred a stain by his violence against Kassandra, and this blemish is thought of as attaching to all males, just as Kassandra stands for all nubile females. But there may be a particular Italian dimension. The rejection of the suitors on grounds of unworthiness has (see Mari 2009: 4251 ) been brought into connection with the marriage law or custom of the Samnites, not far away to the W. ofDaunia, as described by Strabo (s. 4. 12), partially confirmed by Nikolaos of Damascus (FGrHist 90 F 103c). Strabo says that Samnite marriageable girls could not be married off as the family pleased, but every year ten girls were bestowed on ten suitors (sc. by the community-8w,oalljl, as Nikolaos explicitly says) according to excellence, the best girl to the best man, the second to the second, and so on. If a bridegroom changed and turned out bad, µ,£ra~alloµ,£VOSyEVTJTaL 'TrOVTJpos, they disgrace him, a.r{µ,a,ouai, and take the woman away. See Salmon 1967: 57-8, accepting the essential historicity of all this. The two prose versions evidently derive from a common source, probably Timaios (c£ n33 n. and 1137n.). There are obvious differences between Strabo/Nikolaos and the present passage (in Lyk., the bad qualities are imagined to be evident before the marriage takes place, and there is no suggestion that the community intervenes). But the basic notion of disqualification or degrading of husbands on grounds of personal unworthiness is common to both Strabo/Nikolaos and to Lyk. lt may be that Lyk. describes a religious ritual in which young people of both sexes enacted the most salient elements of a social system designed to limit male choice and dominance. If so, it is tempting to compare the situation at female-friendly Italian Lokroi; see n41-n73 n. But despite the enacted rejection, it must be stressed that the object of the initiatory ritual was not to prevent marriage but to achieve it.

,

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Cult of Kassandrain Daunia

Further nostoi

1135- 1137 'C

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eµ,ov 1TEpL1TTV Q I \ n..a0pataKdKKEAw0a1Ta1TTa>..wµEvat, > 0 >A s' EWS av Eta pEswaiv .11µ,rpEtpas ooµovs ALTai's.E0ev€LaVtKETtSEs yovvouµEva,. 0EcisS' orpEATpEvaova,Koaµovaat 1reSov, Sp6acp TE rpot~aaovaiv, daTEpy~ xo>..ov danvv rpvyovaat. 'TTOS yap 'IAtEVSdv~p Kopas SoKEVGEL, 1TETpovEVXEpoi'vlxwv, ~ rp6.ayavovKEAaiv6v,~ TavpoKTOvov GTEppavKU~TJ>..tv, ~ aAaKpai'ov KAaSov, µaiµwv KOpEaaaLXEtpa Su/;waav rpovov. S~µos S' dvaTELTOVKTaVoVT'E'TTatVEGEL, TE0µip xap6.(as, ToOm>..w~TJTOV yevos. ti

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n65

n70

at the fields of the daughter of Sithon, peering round for secret out-of-the way paths, until they are able to run into the house of Ampheira, and kneel in prayer as supplicants to Stheneia. They shall sweep and decorate the goddess's sacred ground with pure water, escaping the hateful anger of the citizens. For every man ofllion will be watching out for the maidens, holding a stone in his hands, or a black sword, or a hefty bull-killing axe, or a Phalakraian club, keen to satisfy his hand which thirsts for blood. The people shall, by an inscribed law, honour the slayer of that degraded race, and grant him immunity.

1161-n73

n65

n70

post II7J versus 1214-25inscruit Scheer c£ Bremmer 1983; Graf 2000: 263-is to be avoided, for reasons given by Douglas 2003=40-60, an important discussion). The best evidence for 1162.'1ra'7T'Ta.Awµ.wa,: Guilleux 2009: 226. stoning in this sort of context is from Abdera in Thrace; see Nilsson 1906: 108, to which add Kall. u63. :A.µ.cpElpas: E and Tzetzes are silent about frag. 90 P£ with Harder's comm. (But that Kall. the epiklesis, and there is no other evidence at the wrote about this was already known to Nilsson present time, but this must be Athena. through the indirect tradition.) To be sure, stoning n64. :E8ouav: a military epithet (cf. a8ivos, was the paradigm of the collective punishment 'strength', 'might') of Athena at Troizen: Paus. 2. (Fehling 1974=63 n. 262). But there is a danger 30. 6 and 32. 5. [,cer,aEs:to avoid the metrical of over-interpretation here; stones are just one resolution, Hermann 1834:emended to iKTopEs; of four different weapons listed by Kassandra. Scheer preferred i,cnaEs. But not every resoluModem scholars tend to ignore the other three as tion needs to be got rid of; see 263 n. being less anthropologically interesting. 1165.ocpE,\'Tproaova,: this hapax word is probn69. cpaayavov/CE.\awov:tragic language: for ably related to orpE,\Tpov,a broom (Guilleux the adjective c£ (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: uo 2009: 227).The temple service has been seen as an n. 58) KE.\aivois g{rpEaiv (S. Ajax 231) and aspect of the ritual humiliation of the Maidens, KE.\aivd.,\6yxa (S. Tr. 856 with Easterling, who and there is obvious truth in that, but Goff 2004: cites Dodds on E. Ba. 628 for the overtone 'sinis195observes that normal priestesses (see Timaios, ter'; c£ 7n.). no. 2, for the Maidens as temporary 'priestesses') might expect to have to perform menial domestic n70. Phalakrai: see 24 and Kall. frag. 34 Pfeiffer (cf. Nisetich's tr. of Kall.). See also Harder 2012:2. duties such as cleaning; c£ Connelly 2007: 9. 287 on frag. 34• n67. 'I,\,d,s &1111p: see Trachsel 2009: 535and n. 25 n71. ,copiaaa,: for the metrically necessary for the ethnic. lengthening of the second syllable, c£ Berra 2009: n68. 'Trel'pov a, XEpoivE](C1J11: Wilhelm 19u: 177-8 292. [1984: 387""8]noted that the stoning recalls the as in a real ritual of the Thargelia, and other scholars have n72. aijµ.osa' &vaTEl• .. bra,11EaE1: developed the theme of the pharmakosor ritually polis, the prehistoric decision-making people of Ilion (as it might be, '/,\dwv ~ {3ov,\~,ca/ ciaijµ.os, punished outcast (the biblical word 'scapegoat'1161. :E18w11os Els 8IY)la:rpos••• )'Vas: that is, Rhoiteion in the Troad; see 583n.

418

c£ OCIS 221line 1) is imagined as having voted a decree promising immunity and honours to certain types of killer; see further n73 n. This detail is found in no other source about the Maidens (Mari 2000: 294). dvau{, more usually avaT{, is an essentially poetic word (283n.), although it has been introduced by a clever and plausible conjecture at Th. 8. 67. 2, which reproduces an actual decree of 411Be;see CTIII: 950-1 for the problem. To express the ideas oflegal immunity, or freedom from the religious pollution which would normally attach to a homicide, inscriptions use expressions like dt~µ.ws,'unpunished' ( OCIS 218 line 48, Ilion), oaws, 'undefiled' (RIO no. 79 line n, Athens) or ,ca0ap6s ... XEipas,'pure-handed' (SEC 51. no5, Bu, Eretria). For these and other inscriptions, see n73 n. n73. 'TE8µ4xapaeas: for the verb cf. Salvo 2013: 134, discussing eyxap&.aaw, 'carve letters' (a probable restoration at SEC 30. 1073. 29-39, the 'Romulus and Remus' inscription from Chios, for which see 1232-1233n.). The Hellenistic poet here adds verisimilitude to a macabre and outre narrative, by drawing on knowledge of contemporary civic institutions (Mari 2000: 294 rightly calls this a note of dramatic realism, 'una nota di realismo drammatico', without giving explanation or detail). Kassandra was right to foresee that democratic Greek cities

would pass and inscribe laws granting immunity (see n72 n. on the vocabulary for this) and civic honours for certain categories of killer deemed praiseworthy, usually tyrannicides, or killers of oligarchic leaders and other would-be subverters of democracy. One of the most celebrated and informative of these inscribed laws is from, precisely,Ilion, a long and elaborate early Hellenistic law guarding against the introduction of tyranny and other forms of anti-democratic change: L Ilion no. 25 (OGIS no. 218), with the modern works cited at SEC 46. 1562.But there are relevant inscriptions from as early as the 5th cent. BC: ML 43 (Miletos, killers of a particular exiled group) and 85 (Athens, the assassins of Phrynichos), c£ also R/0 no. 79 lines 10-n (Athens, 33?f6 BC, with Ostwald 1955)and SEC 51. uo5 (Euboian Eretria, mid-4th cent. BC, with Knoepfler 2001b). Th. 6. 55. 1, 'the stele about the injustice of the tyrants', may also refer to a 6th-cent. decree of this sort (c£ CTIII: 448). For these and other epigraphic anti-tyranny laws, see Teegarden 2013. Inscriptions are not often mentioned in Greek tragedy, but see A. Ag. 577'""9(the herald anachronistically quotes from an imaginary dedicatory inscription), and Suppl. 946. The present passage of Lyk. is not anachronism: Kassandra is prophesying, and the prophecy here is offered as covering a thousand years of pre-literate and literate Greek history.

419

Thefates of Kassandra'sTrojan kin

II74-I18I

Hekabe'sfate

wµ,~np, wSvaµ:rrrep, ovSe aov KMos

Se

0.7TVGTOV EGTUL,Ilepalws 7Tap0/vos Bpiµ,w Tp{µ,oprpos0~aern{ a' €7TW7T{Da > Q K11ayyatai Tapµ,vaaovaav EVVVXOLS ,-,poTOVS, oao, µ,eDoVaTJS .ETpvµ,ovos ZTJpvv0Cas Se{KTJ,.\a µ,~ alf3ovai Aaµ,1ra8ovx{ais, 0va0,.\o,s .euaT71pa, n89 n. on av 8' Ji gtlva1µ.e,and 1190n. on lpµ.a). There, however, Kassandra's own assault by Ajax was the culmination of the narrative. Here the order is reversed: her death at the hands of Klytaimestra precedes the accounts of Hekabe and Hektor. Between the two main Trojan biographical sections intervenes the very long description of the nostoi of the Greeks. The arrangement is thus ABCBA, where 'C' represents the nostoi. The present Hekabe and Hektor sections are themselves a matching pair, both introduced by pathetic apostrophe, and both predicting cult and future fame for their subjects. Detailed verbal echoes (c£ above) help to achieve this effect; compare e.g. 1188 0uµ.a.Twv d1r&.pgern1with n93 ci1rapxo., 0uµ.a.Twv, and KA£o, at 1174 and 1212. For the parallels between Hektor and Aineias, see 1236-1280n. Finally, there is responsion between Hektor and his Greek counterpart Achilles. The re£ to Hektor as removed to the Islands of the Blest (where, however, there may be a specific Theban nuance) is symmetrical with Achilles' transference 420

to the White Island, earlier in the poem (1204n.); and Achilles' Black Sea cult matches Hektor's in Thebes. There is no topographical inconsistency between the present Hekabe passage, located in SE Sicily, and the earlier Hekabe episode, 330334, where her stoning was located in Thrace: in the present passage, the funerary rites are explicitly said to be at a cenotaph (n81). But the agents of the stoning differ radically; see n87 n.

