Lykophron: Alexandra (Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction) 019957670X, 9780199576708

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LYKOPHRON

ALEXANDRA Greek Text, Translation, Commentary, and Introduction

Simon Hornblower

OXFORD UNIVERSITY

PRESS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY

PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox2 6p»,

United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Simon Hornblower 2015 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2015 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the

address above

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2015936771 ISBN 978-0-19-957670-8 Printed and bound by

CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, cro 4vv

PREFACE

AND

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The writing of this book has been made possible by my election to a Senior Research Fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford, in 2010, and I gratefully

acknowledge the extra time for research and writing which this has given me. If I had stayed at UCL, where I worked and taught happily for the thirteen years 1997-2010, I would probably have been able to finish my commentary on Herodotus book 5 while still in post,’ but serious work on Lykophron would have had to wait until retirement. In November 2008, as Grote Professor of Ancient History at UCL, I gave an inaugural lecture called ‘History from the Dark Poet Lykophron'. In the years since then, I have delivered earlier versions of various parts of the Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix as seminar or conference

papers in the UK, Cyprus and Italy. I do not give details here, but I thank those whose comments have resulted in improvements. Section r1 of the Introduction (‘Lykophron and epigraphy: the value and function of cult epithets in the Alexandra’) is published in different and longer form in Classical Quarterly (see Hornblower 2014 in the Bibliography).

In the preface to his excellent little edition of 1921, George W. Mooney observed that the Alexandra requires a ‘stout swimmer’. I plan next to splash around in a smaller and more manageable pool than this detailed commentary: a monograph sequel, to be called Lykophrons Alexandra and the Hellenistic World. See Introduction, section 1, at end; also 3 (k) (‘Timaios’),

and ro (‘Foundation myths’). In that book, I also plan to return to the ‘Lokrian Maidens’ inscription (IG 9. 1° 706), for which see 1141-1175 n.,

where epigraphic detail could not be gone into fully: and to the poems relationship to Sibylline Oracles and other apocalyptic literature (1465 n.). Many individuals have helped me over particular points and I acknowledge this help in the commentary where appropriate, except that I have adopted Stephanie West's privately communicated suggestions more often than I have specifically signified. I have learnt much about the female angle in the poem from my former UCL student Giulia Biffis’ outstanding Ph.D. thesis ‘Cassandra and the female perspective in Lycophron’s Alexandra’. But since I hope this will be published as a monograph, I have not drawn * My edition of this (introduction, Greek text, and commentary) was published in the Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics series in 2013. ν

Preface and Acknowledgements

on her findings in detail, but have merely referred to her occasionally in a general way. For help in obtaining the illustrations and permissions I am indebted to Bert Smith (Oxford), Robert Pitt (British School at Athens), Christopher Smith (British School at Rome), Richard Catling (Oxford), Athanassios Themos (Athens), Branko Kirigin (Split), Maria Luisa Nava

(Taranto), and Matthew

Gibbons

(London). Particular thanks to Dr

"hemos for permitting the use of still unpublished images from Amyklai

near Sparta. My young Polish friend Marcin Kurpios kindly arranged for the translation, from the antiquated Russian, of A. Nikitskii’s long and

important article on the Lokrian Maidens inscription (Nikitskii 1913). I end this list with an expression of gratitude to Heather Watson, for her patient, meticulous, and excellent copy-editing of a complicated and

difficult typescript. The book is dedicated to Esther. My greatest individual debt is to the late P. M. Fraser (1918-2007), a

former fellow of All Souls himself, and my college academic advisor in the early 1970s, when I was a very young prize fellow there. His two-term series of graduate classes on Lykophron's Alexandra in 1981 at Oxford University

first stimulated my interest in the poem.” He planned a commentary on it himself,’ and at his death left some draft notes towards this, which were

passed on to me by his literary executor Elaine Matthews before her own untimely death in 2011, along with the extensive Lykophron library which (as she then told me) he had wanted me to have. His comments on the poem are not usable or worth publishing (a dozen typed pages in all, not much more than brief notes on individual episodes, getting ever more sketchy, and eventually becoming mere summaries). In addition, there are

two short introductory essays. The first consists of four pages on the ‘nature and structure’ of the poem. ‘The first part of this stresses the importance of Aeschylus’ Agamemnon and Euripides’ Troades, and then, with greater originality, draws attention to the relevance to the Alexandra of two Hellenistic epigrams about recitations with Homeric themes, of an anonymous and very difficult anapaestic fragment which seems to be about Kassandra, and of the Adonis hymn in Theokritos’ Idy// 15; I have exploited this comparable material (the comparison is also to be found in Fraser's Ptolemaic Alexandria

of 1972)

in

the

Introduction

below,

section

6,

‘Performance? My Appendix is devoted to the anapaestic poem, and gives * For an account of Fraser's life and varied career, and discussion of his publications and academic preoccupations, including his work and teaching on Lyk. at different times, see Biographical Memoirs of the British Academy XII (2013), 137-85. His main published contributions to the study of Lykophron,

apart from his article in OCD* (below,n. 4), were Fraser 1979 (on the Cyprus section, with important

conclusions as to dating) and 2003 (on an inscription from Dodona which mentions Kassandra). ?

He was evidently sidetracked from Lykophron by his work on Greek Ethnic Terminology (2009),

which appeared posthumously, and which I saw through the press at his request.

vi

Preface and Acknowledgements

text and translation. The second part of Fraser's opening essay is not a proper discussion of structure, but merely a half-page catalogue of the main divisions of the Alexandra. So apart from the brief remarks on the epigrammatists, Theokritos, and the anapaestic poem, this essay offers little worth

saving. In particular, there is nothing about why he thought the poem worth studying or even reading. For that, one must go to his excellent article ‘Lycophron (2) (ii) in the new edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary."

By contrast the other of his two introductory essays, a fully written-up account of the history of the text (eleven typed pages), seems to me of great value. In particular it gives a thorough discussion of the Byzantine commentator Ioannes Tzetzes, and an acute, if exasperated, analysis of the use

made of Tzetzes by Eduard Scheer in his important’ but notoriously intractable two-volume edition of the text and paraphrases of Lykophron (1881) and of the scholia and Tzetzes’ commentary (1908). I have therefore,

with permission from Fraser's son Alexander, printed this essay as section 16 of the Introduction below. But Fraser’s account (written in, I think, the

mid-199os) was out of date, so I have revised this in the Introduction and Commentary where appropriate. Nigel Wilson has kindly checked and corrected this updated version for me, but any remaining faults are my responsibility. For my reasons for admiring the poem and thinking it important, and therefore for undertaking my own commentary, see below, Introduction,

section I.

I am, for the third time in ten years, much indebted to Alan Griffiths

for help with proofs, and for much more than merely typographic improvements, S. H.

Note on presentation: in the Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix, references to line-numbers of the A/exandra are, in the interests of brevity and greater clarity, given in bold. Thus ‘see 123 n.’ means ‘see the note to line 123 of the poem’. Generally, Greek spellings are preferred to Latin, and this affects abbreviations; thus Plut. Kim. not Cim.

*

He wrote this for edn 3 (1996). For edn 4 (2012), I updated the bibliography myself, but left the

text unchanged. > Scheer’s work has by no means lost its importance, despite the appearance in 2002 of Leone's edn of the scholia (but not of Tzetzes). See below, section 16, for my square-bracketed remarks on this point.

TABLE

OF CONTENTS

List of Figures

xii

List of Maps Abbreviations

xiv

INTRODUCTION 1. The poem; this introduction 2. The Kassandra myth in literature and art 3. Sources of and influences on the Alexandra (a) Introduction (b)

Homer

(c)

The Epic Cycle

(d)

The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and some other poems of ‘Hesiod’ or Hesiod

(e) Stesichoros and some other archaic lyric poets (f)

Classical drama: tragedy; comedy; satyr plays

(g) Epinikian poetry: Pindar and Bacchylides (h)

Timotheos and Antimachos

(i)

The mythographers: Hellanikos and Pherekydes

(j)

Herodotus and other classical historians (mainly Thucydides and Ephoros)

(k) Timaios () Hieronymos of Kardia (m) Eratosthenes, Philostephanos, and Androkles

(n)

Other Hellenistic poets (i)

Kallimachos

(ii) Apollonios Rhodios

(iii) Theokritos (iv) Euphorion

Table of Contents (v)

Minor Hellenistic poets (esp. Moschos, Nikandros, Dosiadas, epigrammatists)

(vi) Conclusion (o)

Sibylline oracles

AY

Performance? Authorship again: an author from S. Italian Lokroi?

ou

Date of the poem; the Alexandra and Rome; the Dasii of Arpi Authorship; regional links to S. Italy?

Narrative structure and other literary aspects (a) Internal geometry: the significance of line numbers (b)

Other structural features

(c)

Narrative features and narrative voice

. Language Foundation myths, myths of origin, and similar traditions IO. II.

in the Alexandra Lykophron and epigraphy: the value and function of cult epithets in the Alexandra (i)

Introduction

(ii)

Cult epithets in modern work

(ii) Vocabulary: epithet, epiklesis, and other terms (iv) Divine polyonymy (v)

Lykophrons cult epithets: first mentions and literary

(vi)

function The evidence of epigraphy

(vii) The sources of the cultic information in poem and scholia (viii) Local and panhellenic religion

(ix)

Conclusion

12.

Metamorphoses in the Alexandra

13.

Cults ofwomen (heroines) in the Alexandra, including the double (Spartan; Daunian), cult of Kassandra herself

14.

Cults and rituals practised by women

IS.

Later poetic treatments possibly indebted to Lykophron (Ennius; Virgil outside the Aeneid)

Table of Contents 16. History of the text (by the late P. M. Fraser, with updating by S. H. in square brackets) A.

B. 17.

100

The history of the text

100

(1) Papyri

100

(2) Manuscripts

101

(3)

Scholia ete.

102

(a)

The two paraphrases

103

(b) (c)

Ze scholia (i) scholia vetera (ii) those used by Tzetzes Txetzes

104

Scheer’ interpretation of the Tzetzean commentary Modern editions

The text and translation provided in this book

105 106 108

113

ANNEX: the Antiochos III thesis Synopsis of the Alexandra

14

Sigla

119

Text and translation of the Alexandra, with commentary

120

Appendix: The anapaestic Kassandra poem P. Berol. 9775

503 511

Bibliography

IIS

Index of Literary Passages Cited Index of Inscriptions Cited Index of Notable Greek Words

595

General Index

597

553 591

LIST OF FIGURES

la.

(also frontispiece and dustjacket), ‘Vivenzio hydria’,

attrib. the Kleophrades Painter, depicting naked Kassandra about to be violated by Ajax, Naples Archaeological Museum, c.480 BC, inv. no. 81669, LIMC ‘Aias’ (II) no. 44 (Photo: © INTERFOTO/Alamy) tb.

xxii

(also frontispiece), Kassandra's violation (partially clothed). Krater attrib. the Milan Orpheus Group, ¢.350 BC, inv. no. 82923, LIMC 'Aias (II) no. 56 (by permission of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attivita Culturali e del Turismo—Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli e Pompei)

2a

xxiii

and 2b. Unpublished (6th-cent. sc) Amyklai sherds attesting cult of Kassandra (as AA[EEANA]PA) and Agamemnon.

(By permission of Dr A. Themos)

xxiv

‘Blue horse’ statue group from Aphrodisias depicting Troilos (Photo courtesy R. R. R. Smith) Diomedes fragment from Palagruza, Croatia. From the private collection of Jadranko Oreb (Photo copyright Branko Kirigin) 5a

and sb. Daunian stele. Archaeological Museum, Manfredonia,

N. Puglia, Italy, inv. no. 1257 (by permission of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attivita Culturali e del Turismo— Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Puglia) Hektor’s hair-style. Attic red-figure hydria by the Pioneer Group, c.510 Bc, "Ihe Ransoming of Hector’, Harvard Art

Museums accession no. 1972. 40, LIMC ‘Achilleus’ no. 655 (by permission of the Harvard Art Museums) xii

xxvii

LIST OF MAPS

1. The Mediterranean world of Lykophron 2. Central Greece (Euboia, Boiotia, the Lokrides)

3. Cyprus

xxviii-xxix XXX—XXXi

xxxii

(OTHERS

A. acc.

AD Ant. Lib. Antim. AP APF

ABBREVIATIONS ARE AS IN OCD‘; BUT

Aeschylus according to Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον Antoninus Liberalis Antimachos Palatine Anthology J. K. Davies, Athenian

SEE p.vii)

Propertied

Families

600—300 ΒΟ, Oxford, 1971 Apollod. App. BC; Hann. Ap. Rh.

Ar.

Apollodoros the mythographer; and see ‘ep.’ Appian, Bellum civile; Hannibalike Apollonios Rhodios Aristotle; [Ar.] mir. ausc.—Ps.-Aristotle, de mirabilibus auscultationibus (περ θαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτων) Aratos, Phainomena

Aristophanes

B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, McGregor,

The Athenian

Tribute

and M. F. Lists, 4 vols,

Princeton, 1939-53

M. Austin, Zhe Hellenistic World from Alexander to B. Bachmann Badino

the Roman Conquest:A selection of Ancient Sources in Translation’, Cambridge, 2006 Bacchylides L. Bachmann, Lycophronis Alexandra, Leipzig, 1830

R. C. Badino, Filostefano di Cirene: testimonianze e rammenti, Milan, 2010

Barr.

R. Talbert (ed.) Barrington Atlas of the Classical

BE.

Bulletin epigraphigue, published annually in Revue des Etudes Grecques Κ. J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte’, 4 vols in 8, Strassburg and Berlin, 1912~27. For edn 1 vol. 3. 2

World, Princeton, 2000

Beloch

(1904), see 1226-1235 n.

Berger Bernabé

H. Berger, Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes, Leipzig, 1880 A. Bernabé, Poetae epici graeci, 2 vols in 3, 1996-2005. Cited as Bernabé (1) and (2) XIV

Abbreviations

Bill.

M. Billerbeck, Stephani Byzantii Ethnica, Berlin

ΒΝ]

I. Worthington (ed.), Bri//s New Jacoby, online

and New York, 2006edition, 2006-

BTCGI

G. Nenci and G. Vallet (eds), Bibliografia topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche, Pisa and Rome, 1977-

Busolt

CA Canter Cat. Chantraine

G. Busolt, Griechische Geschichte bis zur Schlacht bei

Chaeroneia, 3 vols in 4 (τ᾿, 2°, 3), Gotha, 1893-1904 J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina, Oxford, 1925 G. Canter, “υκόφρονος τοῦ Χαλκιδέως Ἀλέξανδρα, Basel, 1566 Catullus P.

Chantraine,

Dictionnaire

étymologique

de la

Chauvin and Cusset

langue grecque, 4 vols, Paris 1968-80 C. Chauvin and C. Cusset, Lycophron Alexandra.

Ciaceri

E. Ciaceri, La Alessandra di Licofrone, Catania,

Ciani

M. Ciani, Lexicon zu Lykophron, Hildesheim and

Texte établi, présenté et annoté, Paris, 2008 190r, reprinted Naples, 1982

CIL CT

New York, 1975 Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum S.

Hornblower,

Commentary

on

Thucydides,

3 vols, Oxford, 1991-2008 Dehéque

E.

DET

Paris, 1853 A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, revised J. Gould and

D.

Dehéque,

D. M. DGE

Lewis,

La

Cassandre

de

Lycophron,

The Dramatic Festivals of Athens,

Oxford, 1988 E. Schwyzer, Dialectorum Graecarum exempla epi-

graphica potiora, Leipzig, 1923 Diod. Dion. Perieg. DK Dubois: E.

Diodorus Siculus Dionysios Periegetes H. Diels and W. Kranz (eds) Die Fragmente der

Vorsokratiker’, 3 vols, Berlin, 1951 see IGDGG and IGDS

Euripides (note Andr. for Andromache and Her. for Herakles)

Eclats

Edelstein and Kidd

C. Cusset and E, Prioux (eds), Lycophron: eclats d'obscurité, Saint-Etienne, 2009 L. Edelstein and I. Kidd, Posidonius Vol. I: The

Fragments , Cambridge, 1989 EGM1,2

R.L. Fowler, Early Greek Mythography 1: Text and Introduction, 11: Commentary, Oxford, 2000, 2013

(also referred to as Fowler 2013) XV

Abbreviations

Etymologicum Genuinum Etymologicum Gudianum Etymologicum Magnum

epitome (of Apollodoros the mythographer)

Finglass-numbered

Stesichoros

fragments

in

Davies and Finglass 2014 D. L. Page, Further Greek Epigrams, Cambridge, 1980 FGrHist

F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 15 vols, Leiden, 1953-58. (later vols, by other authors, are not cited)

FRHist

T. Cornell (general ed.), The Fragments of the

Furley/Bremer

W. D. Furley and J. M. Bremer, Greek Hymns, 2

Roman Historians, 3 vols, Oxford, 2013 vols, Tubingen, 2001 Fusillo/Hurst/Paduano

M. Fusillo, A. Hurst, and G. Paduano, Licofrone

Alessandra, Milan, 1991 Gargiulli

O. Gargiulli, La Cassandra, Poema di Licofrone Cakidese,

tradotto in versi italiani, Naples,

1812

(reprinted Naples 1982) GGM Gigante Lanzara

C. Müller, Geographi graeci minores, Paris, 1855-61 V. Gigante Lanzara, Licofrone Alessandra, Milan,

2000

GLP Gow-Page

D.L. Page, Select Papyri III: Literary Papyri. Poetry, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1941 see GPand HE

GP

A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology:

Greek Historiography

S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography, Oxford,

The Garland of Philip, Cambridge, 1968

Greek World

1994

S. Hornblower,

The

Greek

World 479-323

BC,

London, 2011

GSW GVI

see Pritchett W.

Peek,

Griechische

Vers-Inschriften

1:

Grab-

Epigramme, Berlin, 1955

Hymn (of Kall.) F. W. Walbank, Historical Commentary on Polybius, 3 vols, Oxford, 1957-79 Herodotus A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page, The Greek Anthology:

Hellenistic Epigrams, Cambridge, 1965 Hesiod, Theogony, Works and Days Hesychios Homeric Hymn

Homeric Hymn to Apollo (Hymn 3) xvi

Abbreviations HHAph. HHDem. HHDion. HHDiosk. HHHerm. HN’ HN: Hollis

Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (Hymn 5) Homeric Hymn to Demeter (Hymn 2) Homeric Hymn to Dionysos (Hymn 7)

Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi (Hymn 33) Homeric Hymn to Hermes (Hymn 4) B. V. Head, Historia numorum: A Manual of Greek Numismatics, 2nd edn, Oxford, 1911 N.K. Rutter, Historia numorum: Italy’, London, 2001 A. S. Hollis, Callimachus Hecale. Edited with introduction and commentary, revised 2nd edn,

Oxford, 2009 Holzinger Hopkinson

C. von Holzinger, Lykophron’s Alexandra, Leipzig, 1895 N. Hopkinson, A Hellenistic Anthology, Cambridge, 1988

HP HRR

see Theophr. H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum reliquiae, 2 vols,

Leipzig, 1906-14

Hummel

P. Hummel, Zycophron Cassandra, traduction, notes

Hurst/Kolde

et commentaire, Chambery, 2006 A. Hurst and A. Kolde, Lycophron, Alexandra, Paris, 2008

Hyg. IACP

Hyginus, Fabulae M. H. Hansen and T. H. Nielsen, Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis, Oxford, 2004

I. Alexandreia Troas

M. Ricl, The Inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas, Bonn, 1997.

IC IE

Guarducci,

1935-50

Inscriptiones

Creticae,

Rome,

M. L. West, lambi et elegi graeci ante Alexandrum

cantati”, 2 vols, Oxford, 1989 and 1992

I Erythrai

H. Engelmann and R. Merkelbach, Die Inschriften

IG IGDGG1

Inscriptiones graecae, Berlin, 1873-

von Erythrai und Klazomenai, 2 vols, Bonn, 1972-4

L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande Gréce

1:

Colonies

eubéennes.

Colonies

ioniennes.

IGDGG 2

Emporia, Geneva, 1995 L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande

IGDS

Gréce 2: Colonies achéennes, Geneva, 2002 L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile,

Geneva, 1989 IGDSII IGUR

L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile, vol. ii, Paris, 2008 L. Moretti, Inscriptiones Graecae urbis Romae, 4

vols in 5, Rome, 1968-90 T

Abbreviations I. Tasos

W. Blümel, Die Inschriften von Iasos, 2 vols, Bonn, 1985

I. Dion

P. Frisch, Die Inschriften von Ilion, Bonn, 1975 J. Crampa, Labraunda, Swedish Excavations and

I. Labraunda

Researches Vol. II, The Greek Inscriptions, Parts I

and II, 2 vols, Lund and Stockholm 1969 and 1972

(numbering of inscriptions is coninuous)

ILLRP

A.

Degrassi,

Inscriptiones

latinae

liberae

rei

publicae, 2 vols, Florence, 1957-63 1 Priene

F. Frhr. Hiller von Gaertringen, Inschriften von

ISE

Priene, Berlin, 1906 Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche vols 1-2 (L. Moretti,

I. Stratonikeia

Jos. BJ K/A Kall. K.-B.

Florence, 1967 and 1976) and 3 (F. Canali de Rossi, Rome, 2001, 2006’) C. Sahin, Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia, 2 vols in 3, Bonn, 1981-90 Josephus, Bellum Judaicum R. Kassel and C. Austin, Poetae comici graeci,8 vols,

Berlin and New York, 1981-2001 Kallimachos

R. Kühner and F. Blass, Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, Erster Teil: Elementar-und

Formenlehre, Hanover and Leipzig, 1890-2 Kidd

I.

Kidd,

Posidonius

Vol.

II:

The

Commentary,

(2 fascicles, pagination continuous), Cambridge, 1988

Kinkel Lambin Leone

G. Kinkel, Lycophronis Alexandra, Leipzig, 1880

G. Lambin, L’Alexandra de Lycophron, Etude et traduction, Rennes, 2005 P. A. M. Leone, Scholia vetera et paraphrases in

Lycophronis Alexandram, Lecce, 2002

LGPN

P. M. Fraser, E. Matthews, and others, 4 Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, 5 vols in 7 so far, Oxford, 1987-2014

Lightfoot

J. L.

LIMC LSAM LSCG LSP

Lightfoot,

Hellenistic

Collection: Philitas,

Alexander of Aetolia, Hermesianax, Parthenius, Cambridge, Mass., 2009

Euphorion,

Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae — classicae, Zurich and New York, 1981797 F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées de [’Asie mineure, Paris,

1955

F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées des cités grecques, Paris, 1969

H. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, gth edn, Oxford, 1940, with Supplement, 1996 xviii

Abbreviations

LSS Lyk.

Mair

F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrées des cités grecques, suppl., Paris, 1962 Lykophron; or Lykophron, Alexandra pp. 302-443 (Lycophron) of A. W. Mair and G. R. Mair, Callimachus, Hymns and Epigrams, Lycophron, Aratus, London and New York, 1921

Mascialino 1956 Mascialino Matthews Michel mir. ausc.

ML

Mooney Most MRR Müller, (M.) C. G. 1811

M/W NGSL Niese

Nik. 77.5 Alex. Nonn. D. OCD*

OGIS

L. Mascialino, Licofron Alejandra. Texto revisado y traducido, Barcelona, 1956

L. Mascialino, Lycophronis Alexandra, Leipzig, 1964 V. J. Matthews, Antimachos of Colophon, Leiden,

New York, and Cologne, 1996

C. Michel, Recueil d’inscriptions grecques, Brussels 1900-27 see Ar. R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, 4 Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century

8c, Oxford, 1969 G. W. Mooney, The Alexandra of Lycophron, London, 1921 see Most 2007 in Bibliography T. R. S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, 2 vols, Cleveland, 1951 Ἰσαακίου καὶ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Τζέτζου σχόλια eis Λυκόφρονα, 3 vols, Leipzig, 1811 R. Merkelbach and M. L. West, Fragmenta Hesiodea, Oxford, 1967 E. Lupu, Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents, Leiden and Boston, edn 2, 2009 B. Niese, Geschichte der Griechischen und Makedonischen Staaten seit der Schlacht bei

Chaeronea, 3 vols, Gotha, 1893-1903 Nikandros, Theriaka, Alexipharmaka Nonnos, Dionysiaka

S. Hornblower, A. Spawforth, and E. Eidinow (eds), Oxford Classical Dictionary edn 4, Oxford, 2012 W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones

Selectae, 2 vols, Leipzig, 1903-5 OLD OMS Onomatologos

P. Glare, Oxford Latin Dictionary, 1982 see below, Robert R. W. V. Catling and F. Marchand (eds), Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names presented to Elaine Matthews, Oxford, 2010

Opp. Hal.

Oppian, Halieutika Ps.-Oppian, Kynegetika Sibylline oracle(s)

[Opp.]. Κγη. Or. Sib.

xix

Abbreviations

‘older’ paraphrase of Lyk. ‘more recent’ paraphrase of Lyk.

Πρακτικὰ Ἑταιρείας

τῆς

Λυκόφρονος

ἐν

Ἀθήναις

Ἀλέξανδρα,

Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Apyaio

κείμενο

-εἰσαγωγή A. Hurst, μεταφράση---σημειώσεις ©. Παιδῆ, Athens, 2004 Pausanias R. Stillwell, W. L. McDonald

and

M.

H.

McAllister (eds) Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical

BP. Oxy.

Sites, Princeton, 1976 R. Pfeiffer, Callimachus, 2 vols, Oxford, 1949 Pindar, I. (Isthmian), O. (Olympian), P. (Pythian), N. (Nemean) Odes, Pa.—Paians Pliny the Elder, Natural History D. L. Page, Poetae melici graeci, Oxford, 1962 M. Davies, Poetarum melicorum graecorum fragmenta, vol. τ, Oxford, 1991 Polybius J. Potter, Lycophronis Chalcidensis Alexandra, Obscurum Poema, Oxford, 1702 see CA Oxyrhynchos papyri

Pritchett, GSW

W. K. Pritchett, The Greek State at War, 5 vols,

Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1969-91 Radt

S. Radt, Strabons Geographika, mit Übersetzung und

RDGE

Kommentar, 10 vols, Göttingen, 2002-12 R. K. Sherk, Roman Documents from the Greek

East: Senatus consulta and epistulae zo the Age of Augustus, Baltimore, 1969

R.-E.

A. Pauly and G. Wissowa (eds), Real-Encyclopadie der

R/O Robert, OMS Roller

classischen

Altertumswissenschaft,

83

vols,

Stuttgart, 1894-1980 P. J. Rhodes and R. Osborne, Greek Historical Inscriptions 404-323 BC, Oxford, 2003 L. Robert, Opera minora selecta, 7 vols, Amsterdam, 1969-90

D. W. Roller, Eratosthenes’ Geography: Fragments Collected and Translated, with Additional Material, Princeton, 2010

Roscher

W. Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon d. griechischen und

Rutherford S.

römischen

Mythologie,

Leipzig

and

1884-1937 see Bibliography under Rutherford, I. 2001 Sophocles Xx

Berlin,

Abbreviations Σ

scholion or scholia, usually the scholia vetera to Lyk. in Marcianus gr. 476 or Vaticanus gr. 1307, but

Z(N) Schade

scholia vetera to Lyk., in Neapolitanus gr. Π d 4

see next item

G. Schade, Lykophrons ‘Odyssee’, Alexandra 648—

Scheer

819, Berlin and New York, 1999 E. Scheer, Lycophronis Alexandra, 2 vols, Berlin, 1881 and 1908

SEG SGDI

H.Collitzand F. Bechtel, Sammlung der griechischen

Supplementum epigraphicum graecum, 1923-

Dialekt-Inschriften, 4 vols, Göttingen, 1884-1915

Slater

W. J. Slater, Aristophanis Byzantii fragmenta,

SLG

D. L. Page, Supplementum lyricis graecis, Oxford,

Spengel Stat. Achil., Silv. Theb.

Berlin, 1986

1974

L. Spengel, Rhetores graeci, 3 vols, Leipzig, 1856 Statius, Achilleid, Silvae, Thebaid

Steph. Byz.

Stephanus Byzantinus

Stes. Stiehle

Stesichoros R. Stiehle, ‘Der Geograph Artemidoros von pesos Philologus 11 (1856), 193—251 (collection of frags

Suppl. Hell.

H. Lioyd-Jones

and P. Parsons, Supplementum

Hellenisticum, Berlin and New York, 1983 Syll?

W. Dittenberger, Sy/loge Inscriptionum Graecarum,

SVTIII

4 vols, Leipzig, 1915-24 H. H. Schmitt, Die Staatsverträge des Altertums

vol. III: Die Verträge der griechisch-römischen Welt

Th.

von 338 bis 200 v. Chr., Munich, 1969 M. Segre, Tituli Calymnii, Bergamo, 195224844 vols XX-XXIII, ns VI-VII (1944—45) ‘Thucydides

Theophr.

Theophrastos (HP—Historia plantarum)

Thes CRA

Thesaurus cultus et rituum antiquorum, Los Angeles, 8 vols, 2004-12

T. Cal.

Timoth.

Timotheos of Miletos; see Bibliography under Hordern 2002

TrGF

TT V.ASESG. Walbank

Wyss Xen.

S. Radt and R. Kannicht, Tragicorum graecorum fragmenta, 5 vols in 6, Göttingen, 1981-2004 5. Hornblower, Thucydidean Themes, Oxford, 2011 Virgil, Aeneid, Eclogues, Georgics see above, HCP B. Wyss, Antimachi Colophonii reliquiae, Berlin, 1936

Xenophon xxi

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INTRODUCTION

1. THE

POEM; THIS

INTRODUCTION

The Alexandra attributed to Lykophron is a minor poetic masterpiece. It is not Homer's I/iad or Aeschylus Agamemnon, but it is an imaginative

creation of very high quality, and its plot is a complex and ingenious piece

of narrative construction.’ The main element of the plot is set in motion by the horrific wartime rape of the Trojan princess Kassandra.” The central concept, a purported prophecy by the rape victim, ranging from the foundation of Troy to the Roman dominance in Greece, is bold and brilliant;

borrowings and influences from many other literary genres and forms of discourse do not reduce this brilliance. Large tracts of Greek history, and much of Greek mythology, are contained in the poem, and its geographical sweep (Greek heroes returning from Troy are scattered in all directions as collective punishment for one man’s assault on Kassandra)’

is pan-Mediterranean. Its culminating section looks east, as Kassandra foresees the long struggle between Asia and Europe. The Alexandra is the

‘dark poem’, σκοτεινὸν ποίημα, in both senses: its vocabulary is arcane

and its mode of reference is veiled; and it is full of blood, death, tombs, and

laments. But it ends with hope: a great Roman warrior, a kinsman of Kassandra because Rome was founded by Trojan refugees, will reconcile

Europe and Asia. ‘Orientalism’ has a bad name in the early 21st century,” but this anonymous Greek poem, most of which is focalized through an Anatolian prophetess, is no crude piece of European boasting. In particular, the account of Greek colonization of Asia Minor at 1362-1396 ! See Lowe 2004.

? Sometimes the brute Lokrian Ajax is represented as having had full sex with Kassandra, sometimes as having attempted it. See 365n. for the problem. 3 The word for such successful or failed ‘returns’ is nostoi, but although the idea runs through most of the poem, the noun is used only once (910, πρὸ νόστου). See, however, 1088 for ἄνοστος τύχη, ‘destiny of no return’. * TrGF no. 100 T 3, from the Suda (A 827 Adler). Note also that κελαινός (dark as a colour-word, but also 'sinister’) is a favourite of Lyk.: eleven occurrences from 7 onwards; see n. there. For the 'aes-

thetics of darkness’ in Lyk. see Sistakou 2012: 131-90. That book is partly about the romantic reception of the author's three chosen poets (Apollonios and Nikandros as well as Lyk.), but contains many excellent discussions of particular Greek passages. * Said 1978. For a harsh critique of Said, see Irwin 2006. Said (esp. 55-8) discussed Aeschylus' Persians and Euripides' Bacchai, but after that his remarks about the ancient world lose focus. He might have addressed the implications of Lyk.'s new take on the old Herodotean dichotomy Asia/Europe. I

Introduction

is notable for its candid presentation of a process marked by racist violence. If the message of the poem is not uniformly bleak, neither is the presentation in the least monotonous. High points among many individual memo-

rable scenes include the narrative at 1141-1173 of the dreadful tribute paid by the Lokrian Maidens in requital for Lokrian Ajax’s assault on Kassandra

(see below); or Xerxes’ invasion at 1409-1434, a clever rewriting of Herodotus; or the Diomedes episode at 592-632, with its magical bound-

ary stones and sad evocation of colonial nostalgia, expressed in terms of metamorphosis into birds. There are many good individual lines; as outstanding examples, I would single out 17, 255, 523, 566, 716, 944, and

1295. The difficulties of the poem (disputed date; uncertain authorship; resistance to generic categorization; cryptic language) meant that in the great age of modern classical scholarship—the 19th and 2oth centuries—it did not receive the same degree of critical attention or respect as the big three surviving or partially surviving Hellenistic poets, Kallimachos,

Apollonios, and Theokritos. But that was not always so. In antiquity and the Byzantine period, scholarship was lavished on the Alexandra, including

two prose paraphrases and a heavyweight commentary by Ioannes Tzetzes.

And in the past twenty years there has been an astonishing revival of inter-

est. The above points will now be developed further. Lykophron’s Alexandra is a complete Hellenistic’ poem of 1474 lines, written in the main metre of classical tragedy, iambic trimeters.’ It has come down to us essentially through the manuscript tradition; the contri-

bution of papyri has been trivial. Nearly all the poem (31~1460) takes the form of a ‘prophecy’ by Priam's royal Trojan daughter Kassandra, who is called in the poem by her Spartan name Alexandra (30); hence the poem’s

title. Kassandra had made a bargain with Apollo to grant him sex in exchange for prophetic powers. She went back on the deal and he punished her by ensuring that her prophecies, though true, would not be believed.

When Troy fell, Kassandra was assaulted by the worst and most hateful

of the Greeks, Lokrian Ajax. She appealed to Athena, who averted her

gaze from the shocking deed. Kassandra then became part of the victory-

spoils of the Greek king Agamemnon, and was murdered along with him by his wife Klytaimestra, straight after his return to Greece from the war. $ The date is disputed as between the 3rd cent. sc and the 2nd. See below, section 5, arguing for a 2nd-cent. date and a pseudonymous poem. 7 No separate section of this Introduction is devoted to metre. For the poem's almost complete avoidance of metrical resolution, see 9o-91n., 763 n., 1027n., 164 n., and esp. 263 n., rejecting Hermanns series of emendations designed to eliminate entirely even such resolutions as exist. For the (rare) elisions, see

304n., 893-894n.,895n. Lyk. takes occasional liberties over the scansion of personal names or toponyms; see 583n., 720 n., and 953n., 1046, and 1288. For metrically convenient contractions of adjectives, sometimes with the apparent motive of avoiding resolution (above), see 404 n., citing also 737 and 763. 2

1. The Poem

For Lykophron’s readers or hearers,’ this much will have been familiar from Homer, the post-Homeric ‘Epic Cycle’ of Trojan epics, Aeschylus, Pindar, and Euripides, and from iconographic representations of the attempted rape (a favourite subject in art; see Figs ra and 1b). The Alexandra begins with a short narrative prologue by the guard who has been set by Priam to watch over Kassandra in her stone cell, and the

same guard closes the poem in an epilogue which mirrors the prologue. The prologue describes how she emerged and prophesied, and he then

quotes her in direct speech. The prophecy draws on a large repertoire of

myths, familiar or obscure or familiar but in unfamiliar versions, ranging from primeval cosmogonic castration myths (762n.) to modern-looking colonization legends which propped up claims to primacy by historically

attested families like the Penthilidai of Lesbos (1274-1377n.).’ It shows

awareness of many local cults and rituals, attested above all by the poem's vast number of divine epithets. It is also highly literate and sophisticated,

and exploits a variety of genres, poetic and prose. In antiquity as in modern

times, the Alexandra has been found difficult and obscure, even irritating. The difficulties are undeniable, but the sentences are not difficult in the

way that those of Pindar’s odes or Thucydides’ speeches are difficult: the

narrative proceeds on simple lines with repetitive transition-formulae, and there is usually no doubt about how the Greek words and clauses fit together, or what the author is driving at in a general way. But the vocabu-

lary is recondite (several hundred of the words are used for the first or only time), and the poet routinely identifies individuals, including and espe-

cially gods, by riddling periphrasis. Fortunately, a rich ancient and Byzantine commentary tradition has come down to us, and this is itself an important source of our knowledge about Greek mythology generally, not just about this poem.

A detailed synopsis of the Alexandra is provided below, p. 115, but a brief summary will be in order here. First, Kassandra predicts the fall of Troy to the Greeks, culminating in Lokrian Ajax’s attempted rape of herself, Kassandra. The second, very long, section tells of the unhappy homecomings, nostoi, of the Greeks; it also recounts their pan-Mediterranean wan-

derings and founding of new cities when they cannot get home. This is pan-Mediterranean, because some heroes go to Asia Minor or Cyprus. ‘There is a strong western (Italian and Sicilian) slant to the longest of the nostoi: Odysseus’ adventures are re-told at length from this viewpoint.

Another sub-narrative locates Diomedes, Odysseus’ accomplice in the ® See below, section 6, ‘Performance?’ ? But this temporal opposition is to some extent illusory. See below, opening to section 10: the ancient castration myth did duty as a foundation myth in more than one city.

3

Introduction

theft from Troy of Athena’ cult statue the Palladion, in SE Italy and the Adriatic. The woes of all returning or non-returning Greeks are presented

as collective punishment for the crime of Kassandra's assault by one man,

Ajax (see most explicitly 365-366, ἑνὸς de AWBys avri.../ Ἑλλὰς στενάἔει mdoa, ‘in requital for the sin of one man ..../ all Greece shall mourn...’).

Aineias’ adventures in Italy and the founding of Rome are one of a series of episodes tracing the future of Kassandra's Trojan relatives. Her speech closes with a Herodotean reprise of the entire Asia/Europe conflict in myth and history, including the prehistoric Greek colonization of Asia Minor and the Persian wars, and culminating in (as will be here argued)

197 BC, when the Roman proconsul Titus Quinctius Flamininus decisively defeated Philip V of Macedon at the battle of Kynoskephalai in Thessaly.

This commentary has been undertaken in the belief that the Alexandra is not only a powerful and richly plotted literary creation, but a text of the

first importance for the understanding of some central aspects of ancient

Greek religion and social history: myths of colonial origins, local or

regional tions of women. political

cults of all sorts (evidenced by cult epithets and by specific descriprituals), cults of women (heroine cults), and cults practised by In addition, the poem has traditionally attracted attention from historians by its closing ‘prophecies’ about Roman power. ‘This

Introduction will address such questions as: the sources of and influences on the poem; the date of the poem; authorship and regional links; the Alexandra as a performance poem?; the structure of the poem and its narrative features; foundation myths in the Alexandra; female cults in both the above senses; metamorphosis myths; cult epithets and their signifi-

cance, with special attention to the contribution of inscriptions; the history of the text and its ancient and Byzantine commentators; and the ancient literary reception of the Alexandra (this last topic will be discussed only very selectively). As noted in the Preface, I plan a more accessible compan-

ion and sequel to this edition and commentary: a monograph to be called Lykophron’s Alexandra and the Hellenistic World , which will seek to show how the historian can use the Alexandra. Some topics which are discussed

in this Introduction will be developed further there. There is no full-length commentary in English. Nearly a century ago, two small-scale editions with Greek text and facing translation appeared simultaneously (1921): Mair (Loeb edn) and Mooney (Loeb-style format). Both had useful but very short footnotes. For large-scale commentaries it is still necessary to go back to Holzinger (1895, in German) and Ciaceri (1901, in Italian). In recent decades, there have been several small-scale

editions with brief commentaries in French or Italian. They tend to con-

centrate on literary matters, to the detriment of historical. The evidence of inscriptions in particular has been badly neglected; even Holzinger, despite 4

2. Kassandra in Literature and Art

his ıgth-cent. date, did better with the far more limited epigraphic material available to him. For more detail about these and other modern editions and commentaries, see further below, section 16 (B).

2. THE

KASSANDRA MYTH AND ART

IN LITERATURE

This section does not aim to catalogue every treatment of Kassandra in literature’® or all her depictions in art. As for literature, most of the certainties earlier than Lyk. (notably Homer, the Epic Cycle, Alkaios, Attic tragedy, Pindar) will be covered in section 3 below, ‘sources and influences’;

and have been fully tabulated in the modern works cited at n. 10. Art is covered by LIMC, to the extent that Kassandra's fate is coupled with that of Lokrian Ajax. Instead, I wish to note briefly some features of the myth specially relevant to to the Alexandra.

Kassandra is a good Greek name.” It is thought? to be related to

Homeric κεκάσμαι, ‘I am conspicuous’, so ‘I excel’. The male form Kassandros, carried by a well-known Hellenistic king, is the original form; the female form, sometimes abbreviated Kasso, is secondary. This is odd,

because

there is no mythical Kassandros

to put next to Kassandra.

‘Alexandra’ means she who wards off men; this notion has an obvious

ambiguity when applied to a woman. Kassandra’s brother Paris had another name Alexandros. That male form has a straightforward military meaning, he who repels the enemy. See 30 n. For Homer, Kassandra is a beauty (11 13. 365-6, ‘the most beautiful of

Priam's daughters" and 24. 699 where she ‘resembles golden Aphrodite’). Lyk. interestingly ignores this feature, though elsewhere capable of using or

exaggerating Homeric allusions to a character’s physical appearance. Thus Odysseus is called a dwarf, vavos, at 1244; cf. I]. 3. 193 (he is shorter than © For Kassandra in literature, see Davreux 1942, Mazzoldi 2001, and Nebling 1997. For a brief treatment, see OCD* ‘Cassandra or Alexandra’ (H.J. R[ose] revised J. R. M[arch]). ™ For Kassandra in art, see Davreux 1942 again, and LIMC 1. 1: 336-51, part of the entry for ‘Aias (IT. (There

is no separate

entry ‘Kassandra’. Under

the letter ‘K’ it was

promised

for the

Supplement, but evidently never materialized. See, however, Connelly 1993.) For Kassandra (labelled) on a pot published later than LIMC, see the Ilion persis (‘sack of Troy’) vase reported at SEG 55. 107 (see 1189-1213 n., item G in the list of testimonia about Hektor and Ophryneion). See also Picard 1950.

12 But there are no real-life Kassandras Kassandra daughter of Alexandros at SEG 47. P. Garcia Ramón 2007: 44; Wathelet 2009: 14 Homer says the same about Laodike at

before about the time of Augustus. The Macedonian 918 (LGPN IV p. 187, no. 1) is intriguing. 3334. I/, 3. 124. This can be ‘explained’ by the hypothesis that

Homer meant that Laodike was the fairest of Priam’s married daughters. (See 314.)

5

Introduction

Agamemnon) and Od. 6. 230 (Athena makes him temporarily larger than usual). It may be asked, ‘why should Kassandra refer to her own beauty?’ but

in fact it would not be hard to imagine her doing just that, since she aroused desire in both Apollo and Ajax. It is admittedly harder to see why the guard should tell Priam what, as the girl’s father, he knows already.

Kassandra is never depicted in art as a barbarian. This has been explained (not entirely convincingly)’ as follows:'5 ‘her non-Greek ethnicity was not

the most important part of her persona’; more important were her relation-

ship with Ajax, the attempted rape by Ajax, and so on. The depiction in art of Kassandra as naked (this nakedness is not, however, invariable) implies

that Ajax had actual intercourse with her; see 365 ἢ. Does Homer's Kassandra have poetic gifts? At I/. 24. 700 she climbs to Pergamos, the highest point of Troy-city, to look out for her father Priam bringing home the corpse of her brother Hektor. Why does she do this

unless she had some advance inkling of the truth? The 2, by denying any foreknowledge on her part (he says that she did this not from foreknowledge but out of loving anxiety for Hektor), may actually indicate awareness that some readers did take the passage that way. N. Richardson is

cautious, but see Mackie 2013: 12 (the name Pergamos, i.e. Apollo’s temple, may be significant); cf. also Sistakou 2008: r1 n. 179. Lyk. shows no awareness of the non-Aeschylean story about Kassandra's prophetic powers, according to which she received them (not from Apollo

when she was a sexually desirable adult but) as a sleeping child when she and her brother Helenos had their ears licked by Apollo's serpents. See, for this eccentric version, the minor Alexander-historian Antikleides (FGrHist

140) F 17." Obviously, this version does not suit a poem which will have at its climax Kassandra's complaint that Apollo punished her refusal to have sex with him, a motif familiar from A. Ag. (see 1454 and 1457 and nn.). Equally incompatible with the Kassandra myth as we find it in the

Alexandra is the unexpected tradition that Kassandra had children. There is one line of the poem which has been claimed, not very convincingly, as an exception to this. See ggın. (citing Paus. 2. τό. 6-7 and the interesting ‘Agathon’ plaque from Dodona, discussed by Fraser 2003).

It is disappointing that Kassandra was not 'catasterized' i.e. turned

into a constellation (for this notion see sxon.), unlike Kassiepeia or her 15 After all, E. Tro, had presented Kassandra as non-Greek; see Kranz 1933: 110. But in A. Ag.,

Klytaimestra’s conjecture that Kassandra’s language was that of a barbarian (1050-1052) is soon falsified.

16 Sourvinou-Inwood 1997: 286. 17° Yon If. 22, 62-4 (general gloomy prediction by Priam to Hektor) detected a specific reference to the assault on Kassandra and the killing of Astyanax. See Niinlist 2009: 259 n. 9, discussing Homeric passages which triggered others in post-Homeric poems.

18 Tt may actually come, not from his Alexander-history, but from a work of his called the Nostoi, in

which case it could originally have featured in the Epic Cycle.

6

3. Sources and Influences daughter Andromeda, for both of whom see 834-846 n. That would have

given plenty of scope for the poet's imagination. Perhaps she needed to

have been molested (like Andromeda) by an animal rather than just a human monster. For Andromeda, her monster 'Ketos' (Latin ‘Cetus’), and Kassiepeiea (Latin Cassiopeia’), all of whom were catasterized, see G. J.

Tloomer] and A. J[ones], OCD* ‘constellations and named stars’.

3. SOURCES OF AND INFLUENCES ON THE ALEXANDRA (a) Introduction

‘Quellenforschung’, the quest for literary sources, is a necessary activity, though it is currently out of fashion in the study of ancient prose historiography. It may, perhaps, seem even less appropriate to try to trace

the ‘sources’ of a poem like the Alexandra, in which mythical and protohistorical material is not only presented obliquely, but also subordinated to an over-arching twofold design (revenge for the assault on Kassandra;

hostility between Europe and Asia) which was bound to affect the selection and handling of the detailed ‘factual’ material. But that material came from somewhere outside the poet’s head, and it is reasonable to ask where it came from, especially in the later sections of the poem, which deal with prehistoric colonization and fully historical episodes such as Xerxes’ inva-

sion of Greece. For an admittedly untypical example of an incident which it is legitimate to treat in the manner of traditional Quellenforschung see below, (j), Hieronymos of Kardia (for the killing of Herakles son of Barsine

by Alexander the Great, described by Lyk. at 801). In what follows, ‘source’

will be used for convenience, subject to the above reservations. Where a literary work is, like the Alexandra, not securely dated, the

study of sources can help with dating—that is, if it can be shown with strong probability that the recipient work shows detailed awareness of another and more securely dated work. See (4) below. But literary indebtedness can take forms other and more intangible than close similarity of detail: a literary presence can manifest itself in mood, atmosphere, or structure. Hence the addition ‘and influences’ in the title

of the present section. An example of both kinds of literary presence, the microscopic and the macroscopic, is given in subsection (d) below on the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. There it will be argued that Lyk. (13911396) knew of the specific handling, by the author of the Catalogue, of the

7

Introduction

Erysichthon myth; but also that the debt to the much earlier poem, and to the Hesiodic catalogue form, goes much wider than that.

I write of ‘influences’, but for a protest against the words, by an art-

historian, see Baxandall 1985: 58-62: a later artist can ‘act on’ an earlier one (thus Picasso increased the importance of Cézanne), so the process is

two-way. I explore this elsewhere in respect of Lyk. (reading the Alexandra

can affect how we read e.g. Hdt.). (b) Homer

With Homer as with tragedy (below, (f)), much depends on the subjectmatter. Since so many lines of the Alexandra deal with the wanderings of Odysseus and of Menelaos (648-876), it is not surprising that there should be more echoes of the Odyssey than of the I/iad. Lyk.'s ‘Odyssey’ (for which see Schade 1999) tracks Homer fairly closely, though with altered sequences and an increased western slant. But the I/iad naturally provides several intertexts in the account of the killing of Hektor at the hands of Achilles, and of the damage done to the Greeks by Hektor before his death (249306). See Ziegler 1927: 2338. There is, however, a ubiquitous Homeric pres-

ence ofa non-thematic sort." It takes the form of single-word Lykophronic Homerisms in the strong sense—that is, words not attested between Homer

and Lyk. Examples are ὀπιπεύω at 45, ἁρπακτήρ at 147, θρυλίσσω at 487, μολοβρός at 775, and ἄτρομος at 1003 (see nn.). More often, a Homeric word seems to have been revived by Hellenistic poets including but not only Lyk., such as Apollonios; see e.g. 263n. (fiyıoros), 540n. (ἀπόθεστος), 1068n. (karaßAworw), rxr7 n. (δύσζηλος), 1430 n. (kdyxavos) and 1452 n.

(δασπλῆτις). At 1174, δύσμητερ is Homeric, but also perhaps Aeschylean (see n.). Sometimes Lyk. seems to offer, by implication, a decision about the meaning of obscure and disputed Homeric words.”

(c) The Epic Cycle Lyk.’s project in some ways resembled that of those poets of the Epic

Cycle” who sought to satisfy curiosity about events earlier and later than

19 For the influence of the Homeric Catalogue of Ships in I/iad 2, see below, n. 26, citing 439 n.; also 586—587n. (a very neat allusion), 633-647n. (clear echoes of the Boiotian contingent in the Catalogue), also 769n., 780n.,877n. 20 So Rengakos 1994. 21 The understanding of the Epic Cycle has been put on a new and much firmer footing by M. West 2003 (Loeb edn of the whole Cycle) and 2013a (full-length commentary on the Trojan epics). Of older works, Welcker 1865 and 1849 is still valuable. See also Huxley 1969.

8

3. Sources and Influences

the Trojan War,” of which the Iliad described only a short episode. Even the fall of Troy was described only cursorily at the end of Od. 8 (499-520). Similarly, Lyk. begins with the first sack of Troy, and continues the story of

individual Greeks and Trojans until well after the main sack by the Greeks under Agamemnon. The importance of the Epic Cycle as a source for Lyk. was already recognized by Ziegler 1927: 2339: he detected use of the Kypria

at 86-248 and 307-313, of the Little Iliad and Iliou Persis at 314-364, and of

the Nostoi from 365. This was correct, but we may consider the candidate episodes in more detail in light of Martin West's findings.

‘The first of the relevant sections of Lyk. is the story of the fate of Tennes

(232-239), which was described in the Kypria (see West 2013a: 111). After

that, the Troilos episode (307-313) is also surely indebted to the Kypria:

note that, in both works, Troilos is ‘really’ a son of Apollo (see West 20132: 122 and 243). Lyk. implies at 323 that Achilles came to the altar of Thymbraian Apollo (where he met his death) out of love for Polyxena, and is the first surviving

text to float this idea; but (see n. there) it is an attractive suggestion that the motif was already in the I/iou Persis. The Little Iliad may well have supplied the story of Sinon, who guided the Greeks back to Troy after their pretended departure; see 344-345 n. The epic Nostoi naturally provided some of the inspiration and material

for the long central section of the Alexandra, starting at the pivotal 365. The failed return of Lokrian Ajax, the perpetrator of the ‘one crime’ which began that line, was described very brieflyby Proklos,but more fully by Apollodoros, who surely reflects the epic Nostoi. See Lyk. 387-402 (which also narrates the burial of Ajax’ corpse by Thetis) with West 2013a: 260-2. Note, however, that Ajax’s watery death was already the subject of Od. 4. 500-10 (with West 2013a: 261). For the burial of Phoinix at Eion on the river Strymon see 417-423 n. (it may reflect the treatment in the Nostoi; see West 2013a: 264 on

Arg. 4c). The ‘contest of the seers’ at 424-430 (Kalchas and Mopsos) may have featured in the Nostoi in some form, although the main early source is undoubtedly the Hesiodic Melampodia (frag. 278 M/W). See West 2013a: 257; also 426-430n. and 430n. For the meeting between Paris and the

Dioskouroi, which must have been covered by the Kypria, see 538-539 n. Also in the Kypria was the story of Anios and his miraculous daughters the Oinotropoi: see 569-585 n., citing West 2013a: 123-5.

Odysseus’ bizarre death, described by Lyk. at 787~798, is surely indebted

ultimately to the Telegony; see West 2013a: 301-3 and (for an ingenious explanation of the fatal weapon) 305-317. ? Lyk. may show occasional knowledge of parts of the Cycle other than the Trojan epics. See 1066 n. for a famously gruesome tale from the 7%edais (Tydeus ate Melanippos’ brains).

9

Introduction

On the death of Thersites, an episode of the Aithiopis (Arg. τά) and also described by Lyk. (999-1001), see West 20134: 140-2 (and 999-1000 n.).

The

murder

of Agamemnon

and

Kassandra

was

recounted

by

Agamemnon himself in the Underworld (Od. 11. 409-26), and was the subject of an exceptionally vivid section of the Alexandra, 1099-1122. Here

and elsewhere, the Nostoi followed Homer. But for one Lykophronic detail

possibly derived from the Nosfoi (Klytaimestra trampling on the neck of Kassandra), see 1114 n., citing West 2013a: 269.

(d) The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (and some other poems of ‘Hesiod’or Hesiod)

The Hesiodic Catalogue” (not much of which was available to Holzinger 1895 in exploitable form) has left its most obvious footprint on Lyk. at 1391-1396, the story of Erysichthon and his daughter Mestra.”* Only in 1960, with the publication of the Cairo papyrus fragment of the Catalogue (frag. 43a M/W)

has the extent of the correspondence

become

clear.

Hunter 2005b: 256~7, in the course of a discussion of the influence of the

Catalogue on Hellenistic poetry, found little in common between Hes. frag.

43a and Kallimachos’ version in FH. 6. This was right as far as it went, but he ought to have taken Lyk. into account, because the resemblances are much greater. (See the detailed nn. on 1391-1396.) Otherwise, there are plenty of minor parallels between Lyk. and the Catalogue, perhaps evidence of direct

or indirect use. See e.g. 176n. (metamorphosed ants on Aigina), 1125n. on

the name Oibalos (father of Tyndareus) or x3orn. (Aster[i]os as husband

of Europa). But note that Lyk. differed from the Cazalogue (frag.175 M/W), which gave Helen a son Nikostratos. See 103n.

But a more significant debt? is less tangible, namely the preoccupation

with female figures and their miseries at the hands of men, and the general use of the catalogue form, including such repetitious transitional and

introductory formulae as ὁ δέ or τὸν μέν, ‘he...’, ‘him...’ (e.g. 417, 592, 1047), and ἄλλοι δέ or ἄλλους 06, ‘and others...’ (e.g. 887, 951, 993, 1027); compare

23 ‘The frags are to be found in the latest (1990) OCT of Hesiod by Merkelbach and West, pp. 113goa; also in G. Most’s new Loeb edn of Hesiod, vol. 2 (2007). The fundamental and brilliant modern

work of reconstruction is M. West 1985, a monograph; see also Hunter 2005, an edited collection with virtually the same title.

24 But allowance must be made for use by Lyk. of Hellanikos also, because he too had something

about this myth (FGrHist 4 F 7). 25 "There are differences, to be sure: Lyk. does not use the catalogue form for the purposes of genealogical exposition in the Hesiodic manner. IO

3. Sources and Influences

the Hesiodic ἢ οἵη, ‘or like her...’ These two main features (females, the catalogue form) overlap. Most obviously, there are the tabulated five husbands of Helen, the promiscuous πεντάλεκτρος, at 143-179 (the Hesiodic Catalogue had almost certainly culminated with a catalogue of

Helen’ suizors—so M. West 1985—but respectable girls have many suitors, they do not have a plurality of husbands. The difference suits the blacker,

more judgemental mood of the Alexandra). It is not only women who are catalogued in this way; see the long section 447-591 for the five oikists of Cyprus, or the three 'sea-swallows' (male Greek heroes) at 424-438, or the

four Greek invaders of prehistoric Asia Minor at 1369-1396. Often these catalogues are tabulated in the most literal way, ‘first’, ‘second’, and so on (πρῶτος at 1369, δεύτερος at 1374, to take only the last-mentioned example). But women predominate in the Alexandra as a whole, and the poet recounts the fates of women according to a pattern, discussed at 828-833 n.,

on Myrrha and Adonis: beginning with Hesione (34 n.), beautiful women are undeserving victims of divine anger, often directed against a third party. Andromeda also conforms to the pattern (834-846 n.), and the archetype of

such victims is Kassandra herself. See also 1374-1396 n. for a clutch of Asia Minor colonization stories involving the use and abuse of women. Those Asia Minor stories are positioned towards the end of a serially

presented narrative of reciprocal hostilities between Asia and Europe, often

taking the form of abductions of marriageable females. 'To be sure, the Herodotean pedigree of this section of the poem, starting at 1283, is unmistakable (below, ( j)); but influences can be and often are multiple. Other Hesiodic poems have, directly or indirectly, left their trace in the Alexandra, notably in the location of Kirke in the Italian west (673-680 n. on

72. rorr-13, ‘Hesiodic’ rather

than

authentic

Hesiod),

and

in the

narrative of the fight between Panopeus and Krisos in their mother's womb (939-940 n., cf. Hes. frag. 58 M/W). See also, for possible debts to the Melampodia, 426-430 n. (Mopsos and Kalchas, cf. frag. 278 M/W, with

(c) above, ‘Epic Cycle’) and 683 n. (Teiresias sex-change, cf. frag. 275 M/W). Lyk. agreed with Hes. frag. 27 M/W in having three Sirens rather than the Homeric two (see 712 n.). Naturally, there are many points of agreement over points of mythological detail between Lyk. and the two authentic

poems of Hesiod, the 75eogony and Works and Days. Not all of these are worth recording here, but note perhaps 842 n. on Chrysaor (cf. 75. 280-1);

846 n. on the Graiai (7%. 270-3); 1039 n. (on the unusual noun πλειών for a

long age of time, cf. WD 617); 1175 n. (Hekate's father Perses, cf. 72. 409).

76 Asquith 2005 is an interesting study of the adaptation of the catalogue form by Hellenistic poets, but the promising case of Lyk. is absent, although very minor figures such as Hermesianax are fully covered. The Hesiodic catalogue is not the only influence: Lyk.’s transitions owe a debt to the Homeric Catalogue of Ships, cf. 439 n. II

Introduction

(e) Stesichoros and some other archaic lyric poets The 6th-cent. western poet Stesichoros of Himera (N. Sicily)” was a kind of archaic poetic precursor of the Hellenistic prose writer Timaios of Sicilian Tauromenion, for whom see below. Only a very few lines of Lyk. can be claimed with any confidence to derive immediately from

Stes.

A minor example might be the dolphin-sign on the shield of

Odysseus (658 n.).

In any case, indirect use is a strong possibility (Stes ~Timaios—Lyk.). Thus it will be suggested at a number of points below, more or less conjecturally, that Stesichoros, esp. in the Geryoneis, may be the ultimate source of much of the western material which is so marked a feature of the central part of the Alexandra. In this category may belong the location at Sicilian Enna of the abduction of Persephone (152-153n.); the treatment of Tartessos in Spain (643n.); of Herakles and the Laistrygonians (662 π.);

of some Italian aspects of Odysseus’ visit to the Underworld (681-687 n.); of Campania generally (649-671n.); of Herakles and the Lucrine lake (697n.); of Aineias’ helmsman Misenus or Misenos, eponym of Cape Misenum

near Naples (737n.: Misenos was depicted on the Tabulae Iliacae, which

undoubtedly made use of Stesichoros); of Menelaos in the west (852-876 n.); of the strange story of early Siris (856n.); of Philoktetes (9117929 n. and 913n.); of Krimisa (913n.) and of some aspects of the Lokrian Maidens

narrative (see r141-1173n. for Polygnotos’ painting of Lokrian Ajax and his oath); of Aineias’ western wanderings, including the Etruscan dimension and the importance of Lavinium (1236-1280 n., 1262 n.). Demeter's epithet

Ennaia (the ethnic of Enna in central Sicily) seems to be first attested in

Timaios, but may already have featured in Stesichoros (152-153 n.). Some famous myths are common to Stesichoros and Lykophron, but are

well attested in other authors also. The clearest example is the tradition of the ‘Egyptian Helen’, according to which Helen was a phantom who was taken to Troy. Lyk. alludes to this without complete commitment (see 110-112 n., 113 n., and 1157127 n.). This deviant version was also, famously,

in Herodotus (2. 115-16), not to mention Euripides. It is a puzzle why Herodotus, who knows and cites many of the archaic lyric poets, did not

mention Stesichoros in this connection. Stesichoros and Lyk. both treated

the rescue of the juvenile Helen from Attica by the Dioskouroi, but so did Herodotus (9. 73; see 494-568 n.). Again, Lyk. knows of Hektor's alterna-

tive paternity (Apollo not Priam), and this was in Stesichoros—but also in Ibykos and, nearer Lyk.'s own day, Euphorion (265n.). Similarly the

alternative paternity of Iphigeneia (Theseus not Agamemnon) was in both 27 Now excellently edited with commentary by Davies and Finglass 2014. I2

3. Sources and Influences

Stesichoros and Lyk., but was given by other authors too (103n.), as was the association with distant places of Theseus’ colonizing son Akamas (494-585 n.). There is one episode in the Alexandra to which Stes. may have contributed at some remove: the story of Epeios, the ‘horse-constructor’, ὑπποτέκτων (940). That most unusual word indicates immediate borrow-

ing by Lyk. from one of Kallimachos' Jaméi (see below, (n)). The picture of Epeios as a good boxer but a military coward is ultimately derived from Iliad 23; but it will be argued (931n.) that the proximate source is

Kall. for this too. Nevertheless, it has been argued convincingly” that Epeios was important in the architecture of Stesichoros’ I/iou Persis, and

indeed inaugurated the entire work. Some indebtedness on the part of Lyk. is very possible, although the perjury of Epeios’ father Panopeus, for which

Epeios’ own cowardice was punishment, cannot be proved to derive from Stes. (see 932 n.).?

Of the other lyric poets,” it is a pity that Alkaios did, but—as far as

we know—Sappho did not, write about Kassandra. Denys Page dismissed Alkaios’ poem (frag. 298 Voigt) as follows: ‘this is, so far as it goes, a straightforward narrative, in accord with the common tradition‘. Sappho ventriloquizing Kassandra would certainly have been worth having, a sort of proto-Christa Wolf.” Sappho did, after all, treat Trojan War stories from a female perspective (see frag. 16 Voigt for Helen and 44 Voigt for the

arrival at Troy of Andromache, and one of these, the Tithonos story which features in the ‘new Sappho’, is the very first myth alluded to in the Alexandra, see τό ἢ. for the programmatic function of this). Perhaps we

can hope that one day we will have a Kassandra papyrus of Sappho. For the intriguing possibility that the Hellenistic poetic use of θρόνον for a drug or magic herb, i.e. equivalent to φάρμακον, reflects Sappho’s ποικι-

λόθρον᾽ at the beginning of Sappho frag. 1 Voigt, see 674n.; see Kall. frag. 364 Pf. (= 3 Hollis): Medea as πολύθρονος, glossed by the Suda as

πολυφάρμακος, with Winkler 1990: 172-4 and Ferrari 2010: 164 and n. 3. 78 Finglass 2013b. ? For some other passages which may possibly reflect Stes., see 196n. (Iphigeneia as Hekate, also Hesiodic); 354 n. (ἄφθιτον ὄλβον); 643 n. (Tartessos); 737n. (Misenos); 842 n. (Chrysaor); 8st n. on

τριάνορος κόρης (Aphrodite's anger with Tyndareus).

? Not all can be considered in detail here. For Alkman, see 387n. (κηρύλος, the kingfisher) and 464n. (βαρύφρων). For Hipponax, see Hollis 2007: 278-9, and 579n. (ἔρπιν), 6gın. (πάλμυς, possibly Lydian), 8ssn. (ἀσκέρα), and 708n. (meAAn). 9! For Sappho and Hellenistic poetry, see Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004: 28-9 (Erinna), 156 (Theok. 1),

and 182 (Bion). For the Hellenistic scholar Aristarchos of Samothrace on Sappho, Alkaios, Alkman, and Stesichoros, see Barbantini 2009: 302. * Page 1955: 285. Alkaios knew of the myth of Achilles on the White Island (he calls him ‘Achilles

lord of Skythia’, frag. 354 Voigt); see 172-179 n. * On Christa Wolf and Lyk., see Hellmann 2007.

13

Introduction

(f) Classical drama: tragedy; comedy; satyr plays (i) Tragedy The Alexandra is, at 1474 lines, roughly the length of one of Sophocles’

surviving plays (see further below section 8, for the significance of linenumbering). It is in the iambic metre of the non-choral parts of classical

tragedies, and the guard’s two short speeches enclosing Kassandras long prophecy are a kind of ‘messenger-speech’; but Kassandra’s wide-ranging and allusive mythical narrative is more reminiscent of the choral lyrics of

tragedies. Three-word lines are a marked feature of the poem—far more so than of the surviving plays of any of the three great Attic tragedians, even Aeschylus (see 63n., also discussing the frequency of compound words, which in the sth cent. were more a feature of choral lyric than of the iambic

sections). The Attic tragedies most heavily exploited by Lyk. are, naturally, those in which Kassandra herself appears, above all Aeschylus’ Agamemnon (see e.g. rror n. and 1375 n. for ἀμφίβληστρον, the net in which Agamemnon

was trapped and killed),** and the other two plays of the Oresteia;”” but also Euripides, Troades (itself containing echoes of the Oresteia),° Hekabe," and Medea? (for the poet's interest in the Argonautic legend, see below,

under Apollonios). In particular, the Euripidean Kassandra in Troades 34 Other probable or possible intertexts with Ag. (note the clustering not only at the death scene which starts at 1109, but also near the end of the Alexandra, where Kassandra is characterized most

strongly): 31n., 41n. (παλαιστής, cf. 1447n.), 9o-91n., 137n. (on λάξας .... δίκην), 184n., 185n., 1950, 227 n., 235 ., 342-343N., 355.) 426n. (the swansong motif), 453n. (pirupa), 568n., s7o n. (fis, see also below (n) for Kall.), 605n. and 1387n. (κάρβανος), 6ron. (parräs), 627n., 765 n., 820n. (αἰνόλεκτρος), 883 n., 933n., 1034n. (παπποκτόνος), 1091n., 1095n., 1099-1107n., 1099n., I104n., I105n., IIO7n., 1108-1112 n., 1118 n., 1123-1140 N., 1126 n., 1137 n., 1173n., 1218 n., 1281n., 1287 n., 1410n., 1443-1444. (σαίνω), 1447n. (παλαιστής, cf. 41n.), 1451 n. (Kassandra’s despairing question to herself), 1453n.,

1454n. (Apollo cancels belief in Kassandra's prophecies), 1457 n. (Kassandra's refusal of sex with Apollo); 1460n., 1463 n., 1472 n. Generally, Lyk.'s use of animal and bird metaphors for human individuals is

Aeschylean, as well as influenced by oracular discourse. Outside the Oresteia, note esp. rn. (A. Prom 609-12, also the Gyges tragic fragment) and 4n (A. Prom. 661). 95 Cho.:69n.,225n. (νυκτίφοιτοςνυκτίπλαγ κτος), 355n., 406n., 436 n., $92 n. (raykAnpia), 61r n. (παραίτιος), 686—687n., 756 n. (φελλός), 820n., 930n., 1099-1107n., 1OIN., I114n., I120n., H2In., 1126 n., 1137 n.., k218n., 1232-1233 0., 1434 T. 1452 n.; Eum.: 165n. («nAis), 283n. and nan. (dvarei), 316 n., 356 n., 437 n., 496 n., 518—519 n., 536—537 n., 1434. 570 (ἶνις again, see above on Ag), 592 n., 648 n., 944n., 950 n., 988 n., IO41., 1042-1043 N., 1120 n., 1135n. (βρέτας), 1137 n., 1191-1193 n. 35 See 371-372 n., 384-386 n., 570n. (Ivi yet again, see above on A. Ag. and Eum.), 669n., 704n.,

776n., 830-950 n., 948 n. (βρέτας again, see above on A. Eum.), 1089n., 1183 n., 1204 n., 1258 n., 1319n.,

1398 n. (ἀντιπορθῶ). This play was one of a trilogy, and it is likely enough that Lyk. drew on the other two plays. But the frags do not allow certainty. Other mostly lost Trojan-themed tragedies, such as the Hektor of the 4th-cent. Athenian Astydamas (for which see 1189-1213 n.) should also be borne in mind; Lyk. will surely have studied them closely. See below, p. 15.

37 See 1 n., 314 n., 320-321n., 323 N., 334 n., 498 n., 763., 890 n., 1107N., 1216 n., 1397n.

3 See 32 n., 219n., 239n., 287n., 293n., 438n., 650n., 820n., 1199n., 1285n., 1314. (πυρπνόων), 1315n., I318 n.

14

3. Sources and Influences

(427-44) may have supplied Lyk. with the idea of the link between

Odysseus’ ten-year woes and Kassandra’s sufferings, an idea easily extendable to the Greeks more generally. See 648-819 n. Sophocles is less obviously prominent as far as we can see,” except at 450—468, the story of Telamonian Ajax, where (again, naturally), there is

much indebtedness to the Ajax (and no doubt also to the mostly lost Teukros). Otherwise, there are noticeably many verbal reminiscences of the Antigone, whose heroine is another wronged woman like Kassandra.” Lost

plays of Sophocles dealt with the Greek west; see 1265n. (the Laokoon aware of the story of Aineias piously rescuing his father from Troy). Generally the diction of the Alexandra is thoroughly tragic, and the very many detailed one-word parallels are collected by Gigante Lanzara 2009.

These will be registered in the individual nn. below. For the Flektor by the 4th-cent. Athenian tragedian Astydamas, see above, n. 36, and 1189-1213 n. (no definite relationship can be established). For the Ransoming of Hektor by Dionysios I of Syracuse (a possible source

for Lyk. on Achilles’ treatment of Hektor's body) see 269—270 n. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 148-9 went very far in denying the title of drama or tragedy to the Alexandra (‘mit der Tragödie nichts zu tun); ‘drama is action (or plot), he asserted, Drama

ist Handlung. At another extreme, the

Alexandra has been ingeniously seen as a drama in five acts (Durbec 2008; see

below, 8 (b)). Surely tragedy is one of the influences on Lyk. It would be as

eccentric to deny it any influence at all as it would be to interpret it exclusively in dramatic terms. Many genres come together in this unparalleled poem. (ii) Comedy Some words and expressions used in the Alexandra have comic antecedents;

see e.g. 148 n. on τριόρχας or 508n. on Hpırößwros.” Since Lykophron of

Chalkis wrote a treatise about comedy," those scholars who identify the

Chalkidian Lykophron with the author of the Alexandra have seized on these parallels as supporting evidence for their identification (here rejected).

But in truth the parallels, such as they are, prove nothing about authorship,

and Wilamowitz was right to say that the Alexandra shows no evidence of

a study of comedy.” The present section aims to show that the poem is full ? For his mostly lost Zokrian Ajax, see TrGF 4: frags 102-18. The frags (including many very short papyrus scraps) offer no compelling parallels. See 113 n., 206-207n., 257. 272 n., 280 n. (ξύναιμος), 3311. (δημόλευστος), 683n., 703n.,777n., 907n. (dirépioros), 1137 n. (ῥέθος), 1153 n. (ἀνύμφευτος), 1302n. For Kassandra’s incarceration as resembling Ántigone's, see 1729 n.

^. Holzinger 32 gives a long list. See also perhaps 435n. 4 Lowe 2013. See further below, n. 110. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 146.

I5

Introduction

of intertexts from every available literary genre, so it would be surprising if there were no traces of comic language as well. (iti) Satyr plays

If the author of the Alexandra were really identical with Lykophron of Chalkis, who wrote such satyric dramas as the Menedemos (below, section

5 for this play, and its real-life contemporary subject, the philosopher from Eretria), we might have expected the Alexandra to display some interest, displayed at the linguistic level, in classical satyr-plays. Possible evidence for borrowing is, however, in very short supply. But then, most satyr-plays are known only from exiguous fragments.

(g) Epinikian poetry: Pindar and Bacchylides Epinikian poetry—the odes written by Pindar, Bacchylides, and others for male athletic and equestrian victors in the great festival-contests—may

seem an improbable source of influence on the female-focused Alexandra.

But the longer odes of this sort usually had, at their centres, elaborate mythical narratives, and it is only natural that Lyk. should appear to show some awareness of these. The most obvious place to look is Pythian Eleven, which featured Kassandra herself as ‘prophetic maiden, murdered by Klytaimestra;? and it is indeed likely that in the climactic section of the Alexandra, where Kassandra foretells in detail the deaths of Agamemnon and herself, the Pindaric account of the murder is in Lyk.’s mind alongside

the more obviously evoked Aeschylean version: see 1106n. and rin. (cf. also 12 n. for a possible echo of P. 11 much earlier in the poem, in the

guard’s first speech). See also 688~693n. for Pithekoussai and the buried Giants, a motif which also featured in Pi. P. τ; and 456 n. for the relationship between Lyk.

and Pi. 7. 6 on the invulnerability of Ajax, a non-Homeric motif. The extended section on the fight between the Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus (517-564) certainly shows awareness of Pindar’s treatment in N. 10 (as well as of the Kypria, above (c), and of Theokritos 22, below (n) ); see esp. 553 n. and §59 n. For Bacchylides on Marpessa, who was

part of the same story (she chose Idas in preference to Apollo), see 561n.

“ In the first part 330); 486n. (στόνυξ, the same sense as in relevant); and for his

of this n., refs to Euripides’ Kyklops are inside the brackets. See Lyk. 455n. (Sopa, 401 as restored by Scaliger); 518-519 n. (ἄμικτος, 429, but apparently not in Lyk.). For Aeschylus’ Proteus see 115-127n.; for his Leon 481n. (very doubtfully Os/o/ogoi (not agreed to be a satyr-play) 778n.

55 Finglass 2007 for text and comm. 16

3. Sources and Influences

The account of the settlement of the Aiolid by Orestes may be simultaneously indebted to Hellanikos (below, (i)) and to Pindar, N. 11, written for

a man from Tenedos. See 1374-1377 n. Pindar's P 4 was one of several treat-

ments of the Argonautic legend available to Lyk. For a plausible particular echo, see 649n. on συνδρομήν, cf. P. 4. 208-9, συνδρόμων πετρᾶν. Like some of the other other literary sources we are considering, epinikian poetry influenced the Alexandra in ways other than the crude lifting of specific items from the earlier writer. This is specially marked in the guard's first speech; see 15 n., 14 n., 15n. (note, however, that the racing

metaphor in BaAßis at 13 and 287 is most easily paralleled from E. Med. 1245; tragedy drew on the same metaphorical repertoire as did epinikian,'ó and there was mutual influence). Ihe metaphor of wrestling, πάλη,

pervades the poem from start to finish: see 41n., 1435n., and esp. 1447 n.

discussing the ‘unique wrestler’, εἷς τις παλαιστής (whom I take to be T. Quinctius Flamininus), and noting Pindar's own use of wrestling meta-

phors to describe politicians." Interestingly, Kassandra is made to save up the standard word for ‘contest’, ἀγών, for the climax of her entire

prophecy: see 1435n. on πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἀγῶνες kai φόνοι μεταίχμιοι.

Epinikian poetry was far from exhausting the output of either Pindar or Bacchylides. The Apolline epithet Derainos was very out-of-the way; but its cultic authenticity is proved by Pindar’s Paian 2, written for the people of

Abdera in Thrace. See below, p. 67 and 440 n. Finally, Kassandra was the subject of Bacchylides’ Dithyramb 23 Maehler. Only a few scraps survive, but Kassandra is evidently prophesying the events of the Trojan War; from a Z/ on Pi. P. t. 100 we learn that Bacchylides said that the Greeks would not be able to sack Troy unless they brought Philoktetes back from Lemnos, and Maehler 1997: 36 plausibly associates this with the dithyramb. See further 53-56n.* (h) Timotheos and Antimachos These two difficult poets” from classical Ionia may be dealt with together.

‘The dithyrambic poet Timotheos of Miletos wrote his main surviving poem,

the Persai, in about 400 sc. It dealt with the battle of Salamis and its “© For connections between epinikian poetry and the lyrics of Greek tragedy, see Swift 2010.

47 But as pointed out at 41. and 1447n., παλαιστής is an unmistakable Aeschylean intertext (the noun was applied by Kassandra to Apollo at Ag, 1206, in a highly charged sexual sense). “ For a small chime with B. 2. 5, see 1228n. on ἄραντες στέφος, where the athletic metaphor (from the crowning of a victor at the games) has particular point in the context.

The papyrus of the Persai was discovered in 1902. It was first edited by Wilamowitz 1903 and then again, with English commentary, by Hordern

2002. For a good brief general account, see B.

Zimmermann], OCD* "Timotheus (1)’, with good bibliography, among the items of which see esp. Csapo and Wilson 2009. Lyk.’s debt to Antimachos was well explored by Hollis 2007: 278-81.

17

Introduction

aftermath, and this may put us in mind of 1413-1434. ‘The two poets have several characteristics in common, apart from this overlap in subject-matter:

a fondness for riddling circumlocution and periphrasis (which leads Timotheos' latest editor, J. H. Hordern, to make an explicit comparison with Lyk.);? and a proneness to emotional repetition (see 69n. on στένω, στένω σε δίσσα καὶ tpi AG, citing Timoth. Persai 76 and 129). One or two

possible minor thematic overlaps may also be mentioned: see 648 n. (Syrtis, cf. Persai 88), and 384-386 n. (for another of Timotheos’ works, the Nauplios). Antimachos of Ionian Kolophon was a scholar-poet of the early 4th

cent. Bc.” He wrote an epic, the 7ebais, and an elegy in narrative form, the Lyde. The latter included Argonautic material, and this—as well as the more obvious sources, Pindar, Kallimachos, and Apollonios, see below—

may have influenced Lyk.; see e.g. 632n. for the dragon which pursued

Jason and Medea to the west.

His difficulty (neologisms, obscure periphrases, and so on) makes him

spiritually kin to Lyk., and it may be significant that both poets should have been favourites of the emperor Hadrian, who was noted for his recondite tastes in literature. For Hadrian and Antimachos see T 31 Wyss, and

for Lyk. see the suggestion offered at 1148n. (on Napvxevov ἄστυ).

The mythical detail which most clearly recalls Antimachos is the story—

shared between Lyk. and Antimachos, but where—of Achilles’ leap onto the Trojan which resulted. See 247n. By contrast, it is knowledge of the Arkadian cult of Demeter

otherwise hardly attested anyshore, and the spring of water much less likely that Lyk. owed Erinys to Antimachos, as Hollis

seems to have believed, calling this an ‘obscure’ cult.? It was hardly that: see

1041n. Other borrowings from Antimachos were at the linguistic level.?

(i) The mythographers: Hellanikos and Pherekydes Hellanikos of Lesbos, who wrote in the late sth cent. Bc, was an appealing source of material about mythical colonization. We have noted above, 5° Hordern 2002: 39-40 (esp. n. 112 for Lyk.) and 253. 5! See F. W[illiams], OCD*. For editions of the fragments see the Abbreviations under Matthews and (still valuable) Wyss.

52 Hollis 2007: 280. For the possibility that Antimachos included some of the material about Knidos

and the Triopion which is also found in Lyk., see 1388-1396 n. 55 See Hollis 2007: 280-1 for a partial list; and see further 94n., 137n., 416n., 425n. 458n., 489n., 622n., 629 n., 771n., 987n., 1403 n. On οὖσα (unusual word for ‘cable’) see zon. with Hollis 2007: 279.

5* Jacoby dealt with Hellanikos twice over, as no. 4 (mythography) and 324a (Atthidography). The essential work on Hellanikos is now EGM

(vol. 1, 2000 and esp. vol, 2, 2013—the thematically

organized commentary on vol. 1). Hellanikos has the distinction of being the only contemporary writer named by Thucydides (1. 97. 2).

18

3. Sources and Influences in connection with the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (n. 24), that Hellanikos wrote about Erysichthon and Mestra, a foundation-legend about the

Dorian region in the vicinity of Karian Knidos; a few lines earlier in the poem comes the story of Orestes’ violent settlement of NW Asia Minor. Pindar alluded briefly to this process (above, (g) for N. 11), but Hellanikos—

himself a native of an Aiolian island—wrote a whole work called the Aiolika in more than one book, and this certainly dealt with Orestes’ ‘colonization of the Aiolid’: 1374-1377 n. We must also reckon with use by Lyk. of Kallimachos, who described Orestes’ colonization of Lesbos (see below (n), n. 78), and perhaps did not confine himself to the islands. Pherekydes of Athens was another sth-cent. mythographer—elusive to us, but of an importance comparable to that of Hellanikos.” Several of the

myths in the Alexandra can be traced back as far as Pherekydes, though it

would be presumptuous to assume direct and exclusive use by Lyk., or that there was never an earlier but non-surviving source. See 569—585 n. (Anios’ miraculous

daughters);

834—846

(Andromeda);

846n. (detail about the

Graiai); 932 n. (Panopeus' perjury); 1203n. (Kronos father of Cheiron); 1315n. (Medea rejuvenates Jason).

(j) Herodotus and other classical historians (mainly Thucydides and Ephoros) Herodotus was without question a profound and pervasive influence on

Lyk., as on many Hellenistic authors.” Herodotean reminiscences abound

in the Alexandra, beginning with the verb μηκύνειν (‘speak at length’) in the very first sentence; see 2 n. For echoes of Hdt. on Libya, Triton, and the Argonauts, see 888n. (Ap. Rh. is also a presence here, as we shall see below, (n)); there are differences too, see 881-896 n. But the most unmistakably

Herodotean section begins at 1283: the clashes between Europe and Asia, reprising Herodotus in verbal detail (e.g. 1293 n.) as well as in choice of—

usually female-—subject (Io, Europa, Medea, and so on). In the Persian Wars narrative (1413-1434), intertexts are plentiful, but note in particular

that the description of Xerxes as a ‘giant of the seed of Perseus’ surely goes back to Herodotus reflections on Xerxes’ height and beauty (7. 187. 2).

Nevertheless, the differences between the poet and the historian are also important, and surely deliberate. Lyk. turns the Herodotean order upside

down (the abductions opened the Hiszories but they form the final main 5 FGrHist 3 and 333; EGM.

5° Lyk.'s debt to Hat. has often been noted; see e.g. Holzinger's nn. on 189 (the ‘Keltic’ Danube), 1283, and 1291; also Ziegler 1927: 2341; S. West 2009 and Priestley 2014: 179-86. For Hdt.’s popularity in the Hellenistic world, see Murray 1972.