1174-1188.Hekahe'sfate 1174. /J,7/TEp ... 8vaµ.11-rep: imitated from Od. 23. 97 µ.71T1:p ,,_,_~.8vaµ.T]TEP (but for the compound word see also A. Suppl. 671 /'Jvaµ.a.Topo, KOTOV ). The device is tragic as well as epic; see Rutherford 2m2: 75£ for such paradoxical combinations in tragedy of noun with opposite adjective. For the second-person address to a close Trojan, a feature of the whole poem, see 280 n. and 1189. n74-1175. ov8.1aov KAE05' I a.1TUUTOV lara,: see 1127:the present passage recalls what was said there about the survival of Kassandra's own alf3a,, and it anticipates both 1212on Hektor's KA£o,, and 1230-12311 about the Kv/'Jo,of Troy itsel£ The three nouns amount to much the same thing, posthumous fame or glory, with a cultic tinge to alf3a,. n75: Ilepalws 8.l 1rap8wos:Hekate's father was called lllpUT],, acc. Hes. 1h.409 with M. West; Hes. is duly cited by .E here. Lyk. 's spelling is closer to HHDem. 24, where she is llepaatou

0uy6.T1JP·

n76. For the metamorphosis of Hekabe into a bitch (a topic apparently avoided in art, like the stoning), see 334n. Bp,µ,d,:see 698 n. on '0/3p1µ.otis, and c£ Ap. Rh. 3. 861;OCD' 'Brimo' (K. C[linton]). Tplµ.op.ovnp, ".EKTOposoada l1p1aµ,{8ov Koµ,laavTE, ES oi1.tovrpaaiv E1TiTo1cj,8E story. The first main problem (the second will be µ,andµ,an· Ophryneion) is this: you could not ask for a more

w,

423

1189-1213

1hefates of Kassandra'sTrojan kin

important mythical figure than Hektor; and Thebes was one of the great cities of the ancient world. Yet there is no hint of this twist to the myth in the Boiotian Hesiod, or 5th-cent. Attic tragedy, or the poems of the Theban Pindar. (Homer implied that Hektor was buried at Troy: II. 24. 804.) There are two possible or alleged exceptions to this post-Homeric silence. Federico 2008 has recently argued that Pindar did know about Hektor at Thebes. But the mention in I. 7. 32 is unspecific and easily explained in other ways. The second is more interesting, a rereading in 1987 of an inscribed book-list from the Athenian Piraieus so as to produce a new title of a Sophocles play the Ophrynians,juxtaposed to part of the name Hektor. See (B) above. We will return to this later. But the conclusion will be that it has no relevance to Hektor's bones, so the argument will proceed as if it did not. We may therefore ignore those modern suggestions which try to identify an archaic or even prehistoric date and explanation for Hektor's Theban cult (see Schachter 1981~4: r. 233for a good and succinct summary of the positions up to 1981). Excavation has not turned up anything securely relevant at either Thebes or Ophryneion, though in the 19th cent., Ulrichs thought that one of the mounds E of the Theban Kadmeia might be the tomb (see Frazer on E). But there were allegedly several other tombs (Alkmene, Tydeus) in that area too. There are supposedly relevant coins from Ophryneion (G), but their usual interpretation assumes what needs to be proved: the identification of the young man on them as Hektor derives from the literary sources, A-F. But the Ophryneion and Theban cults are attested in other surviving authors, all later than Lyk., as is the transfer of bones which the Theban cult presupposes. Aristodemos (C) had a common personal name, but was probably identical with the commentator on Pindar who wrote on Theban affairsgenerally and was a pupil of Aristarchos of Samothrace (E Pi. N. 7. 1); if so, he flourished about 150 BC, i.e. later than Lyk. (Jacoby, and Susemihl 1891-2:2. 15~). A surprising absentee from the list of sources is Boiotian Plutarch. Pausanias (E) no doubt used earlier sources such as the mid-4th-cent. Ephoros, but we cannot prove this here (ipaatvcould mean several things, including what he was told on the spot); another

possibility is Kallisthenes (FGrHist 124), who wrote both about the Theban hegemony (in the Hellenika) and about Alexander's campaigns in the Troad (in the DeedsofAlexander).Strabo (D) used autopsy. To be sure, he drew heavily in bk 13 on Demetrios of Skepsis. But Demetrios' work was about the Trojan Catalogue in Iliad 2 and Ophryneion did not feature there. There are no citations or mentions of Lyk. by name in any author earlier than Statius and Artemidoros' Oneirocritika (4.63), and no unacknowledged but likely dependence before Virgil, so knowledge by any of B-F of A (Lyk.) is improbable. And they sing slightly different songs, esp. about motivation for consulting the oracle (did it envisage a potential, or purport to deal with an actual, civic crisis?). So we can accept that the tradition about the transfer of bones was historical and variously attested, and must now ask, when and why it developed. This is an example of'cult of relics'. Such cults were often used to legitimate territorial or colonial claims; we may think of the bones of Orestes and Kirnon, and of Rhesos at Amphipolis (see A. Sch[achter], OCD4 'relics'). So it is inviting to think of a suitable political context. In 1981it was modestly but brilliantly suggested by Schachter (1981~4: r. 233-4) that the moving of Hektor's bones should be linked to Kassandros' refoundation of Thebes in 316 BC, two decades after the city's sack by Alexander the Great in 335.For the rebuilding see Diod. 19. 53 and the contributions in Syll.3 337, as explained and supplemented by Holleaux 1938:1-40, who showed that the contributions went on being made for many years after 316. Schachter 234 ingeniously supplemented the inscription to give a reference to Ophryneion as one of the contributing places, a contribution of bones as well as money, thus: ['O'1/;

I

1befates of Kassandra'sTrojan kin 0\1 UE 1rpos YEVE I\LaV 1T11aKa \

Hektor'scult at 1bebes

\I

a1111a5ETaL T~V Jtoxws I'paLKOLULV Jgvµ,v1Jµ,EV1JV, 01TOVacpE µ,~TTJP~ 1r6.A1JSeµ,1rdpaµ,os ' I 0' avaaaav " , R \ I TTJV 1rpoa 1:µ,,-,a11ovaa 1 apTapep w/3was etEAVUE Aa0pa{as yov~s, \ ~ Q_ I ) " ) t I Tat; 1Taioo,-,pwTOVSEKcpvyova oµ,EVVETOV I ' I ·~· ' I R aUE1TTOVS J ova E1TLaVEV ,-,opq. 0oivas ~ I \ , I ' \ I,/, I VTJOVV,TOV aVTL1TOLVOV EK11a..,,as1TETpov, EVyvioKoAAOLS a1rapy6.vois 1:lA1Jµ,Evov, Tvµ,f3os y1:yws Klvrnvpos wµ,ocppwv a1ropas. V~UOLSSi µ,aKapwv eyKaTOLK~UELSµ,eyas A

n95

,,.,

A

!200

certainly not a true claim in the century and a birthplace, see FGrHist 383 Aristodemos F 7, half after the disgrace incurred by Theban medism place at Thebes called the LIios yova{; also Paus. in 480 Be.It is, however, a refreshing change from the usual harping on Athens or Sparta. The refer9. 41.3. For 'TTAag see 98n. ence here is surely to the richness of Theban mythology, which massively trumped Athenian 1195• efoxwsI'patKO&aLVEfV/J,VTJ/J,MJV: On (cf. Parker 1987: 187: 'in glamour and ancient 'Graikoi' see 532 and n. There as here, and as at renown, Athenian mythology can scarcely com891, the word surely has the extended meaning 'Greeks', not the original and more geographipete with several other regional mythologies of Greece', where the mention of Oidipous lower cally restricted sense (it would be odd to say that down the page shows that Thebes was one of the a Boiotian city was celebrated among the other regions he had in mind). The literary praise Boiotians). With ,1g&xwscf. 1233and n. for lgoxov (Rome). With l.gvµ.v71µ.EV71v (the verb is, acc. closest in time to Lyk. is that at Diod. 19.53,in the LSJ, a strengthened form of the simple vµ.vw) cf. context of Kassandros' refoundation of Thebes in vµ.v718Efaavat 1271 (Rome again) and vµ.v710~- 316BC after its sack by Alexander in 335;see below for the near-contemporary source of this. The 0ETaL at 1449 (the 'wrestler', who is a Roman). excursus begins (para. 2) by calling Thebes 'a city These parallels put Thebes in a very big league. that had been widely known, 8iwvoµ.aaµ.lv71v, The claim that Boiotian Thebes was celebrated both for its achievements (1rpagEis)and for the by the Greeks above all cities is at first sight surmyths (µ,v0ovs) that had been handed down prising. (To be sure, the Theban Pindar speaks at frag. 198a 2-3 Maehler of'glorious Thebes', KAv- about it', and continues 'it will not be out of place Ta/ 0ij{3a,,but such a compliment from a Theban to provide a summary'. There follow rapid mentions of Kadmos; the Sown Men; Amphion and is not too surprising. More apposite-as Enrico Zethos; the Seven; the Epigonoi; the prophecy of Prodi reminds me-is frag. 194.4-6, where Pindar says he will make Thebes even more famous, the ravens which led to the refoundation of Thebes after the Pelasgian expulsion; then we 1roAvKAE1mv, among the dwellings of gods and men than it already is. But even this may be felt jump to the Theban Hegemony of the 4th cent., to show merely partisan pride. A central Greek and the sack by Alexander. Diod.'s immediate source here is surely itinerary in prose from the Hellenistic period, Hieronymos of Kardia, whom Demetrios ascribed to Herakleides, praised the men and Poliorketes appointed 'governor and harmost', esp. the women ofThebes with a splendid quotaKa/ a.pµ.oaT~v,of Thebes in 293 BC: tion from a lost play of Sophocles, frag. 773 i11riµ.EA7IT~v TrGF: 'seven-mouthed Thebes, the only place FGrHist 156 T 8 (Plut. Demetr. 39. 4); see J. where mortal women give birth to gods'. See Hornblower 1981: 140 and n. 147, noting that Diod. had followed a somewhat different tradi'Herakleides' 1. 17 at Pfister 1951: So). It was 1194.'TTpos ')'EVE8Alav 'TTAa.Ka: for Thebes as Zeus'

43°

No, he will bring you to his birthplace, the city which is celebrated above all others by the Greeks. There his mother, the experienced wrestler, she who threw the previous queen down to Tartaros, ended the pains of his secret birth. So she averted the impious child-eating banquet of her spouse, who was therefore not able to satisfy his belly with food. Instead, he gulped down a stone, wrapped in limb-binding swaddling-clothes. The savage Centaur became the tomb of his own offspring. As a great hero, you will dwell on the Islands of the Blest, tion about early Thebes elsewhere (4. 641 ). Part of the purpose of the Diodoran excursus is to illustrate the vagaries of fortune. (The excursus at Arr.Anah. 1.9-partly indebted to the Alexanderhistorian Aristoboulos, see Bosworth-also has that purpose, but it avoids myth, and explains Thebes' downfall by reference to the city's medism: see above.) Whatever local Theban literary sources Hieronymos himself drew on, he must be borne in mind when considering the problem of Hektor's bones. 1196,'1Tl1A7IS eµ.'TTElpa.µ.os: this alludes to Rhea's role in the overthrow of Eurynome; see 1197n. For the frequency of wrestling, 1ra.A71, literal and metaphorical, in the poem (right up to the culminating 'peerless wrestler', Els ns 1raAaia~s, at 1448,who is probably T. Quinctius Flamininus), see 41 n. The rare adjective occurs, in hexametrically convenient form i1µ.1rl paµ.os, at Kall. H. 1 to Zeus line 71. In the context of a narrative about Zeus, Lyk.'s choice of word may be an elegant tribute to the earlier poet.

rr97. ~ 1rpoa8' avaaaav: the 'former queen' is Eurynome. In Hes. she is merely one of many Okeanids (Th.358),but a more developed version of her career is provided in Orpheus' song at Ap. Rh. 1. 504 1 , and this passage may be in Lyk.'s mind (cf. West 1971:22n.3): at first Ophion (1192n.) and Eurynome ruled over snowy Olympos, but then the one yielded to the strength ofKronos, the other to that of Rhea, and they fell into the waves of Ocean, after which the other two ruled over the blessed Titans. 1199.'TTa,lfo{JpwTovs: for the frequency in the poem of hapaxwords in -{3pwTOs see 508n.

1194-1204 n95

!200

op.EvvlTov: Euripidean, see Med. 953, Ion 894, with Gigante Lanzara 2009: rrr n. 59. For oµ.Evv{sSee372. 1200. 8olvas a.aE'TTTovs: all banquets in Lyk. are grim, and 8o{v71is the preferred word for them; see 802n. 1203. After we have just been told that Rhea foiled Kronos' attempt to eat the baby Zeus, it is superficially odd to find Kronos denounced as a savage devourer of his own offspring. But we are meant to recall Hesiod, who recounted ( Th.467) that Kronos ate his children as they emerged from their mother, until Zeus alone was saved by the stone-trick. That is, offspring, a1rop&., means the other offspring. For the 'living tomb' motif see Skutsch 1985: 277 on Ennius Annals line 126. Kmavpos: Kronos was a 'Centaur' as father of Cheiron (FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 50, andinEGM). See Hurst 2012b (possible papyrus commentary on this passage, cf. 670 n.).

1204, V17ao,s 8,1 µ.aKapwv: for the Islands of the Blest, where heroes lived for ever in untroubled felicity,see Hes. WD 172-.3and Pi. 0. 2. 70-1. In the structure of the poem, Hektor thus corresponds to Achilles, who was transported to the White Island: 172-179n. But the acropolis of Boiotian Thebes (i.e. the Kadmeia) was once called MaKapwv vijaos, acc. FGrHist 378 Antimenidas F 5, with Jacoby's comm. and Sens 2009: 21.There may also be a teasing allusion to (Egyptian) Thebes, near which there was also a district called the Islands of the Blest: Hdt. 3. 26. 1. Cf. perhaps 1206n. for 'Ogygian' as appropriate to both cities called Thebes.

431

Thefates of Kassandra'sTrojan kin

1205-1213 ff

>

\

\

•

i:.

I

TJpW,, apwyo, I\OLfI,LKWV TOsEVfI,UTWV. 01TOVUE 1TELU0EtS r.?yuyov a1rapTo, AEW, XPTJUfI,OL, 'IaTpov AEip{ov TEpµ,iv0ew, 'i:. 'O I ) I ' I Es rppvvELWV TJPLWV avELpvaa, "t. K''~ I J4' • asEL UI\VOVOV TVpaiv ovwv TE YTJV awTiJp', OTUVKaµ,vwaiv cm.-\frn aTpaTip 1TEp0ovn xwpav T7JVEpov7' avaKTOpa. KMo, 8eaov µ,eyiaTOV 'EKT~VWV1rp6µ,oi .-\oi~a'iai KVOavovaLV&.rp0froi, iaov. This section may echo Kassandra about Hektor in E. Tro. 395, llofa, av~p a.piaro, oixETaL 0avwv; c£ Gigante Lanzara 2009: II2, 1205.ijpws: the only time the word is used in the poem, although there is plenty of hero-cult elsewhere in it, and there are many Homeric heroes. See Biffis forthcoming; Durbec 2009a: 399. This indicates Hektor's importance to Kassandra. From what follows immediately (Hektor as healer), and from the description of Hektor's future cult at 1212-1213,it is clear that 'hero' is used in the religious sense, although Hektor was also one of those 'heroes', in the Homeric sense, whom Achilles killed: II. 1. 3-4- In that passage of Homer, however, Hektor is sent down to Hades, whereas here he resides on the Islands of the Blest. apwyos .\o,µ.ucwvTofevµa.Twv:for healing heroes (including unexpected medical powers attributed to historical figures such asTheagenes ofThasos),see 1052n. (about Podaleirios, who was a more obvious candidate for medical saviour, as son of Asklepios). Kassandra does not make clear whether Hektor was brought over to help with an existing Theban plague, or whether, like Theagenes, he acquired his healing powers only after being heroized for some other reason. So too at 1210-1212,the guarantee of military help may refer to the vague future, or may refer to specific military danger. 1206. 'Dyvyov: Ogygos, son of Boiotos (Korinna 671 PMG), an early king of Thebes, who gave his name to the Ogygian gates of the city: FCrHist 383 Aristodemos F 3 (from I: on E. Ph. 1113;c£ Mastronarde 1994: 650) and Paus. 9. 5. 1, calling him autochthonous king of the Ektenoi, for whom see 1212.Paus. (9. 8. 5) thought that the Ogygian gates were the city's oldest. See Schachter 1981-..µ,avavaTOAWVe>..q., AEVKOVaTpof]~awv rpuAaKaTTJS µ,ovapx{as, rpvSpa'iaiv lx0pav l:-L1/xava'is dvarpMywv. OSOUT€TEKVWVrpdaET', OUT€avyyaµ,ov M~Sas S&.µ,apTOS J ~ypiwµ,Evos rppivasJ ov KAELGL0~pas0vyaTpos, ~s 7TaT~PMxos 0pE7TTijiSpaKOVTLavyKaTaLVEGEL 7TLKpov. 7T(J.VTas S' dvayvois XEPGLVEVvaiji KTEVE'i,

1214-1225.The troubles of Idomeneus King of Krete

The connection with the preceding material is not spelt out, but it is provided by the avenging Nauplios, the 'home-wrecking hedgehog' of 1093, and the 'fisherman' of 1217. (For the structural importance and function of 1090-1098 on N auplios, see Holzinger: 73-4). Agamemnon was his first and most conspicuous victim (1099); in the poem's structure, Agamemnon's fate led on naturally to Kassandra's own future, including cultic aspects; after which she naturally turned aside to speak of her mother and brother, Hekabe and Hektor. Nauplios now resurfaces, and distant Krete now concludes the great Greek nostoisection. We will soon turn to the westward journey of the Trojan Aineias, and the Roman dimension. The Iliads pairing ofHektor and Aineias (1235n.) facilitates this transition: only a short and dark intermezzo for Idomeneus separates the two great Trojan champions. Attempts have been made to reposition the ldomeneus section, but Holzinger was right to defend it in its present position, and Ziegler 1927:2332was right that the suggested alternatives are all worse (Wilamowitz 1883a:5 = 1935 1 2. 2: 15wanted to move it to after 1122,Scheer to after n73). We have already been told that ldomeneus' tomb was located at Kolophon in Ionia, and we noticed there that, despite this evident awareness of traditions about his travels, Lyk. surprisingly declined the opportunity to connect him with S. Italy, in the manner of Virgil: see 431 and n. Now we are given the story of the miseries

1215

1220

which (it must be assumed) were the reason why Idomeneus left his Kretan home again after his return: he was another of the victims of Nauplios' revenge against the Greek leaders who had killed his son Palamedes (1217n.). Lyk. ignores the well-known story ofldomeneus' disastrous oath to sacrifice to Poseidon the first creature he met on his return, which turned out to be his son (as in Mozart's Idomeneo,but that has a happy ending), although this story could have been used to explain why he left Krete again. See Gantz 1993:698. The full story behind the present lines is given by J: and Tzetzes; also by Apollod. ep. 6. 9-u. When Idomeneus went to Troy, he left his kingdom in the charge of Leukos (son of Talcs, the bronze man who patrolled Krete: J: and Tzetzes), whom he had adopted and brought up; and he even married his daughter Kleisithera (spelt -thyra in Apollod.) to him. But Leukos was corrupted by Nauplios, and killed both ldomeneus' wife Meda, and his own wife and ldomeneus' daughter, Kleisithera, although they had taken refuge in a temple. Leukos detached ten Kretan cities (or perhaps 'caused them to revolt'). When ldomeneus returned from Troy, he was driven out of Krete by Leukos. J; and Tzetzes add that before he left, he blinded Leukos. It is possible (Gantz 1993:698) that the ten cities were a way of solving the puzzle that Homer speaks of Krete as having both one hundred (II. 2. 649) and of ninety ( Od. 19.174)cities. For Talcs see 1218n. 1214.In the Homeric Catalogue,ldomeneus leads Kretans from (in first position among the named

434

My wretched calamity will penetrate to Knossos and the dwellings of Gortyn, and the whole house of their armyleaders shall be overthrown. For in no peaceful way will the fisherman row and steer his two-oared boat. He will agitate Leukos, guardian of the kingdom, inflaming his hatred with lying tricks. He will not spare his children, nor his wedded wife Meda, in his wild anger, nor his daughter Kleisithera, whose father will give her in bitter marriage to the snake whom he reared. He will kill them all with impure hands

cities, II. 2. 646) those 'who held Knosos and wellwalled Gortyn', Kvwaov -r' Elxov I'op-rvva 'TE TELXLDEaaav. Those famous cities are, respectively,JAG?-.nos 967 and 960, at Barr. map 60 D 2 and C2. In Hellenistic times, that is Lyk.'s day, their mutual relations were often hostile (see e.g. Pol. 22. 15.1, under 184 ec, with Walbank's n. for other evidence) and at best uneasy.

or

1215.mjµ.a.:see 206 n. 1216. oil ya.p 71avxos: litotes: Nauplios was a formidable and vindictive meddler. For the exact Greek expression, see 3, and esp. E. Hek. no9 (where the context is the blinding of Polymestor; for the blinding of Leukos, see above, introductory n.). 1217. 8liccmrov:the 'two-oared boat' rowed by

Nauplios may be a subtle metapoetic signifier for his doublestrategy of (1)luring some Greeks onto the rocks of Euboia and (2) making the wives of other Greeks unfaithful. See 384-:386n. N auplios was called ,_,.ovoicw1To, at E. He/. n28. Although that compound certainly means 'rowing alone' (see Allan's comm. for the morphology; he might have added that a boat with one oar would not be much use because it would go round in circles), Lyk. surely echoes that Euripidean description here, but cleverly alters the word's prefix so as to produce the metaphorical sense suggested above. a,O,,.,.a:a part-for-whole expression for a boat; at HHDion. 47 it refers to the deck or planking of the ship.

1214-1224

1215

1220

1218. a-rpo/371awv:a verb noticeably favoured by Aeschylus: at Ag. 1216, Kassandra says she is whirled around by true prophecies; see also Cho. rn51-2 (the chorus about Orestes) and 203. ,pvAaicarijs /Lovapxlas: perhaps a hint at the island-guarding role of Leukos' father Talos, for which and for whom see Ap. Rh. 4. 1643and Buxton 2002. The four occurrences of ,_,.ovapxta in the poem (of which the most famous comes very soon, 1229, Rome) are all in this final and more political part of the poem. The others are at 1383 (the founding of Miletos) and 1445 (from the concluding and politically most important prophecy of all). 1219. yn,8pa,a,v: the adjective is a rare and

otherwise archaic synonym for ipEv8T/,; see Theog. 122and Simonid. 20. 16W. 1221.As minor and little-known mythical characters, Meda and her daughter Kleisithera (1222) are named straightforwardly; see 586-587 n. 1222. On the unusual non-enigmatic naming of Kleisithera, see 1221n. 1223. The 'snake whom he reared' refers to ldomeneus' adoption of Leukos; see above, introductory n. 1224. &vayvo,s Xfipa,v a, vacj,: the offence is

naturally the more polluting because committed in a temple; see 986 n. on b vacji (Italian Siris).

435

1225-1229

Thefates of Kassandras Trojan kin (continued}

Aw{3atGLV alKta0!vms 'OyKafov {360pov. YEVOUSSJ 1T(l,1T1TWV 'TWVeµ,wv av0is KMos , , CI ., I µEyta-rov av!,1JGOVGLV aµ,vaµ,ot 1TO'TE, alxµ,a,s 'TO1rpw-r6AELOV apaVTESa-rlcpos, y~s KaL 0aAaaG1JSGK~1T-rpa KaL µ,ovapx{av

1225. Lit. 'tortured by/in the mutilation of the Onkaian pit'. 'Oy,ca.{ov:this means 'of Erinys', presumably a re£ to the gross impiety and family murder (policing the latter was a special function of the Erinyes), for which crimes Leukos will be blinded-though not in Lyk. (see introductory n.). E says that at Onkai in Arkadia, Demeter is honoured as Erinys. For Demeter as Erinys in Arkadian Thelpousa in particular, see 152-153n. The sanctuary at Onkai or Onkeion is not identified securely on the ground. Pausanias (8. 25. 4) says that the lEpav rfis LJ~µ.T]Tpo, .•• TD b YJy,cdcpwas near Thelpousa, continues by saying that the Thelpousians call Demeter Erinys, and adds that Onkos was a son of Apollo who ruled over Onkion. For what is known about Onkai/ Onkeion (not much), see Jost 1985:63, 67,483. 1226-1235,Rome's greatness foretold. Aineias; Romulus and Remus There is a connection with very recent material in that Aineias forms a pair with Hektor, the subject of 118g-1213;see 1235n. (shared martial prowess) and 1270 (piety,compare 1191-1193n. for Hektor ). The notion, crucial to the unfolding of the rest of the poem, that the Romans were descendants of the Trojans has already been briefly introduced at 968 and 969; see nn. there, and 951-977n. Aineias was not there named, but Anchises was (see 965n.). That Rome is the subject of the present important section is obvious enough from what is said at 1226-1233 and 1271-1272,but the use for the only time in the poem of pwµ T/,'strength' at 1233 shouts out the city's name; see n. there. E says in his note on 1226 that 'from here the poet speaks about the Romans, and the poem is to be considered the work of another Lykophron, not the tragedian. For the latter was a contemporary of [Ptolemy] Philadelphos [sole ruler 282-246 BC], so could not have spoken about the Romans'. This not only puts the problem in a nutshell,

Romes greatnessforetold.Aineias; Romulus and Remus 1225

but also provides the right solution, provided that 'the poem', Tro{T}µa, is taken to mean 'the poem as a whole', not 'the poem from this line on' (or 'the poem to 1280'). That is, E was not advocating any theory of interpolation or multiple authorship. All such theories are rejected in the present comm. E went too far when he said that Lykophron the early 3rd-cent. tragedian could not have spoken about the Romans at all; we need think only of the researches ofTimaios (Cornell 1975:23-4, and Momigliano 1977b:31 66); see also FGrHist 154 Hieronymos F 13 with J. Hornblower 1981: 248-50. The Greeks of late 4th-cent. S. Italy, in particular, were well aware of Roman military might, and Lyk. is conspicuously well informed about that large corner of Hellenism. But E was surely right in his main point: a prediction of Roman domination by land and sea (1229), i.e. a Mediterranean empire, was not conceivable in the early 3rd cent., before the First Punic War of 262-246 BC, which forced the Romans to become a naval power and gave them their first overseas province: Sicily. So rightly Beloch / 2. 569 (1927, and already in edn. 1 of 1904, see 3. 2. 480), who noted that even in 280 BC, Roman sea-power was not a match for Tarentine; for awareness by Lyk. of the Mamertines and the First Punic War in particular, see 938 n. on Maµ.Eprov.Against modern arguments that 'land and sea' was a merely conventional expression, see 1229n. But even if-which is not admitted-it should be taken to mean, panegyrically, 'universal empire', the same arguments apply: the panegyric is easily imaginable in about 190 BC, wholly implausible a century earlier. The present passage (esp. 1226-1233) will be complemented, developed, and deepened by the final prophecy of all, at 1435-1450,again about a kinsman of Kassandra, this time an actual Roman rather than Rome's Trojan archetype. This will resume the language and thought of the present