I9

Introduction

section of Kassandra’s prophecy); and Lyk.’s insistence on an eventual reconciliation between Europe and Asia (see 1448n. on διαλλαγάς) was absent from Hdt. For all this, see 1283-1450 n. Finally, the absence of

any mention of the Greek burning of Sardis at the beginning of the Ionian Revolt is very curious, since this would have fitted so well into Kassandra’s

scheme of reprisal and counter-reprisal (see 1409-1411 n., citing Avreverriuπρασαν at Hdt. 5. 102.1). As often, the poet avoids the obvious. Many other classical Greek historians chronicled the struggles which

convulsed the Greek world in the interval between Midas and Alexander (1409-1411 n.). Of these, we may single out just two for detailed treatment:

Thucydides and Ephoros. (For Ephoros’ contemporary Theopompos of Chios, FGrHist 115, as provider of a strand in the tradition which brought Odysseus to the West, specifically Etruria, see 806 n., and for his location of

the Laistrygonians in the plain of Leontinoi in E. Sicily, see 662—665.) Thucydides was one of the first two prose writers to show awareness of the location

of Homeric

Phaiakia

on Kerkyra

(632n.; the other was

Hellanikos). The Lykophronic narrative about the ‘commander of the whole fleet of Mopsops' (i.e. Diotimos the sth-cent. Athenian general) who founded the torch-race at Naples, is heavily indebted to Timaios; but

as Diotimos son of Strombichos this man had played a prosaic military role in Thucydides’ Kerkyraian narrative in bk 1 (see Th. 1. 45. 2 with 732— 737 n-), and Lyk. was surely aware of this. The tradition of Phokian settlement in Bruttium after the Trojan War (930-950 n. and 1067-1074 n.) is unexpectedly borne out by Th.'s mention of Phokians at 6. 2.3 (part of the

Sikelika), where the text has been wrongly doubted. If Lyk. had direct knowledge of Kallimachos' Aitia book 2 on the foundation legends of the Sicilian cities, as is probable (see below), that implied indirect knowledge of Thucydides’ Archaeology (6. 2-5), and also—at one further remove—of

the researches of Antiochos of Syracuse, Thucydides’ own source.’ Ephoros of Kyme (FGrHist 70) lived c.400~330 Bc. A historian praised by Polybius (34. τ. 3) for his excellent treatment of city-foundations, kinshiprelations, migrations, and oikists could not fail to appeal to the author of the nostoi section of the Alexandra. And indeed a number of particular passages may derive from, or owe something to, Ephoros. Note in particular 695n.: even in a very “Timaian section of Strabo (see (k) below), there is Ephoran

material as well, and this was no less available to Lyk. than was the T'imaian.?* 57 Note, however, that Th. (6. 2. 1) spoke of only two Elymian cities, Eryx and Egesta, whereas Lyk. knew there were three: 964. The third was Entella, and was mentioned by Ephoros; see next n. For the relation between ‘Th. 6.2.2 and Lyk.'s use of Zixavds, see 870 n. On Th. 4.24.5 (Charybdis) see 44n. and 649n. 58 Possible awareness of Ephoros: see gon. (Miletos founded from Krete?); 616-617n. (Poseidon the ‘Exchanger’); 649—711n. and 695n. (Kimmerians in Campania); 964 n. (Entella); 1148n. (Naryx); 1189—1213n. (text no. E, Hektor's bones); 1294n. (Io in Egypt); 137471377n. (Penthilidai in the Aiolid). 20

3. Sources and Influences

(k) Timaios Timaios, who worked as an exile in Athens in the years around 300 Bc, was

a historian of the first importance.” He concentrated on the west and its myths and cults, and this made him an obvious recourse for Lyk. The

relevance of Timaios to Lyk. was seen early: of the 153 fragments of Timaios, five are from the ancient commentators on Lyk.” The attractive

but large topic of the respective attitudes of Timaios and Lyk. to Hellenism

in the west must be postponed to a later treatment. It is clear and agreed

that a main theme of Timaios, inherited by Lyk., was the interpenetration of Greek and indigenous cultures in the west; for this process, the traditional word “Hellenization is too crude, and too suggestive of one-way and downwards transmission. It is certainly part of the truth to say (with T. S.

Brown) that “Timaeus seems to have used the Fall of Troy as a springboard

in dealing with colonization; or (with L. Pearson on Diomedes in Daunia) that ‘For Timaeus, as the historian of Greek Italy, the heart of

the story is what happens in Apulia and makes it into a Greek land’. But the great interest and importance of Timaios is that his viewpoint was not solely Greek; see e.g. 968-969n. on the ritual of the October horse at

Rome. For a fuller treatment of Timaios and Lyk. see Lykophron's Alexandra

and the Hellenistic World (forthcoming). For the moment, we shall confine

ourselves to an assessment of overlap and possibly debt. On any view of

Lyk.’s date, the Alexandra is likely to postdate Timaios.

The Pseudo-Aristotelian ‘On marvellous things heard’, περὶ θαυμα-

σίων ἀκουσμάτων ([Ar.] mir. ausc.) is a collection of 178 short chapters by a paradoxographer (collector of marvels), of uncertain date, but not earlier than the 3rd cent. sc. There is some striking overlap between the central

5? For the frags of Timaios, see FGrHist 566 (Jacoby and Champion 2013 (=BNJ no. 566) with much briefer but more up-to-date commentaries than Jacoby. R. Laqueur, R.-E. VIA: 1076-1203 antedated Jacoby. Brown 1958 was able to use Jacoby's text, but not his massive 2-vol. commentary. Pearson

1987 covered the Greek historians of the west generally, but much of the book is about Timaios, and discusses individual frags helpfully. Baron 2013 is a general treatment of Timaios’ historiographical aims and methods; see also Vattuone 1991. The most perceptive treatment of Timaios is Momigliano 1977b (contains a noticeable element of unconscious autobiography). On Timaios in Diodorus, Meister 1967 (and see his entry "Timaeus (2)’ in OCD*). On Timaios in Lyk., Günther 1889. But for the purposes of the present comm., the most important study is Geffcken 1892, a reconstruction of Timaios’ ‘geography of the west’ with a ‘text’ at the end: over-confident and 'maximalist’ in its attributions to Timaios, but in its own small way a work of genius. © EF ss, 56a, 66, 98, 146 (counting 146a and 146b as a single fragment, because both are about the Lokrian Maidens).

€ Brown 1958: 33. He continues ‘Since no one believed the Greeks originated in the west, the next best thing was to bring them west as early as possible and under the most distinguished leadership’.

42 Pearson 1987: 74. For Baron 2013 on Daunia, see below. 21

Introduction

and most clearly Timaian part of this work (from ch. 78) and Lyk., and in these passages the common source is surely Timaios.

Not much of Timaios on Sicily has left palpable traces in Lyk.; but

see 152—153 n. for Timaios as the first attested writer to have located the

abduction of Persephone at Sicilian Enna, whence Demeter’s Lykophronic epithet ‘Ennaia’. (But the view taken below will be that this legend was

much older than Timaios.)™ After Timaios, but before Lyk., Enna fea-

tured in this connection in Kallimachos (see again 152-153n.). The tradition may, however, be much older. For Egesta in W. Sicily, see below. The story of Diomedes in Italy (Daunia, mod. Puglia) and the ‘islands of

Diomedes’ certainly featured prominently in Timaios. See 605-606 n. for the birds who are friendly to Greeks but not barbarians, with citation of

[Ar.] mir. ausc. 79, cf. 109 (dogs instead of birds). 2 615 says specifically that Timaios and Lykos told the story which has just been summarized. But see 615n.: there is no way of telling whether the entire story of Diomedes in Daunia went back to Timaios, or just the detail about the statue erected

after Diomedes’ killing of the dragon on Kerkyra. In any case, Lyk.’s handling of the Diomedes legend, esp. the implied allusion to the Dasii

(632 n.), is surely not Timaian in its entirety. For Lyk. and Timaios on

Kerkyra see also 762n. (on Aprrmv: possibly Orphic?). Baron 2013: 222 argues for a Greek focalization here, but does not address the problem, how much of the material is Timaian. In any case, Lyk.’s own perspective may have differed, even when Timaios was the source. The section of the poem immediately following the first Diomedes

narrative is about Boiotian settlement of the Balearic islands. According

to & 633, Timaios said that ‘some of the Boiotians went to these islands’. It may well be that Lyk. drew on Timaios here, but there were good structural and thematic reasons for including them in this position in the poem, and at such generous length. See 633—647 n. Timaios was very full on the subject of Campania (Geffcken 1892: 29-39,

esp. 29). See 694—711 n. Lyk.’s Campanian narrative, part of the ‘Odyssey’, is close to Strabo bk 5 ch. 4 (see 688-693 n. for Timaios F 58 on Pithekoussai), but we should not too readily assume a shared Timaian origin for the whole, especially since Strabo cites Ephoros explicitly at one point; and there were other available sources, reaching back to Stesichoros. See 694—711n. One famous event, however, the torch-race founded at Naples

55 See Fraser 1972: 1. 770-2 with nn. in vol, 2, esp. 1079 n. 383. On the date see also Harris 1971: 16 n. 4. For a Greek text of the mir. ausc, see O. Abelt's Teubner text of 1888, together with the de p/antis etc.; or Loeb edn Aristotie Minor Works ed. W. S. Hett. Another prose writer who probably drew on Timaios was Fabius Pictor (see FRHist vol. 3: 175). But Lyk. and Fabius diverged on at least one significant detail (see 1255-1256 n. for the meaning of the thirty piglets in the story ofthe foundation of Alba Longa). $* "The matter is controversial, but Zuntz 1971: 70 n. 4 was right in essentials. See 152 n. 22

3. Sources and Influences

by the fifth-century Athenian Diotimos on the orders of an oracle, featured in both Lyk. (732-737) and Timaios. See FGrHist 566 F 98, from 2 on 732. The overlap is great, and here an immediate Timaian origin is very likely. (See also above, p. 20: Thucydides.) For the Menelaos episode, conceived as a pair with the ‘Odyssey’, Lyk. may have used Timaios for some western subsections (see 853n. for Taras, cf. [Ar.] mir. ausc. 106 on the cult of the Atreidai there); 856n. and 860n. for Siris and Kroton; 871-876 n. for the Argonauts on Elba, a story also told by Ap. Rh., see below, (n). For Philoktetes at Kroton, [Ar.] mir. ausc. 107

points to dependence by both Lyk. and [Ar.] on Timaios; but the tradition

of Philoktetes in the west may have been much older than 300 Bc and Timaios. In particular, Stesichoros should be borne in mind. See 911-929 n. On Siris, see further below. Lyk.’s rich section about Epeios (maker of the Wooden Horse) who settled in S, Italian Lucania, contains one very remarkable epithet, Mawepros for Mars, an Oscan formation. For the possibility that this derives from Timaios,

see 938n. and below, n. 267 (Lyk. and cult-epithets). See also 948n. (also discussing [Ar.] mir. ausc. 108) on the tools which Epeios dedicated. Egesta in W. Sicily, as a supposedly Trojan foundation comparable to

Rome itself, possessed appeal for both Lyk. (968-977) and Timaios. The gloomy clothing of the Egestaians resembles that of the Daunian maidens, which will be described at 1137 (see n. there on the parallel passage [Ar.]

mir. ausc. 109); and the Egestaians’ keeping alive of the memory of old griefs (977) recalls the nostalgia of the Greeks on the islands of Diomedes (609 n.). See 968—969 n. for the Timaian aspect to some of this. For the Sicilian battle of the Krimisos, also mentioned by Timaios (F 118), see g6ın.

The difficult lines about S. Italian Siris (978-992) may well have derived

immediately from Timaios, but the Epic Cycle may be behind Timaios in turn. See 978 n. and 985n. For the Argyrinoi, an obscure people in Epeiros, see 1017 n. Timaios also

mentioned them (F 78), but that hardly proves dependence by Lyk.

Podaleirios’ incubatory cult in Daunia is the subject of 1047-1066. At a minimum, the explanation of the name of the river Althainos in terms of its curative properties is Timaian; see FGrHist 566 F 56 with 1047-1066 n. Again (see above), Baron 2013: 223 draws far-reaching conclusions about

Timaios’ imputation of a ‘Greek mythological background’. That incuba-

tion was a Greek practice is not in question (see xoso n.), but it is not safe

to treat the scholiastic material as Timaian in its entirety.

For Timaios and (?) Lyk. on Sardinia, see 1083-1086 n. (a very difficult

passage, however). Two of the most important apparent intertexts between Lyk. and Timaios

concern the Daunian and Lokrian maidens. See 1133n. for Timaios on 23

Introduction

"Hektor's hair-cut’ and 1137n. for the black dresses of the Daunian girls, whose appearance resembled that of the Erinyes. Timaios’ account was remarkably close to this (FGrHis¢ 566 F 55), despite some differences of detail. For the Lokrian Maidens, see 1141-1173 n. (In the catalogue of texts, Timaios is no. 2 and Lyk. no. 6. The oldest of the texts is, however, Aineias

Tacticus, no. 1). The prophecy of Rome's greatness at 1226-1230 will not have been inspired by Timaios; so rightly Pearson 1987: 85. But in the detailed narra-

tive of Aineias’ wanderings, there is certainly Timaian material (see esp.

1259 n. on the sacred objects brought from Troy to Lavinium); but Alfoldi

was wrong to treat Lyk. as Timaios’ slavish excerptor throughout this section. See 1236—1280 n. The account of the Lydian origins of the Etruscans seems more obviously Timaian in flavour and detail (see 1351-1361 n.). Fraser 1972: 1.764 (with n. 331, citing with approval Ziegler 1927: 2338-43)

observed that 'the Timaean material in the Alexandra may have been exaggerated at the expense of other and older sources’. This is right; and we can add that even where we think it likely that Lyk. used T'imaios direct, we should bear in mind that Timaios himself had his sources.

(Ὁ Hieronymos of Kardia Hieronymos,® a figure of Thucydidean stature but with some ethnographic

interests which align him with Herodotus, was the contemporary and exceptionally long-lived historian of the wars of the Successors

and

Epigoni of Alexander the Great. (He was born in perhaps the 350s and

supposedly died aged 104). Hieronymos’ work has come down to us mainly through the non-Sicilian parts of Diodorus books 18-20, and Plutarch’s Eumenes (of Kardia: Hieronymos’ uncle), Demetrios and Pyrrhos. Most of the warfare described by Hieronymos took place in Greece, Asia, or Egypt; but he did find space for an account of early Rome (FGrHist 154 F 13), and

this means that Timaios was not the only prose authority available to Lyk. on this crucial topic (see 1226-1280 n.). Two episodes of the Alexandra in particular seem to show knowledge of Hieronymos’ Hiszory: the unusually plain allusion to the murder by Polyperchon of the young Herakles, son of

Alexander the Great and Barsine (801-804 n. and 802 n.); and the tradition 55 See J. Hornblower 1981. For a new prose testimonium about Hieronymos, see P. Oxy. 4808 (2007), lines i. 18-ii. 20, calling him a man of experience, ἔμπρακτος (cf. Diod. 13. 102.1 for this adjective), one

who did not take pleasure in speeches, who lived to over 90, and was a good man, σπουδαῖος ἀνήρ, and perhaps a useful historian (? text uncertain). This tantalizingly gappy papyrus frag. deals with several Hellenistic historians, but gives pride of coverage to Hieronymos.

% Notably the description of the Nabataian Arabs at Diod. 19. 94-100.

24

3. Sources and Influences about the removal of Hektor's bones from the Troad to Boiotian Thebes (1189-1213 n.; note esp. 1195 n. on the praise of Thebes). Other passages, too, may show Hieronymos’ influence. On the very Hieronyman notion of

‘spear-won’, Öopikrmros, see 933n., and for colonial Greek nostalgia, πόθος, for their lost way of life, see 609 n., citing Diod. 18. 7. 1 (the Greeks in Baktria after Alexander’s death, certainly from Hieronymos). See also

1283—1450n. for the relevance to Lyk. of Hieronymos distinction between European and Asiatic satrapies, and 1409-1411 n. for Hieronymos as one of the historians who chronicled the fighting alluded to in those two lines. (m) Eratosthenes, Philostephanos, and Androkles There are clear signs in the Alexandra of the use of two scholars from Kyrene active in the second half of the 3rd cent. sc, Eratosthenes‘ and

Philostephanos.® This consideration led Fraser 1979 to abandon his former

opinion and settle for a 2nd-cent. date for the entire poem. The key section is the lengthy episode about the settlement of Cyprus by five Greek oikists; it is relevant that publication in 1964 of a new fragment of Eratosthenes’

Hermes surprisingly revealed that that poem treated Cypriot Paphos (P. Oxy. 3000—Suppl. Hell. 397). For full discussion of the evidence for Lyk.’s indebt-

edness to Eratosthenes on Cyprus, see 447—591n. (Fraser considered, but

rightly rejected as fantastic, the possibility of not one but two large-scale interpolations, the Cypriot, and the more famous Roman prophecy at 12261280, and rightly concluded that neither passage is interpolated). Among several particular Eratosthenic passages in the poem, note esp. 484n. on χαλκωρυχήσει, copper-mining on Cyprus) and 590-sgın. (Achaian Boura). For Philostephanos see (in addition to the main discussion at 447—591 n., as above): 447n. (on the name Sphekeia, ‘wasp island’ i.e. Cyprus), 586 n. (the Cypriot oikists Kepheus and Praxandros), 616 n. (Poseidon the

‘Exchanger’, cf. above on Ephoros), and 1276n. (the miraculous Italian

river Pitonia).

Lyk.’s other name for Cyprus was Kerastia, ‘place of horns’. See (again)

447 n. for the possibility that this item derived from the interesting early

Hellenistic royal Cypriot historian Androkles. But Philostephanos might

have been an intermediate source.

“7 For Eratosthenes, see P. M. F[raser], OCD*, with bibliog., in which note esp. Geus 2003, and Roller (new edn of the geographical frags; but Berger must still be used).

9 For a new edn with comm, see Badino.

25

Introduction

(n) Other Hellenistic poets We may turn to the main Hellenistic poets” other than Lyk. (not forget-

ting that Eratosthenes was himself a poet in a minor way, see (m) above for the Hermes). On the view taken in this book (section 4 below), the Alexandra

is a pseudonymous poem composed as a unified whole in the early 2nd cent. Bc, and its famous closing passage celebrates the victory of T. Quinctius Flamininus over Philip V of Macedon in 190 Bc. That view will be argued for mainly on grounds of historical i.e. political plausibility: the prophecies of Kassandra, in their Roman aspect, fit the 3rd cent. very badly

and the early and cent. very well. This dating means that Lyk. wrote later than most of the big names of Hellenistic poetry (Kallimachos, Apollonios Rhodios, Theokritos, Euphorion) and any influence can only have been exercised on, not by, the Z/exandra. Ihe present section aims to show that there are many details indicative of such influence. This conclusion may be allowed, in its turn and without circularity, to support a late dating for Lyk. Despite the numerous parallels we shall find, we should not lose sight of the uniqueness of the Alexandra, which has been called a ‘monodrama’. Very little Hellenistic drama of any kind has survived, and there is noth-

ing like the enormous uninterrupted iambic speech of prophecy put in the mouth of Kassandra. Sibylline literature (below) provides a partial analogy, but a distinguishing feature of the Alexandra is its mixing of genres; hence the length of the present section on sources and influences. Paradoxically, Lyk. can (despite the above) be considered as both a multi-genre and as a

one-genre poet. By this I mean that we ought to speak not of many genres but of a single composite genre, because if (the line taken in the present

book) the author of the Alexandra is not identical with the known tragic poet from Euboian Chalkis, we have nothing else written by our author

© For some parallels between Lyk. and Kall., Euphorion, and Ap. Rh., see Gigante Lanzara 1998: 412-17 (repeated at Gigante Lanzara 2000: 31-7). But Hollis 2007 is now the essential treatment of Lyk.'s poetic connections (Durbec 2014 appeared when the present book was being copy-edited). I am grateful to the late Adrian Hollis for a letter of clarification dated 12 Dec. 2007; I had written to him because I was not sure how he regarded his material as affecting the dating of the poem. The relevant part of his letter goes as follows. ‘As you saw, I tried to avoid the controversy about the Alexandra’s date, preferring instead to document the poem's extensive links with learned poetry of the period «270-230

BC, paying special attention to fragmentary poets (e.g. Callimachus and Euphorion), of whom we have made new discoveries in the not too distant past. In view of the number and weight of these connex-

ions [si the title of the article spells the word 'connections'], I would incline to place the Alexandra in the same period; among individual priorities, 1 suspect that Callimachus Hecale pre-dates Alex. (likewise do Philetas and Aratus), but would hesitate to go much further”. After some brief specula-

tions about the opinions of some still living scholars, which I do not here quote, he added: ‘I’m quite prepared to accept the idea of a poem originally written c.250 BC, but with later interpolations. I didn't consider that I had moved the centre of gravity downwards’. ® For the remains of Hellenistic tragic drama apart from the Alexandra, see now Kotlinska-Toma 2015 (texts, translation, and helpful discussions). Note also Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004: 432-7; also Sens 2010.

26

3. Sources and Influences

to compare with the Alexandra. In this respect Lyk. the author of the Alexandra is quite unlike the first of the predecessor poets we shall consider: Kallimachos. (i) Kallimachos

Kallimachos (flourished 280s-240s Bc)” wrote in many different genres, and defensively compared his own versatility (7roAveidera) with that of

the sth-cent. Ion of Chios: Jambus XIII (frag. 203 Pf.).” In terms of sub-

ject-matter, book 2 of the Aizia’”” must have had a powerful attraction for Lyk., because it had so much about the foundation-myths of Sicilian cities.

According to a recent suggestion,” Kallimachos’ motive was to draw a flattering contrast between present Ptolemaic glories and the dilapidated state of the old Sicilian cities. But (see 592-632 n.), this hardly works for

Syracuse, which Timaios in the early 3rd cent. Bc felt able, no doubt with some patriotic exaggeration, to call the greatest as well as the most beautiful city of the entire Greek world (FGrHist 566 F 40, from Cicero's de re publica). Nor does it explain Lyk.’s western preoccupations, unless we

assume what needs to be proved (and will here be rejected): a Ptolemaic Alexandrian origin for the Alexandra.

Specific awareness by Lyk. of the Aitia is very likely, but caution is needed. For one thing, there is the usual problem about layering, as we may call it. The learned Kall. was himself well aware of the sth-cent. Greek historians who wrote about the West, notably Thucydides in his Sike/ika (6. 2-5), an excursus which in turn derived much of its factual material

from a slightly older contemporary, Antiochos of Syracuse (FGrHist 555; cf. 951n.). Here is a very plain example: Kall. frag. 43 Pf. (= 5o Massimilla) line 58 on the oikists of Sicilian Zankle, Perieres and Krataimenes, says they

were from Kyme and Chalkis respectively, ὁ μὲν Κύμης ὁ de Χαλκίδος, and this is a straight versification of Thucydides' ὁ μὲν ἀπὸ Κύμης, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ Χαλκίδος (6. 4. 5; but was this itself lifted from Antiochos?).” This same section of the Aitia alluded to the derivation of the name Zankle

from a word for 'sickle' (the weapon of divine castration) and this tradition was known to Lyk., who, however, applied it to Kerkyra and to Drepanon 71 See P. J. P[arsons], OCD* ‘Callimachus (3)’, first para, 72 It is sometimes suggested that the whole notion of genre is overworked and a largely modern notion, Kall. Iamb. XIII is powerful evidence the other way, at any rate for the Hellenistic period.

73 "The Aitia have been well served in recent years. In addition to Pfeiffer's great edition and com-

mentary in Latin of 1949 (see Abbreviations under ‘Pf.’), we now have not only D'Alessio 2007, Massimilla 1996 and 2010, and Harder 2012, but also the useful annotated tr. of Kall. (including frags) by F. Nisetich (2001).

7* Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012: 142-3.

55 See TT: 305 n. 60.

27

Introduction

in ὟΝ. Sicily, rather than to Zankle in E. Sicily. The relevant literary texts are, however, numerous and complicated (see 762 n. on ἅρπην for Kerkyra

and 869 n. for Drepanon), and though it is likely enough that Lyk. knew

the contents of Kall. frag. 43, nothing is provable. For the Argonautic legend, Lyk. seems to have used both Kall.” and Ap. Rh., as well as the obvious older authorities; for an interesting detail concerning which Lyk.

may have followed Kall. in preference to Ap. Rh., see 890 n. (Tiphys alive

at a stage of the journey where Ap. Rh. had killed him off)." Most of the many other passages of Lyk. which may show awareness of Kall.'s Aitia must be relegated to a footnote.” The most tantalizing intertext between Lyk. and the Aitia concerns the tribute of the Lokrian Maidens: Kall. frag. 35 (cf. 1141-1173n., where Kall. is text no. 3. But see discussion there: we

can not be sure that Kall. dealt with the Maidens in any detail). At the

purely verbal level, Lyk.’s use (see 144n.) of the rare word ἄμναμος for

‘descendant’ is of great interest. The word is an evident Dorianism and seems to occur mainly in inscriptions from Kyrene; but it is also Kallimachean (frags 110. 44 and 338 Pf.). It is surely much likelier that the

Kyrenaian Kallimachos used it in literary Greek before Lyk. did, and that Lyk. borrowed it from him, than the other way round. Adrian Hollis, in his valuable study ‘Some Poetic Connections of Lycophron's Alexandra’, regarded the Aitia and esp. the Heka/e as the most

fertile sources of parallels between Lyk. and Kall.” This is not obviously true; see below for the Jambi and other works. It was in connection with

the Hekale that Hollis remarked that ‘there may even be indications that Callimachus wrote first’, and again that, if one poet is recalling the other, ‘it seems much more likely that Lycophron ... recollects Callimachus rather than vice versa’.*° (But see above, n. 69: neither of these remarks should be

taken as implying more than Hollis’s belief in a date for Lyk. later than the Hekale in particular, without any implications for his view about other

7$ For Kall. on the Argonauts in bk 1 of the Aitia, see frags 7-15 Pf. 77 Several frags of Kall. concern N. African places with Argonautic links; see below, n. 84 for Ausigda, Taucheira, and Lake Tritonis; but (as Hollis 2007; 286 n. 43 rightly points out), these could reflect Kall.’s interest in the region of Kyrene—his homeland—rather than the Argonauts specifically. 8 See 19n. (κάσις); 24n. and 1170 n. (Phalakrai); 63n. (ἄρδις); 78n. (κτίσμα); 127n. (Proteus and Pallene); 174n. (Aietes as Kóratos); 229n. (child-sacrifice to Palaimon on Tenedos); 439-446 (Mopsos and Amphilochos); 569-585 n. (Anios’ miraculous daughters); 570 π. (Zs, cf. above on Aeschylus and below on Dosiadas); 581n. (bulimia); 621n. (ὄμπνιος); 686n., cf. 1106 n. (reupis); 854n. ("Tamassian); 941n. (Tito=Dawn); 991n. (eye-averting statue of Athena; Siris in Thrace or S. Italy?); 1022 n. (Polai); 1023n. (μαστῆρας); 1043n. (Amantia); 1148n. (Lokrian Naryx); 1168n. (stoning in Thrace); 1192n. (Ophion); 1374-1377n. (Orestes oikist of Lesbos, cf. above (i) on Hellanikos); 1402 n. (κύφελλα); 1452 n. (Hekate as δασπλῆτις). Of these, Hollis 2007: 286 mentions Lokrian Maidens).

? Hollis 2007: 286 (Aitia) and 283 (Hekale). 30 Hollis 2007: 283-4; 285.

28

only Palaimon

and Anios

(and the

3. Sources and Influences

poems of Kall.). Hollis’s second observation was prompted by the rare noun σῦφαρ, used by both Kall. (frag. 260. 52 Pf. (= 74. 11 Hollis) and Lyk. (793) about wrinkled skin (a crow in Kall., the aged Odysseus in Lyk.).

Hollis has also made it probable that Lyk. took from the Hekale the rare words πέμπελος for a very old person (see 628n. and 826n.), and κρῖμνος

for barley-groats (607n.; the context is the eating-habits of the compan-

ions of Diomedes, metamorphosed into birds). ‘The verbal and thematic

similarities between the uses of koviorpa by Kall. frag. 328 Pf. (62 Hollis) about Kerkyon, and by Lyk. 867 about Eryx. (see n. there) moved Hollis in his Hekale commentary of 1990 to call this ‘perhaps the closest parallel between the Hecale and Alexandra’. Finally, see 494-495 ἢ. for the almost

identical language used by Kall. in the Hekale and Lyk. to describe the hollow rock under which Theseus found his father’s sandals (κολουραίῃ ὑπὸ πέτρῃ and ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας respectively).?! So much for the Aitia and Hekale, but there is no reason why we should, with Hollis 2007, stop there. The Iambi of Kall., not considered

by Hollis at all, offer two remarkable parallels to Lyk. The first is a cult epithet Kastnia or Kastnietis, for Aphrodite. See 403n. and below p. 65:

this Aphrodite took her epithet from Mt Kastnion in Pamphylia, and was mentioned by Kall. in Iambus X, quoted by Strabo. But she was also (in the plural, and alongside Zeus and Hera) one of the recipients of

a Pamphylian inscribed dedication to Au καὶ Ἥραι καὶ Ἀφροδείταις

Καστνιήτησιν. The second is about the builder of the Wooden Horse, Epeios son

of Panopeus, who was called ἱπποτέκτων by both Lyk. (930) and Kall. amb. VII): a compound word found nowhere else in Greek. The parallel goes further, because the two poets describe Epeios’ cowardice in language strikingly close to each other’s, but dissimilar to that of Homer (above,

(b)): Lyk.’s ἔγχος πεφρικώς at 931 recalls both the thought and expression of Kall’s φυγαίχμα. Whether either poet owed an ultimate debt here to

Stesichoros is impossible to say (above, (e)), but it will be argued (93rn.)

that Lyk. drew on Kall. immediately.” Possible echoes of the six hymns of Kall. are not so striking as these; parallels are small and mostly consist of individual rare words and names.

There are plenty of these. One of them may be singled out for illustration: 9! See 1330n. for στόρνη (in both Kall. and Lyk. the word involves Theseus). For other possible minor intertexts with the Fekale, see also 110-111n. (possible shared allusion to Erichthonios); 147n. (üpraxrnp); 674n. (Üpóva as drugs); 7orn. (xórAa); 1053n. (κατικμαίνω). On the Homeric word

ἀπόθεστος, also used by Kall. in the Hekate, see s40n. and above, (b). On ἀμπρεύω see 635n. (citing Hollis for the suggestion that Lyk. derived his taste for the verb from Kall.). ® See also 482n. (the Arkadians ‘older than the moon‘, cf. Jambus 1, line 56); 836n. (κέπφος, cf. again lambus 1, line 6).

29

Introduction

the rare ἐμπείραμος, ‘experienced’ (1196 n.), seems to be an adaptation for iambic rhythm of Kall.’s ἐμπέραμος (H. 1 fo Zeus 71). The context in Lyk. is a mythical narrative involving Zeus, so this may be a deliberate

tribute to Kall.? By contrast, Lyk.’s account of Erysichthon and Mestra conspicuously ignores and (despite its far greater brevity) gives much more of the myth than Kall. H. 6 to Demeter; it probably goes back instead to the Hesiodic Catalogue (above, (d) ): see 1388—1396 n. On the other hand, there is an interesting analogy of a non-thematic sort between Kall. ZZ. 6 and the Alexandra. In both poems, the total number of lines is significant, and an internal geometry governs the length of the constituent parts: see below, section 8(a). The same kind of indebtedness (minor and verbal) is usually all that can,

at most, be claimed for correspondences between Lyk. and the shorter

fragments of Kall., many of which can be assigned to no particular work.

But this kind of miniature intertextual evidence should not be underrated: its significance is cumulative.

For a possible relationship between some of the epigrams of Kall. and lines like 366 (mourning for empty tombs), see n. there. But other epigrammatists than Kall. exploited this motif. The other main relevant

category of epigrams belongs to a larger genre, that of laments for cities, personified and addressed in the vocative. See 31n., citing e.g. Antipater of Sidon's lament for Korinth, destroyed in 146 sc (HE 568).

In conclusion, Hollis was right about the Alexandra's debt to the Aitia

and Hekale, but his methods can and should be extended to include the

83 See also (relevant Kall. Hymn refs in the brackets): 144n. (yuids, H. 3. 177); 152 n. (Demeter at Enna, H. 6. 30); 223n. (Tomaros, ZI. 6. 51); 275n. (Pimpleia, H. 4. 7); 336n. (πηγός, H. 3. 90); 38on. (παλίρροος, H. 4. 193); 410 n. (Dotion, 77. 6. 24); 576 n. (H. 3. 171 and 4. 206-8: Delian Inopos-Nile connection); 590-591 n. (H. 4. 102); 647n. (HZ. 1.32); 659-660 n. (μονόγληνος, H. 3. 53); 675n. (H. τ. 25); 69sn. (H. 3. 252-3); 765n. (H. 3. 84); 8o2 n. (H. 3. 178, (S) Tymphaian); 848 n. (HI. 2. 76, Asbystai); goon. (H. 2. 48); 1039 n. (H. τ. 89, πλειών); 1059 n. (H. 6. 115); 1180 n. (HI. 3. 259, Hekate of Pherai); 1474 n. (H. 5. 142 and—less close—6. 134. But these passages all exemplify an established closural formula). ** In what follows, 'frag.' inside the brackets denotes Kall. frag. by Pf. number, unless otherwise stated. See 43n. (frag. 641, Taraxippos); 47-48n. (frag. 755, Aogvís); $6 n. (Teutaros, frag. 692); 72-73 n. (δύπτης, frag. 522); τού n. (ἁρμοῖ, frag. 274); x18—r19n. (frag. 228. 47-55, Athos and Pharos); 152n. (Demeter Erinys, frag. 652, and see above under Hymns); 176 n. (μύρμος, frag. 753, also in Theok., see below); 310 n. (iynx, frag. 685); 326 n. (Poimandria, frag. 711); 351. (ἁλιβδύω, frag. 645); 409 n. (Aratthos, frag. 646); 425 n. (καύηξ, frag. 428); 545n. (frag. 656); 592 n. (Argyrippa, frag. 426); 598 n. (ῥάμφος, frag. 647); 605-606 n. (frag. 407); 616-617 n. (frag. 593); 624n. (λαχαίνω, frag. 701); 645. (frag. 701); 647n. (River Thermodon, frag. 648); 733 n. (Mopsops of Athens, frag. 709, and see under Euphorion below); 771n. (μύκλοις, frag. 650); 819 n. (ὀτλέω, frag. 303, but also Ap. Rh. and Aratos); 871n. (σηκός, frag. 694); 877n. (Taucheira, frag. 484); 881-896 n. (Lake Tritonis, frag. 584); 885. (Ausigda, frag. 706, and Kinyps, frag. 384. 24); 964. (frag. 813); ggın. (frag. 662); 1002. (frag. 616); 1083-1086 n. (Membles, frag. 582); 1109 n. (Chalybes, frag. 110); 1134 n. (σίφλος, Suppl. Hell. 276. 2); 13161. (Eppaos, frag. 653); 1403n. (δάπτης, frag. 553); 1442 n. (κυπώσας, Suppl. Hell. 257. 8). 30

3. Sources and Influences

other works of Kall., fully surviving and fragmentary.” That is, Lyk. wrote after Kall. and used him extensively. (ii) Apollonios Rhodios

The Alexandra draws on the Argonautic legend to a degree hardly called for in a poem whose main inspiration was the Trojan cycle of myths; the easiest and most natural cue provided by the poem's structure was at 1309-1321, where the theft of the golden fleece and of Medea was

an inevitable item in the Herodotean series of aggressions between Asia and Europe.” The existence of Apollonios’ recent reworking of the preHomeric epic" may be one of the stimuli which prompted Lyk. to say so much about the Argonauts, and 1309-1321 in particular is full of Apollonian allusions; but Kall. also dealt with the Argonauts (see (i) above), and it is often a nice question, which of the two (if either) lies behind the relevant

parts of the Alexandra (below). We must also reckon with Pindar in P. 4 (above, section (g) ), and Antimachos in the Lyde (above, section (h)). In

this area we meet the familiar problem of ‘layering’: Lyk. could have used such classical poets direct, or via a more nearly contemporary poet, or been aware of them all (see 1309-1321N.).

In what follows, we shall concentrate on Apollonios’ Argonautika,

written in about the 240s Bc; but he did also write up, in hexameter poetry, the foundation legends of Knidos, Kaunos, and other places in the

Ptolemaic sphere of influence (see esp. frags 4-6). These are almost entirely lost, but their existence and possible influence should be remembered. (For the Knidia, in the sense of the territory of the polis Knidos, see 1391-1396).

Of the Argonautic sections of the Alexandra,” the most clearly Apollonian (it had no known equivalent in Kall.) is that which begins with the strange tale of the Argonauts’ visit to Elba, where they scraped oil from 85. “The title of Hollis 2007 (‘some poetic connections’: my italics) made it clear that he did not set out to be comprehensive; but he did claim special status for the Aitia and Hekale (above, n. 79), and this is disputable,

* For ‘Lykophrons Argonautika’see S. West 2007. 87 Pre-homeric: that is the implication of Apyd) πᾶσι μέλουσα at Od. 12. 70. 88. See Hollis 2007: 277 n. 7, citing Vian's introd. to his Bude edn for the date, and for Ap. Rh.'s priority over Lyk. Hollis also cites Fraser 1972: 1. 636 and 2. 897 n. 158 (on γατομῶ, cf. 267-268 n. with n. 91

below) for Lyk.'s priority; but Hollis is unaware that Fraser 1979 changed his mind and down-dated Lyk. to the 2nd cent. 8? "These are: 174-175 (Achilles married to Medea), 229 (Palaimon, see n. there), 632 (Diomedes kills

the dragon which had guarded the fleece), 871-896 (Argonauts on Elba), 1021-1026 (Kolchian pursuit

of Medea), 1309-1321 (the main passage summarizing the Argonautic legend), 1364 (‘Pelasgians’ i.e. Argonauts at the Rhyndakos). In addition to Jason, a number of Argonauts or their sons feature in the Alexandra, explicitly or by implication, e.g. Ankaios (two of the same name), Idas and Lynkeus, Kastor

and Polydeukes, Phaleros, Boutes father of Eryx, Mopsos, Tiphys. Note also M. West's suggestion that the Laistrygonians were originally part of the Argonautic story (662-665n.). 31

Introduction

their skin with pebbles. See 871-876n., citing Ap. Rh. 4. 654-8. Lyk. uses this as the closure of the Menelaos narrative, but also as the bridge to a more extended Argonautic section. We have seen (above, (k) ) that Timaios

had included the Argonauts’ visit to Elba. So we cannot be sure if Lyk. drew it directly from him or via Apollonios.

‘The episode of the Alexandra which immediately follows Elba is also

strongly Apollonian. It is set in Libya, an episode which Kall. does not

seem to have covered™ (for an alternative explanation of some of his Libyan place-names, see above, n. 77). Many other minor parallels are listed in a

footnote; of these note in particular 1192 n. and 1197 n. (Lyk. seems to have taken the story of Eurynome straight from Ap. Rh.)."! One frequently recurring feature of the Alexandra, as of the Argonautika (but also of Kall.), is the registering of cults which continue to the present day. See 720 n., citing Ap. Rh. 4.1770, ἔνθ᾽ ἔτι νῦν. But this kind of aetiological comment has a very long pedigree (see e.g. Hdt. 3. 48. 2 and 5.86. 3). (tii) Theokritos Theokritos of Syracuse is thought to have been active at the Ptolemaic

Alexandrian court in the 270s.” The episode of the Alexandra which most ® See Hollis 2007: 286. "1 Other Apollonian intertexts (references to Ap. Rh. passages in brackets): 106n. (ἁρμοῖ, variant

reading at 1.972, see 25 also in Kall. frag. 274, see above, n. 84); 118—119 n. (Triton as Nile, 4. 269); 131n. (Aéro, 4. 813); 159n. (ἀλετρεύω, 4. 1095); 174n. (Aietes as Κυταιεύς, 2. 403 and marriage of Achilles and Medea, 4. 814-15); 178n. (Peleus interrupts Thetis’ rejuvenation of their children, 4. 868 ff.); 181n. (ἀνε()ρύω, and χηραμός, 4. 1299); x91 n. (ἐκρύομαι, 4. 83); 263n. (ῥίγιστος, 2. 515); 267-268 n. and 1394 n. (γατομῶ, 2.1005); 288. (Zeus Phyxios, 2. 1147); 464 n. (βαρύφρων, 4. 371, also in Alkman, above n. 30); 486-493n. (Ankaios, 1. 164); 486 n. (aróvv£, 4. 1679); sogn. (θάμβος μέγα, 4. 1673); 515-5160. (Bebrykians, 2. 12163); 525n. (ῥαιστήριος, 3. 803); 543. (koAwes, τ. 1283); 567n. (εὐνάζω, 3. 1000); 607n. (ἐπιδόρπιον and similar formations, 1. 1209); 621n. (ὄμπνιον στάχυν, 4. 989); 624 n. (λαχαίνω, 3. 222, also in Kall., above n. 84); 632 n. (dragon pursues Jason and Medea to west, 4. 156-66, but already in Antimachos, see above p. 18); 635.11. (νηλιπός, 3. 656, but perhaps Sophoclean); 647n. (χεῦμα, 4. 1242, also in Kall, above, n. p. 18 [hymn 1. 32]; 649n. (σύνδρομος, 2. 346); 653n. (Harpies, 2. 188 ff.); 717n. (Phaleros, 1. 96~7); 719 n. (δωμῶ, 2. 531); 762. (divine castration story again, see above p. 27 for Kall.; also location of Phaiakia on Kerkyra, 4. 982); 819n. (ὀτλῶ, 4. 381; cf. Kall., above n. 84 (frag. 303]); 874n. (Argonauts as Minyans, 1. 233); goon. (river Amphrysos, r. 54, also in Kall. [H. 2. 48]); 982 n. (μύρομαι, 2. 372); 1011-1026 n. (Nireus and Thoas, 4. 303-8 and 507-91); 1017n. (μαστεύω, 4. 303, also in Kall. [frag. 10]); 1068 n. (καταβλώσκω, 1. 322, cf. Od.); u10n. (στύτπτος, 1. 1117); rn. (δύσζηλος, 4. 1089, cf. Od.); 1123n. (Suis, τ. 285, also tragic); 1176 n. (Brimo, 3. 861); 1179 n. (δείκηλα, 1. 746, Herodotean); 1191 n. (Ophion, 1. 503, also Kall. [frag. 1771); 1197 n. (Eurynome, 1. 504-7); 1206n. (Ogygian Thebes, 3. 1178); 1274. (Aietes; harbour, 4. 661-3); 1285n. (Symplegades, 2. 596); 1293n. (ἀνερείπομαι, 2. 503); 1310 n. (monosandalism, 1. 10-11); 1319 π. (oak from Dodona (1. 524-8); 133on. (Themiskyra, 2. 995); 1364n. (Rhyndakos, 1. 1165); 1418 n. (κάλινος, 2. 381). % See A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* "Theocritus". Theok. is not discussed by Hollis 2007, except (p. 283) Syrinx, whose authorship is disputed. Perhaps Theok. was not judged ‘learned’ enough; see Hollis p. 292 (near the end of his study): ‘the /earned poets [my italics] who provide the main subject matter of this

investigation’, and the letter quoted above, n. 69.

32

3. Sources and Influences

closely interlocks with a ‘Theokritan Idyll is the lengthily narrated fight between the Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai; see 503-568n. The main relevant intertext here (apart from Pi. N. 10, see (g) above) is Theok. 22,

whose subject is the Dioskouroi.” Detailed parallels are cited in the nn. to that section, but one echo of Theokritos (not from /4y// 22) may be singled

out here, the use of the hapax verb éyxopta7w, meaning ‘butt’. This word usually describes fighting between male rams and goats, but is used about the fight between the Dioskouroi and Apharetidai in a passage of Lyk. full of metaphors drawn from large aggressive animals: see 558n. The simple verb κορύπτω is found at Theok. 3. 5, and the parallel was already noticed by Z and Tzetzes." On Idyll 15 (Gorgo and Praxinoa), see below, section 6. The Adonis song

there alluded to may be relevant to the question, was the Alexandra a performance poem? (iv) Euphorion

Euphorion of Chalkis? was born in 275 sc and enjoyed Seleukid patronage. He had in common with Lyk. an erudite fondness for allusive, out-

of-the way diction and ‘riddling mythologies’,” and a fascination with the pseudo-oracular (his Chiliades purports to cite oracles fulfilled after a thousand years). He shares with Lyk., but also with Kall. and Ap. Rh., an interest in cultic aetiologies (e.g. frags 20, 107, 112, 113 Lightfoot). Unlike

the three poets we have considered above, and unlike the author of the Alexandra, Euphorion survives only in fragments, and this makes detailed comparative evaluation particularly difficult. For instance, Euphorion resembled Lyk. in that he wrote about Anios and his miraculous daughters (frag. 4 Lightfoot), but we

do

not know

much

more

than this bare

fact: 569-585 n.; similarly, Euphorions Mopsopia (frags 37-40 and test. 1

Lightfoot) might or might not be relevant to Lyk.’s early king Mopsops of Athens, 733n. By contrast, it is not now thought likely that Euphorion 93 See Sens 1997 for a useful commentary, which, however, has almost nothing about Lyk.