436

ro

tortured and mutilated in the Onkaian pit. The glory of the race of my grandfathers will be greatly increased by their descendants. With their spears, they will win the victory-wreath and the first-spoils, talcing sceptre and kingship over land and sea.

passage at three key moments in particular; see 1228n. for the correspondence with 1450, and 1229n. for both 1445 and 1448. C£ Mahe-Simon 2009: 442. 1226. 11a1MTwvrciiv Eµ.ciiv:Kassandra means by this (see 1227n.) the common ancestors of herself and of Aineias. These are: Zeus, Dardanos, Erichthonios, and Tros. After that the lines diverge, as follows: Tros-Assarakos-KapysAnchises-Aineias, and Tros-Ilos-LaomedonPriam-Kassandra. 1227. a.µ.va.µ.o,:see 144 n. for this rare and interesting word (strictly, it means 'grandsons'). Here the descendants referred to are those of Kassandra's third cousin Aineias, and the prophecy is a development of a Homeric hint. Both his and their future rule over the Trojans is prophesied in categorical terms by Poseidon at II. 20. 301 8; there is a slightly weaker and vaguer formulation at HHAph. 196-7: there, Aineias will rule over the Trojans, and his line will continue in future generations. On the difference see Richardson 2010: 244-5, explaining the Hymn formulation contextually, rather than as a hint that Aineias' Trojan rule will end with himself, and observing that these prophecies can be reconciled with the tradition of emigration to Italy (as in Lyk.) by supposing that 'the Trojans' are those whom he took with him. For the shared ancestors of Kassandra and Aineias, see 1226 n. For the earliest political uses of the story of Roman descent from Trojans, see 951-977n. and 968n. (on Rome and Segesta/Egesta in 263 BC), 1228. 11pwro>..E,ov: see 298 n. a.pa.vrEsarl..wv d11apxas (c£ 11pwroA€IOV here) ras 8op1KT~TOVS' Aa{Jwv(c£ >..afJovTES' at 1230here). 1229. This famous prophecy of Rome's Mediterranean domination occurs just five-sixths of the way through the poem (1474x 5I 6 = 1228.33 recurring). Such 'milestones' matter. For the significance of the exact half-way point, and of other numbers of lines and multipliers of lines, see 737n. For the 'sixth generation'see 1446 and n.: six was a number with appealing possibilities. yi;s ,ca.l Ba.>..a.acn:,s: for the historical implications of this resonant expression,see introductory n. To be sure, the linkage of, or opposition between, land and sea is an old and obvious one; see Momigliano 1960c [originally 1942] and Hardie 1986:302-10. The starting-point is Od.1.3-4 (with Hardie 1986: 302-3), Odysseus saw the cities of many men, 110>..>..wv dv8pw11wv••• aaua, and suffered many griefs at sea, ,!vTrovrcp.But the grandest Homeric expression is actually one of partition and sharing: at II. 15.187-93,Poseidon was allotted the sea as his province, Hades the nether regions, Zeus heaven, while earth and Olympus were to be common to all three brothers (c£ Hardie 1986:294). In the historians, the pairing land/sea sometimes refers portentously to extent of rule, sometimes not. We find it already in Hdt. (6. 18, the Milesians besieged by land and sea), and rather more frequently in Th. It occurs, with characteristic variation of prepositions, in the form Kara y~v •.. 8,a 8a>..aaaTJS', in the second chapter of

437

7hefates of Kassandra'sTrojan kin (continued)

1230-1233 \

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the whole Histories(1. 2. 2, authorial, discussing primitive communications). Neither of these uses occurs in an imperial context, or conveys any special majesty.But Th.'s Perikles is made to combine land and sea twice thereafter (2. 41.4, the Funeral Speech and 2. 62. 2, Perikles'last speech), and these two proud 'Periklean' uses are indeed about the ubiquity of Athenian power. The second puts the weight on sea- rather than land-power, without actually denying control of the land to Athens (cf. CTI: 335);this careful refinement is important as showing that, for Th., 'land and sea' is not merely a rhetorically amplified way of saying 'everywhere'. 'Land/sea' is one of several significant polarities of this kind in ancient thought; others were east/west; Europe/ Asia; and there are 'distributions over three terms' (e.g. heaven, earth, and sea) as well as over two: see Hardie 1986:293-335,'universal expressions in theAmeid'; cf. above for II. 15. 18;,-93 and its complicated partition scheme. (The Europe/ Asia dichotomy will become important from 1283-1284.)Despite Momigliano and Hardie 1986:309 ('propaganda or encomium and reality are tenuously connected'), none of the earlier and later comparative material which they collect can deprive the present passage of its force or meaning, nor is it plausible to reduce it to empty early 3rd-cent. flattery of Rome (the motive for which, in a tragic poet of the time of Philadelphos, is not easy to see).The most that such modern studies can claim to have shown is that 'rule over land and sea' is not to be taken in the literal geographical sense, but as meaning vaguely 'universal empire'. After the defeats of Philip V (197 BC) and Antiochos III (190 BC, the battle of Magnesia), Roman 'kingship of land and sea' was the plain truth, and it would not have been absurd to speak of Rome in such terms, or (if we prefer the vaguer concept) in terms of universal empire. The present line will be picked up not only by 1r6v-rovTEKai y~s; at 1448 (the second great Roman prophecy) but also by cL\6,TE Kat y~s at 1245 (Odysseus' wanderings;

not imperial. It alludes to Od. 1. 3-4, for which see above); cf. also the land/sea polarities at 1414-1416,about Xerxes, and again at 1436-1438, struggles after the Persian Wars. a,ciprrpa: cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: no) S. OC 425 aK~1T-rpaKai 0p6vovs;.Cf. also Hdt. 3. 142. 3, aK~1TTpovKai ,%vaµ1s; 1ro.aa. For aK~1TTpov as the verse equivalent of prose /JaKTTJpla., see TT: 258-60. µovapxla.v: see 1218n., and for the whole expression aK~1TTpaKai µ., see 1445 aK~1TTp'OpEgO.I T~S 1rcL\a1f-LOVapxla.,. An echo of this line has often been detected in the prophecy apparently given to Cassandra by Propertius (4. i A 8?-8): dicam: 'Troia cades, et Troica Roma, resurges'; et maris et terrae candidaregnacanam (this is the text of Heyworth's new OCT, which adopts Murgia's emendation for MSS longasepulchra.Housman 1972:37 had offered regnasuperha; cf. Klein 2009: 565 n. 13). See further Heyworth 2007: 421, acknowledging that Lyk. is 'generally agreed' to be in Propertius' mind here (so too Murgia 1989: 265); see also m. for dicam/Mgw. Heyworth's own sceptrasecundais (deliberately) even closer to Lyk. I am grateful to Stephen Heyworth for advice on this passage of Propertius. There is a striking land/sea allusion in Melinno's hymn to Rhome/Rome, Suppl. Hell: no. 541.10, Rome holds with its strong straps the breasts of the earth and of the grey sea (a-ripva ya.las; Kai 1r0Ala.s; 80.M.aaas;).But the date of this poem is radically uncertain (see 1232-1233n.: it may be 2nd cent. AD, i.e. much later than both Lyk. and Prop.). On the present passage of Lyk. in relation to Melinno, see Erskine 1995:375-6. 1230.Aa.fJov-rEs: cf. AafJcfivat 1450; see introductory n. a.8>..la. 1ra.Tpls:for the emotional apostrophe, see 31 and n.; also 72, aTEVWaE,mfr pa.

1230-1231.otl8' a.µ.v.,,a-rov ••• I Kii8os µ.a.pa.v8b ••• (6,pqi: see 1127n. (on Kassandra's own

438

Nor, my miserable fatherland, will you hide your renown, withered away in darkness. My kinsman will leave behind him such twin lion-whelps-a race of outstanding strengthfuture glory, with refs. to other similar passages). In that line, µapav8iv and >..7180.{cp GKOT

\ , , 0V0UT0S EV µ,axms.

1235

he who is the offspring of the Kastnian and the Choiras, best in counsel, and far from contemptible in battle.

1234-1235 1235

-r~s -rEXo,pa.13osCanter -r~s -rEX«p&.liosADE -r~s Taxeip&.lios B

borrowing is never indisputably clear outside the particular sentence in which the earlier writer is quoted. See, for example, 1259n. for the likely Tirnaian origin of more than what the cautious 1234. The sexual union between Aphrodite and Jacoby printed as the actual fragment ofTimaios in question. That Lyk. was also dependent on Aineias' father Anchises was the subject of HHAph., in which Aineias' glorious future is Timaios to some degree is likely enough, and Geffcken 1892: 39-51 (with 141 50) argued for predicted (1227n.). See Richardson 2010. For Aphrodite Kastnia (also attested epigraphically, a maximalist position; see (again) 1259n. But and in Kall.), see 403 n. rijs TE Xo,pa.13os:again, 'to some degree' is a crucial qualification. Thus Alfcildi 1965:271 and nn. 3 and 4 went to absurd see 403 n. (for the connection with sacrifice of lengths in his equation of Timaios and Lyk., swine, xoipo,); the epithet here is Canter's old (An 1566) emendation for the MSS -r~s -re even describing the latter (in 1253-1260) as Tirnaios"excerptor'! (Thereafter he routinely says Xe1pa.13os or -rii, Taxe1pa.6os. 'Timaeus' when he means 'Lycophron'.) In fact, 1235.{3ov>..a.is o.p,C1'1'os: this picture of Aineias as caution is called for, and was constantly urged by conspicuously prudent and clear-headed is Jacoby (see e.g. the notes vol. to IIIB, pp. 332-3 Homeric. C£ II. 20. 267,6a{rppovos,with Galinsky nn. 317,324;Jacoby always tended to react against 1969: 38. oil/3'ovoC1'1'os b, µ.a.xa.,s: for Aineias as Wilamowitz, and Geffcken was very much a great warrior, beginning with the fight against Wilamowitz pupil). See 1248n. on the Mysian as Diomedes (Il 5. 23~310), see Galinsky 1969:rr-34. opp. Lydian connections of the Etruscans: At II. 6. 78-9, the seer Helenos tells Aineias and Tirnaios will be more obviously visible at 1351Hektor (in that order) that they ap1a-ro1I miaav 1361,where Lydia is to the fore. br' l0uv ta-re µ.axEa0a{ -re rppoVEELV TE, For That both Timaios and Lyk. owed a debt to Aineias' 'piety', made famous by Virgil, see 1270n. Stes., who (on the evidence of the TabulaIliaca) Lyk.'s expression here is a litotes. For the negated treated the western voyage of Aineias, is likely.See adjective, see II. 9. 164,6wpa. µh OVKE-r' ovoa-ra; JG 14. 12!4 Alv~a.s auv -rois l6to1s rhra{pwv Els c£ also Pi. I. 4. 50, the pankratiast Melissos of -r~v'E..1µ,1r>..av~TTJV ('wan95 with Cornell 1995: 299-301; and see Cornell derer here and there') at 1239, and 1r>..&.va1a1,1995: 294 and C. Smith 1996: 135for epigraphic 'wanderings', used about Odysseus five lines later support for the cult of the Dioskouroi in the (1244); second, by the information (1244-1245) region ( GIL r24. 2833;see also 1262n.). But the that Odysseus will co-operate in Italy with his Latin League was finally dissolved as a political old enemy Aineias. This co-operation (for which entity by the Romans in 338 BC. Some of the indisee Prinz 1979: 155)can be traced to Hellanikos. vidual cities nevertheless continued in a lively For the importance of the theme in the structure social and religious existence. of the poem, see 1242n. A further element in the story, as told by The historical kernel of this section is the Lyk., is the Etruscans, perhaps here introduced Latin League whose centre was at Alba Longa, for the first time, though see below for Stes. next to the Alban Lake (Barr. map 43 C3). The See Wathelet 2009: 343 and n. 61, who notes League was supposedly made up of thirty comthat Hellanikos and Damastes (1242n.) placed munities called populi (traditions varied as to the meeting between Aineias and Odysseus in whether Rome was one of the number); see Latium, not Etruria. Lyk. makes the Etruscans Dion. Hal. 5. 61.3 and Plin. NH 3. 69 with Beloch Tarchon (founder of Tarquinii) and Tyrrhenos, 1926:144-5; Cornell 1995:293-8 denies that it had eponym of the Etruscans, into allies of Aineias: much of a political existence before the end of 1245-1249.This seems to have provided the basis the 6th cent BC. These triginta populi were symfor the Virgilian treatment of the relationship bolized by the thirty piglets of the sow who between Romans and Etruscans, two peoples guided the original settlers to Alba Longa (see more normally depicted as hostile. See 1248n. 1255-1256n., for Lyk.'s treatment of this myth). It may be felt strange that, after the initial But Lavinium, not Alba Longa (merely hinted at allusion at 1233,Lyk. allows Kassandra to say so in 1256, see n.), is singled out for attention by little about Rome itself, as opp. the Latins and Lyk., no doubt because of the strong cultic tradiEtruscans. Thus the co-operation between Aineias tion associating it with Aineias; see 1259n. This and Odysseus, which in Hellanikos was part of the made it a kind of Italian counterpart to N. story of the founding of Rome itself (1242n.) Aegean Aineia, for which see 1236n. Aineias becomes in Lyk. a military alliance of an unspecific himself received cult in both places, Aineia and sort, and is attached to Etruscan material in the

44°

441

Annals line 57 refers to them; see Skutsch 1985: 207 and n. 33 for such 'roving men's organisations', citing Alfcildi.