54 Other Theokritan parallels (in what follows, Theok. refs are given in the brackets and no distinction is made between genuine Theokritan poems and suspect ones): 106 n. (ἁρμοῖ, 4. 51, also in Kall. [frag. 274] and Ap. Rh., see above), 176 n. (μύρμος, 15. 45, also in Kall. [frag. 753]); 2470. (a spring of water created by a foot, 7. 6); 2g0n. (στρόμβος, 9. 25-7); 287 n. (συμφλέγω, 22. 211, about Idas); 354n. (ἄφθιτος ὄλβος, 18. 52); 46x n. (deira, 12. 14); 588-589n. (Golgoi and Aphrodite, 15.100); 602n. (καλιάς, 29. 12); 607 n. (ἐπιδόρπιος, 13. 36); 649n. (σύνδρομος, 13. 22, cf. Ap. Rh.); 674 n. (θρόνα as magic herbs, 2. 59); 831n. (κλαίω used about mourning for Adonis, 20. 35-6); 88on. (προσσεσηρότες, 20. 14-15); 884n. (mereupov, 13. 13); 921n. (river Nau-/Neaithos, 4. 24); 944n. (πτώξ, 1. 110, also tragic); gson. (Karian Myndos, 2. 29 and 96); 102g. (προσμάσσομαι, 12. 32); 1316. (σκύλος, 25. 142); 1388-1396 n. (Triopion, 17. 68-9); 1430 n. (κάγχανον, 24. 89); 1452 n. (δασπλῆτις, 2. 14, also in Kall. [frag. 30]). ?5 See now Lightfoot's excellent edn (in her Loeb Hellenistic Collection, 2009).

% Parsons 2002: 39.

33

Introduction

wrote a Philoktetes (see 911-929 n. discussing the doubtful frags 48 and 191

Lightfoot). And it seems doubtful whether he treated the Lokrian Maidens

tribute (see 1141-1173 n., discussing text no. 5 = Euphorion frag. 187).

Nevertheless, Hollis was right to call the detailed parallels ‘striking’; he

added that they are spread through all Euphorion’s works (but I believe this to be true of Kall. also, see above).” I give a list in a footnote, but

would single out here 319 n. on ἄλμα as ‘grove’ (part of the story of Priam’s illegitimate son Mounippos, which appealed to both Euphorion

and

Lyk.),? 887 n. on ὦὥπασεν Savos, and 943n. on πόποι as ‘gods’; for these see Euphorion frags 186, 46, and 133 Lightfoot.” (uv) Minor Hellenistic poets (esp. Moschos, Nikandros, Dosiades, epigrammatists)

Of the other Hellenistic poets whose works overlapped thematically or linguistically with Lyk., Moschos (author of the Europa, cf. 1283-1450 n.)

and Nikandros are now thought to have post-dated Lyk. (but see below for Nikandros). Moschos need not detain us: there are no obvious intertexts

with Lyk., even at the operative lines (1296-1301) of the Alexandra, which describe Europa’s abduction. Nikandros is more rewarding. But there may have been more than one

Hellenistic poet of that name. The otherwise unknown epic poet Nikandros, whose award of proxeny is recorded in the 3rd-cent. Delphic inscription Syll? 452,'” is no longer believed to have been the author of the Theriaka and 57 Hollis 2007: 288-92 (Lyk. and Euphorion) at 287 and 288. % See Hollis 2007: 290-1 for the ‘common interest of Lycophron and Euphorion in the luckless Munippus’. See 224-225n. ” Other parallels (Euphorion frags are given in the brackets, with Lightfoot's numbering): 31n. (aiat, 44); 64n. (ὀγχῶ, 12-13); 103 n. (Iphigeneia daughter of Theseus, 86, also in Stes.); 107 n. (Byne, 124, mourning for Melikertes, 107); 174n. (Medea Κυτηιάς, ısc, cf. Kall. and Ap. Rh.); 198n. (moıq aco, 132, also in Nik. 75. 180); 223 n. (Tomouros, 19. 28, also in Kall.); 260n. (χάρων, 107); 265n. (Hektor son of Apollo, 80, also in Stes.); 275 n. (Leibethria, 34. 2); 285 n. (δεδουπώς, 44); 316 n. (Laodike in ravine, 97); 375 n. (Dirphys, 99); 420n. (Ty[m]phrestos, 104); 425n. (καύηξ, 108, also in Kall. and Antim.);

445n.

(Mopsos

and

Amphilochos,

103); 45ın.

(Kychreus, 32); 456.

(invulnerability of

Telamonian Ajax, 44); 464-465 n. (evil gifts, 45 and 46); 469 n. (Trambelos, 26); 494-585n. (Laodike and Mounitos, 98); 513 n. (xpe£, 6, also in Kall.); 515-516n. (‘Bebrykian’, 75, also in Ap. Rh.); 578 n. (χιλός, 81); 629n. (ἄνδηρον, 19. 36, also in Antim.); 639n. (ψέω, 100-5); 658 n. (dolphin-sign, 87, also in Stes.); 686n., cf. 1106 n. (πέμφιξ, 131, also in Kall.); 701. (χύτλα, 11. 7, also in Kall.); 8son. (Lakonian Aigys, 165); [920n. (Apollo Patareus, 209, but thought spurious);] gzın. (Nauaithos, 49); 1030 n. (ὀχθηρός, 157); nızn. (doreußaxra, 121); 1177n. (ταρμύσσουσαν, 122); 1278n. (Ζωστήριος, 162); 1452n. (δασπλῆτις, 101.1, also in Kall. and Theok.).

100 The date of the award is disputed. See Flaceliére 1937: 330-1 and 485: either 254/3 or 226/5,

depending on which of two men called Nikodamos was archon. LGPN VB, the volume covering Ionian Kolophon, lists 79 men called Nikandros, with up-to-date refs. The proxenos is no. (18) and the inscription is there dated 212-210 Bc; the better-known poet is no. (19), and is there dated to the middle of the 2nd cent.

34

3.

Sources and Influences

Alexipharmaka.'” Let that be so; a 3rd-cent. date for the well-known Nikandros might still be right. The ancient testimonia are mutually conflicting (some of them clearly indicate a date under one of the 3rd-cent. Ptolemies, while others talk of Attalos III, who died 133 8c).'” We might wish to reopen the question, in view of the number of connections between Nikandros and the Alexandra, so as to make Lyk. the borrower and

Nikandros, with his arsenal of technical botanical and pharmacological terms, the 3rd-cent. lender. The most important single overlap between Lyk.

and Nikandros relates to the serpents (quaintly given names by Nikandros) who swam from the Kalydnai islands to strangle Laokoon and his sons. See 347n. on παιδοβρῶτος, citing the Nikandros papyrus, Suppl Hell. 562. Other intertexts are smaller and lexical. Cumulatively, they add up to a good case for positing a direct relationship between the two authors; and surely

Nikandros did not take his obscure words for drugs and snakes from a poem

about the wanderings of homecoming Greeks and the clash of Asia and

Europe. It is much likelier to be the other way round.’® If so, one might

wonder whether Lyk.'s extraordinary fondness for tales of metamorphosis (below, 12) might owe a debt to Nikandros' lost collection, the Ἑτεροιούμενα.

Dosiadas’ Bomos,' a technopaignion or pattern-poem (on the page, it is

shaped like an altar) is thought to have other such virtuoso efforts. Of this poem, edly the closest links with the Alexandra For these, see 33n., 63n. (the arrows described

in remarkably

dated from the early 3rd cent., like Hollis 2007: 282 observed ‘undoubtare to be found in Dosiadas' Βωμός". given by Herakles to Philoktetes,

similar language),

174n.

(Achilles

married

to

Medea), 178 n. (Thetis’ attempt to rejuvenate her children), 461n., 570 n. (ivıs, tragic, and also in Kall.); 658n., g16n., 1066n. (Tydeus as kparoßpwros,

where Dosiadas had avöpoßpwros), 1315 n. (rejuvenation of Jason). On Alexander of Aitolia (early 3rd cent. Bc), see Hollis 2007: 281-2; cf. 265n. For some epigrammatists see below, p. 43 (and cf. above p. 3o: Kall.) 101 "The proxenos might be his grandfather. For the problems, see Gow and Scholfield 1953: 3-8 (setting out the testimonia at 3-4); see also the long introd. to Jacoby's comm. on FGrHist 271-2 and, more succintly, Beloch 4* 2. 574-9 (who identified the recipient of the Delphic proxeny with the author of 7%. and 4/.). The problem cannot be gone into further here.

102 "That a Nikandros dedicated a poem to a king Attalos (frag. 104) proves nothing. It could have been

Attalos I (ruled 241-197 ac), as Beloch pointed out long ago, and Gow and Scholfield 1953: 6 concede. 10 See g7n. (τράμπις); 198 n. (moipboow,also in Euphorion); 386 n. (σίντης as viper); 402. (ῥόχθος), 424n. (Kerkaphos); 622 n. (ἀρδηθμός), 674n. (Üpóva as magic herbs, also in Theok.); 675n. (κνωπόμορ-

gov), 727n. (xeAAboovoa); 795. (sting-ray); 833n. (κραντήρ as a kind of tooth); 864n. (κάλχη); 884n. (rérevpov, also in Theok.); man. (Sujás); 1273n. (uaxedvds); 13997-1408 n. (gardens of Midas).

195 The text is conveniently printed at the end (pp. 182-3) of Gow's OCT

Bucolici Graeci

(1952), together with the other zechnopaignia. For discussion see now Kwapisz 2013: 27-8, who sees the similarities with Lyk. as indicating dependence by Dosiadas on Lyk. rather than the other way round. Note that Kwapisz 2013: 29 even suggests Lyk. as author of the Pseudo-Theokritean Syrinx, another technopaignion (printed at Gow, Bucolici Graeci p. 180).

35

Introduction

(vi) Conclusion

The above poets all date from the 3rd cent. Bc, with the sole claimed exception of Nikandros of Kolophon, and the grounds for dating him to the

and not the 3rd are insubstantial. The material I have cited is compelling in different degrees, and it will have been noticed that some unusual words

are shared between Lyk. and more than one other Hellenistic poet. Nevertheless the number of verbal and thematic correspondences between the poetry of nos. (i) to (v) and the Alexandra is very large, and even when

all allowance has been made for shared preoccupations which might lead to shared but independently arrived-at vocabulary, the probability is surely

that we have here influence not coincidence. That the Alexandra should have been imitated by any, let alone all, of these poets is most unlikely. Since the present commentary opts, on other grounds, for a znd-cent. date

for Lykophron or rather ‘Lykophron’, the conclusion here offered is that the author of the Alexandra was extremely well read in the poetry of a range of 3rd-cent. predecessors (as we may now call them). Hollis 2007 provided some partial support for this position, in that he argued that Kallimachos’ Hekale, at least, antedated the Alexandra. But he stuck to the

traditional identification of the poem's author with the early 3rd-cent. Bc Lykophron of Chalkis. He did not, however, consider poems of Kallimachos other than the 4itia and the Hekale, and he did not consider Theokritos at

all. Nor was he aware that the historian P. M. Fraser had changed his mind

about the date of the Alexandra between 1972, when he still thought it was early 3rd cent. with interpolations (see below, n. 107), and 1979,when he argued for the early 2nd cent. (Hollis was evidently much influenced by the authority of Fraser 1972; see e.g Hollis 2007: 277 n. 3). (o) Sibylline oracles ‘These are discussed at 1465 ἢ. and in my forthcoming monograph.

4. DATE OF THE AND ROME:

POEM; THE ALEXANDRA THE DASII OF ARPI

In section 3 above, it was argued that the literary evidence indicates that Lyk. was aware of the great 3rd-cent. poets of Ptolemaic Alexandria and

(Euphorion)

of Seleukid Antioch, and

also of Eratosthenes

and

Philostephanos. If that case has been successfully made out, we are not 36

4. Date of the Poem; the Alexandra and Rome

looking at a poet writing in the early 3rd cent. but in the late 3rd or early 2nd. Not, that is, Lykophron of Chalkis, but a later and pseudonymous

writer (see section 5). The present section and the commentary will suggest a date for the Alexandra around 190 Bc.

Two famous passages prophesy Roman greatness: the first (1226-1280)

narrates the arrival in Italy of Kassandra’s kinsman Aineias, and promises

Roman rule over land and sea, γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης σκῆπτρα καὶ μοναρ-

xiav (1229); the second brings to an end the series of hostile encounters

between Asia and Europe, narrated with metronome-like alternations from 1283 onwards. In a climactic line Kassandra foretells the arrival of a unique wrestler, eis τις raAaıorns, who will join in a spear-fight and who, six generations after Alexander the Great (1446 and n.), will come to

an agreement of reconciliation about sea and land, after which he will take the first choice of the spear-won spoils (1447-1448). The view taken in the comm. below is that, even after all allowance has been made for the

formulaic and traditional resonances of γῆ καὶ θάλασσα, the prophecy is impossible before the first Roman war with Carthage (the ‘First Punic War’) of 264-241 Bc. As for the ‘wrestler’, that is surely T. Quinctius Flamininus, the victor of the battle of Kynoskephalai

(197 Bc), when

the Roman armies defeated Philip V’s Macedonians in Thessaly. See 12261280 n., esp. 1229n. (on the first Roman

passage); and 1435-1450n. (on

the second passage), and most of the individual nn. on those lines. At 1447 n., it is suggested that the wrestling metaphor is specially appropriate for Flamininus in view of his connections with two of the four great panhellenic festivals and contests, the Isthmian and the Nemean.

Ihe view summarized above is not original; it was held by Beloch, Wilhelm, and Ziegler among scholars of an older generation, and by

Fraser 1979 and Gruen in more recent times.’ To be sure, some distin-

guished names (Wilamowitz, Holzinger,"$ Momigliano) have advocated a

3rd-cent. date—not to mention interpolation theorists such as S. West. 105 The lowest unitarian dating known to me is that advocated very briefly and with staggering confidence by White 1997 (after the battle of Pydna, 168 sc, and celebrating the victor in that battle, L. Aemilius Paullus). For a more serious argument for a date in the time of Perseus, the Macedonian

king defeated at Pydna, see Musti 2001, esp. 211-15. But the supposed allusions (cf. 316n., citing Stirpe 2001 on Perseus’ wife Laodike) are not the only dynasty with a ‘predilection’ (Musti 212) for Samothrace. In the 3rd cent. it was the object of Ptolemaic attentions also (Fraser 1960: 4-12). See also 21n. See 1436-1437n. Gigante Lanzara 1998 and 2000: 18-19 suggested a date after the battle of Zama in 202 (Roman defeat of Hannibal by P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus). Andreae 1998: 132-3 sought to identify the author of the Alexandra with the Rhodian diplomat Lykophron at Pol. 25. 5. 4 (177 ac). But the name is a common one. On Jones 2014 (date: the Roman war against Antiochus IIT) see Annex below, . 114. 106 Against Holzinger's view that the ‘wrestler’ was C. Fabricius, at the time of Pyrrhus 3rd-cent. invasion of Italy, see 1435-1440 n., penultimate para. (Fabricius does not at all fit the requirement of the relevant lines that the victor should be a mighty soldier.)

37

Introduction

Momigliano!” felt able to assert that Lyk. nowhere alludes to the First Punic War (and must therefore be dated earlier than 264 Bc). It is hardly reasonable to demand that a notoriously veiled and cryptic poetic text should provide the historian with helpful signposts of this sort (the Xerxes section, 1414-1434, is the plainest such allusion). But in fact it is arguable that there is, halfway through the poem, an implied allusion to the Second Punic War (the war fought by the Romans against the Carthaginian invaders led by Hannibal, 218-201 sc). The evidence must now be given, because the chronological significance of the passage appears not to have been noticed. In the first of the two Diomedes episodes (592-631), Kassandra foretells that the curse on Daunian lands uttered by Diomedes will be lifted only

when the land is dug by Aitolians of his stock. This must allude to a particular family, the Dasii, who were prominent at inland Arpi (Greek

Argyrippa, a foundation of Diomedes, see 592) in the Hannibalic War, as Livy and coins demonstrate. Now the Dasii, whose loyalties fluctuated between Rome and Carthage in ways chronicled by Livy, claimed to be descended from Diomedes (Appian, Hannibalike 31). These Dasii are in the news at that period, and not earlier or later. This evidence suggests

that Lyk. was aware of the Second Punic War—and perhaps from a local vantage-point (section 7 below). Here, at any rate, is further support for a and-cent. date for the poem." It would be tempting to try to correlate this evidence with Roman relations with the Aitolian League in the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries BC. But the history of those relations is complicated and fluctuating. The Romans entered into formal alliance with the Aitolian league only in 212 or 211 (SVT 111: no. 536), the year after the harsh treatment of Aitolian-

connected Arpi;'” but this period of closeness was short-lived, and did not

survive the Peace of Phoinike in 205 sc. By the end of the 190s, the Romans and Aitolians were at war. Lyk. was not writing a political commentary on the high politics of the period, and it is not possible to press the poem for

evidence of awareness of any of this, or to say whether its stress on Arpi and the Aitolians is intended as pro- or anti-Roman. But in view of the 17 Momigliano 1977b: 55. Momigliano's influential but unconvincing attempt to use the Lokrian

Maidens prophecy to date the poem to the 3rd cent. is rejected; see 1141-1173 n., subsection on ‘the dating of the poem’. (Momiglianos dating is followed by Kotlinska-Toma 2015: 87 and n. 115, but rejected by Jones 2014.) Large-scale interpolations: S. West 1984. Fraser's first view was that the poem dates mainly from the 3rd cent. but that the two prophecies about Rome are interpolated. See Fraser 1972: 2. 1065-7 n. 331.

108 On the divine epithet Komyros (459) as a slight further indicator of a late date, see below, section 11.

4 It is sometimes said that even before this, the Romans had been angling for some kind of friendly arrangement with the Aitolians. This depends on how far we press 'amicitiam adfectantibus Romanis' at Livy 25. 23. 9.

38

5. The Author (1)

importance of the Aitolians in Roman foreign policy in the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries, it is not surprising that the author of the Alexandra

should, by frequency and intensity of allusion, reflect this importance. I shall return to this whole topic elsewhere.

5. AUTHORSHIP; REGIONAL LINKS TO (SEE ALSO SECTION 7)

S. ITALY?

The Alexandra is ascribed to a known tragic poet Lykophron of Euboian Chalkis, a member of the Pleiad, who lived in the early 3rd cent. Bc, the first part of the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphos, sole ruler from 282 to 246. He is also said to have revised the texts of the comic poets as a royal commission, and wrote a treatise On comedy, perhaps a lexicon to Aristophanes

and others.""° Of most of this Lykophron’s own plays we have only titles,''! but the largest set of surviving fragments, indeed all but one, come from a satyr-play, the Menedemos.’” "This, unlike satyr-plays of earlier times, was about a real person: a philosopher from Chalkis’ Euboian neighbour Eretria, a man known to us mainly from an entertaining section of Diogenes Laertius’ Lives of the Philosophers.’ The play was sympotic in

character."^ A sympotic performance context for the Alexandra is not unthinkable, (below, section 6); but the Menedemos seems to have been a totally different sort of work from the Alexandra (see above, section (f) on

classical satyric drama). In any case, identity between the two poets is ruled

out by historical considerations of dating (above, section 4). Or (cf. Ziegler

1927: 2381) was Lyk. a homonymous grandson of the tragedian? The Alexandra is, therefore, pseudonymous; partial parallels might be the Homeric Hymns and the Epic Cycle, the Aeschylean Prometheus 110 Lowe 2013: 348-54 (a partial rehabilitation of this treatise against ill-founded scholarly contempt) supersedes all previous discussions. 1 PM. Fraser, OCD* ‘Lycophron (2)a’; TrGF 1 no. 100. On his intriguingly named Kassandreis see now Lowe 2013: 349 n. 28. For Kassandreia, successor to archaic and classical Potidaia, see Fraser 2009: ™ For this play, see Xanthakis-Karamanos 1996 and 1997 (= 2002: 330-57 and 359-83); also van Rooy 1965: 127-34. For post-classical satyr-plays, see Snell 1964: 119~38, Sifakis 1967: 117-18 and 124-5 (citing SEG 19. 335 (Boiotian Tanagra, rst cent. Bc, money to be paid r]ois τραγικοῖς καὶ σατύροις), and Wiseman 1988: 8-9.

135 Knoepfler 1991. 15 Sympotic allusions in the Menedemos: see frag 2: ‘the fellow-drinker, συμπότης, of the poor mens couch’; also frags 3 and 4. C£ Tarn 1913: 24: ‘It is perhaps at his famous suppers rather than in the lecture-room that we see him [Menedemos] most clearly’; also Cameron 1995: 61: ‘it is tantalising not to know how Lycophron adapted the conventions of satyr-drama to bring on stage the symposia of his philosophy teacher" cf. 97 for the suggestion that the poets (incl. Lykophron of Chalkis) who were invited to these ‘important’ symposia were expected to ‘contribute poems of their own’).

39

Introduction

Vinctus, Pseudo-Oppian, or the Appendix Vergiliana. (See OCD^, ‘pseudepigraphic literature’; the choice of Lykophron of Chalkis, not a great name like Homer or Virgil, might seem less surprising if we had more

of his output.) The Sibylline Greek oracles would be another parallel—but

only if the Alexandra were ascribed to Kassandra herself! The female focal-

ization adopted for most of the poem might tempt one to think of a female author: perhaps a priestess? And perhaps a product of the unusually

female-friendly culture of Epizephyrian Lokroi in S. Italy? Other relevant considerations are:

(i) The use of Kassandra’s rape as organizing principle of most of the poem, in that the sufferings of all the Greeks, not just the rapist Lokrian Ajax, are punishment for what was done to Kassandra

alone. The idea may go back to Euripides’ Troades, but Lyk. takes

it much further. We might compare Christa Wolf’s powerful ferninist novel Kassandra. (ii) Most important, there is the remarkable knowledge which the

poem displays of female cults generally. By female cults I mean both cults in which women participate and cults for female figures—including heroine cult for Kassandra herself. The name Kassandra (see section 2 above) means ‘she who excels’, but her

other name Alexandra means ‘warder off of men’ and her own cult at Daunia is a pre-marriage ritual of a familiar reversal type. In her novel Murder Most Classical, set in sth-cent Attic Brauron, Christina

Elfwood—a pseudonym for the late Christiane SourvinouInwood—used the device of a visiting Spartan priestess as a way of communicating cultic details. The knowledgeable local priestess of Brauronian Artemis explains the rituals, ostensibly to the Spartan visitor, but also to the reader. Sourvinou-Inwood knew what she

was doing when it came to ancient Greek religion.

Female poets were far from unknown in the Greek world at any period," and Hellenistic S. Italy in particular seems to have been a good place

for them (for S. Italy as an attractive candidate for the home region of the author of the Alexandra, see section 7). A notable example is the epigrammatist Nossis from Italian Lokroi. In the late 3rd cent. Bc, two Aitolian cities honoured Aristodama daughter of Amyntas of Smyrna in lonia, an epic poetess, ἐπῶν moınrpıa, who gave many performances of her own poems; these may, Chaniotis conjectures, have featured the epiphany of Apollo at the time of the Gaulish invasion of 278/7. 115 See M, West 1996 [Eng. tr. in West 2013¢: 315740]. 116 Chaniotis 1988: no. E 56.

40

5. The Author (1)

Another possibility is that she addressed herself to the complex of myths about Diomedes,

a Homeric hero with emphatically Aitolian ori-

gins through his father Tydeus, and who was a great favourite with Lyk., who deals with him twice over (compare the double treatment of Hekabe).

Aristodama is the subject of a valuable recent study by Jan Rutherford, who points out that she is likely, as a citizen of Smyrna, to have been conscious of her city’s claim to be Homer's birthplace; Rutherford collects other epigraphically attested female poets."" In 2004, Bosnakis published

a pair of new 3rd-cent. Bc inscriptions from Kos honouring two poetesses, one of whose names is unfortunately not preserved. One of them, Delphis

daughter of Praxagoras, is called a writer of elegies, éAeyetoypal[ qos, the other is a ‘poetess of old co[...], ποιητρίαν κωΪ...] / ἀρχαίας", but the restoration ‘old co[medy]' would result in a surprising skill at that late date. See SEG 54. 787 and nn. So there were certainly female poets, and some of them performed

their own poetry (for performance see further, next section). In order to explain how a female author might have acquired the religious and mythical knowledge required to write the Alexandra, one might think of a priestess, perhaps at S. Italian Lokroi (above). But the poem displays not only vast knowledge of recondite mythology, but a phenomenal general

literary erudition (above, section 3), which is difficult to explain, given that levels of female education, even in the Hellenistic period, were not high. ‘That is one difficulty. Another and even more serious difficulty is that there is no obvious reason why a female poet should have adopted a male pseudonym; certainly there is no precedent for this among the many examples of female poets collected and analysed by West 1996 [Eng. tr. in West 2013c], and for this reason Martin West has persuaded me that the idea—

albeit appealing in many ways—of a female author of the Alexandra should be abandoned. By contrast, there are plenty of good analogies for male poets adopting a female persona, in the sense of putting words into the mouth of a

woman. One has only to think of Homeric laments (like those at the end of I/. 24), or of the dozens of female characters in Greek tragedy

and comedy. Even Alkaios (frag. 10 Voigt) can begin a poem with the startling words ‘Me, pitiable woman...’."* For female speech-patterns, see below, section 9. For a possible S. Italian milieu for the poet, see below, section 7.

"7 T, Rutherford 2009. 48 On this topic see Yatromanolakis 2009: 209 and n. 17.

41

Introduction 6.

PERFORMANCE?

Let us now turn to the Alexandra, considered as a possible candidate for

recitation or other type of performance. This is a topic which, in a general way, was reopened for the Hellenistic period by Alan Cameron in his 1995 monograph on Kallimachos!"—itself a product in part of strong interest at that time in the symposium as cultural phenomenon. Cameron argued

that Kallimachos was not entirely a poet of the book, but that some of his

poetry was meant for oral performance. The present section will examine a particular sort of attested recitation: that which involved female reciters (and female poets), and poetic themes

with a noticeable Homeric slant. I will ask what we might mean by recitation and performance of such poems, and whether they help with the understanding of the Alexandra. Actual sympotic performance of our poem is another possibility, to be considered at the end of this section, but is perhaps not the likeliest, although we shall see that there is sympotic influence.

Most scholars have assumed that the Alexandra was a purely literary production, in the sense ‘not performed’. So Sifakis,” and others. But in 1984, Stephanie West, as part of a theory of large interpolations with a S. Italian and Sicilian orientation, suggested that these sections originated from performances in S. Italy by the travelling artists of Dionysos. Her theory won approval from Wiseman.” Her view of the poem as a live performed work not a dead one is attractive, but the interpolation theory is not here followed (for one thing, too much of the poem has a western

slant). As a post-classical Kassandra poem, the Alexandra was not unique. Papyrus finds have brought to light other Hellenistic Kassandra poems or plays. One of them is about Hekabe.’” Another is a puzzling fragment of a tragedy from Oxyrhynchos.™ A third is an extraordinary anapaestic poem, of almost Lykophronic difficulty, preserved Berlin. For text, translation, and discussion of this, “The anapaestic Kassandra poem P. Berol. 9775’. There epigrams for recitation by female poets on Homeric

on a papyrus now in see below, Appendix, is also evidence from themes generally, but

with a focus on the fall of Troy (below). Might the Alexandra have been an unusually long recited poem of this evidently popular type? We have 119. Cameron 1995.

120 Sifakis 1967: 77 n. 2 on an Oslo papyrus with musical notation. Some have sought to bring this into connection with Lyk. But that, says Sifakis, ‘was a purely literary product intended for reading... Nobody would ever think of setting the Alexandra to music.’ 21 5, West 19842: 145-6; Wiseman 1988: 5-6. 12 GLP: no. 30. 122 P Oxy. 2746=TrGF 2 (adesp.) no. 649 with Fantuzzi and Hunter 2003: 433.

42

6. Performance?

considered but rejected the idea that the actual author ofthe Alexandra was

female, but the adoption by a male poet ofthe persona of Kassandra might have been influenced by recited works of this sort.

We may now ask, what sort of performance context, if any, should we think of for both the Alexandra and the anapaestic Kassandra poems, and what it is about Kassandra that made her so attractive to Hellenistic poets? There are no certainties, but there is some material for comparison, both

literary and epigraphic.’

The 3rd-cent. Bc epigrammatist Dioskorides complained that a woman called Athenion sang of ‘the horse’, i.e. the Wooden Horse, the δούριος

ἵππος by which Troy was captured. ‘All Ilion was on fire, and I burned with it. Troy took ten years labour, but both I and Troy went up in flames in just one night.” It is disputed whether Athenion is to be thought of as having

written the poem, or whether she just sang or recited the eguus Troianus of Livius Andronicus (as some modern scholars implausibly believe, perhaps out of mere sexist reluctance to believe in women poets). Surely we can discard the second possibility. Even more implausible is Davreux’s idea

that the poem mentioned by Dioskorides as a subject of recitation or song

was the actual source for Livius." Whatever the truth, Dioskorides was

imitated by Krinagoras, in the time of Augustus." He wrote as follows: ‘Aristo’ (another female name) ‘sang of Nauplios, watchman of sea-girt Euboia, and I, the rash lover, was inflamed by her song. That faithless flame by night from the rock of Kaphereus passes into my unhappy heart.’ This too is a Homeric or post-Homeric theme, because Nauplios lured the

Greek ships, manned by drunken sailors returning from Troy, onto the

rocks of Euboian Kaphereus; the Nauplios story occurs prominently in

Lyk. (385, cf. 1093, where he is called a cunning hedgehog). These may just

be literary conceits, but behind them it is surely possible to detect a real historical phenomenon, namely poems with Homeric themes, recited or

enacted by women. The Alexandra might have been written for such female

recitation or enactment. The role of the Lykophronic Kassandra would test the powers of human memory to the limit; but the idea is not impossible

if we recall that Aristodama (section 5 above) recited her own epic poems, presumably after memorization. In this light, we may consider a passage of Theokritos. In Idy// 15. 96-7, set in Syracuse, Gorgo says to Praxinoa ‘hush, the Argive woman's "^ P. M, Fraser drew my attention to the relevance of the epigrams of Dioskorides and Krinagoras, and of Theok. [dy/f 15. See above, Preface p. 6, and (for the two relevant epigrams) Fraser 1972: 1. 598 and 2. 848 n. 342.

95 HE 1471-4 (Dioskorides no. II) = A. 5.138. 75 Davreux 1942: 55-6. #7 GP 1777-80 (Krinagoras no. II) = A.P 9. 429.

43

Introduction

daughter [or, daughter of Argeia] is going to sing the Adonis-song, the clever singer’, σιγᾷ, Πραξινόα: μέλλει τὸν Ἄδωνιν ἀείδειν à τᾶς Ἀργείας θυγάτηρ πολύιδρις ἀοιδός. The scholiast says ‘it is unclear, who is the poetess, roınrpıa. Some say that she is a daughter of a woman called Argeia, with the same name as her mother [cf. Hdt. 6. 52. 2]; others that she herself is Sikyonian (an unexpected circumstantial detail). Gow, however,

thought it likelier that Argeia was a simple female ethnic, the woman of

Argos. Dover adopts this interpretation without mentioning the other, and

says ‘Gorgo, like most of us, forgets names. So we might say “it is the Irish

girl who sang at the Palladium last year” ' (a nice period touch). Be that

as it may, it is interesting that the scholiast’” calls the woman ‘the poetess’, not just ‘the chanteuse’. Gorgo calls Argeia (or the Argeia) πολύιδρις ἀοιδός. Gow comments on this: ‘it appears from 146 that the composition as well as the performance of the piece is due to the singer, and Gorgo is complimenting her in both places on the mythological learning which she commands’. In line 146, Gorgo says the singer is ὀλβία ὅσσα ioarı, ‘happy on account of all she knows’ or ‘because she knows everything’ Fritzsche: ‘glücklich ist die Sängerin, wegen dessen, was sie alles weiss’. F. Griffiths, in his amusing ‘Home before Lunch’, notes that it is a woman

who sings the Adonis hymn, and that she is identified in terms of her mother not her father.? Let us now ask, what sort of knowledge

does Gorgo have in mind

for this talented performer? Gow suggested that it is the mythological erudition displayed at lines 137742. Now these lines are distinctly Homeric, note ‘great hero Ajax of the heavy anger’, μέγας βαρυμάνιος ἥρως, which

a Σ says is a glancing allusion to the quarrel over the armour of Achilles in Odyssey 11, and *Hektor, the eldest of Hekabe' twenty sons’, where Z says that the poetess has, like Simonides, rounded up the nineteen sons of I/iad

24. 496. Hunter suspects an additional allusion to Hekabe's lament for Hektor as ‘dearest of all my sons in my heart’ later in the same book (24. 748). That is attractive, but in any case, the choice of Hekabe not Priam, the mother not the father, as Hektor's parent is noticeable (compare Theokritos

on the metronymically

identified performer

herself); in a

similar way, Hekabe is markedly prominent in Lyk., who makes Kassandra

predict heroine-cult for her at a cenotaph near Cape Pachynos in SE Sicily (1181-1184). We must not confuse Argeia’s Homeric learning with that of Theokritos, but he has made her play learnedly with Homer's text, and take a distinctively female angle, of a sort which reminds us both of Lyk.’s 128’ Theok. 15. 97, p. 314 Wendel. 129 Griffiths 1981. 130 Hunter 1996: 135.

44

6. Performance?

Kassandra, and of the anapaestic Kassandra-poem (cf. Appendix). The author of the Alexandra was, then, writing against a literary background of recitation by women who are to be thought of as mythologically and Homerically erudite. It is a short step from such real-life erudite reciters to female impersonation, in a dramatic context, of an erudite heroine from

the world of myth (see below).

To be sure, we should not forget that the Adonia is emphatically represented by Theok. as a womens festival, so that the prominence of this

female composer-performer should no doubt be seen under that aspect. Gow’s own translation of πολύιδρις ἀοιδός as ‘the clever singer’ does not quite fit his commentary interpretation in terms of mythological learning.

But (as Peter Fraser pointed out to me long ago), the description also fits Lyk. very well. In Homer, the adjective is found only in the Odyssey, where it refers to the cunning of nurses such as Eurykleia. But the root meaning has to be ‘knowing much’, so if we take it with line 146, where she is said in

different and more explicit words to ‘know much’, we must conclude that

Gow's commentary, rather than his translation, is on the right lines.

But, it may be objected, these are poems about poems, so how can we be

sure where plausible realism ends and outright fiction begins? Fortunately, we have a control, in the form of inscriptions from the period, commemorating unequivocally historical female poets who really did write their own material; for some of these see above, section 5 (esp. Aristodama). Might the Alexandra have been performed as a whole (that is, not in the

bitty way suggested by Stephanie West)? To recite all of it would take

about two hours, as I have ascertained by experiment. Understanding it

would have been hard work for a normal audience, but the same is true

of audiences at Stratford, who sit through Shakespeare and probably understand a small percentage of what the actors are saying. (King George III asked “was there ever hear such STUFF as great part of Shakespeare? Only one must not say so, what, what?)

But it still remains to ask, what sort of context should we envisage.

Andrew Morrison has challenged sharp distinctions between public and private or elite performance, using an old weapon of eristic logic to do

so: how many people [he asks rhetorically] have to be at a performance

before it ceases to be private? How strict do admittance criteria have to be? How learned does an audience member have to be to be a member of

an elite? and so on.’ Glastonbury or Glyndebourne? Or neither? Of

the Adonis song in Theokritos, F. Griffiths wrote 'this mawkish spectacle,

gotten up for the consumption of the masses, parallels the Gothic novels and soap operas of our own day in symbolizing the housewife's failure of 131 Morrison 2007: 108.

45

Introduction

imagination. That is over the top; but we can agree that Gorgo and Praxinoa might not have got much fun out of Lyk.’s poem; and if they had

sat through to the end they would not have been back home in time for lunch. We might speculate that the Alexandra was written and performed in a Lokrian civic and patriotic context. Theokritos’ poetess-performer at the Adonis festival is analogous in obvious ways, although we have seen that the Alexandra is not likely to have been actually written by a woman poet, because the male pseudonym is hard to explain, whereas Athenion and Argeia retained their female identities. The crucial difference between Athenion, Aristo, and Argeia on the one

hand, and the hypothetical reciter of the main part of the Alexandra on the

other, is that in the latter case the identity of the reciter disappears completely because Lyk. adopts some of the main forms of traditional drama. The Kassandra of the Alexandra was a role to be played by an actor (but a female

actor, so that in this respect the play diverges from all-male Attic sth-cent. conventions of production), Nor should we forget the guard completely. Did a male actor or reciter introduce and terminate the performance? Alternatively, we might think of sympotic performance. This does not mean abandoning the analogy with Aristo and Athenion: the poems evoked by the two epigrammatists Dioskorides and Krinagoras might themselves have been sympotically performed. At first sight, the Alexandra is a long way

from the world of the male symposium. The great length of the poem is against any sort of real-life sympotic poem, as is the absence of sympotic

themes (there are feasts, to be sure, but they are uniformly gloomy or else disastrously violent, even murderous, occasions: 543n., 802n., 200n. The

reference to the ‘last of the wine’ at 163 is sympotic black humour, see n. there). On the other hand, there is one feature of the Alexandra which

strongly suggests the symposium, and that is the riddling character of the poem: riddles, γρῖφοι, were a long-established sympotic tradition. In the

Alexandra, only minor characters like the Cypriot Praxandros, or Meda and Kleisithera, are referred to by their right names; important figures like Odysseus or Diomedes are referred to by periphrases requiring ingenuity and learning to untangle (contrast 586 and 658. For discussion, see 586-587 n. For Meda and Kleisithera see 1220-1222). Even Priam, to whom the poem is

nominally addressed, is introduced to us as the maternal brother of Tithonos (19). So there is surely sympotic influence on the Alexandra. But it is in most

respects not a sympotic poem. By contrast, the Menedemos of Lykophron of Chalkis was thoroughly sympotic in flavour, even using the give-away word sympotes (above, section 5). Could they really have been written by the same

person? Anything is possible: who would have guessed that A. E. Housman,

the dry editor of Manilius, also wrote A Shropshire Lad? But the better 46

7. The Author (2): from Italian Lokroi?

answer is No. Lykophron of Chalkis and the author of the Alexandra wrote a century apart and they wrote very different sorts of poetry. Finally, we may ask whether the Alexandra belongs to a genre of Hellenistic Kassandra poems which included both the anapaestic poem, and the tragic fragment from Oxyrhynchos (n. 123); and if so how we

should explain the apparent popularity of this genre.

‘The answer to the first question has to be a partial Yes. A purely literary answer to the second question is to invoke the attractiveness of Kassandra’s

foreknowledge as an expository device, particularly where the themes were

Homeric, as in many of our examples. Aeschylus and Euripides exploited

Kassandra’s unique narrative ability to range forwards as well as back: she is the queen on the narrative chessboard. (Tragic choruses foreshadow events, they do not foretell them.) Indeed the lines of Troades, in which

Kassandra foretells Odysseus’ painful nostos, are the obvious surviving thematic model for Lykophron (see above, section 3 (f) (1)), though we should not forget its companion in the trilogy, the Alexandros. The Oxyrhynchos argument confirms that this play contained a prophecy scene by Kassandra,

περὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἐθέσπισεν. But three lines of Euripides, long known

because quoted by Plutarch, show that her prophecies were idle i.e. not

believed: ἄκραντα yàp μ᾽ ἔθηκε θεσπίζειν θεός (frag. 62f). A historian might answer Page’s question, why Trojan tragic themes inspired imitation after other themes had gone out of fashion, by invoking the Trojan origin of Rome—as in Lyk., who conflates this myth with the

Romulus-Remus story (1226-1233). As for the anapaestic poem, its brevity makes speculation risky. But some kind of performance or recitation is surely possible, especially given the anapaests, and it is possible that it could have been written for a female reciter, who is represented as both drawn to Homeric themes

generally and as attracted by the Kassandra-Hekabe combination in particular. To that extent, the analogy with the Alexandra is obvious. But there are differences as well as similarities, and in the Appendix, I will suggest that the anapaestic poem was a response to the Alexandra.

7. AUTHORSHIP AGAIN: AN AUTHOR FROM S. ITALIAN LOKROI?

The western, i.e. Sicilian and esp. S. Italian, slant of large parts of the Alexandra has often been remarked.'? It makes it plausible to ask if this ??? See e.g. Fusillo. 47

Introduction

might be the home region of the poems author.”? (In particular, the author’s preoccupation with Daunia, mod. N. Puglia, is very pronounced, on the Dasii of Arpi/Argyrippa in particular, see sections 4 above and τὸ

below. For the very remarkable Oscan cult epithet Mauepros i.e. Mamers

for Ares see 938 ἢ. and below, n. 267). If so, we might think in particular of

a residence at Italian Lokroi—a cultured place in the Hellenistic period. It produced one poet, the epigrammatist Nossis (a woman). There was a

genre of erotic ‘Lokrian songs’, Aokpıra ἄσματα (Ath. 6392), and a frag-

mentary poem of Pindar (frag. 140b Maehler) probably celebrates a musi-

cal and poetic innovator from archaic Lokroi called Xenokritos. Musical life in Italian Lokroi was exceptionally lively from the archaic to the

Hellenistic periods.’*> Other relevant considerations are

(i) The prominence of a hero or anti-hero from central Greek Lokroi,

namely Ajax himself; the Lokrian Maidens’ tribute is set out at length. Greek and Italian Lokroi had close connections at all periods.

(ii) The frequent mentions of Italian Lokroi in the poem, down to small details such as ‘brief as a Lokrian rose’, said of Xerxes at 1429. (iii) The close links between Italian Lokroi and Sparta, symbolized by the loan of the Dioskouroi which enabled the Lokrians to defeat Kroton at the Sagra River, has left traces in Lyk. Kassandra herself,

under the name Alexandra, received cult in Sparta (1124n.). It will

be argued that the Spartan cult of Kassandra reached the Daunians via Sparta’s colony Taras: see 1128 n. both for her Daunian cult, and for the Tarentine factor.

(iv) Persephone and Aphrodite, the interdependent goddesses of Italian Lokri, are prominent throughout the poem, and Aphrodite frames the long Cyprus excursus. Both those goddesses are panhellenic and local at the same time; see below, section xx.

The attention to the Italian and Sicilian West is ubiquitous and begins early; see 44 and n. for Aboovirıöos. By contrast, the theory that the poem

was written under Attalid Pergamene patronage’ rests on little more than the coverage given to the myth of Telephos of Mysia (the region in which 33 Lambin 17-29 argues for S. Italian Rhegion, because of the tradition which made Lyk. of Chalkis the adoptive son of the historian Lykos of Rhegion (T*GF 100 T 1, from Tzetzes). The filiation is unlikely. Lambin 26-9 is, however, right to be impressed by the epithet Mamertos for Ares (see 938 n.).

134. Redfield 2003. 85 For the literary and archaeological evidence, see Bellia 2012. Cf, also Musti 2001 (special connection with the Antigonid rulers of Macedon).

136 See Kosmetatou 2000; also Looijenga 2014: 236-7 and n. 36, citing his own dissertation (in Dutch. Non vidi).

48

δ. Narrative Structure; Other Literary Aspects

Pergamon was situated) at two points in the poem; see 206-207n. and 1248 n.

Nor should we accept that the poet’s erudition, and awareness of such

Alexandrian writers as Kallimachos and Eratosthenes, imposes a domicile

in Ptolemaic Alexandria. The story of Hiero II's book-barge at Syracuse (below p. 89) shows that royal Hellenistic libraries were not an east Mediterranean monopoly, at a date not many decades earlier than Lyk. is here assumed to have been writing. And in a poem with such a wide and varied geographical sweep in every direction, we should not be tempted to press the implications of the poems undoubtedly good knowledge of places which were or had been in the Ptolemaic sphere of interest such as Samothrace (77n., 162-165n.), Cyprus (447-591 n.), Kyrenaika (144 n. and 877n.) or Karia (see 459n. for Zeus’ out-of-the-way epithet Komyros, which is at home there; cf. two other Karian divine epithets, Athena

Myndia at 950 and Apollo Lepsios at 1207. For two recherché Karian place-names, see 1383 and 1390 with nn.). It must, however, be readily admitted that no internal argument of this sort can ever be conclusive, and the case for S. Italy is itself, no doubt,

vulnerable to accusations of special pleading. The case, such as it is, is

cumulative, and rests above all on the length of the list of foundation myths pertaining to the western Mediterranean (below, section 1o).

8. NARRATIVE STRUCTURE AND OTHER LITERARY ASPECTS

(a) Internal geometry: the significance of line numbers We have seen (section 3 (f)(1)) that the 1474-line Alexandra is the length

of an average play of to Philoktetes, which to the total number a mix of iambic lines

Sophocles (as it happens, it approximates very closely has 1471 lines). But whereas no significance attaches of lines of a typical Attic tragedy, which consists of of speech by a diversity of human and divine charac-

ters on the one hand, and of choral lyric, on the other, the Alexandra

is uniformly iambic in rhythm," is spoken by just two characters, and nearly all of it by only one of these characters. The poem is thus a solid bloc made up of closely similar bricks throughout. It is tempting to count the bricks i.e. lines to see whether the poem has an internal geometry. For observations on the line-numbers see Ziegler 1927: 2329-30. 137 "There is uniformity in another sense also: very little metrical resolution.

49

Introduction

The exact half-way point ofthe poem is reached at 737, which concludes the long episode of the Sirens. See n. there: given the importance of the Sirens symbolism in the poem from start to finish, we can be confident that this is no accident. The Sirens occupy the centre of the long Odysseus episode, which is itself at the centre of the whole Alexandra. Ziegler (1927: 2330, cf. 2326) suggested a further deliberate articulation, running from 387 to 1089: this ‘middle section’ (Mittelstück) contains the woes of

the Greeks who failed to return home, and has the ‘Odyssey’ at its own middle stretch.” The famous prophecy of Rome’s Mediterranean rule over land and sea

(1229, γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης σκῆπτρα Kai μοναρχίαν) is positioned fivesixths of the way through the poem (1474 x % = 1228.33 recurring). The number six will recur at 1445—the six generations between Alexander and Flamininus (on the time-scheme here followed)—and a ‘six’, also known

as a ‘Koan’ (Kos) was the highest throw of the dice (ἀστράγαλοι): a ludic detail for a ludic poem.

Lyk.'s ‘Odyssey’ (648—819, i.e. 172 lines) stands to the thematically related Menelaos episode which immediately follows it (820-876, i.e. 57 lines) in the almost exact ratio of 3:1; the exact 3:1 ratio would be 171: 57. See

820-876 n. In a similar way it has been noticed that Kall.’s H. 6, a poem of 138 lines, is perfectly symmetrical (23 lines for the ritual, then 92 (=23 x 4) for the myth, then another 23 for more ritual). See 737n., citing Hopkinson. Did Lyk. deliberately avoid the exact 3:1 ratio? Ziegler 1927: 2330 noted that although the guard's 3o-line prologue divides neatly into 15+15 lines,

his spoken epilogue is only 14 lines. Ziegler explained this as due to the poet's desire to avoid arithmetical exactness in the creation of a symmetrical poetic edifice. The same consideration might be invoked to explain the treatment of Odysseus and Menelaos.

Augustan Roman poets went in for this sort of concealed literary geometry, as we may call it (see 737 n. for refs; it may even be Sophoclean). It is

not surprising to find it in the works of the more ingenious of their Hellenistic predecessors and models: such concealment is of a piece with the spirit of the γρῖφος or puzzle which informed some such poetry, and certainly informed the Alexandra (above, p. 46 on sympotic features). If the suggestions above are correct, two inferences can be drawn. First, the poet gave meticulous thought to the structure of the poem; and second, the geometrical features which we claim to identify are not readily 138. See Ziegler 1927: 2330, who notes that there are 647 lines before the 172 of the ‘Odyssey’ and 655 lines after it, so that we have another tripartite scheme.

139 But the starting-point of the Mittelstück is disputed: it might begin at 365 or 408. See Ziegler

1927: 2329-30. 50

8. Narrative Structure; Other Literary Aspects

compatible” with interpolation theories—a further reason for rejecting such theories. (They are uncalled-for if we accept that the poet knew of and celebrated the Roman defeat of Philip V in 197 Bc.) (b) Other structural features

The structure of the poem is susceptible to analysis along many different lines;'^' it has even been suggested (Durbec 2008) that it can be seen as

a five-act drama.” If we confine ourselves to the organization of the Alexandra by speakers, it resembles Kall. HI. 6 (see (a) above) in having a very simple tripartite structure in which the central element is by far the longest: first, the guard’s prologue (Ar), then Kassandra’s prophecy (B),

then the guard’s epilogue (Az). The rules of ring-composition'? govern this structure: there are—as commentators have often noticed—many

detailed correspondences between (Ar) and (A3), see 1-29 n.; and there is a clear central point (see (a) above for the Sirens, who also book-end the entire poem, see 4 n.). The internal structure of (B) is much more complex, as indeed the guard has warned us at Ar that it would be (10-15). We have noticed already (see above, 3(j) on Herodotus’ Histories), that Lyk. inverts the Herodotean

order of presentation: the reciprocal abductions which so memorably inaugurated the Histories make up the final main section of Kassandra's speech of ostensible prophecy (1283-1450). After an introduction about the fate of Troy and of specially dear members of her family, the main part of her

prophecy (417-1173, 1214-1225) is taken up by the noszoi or ‘returns’ (mostly failed) of the victorious Greeks after the sack of Troy. For the student of foundation myths and myths of colonial identity, this is the most important and interesting part of the poem; and it provides the poem with

its main organizational principle. Lines 1226-1280 disclose that Troy, long ago defeated and sacked, will rise again in the form of Rome, founded

by descendants of Kassandra’s kinsman Aineias. Traditionally, political historians have paid most attention to the prophecies uttered here and at 1446-1450. Within the zostoi section there seems to be a mainly clockwise

movement (373-386 n., citing Sens 2009: 26-7).

0 Certainly, 737 would be deprived of its significance as a half-way point if we could not be sure that the poem was exactly 1474 lines long.

1 See (again) Ziegler 1927: 2329-30 for a still-valuable discussion. 142 "The ‘acts’ are as follows: 1-182, 183-364, 365-1089, 1090-1282, 1283-1474.

!5 Douglas 2007, esp. ch. 5 for the 'mid-turn’ or central place. 5I

Introduction

(c) Narrative features and narrative voice

Within these main episodes, Kassandra’ transitions have been found plodding and monotonous.“ But we have suggested (above, 3 (d)) that

they derive part of their inspiration from the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, and were thus a recognized, convenient and—for all we know—attractive,

vehicle for complex mythical exposition. One of the most immediately striking features of the poem is periphrastic denomination. For significant Homeric denomination, see de Jong 1993 (a simple example: a patronymic may be used instead of a name, in situa-

tions where the father’s characteristics and history are relevant to the activities of the offspring). That Odysseus is called ‘thief of the Phoenician goddess [Athena]’, a reference to his theft of the Palladion at Troy, suits

the general blackening of Odysseus in the poem (658n.). But riddling

periphrasis is not always so pointed; it may be indulged in for its own

erudite sake. There were classical precedents for this sort of thing (so we should not exaggerate the uniqueness of the Alexandra). We have seen (above, 3(h) that Timotheos of Miletos was a possible influence in this

respect; but even a mainstream tragedian like Aeschylus offers parallels. For instance, Klytaimestra’s ‘beacon speech’ alludes to the 'Gorgopian Lake’

and “Wander-goat Mountain, (Ag. 302-3), both of which are topographical

puzzles worthy of Lyk. In the sometimes ludic and bewildering Alexandra, the game of roundabout denomination has rules. One of these is what we

might call the law of diminishing obscurity (see 22n. on the Hellespont). ‘Thus Phoinodamas is not named initially, but only after five hundred lines have elapsed (466—478 n.; and the Laistrygonians are referred to riddlingly at 662-665 but named at 956. See also 1322-1340 n. This ‘law’—not an iron rule but a breakable habit—is most clearly illustrated by the pattern discernible in the poems very many allusions to cult epithets. See below, section 11(v). Another ‘rule’ which has often been remarked is the willing-

ness to name the more obscure mythical figures but not the famous ones. See section 6 above, citing Praxandros at 586.

We may turn briefly to narrative voice. Kassandra's great a female perspective which manifests itself in two ways by adopting the language of laments and of Sibylline features ('sociolects')'? will be excellently analysed in my

speech adopts in particular: speech. These former UCL

Ph.D. student Giulia Biffis’ forthcoming monograph Cassandra and the female perspective in Lycopbrons Alexandra, and I do not wish to anticipate

her findings here, but for Sibylline resonances in particular, see 1465n. 145

14 Wilamowitz 1924: 2.145. For this notion see Yatromanolakis 2009: 209. 52

το. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

The femininity of Kassandra’s speech-patterns should not, however, be exaggerated. It has often been noticed that the guard speaks in the same highly stylized manner as Kassandra (see ın., citing Wilamowitz).

9. LANGUAGE

The Alexandra contains a mixture of dialect forms; irregularities should not be ironed out, as by Scheer, who turned everything he could into strict Attic. Some dialect variations seem to be for the sake of the metre, such

as the Doricisms ἡρματίξατο and παραιολίξας at 1319 and 1380; see

1380 n., citing Wilamowitz.'* Similarly, the Ionic addition of the sigma in raupoopayov (47) seems clearly metri gratia. For the mix of dialect, see Morrison 2007: 26, citing Janko 2000: 164.

For specifically female speech-patterns, see Cole 2004: 119 n. 168, and above, section (8). Oracular discourse is reflected in the large number of

animal- or bird-metaphors for individual heroes; compare the lion and eagle oracles at Hdt. 5. 92, and see 33n. on Herakles as lion (citing Sistakou 2009: 242 and 252 n. 42) also 308n. (lion-cubs). Some of this is Aeschylean; see

above, n. 34. Sexually vulnerable girls are regularly called ‘doves’; see 87n. and 580n., cf. 314n. (Laodike and Polyxena as nightingales); but for aggressive male eagles see 148n., and for falcons see 169 n. with other refs.” For some foreign words in the Alexandra see above, n. 30 (on Hipponax). For Egyptian words in particular, see 579 n., 747 n., and perhaps 1428 n.

10. FOUNDATION MYTHS, MYTHS OF ORIGIN, AND SIMILAR TRADITIONS IN THE ALEXANDRA Foundation myths begin early in the poem; see 29n. and 69-85n. for

Dardanie/Troy/Ilion. The Alexandra is full of myths of all sorts, and that is one reason for its survival in the MS tradition.‘ By no means all of these are myths directly about the foundation of cities or islands;^ but even 6 Other Doricisms: see 144. (ἄμναμοι, a very interesting word), 416n. (zracv) and 1038 n. (φονῆ). 47 On Lyk.'s ‘bestiary’, see Cusset 2001. 8 Wilamowitz 1924: 2.144.

145 The genre was popular in the Greek world at all periods (this has wrongly been doubted for the archaic period). For Arisis-poems, i.e. poems about the foundation of cities, see Wiseman 1988: 5 n. 41,

citing F. Cairns 1979: 68-70. Apollonios Rhodios wrote poems about the foundations of cities; see above, section 3, p. 31.

53

Introduction

where they are not, local pride and patriotism is often surreptitiously at work: even the primeval castration myth alluded to at 762 is a foundation legend of a kind probably recycled by any place with a sickle-shaped

harbour; see n. there. Again, the fight between the Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai, recounted in leisurely style at 504-568, is attached only very loosely to a clear and explicit foundation myth, that of Akamas—Theseus’ famously colonizing son—on Cyprus. And yet these two pairs of brothers can be seen as mythical signifiers for Sparta and Messenia respectively, and their struggle—taking the anthropologically familiar form of a punch-up

at a wedding—as mirroring the secular tensions between those two communities. See 517n. and 543n.'° Less violently expressed historical tensions between communities might also be mirrored in myth; these myths might take the form of competing

genealogical claims. A possible illustration is the story of the fight between the rival seers Mopsos and Amphilochos, rival co-founders of Mallos in

Kilikia; here we may have a reflection of later feuds and stasis between local

factions and families, see 4397446 n. Another example is the bewildering,

tangled, and sometimes contradictory evidence for the settlement of the mainland Aiolid (mainland NW Asia Minor) and of the islands Lesbos

and Tenedos, both by Agamemnon's son Orestes himself, and by branches of the Penthilidai, Orestes’ descendants. For the way in which these tradi-

tions seem to reflect the claims of competing clans in the vicinity, see 1374-

1377 n., with acknowledgement to Fowler 2013 = EGM 2. (Ihe writings of Hellanikos of Lesbos were fertile in such material, as we saw in section 3 above). Kassandra can also allude, by implication and without discomfort,” to the inconsistent story of Tennes as oikist of Tenedos. See 232-242 n.

Such myths of primordial tension and conflict were not confined to

colonial areas, in the sense of overseas settlements. The fight in the womb

between Panopeus and Krisos, sons of Phokos (an episode already known to ‘Hesiod’, and for which there is an exact biblical parallel, not to mention

intra-uterine cannibalism by sharks) was picked up by Lyk. These warring

150 Another example: the one word δρυηκόπος, ‘woodcutting’, at 1378 is part of a roundabout identification of Neileos, oikist of Miletos (for whom

see the end of this section). It evokes, not a

foundation myth but a classic ‘saving-the-city’ myth about Athens. The woodcutter is Kodros, Neileos’ father. An oracle told the invading Peloponnesians that the city could not be taken if the king were

killed, so Kodros disguised himselfas a woodcutter, went to the enemy camp, picked a quarrel, and got himself killed. The story was often told thereafter as a paradigm of self-sacrificing patriotism, and of

the paradoxical virtues of deceit. It is a familiar ‘king must die’ story, with which compare Decius Mus from Roman history and Leonidas of Sparta. See Fontenrose 1978: 77-8 and Hesk 2000: 89-102. 151 For Greek lack of discomfort at inconsistencies in myth, see Buxton 1994: 193-6. For another example in the Alexandra, see Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 148 n. 2 (Kalchas in Kolophon at 425 and Italy at 1047, with nn. on those lines).

54

10. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

twins are mythical personifications of two rival neighbouring places in the very heartland of Greece. For all this, see 939-940 n. Cities as old and venerable as Troy or Boiotian Thebes might have several foundation myths, not obviously the result of conflict between

groups. The Trojan story is spread over several generations (Dardanos,

ros, Ilos, Laomedon; see 69-85 n.). Kassandra alludes in passing to the

building of the walls of Thebes by Amphion and Zethos (see 6or, where

Zethos, who is named, is employed for the drawing of an analogy with the activity of Diomedes’ companions on his eponymous Adriatic islands),

but also to the separate Theban foundation-myth of Kadmos and the dragons teeth (1206). All that was very familiar mythical stuff. By contrast, the

post-classical re-foundation'? of Thebes, talismanically endorsed by a remarkable cult of the bones of Hektor which had been transferred from Ophryneion in the Troad, is arguably hinted at in the Alexandra. Lyk. cer-

tainly provides the first attestation of this particular cult of relics, for which there is plentiful evidence in later literary sources. See 1208n., and the extended discussion of the problem at 1189-1213 n. It will there be suggested that there is an Athenian aspect to the pre-transfer location of the

bones at Ophryneion, a city with strongly Athenian connections in mythical propaganda and in history. Ihe imperial Athenians of the sth cent.

ΒΟ had themselves played the ‘cult of relics’ game assiduously, and the most celebrated example of this—the transfer of Theseus’ bones from Skyros to Athens—perhaps lies behind the word πάλαι at 1326; see n. there. For a foundation-myth about another Aegean island, Delos, see below p. 63

and n. 161 (the epigraphically attested Archegesion or ‘sacred place of the founder’ i.e. Anios, cf. 569-585 n.) But for the historian, perhaps the most appealing and important topic covered by the poem is settlement by Greeks and Trojans of non- or partially Greek areas. Conspicuous among these is Cyprus, where the long

section 447-591 contains a mix of familiar and unfamiliar foundation myths (Kassandra enumerates five separate oikists: Teukros, Agapenor, Akamas,

Kepheus, and Praxandros). That Teukros, brother of Telamonian Ajax,

founded Cypriot Salamis was a story well known from Pindar, Sophocles, and Herodotus (see 450 n.). The colonizing activity of Akamas (see above)

was also well known in a general way, but the specific tradition which made him oikist of Cyprus (specifically the city of Soloi) is not attested earlier than Lyk. and was perhaps of Athenian political manufacture. See 494—585 n. The myth of Agapenor the Arkadian oikist of Cyprus is at least as old as Herodotus

(7. 90), and has some philological basis: the

Arkado-Cypriot dialect of Greek. See 477-493 n.

152 For another re-foundation story see below (Naples-Parthenope).

55

Introduction

The familiarity of these three myths explains why Kassandra does not name the first three oikists, true to her principle of naming only secondary and more obscure characters.” She does, however, name the last two,

Kepheus and From Strabo two as oikists as a probable

Praxandros, who were from Achaia and Sparta respectively. we know that Philostephanos of Kyrene mentioned these of cities on Cyprus (see above, section 3 for Philostephanos source for Lyk. here), but Lyk. is the earliest fully surviving

source to do so. Names in Prax- are noticeably common on Cyprus, and

the rare name Praxandros is attested on a Cypriot syllabic inscription. Ihe idea of Spartans colonizing Cyprus is very unexpected indeed (Praxandros finds no place in Malkin’s 1994 study of the ‘Spartan Mediterranean), but there are other pieces of evidence which suggest that there may have been at least an ancient perception of such colonization. For instance there was

a cult of Amyklaian i.e. Spartan Apollo at Idalion in Cyprus. For all this,

see 586-587 n.

One feature of the Cyprus section deserves special notice: the name

Sphekeia for the island (448) derives from the Greek word for a wasp (σφήξ), and hints at a recognized subcategory of myths of metamorphosis,

namely those which express colonization in terms of animal metamorpho-

sis (the Birds of Aristophanes is a familiar example, cf. Lyk. 595-597 for

Diomedes followers, who settled his eponymous Adriatic islands and were turned into birds).^^ Metamorphosis is extremely common as a motif in the Alexandra generally (see section 12 below), but we first encounter

this particular variety in the story of the ants with which the mythical proto-oikist Aiakos was said to have peopled the island of Aigina. For this see 176n. (citing Buxton 2009: 68-9, who in turn cites A. Bowie 1993: 159-

60 for the Aristophanic aspect). Another favourite colonization motif also involves non-human creatures: the helpful animal or bird? who guides the settlers to their divinely appointed place. Lyk. is inordinately fond of animal metaphors throughout

the poem; this is partly to be explained by Kassandra’s adoption of an oracular style of discourse. We encounter this guiding-animal mytheme very early on indeed, at the end of the guard’s prologue, when he alludes to the

founding of the predecessor city of Troy by Ilos, guided by a wandering

353 See e.g. 952 n. with Sistakou 2009: 249. The author of the Alexandra was fascinated by names and naming; for preliminary discussion, see 164 n. on φερωνύμους. 154 "This is a slightly different use of the metamorphosis motif from those involving the ants and wasps; see 4470. 155 See also 688-693 n. for the monkeys on colonial Pithekoussai. 156 For valuable discussion see Leigh 1998 (prompted by the story of Antenor's foundation of Padua, mod. Padova); also M. West 1997: 448 and n. 30 (Kadmos and Thebes: another cow-guide).

56

10. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

cow (see 29 and n.). Often such tales involve instructions from an oracle;

cf. above on oracular discourse. For the historian, the most interesting such story in the Alexandra is that

of the Latin sow which acted as guide to Alba Longa, because this is a myth about the origins of Rome, and Lyk. is the earliest extant source to give this vital detail. See 1256 n. Whatever Lyk.’s ‘source’ may have been—and Alföldi in particular was irresponsible in his blanket attribution to Timaios—the priority of the Alexandra among surviving accounts is a certainty, though

you would not think so to judge from most modern treatments of early Roman history (Beloch 1926: 179-80 is an honourable exception, as so often; and see 1259n.: Momigliano observed that Lyk. is the first writer to imply that Aineias founded Lavinium, and see 1261n. for Momigliano on Lyk.'s awareness of the temple of 'Minerva' i.e. Athena at Lavinium). After all, on

any dating of the Alexandra it is at least two centuries earlier than Dionysios of Halikarnassos. In any case, it is not enough merely to drop the name Timaios; we have seen (section 3) that Stesichoros must be also reckoned

with; see 1236—1280 n. and 1262 n. for Stes. on the Aineias legend, and the evidence of the Ta£ulae Iliacae. For Romulus and Remus, see 1233 n., citing Wiseman: the twins feature in a remarkable Greek inscription from Chios

(SEG 30. 1073), but it is disputed whether this is 3rd-cent. or 2nd-cent. Bc,

so its chronological relation to the Alexandra is not clear.

Kassandra’s prophecies about the Trojan settlement of Italy cannot be discussed fully here; see the detailed nn. on the whole of 1226-1280. We

may single out 1250-1252 n. for the extraordinary story of the ‘eating of the tables by Aineias' entourage, familiar from Virgil, but attested for the first

time in Lyk. The table-eating story is a typical Greek colonial foundationstory, in which hunger is a 'driving force' (so very plausibly Horsfall 2000: 10, discussing V. 4f. 7. 107-47), and in which a chance utterance or κληδών by Aineias'son Ascanius (Tulus) is a crucial narrative device as proving that

an oracle or other divinatory utterance has been fulfilled; see further 1252 n.

We may pass to some of the other western foundation legends, which

form so rich and lengthy a component of the enormous 76szoi section. The

list is long: Diomedes and his companions at Argyrippa (Arpi) in Daunia, mod. Puglia, and on the Adriatic ‘islands of Diomedes’ (see below); Boiotians on the Balearic islands (633-647); the Athenian refoundation of

Naples, conceived as a cultic memorial to the Siren Parthenope (732737nn., esp. 736n. for the first and mythical foundation ‘by’ Parthenope herself); Leukosia, the second Siren (722 n.); cult of the third Siren Ligeia

at Tereina to the south, perhaps attested numismatically (726 n.); Odysseus at Etruscan Cortona (8067? and cf. 1245-1248 for Odysseus and Etruria); 157 For the possibility that this item derived from Theopompos, see n. there,

57

Introduction

Menelaos the Spartan in Iapygia (853 n.); Menelaos again at Siris in S. Italy (856); Menelaos yet again in Sicily, here as a mythical prototype for a historical Spartan adventurer and would-be colonial oikist, Herodotus’ Dorieus (see 852-876 n., citing Braccesi 1999: 69-76); Menelaos and before

him the Argonauts on Elba (872-876 and nn.); Philoktetes in the Kroton region of S. Italy (911-929 n.); Epeios the {Wooden-]horse constructor’ in S. Italian Lagaria or Lucania (930-950, and see 1083-1086, a particularly difficult section); Trojan foundations (Eryx, Entella, and Egesta) in the

Elymian region of W. Sicily (951-977n.); Greeks in the bay of Tarentum, perhaps reflecting memories of the archaic i.e. historical period, rather

than as mythical nostoi-warriors returning from Troy (978-992n., esp. 985n.; Siris features again here, cf. above for Menelaos); Greek nostoi-

settlers in Bruttium, displacing interesting-sounding female pre-Greek rulers at what seems to be Kaulonia (993-1010 n., esp. 996 n. on the line of queens called Klete); nostoi-Greeks on Malta (see 1027-1033 n. for long-

standing coexistence between Greek and Punic settlers, and an upsurge in Maltese trading and social contacts with Magna Graecia at around the time of what in this commentary is taken to be the date of the Alexandra);

incubatory cult—described in ritually authentic terms—of Asklepios' son Podaleirios in Daunia (1047-1066 n., and 1050n. for the ritual); Phokians

led by the Homeric warriors Epistrophos and Schedios in Bruttium (10671074n., offering support for a controversial passage of Thucydides); two Anatolian princes, Tarchon and Tyrsenos, in Etruria, coming from either Mysia or Lydia (Lyk. gives both versions in a well-known piece of selfcontradiction, see 1248 n. and 1351-1361n.). Some of these myths are more explicitly described in colonization

language than others. Noszoi-settlers are regularly said to do just that, settle or inhabit; see roron. for the frequency of (κατ)οικήσουσι and similar verbs, often combined with some expression meaning 'after sad/unhappy wandering’, πλάνη or ἄλη. The first of the Diomedes episodes begins with the plainest possible statement of a civic foundational act: another will build Argyrippa as a Daunian heritage, by the side of the Ausonian Phylamos’ (592-593). ‘The historian will wish to know how many of these western foundation myths, expressions as they often are of claims to Greek ethnicity by originally non-Greek places, find corroboration of a non-literary sort. The

most literal and straightforward approach is to look for archaeological

remains at or near the site specified in the poem, ideally accompanied by informative inscriptions in Greek. That might seem a tall order. Greek cults in the Adriatic were the subject of good studies by two Englishspeaking scholars working before the Second World War, Beaumont 1936 and Dunbabin 1948 (an article essentially dating to 1939, but with an 58

το. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

updating appendix). At that time Dunbabin concluded pessimistically (1948: 16) that ‘proof must wait for digging’, and as far as cast-iron evidence goes, this remains largely true (see 417-1282 n., introductory n. to the nos¢oi

section). But much progress has been made since then, notably by Ingrid Edlund in a pioneering inquiry: Edlund 1987b was an excellent short article on “The Sacred Geography of Southern Italy in Lycophron's Alexandra’, which identified some likely cult sites. Genovese 2009 is much

fuller and more up-to-date on the archaeological evidence (tantalizing because inexplicit in the absence of hard epigraphic material) for Greek settlement in areas associated with Diomedes, Philoktetes, and Epeios in

S. Italy. See esp. 720-721n., Parthenope in Campania; 722n., Leukosia; 853n., Menelaos in Iapygia; 856n., the sanctuary of Hera Lakinia in the territory of Kroton; 920n., Philoktetes’ temple to Apollo, perhaps situated at Cirö Marina on the Punta Alice promontory; and for Campanian sanc-

tuaries see now the monograph of Carafa 2008. We can add that the tools of Epeios, said by Kassandra to have been dedicated to Athena, have been (very speculatively) connected to finds at Francavilla Marittima; see 948 n.

The most baffling archaeological items are the engraved but anepigraphic ‘Daunian stelai’, for which see 616-617n. (conjectural connection with

either or both of the story of Diomedes’ magical boundary-stones and Kassandra’s own Daunian cult).

Not much epigraphy so far, then. But that changed spectacularly in 1995 with the chance discovery of sth-cent. pottery, carrying dedications to Diomedes, on the main island of the Palagruza group in the central Adriatic. See SEG 48. 692bis—694 and section ıı(i) below, with discussion at 599n.

From this it became clear that his eponymous islands (599) included the Palagruza mini-archipelago in the central Adriatic, as well as the Tremiti islands—the traditional ‘islands of Diomedes’, which form another mini-

archipelago, but close to the coast of N. Puglia near modern Peschici. Scientific excavation of pre-Roman levels on S. Nicola (always the principal inhabited Tremiti island, on which the alleged ‘tomb of Diomedes’ is exhibited in a depressingly overgrown ancient cemetery area) might pro-

duce results as spectacular as those on Palagruza: a kind of Adriatic and Aitolian equivalent to Euboian Pithekoussai on the Tyrrhenian sea. As for the Daunian (N. Puglian) mainland, the most intriguing archaeological

evidence is that of the so-called Daunian stelai now in the Manfredonia

museum, large archaic objects decorated with pictures of women apparently engaged in cult activities of some sort. It is tempting to associate these

unique and puzzling artefacts (which show Illyrian influence) with the magical boundary-marking stelai which Kassandra describes as having jumped supernaturally back to the land after Diomedes treacherous enemy Daunos had thrown them into the sea (616—617n., 627n., and 628n.). 59

Introduction

Otherwise, the most promising evidence linking Aitolian Diomedes with Argyrippa/Arpi comes from Appian and Livy; see 623 n. and above, section 4 for the numismatically attested family of the Dasii who, according to Appian, claimed descent from Diomedes at the time of the Hannibalic

war. [his shows a prominent local family asserting Greekness in the context of the struggle between Rome and Carthage. The lines which describe Kassandra’s own future cult in Daunia (1123-1140) are also key evidence for

the interaction of Greek and non-Greek or pre-Greek. See 1128 n: the originally Spartan cult of Kassandra was perhaps infiltrated northwards from

Sparta’s colony Taras. But this is a foundation myth only in a very loose sense.

The last main colonial episode of the Alexandra concerns myths of Greek settlement of Asia Minor (1362-1396, four separate myths, one about the Aiolid, two about Ionian/Karian Miletos, one about the Dorian SE). This episode falls outside the 70:70; section, and is hooked on to the

main prophetic narrative as one (or rather four) of the series of reprisals between Europe and Asia: these colonizing movements are represented (perhaps not untruthfully) as acts of aggression and arson, a prolonged racist land-grab. See 1374-1396 n. We have noticed one of these movements already (see above for conflicting traditions about Orestes and the Penthilidai in the Aiolid and offshore islands). It is a curious feature of this myth that Orestes is treated as a hostile invader of the Troy region, a foreign land’ (1376), although

his ancestor Pelops came from Lydia (this is implied at 150, see n. there). See 1374-1377n. We might compare Hdt. τ᾿. 7. 2, where—again in the context of the primeval clashes between Europe and Asia, as in Lyk.— Kandaules of Lydia is given a Greek-looking genealogy deriving from Alkaios son of Herakles. Kassandra moves down the Asia Minor coast and forward in time.

Miletos stands for Ionia as a whole. It is noticeable that three of the four foundation myths told by the female narrator/prophetess Kassandra involve the use and abuse of women. Both of the stories about Miletos involve them (no. 3), as does the Mestra story about the Knidos region in the Dorian area of settlement (no. 4). The first of the two Miletos stories, discussed fully at 1378-1387n., describes the Athenian oikist Neileos' encounter with a potter's daughter, who fulfils an oracle by unintentionally giving him earth and water, a common signifier for territorial possession (1380 n.). The second Miletos myth starts with a story of a regu-

lar enough colonial type, the myth of the Brothers’ Quarrel which leads a younger son (here, Neileos) to seek a new future overseas. It develops most

irregularly after that, and becomes an extraordinary story of the chance

utterance, κληδών, provided by Neileos' sexually voracious daughter (the 60

10. Foundation Myths; Myths of Origin

detailed evidence comes from a textually problematic pair of hexameters quoted in the scholiastic tradition, and discussed below, p. 478 n.). Here too there is an oracular aspect. The story has been neglected by the modern literature, perhaps from prudishness in some quarters at its undoubted

obscenity.'”® The role of the daughter corresponds in a way to that of the guiding creature, more usually an animal or bird, discussed above in con-

nection with the Alba Longa sow. The girl’s κληδών, which turns out to hold the key to the colonial location, is comparable to such motifs as the ‘eating of the tables’, which provoked Ascanius/Iulus' facetious κληδών, discussed at 1250-1252 n., cf. above. The novelties here are the female aspect,

the obscenity, and the element of uncontrollable sexual appetite.

It is significant that Kassandra is made to focus on Miletos, the city in the region which was specially associated with the violence against

women which must often have been part of the colonizing process. So we have here an emphatic statement of Greek superiority over local culture (Fowler 2013: 580). Some structural features of Greek colonization, alluded to in the Alexandra, must be mentioned in conclusion. First, oracles. At the start of

many historical colonizing ventures was an oracular consultation (see e.g. Hdt. 5. 42. 2 and Forrest 1957 for Delphi, and Morgan 1990: 172-8), and the Alexandra repeatedly reflects this reality: see 133-134n. for refs. Other

forms of divinatory utterance were also in play; for the ‘eating of the tables’ by Aineias’ son Ascanius as a chance utterance (KAndwv) which fixed the site at which the new arrivals should settle, see 1252 n. (and compare

1378-1387 n. for the κληδών uttered by Neleus’ daughter in connection with Miletos); this ‘tables’ story also alludes plainly to the hunger which was a feature of Greek colonization stories. Second, family frictions sometimes led to an expedition overseas, in

myth as in history; see 1034—1046 n. for Elephenor who fled the pollution

of homicide of close kin; compare the historical fratricide Timoleon of Korinth, re-founder of Syracuse in the 4th cent. sc. (These first two cate-

gories sometimes overlapped, as in Thucydides' account of the colonizing activity of the matricide Alkmaion, whose new home was ordained by an oracle: 2. 101. 5-6.) See also 1378-1387 n. for the ‘Brothers’ Quarrel’ motif, as

applied to Neileos and Medon at—again— Miletos. The historical analogy here is the Spartan Dorieus, brother of king Kleomenes I.’ 7533 Nothing in Sourvinou-Inwood 2005: 268-309, ‘the foundation myths of Miletos’, or in Prinz 1979: 325-39, about either of Lyk.'s two Miletos stories—Neileos’ encounter with the potter's daughter

and the κληδών of his own daughter.

55 A further colonization-related theme is that of earth and water obtained by deception; see again 1378-1387 n. (also Miletos). But this notion is also attested more generally (but without the element of deceit), as in Persian demands for earth and water i.e. subjection.

61

Introduction

Third, at the other end of the colonizing process, when the new land had been settled and the new city founded, there must often have been regretful, even bitter, thoughts of everything and everyone that had

been left behind: είναι πικρή ἡ ξενιτειά. Ihe Alexandra uses foundation myths to bring out very effectively the real-life nostalgia felt by colonial Greeks far from home, a nostalgia which might be expressed in ritual, and in festivals like the one which Aristoxenos of Taras tells us was celebrated, if that is the right word for something so sad, by the Greeks at Poseidonia (see 609n.). The key word- “root here is ποθ- (noun πόθος,

‘nostalgia’, verb ποθῶ). See 609n. on τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλήμονες μεμνη-

μένοι (Diomedes’ feathered companions ‘remembering in sadness their

former way of life’) and 645n. on Γρᾶιαν ποθοῦντες (pining Boiotians on the Balearic islands feeling similar πόθος for their homeland).

The

prosaic Hieronymos of Kardia also recorded this πόθος of Greeks for their δίαιτα (Diod. 18. 7. 1, the Greeks in far-off Baktria after the death of Alexander. They tried to make their way home but were annihilated by the Macedonian satrap Peithon).

The above remarks by no means exhaust this rich topic, which I will return to in Lykophron’s Alexandra and the Hellenistic World.

11. LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE AND FUNCTION OF CULT EPITHETS IN THE ALEXANDRA (i) Introduction Inscriptions are relevant to the Alexandra at many points, although their

potential contribution has been largely ignored by modern commentators on the poem. Perhaps the most celebrated such passage is 1141-1174, which the early Hellenistic ‘Lokrian Maidens inscription, first published by the great Adolf Wilhelm a century ago (now IG 9. 1 706), shows to have

been a genuine ritual in Hellenistic times. Or we may think of Praxandros

the Spartan oikist of Cyprus (585), whose rare name occurs in a Cypriot

inscription in syllabic script (see above, section 10 for this and some of the others about to be mentioned); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed potsherds carrying dedications in Greek to Diomedes, found in the mid-1990s on the tiny island of Palagruza in the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the sth cent. sc (SEG 48. 6926is-694); or of 733—734 and 160 Also very relevant here is 977, the people of Sicilian Egesta mourning for the lost homeland Troy.

62

i.

Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

their relation to the inscribed sth-cent. sc Athenian decree (ML 61 line 9)

mentioning Diotimos, the general who founded a torch-race at Naples, according to Lyk.; or of the early 6th-cent. pinax from the territory of Metapontion, inscribed AxıA(A)es | Hárpok[Aos], which may be relevant

to Lyk.’s account of the mourning for Achilles by the women of Kroton,

see 859-865 n.; or of 1050 (cult for Podaleirios) and the epigraphic evidence for incubation rituals; or of 1233 and the Greek ‘Romulus and Remus’

inscription from Chios, SEG 30. 1073; or of 570-585 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult-building of Anios on Delos, which shows that this strange founder-king with three magical daughters was a figure of historical cult as well as of myth.!‘ See the detailed nn. on all these

passages. Other passages of the poem describe ritual behaviour which is most easily paralleled from inscribed sacred laws (see nn. on 862-864 for funerary restrictions on female clothes and jewellery, or 1050 n. for the epigraphic evidence for the correct ritual for incubation, which involves

lying on the skins of rams, as explicitly described in that line). Finally, as if to make sure that we do not overlook the contribution of epigraphy, the vocabulary and psychology of Hellenistic Greek civic inscriptions is audaciously evoked at 1172-1173; see nn. there. But the area where epigraphy's contribution is most rewarding is that

of cult epithets, ἐπικλήσεις (for the vocabulary for this concept see further below). Again and again, inscriptions show that the religious world evoked in the Alexandra corresponded to a cultic reality. The subject of this section, then, is a striking and unavoidable feature of the Alexandra: Lyk.’s

habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple lists of epithets piled up without connecting particles (in ‘asyndeton’). This

phenomenon first occurs early in the 1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 152-153, Demeter has five descriptors in a

row: Evvaia ποτὲ / Ἕρκυνν᾽ Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος, 'Ennaian..., Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing’. At 152 n. I give the probable

explanations of these epithets. The main aim of what follows will be to emphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscurity of Lykophron. In this section, we will ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in

this special way. We will also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, about the local origin of the epithets,’” is of good quality and of value to the historian of religion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscriptions, beginning

'^' For Anios see Prost 2001 (esp. πὸ for the inscribed dedications). See already Rohde 1925: 152 n. 102. 1€ On this information see Wentzel 1890. For this book's thesis, see below, section vii.

63

Introduction

with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such a check.

The Alexandra has enjoyed remarkable recent vogue,'” but this attention

has (see section 1 above) come mainly from the literary side.’ Historians,

in particular historians of religion, and students of myths relating to colo-

nial identity, have been much less ready to exploit the intricate detail of the

poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects. The present section is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a difficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. A cult epithet is ordinarily a second word attached to a god's name, though Lyk. usually omits the actual name, and these elliptical adjectival designations must have created puzzles or riddles of identification even among the poem's first readers or hearers, who knew much more than we

do. The epithet is usually an adjective, such as Aphrodite Euploia, ‘of fair sailing’ (that particular one is not actually in Lyk.), and among such adjec-

tives, some

are in effect ethnics: Aphrodite Troizenia and Dionysos

Phigaleus (610, 212), from Troizen and Arkadian Phigaleia. Substantives

may do duty as epithets, such as Apollo Jatros, ‘the Doctor’ (discussed

below), perhaps dva£, ‘King’, for Zeus. An interesting subclass of epithets is formed from names of other gods, like Athena Hephaistia, Athena who

in some sense partakes of the character of Hephaistos.'^ This particular example is curious if we try to make sense of it through myths, given

that Hephaistos attempted to rape Athena. I will return to the conceptual

categories implied by all these name-types. The topic is religiously important. Robert Parker has remarked that "learned poets worked epithets and aetiologies for them into their verses in great numbers; Lycophron's Alexandra in particular is a major source". Of all Hellenistic poets, Lyk. is easily the richest in this respect. Apollonios Rhodius Argonautika also has plenty of divine epithets, but there is never any

doubt which god they refer to. The scholia occasionally offer material about

18 Some of the most important work published since 1992 is listed in my bibliographical additions to the late P. M. F[raser]’s entry 'Lycophron (2) in OCD*. 18 On Cusset and Kolde, see below, n. 203. 165 Honourable exceptions are Scheer 1993; Malkin 19982: 173-5 (Odysseus), 213-14 (Epeios), 214-26 (Philoktetes), and 234-57 (Diomedes); and Lane Fox 2008. The approach taken in the present section resembles (I believe and hope) that which Petrovic 2007 has, in a brilliant book, successfully used for Kall. and Theok. 366 Recitation (about two hours of it) is a possibility, as we have seen (section 7 above).

19 For this category of epithets see Parker 200sb. 168 Parker 2003: 174. (This short article is the best modern discussion of Greek cult epithets.) By contrast, Usener 1896, who was just too late to use Holzinger, made very few references to Lyk,, even when discussing Kassandra/Alexandra at 176~7. Usener' theory (see esp. 216 and 279) that cult epithets originated with

an earlier category

of ‘functional gods’, Sondergötter, cannot

be discussed

here;

see Furley/Bremer 1. 52 n. 138. For that tr. of the German word, see M. P. Nilsson's preface to the 1948 printing of Usener.

64

IL.

Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

local cults. Thus Zeus Phyxios, god of exiles/refugees, is said by the Z on 2.

1147 to be Thessalian, though the cult is more widespread than that in fact.