1236-1242

Thefates of Kassandra'sTrojan kin (continued)

OS 1rpwra µh 'Pa{KYJAOV olK~UEtµ,o,\wv, Kiaaov 1rap, afouv 1rpwva KaL JlacpvaTtas KEpaacp6povsyvva,Kas. EK 8' }Uµ,w1rtas 1raAiµ,1rAav~TYJV UgErat Tvpa'Y}v{a JliyyEVS TE 0Epµ,wv pE'i0pov EK/:3paaawv1TOTWV, KaL II,a' )'l.yvAAYJs0' al 1TOA.VppYJVOt V(l1Tat. \ ~ , 'i:. , 0 \ " arparov, , avv oE crept µ,t I TTJVvaTEpov ,-,pw ewav Es 01raovwv, f1,V~f1,TJV 1TaAatWVt\~,f;ETat0eamaµ,aTWV. KTfoet SJ xwpav EV T01TOtS Bopeiyovwv v1rip AaT{vovs Llavvfovs 7' CfJKWf1,EV1JV, I I > •t 0 I I 1rvpyovs TptaKOVT e5api µ,T}aas yovas avos KEAatv~s, ~v a1r' 'ISa{wv Aorpwv Kai LlapSavdwv EKT01TWVvava0t\waETat, la~p,0µ,ov 0pE1TTetpav EV TOKOtS Ka1Tpwv· >I

1254

I

Aineias' wanderingsand his Italianfoundations 1250

1255

There he will :find a food-laden table, which will be eaten later by his companions; this will remind him of old oracles. He will found a place in the regions of the Aborigines, beyond the settlements of the Latins and Daunians: thirty towers, numbered after the offspring of the dark sow, which he will have brought by ship from the peaks oflda and the Dardanian regions, the nurse of that same number of piglets, all from one litter.

1250-1258 1250

1255

Aa1..ayKml 1rfrpa, of Od. 12. 61; cf. 649 n.). The Clashing Rocks referred to by Kassandra here were at the N. end of the Bosphoros; Barr.map 53 B2 gives their supposed location. 1286. For Salmydes(s)os, see 186 n. The 'inhospitable sea' is the apotropaically named Euxine i.e. hospitable (mod. Black) Sea. Lyk. surely has in mind here A. Prom. 7261 : TpaxEfo 1rovTov

l:a>..µ.v871aala yva.Bo,, I lxBpogEVOS' vavm,a,,

and this is duly quoted by Tzetzes. See further 1291-1295n.The alliteration in 1286-1287is harsh.

1287.1rayo1s:either 'rocks' (as at 16, 1361,and elsewhere in the poem) or 'frosts' (as at A.Ag. 335),and it is not easy to choose between these trs; Ciani gives all the Lykophronic uses under 'collis, tumulus', except 135('sel' i.e. salt). The modern Gk sense 'ice' (as in 1raya.Kia,'ice-cubes') is adopted by Mooney, but cannot quite be paralleled in ancient

1285

1290

Greek. However, the derivation of the noun, from the very general verb 1r~yvvµ.,,'fix',may be felt to justify what in the frozen context is the most attractive tr., so Mooney is here followed. 1288.>..tµ.,,.,,11: the Maiotian 'lake' (see 1290 for the name) is the mod. Sea of Azov, a large northern extension of the Black Sea; it occupies the central part of the left-hand page of Barr. map 14. Ta11a1s:for the Tanais (the mod. Russian river Don, which flows into the Sea of Azov) as dividing Asia from Europe, see Strabo n. 1. 1 (and see Hdt. 4. 45. 2); for its lower reaches see Barr. map 84 F1. a.Kpa1q>1117s: here 'pure'; the word is found in good Attic prose (Th. 1. 19 and 52. 2). The idea is that the river, which does not mix with the waters of the Azov (compare the Pitonion at 1276) slices a clean line through the lake's middle and cuts the continents into two. Sens 2009: 23 n. 6 interestingly notes the chiastic arrangement of the line, in which >..tµ,v71v and µ,EaTJv are a grammatical pair but are separated and occupy the end positions, while Tavai's occupies the middle.

1289.1rpoarpV1EGTaT7J11: see 1290n. 1290. xl/J-l!T>..a •.. 8P1JIIOVGIII1ro8w11: the Maiotians complaining of chilblains on their feet is perhaps the closest Kassandra gets to a joke anywhere. (Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 157thought the remark sneering, 'hiihnisch': despite the painful drawback, the Maiotians prefer their country to any other: 1289 1rpoarp,>..EaTCI.T7JV), Ma,wTa,a,: see 1288n. 1291-1295.Io

lo inaugurates the sequence of abductions, as she had done for Hdt.

454

(1.

1. 1-1. 2. 1); the very obvious

1284-1292

in common with the nurse of Sarpedon? The Hellespont and the Symplegades, and Salmydessos, separate them, and the inhospitable sea, neighbour to Skythia, with its hard ice; the Tanais river divides them, slicing its way with pure streams through the lake which is dear to the Maiotian people, who lament the chilblains on their feet. First of all, perish the Karnitan sailor-dogs! They abducted the ox-eyed bull-maiden, the virgin,

allusion to A. Prom. (1286n.), in which play Io is prominent, provides a link between the introductory lines 1283-1290 and the present lo narrative. Kassandra, both here and in the Europa section to follow, shows her usual sympathy with an injured woman, victim of divine lust like hersel£ So the prominence accorded to Io and Europa by the adoption of the Herodotean order of presentation has a special point which was absent in Hdt. The parallelism between Io and Europa is underlined in small ways, such as the two compounds in Tavpo-at 1292 and 1299; see also Buxton 2009: 128, who notes that Io features in Moschus' Europa (44-52). For the myth of lo, see Gantz 1993: 198-202. The main ancient sources are B. 19, A. Prom. and Suppl.;S. !nachos(fragmentary, see TrGF 4. frags 269a-295a); and Apollod. 2. 1. 3. Moschos' Europa dealt with it briefly; see above. For the metamorphosis in particular (no. 25 at 176n.) see Buxton 2009: 53-6, mainly about A. Prom., and stressing that there is nothing ridiculous about it, or which reduces its 'terrifying convincingness' (s6). That was said about the play, but it is also true of Lyk.'s handling. The animal metamorphosis oflo perhaps marks her out as a female initiatory figure, of whom there are several in the Alexandra. For this view of Io (for which compare the little temporary female 'bears' at Brauron near Athens) see Dowden 1989: 111 45 esp. 134, and in ocD4'Io'.

1291.o>..01VT0: for the form of the curse, compare Athena at Od. I. 47, WS'ci1ro1'01TO Kai a>..>..a, OTIS' To,avTa YE #,o,. Kapv,,,.a,:Kame/Carne was a Phoenician city, a little N. of Antarados/

1285

1290

Constantia: Barr. map 68 ~- Strabo 16. 2. 12 says it was the harbour of Arados, and spells it Kapvo,. See also Plin. NH 5.79, where it is one of a list of places in the region. Steph. Byz. K&.pv71 quotes the present line of Lyk., and also cites Istros (FGrHist334 F 76) for the information that Karnes was a son of Phoinix.Jacoby is no help on this. As Wilamowitz 1924: 1. 157 explained, the place-names Karne and Saraptia (1300) represent Phoenicia, and there is nothing more behind them than that: 'Karne und Sarapta (beide bei Steph. Byz.) vertreten Phoenikien; weiter ist nichts dahinter'. See further 1300n.

1292. /3ow1r111 Tavpo1rap8&011KOP1JII:here, the compound middle word repeats the approximate sense of the words which precede and follow it (cow-eyed; bovine-maiden; maiden). For the type of noun+noun formation to which the hapax-word Tavpo1rap8Evos belongs, see Guilleux 2009: 233.As Holzinger says, the sense here is really {3ov-.(Tzetzes objected that she was a cow not a bull, Tavpos, and if this is felt to be fatal we can recall that Zeus turned into a bull in order to mate with her, so that the first half of the word will be possessive not descriptive. So Griffiths 1986: 473 translates 'bull's maid', and sees an extra allusion to Isis (for whose identification with lo see 1294n.) as mother of the bull Apis. But bulls have horns, no less than cows, so Io resembled both the male and female animal. S. West 1984b:153ingeniously detected in Tavpo1rap0EVo, on allusion to the hermaphroditic procreation of Harpokrates by Isis, cf. Plut. Mor. 358d; but see Griffiths 1986: 476.). See further 1299n.

455

>

',/,

\ \

11EpVYJS aYYJpEt.,,aVTO, cpopTYJYOt I\VKOt, 7TA(lTtJI 1ropevaat K~pa Meµ,cpfrv 1rp6µ,cp, lx0pas SJ 1rvpaov '9pav ~1TE{poisSmt\ais. a00tS yap u{3ptVT~JIfJapEtaJIap1ray~S Kovp~TES avT{1Totvov'ISaiot Ka1Tpot 'YJTOVJITES, alxµ,aAWTOJI~1-mpevaav 1T0ptv £JI Tavpoµ,6pcpcpTpaµ,mSos TV1Twµ,an Eapa1rTfov LItKTaiov els dvaKTopov I

1295

Abduction of Europa, otherhostileactsby Kretans

Asia againstEurope

1293-1300

I

1295

1295

1300

1300

,}pav Scheer; Wilarnowitz 1924:2. 155{ir{,avLibennan 2009 fipav MSS

1293. Alp,,.,,,: the important prehistoric site with Griffiths 1970: 443: both had bovine horns, of Lerna in the Argolid (IACA p. 601; Barr. and the names were vaguely similar. If, as is map 58 D2; 0. T. P. K. D[ickinson], OCD4 possible, Lyk. was aware of both identifications, 'Lema: the "House of the Tiles'") is coastal, and the ambiguity may be deliberate, as often. is presumably meant to be the harbour of Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 158found it strange that Argos. Kassandra here echoes A. Prom. 677, Io is called a ,c~p, 'ruinous' [lit. 'bane'] for her Alpv71sTE,where, however, the following noun is husband. She is surely not a bane for him, but in corrupt; see M. Griffith's comm. O.VTJpEu/,a.VTo: the same general sense that the ships which from civEpd1roµ.a,;see II. 20. 234 (in Homer, the abducted Helen were 'beginners of evils', cipxl,ca,co, (II. 5. 63): both women were the 'causes' of verb is found only in 3rd-person aorist middle, used as deponent). It is revived in Hellenistic male aggression. So, in effect, J: and Tzetzes. poetry, as at Ap. Rh. 2.503 and here.Nate the past See also 1301n. for Europa's symmetrical tense: these events (Io and Europa) are thought marriage. of as earlier than the Trojan War, so are not 1295.The vivid and frightening metaphor of this part of Kassandra's prophecy. rpoPT'f/'Yoi .\v,co,: closing line picks up the 'two-continent' theme of a verbal and thematic echo of Hdt. r. 1. 1, the opening pair, 1283-1284. For ~77£ipos, used the Phoenicians ci1raytvlonas TO.rp6pna (and r. here only in the poem, see 1296-1311n. lnstead of 1. 4, TWV rpopT{wv). But see 1294n.: Lyk. Wilamowitz's ,,,pav, Liberman 2009 conjectures soon departs from Hdt. For men as 'wolves' see ,,,r{,av, comparing Pi. I. 4. 47, aipai 1rupaavvµ.vwv. Sistakou 2009: 252. 1296-1311.The abduction of Europa, and other 1294. KiJpa.MEµrpl'T"(J 1rp6/Jo'I': Io ended up in hostile acts by Kretans Egypt, acc. B. 19. 39-43; A. Prom. 846-52 and Supp.311 (specifying Memphis), with M. West In the usual myth, Europa was abducted from Phoenicia and taken to Krete by Zeus in the 1997: 445; FGrHist 70 Ephoros F 156; Apollod., as above. The stress on her wedding is an unshape of a bull, with whom the girl falls in love. The model for Lyk. is Hdt. 1. 2. 1, where Europa Herodotean feature, see S. West 1984b: 151and 2009: 87. The 'Memphian lord', Io's Egyptian occupies second place in the sequence to lo, as husband, is called Telegonos by Apollod. 3. r. 4. here, and where the abductors are human beings (For Telegonos as son of Proteus see 115-116n. (Kretans), also as here, but where the scene of the abduction is Tyre. It has been thought that Lyk. and Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 158.) The alternative (Tzetzes) is that he is to be thought of as Osiris deviates from this location. See, however, 1291n.: (perhaps amalgamated with Ptah/Hephaistos; l:apa1rTta(1300) is Europa's ethnic and means in effect 'Phoenician', and tells us nothing about the see Griffiths 1986: 476). This identification came about because oflo's own identification with Isis, place from which she was taken. (Biihler 1968:10 for which see Hdt. 2. 41. 2, Apollod. 2. 1.3 (at end) wrongly says that Lyk. makes Sarepta the actual and Plut. Mor. 365e (= On Isis and Osiris 37) scene of the abduction.)