In Euphorion,in some ways the poet who perhaps most resembles Lykophron in teasing allusiveness, Tainarie is Artemis (frag. 11. 11 Lightfoot). Kallimachos

has some cult epithets, but they are not piled up asyndetically, even in the Hymns (see below for the way in which hymns generally, including Theok. Idyll 22, to the Dioskouroi, are characterized by divine polyonymy). One epithet in a fragment of Kallimachos’ Jambi is found in Lykophron also—and is attested epigraphically, and so will also feature briefly in section vi below. It is Aphrodite’s epithet Kaorvınrıs, derived from Mt Kastnia in Pamphylia. She is mentioned twice as ‘Kastnia’ by Lyk., and is said to be a plural goddess

by Kallimachos ('Aphrodites). Coins, and especially an inscription from Pamphylian Aspendos, satisfyingly confirm this.” Such convergence of

different types of evidence may indicate that an epithet for Aphrodite which seems obscure to us may have been much less so to Lyk.’s intended audience, whatever that was. In passing, we may note here an important point: Lyk.’s version of the name (Kaorvia) is not quite the usual one, although Kaorvijres would also have fitted into an iambic line; we must be

prepared for other such small divergences from otherwise-attested spellings. After this Introduction (section i), | consider the nature of and direction taken by modern work on divine epithets (ii). Then (iti) I discuss the

ancient Greek vocabulary for cult epithets, ὄνομα, ἐπίκλησις, and so on. After that I look (iv) at polyonymy in ancient Greek religion generally,

and why it occurs where it does. Then I turn to Lyk.’s epithets in particular

(v). I shall ask if there is any literary pattern to the poems first use of multiple epithets, and will suggest that there is. I also ask whether they

have a structural literary function in the poem; the answer to this is not '9 Divine epithets in Ap. Rh.: Wentzel 1890: 7. 38, and Feeney 1991: 66-8, For Zeus of fugitives or exiles, see J. Schmidt, R.-E. 20.1179. 2 on 2. 1147 (207. 20 Wendel) says this was a Thessalian Zeus, Φύξιος Ζεὺς παρὰ Θεσσαλοῖς. But he also had cult at Argos, Paus. 2.21.2, and Sparta (Wide 1893: 14). See also 4. 119 with Livrea, who cites the mention in SEG 7. 894 (and cf. 35. 1570), Gerasa, rst. cent. AD. Ζεὺς Φύξιος also features (in the order Φύξιον Ale) at 288.

79 403 and 1234; Kall. frag. 200a Pf. = Ja. X, with Kerkhecker, 1999: 207-9 for doubts about how much is really Kall, The inscription: SEG 17. 641, Aspendian dedication of Roman date to 4u καὶ “Hpac καὶ Ἀφροδείταις Καστνιήτισιν, with Robert 1960: 184-7. Parker 2011: 66 n. 4 compares LSS 95. 4

(Demeters, in plural).

There are, naturally, cult epithets in Kallimachos’ Aitia also; see e.g. frag. 110. 57 Pf. (Zephyritis i.e. Arsinoe-Aphrodite, cf. epig.14 Gow-Page HE (= V Pf), frag. 43 PF. (= 50 Massimilla) 117 (Dionysos

Zagreus), frags 100 and 101 Pf. (Samian and Argive Hera), frag. 75 Pf. 60-1 (Zeus Alalaxios, ‘of the War-cry’), Demeter Pylaie in epig. 19 HE (-XXXIX Pf.) is the familiar amphiktionic deity. For Hermes Perpheraios, see frag. 197 Pf. (= Ta. 7) line τ. Most of these epithets are transparent, in the sense that they are accompanied by the god’s standard name. MaAdes...yopds in frag. 485 (a brief fragmentum incertae sedis) probably refers to Apollo Maloeis on Lesbos, for whom see Th. 3. 3. 3 and SGDI no. 255. 20 = IG 12, 2. 284 (date: Imperial Roman), cf. also Isyllos of Epidauros (CA: 133-4) with Hunter 2006: 11-12. For Kall. see further n. 276.

65

Introduction

so clear. Having argued that the poet takes care over the choice and

positioning of cult epithets I will then—and this will be the core of the section from the historical aspect—ask how far epigraphy can be invoked as a control on these specifications of po/is cults (vi). I also ask (this, too, is in part a literary problem) how appropriate the local epithets are to their immediate context in the poem. Section vii will examine the source and reliability of the detailed local information provided by Lyk.’s paraphrasers and commentators, chief among whom is the Byzantine scholar Tzetzes. Finally, I offer suggestions as to how the material in the poem and its ancient commentaries might bear on the tension between local and panhellenic religion (viii). A Conclusion (ix) offers a suggestion as to why the

poem deploys chains of cult epithets in this highly distinctive way, and why these epithets are of value to the historian.

‘The importance of the scholia and Tzetzes (pp. 105-8), is that they show that many cult epithets in the poem are tied to particular places. The problem of Lyk.’s cult epithets is thus inseparable from that of the scholiastic information, which takes the form of local specification, thus: ‘Amphibaios:

Poseidon among the people of Kyrene', παρὰ Κυρηναίοις (2 749). I will return to that example. We might hope that Lyk. would help us to decide whether cult epithets proliferate in number and geographical extension in

the Hellenistic age. As for number, it may be that what proliferates is relevant epigraphy itself, not the phenomenon it attests, a familiar evidential

trap. As for geography, the eastern expansion of the Greek world after

Alexander is—disappointingly—not reflected in the poem's divine epithets,

any more than in the poem as a whole, though so much of it is about Greek

overseas settlement. Ihe easternmost places mentioned are Sarapta (Sarepta) in Phoenicia, a little-known place between Tyre and Sidon (1300), and the

‘strong citadel of Myrrha’, that is, Phoenician Byblos (829). By contrast, S. Italy and Sicily, areas long colonized by Greeks, are overwhelmingly prominent in Lyk.; indeed, the poem may (section 7) have originated in S. Italy, not (as is usually assumed) Alexandria,’ while showing clear

knowledge of Alexandrian culture. But unlike Ap. Rh., Lyk. seems not to be aware of the Rhéne valley and Massilia, that is, the Phokaian colonial zone. (But at 663, Peukeus is said by the scholiast to be an epithet

of Herakles in ‘Iberia’. This can be either a district in Transcaucasia or else Spain—perhaps likelier for Herakles; so this would either be the poems

easternmost or its westernmost cult epithet; but the true reading may be ‘Abdera’ instead. Note in any case 633-647, Boiotian settlement of the Balearic islands, including at 643 a clear reference to Spanish Iberians in 7) See n, 267. But in favour of Attalid Pergamon, see Kosmetatou 2000, a theory rejected above, section 7.

66

π.

Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

IBnpoßoorovs.) Lyk. is well aware of three other Greek colonial areas, North Africa and Cyrenaica (see 648 and 877-902, and below for Poseidon Amphibaios), the Black Sea (for cultic traces of Achilles, see 190-201), Chalkidike (for Torone, see 115-116), and Thrace, notably Abdera, where

the Apolline epiklesis Derainos at 440 is Abderite. Indeed it had been

known, from the scholiast on Lyk., that Derainos was an Abderite place, ἐν

Aßönpoıs, and that ‘Pindar in the paians’ had mentioned Derainos as an epithet of Abderite Apollo, long before the relevant poem, Paian 2, was

discovered on papyrus in 1906.7? In a small but valuable way, this confirmation encourages faith in the explanatory material about cult epithets, and about their local affiliations, which is provided by the Lykophronic scholia. (ii) Cult epithets in modern work

Divine cult epithets,’” which subdivide and categorize gods according to locality, function, or preferred mode of sacrifice or other type of honour

(τιμή), offer a means to the better understanding of ancient Greek

polytheism. That is why they have been the object of close study in recent

years, culminating in the establishment of a valuable database by a team at Rennes university in France.’ Scholarly efforts have been made to categorize such epithets, and so impose taxonomic order on a huge variety,

but this is, as they say, like herding cats. A crucial distinction, already made in antiquity (see (111) below) is between poetic epithets and cult titles. This will not concern us much, because so many of the epithets in Lyk. are said

by the scholia to be place-specific, and that implies cult. One other main

and valuable distinction has been hinted at already: that between epithets which are really, so to speak, the ethnic of the god (thus at 610 “Troizenia’

alone designates Aphrodite i.e. she is a ‘citizen’ of the po/is of Troizen, see 77? Apollo Δήραινος at Abdera: 440 with 2: Πίνδαρος ἐν παιᾶσι; see Pi. Pa. 2. 4, 49]pqvóv Arlo]

-Adwva. There was no circularity in the identification of the poem, because it mentions Abdera in

line 1, and calls itself a paian in line 3. Again (see above on Kastnia) there is a small but insignificant

difference in spelling. 173 By divine 1 mean divine: Lyk. mostly confines the piled-up asyndetic cult epithets to gods.

Very few heroes or heroines are treated in this way, apart from Kassandra herself (below, viii, for her

epiklesis Alexandra). Achilles at 177 gets two descriptors, ‘Pelasgian Typhon (i.e. “Thessalian giant’) but

these are not cult titles.

174. Brulé 1998; Belayche 2005. For the CRESCAM (Rennes) database of cult epithets, see Brulé and Lebreton 2007. Googling ‘crescam bdde’ leads to the database. The criterion for inclusion as an epiklesis is receipt of cult; cf. below. Note: I consulted the database in mid-z012, and checked it again in January 2013, at which time the site was said to be still under construction (‘en développement continu’). I have therefore refrained from noting the many Lyk.-related omissions or partial omissions which still remain in the database, because they may have been put right by the time this book is published. (Note: I did a further check in June 2014, at the copy-editing stage.)

67

Introduction

above), and functional or power epithets like Apollo latros, the doctor god? (he is Iatros alone at 1207, 1377.)'”° But we soon run into trouble at

the level of detail; thus although Apollo is the healer god par excellence,

Tatros or ‘Doctor’ was also a title of his son Asklepios, unsurprisingly, and also, more surprisingly of Poseidon. Philochoros, quoted by Clement of

Alexandria, says Poseidon was Iatros on the Kykladic island of Tenos. We

have no idea why.'” This raises a general problem, but one specially acute with respect to Lyk.’s scholia, namely that on the evidence of the grammarians and scholiasts, functional/descriptive epithets, on the one hand, and

local epithets, on the other hand, overlap, sometimes bafflingly. The chal-

lenge is to explain the local variation, answers to which might give us a handle on the polis-specific character of Greek religion and its tension with

panhellenic religion. '* Thus Hesychios says that Artemis is 'Kaprophagos

(‘Boar-eater’) at Samos’, and this means that wild boar were abnormally

sacrificed to her there, on a principle which Parker has explained with reference to Hera Aigophagos, goat-eating Hera, at Sparta. Discovery of an inscribed sacred law might confirm these implications. Let us return to Lyk.'s AugiBacos, which Z told us was ‘Poseidon among

the Kyrenaians.’® This epithet has been speculatively identified as a synonym for Aupiyeios or Aupiyaıos, which is (this is yet more speculation) none other than the familiar Gaieochos, ‘Earth-shaker’ or 'Earth-holder'.?! 175 This epiklesis is specially common generally Usener 1896: 149—55.

in Ionia and its colonies: Graf 1985: 250 and n. asr. See

176 Cusset and Kolde 2012: 14, attempting to pin Lyk.’s Apollo down to a mantic role, seek to derive

Tatros not from idopat, ‘I heal’, but from e.g. ἰάχω, ‘I cry out’. This seems over-ingenious, if that word can ever be used where Lyk. is concerned. 17 FGrHist 328 Philochoros F 175, Poseidon Jatros at Tenos, with Wentzel 1890: 4. 4 and Parker 2011: 87 n. $9 (archaeological support). Nilsson 1967: 452 suggested that this Poseidon was predecessor of the famous Panagia Evangelistria of Tenos, whose church is still a place of pilgrimage. For a healing Dionysos, see Paus. 10. 33. ır (Amphikleia in Phokis), with Furley/Bremer 1. 128 n. 100, discussing their no. 2.5, for which see below n. 246 (Dionysos as Paian, healing god).

7? For an illuminating approach in terms of social network theory, see Eidinow zo11b. 7? Parker 2003: 178f. n. 46. Kall. (above, n. 170) says that swine were, abnormally, sacrificed to Aphrodite Kastnietis.

10 Amphibaios-Poseidon at Kyrene: 749 with Z. 181 This is given as hard fact in LSJ? under Ἀμφίβαιος: 'epith. of Poseidon at Cyrene, = ἀμφίγαιος

[this word only was corrected, in the Revised Suppl. (1996), to ἀμφίγειος], γαιήοχος, Tz. ad Lyc. 749'.

This is misleading: Tzetzes and Z are authorities only for the first part (up to the comma), not for the

equation of Lykophron's epithet with yacjoxos. The latter and crucial point evidently derives from Holzinger, who cited Welcker 1857-63: 2.679. Welcker wrote 'statt Gäeochos sagte man auch Ἀμφίβαιος, von ala, also statt dupiyaros [bare ref. to 749 in footnote], nach Tzetzes in Kyrene’. (Welcker does not actually suggest emending to ἀμφέγαιος, as Schade 154 n. 301 says he does.) This is bold (what about the B?), but the identification has been repeated by many scholars (e.g. Wide 1893: 37 and n. 1, and Schachermeyr 1950: 31 and n. 53). The 1996 change in LSJ to ἀμφίψειος (‘with land on both sides) is not explained: Martin West suggests to me that its likely author, E. A. Barber, may have wanted to produce a reference to Kyrene's harbour (Apollonia, cf. LACP: p. 1236). But even with the change, the ultimate derivation from γαιήοχος is by implication retained in LS].

68

i.

Cult Epithets, their Value and Function

One might be tempted to dismiss this as a poetic epithet: surely there was no cult to the Earth-shaker any more than to Zeus Cloud-gatherer? But in fact there was cult to the Earth-shaker (I am assuming that is the right translation, rather than e.g. ‘Earth-holder’) at one classical city, namely

Sparta, according to Hesychios and Pausanias; that rare thing, a lengthy sth-cent. Bc inscription from Sparta, namely the Damonon inscription,

bears this out by mentioning a festival Gaiaochia in an agonistic context.”

(At Athens the cult is not attested before the and cent. sc, and in so well-

documented a religious centre, this absence in earlier centuries has some

weight. A late 6th-cent. sc potsherd from Mende in Chalkidike bears a heavily restored inscription which might be relevant, but it is not certainly

cultic.)'™* It is tempting to connect the Spartan cult with the area's wellknown proneness to earthquakes. Sparta was, via Thera, the ‘grandmother’ city of Kyrene. Thus a cult which was appropriate in a colonizing city was inherited by the colony and then the colony’s colony, even though Kyrene is not seismically active, and we would expect the Theraians to be more wor-

ried about the volcano god Hephaistos than about Poseidon of earthquakes, unless they

knew that earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are related (as

they are). So here is an example of a poetic epithet which had real cultic force in one city, and of colonies which adopted cultic name and cult without the specific motive which held for the metropolis. (iii) Vocabulary: epithet, epiklesis, and other terms

In what follows 1 shall use ‘epithet’ and ‘epiklesis’ indifferently. Greater precision has been claimed: it is held that ἐπίκλησις indicates actual cult, because of the derivation from ἐπικαλῶ, ‘I invoke’.'* This, to be sure, would provide us with a convenient and harmless modern technical term for a cult epithet. But it is not so harmless, if it implies that less loaded or ‘marked’ ancient Greek words for ‘name’, such as ἐπώνυμον or simple ὄνομα, did not sometimes have cultic force. If that is the implication, it is 1? For Poseidon Gaiaochos at Sparta see Paus. 3. zo. 2, Hesych., and JG s (1) 213. 9; cf. Mylonopoulos

2003: 229.

185 [6 3538 (and cent. BC), 5058 (time of Nero). Sourvinou-Inwood zor: 68—72 can cite nothing earlier than these, but nevertheless argues that the Athenian cult of Poseidon Gaieochos antedated 450 Bc. 184. SEG 45. 776, from a sanctuary of Poseidon, tentatively restored as [Π]α[ι]άοχε κυανοχαϊτ[α]. This looks like a snatch of Homer (cf. Od. 9. 528, also in the vocative), rather than a simple dedication,

so it is not clear evidence for local Mendaian cult to Poseidon as Gaieochos specifically. 75 See

[4

/

πύργων ἀπ᾽ ἄκρων πρὸς νεόδμητον νέκυν

65

ῥοιζηδὸν ἐκβράσασα κύμβαχον δέμας: ε

\

3

4

,

/

πόθῳ δὲ τοῦ θανόντος ἠγκιστρωμένη ψυχὴν περισπαίροντι φυσήσει νεκρῷ. στένω, στένω σε δισσὰ καὶ τριπλᾶ δορὸς ^

ri

>

\

\

\

,

αὖθις πρὸς ἀλκὴν καὶ διαρπαγὰς δόμων

70

καὶ πῦρ evavydlovoav αἰστωτήριον. στένω σε, πάτρα, καὶ τάφους Ἀτλαντίδος 64

ἀνθοπλίτου A? CDEV αὐθοπλίτου BC'V) Z αὐθοπλήτου A

64. πρὸς ἀνθοπλίτου: the noun is hapax, but the

an alternative explanation was that he did not leave voluntarily but because of a flood (Fowler 2013: 523 for this 'curious variant’; see also Prinz

verb ἀνθοπλίζω is found at E. Suppl. 666, in the sense ‘arm against’. A MS variant here is addoπλίτου, and this is preferred by Hurst/Kolde, on the grounds that it means ‘with equal weapons’

1979: 187-205 at 191). Cataclysms like that of Noah are a mythological constant, and are studied by Caduff 1986. The cataclysm at the time of Deukalion is the central myth of Pi. O. 9, which treats Deukalion and Pyrrha as the founders of Opous, the native city of the poem's honorand. Lyk. connects Dardanos' departure

(Paris and Philoktetes were both archers). But

LSJ? gives this sense for ἀνθοπλίτης! (And it does not register αὐθ- at all.) ὀγχήσει: this, like ὀκχέω, is a lengthened form of the verb ὀχέω, ‘suffer’, ‘bear’; cf. Euphorion frag. 12. 13 Lightfoot, ὀκχοίη. See also 1049.

from Samothrace to the site of the future Troy with a great flood of this sort, which may or may

65. Lightfoot 1999: 393 calls this ‘a unique version’

not be identical with the Deukalion flood: Caduff

of the suicide. But B. frag. 20D lines 2-3 might

1986: 133-42 (and see 43 testimonium no. 81, Aristokles wept φιλοσοφίας frag. 8 Walzer/Ross, which explicitly combines the Deukalion and the Dardanos floods). © Plato Tim. 22a knows of three floods, of which the second is that of

allude to it, unless that is really about Althaia (so Lobel, both suggestions, but preferring the sec-

ond)—or even Kleopatra the wife of Meleagros, as suggested by Maehler 1997: 338.

Deukalion

66. ῥοιζηδόν: Kassandra likes this root: cf. ῥοιζέω at 1325 and 1426, and ἐπιρροιζέω at 217 and 585. ἐκβράσασα: another favourite word, see 377n. κύμβαχον: Homeric; see Il. 5. 586, κύμβα-

to the mainland from Samothrace by raft, διὰ σχεδιᾶς αὐτόσε κομισθείς. But Caduff 1986: 137

doubts whether there was a separate tradition of a 'Dardanos flood’ as opp. the ‘Deukalion flood’,

xos ἐν κονίῃσιν, with Kirk (whose κύμβαλον seems,

and the third—evidently thought

of as distinct—is that of Dardanos, who went

however, to be a misprint) and Janko on 77.

and thinks that Kassandra’ special interest in Troy is enough to explain the limitation to Dardanos; cf. Aristokles, as above.

15. 535-6, describing the occurrence at 5. 586 as ἃ fancy substitute for πρηνής᾽. 69-85. Dardanos' escape from the flood

‘The idea of a Dardanos-flood may go back toa hint in Homer, { 20. 216-18: Dardanos founded

Dardanos (not actually named until 1307, see n. there) emigrated from Samothrace because dis-

Dardanie on the heights, because Troy in the

traught from grief at the death of his brother lasion, who had been divinely punished for an offence against Demeter (Apollod. 3. 12. 1, Strabo 7 frag. 20. 19, and see 72~73n. for Hesiod, who is the earliest source, though very fragmentary). But

plain did not yet exist, For the Platonic motif of

foundation of a city in the plain after a flood (Laws 677a/b, cf. 682b and 702a for Troy and Dardanos), see Caduff 1986: 135 (and 41 testimo-

nium no. 77 for the Plato passages), but also

138

64-72

Dardanos’ escape from the flood of a fellow-archer, she will share his fate:

she will fling herself from the topmost towers in a headlong rush, onto the newly-killed corpse. Caught by the hook of grief,

65

she will breathe out her life on his still palpitating body. I groan, I groan for you, twice and three times,

you who see battle once again, and the plundering of houses

70

and destructive fire.

I groan for you, my fatherland, and the tomb of the diver,

139, noting the contradictory tradition at 72, where Kassandra, by her mention of Dardanos’ tomb, clearly locates his city in the plain. See also 29n. On the variant version that Dardanos killed his own brother and then (like Cain, Romulus, and

Timoleon)

went

on

to found

tradition (Caduff 264). Like Pi., Lyk. makes the

flood the cue for an act of colonization. Dardanos’ arrival is alluded to by Lyk. only obliquely, analeptically and in passing, by the opening reference to his tomb at Troy at 72 (Caduff 1986: 139; see above). See FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F23 and 24, and Fowler EGM: t. 16374.

a city, see

Burkert 1993: 184, who speculates that this ritually remembered fratricide may lie behind the question put to Samothracian initiates, ‘what is the

69. στένω, στένω ve δισσὰ καὶ τριπλᾶ: cf. A. Cho. 792, δίδυμα καὶ τριττλᾶ or Pers. 1033,

δίδυμα γάρ ἐστι καὶ τριπλᾶ. For the form

worst deed you have ever committed? (Plut. Mor.

of address to the city, here and at 52, 69, and

217C); and that salvation from drowning—just as

72, see on 31, where, however, Kassandra does not actually use an address (apostrophe) in oe. For the initial repetition, used at specially agi-

Dardanos was saved—is the big promise of the Samothracian mysteries. Dardanos is a culturehero in that he brings the Mysteries from

tated, emotional, or pathetic

Samothrace to Troy, Caduff 1986: 230.

321-322

The present passage must be taken together with the guard’s brief allusion to the founding activity of Dardanos’ descendant Ilos at 29 (see n.

moments,

(πρίν) and 535 (ἔστι). Compare

cf. e.g.

ἐμὸν

ἐμὸν alwva at Timoth. Persai 129, part of the Persian lamentation; Persai 76 (ἐμὸς ἄναξ ἐμός)

there), The successive stories of Dardanie/Troy/

is not from the lament, but the context is never-

Ilion constitute, in effect, the first of the many foundation-legends which will be such a feature of the Alexandra; and it was not until the time of

Lyk. were probably influenced by ‘highly emo-

Hos’ son Laomedon

theless highly emotional. Both Timotheos and tional passages in later Euripidean lyric’; see Hordern 2002: 169 f.

that Troy/Ilion acquired

walls, that diagnostic criterion of polis-identity (ZACP. pp. 135-7). For those walls see 393n. Like Boiotian Thebes (see Introduction, section ro), Troy was the subject of more than one foundation legend, That of Troy was spread over several generations of eponyms; for the sequence laid out clearly as a narrative of this sort, see Apollod. 3. 12. 1-3. The Dardanos legend which begins the series may record some memory of a migration from

72. στενῶ ae, πάτρα: sce 69n. and 1230, in the course of a climactic section, where the ἀθλία πατρίς, addressed again in the vocative, is again Troy. But there the address is more hopeful: Troy will survive in memory because of the greatness of Rome.

Samothrace to the mainland, perhaps by non-

periphrasis will refer to Kalypso), and her son

72-73. τάφους Arkavridos / δύπτου κέλωρος: the ‘daughter of Atlas’is Elektra (at 744 the same

Greek speakers: Caduff 1986: 134 (but Diod. 5. 47.

(by Zeus) is Dardanos

2 merely speaks of a different dialect). The curious

Rh. 1. 915-16 says the Argonauts put in at ‘the

detail of the inflated skin may derive from local

island of Elektra daughter of Atlas’, which a Z'on

139

(Apollod. 3. 12. 1). Ap.

Kassandras speech

73-80

δύπτου κέλωρος, ὅς ποτ᾽ ἐν ῥαπτῷ κύτει ὁποῖα πορκὸς Ἰστριεὺς τετρασκελὴς ἀσκῷ μονήρης ἀμφελυτρώσας δέμας Ῥειθυμνιάτης kémpos as ἐνήξατο,

75

Ζήρυνθον ἄντρον τῆς κυνοσφάγου θεᾶς λιπών, ἐρυμνὸν κτίσμα Κυρβάντων Σάον,

ὅτ᾽ ἠμάθυνε πᾶσαν ὀμβρήσας χθόνα Ζηνὸς κακλάζων νασμός. οἱ δὲ πρὸς πέδῳ 77

80

κυνοσφάγου Scheer kuvoodayoüs MSS

that passage (916-18a, p. 77 Wendel) explains was Samothrace, for which see 77 (Zerynthos). The

73. ὃς ποτ᾽ ἐν ῥαπτῷ κύτει: this is usually to taken to mean on inflated skins to provide buoy-

immediate source for this seems to be Hellanikos,

ancy;

who is cited twice in this 2, and who is there said to have called Samothrace ‘Elektryone’: FGrHist 4 F23 = EGM x: 163 with Fowler 2013: 522. But

Dardanos was somehow dressed in animal-skins, and that underlying this was the religious motif

mentions

Elektra, Dardanos,

Eetion

= lasion,

and Troy. See Burkert 1993: 179). See I. Priene no. 69 (Chaniotis 1988: E 60) with Robert 1963: 59 [= OMS V: 599]: a poet called Herodes of Priene had written about the deeds of Dardanos and Aetion [sic], and had been honoured for this by the Prieneans’ kinsmen the Samothracians in a non-extant inscription; the surviving inscription is the Prienean reply. For the kinship tie see Robert 1963: 59-60. The link runs via Kadmos; for Priene as ‘Kadmeian’ cf, 7. Priene nos 403 and 405 = Hdt. τ. 146.1 and FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F ror, also in EGM; and for Kadmos

and Samothrace see Diod. 5. 48: Kadmos married Harmonia there and founded the mysteries; cf. 162—165 n. Cf. Chaniotis 1988: E 68 (TFGF 1 no. 130 T) with I. Rutherford 2007 and 2009: 245-6:

Dymas of lasos (early 2nd cent. 8c) honoured by Samothrace for his Dardanos tragedy, For the tombs, see Sistakou 2009: 246n. 24, also citing 132, 313, and 335.

δύπτου: used at 387 for Lokrian Ajax and at 752 for Odysseus. The noun is rare (as is the verb δύπτω, for which see 164n.), but see Kall., frag.

522 Pf. δύπται δ᾽ ἐξ ἁλὸς ἐρχόμενοι ἔνδιοι καύηκες. Ciani sorts into two senses, ‘urinator’ i.e.

‘diver’ at 752 and ‘natator’ i.e. ‘swimmer’ at 73 and 387, but the distinction is not tenable. The notion of ‘diving’ is always present. «eAwpos: also at 495, 797, and 1374; it is Euripidean (see Andr. 1034, Ἀγαμεμνόνιος κέλωρ).

Caduff 1986:

262n.

2 thought

that

of the ‘comedy of [sacrificial] innocence’. But this

Hesiod frag. 177 M/W (P. Oxy. 1359 frag. 2) shows that he treated the story along similar lines (it

but

idea is no longer believed; see Naiden 2007. 74. Here ὁποῖα is used adverbially, as at 182 and

1429. 2 says a πορκός was a mysterious creature

(animal énigmatique: Hurst/Kolde) found in the Danubian region. Some commentators have therefore seen the word as equivalent to Latin ‘porcus’, and have thought in terms of wild boars

(hence Scaliger's felicitous Latin tr. 'ut aper quadripes Hercynius’). Dehéque preferred ‘a kind of otter’, "loutre', Holzinger threw all that out, complaining that no poet would baldly call a

quadruped a quadruped like this, and produced an ingenious theory which has won surprisingly general acceptance. He gives the noun its admit-

tedly attested Greek meaning of a 'fishing trap (Plato Soph. 220c), and visualizes Dardanos (who on this view is himself the ‘four-legged one’) as spread-eagled across the raft, with the bladder tied to him like a modern pair of water-wings, and his four limbs protruding, like the four stakes which

(we are told) secured the corners of the

trap. It is therefore the raft which is compared to

the fishing-trap, and Dardanos’ trunk is like a fish flapping around inside it. The animal explanation seems much easier. 75. μονήρης: this is usually translated colourlessly as ‘all alone’, but it can also mean a kind of ship, a

word formed like τριήρης (Pollux 1. 82, where both feature in a long list of ship words), and is so taken by 2: ‘he calls it that because he used one oar on the raft’. Something on these lines is preferable, in this quasi-nautical context: Dardanos

140

Dardanos’ escape from the flood

73-80

the son of Atlantis’ daughter, who once, in a stitched coracle,

like a four-limbed creature in a Danubian fishing-trap, swam with one paddle, his body strapped to an inflated wine-skin. Like a stormy petrel from Rhithymnos, he left Zerynthos, the cave of the goddess to whom dogs

75

are sacrificed,

when Saos, the mighty citadel of the Kyrbantes was destroyed by the foaming deluge of Zeus as it rained down on the whole earth. Towers

propels himself with some sort of paddle. In fact,

80

Hekate see Wilamowitz 1931-2: 1. 16970 and Farnell 1896-1909: 2. 507; but the death in Thrace of Hekate's ‘follower’ Hekabe—1176—is part of the explanation for the Thracian aspect to Hekate). The relevant parts of the Suda. entries are close to, and probably recycled from, the present passage. The whole of 72-80 is printed as Lewis 1959: 24 no. 53. It was often cited in ancient scholarship, including X of various sorts, and Suda, as above. In Lewis's collection of the testimonia pertaining to Samothrace, these citations

a μονήρης was a single-banked ship (Casson 1971: 148 n. 31), whereas a trireme had three banks of oars; and there was one man to an oar in both

trieres and moneres. So Dardanos, lying flat on his raft and manning his paddle, is compared, with fantastic exaggeration, to a low, one-banked,

warship in which each man pulls a single oar. 76. Ῥειθυμνιάτης: the ethnic of Rhithymnos on the north coast of Krete (Z4CP: no. 987, but its his-

tory is mainly post-classical). κέπφος: thought to

are nos 55, 56, 152~7, 171, and 226a.

be a stormy petrel (cf. Ar. hist. an. 593b14); the word is used at 836 to indicate stupidity (see n. there for refs.), but that does not seem to be relevant here.

78. κτίσμα Κυρβάντων Zaov: Saos is Samos, the Homeric name for Samothrace. At U 13. 12 (where it is called “Thracian Samos’, to distin-

77. The goddess is the ‘chthonian’ Hekate, for whose association with dog-sacrifice see A. M. H[enrichs], OCD‘, ‘Hecate’ and Parker 2011: 159 n. 133. Of ancient literary sources, see esp. Plut.

guish it from its metropolis, Ionian Samos) there is a MS variant Zdov for Σάμου, but see Janko. Saos is linguistically distinct from 'Samos' and is either the name of the central mountain of the island (Barr. map 51, also marking Zerynthos

Mer. 290d (dogs are not sacrificed to Olympian gods) with H. J. Roses comm., and Sophron 4

line 7 K/A or in GLP. no. 73 (mentioned by the

confidently on the northern coast) or the older

À on the present passage). named, but the reference is her first mention, see 152-153 Zerynthos was a cave Samothrace, or both (Fraser Zauodpdrn, a 79 Adler (cf.

Kabeiroi see B. C. D[ietrich] in OCD*. For κτίσμα (a mainly prose word for a cityfoundation) cf. Kall. frag. 45. 75 Pf. about Zankle in Sicily, with Harder 2012: 2. 351.

with

n.) mentioned

the

name for the whole island (Diod. 5. 48. 1), or both.

The goddess is not transparent at this, n. in Thrace or on 1979: 333n. 5). Suda Lewis 1959: no. 226a

mystery

rites

of the

Korybantes, 'and those of Hekate, and the cave Zerynthos, where they sacrificed dogs, τὸ

Ζήρυνθον ἄντρον, jj κύνας ἔθυον. The same

On the cult of the Kyrbantes (Korybantes) or

79. ἡμάθυνε: from ἀμαθύνω; for this very strong word for levelling a city to the ground, see 77. 9. 593.

information is given in the Suda entry Ζηρυνθία, £ 86 Adler (= Lewis 1959: no. 155). There Ζηρυνθία

80. καχλάζων: this onomatopoeic word is used

is said to be another epithet for Aphrodite, cf. 449

the extended metaphor at A. Septem 761, a sea of

and n. there, also 958, again Aphrodite; but at

troubles breaks loudly, kaxAdZeı, round the prow

1178 it is applied to Hekate. (For the Thracian

of the city.

of water making a noise of any loud sort, e.g. in

141

Kassandra’ speech

81-90

πύργοι karnpeimovro, roi de λοισθίαν ,

,

x

x

,

νήχοντο μοῖραν προὐμμάτων δεδορκότες. φηγὸν δὲ καὶ δρύκαρπα καὶ γλυκὺν βότρυν φάλλαι τε καὶ δελφῖνες, αἵ τ᾽ Em ἀρσένων ,

x

^

uv

3.,2

,5

Fi

φέρβοντο φῶκαι λέκτρα θουρῶσαι βροτῶν.

ὃς

λεύσσω θέοντα γρ γρυνὸν ἐπτερωμένον ρωμ τρήρωνος eis ἅρπαγμα, Πεφναΐας κυνός, ἣν τόργος ὑγρόφοιτος ἐκλοχεύεται, >

o

,

/,

κελυφάνου στρόβιλον ὠστρακωμένην. καὶ δή σε ναύτην Ἁχερουσία τρίβος

83-84. φηγὸν δὲ καὶ δρύκαρπα: it is not easy to

90

the Kypria; for the firebrand motif see also Pi. Pa. 8a (B3 Rutherford); E. Tro, 922 (with Scheer 1876:

see the difference between ‘acorns’ and ‘fruit of

13), where the noun is δαλός; and the hypothesis to E.’s fragmentary Alexandros: TrGF 5. 1: 174-6.

the oak’,

The general idea here is familiar from (and perhaps borrowed from) expressions of the adynaton or ‘when pigs have wings’ type, as at Archilochus

‘Winged’ could

refer to the sails or oars (cf. 25n.).

At 913 (Philoktetes killed the firebrand Paris) the noun used is φίτρον.

frag. 122 West’ lines 7-9 and Hdt. 5.92 a 1 (Soklees the Korinthian marvels at the supposedly tyranthating Spartans for their proposal to restore a

87. ITepvalas κυνός: these words are best separated off by commas, as by Hurst/Kolde: Helen is

tyranny at Athens, and compares it to fish on land). See Gow on Theok. 1. 134 ff.

both dove (Aphrodite's bird) and Pephnaian bitch (i.e. sexually shameless, a description applied by Helen to herself more than once, e.g. Id. 6. 344; cf. 850, and for the two passages see Sistakou 2009: 242). For Pephnos in Messenia see ZACP: p. 551

85. Cf. the story in Aelian NA 4. 56 of a seal mating with a male human sponge-fisher. It is there attributed to Eudemos, probably the Aristotelian from Rhodes: frag. 131 Wehrli. Similar though less extreme stories are told by another Aristotelian, Klearchos of Soloi, frags 27

Thalamos

Wehrli (a goose) and 28 (a peacock). They are said

Alkman (PMGF 23), cited by Paus. 3. 26. 2, says

to be characteristic of erotic literature—not normally Kassandra's province. θουρῶσαι: this verb is a hapax word; it is formed from θοῦρος, 'rushing, impetuous’ (Guilleux 2009: 225).

the

(G. Shipley); more fully at Shipley 1997: 266-7; Barr. map 58 C4, on the river Pamison between

a synonym

for κορμός, ‘log’, Tzetzes

cites

Dioskouroi

Leuktron. The (Helen’s

Spartan

brothers)

were

poet born

there; this makes the ethnic appropriate as a way

of designating Helen of Sparta (2 adds that she set out from there); cf. Ghali-Kahil 1955: 207. This

ethnic therefore drops an advance hint of the long Dioskouroi section at 503-568.

86-143, Paris’ abduction of Helen; he takes a phantom of her to Troy 86. λεύσσω: see 52n. γρυνὸν ἐπτερωμένον: here and at 1362 the ‘firebrand’ is Paris (for the noun as

and

88-89. These lines are particularly difficult, because they seem ambiguous between two versions of the myth of Helens birth. A solution in terms of

‘Homer’, i.e. the epic frag. West 2003: 296 no. 18,

deliberate ambiguity (i.e. both versions are hinted

ypuvol μὲν δαίοντο, μέγας δ᾽ ἤφαιστος ἀνέστη).

at) cannot be excluded.

Hekabe dreamt that she gave birth to ἃ firebrand,

shortly before she bore him (cf. Agariste's ‘lion’

Tópyos is normally a vulture, and ὑγρόφοιτος means ‘aquatic’. Vultures are not aquatic, so the

dream a few days before she bore Perikles, Hdt. 6. 131. 2). See 224-225 and n., citing (for the interpre-

noun refers to some other sort of water-bird, but with a possible hint at violence (the vulture, as at

tation of the dream) Apollod. 3. 12. 5, derived from

357 and 1080). This would suit well the story of

142

Paris’ abduction of Helen

81-90

fell to the ground, and people began to swim, seeing their final fate before their eyes. Acorns and the fruit ofthe oak, and sweet grapes were eaten by whales and dolphins, and by female seals who leap lustfully on the beds of men. I see the winged firebrand rushing to snatch the dove, the Pephnaian bitch,

ὃς

which the aquatic vulture gave birth to, encased in a round covering of shell. And you, white-rumped sailor, the path which leads down

80

Leda's rape by the swan (i.e. Zeus), except that

90. καὶ δή σε: nearly always it is Trojan individu-

ἐκλοχεύεται ought not to mean the generation

als

of offspring by a male. At 468 the verb means female parturition, as also at E. Hei. 258. (See Allan's n. on 257-259.) The alternative myth about

2009: 249-50). So too Homer, as is well known,

She has already apostrophized Troy itself; see 52

Zeus. This is

and 69 with nn., and cf. 31n.

acts as a kind of stepmother after Nemesis’ egg is brought to her, thus reconciling the two myths. now West

2003:

91, Kypria

90-91.

Axepovaía

τρίβος / καταιβάτις:

the

‘road down to Acheron’, one of the rivers of the

frag. 11 from

Underworld, suggests, obviously, the death which

Philodemos On Piety B 7369 Obbink: Νέμε]σίν

is in store for Paris at the hands of Philoktetes,

τ᾽ ὁ τὰ Κύϊπρια γ]ράψας ὁμοιωθέϊντ]α χηνὶ

and which has already been mentioned at 61 ff.

καὶ αὐτ[ὸν] διώκειν, καὶ μιγέν[τοϊ]ς wor τεκεῖν, [ἐξ] οὗ γενέσθαι τὴν [Ἑλ]ένην.) This gives the right sense to the verb, and it is perfectly usual of Lyk. to adopt the less familiar version of a myth; moreover, this replacement of Leda by the merciless abstract deity Nemesis, goddess of retribution, gave Helen a special destiny (West 2013a: 61). So this interpretation should probably

There was a real river Acheron and Acherousian lake in Thesprotia, NW Greece (411-412 n.), and also in Campania

(695n.), but here (so Z) the

name hints metonymically at Paris’ immediate destination

Lakonia,

because

of the

entrance

to the Underworld (with an oracle of the dead or nekyomanteion)

at Tainaron

at the western

prong of the southern tip of the Peloponnese; καταιβάτις is a suitable word to express both notions, For Tainaron see 1106 and n.

be preferred, in which case röpyos can be allowed to retain its aura of menace, although it will just mean a large bird. Either way, Helen was born from an egg (the rounded shell of 89, see next n.). For metamorphoses in Lyk., see 176 n.

(Sistakou

finds sympathetic (Patroklos, Menelaos, Eumaios).

from the Kypria; see Apollod. 3. 10. 7, where Leda

(See

apostrophizes

For the significant exception in Lyk. see Sısn. (Odysseus), and for 281 (ὦ δαῖμον) see n. there.

who metamorphosed into a goose to escape from

Kassandra

tends to apostrophize those characters whom he

Helen was that she was the daughter of Nemesis,

(unsuccessfully of course)

whom

Lyk. always writes of Acheron in the adjectival form Ἀχερουσία (here, and at 411 and 695); cf. A. Ag. 1160-1 κἀχερουσίας ὄχθας and Th. 1. 46. 4,

89. The accusative (στρόβιλον as noun) is one of

Ἀχερουσία λίμνη. Note the rough breathing

dress after the verb ὠστρακωμένην and the line

here. The initial alpha of Ἀχέρων is short (cf. Od.

thus means literally ‘encased by shell, as to a round thing of covering’. 506 (ὀστράκου στρό-

10. 153), so Lyk., who avoids metrical resolution for the most part, lengthens the vowel by krasis, either with the article as here (where the uncondensed prose form would be ἡ Axepovoia τρίβος) or else with καί as at 411 and 695, and as

BtAos) echoes the present line: Helen’s brothers the Dioskouroi have helmets in the shape of half eggshells, symbolizing their birth. A three-word line, cf. 63n.

in A. Ag. (above).

143

Kassandra’ speech

91-103

karaußarıs πύγαργον, οὐ πατρὸς κόπρους στείβοντα ῥακτῶν βουστάθμων ξενώσεται, ^

,

ὡς πρόσθε κάλλους τὸν θνωρίτην τριπλαῖς. ἀλλ᾽ ὀστρίμων μὲν ἀντί, Γαμφηλὰς ὄνου καὶ Λᾶν περήσεις, ἀντὶ δ᾽ εὐχίλου κάπης καὶ μηλιαυθμῶν ἠδὲ xepoaias πλάτης τράμπις σ᾽ ὀχήσει καὶ Φερέκλειοι πόδες δισσὰς σαλάμβας κἀπὶ Γυθείου πλάκας,

95

ἐν αἷσι πρὸς κύνουρα καμπύλους σχάσας

πεύκης ὁδόντας, ἕκτορας πλημμυρίδος,

100

σκαρθμῶν ἰαύσεις εἰναφώσσωνα στόλον. καὶ τὴν ἄνυμφον πόρτιν ἁρπάσας λύκος, δυοῖν πελαιαῖν ὠρφανισμένην γονῆς 102.