456

from Lerna, merchant-wolves that they were, to lead her off as a ruinous wife for the Memphian lord: they lifted up a torch of enmity for the two continents. For next, the Kouretes, the boars oflda, seeking reprisals, dragged off a Saraptian girl as prisoner, in a ship with a bull-shaped ensign, to the Diktaian palace,

1293-1300

On the metamorphosis, see Buxton 2009: 12634, mostly about Moschos' Europa.Lyk. is neatly ambiguous about Zeus' metamorphosis into a bull. 1299 seems to imply a rationalizing version according to which the ship which abducted her had a bull ensign, perhaps a prow-figure, as suggested in the n. there. But at 1298 Lyk. teases us with a word for 'girl' which literally means 'heifer', and this immediately puts us in mind of the standard version of the myth; and ~mdpo,s 8m.\ais- at 1295reminds us forcibly of the divide between Asia and Europe. Lyk. is by no means averse to metamorphoses (for the complete list see 176n.) and the coyness about this one demands an explanation. It must be that Lyk. was committed to the Herodotean version according to which Europa was abducted by men not by a god (above), and that this version was needed for Lyk.'s own view of the Asia-Europe clash; but the metamorphosis was too appealing to be dispensed with entirely by a poet who had a definite fondness for animal symbolism. Hence the elegant compromise. 1296.vfJpw: 'intentionally dishonouring behaviour', often taking a violent form; see N. R. E. F[isher ], OCD4'hubris'(whence the definition), with extensive bibliog. It is surprising, since it would so well describe Ajax's treatment of Kassandra-to mention no other episode-that this is the only occurrence of this word (or any ofits derivatives) in the poem. 1297.Koup-qTEs:the godlings who brought up Zeus on Krete (OCD 4 'Curetes'), but here not much more than a periphrasis for 'Kretans'. The word is actually related to ,coupo,, 'young men', not to Kp~T'T},See further 1300 n. 1298. -ifµ.1rpEUaa.v: see 635n. for the verb, and 1293n. for the tense. 1r6ptv: the literal sense

('young heifer', see 184n.) should not be forgotten in the present bovine context. 1299.Almost a three-word line (63n.) and a highly alliterative one in T. For the rationalizing explanation (the bull a mere piece of naval decoration), see Biihler 1968:35-6, and for the reason for this choice by Lyk., see 1296-131rn.Ta.upoµ.6p..w11: this hapax-word is a shortened form of i8w>..wv(Guilleux 2009: 232), for which see 296. Xaov,-r1Kwv: i.e. 'from Dodona'; see 1045-1046n. for the geographical looseness of this. 1321,{Jpo'TTJalav: see Hes. WD 773, f3po-r~aia lpya, with M. West (who compares Aikman frag. rn6 PMGF): 'an anomalous formation ... modelled on rp1AoT~a1a... it gives the sentence an oracular tone, as if a god were speaking'.

1315

1320

Appropriate, therefore, in the mouth of prophetic Kassandra. See also Pi. Pa. 6 (D6 Rutherford) 79-80, where it refers to Apollo taking the mortal form of Paris. lµrra1011: see Od. 20. 379 and 21.400 with Rengakos 1994: 117.Kassandra here seems to introduce an extra idea-the ship knows the way without being told-from Od. 8. 55r-62, the magic rudderless and pilotless ships of the Phaiakians; so Holzinger. The Argoadvised Kastor and Polydeukes to pray to the gods to let them go to the Ausonian sea (Ap. Rh. 4. 588--..71, father of Aigeus and grandfather of Theseus (so 1rbpas). This is hardly likely to be inadvertence, E); that grandfather was Pandion. On this point in view of the-surely significant-repetition of Holzinger has been generally and rightly au-roK>..71-ros from the same passage (see 1317n.). accepted, although if there were any other eviThe earlier passage broke away from Theseus dence for Phemios the grandfather, one might immediately and turned instead to his son Akamas; have wanted to say that the meaning of the name, the present passage picks up the sandals-under-the and the identity of its bearer, are left ambiguous. stone motif and then provides further tableaux: The epithet c/J~µ.wsis used of Zeus and Athena the death on Skyros, the companionship with (in the form c/J111-da) at LSAM: no. 25 lines 26-'7 Herakles, the theft of the war-belt of Hippolyte, (Ionian Erythrai, 4th cent. BC), but is not otherwise attested for Poseidon. It is probably related and the abduction of Antiope-but those two Amazons are probably to be identified, or at least to Eiirp71µ.os and Eurpaµ.ios,and suggestive of are not clearly distinguished by Lyk., who characrp~µ.11, KA71liwv and such words, i.e. it is oracular: teristically does not name the Amazon(s) directly, Schwab! 1978: col. 312 and Graf 1985: 203-4 but refers to the abducted Amazon as 'Op8wa{a (Holzinger compared c/J11µ.ov671, the first Pythia, Strabo 9. 3. 5); but Usener 1896: 266, explained (1331), a cult-epithet of the Amazons' patron Eiirp71µ.osas indicative of solemn religious Artemis. See further1329 n. silence. If the meaning of c/J~µ.wsis oracular, it 1322. 1rcu\w:this little word is worth stopping might have to do with Poseidon's original possesover. It occurs only twice in the poem. The other sion of Delphi. Unfortunately, the present pasoccurrence (1398) implies 'in turn' i.e. reciprocity: sage is not considered in any of the above modern the easterner Midas' reprisals for Greek settlediscussions; Graf says of the Erythraian attestament of Asia Minor. For this use see Jebb on S. tion that the epiklesisis found nowhere else, 'nur El. 1434, cf. 371 with Finglass. But here 1ra>..tv hier belegt'. introduces another Greek action on top of the For the alternative version of Theseus' birth preceding one (Jason, then Theseus). So the sense implied here (Poseidon not Aigeus), see FGrHist must be 'again' in the sense of 'next', which is 4 Hellanikos F 134=168cEGM I and B. 17.33-8. harder to parallel, although 1ra>..,v ai5means 'one The contradiction here with the previous line 1323 more time' (see LS]9 II, 'again, once more'). (where Aigeus is the father) is startling, but not &a,dpas: see 855n. tlvc;ipvaas:see 18m. unique. For the problem, see Gantz 1993: 248: 1323. The 01r>..a of 495 are now specified. children of gods were sometimes known by the Cwarijpa: here, no less than at 1329,the meaning names of their mortal stepfathers, and Poseidon is 'war-belt'; see n. there. 1re1-rpos: Aigeus; see may have been added to the original version when it was thought that Theseus' importance called for 1324n. and 494-495 n.

1326. 1ra.\a,: the bones of Theseus will be on 1329. CwU'T7/poKAetr'TT/S: this hapax word in Skyros for a long time; but not for ever. In the effect means the same as a-ropv71v-r' &µ.lpaas mid-47os BC they were removed by the Athenian in the following line, 1330. Ciaceri wished to Kirnon and taken back to Athens for ceremonial because reburial. See Plut. Kim. 8 with Blamire, and Thes. emend to the dative, Cwa-r71poKA€1TT!J, it was Herakles, not Theseus, who played the main 36.1; also [Ar.]Ath. Pol.frag. 4. For such cults of part in the acquisition of the belt of Hippolyte/ relics see 1208 (Hektor) and discussion at 118gAntiope. But this does not work because of 1213n. -rds&-rapxv-rovs pr,cpas: for the root of the a-ropv71v-r' aµ.lpaas, which has to refer to adjective, see 369 n. on -rapxv8daav. Theseus. For Cwa-r~p (a masculine-type war1327.ain, 811pl:the 'beast' is Herakles, probably belt, not a female 'girdle', as it is usually and because of his lion-skin. For the military comisleadingly translated), see 1323n., and Gantz

464

465

1325.alyOuip:this rare and charming word for 'steep' is said (LSJ) to mean 'destitute even of goats'; see Ka-r'aly{>..mos1rhp71sat II. 9.15 with l: on the line. But Hainsworth's n. dismisses this as a 'pleasing fantasy', and prefers the neutral 'rocky', citing Lithuanian lipti, 'climbs'. (So the IL passage will mean 'rocky rock'.) Reassuringly for the traditional view, Sommerstein's Loeb edn (2008) translates the word at A. Supp. 794 as 'where no goat climbs'. poiCavµlvwv: for the verb see also 1426, and cf. 66 n. on potC7186v.

1328. Mvaru: for Herakles' initiation at Eleusis in Attica, after being purified by Eumolpos for the killing of the Centaurs, see Apollod. 2. 5. 12 (at Diod. 4. 14. 3, Demeter is the purifier, after founding the Lesser Mysteries for the purpose). The implications of the myth have been elucidated by reference to Peisistratos' religious policies at 6th-cent. Athens, and his construction work at Eleusis; see Boardman 1975 and very briefly in CAH / : 422 (all mainly iconographic, but see also Lloyd-Jones 1967 [ = 1990: 167-87], a discussion of papyrus frags of a ?5th-cent. and Pindaric-looking poem which evidently mentioned Herakles' initiation by Eumolpos). Tpo1ralas:the goddess who suckled Herakles was Hera (see 39 n.). The epithet is obviously warlike, and related to -rpl1rw('rout'), -rpo1rafov ('trophy'); compare her epithet '01r>..oaµ.{a at 614 and 858.

1330-1336

Asia againstEurope

ur6pVTJVr' dµ,epuas Kal eeµ,ta1.K-rous:for this very rare word cf. A. Supp. 1055 8i Bi>.yot,;av a.OeAKTOV.

av

1336."Ia-rpov:the Danube, more obscurely designated at 189;see n. there . .EKv8a.s: 'Skythian' may be a loose way of designating the Black Sea region, from which the Amazons originated; or it may pick up the Danube, just mentioned and allude to their itinerary towards central Greece; or it may hint at the tradition (Diod. 4. 28. 2) by which the Skythians joined forces with the Amazons.

467

Asia against Europe

1337- 1345 '1

t

\

I

t

"

Q

Ilos devastatesThraceand Macedon;HeraklessacksTroy

\

L1T1TOVS, oµOK111JT€ipav !€Wai ,-,01JV I'paiKotaiv dµv&.µois n TOLS'EpEx0lws. Kat miaav .:4.KT~vJgE1rop01JaavOop{, , Mo'f'o1TELOVS .,. , , , , rovs ai'0a11waaaai yvas. 7TU7T7TOS OEBpiJKTJSovµos alarwaas 1TAa.Ka xwpav r' 'Eopowv KaL I'a.\aopa{wv 7TE0ov, opovs E1T1Jg€V aµ >

\

I

Asia againstEurope 0 Q \ -rappo ov ,-,o'Y/1\aTYJV I

Herak/essacksTroy;Lydian conquestsin centralItaly

I

'Y/o avn -rov-rwv ' £1::;a1rpvµ,vov, 't I I ' \ I -rov a-r1;pc:pos EYXl\atvovµ,1;vov, I\ \ I > \ W ,/, I a-rf.Ll\aaa, l\ta-rpois ai1rvv YJPf.L'l'Ev 1rayov, 'TOV~ 1raMµ,c:ppwvI'opyas EV KA~pois 0Ewv Ka0ilpwa€, 1TYJfl,U'TWV dpxYJYE'TLS, av0is SJ K{pKoL, Tµ,wAov EKA€AOL1TO'T€S K{µ,,µov 'TE KaL xpva1;pya 11aK'TWAOV1TO'Ta, KaL viiµ,a Mµ,VYJS,ev0a Tvc:pwvos 86.µ,ap K€v0µ,wvos alvoAEK-rpov JvSavf.L µ,vx6v, .t1yvAAaV AvaoVt'TLV 1;[a1;Kwµ,aaav, S1;iv~v Aiyva-r{voiai -rots -r' dc:p'aiµ,a-ros "Y , , , pi,.av yiyav-rwv ...EK'Tpos &aauEt µ.vxcj,Liberman 2009

1346-1350.Herakles sacks Troy For this episode see 31-51 and esp. 32 n. and 34 n. 1346./3071>..a.rqv: Herakles was 'herdsman' of the cattle of Geryon. 1347. -rov ifa.'ITpvµ,vov: for the six ships with which Herakles came to Troy, see Tlepolemos' reviling speech to Sarpedon at IL 5. 641, If oir,s auv vava{ (already quoted by I:). His point was that this was a small force.

mother-city Megara. We cannot expect to have heard of absolutely every ancient writer. I'opya.s: evidently Hera, from all that has been said so far, and another warlike epithet (1328n.), although one more usually applied to Athena. Names in yopy- indicate fierceness; see Bechtel 1917:564 and my n. on the royal Spartan name Gorgo at Hdt. 5. 48. See also 1013n.