γονῆς Tz. γοναῖς ABCDP γοναῖν E

91. πύγαργον: that is, white-rumped or cowardly (S. frag. 1085 TrGF); opp. ‘black-bottomed’, used

of the super-virile Herakles; see Archilochos 178 West” (with the small-print material there collected), cf. 313, which is from the 2 on the

present passage. See also Holford-Strevens 2000: 609. The two words were also (or originally?) applied to species of eagle. 92. βουστάθμων: the idea of Paris no longer

‘treading the ox-stalls’, and the language used to express it, is owed in part to E. Hel. 29, λιπὼν δὲ βούσταθμ᾽ Ἰδαῖος Πάρις. For the general theme of Paris’ bucolic early life as a contrast with the

sophisticated milieu of his later adventures, see Stinton 1990: 48 etc. 93. κάλλους τὸν θυωρίτην τριπλαῖς: this is the

‘Judgment of [i.e. by] Paris’, nearly invisible in Homer, and certainly not emphasized by him as a cause of the Trojan War; notoriously, there is only IL 24. 26-30, which Aristarchos of Samothrace

and others wanted (wrongly) to delete as interpo-

1960b [originally 1938]. The ‘Three [goddesses]' are Hera, Athena, and the winner, Aphrodite. 94. ὀστρίμων: a very rare word for ‘cow-byres’, ‘enclosures for cattle’, perhaps imitated from Antimachos. See frag. 55; Wyss (49 Matthews); cf. Wyss: XLIV and Hollis 2007: 280. For ἀντί as the rhetorically strongest form of negation

(‘instead of x, y) see CT II: 226, and

Greek Historiography 157-8, citing Od. 20. 307. 94-95. Γαμφηλὰς ὄνου / καὶ Adv: that is, the promontory (now an island) of Onougnathos, the

'Ass's jaw’, near Boiai; for γαμφηλαί, jaws’, plural only found, cf. I/. τό. 489 and 19. 394. See Strabo 8. 5.1. For Las, SW of Gytheion, see ZACP: no. 337 (and cf. 511 n. on the Aamépator i.e. Dioskouroi). In fact, the two places are on different promontories of southern Lakonia, Las on the western and Onougnathos on the eastern. 95. εὐχίλου: this rare word derives from χιλός, ‘fodder’, as at e.g. Hat. 4. 140. 3; cf. 578 n. κάπης: Homeric (e.g. Od. 4. 40), and see S. frag. 314 line

lated. Apollod. ep. 3. 1-2 gives the story, and for

14, [βου]στάθμου κάπης (cf. 92, βουστάθμων).

the (very popular)

96. xepoatas mAdrns:

motif in art see LIMC

‘Alexandros’. On Homer’s near-silence about the Judgment, and on the reason why it is (eventually) mentioned, see M. Davies 1981, Stinton 1990:

17-19 (cf. 86n.), and Richardson 1993: 276-8, with refs to earlier discussions, notably

Reinhardt

the "landsman's

oar’ is

thought (Ciani) to mean the shepherd’s crook.

97. τράμπες: this word for a ship is first used by Lyk. (but see perhaps Nik. 72. 268); see also 1299, and 467n. on the name Trambelos.

144

Paris’ abduction of Helen

91-103

to Acheron will receive you, no longer treading the dung of your father's rough ox-stalls, as previously, when you were judge of beauty for the Three. Instead of the stables, you will cross to the Ass's jaw and Las. Instead of the well-foddered manger

95

and the sheepfolds and the landsman's oar, a ship will convey you, and the sails of Pherekles, to the double passage-way and the flat waters of Gytheion. ‘There, when you have dropped the curved teeth of the pinewood ship against the rocks, so as to resist the waves,

IOO

you will rest your nine-sailed fleet from its leaping.

Then you, the wolf, will snatch the young unwedded heifer, deprived of her two daughters, those gentle doves,

War story (the Greeks stayed nine years with Anios, Pherekydes F 140; Menelaos entertains

Φερέκλειοι πόδες: Phereklos built the νῆας ἀρχεκάκους for Paris: I/ 5. 62-3. πόδες seems here to mean ‘sheets’ (of sails), cf. Od. s. 260 with Rengakos 1994: 115; Holzinger prefers ‘oars’.

Paris for nine days, etc.).

98. σαλάμβας: for this rare word for ‘opening’ see

102. ἄνυμφον πόρτιν: here and at 320, πόρτις, ‘heifer’, means a young girl; at 857 it is used of the

(with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110) S. frag. 1093

Nereid Thetis. For the whole expression see Mari

TrGF, Γυθείου πλάκας: Gytheion, though never

2009: 439 (‘paradoxical’ as applied to Helen, but

mentioned by Hdt. or Th., is thought to have been the main Spartan naval base, at any rate by the 4th cent.: Xen. Hell. 6. s. 32 and IACP. no. 333. The present line of Lyk. is quoted by Steph. Byz. y 116 Bill. mAd£ is a favourite word of Lyk.; it means a level place or area of land or sea, and sometimes— as here—does little more than amplify a toponym.

the meaning is that though abducted by Paris, she was not properly wedded to him). On 102-131 see Vaglio 2006.

103. The two daughters of Helen are supposed by Lyk. to be Hermione by Menelaos and Iphigeneia (more usually daughter of Agamemnon and Klytaimestra) by Theseus; cf. 851 for Helen as

It is mostly poetical (e.g. A. Pers. 718 or Pi. P. 1. 24,

mother of daughters only. Lyk. in both places

ἐς βαθεῖαν ... πόντου πλάκα), but is used in the sth-cent. BC settlement decree from W. Lokris,JG 9. * 609 A 2. See Schade: 57 on 648, and compare the Greek-influenced Latin ‘campi’ used of the sea; cf, Mynors 1990: 213 on V. G. 3. 198.

rejects by implication the Hesiodic version accord-

ing to which Helen was mother by Menelaos of a son, Nikostratos: Catalogue of Women frag. 175 M/W, from 2 S. Εἰ 539; cf. Apollod. 3. 11, 1. There

was also a tradition that Helen was mother of another son, Korythos, by Paris; see Lightfoot

99-100. The ship's ‘curved teeth’ are its anchors.

1999: 546 and 851 n. For Iphigeneia as daughter of "Theseus, see Paus. 2. 22. 7, citing Stesichoros (frag.

100. &xropas: Hektor's speaking name (the 'bulwark' of Troy) is suggested.

191 PMG- 86 Fi.), Euphorion (frag. 86 Lightfoot,

101. σκαρθμῶν: from axaipw, "leap/dance' cf. Ap. Rh. 3. 1260. ἰαύσεις: this is an otherwise unattested transitive form of ἰαύω, ‘sleep’, as at 430.

Aitolian (frag. ır Lightfoot). The effect of (and

See n. there, εἰναφώσσωνα: X cites Pherekydes

decent motive for killing Agamemnon,

(FGrHist 3 F 138, and in EGM) for the nine ships.

the

Jacoby collects some other ‘nines’ from the Trojan

Klytaimestra's, daughter Iphigeneia.

where more evidence is cited) and Alexander the

motive for?) this variant is to deny Klytaimestra a

145

usual

story had

sacrificed

who on

his own,

and

104-113

Kassandras speech

καὶ δευτέραν eis ἄρκυν ὀθνείων βρόχων x

H

>

»

>

f

4

ληῖτιν ἐμπταίσασαν ἰξευτοῦ πτέρῳ, Θύσῃσιν ἁρμοῖ μηλάτων ἀπάργματα φλέγουσαν ἐν κρόκαισι καὶ Βύνῃ θεᾷ,

τος

θρέξεις ὑπὲρ Σκάνδειαν Αἰγίλου 7’ ἄκραν,

αἴθων ἐπακτὴρ καγχαλῶν ἀγρεύματι. νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐνὶ δράκοντος ἐγχέας πόθον

110

Ἀκτῆς, διμόρφου γηγενοῦς σκηπτουχίας,

τὴν δευτέραν ἕωλον οὐκ ὄψει Κύπριν ψυχρὸν παραγκάλισμα κἀξ ὀνειράτων

See

Sistakou

2009:

252 on the ‘complex

metaphor’ here, esp. the identification of the two innocent girls with birds, straight after the description of Helen as a heifer (102). the bird motif see further 314n. (Laodike

For and

metamorphoses are not alluded to in the ‚Alexandra, and take place outside it, so are not included in the list at 176 n. Cf. V. A. 6. 518-19 "flammam media ipsa

tenebat / ingentem, with Norden 1927: 267. The

Polyxena as nightingales).

Dionysiac

character of Helen's

sacrifices

(see

also 106n.) foreshadows her wild behaviour, also

referred to at 143, θυιάδος. See also Euphorion frag. 107 Lightfoot for the mourning for Melikertes, who died with

105. ἱξευτοῦ πτερῷ: this feather’ is a kind of trap called in Latin a ‘formido’—a ‘rope strung with feathers used by hunters to scare game’ (OLD).

ἀπάργματα are the same as ἀπαρχαί (2, and

his mother when they both jumped into the sea.

Aristoph. Peace 1056). This is the first attested use

Evidently the two poets treated the same topic, as often. See further 757 (with n.), where she is again

of i£eurns, ‘one who

catches birds with

bird-

lime’; see Reed 1997: 179 on Bion frag. XIII line ı.

called Burn, and is mentioned as having saved

106. The Thysai or Thystades (Hesych. (8 972)) are

the shipwrecked Odysseus by using her magic veil.

the Thyiades, female worshippers of Dionysos,

Paus. το. 4. 3. ἁρμοῖ: ‘recently’, ‘lately’, a tragic word

(A.

Prom.

615),

which

resurfaces

108. Skandeia

in

Kall. frag. 274 and 383 (= 254 Suppl. Hell) line 4 PE,

(Barr. map

58, inset) is at mod.

Palaiopoli, at the north end of the great bay of

Hellenistic poetry: Theok. 4. 51, Ap. Rh. 1. 972 and

Aghios Nikolaos, in the SE part of the island of

‘brine’; Euphorion frag. 124 Lightfoot, where

Kithira, which is itself south of the mainland of Lakonia. Skandeia was the harbour town of the πόλις of Kythera. For Kythera see LACP: no. 336, also discussing Skandeia. Skandeia was ‘a πόλισμα or fortified place near the harbour’ acc. Th. 4. 54. 4 (at para. 1 Th. calls Skandeia itself a πόλις,

the Etymologicum Genuinum is quoted for the identification of Byne with the sea-nymph Ino-Leukothea, daughter of Kadmos, sister of

but the para. 4 description is more accurate). See Huxley in Coldstream and Huxley 1972: 38. ‘The islet of Aigilia, mod. Antikithira, famous

Dionysos’ mother Semele, and nurse of Dionysos

for the scientific mechanism found in the sea

with P£'s n. on frag. 274. μηλάτων: for the unusu-

ally formed (‘metaplastic’) gen. pl., see LSJ”. 107. Βύνῃ θεᾷ: Byne (perhaps connected with βύθος or with δῦναι) was a name for the sea or

himself. She features again at 757. For her complicated mythology see Gantz 1993: 176-9). She was originally a mortal woman who became a goddess, acc. Od. 5. 334-5, so to that extent she

resembles Glaukos the sea-god (754n.); but these

nearby,

is off the

north-eastern

tip

of Krete,

half-way between Krete and Kythera; see L4CP: P. 573 (in the ch. on Lakedaimon). This would

be on the route from Sparta to Egypt. Other candidates for Aigilon have been suggested.

146

Paris’ abduction of Helen

104-113

and she will fall again into the trap of a foreigner's net, taken prisoner by the feathered snare of the fowler.

105

Just before this, on the shore, she was sacrificing sheep to the

Thysai and to the goddess Byne. You will hasten beyond Skandeia and the promontory of Aigilon, a fierce hunter, exulting in your prey. When, on Dragons island, you have satisfied your desire, 110 in Akte, the realm of the two-formed earth-born king,

you will not see a second day of marriage, but will have a cold embrace, the stuff of dreams, 109. ἐπακτήρ:

cf. Ii 17.135 with

Rengakos

Apollod. 3. 12. 7.) The ‘island of Helen’ or Helene is the mod. Makronisi or ‘long island’ (Barr. map

1994: 118.

59 4D, marked as Helena’), east of the Sounion peninsula. Homer, J/ 3. 445, says that Helen and Paris had sex on an island Kranae; this is identified by Strabo g. 1. 22 with Helene. (But Paus. 3. 22. 1 locates Kranae near Gytheion in Lakonia, and this is duly marked at Barr. map 58 D4.) Lyk.'s cryptic ‘Dragon’ island is also an allu-

110-112. Lyk, has it both ways: Paris has intercourse with Helen (so that she is an appropriate target for Kassandra's hostility and scorn for her sexual immorality, see on κυνός at 87, and cf. West 2009: 83: in Lyk., ‘Helen is just as guilty as she was in Homer

and Herodotus’); she is also

represented as having gone to Egypt, replaced at Troy by a phantom—the version in Stesichoros

sion to half-snakes: the general meaning of all these descriptors (viz. ‘Attica’) becomes progres-

(see S. West 1982) and E. Hei. Like Stes. (PMGF

sively clearer. σκηπτουχίας may (so Ciani, and Gigante Lanzara 2009: 109) be an Aeschylean echo; see Pers. 297.

193=go Fi.) and Hdt. (2. 112. 1 and 16.1), Lyk. has Helen stay with Proteus in Egypt. The key is in 112: there is a single night of sex but no second

112. τὴν δευτέραν ἕωλον οὐκ ὄψει Κύπρι. The

morning of love i.e. sex, €wAov ... Κύπριν. 110-111. νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐνὶ δράκοντος ἐγκέας πόθον / Ἀκτῆς διμόρφου γηγενοῦς σκηπτουχίας: there is no doubt that we are suddenly off the coast of Attica (for Akte as Attica—also at 1339—see E. Hel. 1673). The

‘two-formed

earth-born

one

is

probably Erechtheus, one of the earliest kings of Athens

(often confused with Erichthonios),

and born from the earth acc. to 77 2. 548. Tzetzes thought that Lyk. was talking about Erichthonios; in which case there would be an interesting

Kallimachean intertext: cf. Kall. frag. 260 line 23 Pf. (= 70 line 8 Hollis), with Hollis 2007: 285. Alternatively the allusion could be to Kekrops,

desired meaning is ‘you will not see a second day of marriage’. Casaubon ingeniously contrived to extract this sense, by comparing a line of the

comic poet Axionikos (K/A frag. 8 line 6) τῶν γάμων κρείττω γεγονέναι τὴν ἕωλον ἡμέραν,

[that] the day after is better than the wedding feast itself’, which implies that on the day after a wedding the family normally eats up scraps. ἕωλος is applied to stale food, and can also indicate a ‘morning-after’ feeling i.e. a hangover. See xi0-112n, for the significance of this line. For the motif of a single night of marital love, see Fantuzzi 2012: 36 on Stat. Achil, 1. 936-7 (Achilles and Deidameia).

who was a half-serpent and thus ‘two-formed’,

so Pfeiffer on Kall. frag. 194 line 68. Either way,

113. ψυχρὸν παραγκάλισμα:

the reference to an early king of Athens is clear, and perhaps we should not feel forced to choose between these alternatives. (Tzetzes thought rather of Salamis and the myth of Kychreus (451n.), who was also a half-snake; see Frazer on

quotation of S. Ant. 650, where M. Griffith cites

this is an exact

for parallel E. Alk. 353 ψυχρὰν τέρψιν; See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: πο. The idea here is that Helen was a mere wraith (see further 820-825 and nn.). Lyk. surely drew

147

114-120

Kassandras speech

κεναῖς ἀφάσσων ὠλέναισι δέμνια. ^

3

[4

3

i

,

ὁ yap σε συλλέκτροιο Φλεγραίας πόσις

us

στυγνὸς Τορώνης, & γέλως ἀπέχθεται καὶ δάκρυ, νῆις δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τητώμενος ἀμφοῖν, ὃ Θρήκης Ex ποτ᾽ εἰς ἐπακτίαν Τρίτωνος ἐκβολαῖσιν ἠλοκισμένην χέρσον περάσας, οὐχὶ ναυβάτῃ στόλῳ,

120

ε

/,

,

f

/

on Stes. for this (5. West 1982); see PMGF: p. 179 (Davies) on no, 192=gıa Fi. (Tzetzes on the

30. 1459 line 3 (Galatia, ?2nd cent. Bc). &Aeypaías πόσις / στυγνὸς Τορώνης: Lyk. introduces

present passage

Proteus indirectly, as husband of Torone. Torone is the female eponym of a north Aegean city

and in Antebomerica

149), and

Davies 1982, who shows (i) that Tzetzes' source in both works was Aristid. 2. 234, printed at PMGF

which was important in classical times: OCD* and ZACP: no. 620. It was near the end of

p.178 and (ii) that Tzetzes' allusions to Stesichoros

should not be treated or printed as actual fragments. See also Page in P. Oxy, 2506: 35-6. 115-127.

Proteus' prehistory.

Proteus

was

Sithonia, the middle prong of Chalkidike, and

has been excavated by a Greek-Australian team: Papadopoulos 2005. Lyk.’s ethnic ‘Phlegraiar! is

not quite accurate, because Phlegra was an alter-

a

native name for the westernmost Chalkidic prong, Pallene: Hat. 7. 123. 1; for Pallene in the present context see 127n. For the alternative location of

shape-shifting sea-god (A. L. B[rown], OCD*; Aston zotı: 55758), who was questioned on the

Egyptian island of Pharos by Menelaos about the fates of Agamemnon and other Greeks (Od. 4.

Phlegra

and took her to Egypt; for Lyk.s indebtedness to Hdt. in this episode, see S. West 2009: 82-3 (but see also 113n. for Stesichoros). Proteus was

the subject of the satyr-play which accompanied Aeschylus’ Oresteia, but though the frags of this are exiguous (TrG/’nos 210-15; see Sommerstein

in Loeb Aeschylus 3: 220-3), it is tempting to conjecture that Lyk. may have echoed this play. Stephens 2010: 60, discussing the use of mythology in Ptolemaic Alexandria, suggests that Lyk.'s account of his escape from lawless "Thrace (really,

of Macedon). But the positive presentation of Proteus as 'pious and respectful barbarian’ (Allan

2008: 60) goes back through E. Helen to Hdt.

Phlegraian

fields

in

Italian

he has Herakles crossing to the city of Torone from Thasos and killing Proteus’ sons Polygonos and Telegonos (or Tmolos, 2 Lyk., and see MassaPairault 2009: 489) in a wrestling match. (Cf. IG 14. 1293À lines 84-6, from a long Greek inscription from Rome listing Herakles' deeds.) Until he

eliminated them, they had challenged all comers and killed them (cf. 124). Fantuzzi in Fantuzzi and

Hunter 2004: 388 notes that the myth appears in Lyk. for the first time, and ingeniously suggests

his own lawless sons) to Egypt is meant to present the latter as ‘a space of moral integrity’, cf. also Sens 2010: 304 (who stresses, in addition, the proximity of Pallene to the Ptolemaic homeland

(the

Campania) see again 127n. and 699n. Apollod. 2. s. 9, describing the conclusion of Herakles' ninth labour, the belt of Hippolyte, seems aware of the Proteus-Torone connection:

349-570). In Hdt. (2. 112720) he removed Helen

that the story could have had a special appeal at the Ptolemaic court of Philadelphos because the rulers wife, Egyptian-born Arsinoe II, had been married to a Thracian, Lysimachos. This does not really work. Lysimachos was not an ethnic

"Thracian but a Macedonian, he ruled large tracts

115-116. ovAAdkrporo: Euripidean, see (with Gigante Lanzara urn. 59) Her. x and 1268. The word recurs in a verse epitaph from Ptolemaic

he murdered his heir Agathokles at the instigation of, precisely, Arsinoe. This is not, therefore,

Egypt, SEG 2. 874 line 6, and in another at SEG

evidence for the Alexandrian origin of the poem.

of northern Asia Minor

I48

as well as Thrace, and

114-120

Paris’ abduction of Helen

clasping the bed with your empty arms. For the grim husband of the Phlegraian wife Torone, he who hates both laughter and tears, and is ignorant of and lacking in both; he who once crossed from Thrace to the coastal tract which is ploughed into furrows by the outlets of the

us

river Triton, not by a sea-journey,

120

Holzinger is surely right to be wary of any special

Nonn. (D. 21. 289) agreed with Lyk. in making Torone the wife of Proteus (if that is what Nonnus meant by Topwvuloıo παρὰ Πρωτῆος), but Steph. Byz., Topwvn, makes her Proteus’ daughter (or alternatively daughter of Poseidon and

explanation in terms of the Chalkidian origin and local interests of the supposed author of the poem, Lyk. the tragedian. (Contrast his n. on 693.) The Egyptian dimension to the Proteus story could equally be used to argue for a Ptolemaic Alexandrian milieu, cf. 115-127n.

Phoinike, but the text is clearly disordered here;

see provisionally Meineke's app. crit.; Billerbeck’s edition has not yet reached the letter 7), Eustathios, comm. on Dion. Perieg. 327 has this variant too,

116-117. d γέλως ἀπέχθεται / καὶ δάκρυ: Proteus could not be sorry at the death of the

but (carelessly?) attributes it to Lyk. i.e. the present

wicked sons, but nor could he rejoice.

passage, so this may not be worth much. See Papadopoulos 1996: 167, noting the variant tradi-

118-119. Τρίτωνος éxBoAaiaw: this means the Nile delta. For Triton as the Nile, see Ap. Rh. 4. 269 («ai ποταμὸς Τρίτων ἠύρροος or edptpoos,

tions, and also remarking on the non-Greek heri-

tage of the mythical female Torone (a heritage which he clearly regards as support for his thesis about the mixed character of later settlement at Torone. But on this topic see 77: ch. 6, defending the natural interpretation of ‘Chalkidic Torone' at Th. 4. 110. 1, viz. ‘founded from Euboian Chalkis’). Steph. Byz. says that another Torone was founded after the Trojan War, and this has been argued to mean that he wrongly thought there were two separate places, when in fact all his information may relate to Chalkidic Torone and be evidence that ‘the carriers of the imported pottery from the cemetery were following in the tracks of much older predecessors: Snodgrass 1994: 89 and Papadopoulos, as above. This is an appealing idea, but there is a difficulty, Snodgrass, followed by Papadopoulos, says that no other city of the name [Torone] existed, but this is not correct. IACPno, 10 is a Torone in Epeiros, for which the main evidence is Ptolemy's Geography. Steph. Byz. is an epitome only, and it is possible that his Torone entry betrays knowledge of the Epeiros city. However all that may be, Lyk., whose interest in colonial myths is palpable elsewhere and often, may have been hinting at some of the undoubted complexity surrounding Torone. Nevertheless

see Livrea). Stephens 2003: 208 (with n. gı) says

this ‘geographical pleonasm is not just an exercise in recherché allusion; it serves to effect a liaison

between Greek and Egyptian worlds’. MassaPairault 2009: 490 seeks daringly to connect the Proteus~Pallene combination in Lyk. with Kall. frag. 228 Pf. 47~55, which mentions both Athos (Chalkidike) and Pharos (Alexandria). For Triton as Nile see further 576 n. (Delos).

ug. A three-word line, cf. 63n. ἠλοκισμένην: from ἀλοκέζω, an extremely rare verb, otherwise found only at Aristoph. Wasps 850 (but several more times in Lyk. with the sense ‘mangle, lacerate’; see 381, 810, and go8). The meaning ‘plough’ assumes that the root is dAo£ = αὐλαξ, ‘a furrow’.

120. οὐχὶ ναυβάτῃ στόλῷ: Poseidon granted his son Proteus’ prayer to let him go home to Egypt (126), by a route which took him through the caves

under the sea (2). S. West 1982, comparing Stes. frag. 192. 2 PMGF = 91 a Fi., suggests that Lyk. derived this detail from Stes., and that in Stes.,

Proteus (on his way home

from Pallene) took

Helen back from Sparta. See Davies and Finglass 2014: 309 n. 56. See also Mynors on V. G. 4. 388-9.

149

121-133

Kassandras speech

ἀλλ᾽ ἀστίβητον οἶμον, οἷά τις σιφνεύς, κευθμῶνος ἐν σήραγγι τετρήνας μυχούς,

νέρθεν θαλάσσης ἀτραποὺς διήνυσε, τέκνων ἀλύξας τὰς £evokróvovs πάλας,

καὶ πατρὶ πέμψας τὰς ἐπηκόους λίτας,

125

στῆσαι παλίμπουν εἰς πάτραν, ὅθεν πλάνης

Παλληνίαν ἐπῆλθε, γηγενῶν τροφόν' κεῖνός σε, Γουνεὺς ὥσπερ, ἐργάτης δίκης, τῆς θ᾽ Ἡλίου θυγατρὸς Ἰχναίας βραβεύς, ἐπεσβολήσας λυγρὰ νοσφιεῖ γάμων,

130

λίπτοντα κάσσης ἐκβαλὼν πελειάδος. ὃς τοὺς Λύκου τε kai Χιμαιρέως τάφους χρησμοῖσι κυδαίνοντας οὐκ αἰδούμενος, a

10

M

,

x

/

,

λυπρὰ Scheer

121. old τις σιφνεύς: translated by Ciani as ‘talpa’,

The order of narration is inverted: Proteus’

a mole; LSJ? equates the word with σπάλαξ or ἀσπάλαξ (this is based on a guess of Tzetzes:

return to Egypt from Thrace (118 ff.) is narrated before the explicit statement that he left his

σημαίνει, ὡς οἶμαι, τὸν ἀσπάλακα). But strictly Spalacidae are completely blind (‘blind-rats’),

native Epypt for Thrace originally (the present passage). Hurst/Kolde note the heavy alliteration

whereas moles merely have tiny eyes; see Mynors 1990: 42 on ‘oculis capti...talpae’ at V. G. 1, 183.

in , but that is the commonest sort, and here as

For this mole myth in Jungian terms (Proteus as manifestation

of the unconscious)

see Lambin

elsewhere it is hard to be sure that it is intentional (or denotes excitement: Fraenkel on A. Ag. 268, cf. Fraenkel 1957: 104 n. 2).

2009: 166-7; cf. 34n. and 316n. 122. Not an easy line to translate exactly, though the general sense is clear: Proteus tunnels his way (rerpaivw, ‘bore a hole’) under the seabed. The interpretation here adopted takes κευθμῶνος ἐν σήραγγι together. Holzinger takes κευθμῶνος at the beginning of the line with μυχούς at the end, ‘[boring] the recesses of a cave’, and then ἐν anpayyı elaborates further: ‘in the hollow of a rock’, 124. τὰς ξενοκτόνους πάλας: see 115-116n. for the murderous guest-slaying wrestler sons of Proteus, and for πάλαι see 127n. S. West 2009: 82 rightly notices the ‘added piquancy’ here: Hdt. 2. 115. 4-6 had made Proteus himself claim not to

kill strangers, μὴ ξεινοκτονέειν.

127. Παλληνίαν.... γηγενῶν τροφόν: there is a play on the geographical name Παλλήνη and the

standard word for wrestling, πάλη, for which see 124. Pallene is the ‘nurse of the Earthborn’, i.e. of the Giants, via the connection with the Phlegraian fields (115 and cf. 1404): BAeypatos is said (2 and

"Tzetzes on 215-117; cf. Strabo 7 frag. 14. 16) to be the old name for Thrace because the giants were incinerated there, ἐφλέχθησαν. See MassaPairault 2009: 489-90, and 526-527n. (on Hektor as a kind of Καναστραῖον ... γίγαντα). In Lyk.’s ‘Odyssey’,by contrast, the defeat of the Giants, and the Phlegraian fields, will be located in Campania in central Italy; see 693 and 699 with nn. Proteus was already connected with Pallene by Kall, who calls him the ‘mantic Pallenian seal-herd’, see Suppl. Hell 254. 5-6 (ITaAAnvea

126. παλίμπουν eis πάτραν ὅθεν πλάνης: for the

μάϊντιν] / ποιμένα [denda] with Harder 2012:

very rare παλίμπους (here and at 893), see HE

2.402. See also Mynors on V. G. 4. 390-1, a passage which also shows awareness of this tradition.

4252 (= Meleagerl. 5).

150

Paris’ abduction of Helen

121-133

but by an untrodden road, like a mole,

boring through recesses in the hollows of caves, he made his way through submarine paths, escaping the guest-slaying wrestling of his sons. He sent prayers which his father heard,

125

to restore him to his fatherland, from which, as a wanderer

he went to Pallene, nurse of the Earthborn. He, like Gouneus, executor of justice,

and arbiter of the Ichnaian daughter of the sun, will attack you with grim reproof and deprive you of your marriage, driving you away, still full of lust, from your promiscuous dove—

130

you, who respected neither the men who had been sent by oracles to honour the tombs of Lykos and Chimaireus, cult of Themis: Steph. Byz. and Hesych. Perhaps

On Lyk.’s vagueness or inaccuracy here (Torone was on the central Sithonia not the western Pallene promontory of Chalkidike), see 115-116 n.

we do not need to choose, and both are suggested (so, apparently, Holzinger). At HFLAp. 94 (above),

‘Ichnaian’ could

refer to either Thessaly or

128. Γουνεὺς ὥσπερ: Gouneus is said by Σ᾿ to be an Arabian king famous for his justice, and commentators have accepted this; but Decourt 2009: 380-1 convincingly argues instead for a Greek, specifically Thessalian solution, and a link with 'Ichnaian Themis’ in 129, where there is a clear though not exclusive reference to Thessaly; see n. there, Gouneus

131. Alrrovra: in its active form, this verb for desiring appears to be Hellenistic; see also Ap. Rh. 4. 813 and 353 and n. For λίττομαι, see A.

is the eponym of Gonnoi in Thessalian Perrhaibia

Sept. 355 and 380. κάσσης: a shortened form of

Macedon; see Richardson's n., pointing out that

the epithet means ‘Tracker’, and is suitable for the goddess of justice.

(for Gonnoi see IACP: no. 463), and he is leader of

κα(σ)σωρίς, as at 1385. Et. G. says kacowpis‘ ἡ

the Perrhaibian contingent at [Had 2. 748 (897n.) Decourt suggests that the Greek Gouneus was

πόρνη, ἡ κατωφερής (lewd person). The noun is related to κασαλβάς, ‘prostitute’, as at eg.

somehow fused, by the ancient commentators on

Aristoph. Ed. 1106. The root of such words may be semitic, see Papazarkadas and Sourlas 2012: 592 n. 43, discussing a new sth-cent. epigraphic

Lyk., with a story about a legendarily just Arab. The prompt for this fusion could have been the Mesopotamian Ichnai mentioned by Plut. Crass, 25. 12, cf. Steph. Byz. For Ichnai see 129n.

attestation of the curious Argive name Κάσσαβος. 133-134. There are several accusatives here, and translators have differed as to how to take them.

129. This is certainly Themis: FZHAf. 94, Ἰχναίη

τε Θέμις. She is usually the daughter of Ouranos

On the tr. here adopted (essentially that of Ciaceri and Mooney), Paris is said not to respect

and Ge (Hes. 75. 135), rather than the Sun, but

the Sun is appropriate here 'because he sees

(οὐκ αἰδούμενος) those who (τούς), in obedience to oracles (χρησμοῖσι), honoured (κυδαί-

everything and hears everything' (2). For ‘Ichnaian’ as a Thessalian cult epithet of Themis see Decourt 2009: 377-82 and n. 10,

vovras,

agreeing

with

τούς

and

referring

to

Menelaos and his fellow-envoys to Troy from

citing Strabo 9. s. 14 on Thessaliotis, Ἴχναι,

Sparta) the tombs of Lykos and Chimaireus

ὅπου ἡ Θέμις Ἰχναία τιμᾶται. But there was

(Λύκου

another and better-known Ichnai near Pella in

kudalvovras with χρησμοῖσι, ‘glorious in ora-

Macedonia, for which see Hdt. 7. 123.3 and LACP: no. 538, and this Ichnai too appears to have had a

cles’, and referring it to the tombs (so Mair and Hurst/Kolde), makes poor sense.

ISI

re

καὶ Χιμαιρέως

τάφους). Taking

134-144

Kassandras speech

οὐδ᾽ Ἠνθέως ἔρωτας, οὐδὲ τὸν ξένοις σύνδορπον Αἰγαίωνος ἁγνίτην πάγον, ἔτλης θεῶν ἀλοιτὸς ἐκβῆναι δίκην, »

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λάξας τράπεζαν κἀνακυπώσας Θέμιν, ἄρκτου τιθήνης ἐκμεμαγμένος τρόπους. τοιγὰρ ψαλάξεις ἐς κενὸν νευρᾶς κτύπον,

ἄσιτα κἀδώρητα φορμίζων μέλη,

140

κλαίων δὲ πάτραν τὴν πρὶν ἠθαλωμένην ἵξῃ χεροῖν εἴδωλον ἠγκαλισμένος τῆς πενταλέκτρου θυιάδος Πλευρωνίας. ,

tf,

x

/

^

a

x

Li

M

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,

[4

᾿

i

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γυιαὶ γὰρ εὐναστῆρας ἄμναμοι τριπλαῖς We rely upon 2 Lyk. and upon another 2, on Il. 5. 64 (ii. 13 Erbse), for the elucidation of these two episodes; for the Homeric one see I.

alluded to in the present passage, see Fontenrose 1978: 390 no. L 98. «udaivovras: see 720-721n. The verb is Homeric and Pindaric, but Lyk. con-

Rutherford 2001: 235 and ἢ. 1. Z Lyk. says that the

fines it to the honouring of the dead, with a strong implication of cult.

reason why Menelaos came to Troy in the first

place was because Sparta was afflicted by a plague, and the oracle said that honour must

134. οὔδ᾽ Ἀνθέως ἔρωτας: the name Antheus,

be done to the tombs of Lykos and Chimaireus,

the flowery one, has been thought to ‘suggest a

sons

pretty boy’, and the story has been brought into

of Prometheus

and

Kelaino, daughter

of

Poseidon. He was the guest of Paris during his

connection with the story of Hyakinthos, who

stay. But while he was under Paris’ roof, Paris

was also accidentally killed. See Lightfoot 1999:

accidentally killed Antheus (son of the Trojan

457, citing Sergent 1987: 245-6. Historically, the

Antenor), with whom he and Deiphobos were both in love. Menelaos rescued Paris from this

name is not common, but there is a sprinkling in most vols of LGPN. Antheus was son of Antenor,

trouble by taking him back to Sparta.The Homer 2 differs slightly: Menelaos comes to Troy to

and

avert the plague (as in the other version) but then oracle, Menelaos

about

children

by both

Paris

and

Deiphobos;

see

135. Alyaiwy: Poseidon, god of the sea, from which salt comes. Tzetzes connects the epiklesis

he and Paris set off together to consult the Delphic

loved

133-134 n.

and

both with Aigai on the coast of Achaia (ACP:

Paris about seducing Helen. Either way, these myths are designed (so Wathelet 2009: 340) to place Paris in the worst possible light as a betrayer

with

of hospitality: he had eaten Menelaos’ salt (135).

likelier derivation. @yvirns: this hapax word sug-

no. 229, but Aigai’s cultic connections seem rather Dionysus)

and

with

the

Aegean

sea, a

Apollod. 3. 10. 2 has Lykos placed in the Island

gests the purificatory function of the sea, and J

of the Blest by Poseidon (his maternal grandfather), and a papyrus fragment shows this was

aptly quotes E. IT 1193, where the sea is said to wash away all human ills; see Platnauer's n. on line 1192, citing e.g. I7. 1. 314. 2 makes the almost

from

Hellanikos

(#GrHist

4 F τοῦ, and

in

EGM); it is not consistent with Lyk.’s story of a

universal human connection between salt and

tomb of Lykos i.e. ordinary mortality. χρησμοῖσι: the oracular injunction to the Spartans to make the offerings is the precursor

hospitality.

136. ἀλοιτός: equivalent to ἀλείτης, as at I7. 3. 28 (about Paris). Cf. 936 n. for Ἀλοῖτις as epithet of Athena, 'Avenger' of sins or crimes.

of several mentions in the poem of cults or colonial enterprises ordained by oracles. See 29, 735, 1207, 1252, 1377, 1379, 1385, also 1141-1173. (the

137. For the idea that sexual offences can be seen as offences against the table’, see Forbes-Irving 1990:

Lokrian Maidens). For the oracle and response

152

Helens five husbands

134-144

nor the love of Antheus, nor the pure salt of Poseidon,

shared between guests and hosts at meals.

135

You dared criminally to transgress the justice of the gods, kicking the table, and turning Themis upside down, imitating the habits of the bear, your nurse. To no avail you will twang striking from its lyre songs You will return weeping to clutching in your arms the of the Pleuronian maenad,

the loud string of your bow, which bring neither food nor gifts. your fatherland, once burnt to ashes, phantom she of the five husbands.

140

For the lame descendants of the long-lived Sea have

104, discussing

the

present

passage, where

141. τὴν πρὶν ἠθαλωμένην: this refers to the first destruction of ‘Troy by fire, at the hands of

the

sexual offence is Paris’ seduction of Menelaos' wife, an outrage against hospitality; and for overturning the table as a response, in Greek myth, to specially horrible crimes such as cannibalism, see Burkert 19832: 86 and 105 and Forbes-Irving 1990: 93 n. 120.

Herakles: 31751. For the verb, a rare one, cf. E. Εἰ

1140, and cf. 970n. 143. πενταλέκτρου θυιάδος Πλευρωνίας: the five husbands (Theseus, Paris, Menelaos,

Tereus, after realizing he has been eating his own

Deiphobos, Achilles) form the organizing principle of 144~179. For Helen as a kind of bacchant

son Itys, kicks over the table, Ovid Met. 6. 661. The thought and language of this line surely owes something to A. Ag. 383-4: Aakrioavrı μέγαν Δίκας / βωμὸν εἰς dpdverav. But for

(θυιάδος, again at 505), see τού and 107 with nn., and Mari 2009: 434 n. 67. She was descended

from Pleuron (eponym of the Aitolian city,

ἀνακυπόω Lyk. went elsewhere; see Antimachos frag.

115 Wyss

(150

Matthews)

with

IACP. no. 153) as follows: her mother Leda was daughter of Thestios, son of Agenor, son of Pleuron: Apollod. 1. 7. 7-10. Alternatively, Leda

Wyss:

XLII, and with Ad£as cf. λαχμόν for λακτισμός, ‘kicking’, at Antimachos frag. tor Wyss (97 Matthews).

was daughter (again by Thestios) of Laophante or Laophone, daughter of Pleuron: FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 9 (from X Ap. Rh. 1. 146, given

138. ἄρκτου: for the bear as nurse of the infant Paris (a detail also in Apollod. 3. 12. 5, see 224225n.), see Wathelet 2009: 340. ‘Helpful animals’ often perform this sort of role in stories about the

more fully in EGM).

144-179. Helen's five husbands 144-145. These are the three Fates: Klotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. They are not usually daughters of the Sea (Tethys), but of Zeus by Themis: Hes. 75. 901-5 with West. Klotho's name

miraculous deliverance of special infants. See Griffiths 2006: 141. ἐκμεμαγμένος τρόπους: the verb (for which see also 713) is from ἐκμάσσω, originally ‘wipe’, then ‘mould in wax/plaster’, hence ‘imitate’.

(the spinner) is most obviously appropriate to the idea here expressed, and at Od. 7. 197 all three are called the Spinners, Κλῶθες. For the Moirai, as they are more usually called, see Eidinow 20113: 35-41 with n. 61 for the spinning motif, citing 7) 24. 210, Hekabe reminds Priam that

139. τοιγὰρ ψαλάξεις: for Paris’ lyre-playing see Il. 3. 54 (Hektor, contemptuously). “You'll play your lyre in vain' was proverbial. 2 thought that a secondary, sexual reference to the male organ was

hinted at: aivirreraı δὲ μόριον ἀνδρός. There

strong Fate spun, ἐπένησε, Hektor's fate long ago

are similar comments in the Aristophanic Z about ‘hinting’ at obscenities (Nünlist 2009: 234 n. 31).

(this is perhaps verbally echoed in the present

passage by πήναις, although the words are unrelated since the Homeric verb is from ἐπινέω).

153

145-152

Kassandras speech

πήναις κατεκλώσαντο δηναιᾶς Ados,

145

νυμφεῖα πεντάγαμβρα δαίσασθᾶι γάμων.

δοίω μὲν ἁρπακτῆρας αὐγάσαι λύκους πτηνοὺς τριόρχας αἰετοὺς ὀφθαλμίας, τὸν δ᾽ ἐκ Πλυνοῦ τε κἀπὸ Καρικῶν ποτῶν βλάστοντα ῥίζης, ἡμικρῆτα βάρβαρον, Ἐπειόν, οὐκ Ἀργεῖον ἀκραιφνῆ yovals.

150

οὗ πάππον ἐν γαμφαῖσιν Ἐνναία ποτὲ wo

λίζαν Scheer

βαρβάρου Wilamowitz 1883a: 7n. ™ [= 1935772: 2. 18n. 1]

144. γυιαί: a Hellenistic poetic word for ‘lame’; see also Kall. H. 3 to Artemis 177 with Bornmann (parola ellenistica’, but derived from γυιόω, as

at J/. 8. 402). ἄμναμοι: Lyk. is partial to this unusual word for ‘descendant’ (used also at 872, 1227, and 1338); the literal meaning is ‘little lamb’, from dvds, composed by gemination, like raıδόπαις; cf. Chantraine. It appears to be a Dorianism. See SEG 48. 2059 = 57. 2007 line B (Kyrene, 2nd to 1st cents sc) and 18. 744 line 9 (also Kyrene, and cent. ap), in both of which it

means ‘grandson’; also IC 1. 98 B 1-2 (with SEG 48. 1218, Kretan Lyttos, Roman Imperial period) for ἡ Gyvappos (si) as ‘granddaughter’. Ar. Byz. frag. 235 Slater said that the Kyrenaians call their children’s children amnamoi (τὰ ἔκγονα τῶν ἐκγόνων ἀμνάμους καλοῦσι); similarly Tzetzes, on 1227, says ἄμναμοι ] ol ἀπόγονοι

κυρηναικῶς. For the variant form ἀμνάμων (sic) as ‘grandson’, see the Kyrenaian Kallimachos frag. 338 Pf. (Θείας ἀμνάμων) and πο. 44 (ἀμνάμων @eins), where the refs. seem to be to the wind-

god Boreas as grandson of Theia. Harder on Kall. frag. 110. 44 Pf. writes, incorrectly in view of all this epigraphic evidence, ‘apart from these pas-

sages [Lyk. and Kall.] we find these words [ἀμνάμων and ἄμναμος] only in lexicographers and grammarians’.

145. δηναιᾶς AAds: reverse metonymy’, as Hunter 2006: 79 n. 114 calls it: Tethys is meant.

147-148. Husbands (1) and (2): Theseus and Paris For the abduction by Theseus (and Peirithoos) of Helen as a young girl, see so5n.