1350.Ka.8,lpwaE:for the verb see 950n., but that referred to the consecration of a temple. For the sense 'deification', the closest parallel seems to 1348.>..la-rpo,s: see Od. 22. 455 (the rare word is be Plut. Mor. 380d = On Isis and Osiris 73. In used of the tools used byTelemachos and his comthe present passage, Scheer's emendation to the panions to clean the blood of the suitors off the aorist of the MSS Kafh,pwa..{µ,rppwv: for Hera's change of heart For the grant of immortality to Herakles, see towards Herakles, after her long persecution of him, see Apollod. 2. 7.7 (she gave him her daughApollod., as at 1349n. In the opinion of Hdt. (2. 44. 5), the Greeks were right to worship Herakles ter Hebe in marriage). Tzetzes, citing an obscure authority, Sotas of Byzantium, says that she both as an immortal Olympian and also as a hero. relented after he had saved her from attempted 1351-1361.Lydianconquests in central Italy rape by a Giant called Pronomos (whose name is given by Apollod. 1.6. 1as Porphyrion). Sebastiani, For the apparent contradiction of 1245-1249, where Tarchon and Tyrrhenos were said to be cited by Miiller, suggested emending Tzetzes to Sotas of Byzantion, but the names l:w-ras sons of Telephos of Mysia, well to the N. of and l:w-ros are not uncommon, although not Lydia, see 1248n., discussing Timaios (FGrHist actually attested at either Byzantium or its 566 F 62, from Tertullian, which says that the

47°

Lydians from Asia settled Etruria under the leadership of Tyrrhenos). The Lydian colonization of Etruria, under the leadership of the eponymous Tyrrhenos son of Atys, was already described by Hdt. at 1.94.

see Robert 1962: 287-313 and 1987: 335; his starting-point was II. 2. 781-3 (the region blasted by Typhon). For other locations of this myth, see 825n. 1354.ai8a.vn: this hapax word is thought to be formed from 8avw (for which see Sappho frag. 126 Lobel/Page and Voigt), itself a variant of lavw, for which see 430n. Guilleux 2009: 232-3 compares S. Ph. 1457,t!v86µ.vxov.

1351.1clpKot:see 169n. for the metaphor. The two 'falcons' here are Tarchon and Tyrrhenos. A special appropriateness has been detected in the present use of the bird, because Capys is both Etruscan for a falcon (Serv. on V.A. 10. 145) and the name of a famous Campanian city. See Massa- Pairault 2009: 500 and n. 64. Tµ.ci,>..ov: the mountain above Sardis; see II. 2. 866; Hdt. 1. 84.3 and 93. 1; 5. 100 and ror. 2; Barr. map 56 FG 5. 1352.Klµ,i/Jov:this river was in the region N. of Sardis and Tmolos; see Robert 1962: 314 and 1987: 396, citing Nonn. D. 13. 465 for 'shingly K.impsos'in Lydia, K{µ.ipov,;vip71rptaa. xpva,;pya. II a.1e-rw>..ou 'ITo-ra.: see 272n. 1353. 1eai viiµ,a.>..lµ,vqs:this is Lake Gygaia (Barr. map 56 4 FG), for which see II. 2. 865-6; Hdt. r. 93. 5; Strabo 13. 4. 5-6, explaining that its name was later changed to Koloc and that it had a cult of Artemis Koloene. For extended discussion, including summaries of accounts by early modern travellers, see Robert 1987:296-335, esp. 296-321,'Lycophron et le marais d'Echidna, Straban et le lac de Koloc' [originally BCH 106 (1982)334-]3, esp. 334-59]. Tvrpwvos8&.µ,a.p: this is Echidna, wife of Typhon (Hes. 1h. 295-307 with M. West). For the location of the myth of Typhon in Lydia Katakekaumene ('Burnt Lydia'),

1355. See 63 n. for such three-word lines. :4yv>..>..a.v: see 124m. Avaovi-rw: see 44n. ,;la,;Kwµ,aaa.v:a striking metaphor for a military invasion; the root-word is Kwµ,os,a drunken mobile revel of the sort made famous by Plato's Symposium. 1356. A,yva-rlvo,a,: these are the inhabitants ofLiguria; for the form Atyva'TLK~, see Strabo 2. 5. 19. -roi's -r' arp'a.iµ,a.-ros: for the idea that the blood of dreadful gods can send up not only other monsters but also marginal beings like these innocuous Ligurians, see Graf andJ ohnston 2007: 201 n. 60 (citing e.g. the Phaiakians, sent up by the blood of Ouranos, FGrHist 2 Akousilaos F 4). 1357.plta.v: this (blood at 1357,roots at 1356)may seem to us a bad mix of metaphors, but perhaps f,{(a as the origin of a family (LS]9 II) was so familiar a notion as to be hardly felt as a metaphor . .E,86vwv:for the Giants and Chalkidike, see 127n. Note the different spelling and scansion from I:,Bwvosat 583.

471

1358-1370

Asia againstEurope

\ ' ' vaµ,tvawL ' ' '/; '\ I\OYX'YJS ev µ,tsaVTES rral\'Y]V, d,.\ov SJ Ilfaav Kat '8op{KTTJTOV x06va miaav KaTELpyaaavTOT~V '0µ,{3pwv 1/'EAas ''""''' RR" '0" 'YJPWV ' KaL ""a/\1/'LWV ,-,e,-,waav ox rraywv. ,\ofa0os '8' Jye{peL ypvvos apxa{av EpLV, • 1'..1s 0p4KTJS), and its taxpayers are the 0paµ,{3aioiof the 'tribute lists': JG r362. 6,259. II. 10 (partially restored), 266. II. 32, 282. II. 8 (partially restored). SeeATL: 1.464(under AlyavT101); Zahmt 1971: 181 8, '0£paµ,{3ws, 0paµ,{3aio,'; JAG?,. no. 616 'Therarnbos (Thrambaios)'; and Massa-Pairault 2009: 491. 1406. aTop9vyf; see 492 n. T{Twvos:probably a Thracian mountain. The entry T1Twv£us,opos in Steph. Byz. is corrupt (probably read Tfrwv) and incomplete, but must have contained relevant information. Holzinger suggested adding opos < 0p4KTJS>, The entry continues by saying that 'the oikist was Titoneus, as is said by Dionysios in the first book of his Gigantias', an unknown author, but one who evidently wrote about the Giants. Certainly this is Giant country; see 127 and n . .E,Oovwv:see 583n.

1407. {3ovKEpws:for river-gods depicted and thought of as horned, and the reasons for it, see 730n. 1408. Bpuxwv ••• ,,,.,,,EVWV U1TTJP€'TTJS: Bryclron helped the Giants in the Gigantomachy, and he is probably depicted on the south frieze of the great altar of Pergamon; see Massa-Pairault 2009: 492-3. But Brychon was also a river (unlocated) in the Pallene peninsula; see Hesych. Bpuxwv· 1TOTaµ,os 1T£ptna.u~vriv (/31271Latte). ,,,.,,,EVWV: see 42n. 14og-1411. Struggles between Europe and Asia from Midas to Xerxes

From now until the end of Kassandra's prophecy, she deals with events which are fully historical

486

and will adorn his own ear-lobes, so instilling fear into the blood-sucking feasters. All the land of Phlegra will be enslaved by him, and the ridge ofThrarnbous and the coastal rock ofTiton, and the fields of the Sithonians, and the ploughed land of Pallene, which ox-horned Brychon fertilizes, the Giants' helper. Many woes, dealt by each side in turn, will be taken as first-offerings

in the sense that they are parts of the routine narrative of the Greek prose historians. Hdt., Th., Xen., Ephoros, Theopompos, Kallisthenes' Hellenika, the Alexander-historians, Douris of Samos and Hieronymos ofKardia, were all available to Lyk. Polybius was not, but the relevant events he described were recent enough to be the objects of common educated knowledge. These three lines are more than, and different from, the sort of short recapitulatory bridgepassages whiclr we discussed at 1281-1282n. citing Holzinger: 38. The present three lines may be brief, but they are full of implied matter. The reciprocated 1r~µ,aTa,woes, include all the relevant Europe/Asia conflicts between Midas in c.700 BC and Xerxes in 480. Strictly, they cannot include such Greek/barbarian clashes as Kroisos' and Kyros' subjection of the Greek cities of Asia Minor, as narrated in Hdt. 1,because those cities were not geographically part of Europe. They do, however, include the Samian Polykrates' ambitions in Ionia in the 520s BC and his death on Asiatic soil at the hands of the Persian Oroites (Hdt. 3. 120-6 ); the Greek Miltiades' aggressions against Asiatic Lampsakos (Hdt. 6. 3~8); and Dareios' expedition against the Skythians (Hdt. bk 4). Above all, they include the Ionian revolt of 500-494 BC (including the Greek burning of Sardis at Hdt. 5. 101-2, near the beginning of the revolt), because the Ionians were aided by the mainland European Athenians and by the Eretrians of Euboia (Hdt. 5. 97. 3 and 99. 1); and they certainly include the Marathon campaign of 490, when Datis the Mede fought the Athenians and allies in Attica (these last two episodes were fully narrated in Hdt. 5 and 6). ln view of Hdt.'s popularity in the Hellenistic period (Murray

1405

1972),all this would have been familiar to Lyk.'s readers or hearers. It is therefore surprising that Kassandra should be allowed to scamper through these two centuries so rapidly, and not give more space to any of those well-documented struggles; she certainly passes up some good opportunities for elaborating on what is, after all, her main theme in this part of the poem: requital. The burning of Sardis would have fitted nicely into a section in which the burning of territory is prominent (1371,1376, 1417);and Hdt. had expressly said (s. 102.1) that it was in reprisal for the burning of Sardis and its temple of Kybebe (Kybele) that the Persians 'counter-burned', avT£V£1rlµ,1rpaaav, the temples in Greece, i.e. above all those on the acropolis at Athens. This would have fitted excellently into, and indeed may have helped to suggest, Kassandra's ambitious presentational scheme of vengeful reciprocity (and the shortened form a.VT£1rlµ,1rpaaav would have gone neatly into an iambic line; c£ a.VT11rop8~a£1 at 1398). Instead, she fastens on the single person of Xerxes; see further, 1412-1434n. For the similar elision of the conflicts between Europe and Asia in the century and a half after the main Persian Wars, see 1435n. ('many struggles and much slaughter' covers the lot). 1409. &1rapfETa,: the verb is difficult, if taken as at 1188,where it must mean 'offersacrificial firstfruits to (Hades)'. Here the subject of the sentence is a god, so the sense we want is ½res will take as first-fruits', and the verb will govern the gen. noun 1TTJ/J,Cl.'TWV (see LS]9 d1rapxoµ,a, II.3, citing Pl. Laws 767c where it takes the acc.; but the simple apxoµ,m is often used with a gen.).

487

Asia againstEurope

1410-1420

1

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Xerxes' invasion of Greece;its humiliatingfailure 14 10

1415

Se

1410. Ka.v8a.fosij Ma.µ.t:p-ros: see 938 n. (names

for Ares). ij .,.{XfYTI ica.At:iv:for the uncertainty about what to call the god (not felt by Kassandra at 938), see A.Ag. 161-2with S. West 2009: 90 and Durbec 2006b; cf. Introduction section II n. 196. 1411. a.lµ.orpvp-ro,s: a prose word; see Pol. 15.14. 2

and the revolting FGrHist 87 Poseidonios F 5 (frag. 57 Edelstein and Kidd). iaTtwµ.evov:with the macabre feasting metaphor, compare Tomyris to Kyros at Hdt. 1. 212. 2 (with 214. 5), 'Kyros, insatiable for blood!', a1TATJanaiµaTOs Kvpt:. 1412-1434. Xerxes' invasion of Greece; its

humiliatingfailure As we have seen (1409-1411n.), Lyk. makes Kassandra summarize briefly everything between 700 and 480 BC, and she will do the same for the period 479 BC onwards (1435-1438). By contrast, Xerxes and his invasion is treated at relative length, and the dependence on, Hdt. 7 and 8 is extensive, although A Pers.is also a presence (but was surely known to, and an influence on Hdt., so that up to a point we are dealing with one tradition not two). Part of the reason for the concentration on 480 BC is the fascination, inherited from Hdt., with the commanding and complex personality of Xerxes, whose physical stature is hinted at in 1414, see n. there. It is also relevant that Xerxes is central to A. Pers.,which is one of Lyk.'s models and influences here (esp. for the general picture of disaster after grandiose plans). But another part of the explanation must be the importance which the Persian Wars theme possessed for Greeks of all periods in antiquity, an

1420

importance which continued well into the period of the Roman Empire: Spawforth 1994. For the Hellenistic age, see briefly A. J. S. S[pawforth], 'Persian-Wars tradition' in OCD4.On Lyk. in particular and the Persian Wars theme, see TT: 305 n. 60, seeking to explain the poem's focus (in this section) on the Persian Wars in terms of the limitless popularity of the theme in later Greek thinking and propaganda (TT : 31?-22. The battle and oath of Plataia, not mentioned by Lyk., played a special role in this afterlife). Kassandra mentions, in her customary indirect fashion, the progress of Xerxes through the N. Aegean, the burning of the acropolis of Athens, the wooden wall oracle, and Xerxes' retreat and the sufferings of his returning troops. Naturally Greek success, including the battle of Salamis itself, is absent. The land battle ofThermopylai features at 1426-1428, the 'clouds' of arrows; see nn. there. On this section, see Priestley 2014:183-5. 1412.,j 'mµ.718iwsToic&.s: see 1283 and n., where Asia was mother of Epimetheus' brother Prometheus (see Hes. Th.510-u). 1413. aVT, 1ra.VTwv:that is, as reprisal or in requital for all the damage done by Europe to Asia so far. But insofar as Xerxes' invasion was reciprocity and revenge, it was revenge for Marathon in 490 BC (cf. A. Pers.476 dvrfooiva), and for the burning of Sardis and its temples (140.,-141m.), neither of which Kassandra has mentioned. Ilt:paiws lva. a-rropiis:for the idea that the Persians were descended from Perseus, see Hdt. 7. 61.3 and 150;cf. S. West 2009: 90-1.

488

by Kandaios or Mamertos, or whatever one should call him, the one who gorges on bloody battles. But the mother of Epimetheus will not yield. In reprisal for everything, she will send a single giant of the seed of Perseus, who will walk on foot over the sea, and will sail over the land, breaking the dry land with oars. And the temple ofLaphria, who is also Mamersa, burnt down in flames, together with the wooden bulwarks of the walls, will blame the seer for the damage, because he, the servant of Plouton, falsely uttered prophecy. 1414. ylya.VTa:the magnificent picture of Xerxes as a striding giant is surely developed from Hdt. 7. 187.2: among all the myriads in Xerxes' invasion force, there was nobody more deserving than Xerxes himself to hold the supreme command, because of his good looks and his height, Ka.A-

1410-1420 1410

1415

1420

cf. 5. 77.2). Its column drums are still visible, built into the side of the acropolis. 1418-1420. See Hdt. 8. 51. 2 for the Athenians who continued to believe that the 'wooden wall' of the oracle (1419n.) was the barricades they had erected on the acropolis. Kassandra extends this notion a little further, making these Athenians express 'slander' against the Delphic oracle (S. West 2009: 91).

At:6sTt:t:iV£KaKa1µ.£ya0t:os.

1414-1415.rep B&Aa.aaa. µ.a, /Ja.rr, I 1rt:(cp1roT' EaTa.t ••• : these two paradoxes (Xerxes will cross the sea on foot and the dry land as ifby sea) 1418. ,ca,,\{vo,a,:cf. Ap. Rh. 2.381aand R/0 no. 97 surely allude to the piercing of the Mt Athos (sacred law from Kyrene, late 4th cent.) line 118. 1rpo/JA~µ.a.a,: 291,with 290-292 n. peninsula with a canal (Hdt. 7. 22-3 and 122)and the bridging of the Hellespont (Hdt. 7. 33-6 and 1419. TovXP7/aµ.oMax71v: a hapax word; see 1432n. 55); see also A. Pers.721-6 for the crossing of the The ref. in these lines is to the famous Delphic Hellespont. But there is also present the idea of a oracle which told the Athenians that only their supernatural element-defying marvel, achievable 'wooden wall', r£ixos tu1t.ivov,would remain invionly by a god. That had been the reaction of the olate, d1r6p87Jrov. See Hdt. 7. 141.3 (this was the unnamed Hellespontine man at Hdt. 7. 56, who second and less discouraging oracle; for the whole compared Xerxes to Zeus. On the other hand, in sequence see 7. 139.6- 144 1 with Fontenrose 1978: Aeschylus' play, Dareios' ghost and Atossa think 124-8, discussing Qnos 141 8, Evans 1982[2006), that the very same action, the bridging of the and Bowden 2005:IOo-8). Opinion at Athens was Hellespont, was evidence that some god had divided as to whether this advice should be taken taken away Xerxes' wits; see Pm. 724-5. With literally (trust to the stockade round the acropolis, these lines cf. Or. Sib.4. 76-.6.Spas Tov aTpoT71Aa.T71v AVKov KOLGK~mp' oplgo, T~S 11aAaLµ,ovopx{os. c[>8~ fJ,E0' EKT7lVylvvav av0a{µ,wv Ef.1,0S I

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Kassandra's final prophecy:the victoriouskinsman-wrestler1437-1446

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1440

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1437·•.. apxijs ap.rp,&,,piwphwv: this (as emended, see 436-1437 n.) is a Herodotean intertext; and the attractiveness of the intertext may perhaps be allowed to support the emendation. The reference here is surely to Hdt. 6. 98. 2, an authorial remark in the context of the portent of the Delian earthquake: the ills, KaKa.,which were experienced by Greece in the three generations of Dareios, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes I were greater than in all the previous twenty generations, some brought about by the Persians, some by the leading states making war on each other for hegemony, TO./li ,hr' au-rwv TWVKopvcpa{wv 1rept Tij, a.pxiJs 1roXeµ.ouvTwv.Hdt. was, however, referring to the two opposing Greek blocs, the Athenians and their allies, and the Spartans and theirs, whereas Lyk. is referring to the struggle between Greeks and Persians. For the precise verb a.µ.cp1/l1Jp1&.oµ.a1, and for the shape of the iambic line in three words (c£ 63n.), see Semonides 7. u8 West: yvv111KoS' Ei'VEK' a.µ.cptll1]pLwµ.evovs. But note dµ.cp1/l~p1-rosVLK1J at Th. 4. 134. 1, a 'disputed victory' in a battle between Tegeans and Mantineians.

1440.This line refers in its entirety to the maternal descent of Alexander the Great, whose mother Olympias traced her ancestry both to the Aiakid Pyrrhos/Neoptolemos, and also to Helenos, son of Priam and descendant of Dardanos (1:, citing FGrHistu5 Theopompos F 355,and Pyrandros, see FGrHist 776 F 2). For the striking similarity with 803 (the genealogy of another Macedonian prince, Herakles, son of Alexander by Barsine), see n. there. That line and its content anticipate this. See Mahe-Simon 2009: 443; Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 463. This line is intriguing because it makes Alexander the Great not only a Macedonian (1441)but also a kind of Greek (as an Aiakid) and a kind ofTrojan (as a Dardanid). This genealogical mix means that he foreshadows the reconciliation to be achieved by Flamininus.

1441. XaAacrrpaios: i.e. Macedonian; this line refers in its entirety to Alexander's paternal descent from the line of Macedonian kings. For Chalastra, a town and lake in Bottiaia, see Hdt. 7. 123.3, Strabo 7 frag.13. 6 and Plut.Alex. 49. 2, with Hammond 1972:151and 150map 16;Ba". map 50 1438. b µ.E-ra.,ppbo,a,:see 688 n. f3ovcrrp6cpo,s: C3. (Note also that there was a Chaladros or Charadros in Seleukeia Pieria, an area which for this hapax word, see Guilleux 2009: 234. adopted Macedonian place-names; for refs see 1439. ai9wv: see 27 n. EVVaav: Alexander's vicSEC 42. 1263, a Justinianic boundary-stone, tories will not end the conflict between Europe which does not however, use the name.) and Asia definitively (that is left for Rome to do), 1442. oµ.alµ.wv: the 'blood-brothers' are the but will put it to sleep; for this sense of the word Persians (c( 1413n., and for the descent of the see 1313n. ,c,\ovov:see 944 n.

494

both on the eddying waves of the Aegean and on the ox-turned ridges of the land, until a fierce lion put to sleep the grave conflictone born from Aiakos and from Dardanos, both a Thesprotian and a Chalastraian. He will overturn and lay low the house of his brothers, and force the trembling Argive leaders to fawn on the wolf-commander of Galadra, and hand over the sceptre of the ancient kingship. With him, after six generations, my kinsman, Macedonian kings from Perseus, see Arr.Anab. 3. 3. 2).The overthrow of the'house' (Rougier-Blanc 2009: 542) of Persia is a re£ to Alexander's victories at Granikos, Issos, and Gaugamela, as described in Arr.Anab. bks r-3, and perhaps more literally to the destruction of Persepolis. Kvrrwaas: a very rare word, but no longer hapax (as Ciani): see Kall. at Suppl Hell. 257.8, Kvrrw0ds, with Hollis 2007: 281n. 22. 443-1444. }tpyE{wv '7rp0/J,OVSI crip,a,: the reference is to Greek (so Ciaceri; or perhaps just Athenian, reading J4xra{wv, c£ nm.) flattery of Alexander, and perhaps includes an allusion to his controversial deification at Athens (Hypereides AgainstDemosthenes 31and 32 with Whitehead, and Deinarchos 1.94 with Worthington; see also Parker 1996: 256--7).1: oddly took 'Aktaians' to mean 'Persians', through kinship with Athens; Scheer (1879:470) got the same result by emending to J4pra{wv(c£Hdt. 7.61.2)'. See West 1984:137,Jones 2014:51n. 42. For cn;vat(from aa{vw;here only in the poem), see A. Ag. 798. The literal meaning is 'wag the tail', of a dog (as at Od.17.302, Argos), so here the Greek dogs fawn on the Macedonian wol£

1440

1445

avµ.{3aAwva.AK~V/lopos-, where he detects an allusion to Ptolemy: llToAEµ.aios- {3aaV.EVS' wv T~S' l4AEgav/lp{s. We should be wary of this sort of thing. In one of his Essays in Satire (London, 1928; not in bibliog.), called 'The Authorship of"in Memoriam"' (pp. 223-35), Ronald Knox 'proved', by uncovering a series of anagrams, that Qyeen Victoria was the real author of Alfred, Lord Tennyson's In Memoriam. One of the lines so re-interpreted was 'A potent voice of parliament', which is an anagrffl\ of'Alf, poet-pen to Victoria. Amen'.

446. cI, 8,j: 'with whom' (i.e. with whom Kassandra's kinsman will fight) refers to the 'wolf ofGaladra' at 1444,where it designated Alexander. But here the same specification refers to a man who lived six generations later than Alexander. It follows from this apparent contradiction that 'with whom' cannot refer to an any individual, because he is both Alexander and Alexander's successor after six generations. Therefore, qi stands for a category: whoever is Macedonian king for the time being. So rightly Beloch / 2. 570, putting it with his usual simple terseness: 'nicht ein bestimmter Konig, sondern der jeweilige Trager der Krone'. 1444. I'aAa/lpas: see 1342n. Again (c( 44m.) this means 'Macedonian'. The king here is, accordingly, Philip V. µ.E9' EIC7'Tfl' yewav: the six generations between Alexander Hurst/Kolde: p. 313 cite an ingenious suggestion of C. Cusset that there is a buried anagram and Philip V are inclusive; see Beloch / 2. 570-1, which I here translate: 'Philip [VJ, Antiochos hereabouts, referring to Alexander: 1444 (I') a.X(a/lpaS"),1445 (clp)e~(a,), 1446 (yew)a.v, 1447 [III] and Ptolemy Epiphanes, who at the time sat on the thrones of the Hellenistic kingdoms, &(o)p6,. See Cusset and Kolde 2013.(For further together belonged to the fifth generation of the anagrammatic suggestions of the same sort, see successors of Alexander, and thus, by inclusive Cusset 2001: 62-3.) Alan Griffiths, in an equally reckoning, the sixth generation after Alexander ingenious unpublished paper which he has himself'. Or we can look at it arithmeticallybeen kind enough to show me, has suggested that an anagram lurks in 1447, Els-TIS' "TraAaiaT~S', not that Lyk.'s Kassandra is likely to have done

495

Asia againstEurope

1447-1449 1'

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