147. ἁρπακτῆρας ... λύκους: ‘greed and lust are often interchangeable’, says Forbes-Irving 1990: 104 n. 28, citing the present passage, and see 137—

138n. ἁρπακτήρ is rare, and perhaps (Ciani) taken from ΠῚ 24. 262, an abusive passage (Priam denouncing his worthless sons: 'only here and in late literature (Oppian, Nonnus, Julian)’, says N. Richardson, but Lyk. is much earlier than any of these). For the combination of a near-identical

word with wolves, cf. Kall. frag. 202 Pf. (Jam. XIT) line 7o P£ (with Kerkhecker 1999: 238 for improved text): &pray|es λ]ύκοι; also Sistakou 2009: 252. Holzinger suggests that 147 refers to Theseus and 148 to Paris. In that case, the redundancy of expression will be less than is supposed by Kalospyros 2009: 216. Mari 2009: 439 notes that here Helen is represented as a victim of male violence (more usually she is blamed by Kassandra for lust and promiscuity). 148. τριόρχας: Pol. 12. τς = FGrHist 566 Timaios F 126. Walbank in HCP misses the point about the three testicles, as does Davidson 2007: 64. The allusion is clearly to ‘sexual rapacity’ (so Holford-Strevens 2000: 610). See Loeb edn footnote for Pol. LSJ is also wrong: the Lyk. and Tim. passages should have been dealt with together.

146. Holzinger sees here a reference to Aphrodite's

‘There may be comic influence here; see Aristoph.

curse

Birds 181 with Holzinger: 32, and his n. on the passage. αἰετούς: see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105 on the eagle as 'symbol of force' in Lyk.

(an

ill reputation)

on

Tyndareus, ie. Helen and omitting her from the oath.

the

daughters

Klytemnestra,

of

for

154

Helens five husbands ordained, with three threads of fate, that her bed-fellows

shall share a wedding-feast of five bridegrooms. She will see two rapacious wolves, winged eagles, over-sexed, keen-sighted; and a third, sprung from roots in Plynos and the rivers of Karia, a half-Kretan barbarian, an Epeian, not pure Árgive by descent.

145-152 145

uo

Ennaia—Herkynna, Erinys, Thourian, Sword-bearer—

149-167. Husband (3): Menelaos

be simultaneously present on either reading. If, however, the primary reference is to Krete, Menelaos is perhaps being called a barbarian because of Minos’ rule over Karia: Hdt. 1. 171. 2. Tt may be relevant that there were links between Krete and Karia in Hellenistic times, expressed by a series of inscriptions attesting kinship between Krete and Karian Mylasa: Curty 1995:

Menelaos’ wanderings in search of Helen will be

treated at length later (820-876). 149-150. τὸν δ᾽ ἐκ Πλυνοῦ re κἀπὸ Καρικῶν ποτῶν / βλάστοντα ῥίζης: for Plynos in Libya, close to the Egyptian border and east of Antipyrgos (mod. Tobruk), see Barr. map 73 C2. It was supposedly the birthplace of Menelaos’ ancestor Atlas. ‘Karian rivers’ probably hints at the rule over Karia

160-3, nos 66 a-d; this kinship may lie behind

(But

the proxeny grant made in the mid-4th cent. by Mausolus and Artemisia to the people of Knossos

Karia is not well-watered, and Holzinger preferred

in Krete, and found at Labraunda (R/O: no. 55);

to think that Lyk. was continuing the Libyan theme by a ref. to a river near the Καρικὸν τεῖχος attested by Steph. Byz., citing FGrHist 7o Ephoros

see Hornblower 2o11: 357. Note also the foundation legend according to which part-Karian Miletos was founded, not from Athens (the usual story, see Hdt. 5. 97. 2) but from Krete, with Sarpedon as oikist: FGrHist 70 Ephoros F 127 and my comm. on Hdt. 5.49. 3. The gibe at Menelaos as ‘barbarian’, is put into the mouth of the Trojan (i.e. Phrygian i.e. barbarian) Kassandra. For the irony, see Kolde 2009: 47, and see Hurst/Kolde (on 149-167).

of another

ancestor

of Menelaos,

Minos.

F 53, cf. Hanno periplous 5). For the Karia-Krete link see ıson. ποτόν is extraordinarily common in

Lyk. in the sense ‘river’, usually in the pl., ποτά: thirteen occurrences, not including three in the sense ‘drink’. See Holzinger on 1275. On the definite articles used here and in the following lines about Menelaos and Helen's other husbands (e.g. 168, 172), see Sistakou 2009: 250-1, who sees it as part of a pattern of name-avoidance. 150. ἡμικρῆτα βάρβαρον:

with

this

151. Ἐπειόν: that is, from Elis, whose contingent in the Homeric Catalogue of Ships is part of the larger Epeian contingent (ZZ. 2. 615-19 with Hope Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 96-100). Menelaos is 'Eleian' because his grandmother was

reading,

these two words go together and a comma is needed before ἡμικρῆτα. Menelaos was Kretan because

of his descent

from

Minos

Hippodameia, from Elis. Hippodameia and Pelops are the parents of Atreus, the father of

(father of

Menelaos and Agamemnon.

Katreus, father of Aerope, mother of Menelaos). Wilamowitz 1883a: 7 n. ** [= 1935~72: 2. 18 n. 1] emended without argument to BapBdpou (agree-

152-155. In a nutshell, Demeter, absent-minded from grief for Persephone, ate Pelops’ shoulder. The digression on Pelops’ biography is prompted by his relation to Menelaos, following a principle discussed by Sistakou 2009: 243 n. 17. On the relation of Lyk.'s account to that in Pi. O. 1, see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 106-8.

ing with ῥίζης), but though possible, this is not necessary. The word might then refer to the Asiatic origin of Menelaos' ancestor Pelops; for this, see Fowler 2013: 426-7. Indeed this implication (Menelaos’ ancestor Pelops as Lydian) may

155

153-160

Kassandra’ speech

Ἕρκυνν᾽ Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος ἄσαρκα μιστύλασα τύμβευσεν φάρῳ, τὸν ὠλενίτην χόνδρον ἐνδατουμένη.

155

ὃν δὴ dis ἡβήσαντα καὶ βαρὺν πόθον EJ

M

M

€

7

x

*

[4

φυγόντα ναυμέδοντος ἁρπακτήριον,

ἔστειλ᾽ Ἐρεχθεὺς eis Aetpivatous γύας λευρὰν ἀλετρεύσοντα έόλπιδος πέτραν τοῦ Ζηνὶ δαιτρευθέντος Ὀμβρίῳ δέμας, 152. ἐν γαμφαῖσιν:

for the

type

160

Ἑρκύνια' ἑορτὴ Δήμητρος, an emendation from

of Aapax

the MSS

(abbreviated form of a common word, here γαμφηλαῦ,, see Guilleux 2009: 231, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 106, discussing 358.

ἑρκήνια, prompted by, precisely, the

present passage of Lyk. It looks right, however.) This goddess may be an old Indo-European goddess, a cognate of Norse Fiorgyn, mistress of

the wooded mountains, and both names may be

related to that of the storm-god Perkunas; see

152-153. Ἐνναία ποτέ / Ἕρκυνν᾽ Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος: that is, Demeter. This is the first of the batches of piled-up, asyndetic, multiple cultepithets, which form so striking a characteristic of the whole poem. At five in total, the present list is exceeded only by the six for Athena at 355-359. For cult-epithets in the Alexandra, esp. as evidenced by inscriptions, see Introduction, section xr. The first epithet is the ethnic of Enna in central Sicily, and alludes to the abduction of Demeter’ daughter Persephone by Hades. The Sicilian loca~

M. West 2007: 243.

Demeter was Erinys at Arkadian Thelpousa: Paus. 8. 25. 4, quoting Antimachos (frag. 35 Wyss = 33 Matthews); see also Kall. frag. 652 Pf., quoted here by Z (and more fully at Z 1225). Demeter

Erinys appears on the city's coins, see LACP: no. 300 at p. 534, citing Head rgzz: 356 (but the iden-

tification of the goddess's head as that of Demeter Erinys is inference from Paus, The actual word or name Erinys does not appear). See generally Wilamowitz 1931-2: 1. 398-407, ‘Demeter Erinys und die Erinyen’; cf. also Aston 2011: 99, 108, 184. It is thought that a Mycenaean goddess e-ri-nu, named on Linear B tablets from Knossos on

tion of the abduction did not feature in HHDem., or

in any poet earlier than Kall. (7. 6. 30 and frag. 228 line 43 Pf.) and the present passage. But it probably

featured in Timaios, as appears from a comparison of Diod. 5. 3. 2 and [Ar.] mir. ausc. 82. See Geffcken 1892: 104 and esp. Pearson 1987: 58 and n.17. And it is hard to believe that Timaios invented it. Might it go back to Stesichoros? Note that in Pindar (N. 1.13-14)

Krete,

preceded

Demeter,

and

was

eventually

assimilated to her: see Jost 1985: 303-4 and 205:

395; Rougemont 2005: 332, 333 n. 36, 337. In antiquity, “Thourian’ was explained in terms

Zeus gave the island of Sicily to Persephone as

of Demeters frenzied (θοῦρος) grief for her daughter (2), or else as an inexact reference to the

a wedding-present. Zuntz 1971: 7on. 4 argued that a mid-sth-cent. coin of Enna (HIN® 137, Demeter in a

Greek west and thus to Enna (above), because

chariot) depicted her seeking her daughter, and held

of Thourioi in S. Italy (the paraphrase). But

this to refute the view that the rape of Persephone

Schachter 1967: 6 and 1981-94: 1. 151 (cf. 44 n. 1)

was not localized in Sicily before Timaios, who (he believed) ‘recorded a tradition current in his home-

suggests instead a Boiotian cult, related to Apollo Thourios of Mt Thorion near Chaironeia, for

land’. The conclusion is likely enough, even if Zuntz

which see Plut. Su/la 17. 6-8 (cf. 352 n.).

Demeter Xiphephoros is located in Boiotia acc.

may have over-interpreted the coin. For (Demeter) Herkynna, a Boiotian goddess,

2. Schachter 1981-94: 1. 171 (listing this under

see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 156-7 (cf. Parker 2005b: 223 n. 35). The cult of Herkyn(n)a, daughter of

'DEMETER (UNSPECIFIED)) thinks, with acknowl-

Trophonios, had its centre at Lebadeia. (Livy 45.

Demeter’, perhaps located in the ‘southern and

27, Paus. 9. 39. 2-3. See also Hesych. e 5931 Latte

western fringe of the Kopais’, like the other epi-

edgement to Farnell 1896—1909: 1. 325, of a ‘warlike

156

153-160

Helen's five husbands

once sliced up the flesh of your grandfather in her jaws and buried it in her throat, feasting on the cartilage of his shoulder. He was young twice, and when he fled from the heavy rapacious desires of the ruler of ships,

155

Erechtheus sent him to the fields of Letrina,

to grind smooth the stone of Molpis (he who sacrificed his body to Zeus the Rain-god)

160

thets in this line of Lyk. 2 says that the title ‘sword-

158. Ἐρεχθεύς: although Erechtheus is a well-

bearer’ relates to the way the god was depicted in

attested Athenian cult epithet for Poseidon (JG τ᾽ 873, dedication, c.450 Bc; Plut. Mor. 843b with Parker 1996: 242 and 290, the famous Lykourgos of Boutadai, who was a priest of Poseidon Erechtheus; Hesych. ε 5763 Latte), it is better to take it here as referring to Zeus, as at 431; see n. there. (But at 1338, the name has its more usual referent, an early king of Athens. So ‘descendants of Erechtheus’ are there the Athenians, as at Pi. P. 7. 8.) For Letrina, between Elis and Olympia, see 54n.

the relevant Boiotian sanctuary, wherever exactly that was; Schachter 1. 171 n. 3 confidently rejects this as ‘worthless etymologising’, but it is plausible enough and is accepted by Parker 2003: 174 n. 7. 153. pápq: instead of φάρυγξ, see Guilleux 2009: 232 (and cf. 152 n., for the type of Aapax, except that this is hardly shorter than the word it

is based on). 154. ἄσαρκα μιστύλασα: the alpha of ἄσαρκος

159. λευρὰν ἀλετρεύσοντα Μολπίδος πέτραν: for the verb, see Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 1095: it is an echo

is normally privative, so ‘fleshless’ would refer proleptically to the condition to which Demeter

reduced the shoulder. But Tzetzes explains the word as πολύσαρκα, with copulative i.e. reinforcing alpha, and LSJ? list this better explanation as a

of Homer, see Od. 7.104 (the only occurrence), and

perhaps also of Hesiod. The reference is evidently (2) to the chariot-race between Pelops and Oinomaos. The idea seems to be that the racing

separate sense (II), citing only the present passage. μιστύλλω (sic) is the regular Homeric word for

drivers wore smooth the ground of Elis (which is,

cutting up meat during the ritual of animal sacrifice, So the neuter plural ἄσαρκα functions as a

however, not stony, as Holzinger points out). With λευρὰν πέτραν Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 compares E. Ba. 982, λευρὰς ἀπὸ πέτρης. Z says that Molpis was an Eleian who sacrificed himself for the community in time of

noun, and the two words are parenthetic: ‘she swal-

lowed his grandfather, cutting up the fleshy parts’. 156. δὶς ἡβήσαντα: Pelops was rejuvenated (by Hermes,

on

drought, and was honoured with a statue in the

Zeus’ orders), after his experience

in the cooking-pot. See 27 Pi. O. 1. 40a.

temple of Zeus Ombrios. But this, apart from

157. A three-word line, cf. 63n. ναυμέδων is Poseidon, ‘ruler of the ships’. This is not a cult

difficulty from 160. There is no other evidence

the

at Aesch.

Sepr.

130. So

have

been

it is odd

inferred

without

that Paus. does

not

know of the statue. He does mention a statue of one Molpion at Olympia, 6. 4. 8. Molpis is an attested historical name, borne by e.g. a Hellenistic Spartan historian, FGrHist 59o. Names in Molp- are common at Miletos.

rightly

Holzinger, following Wentzel 1890: V. 17. Another possible spelling and reading is λαμέδων, a shortened form of ἁλιμέδων, ‘ruler of the sea’ (Tzetzes). See Pi. O. r. 42 for the love felt by Poseidon ‘of the bright trident'for Pelops. But for Pindar, the abduction by Poseidon is a more acceptable alternative to the shocking story of the half-eaten shoulder. Lyk. has it both ways, as often. On Pelops, see Fowler 2013: 426-31.

could

for Molpis, and

epithet but an ordinary adjective formed like ποντομέδων

statue,

160.

Ζηνί... Ὀμβρίῳ:

for

the

mention

of

Zeus en clair, see Introduction section 11 (v). Zeus

Ombrios, the god of rain, is a 'mountain Zeus’ who is well attested in Attica for his cult on

Mt Hymettos. See Paus. 1. 32. 2 with Schwabl

I57

161-170

Kassandras speech

γαμβροκτόνον ῥαΐσοντα πενθεροφθόροις

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φερωνύμους ἔδυψε Νηρέως τάφους, πανώλεθρον κηλῖδα θωύξας γένει ὁ τὴν nödapyov Ψύλλαν ἡνιοστροφῶν, +

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καὶ τὴν ὁπλαῖς Aprıvvav Ἁρπυίαις ἴσην.

τὸν δ᾽ αὖ τέταρτον αὐθόμαιμον ὄψεται κίρκου καταρρακτῆρος, ὅν τε συγγόνων A

5

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τὰ δευτερεῖα τῆς δαϊσφάλτου πάλης

170

163. τὸν δὲ λοῖσθον ἐκπιὼν σκύφον: X says malζει ὁ Λυκόφρων εἰς τὸ λοῖσθον πότον. There is indeed black humour here, as Holzinger also saw,

1978: cols 1047, 344; Langdon 1976; and Parker 1996: 29, 31. δαιτρευθέντος: for the verb (also at 1315), see Od. 14. 433.

but with more precision: the metaphor is taken from the rituals of sympotic drinking, cf. the title of Mary Renault’s Peloponnesian War novel, The Last of the Wine. For the sympotic game of kottabos, throwing the Adrayes or dregs, see the opening section of Ath. bk 15 (665 ff. in Casaubon's

161. A three-word line, cf. 63n. Lyk. is fond of

these compound words for ‘slaying’, esp. of kin. See 38, 1035. For the story, see Pi. O. 1. 162-165. Myrtilos, Pelops' charioteer, was son of

Hermes (Apollod. ep. 2. 6), the god of trickery,

numbering) and Pollux 6. 109. But it is here used

Kadmilos (= Kadmos?) or Kasmilos was a title of

to introduce a curse screamed just before death

Hermes (Tzetzes, cf. 219n.), perhaps used at Samothrace (cf. FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F 25, with Scheer 1993: 316 n. 6o, also Fowler 2013: 40, 522; for Kadmos on Samothrace see 72—73n.). It was

by drowning. Holzinger aptly cites Pollux 6. 107, ἅλμης ποτήριον ἐκπιεῖν. 164. φερωνύμους: see 162-165n. for the Myrtoan Sea. Lyk. uses several such words in -ώνυμος, which attest an interest in names which is manifested in other ways all over the poem (see e.g. 339n. on the name Priam, and note οὐλαμώνυμος at 183, ἀνώνυμος at 587, οὐ... νώνυμος at 126,

Myrtilos who suggested sabotaging Oinomaos' charioteer by inserting the chariot. When the tion, it melted and the asked for his promised

wax into the linch-pin of wax heated with the rotawheels came off. Myrtilos reward but Pelops threw

and ὁμωνύμος at 1370). Lyk. resembles Classical

him into the Myrtoan sea instead, the ‘tomb that

bears his name’, φερωνύμους

Greek historians in commenting on locations which (as here) take their names from a mythical individual; for other such uses of φερώνυμος see 599 and 1081, and for other exx. of this

τάφους. Before

he drowned he cursed the house of Pelops (Atreus, Agamemnon, Orestes etc.); c£, with 2, E. Or. 990 ff.

162-163. ἃς ὁ Καδμίλον

γόνος

phenomenon,

/ ἤρτυσε:

but with

ἐπώνυμος,

see 723,

1004, and 1031; cf. 192-193 for a different formula-

of the clever

tion, with αὐδηθήσεται. There is a connection

charioteer, helped to generate stories like those of the clever grooms in Hdt., who act in ways

between this habit and Lyk.’s equally noticeable fondness for indicating that a cult continues to

Myrtilos, the mythical

archetype

which—like that of Pelops and Oinomaos—

the poet's own

often (1) involve horses and (2) trickery, and (3) bring benefit to their masters: 3. 85-7 (Oibares helps Dareios to the throne), s. 111-12 with my comm. (Onesilos of Cyprus saved from Artybios’ horse), and esp. Kéhnken 2006b.

eponymous places are also centres of the cult for the mythical individual so commemorated. ἔδυψε: for this rare verb see also 715. It is perhaps

time (see 720-721n.):

often the

imitated from Antimachos; see Wyss: XLII

on

frag. 71 = 132 Matthews, from a J on Ap, Rh. r.

158

Helen's five husbands

161-170

and to kill the suitor-murderer with unholy schemes

for slaying a father-in-law, which the son of Kadmilos devised. And as he drank the last of the cup, and sank into the tomb of Nereus, which bears his name,

he screamed a doom-laden curse on Pelops’ whole house—

165

he who had guided the reins of fleet-footed Psylla, and Harpinna, with hooves as swift as the Harpies. The fourth husband she will see is brother of the down-swooping falcon, whom they will proclaim

as winner of the second prize among his brothers 1008, where the word is also used, cf. Wyss: XLVIII. For the noun δύπτης (also rare) see 72-73. Νηρέως τάφους: the ‘tomb of Nereus’ is

170

and comm. at 2013: 187. Eustathios, comm. on 11 24. 251 (p. 897 van der Valk) said that Priam promised

ingeniously explained by Holzinger as a brachyl-

Helen in marriage to the bravest of his sons after Paris' death, and that Deiphobos won her as the

ogy: the sea (‘Nereus’, by a typical metonymy) will

prize of valour: Ἀλεξάνδρου πεσόντος Πρίαμος

be Myrtilos’ tomb, not Nereus’.

τὸν Ἑλένης γάμον ἔπαθλον ἔθετο τῷ τὴν μάχην

165. πανώλεθρον κηλῖδα: the powerful adjective

ἀρίστῳ. Δηίφοβος οὖν, γενναίως ἀγωνισάμενος,

ἔσχεν αὐτὴν ἀριστεῖον μάχης. (An older Z on the

has Trojan War resonances; see Hdt. 2. 120. 2 and

Passage merely says that Deiphobos married Helen, and directs us to Lyk, ie. the present passage:

the much-discussed possible echo at Th. 7. 87. 6 (summing up the Sicilian disaster): CT III: 745. The

vol. 5: 565 Erbse.) Od. 4. 276 connects Helen and

noun must mean a curse here, but really means a stain or pollution, as at A. Eum. 787, βροτοφθόρους κηλῖδας. At 1122, the pollution of the house

Deiphobos; this line is defended from ancient suspicions (Aristarchos) by S. West in her comm. See

too Janko’s interesting n. on IA 13. 156-8 (levirate

of Atreus will be referred to as a μέασμ᾽ ἔμφυλον.

marriage an Anatolian custom).

166. πόδαργον: this adjective recalls several horse-names in the I/iad. In the form Podargos, it

See also Norden 1927: 26072 on V. 4. 494547:

was the name of one of Hektor's horses at 8. 185, and of Menelaos'at 23. 295; Podarge was herself a Harpy, and mother of Achilles’ talking horses: 16. 150 and 19. 400. 166-167. Ψύλλαν ... Ἅρπινναν: these names are also given by Hyginus 84. Oinomaos was son of Ares and Harpina: Paus. 5. 22. 6. A ψύλλα is a flea or other attacking insect, compare ‘Mosquito’ as the name of a WW2 combat aeroplane. For Greek horse-names see Maehler 1996. For swift, named, and supernatural horses compare the Valkyrie Brünnhilde’s horse in Wagner Ring of

Deiphobos betrayed by his wife Helen. 168. αὐθόμαιμον: used again at 222. Compare (with Gigante Lanzaro 2009: 110 n. 58) S. OC 335. 169. κίρκου καταρρακτῆρος: the ‘falcon’, κίρκος, could be either Hektor (so Tzetzes) or Paris (so Holzinger, comparing 148), since both were

brothers of Deiphobos. Hektor seems likelier (the image is a very powerful one). Other ‘falcons’ in the poem are Protesilaos (531) and the brothers Tarchon and Tyrrhenos (1351). For καταρρακτήρ cf. 539, where, however, the metaphor of the bird of prey is not made explicit.

the Nibelungs.'"Grane,mein Ross’. drrAais: hooves,

170. τὰ δευτερεῖα: so too Nireus wins the second prize for beauty, rà δευτερεῖα καλλιστευμάτων,

cf. I]. 11. 536. 168-171. Husband (4): Deiphobos

at xorr; first prize goes to Hektor here, and to

Achilles there. δαϊσφάλτου: 'pugna interficiens'

The marriage of Helen to Deiphobos, a great Trojan warrior (Jj. 13. 156ff. etc.), second only to Hektor, see 170), was mentioned briefly in the Little

(Ciani), ‘in which one is overthrown’ (LSJ). For this type of active compound word in -Tos, see Guilleux 2009: 230.

Iliad: West 20132: 123 (arg. 2 = summary by Proklos)

159

171-176

Kassandra’ speech

λαβόντα κηρύξουσιν. ἐν δὲ δεμνίοις τὸν ἐξ ὀνείρων πέμπτον ἐστροβημένον εἰδωλοπλάστῳ προσκαταξανεῖ ῥέθει, 3

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τὸν μελλόνυμφον εὐνέτην Κυταϊκῆς τῆς ξεινοβάκχης, ὅν ποτ᾽ Οἰνώνης φυγάς,

175

μύρμων τὸν ἐξάπεζον ἀνδρώσας στρατόν,

171-179. Husband (5): Achilles Achilles’ removal to the White

Island (see 188)

was an innovation of the Aizhiopis, see Proklos arg. 4b and West 20132: 156 and n. 43 (unless Alkaios was aware of it, see frag. 354 Voigt, ‘Achilles lord of Skythia’, with Page 1955: 283). See also Gantz 1993: 135 noting that 'the epic tradition was not happy with the fate assigned to Achilleus in the I/ia and

Odyssey’, and that E. Andr. 1259-62 has a ‘passing reference to Achilleus ruling somewhere in the Propontis’. In fact, E. in Andr. (1261-2) specifically mentions his ‘island home on the white drj. See Stevens'n., and E. 77 435-7 with Platnauer's n. on 435. See also Pi. N. 4. 49 and cf. 192-193 n. A fuller but (see below) not actually discrepant story, as

told

by

Paus.

(3.

19.

ır-13),

is

attributed

by him to the people of Kroton in 5. Italy and

Himera in N. Sicily: a Krotoniate called Leonymos sails to the White

Island

in the Euxine

or

Black Sea, where he finds—among other notable individuals—Helen

married

to Achilles, or at

least cohabiting with him, συνοικεῖν, For this marriage see also Philostratos, Heroikos 54. 8. Paus.' fuller, Krotoniate-Himeraian, version of the story

involves not only Telamonian but Lokrian Ajax, who is seen in a not-despicable light. Lyk. surely

Lyk., any liaison is either fleeting or else takes place only in Achilles’ frustrated imagination. For Achilles and Helen see also Fantuzzi 2012: 18. For the (archaeologically and epigraphically well-attested) cult of Achilles in the Euxine region,

see Hedreen 1991, and the contributions to Hupe 2006; also Skinner 2012: 166—75. There is evidence from many sites in the region, but for Lykophronic purposes two main cult centres must be distinguished: (ἡ ‘Achilles’ race-course’, for which see

192-193n., and (2), some 200 km. further south, the remote and isolated White Island or Island of Achilles (in its isolation it is reminiscent of

Palagruza, one of the Islands of Diomedes, for which see 599 and n. Diomedes' cult in the west

corresponds to that of Achilles in the north-east). For the White Island (or Phidonisi or Zmejnij Island), NE of the Danube Delta, see L4CP: p. 929,

‘Hieron Achilleos, and Barr. map 23 D3, labelling it Achilleos nesos/Leuke’; and Ochotnikov 2006. See further 859-865 and nn. for cults of Achilles elsewhere in the Greek world, including

the mourning festival at Italian Kroton, there described. 172. ἐστροβημένον: for the metaphorical use of the verb see Gigante Lanzaro 2009: 100, 109. The

knew this ‘western’ version, which agrees on the

thematic model is IJ. 24. 10-11, Achilles restlessly

main point, which is the marriage; but the handling of Lokrian Ajax did not fit Lyk.’s hostile tendency. Lyk. merely allows Achilles to have rest-

tossing on his bed through longing, πόθος, for the dead Patroklos.

less dreams of Helen. This shows general indebtedness to the Kypria: in Proklos’ summary (nib, West 2003: 79), Achilles ‘desires to look upon

Helen’ and Aphrodite and Thetis arrange this; see Gantz 1993: 596 on the possibility that Lyk. is aware of the same ‘rendezvous as in the Kypria, with erotic consequences’. But the dream is not in Proklos (see West 20132: πιὸ and n. 55). Ciaceri insists that this is not an outright contradiction of the other, western, story, but in the Kypria and

173. εἰδωλοπλάστῳ: Guilleux 2009: 230 compares 673, θηρόπλαστον. For the three-word line, see 63n. ῥέθει: see 1137. 174. Κυταικῆς: the 'Kytaian woman’ is Medea, who came from Kolchis at the eastern end of the Black Sez; she will be ‘the Kolchian woman/wife' at 887. Kolchis is here referred to metonymically

by its main

Hellenistic city, Κύτα, and the

ktetic is used instead of the ethnic, for which see Ap. Rh. 2. 403, calling Aietes Κυταιεύς (he is

160

Helens five husbands

171-176

in the murderous struggle. And she will make the fifth husband pine away on his bed, disturbed by dreams of her phantom form. He is the future husband of the Kytaian woman who was madly in love with the stranger. Oinone’s exile, he who changed an army of six-footed ants into men, Kvraíov Harder), Kurmas Κολχίδος Κολχική, GGM 1:

at Kall. frag. 7 line 25 Pf. = γε line 7 and cf. Euphorion frag. ısc Lightfoot, ἢ ὅσα Μήδη. For X's Kóra πόλις (cf. also Steph. Byz. Kira, πόλις πατρὶς Μηδείας) see Holzinger, citing 62, long n. on the unnamed city of

175

46. The reason is said to be that this Oinone—

nothing to do with Paris’ first wife—was daughter of a mythical Aiginetan called Boudion, who gave his name to the genos Boudidai. See FGrHist 299

Pythainetos of Aigina F 2, quoted both by 2 Pi. N. 6. 31 (= 53a, at p. 106 Drachmann) citing Didymos

Medea’ origin at Ps.-Skylax 81. It has now become very likely that Kyta is the inland site of mod. Kutaisi, where buildings dating from the 8th to the

(Boudidai an alternative reading for Bassidai in

Pi), and by Tzetzes on the present passage. 176. For the variation on the normal μύρμηξ, see Guilleux 2009: 232. For μύρμος with this meaning,

sth cents Bc have been found; see Lordkipanidze

1994: 142-3 (with map at 120, where Kutaisi is site no. 13) and S. West 2007: 205 and n. 8. A different and better-known Kytaia ‘was [in classical times] part of the Bosporan kingdom and dependent on Pantikapaion (ie. in the north-central area of the Black Sea); see LACP:

15. 45. Both μύρμηξ and μύρμος have an entirely separate meaning, 'concealed rock or reef', and Lyk. uses both words in this sense (878 and 890).

no. 701, which refers to Lyk. (1312) for the topo-

Most), from the Catalogue of Women, Holzinger thought the story was also in Pherekydes, a con-

see also Kall. frag. 753 Pf., and cf. Gow on Theok.

For the myth, see Hesiod frag. 205 M/W (145

nym Κύταια, but wrongly, because this too (see n. there) is the Kyta in Kolchis.

clusion he reached by combining 2. I/ 1. 180 and 6. 153, the first of which gives the ants story as an explanation of the Myrmidons commanded by Achilles, while the second gives Aigina as daughter of Asopos and cites Pherekydes, FGrHist 3

For the marriage of Achilles and Medea, see also Dosiadas, Bomos 3 with

Hollis

2007:

283;

and Ap. Rh. 4. 814-15 (where 2 says that Ibykos was the first and Simonides the second to give this story: 291 and 558 PMG). The uniting

F 119 (and in EGM).

For the symbolism of the army of ants in this

factor, it has been suggested, was their famous

context, see 447n., citing Buxton 2009: 68-9

though differently displayed wrath or anger, see

(who in turn cites Bowie 1993: 159-60) for foun-

McDonald 1997: 299. Sens 2009: 21, noting that

Kassandra avoids mention of fantastic locations,

dation myths which use the image of physical

is silent about the location of the marriage of

transformation or metamorphosis, usually animal metamorphosis—Cyprus from wasps (as at 447), Myrmidons from ants; humanity from stones.

Achilles to Medea (the Islands of the Blest), See

also Fantuzzi 2012: 18.

Lyk. is fond of metamorphoses (see Introduction

175. τῆς ξεινοβάκχης: either, she had an 'amour fou' (Hurst/Kolde)

for

the

visiting

section 12 for possible reasons); but Buxton 2009

stranger

does not make much use of the poem. Here is a list

Jason—Z's explanation, followed by S. West

of the twenty-eight. It does not include ‘mixanthro-

2007: 205—or else (and less likely) the reference

is to her own status as foreigner (actually a metic) in Korinth after her marriage. Οἰνώνης φυγάς: this is Peleus, who was exiled to Aigina after killing his brother Phokos. Oinone is

the old name for Aigina: Hdt. 8. 46 and Pi. N. 4.

poi’, animal-human hybrids of the kind examined

by Aston 201, such as the Sirens (712-737), who were thought of as possessing their part-animal forms ab initio. Nor does it include Ino/Leukothea (107 and 757), who was originally mortal but was turned into a sea-goddess, or Glaukos the Boiotian

161

177-180

Kassandra’s speech

Πελαογικὸν Τυφῶνα γεννᾶται πατήρ, ἀφ᾽ ἑπτὰ παίδων φεψάλῳ σποδουμένων E]

,t

M

fi

P

Z

μοῦνον φλέγουσαν ἐξαλύξαντα σπόδον. yw μὲν παλιμπόρευτον ἵξεται τρίβον, fisherman (754) who turned into a mantic sea-god. These transformations are not alluded to by Lyk. and

have

already taken

place. For Iphigeneia

see 196n. (the meaning of γραῖα is disputed). For Triton at 34, see n. there. I have—perhaps wrongly—not included catasterism, meaning promotion to literal ‘star status’. Otherwise, sro would have to be included (the catasterism of the Dioskouroi as the constellation Gemini). Finally, I

180

(8) 481: the sons of Lykaon turned into wolves.

(9) 580: the Oinotropoi (the three daughters of Anios king of Delos) turned into doves. (10) 595-597: Diomedes' companions are changed to a bird-mixed feathered fate (the language of these lines is very instructive) and assume

the δομή of swans (but they are really shearwaters). Cf. Buxton 2009: 69 (see above) about

hesitantly exclude the Argonautic scrapings which become pebbles (871-876.)

Aristophanes' Birds, i.e. colonizers who lose their

(2) We have already noticed 88-89: the interpretation is difficult but seems to be Nemesis as goose.

(11) 628: the mysterious moving stelai of Daunia.

human shape as opp. v.v.

(12) 650: Skylla.

‘The present metamorphosis is by contrast explicit, and is described with a classic verb ἀνδρόω (differently used at 943). Therefore this is the

(13) 673-678: Kirke turns Odysseus’ companions into pigs: terminologically valuable for the study

right place to survey the evidence in its entirety.

of metamorphosis, see nn. there.

(2) The present passage.

(14) 683: Teiresias’ sex-change, a kind of meta-

(3) 333-334 (cf. 1176-1177): Hekabe takes on the dark δόμη or form (cf. 597n.) of 'Maira'; Polyxena

(15) 691: the Kerkopes turned into monkeys.

and Laodike have already been called (compared to?) nightingales at 314, whereas the mother in

Tereina, turned into birds.

the next line actually is a dog. Is this a hint at an outright metamorphosis of the daughters too? The frequent animal-names in the poem sometimes come close to equations rather than similes or metaphors. Lyk. has it both ways: the above is set in Thrace, but, later in the poem, Hekabe's

morphosis, is by implication alluded to. (16)

731:

possible

and a woman,

and this

explains the odd fact of their naming (347n.). This is, admittedly, a very light and indirect allusion to metamorphosis.

(s) 401, reading πετρουμένης not πτερ-: Asteria turned to quail then rock. (6) 447: wasps on Cyprus (see above).

(7) 447: homed men turned into bulls, again on Cyprus, see n. there.

of

Medusa and Perseus, who turned

(20) 849: sealskins metamorphosis’).

a man

descendants

(18) 830: Myrrha turned into a tree. (19) 843-845:

(4) 347: Porkes is one of the two serpents (the

beings,

the

(17) 826; the old hag turned to stone (μαρμαρου-

men to stone.

human

to

μένην) by Aphrodite as a punishment for revealing her hiding-place on Cyprus.

tomb is on the SE tip of Sicily: 1181-1182. name of the other was Chariboia) who strangled Laokoon. They were later metamorphosed into

ref.

(Buxton

2009: 38, ‘quasi-

(21) 879: Atlas. But the metamorphosis is hardly

hinted at in the poem, as opp. Tzetzes’ comm. (22) 891: Triton. (23) 901-902: wolf turned to stone by Thetis for eating sheep which had been given by Peleus as atonement for homicide. (24) 961: Krimisos the river-god turns into a dog

(cf. 730, bull). (25) 1293: Io turned into a cow.

162

Iphigeneia sacrificed. Achilles searches for her

177-180

had fathered him, to be a Pelasgian giant. Of seven sons who were incinerated in the embers,

he alone escaped the fiery ash. But Paris shall arrive on a homeward path,

(26) 1298-1299: see nn. there for Europa, Lyk.

while

hints strongly at the metamorphosis of Zeus

immortal by throwing them into a normally lifethreatening place, see Hesiod frag. 300 M/W (a

into a bull, but at the same time implies a rationalizing denial. (27) 1393: Mestra daughter of Erysichthon παντόμορφος (‘taking all shapes’).

trying to make

180

all seven

of her

sons

cauldron), and Ap. Rh. 4. 868 (a fire, as here), where Livrea notes that that version depends on

is

HHDem. 237-40—-ot else both go back to a shared epic prototype (but not to the discrepant Hesiod,

(28) 1401-1403: Midas is cursed by Apollo with

see above): cf. Richardson 1974: 237-41 at 237-8 and Pache 2004: 80, cf. 44, who notes a similarity

the ears of an ass. This is at ‘best’a partial metamorphosis. It does not seem to be regarded as one by Forbes-Irving 1990 or Buxton 2009.

with Medeas attempt—a complete failure—to make her children immortal (2 Pi. O. 13.74g). Of

For 1176-1177, Hekabe transformed into an attendant of Brimo=Hekate, see above no. 3. But

‘Thetis’ children, only Achilles escaped. The myth was also in Dosiadas Bomos line 3, see Hollis 2007:

283. The well-known story of ‘Achilles’heel’ (Thetis dips him as a baby into the Styx to make him

apart from this and nos (25) and (26), metamor-

phosis is a less marked feature of the last soo lines of the poem. Note also that Lyk. sometimes avoids metamorphoses where we would expect them, e.g. 237 on Kyknos appears to say merely that the child

immortal, but has to hold on to his heel to stop him falling in) is not explicitly attested before Hyginus and Statius (Gantz 1993: 231; A. L. B[rown] in OCD*), although Apollod. ep. 5. 3 (Achilles shot by Paris in the ankle) implies that the story must be much earlier; for an argument to

was fed by birds, a rationalizing sort of approach in the manner of Palaiphatos. Nor was the shapeshifting aspect of Proteus mentioned or hinted at

this effect see West 2013a: 149-50. It is incompat-

ible with the present version. See Mackie 1998 and

above, 115-131. See also no. 26 above (Europa and

Sistakou 2008: 95~6. For the story-type of babies who are exposed to some danger in order to confer immortality on them, see also Johnston in Graf/Johnston 84-5 and 200 n. 54, suggesting a generic link with Dionysos’ rebirth: ‘to be cooked is not necessarily the end of one’s story’. It is not clear whether Thetis’ magic would have worked if

the bull).

We

might also wonder if some of Lyk.’s

metonymies may be slightly more than that, e.g. Thetis and Triton for ‘sea’ at 22 and 34 are usually

explained just like that, boringly, as marine deities; but after all they are both 'shape-shifters' and Thetis can actually turn into water. Triton is a more difficult case because Tzetzes thinks the name

in that particular context (Hesione)

she had not been interrupted (that might explain

the strength of her anger with Peleus, on which the sources insist). On the number seven, applied to children, see Graziosi and Haubold on 72.6. 421,

is a

way of referring to his angry father Poseidon.

177. Πελασγικὸν Τυφῶνα: that is, Thessalian, metonymically from Pelasgiotis, one of the districts

though there Andromache is one girl with seven brothers. φεψάλῳ: the noun is Aristophanic rather than tragic, but cf. A. Prom. 364, épepaλώθη κἀξεβροντήθη σθένος.

of Thessaly. Achilles is said to be a giant (‘Typhon’)

simply in virtue of his martial prowess and ‘stature’, see Massa-Pairault 2009: 488. For Indo-European markedly Homeric idea), see West 2007: 425 f.

180-201. The vengeful Greeks Iphigeneia. Achilles searches for her

178. ἀφ᾽ ἑπτὰ παίδων: for the story that Thetis

180. xc) μέν: that is, Paris, by an abrupt change of

was interrupted by her horrified husband Peleus

subject.

heroes as actual giants 1,6. huge (this is not a

163

sacrifice

181-188

Kassandras speech

σφῆκας δαφοινοὺς χηραμῶν ἀνειρύσας,

ὁποῖα κοῦρος δῶμα κινήσας καπνῷ" οἱ dad προγεννήτειραν οὐλαμωνύμου βύκταισι χερνίψαντες ὠμησταὶ πόριν, τοῦ Σκυρίου δράκοντος ἔντοκον λεχώ, ἣν ὁ ξύνευνος Σαλμυδησίας ἁλὸς ἐντὸς ματεύων Ἑλλάδος καρατόμον, δαρὸν φαληριῶσαν οἰκήσει σπίλον, 12

κλάδῳ Griffiths

τῇς

lacunam post 185 statuit Scheer

1870

καρατόμον DE καράτομον BC” καράτόμον (sic) AC

181. σφῆκας δαφοινούς: the wasps are the Greeks. The adjective means lit. ‘tawny’, and this is retained by Mair as a tr.; but the idea of bloodshed is also present (hence Mooney's ‘blood-

thirsty’). For the Greek army as wasps, compare the extended simile at Il. 16. 259-65. Lyk. seems to start (181) by using the wasps as metaphor, as so often with animal words in the poem, and that is

what we initially assume; but then—perhaps reminded of the Homer passage?—Lyk. turns the thought into a simile at 182, the boy making smoke, For the simile here in its relation to Homer, see further Rougier-Blanc 2009: 541-2, Hurst 2009: 201, and Kolde 2009: 47-8. ἀνειρύσας: the verb is a poetic variant for ἀνερύω,

183. προγεννήτειραν οὐλαμωνύμου: Iphigeneia

is mother, by Achilles, of Neoptolemos, he of the ‘warlike name’. For the interest in naming attested by the compound in -ὥνυμος, see 164 n. Neoptolemos, like several sons of great heroes, has a name which reflects some aspect of his

father (e.g. Telemachos derives his name from Odysseus, ‘he who fights from afar’ 1.6. with a bow, or possible the name refers to the father ‘far away’ in Troy, and Teisamenos name suggests the avenging role of his father Orestes). Achilles was

young when he went to war at Troy. As Tzetzes saw in his long note, the idea of pair-

ing Achilles and Iphigeneia presumably has its ori-

‘extract’, ‘draw out/up’, as at Od. 9. 77 (in tmesis)

gins in the version of the myth (found in sth-cent. tragedy), which held that Iphigeneia was lured to

and Hdt. 9. 96. 3; it then makes a comeback in Hellenistic poetry, see e.g. Ap. Rh. 2. 586 and the

Aulis under the pretence that she was to marry Achilles. See most explicitly E. £4 98-105. For the

metaphorical use at HE 2189 (= Leonidas of Taras

usual version, in which Neoptolemos is the son of Achilles by Deidameia not Iphigeneia, see Sistakou 2009: 252 (the deviant version is ‘underpinned’by

XXXVI line 7), of recovery from illness. Lyk. uses

it, in the longer form, twice more (1208, of the digging up of Hektor's bones, and 1322, Theseus extracting the shoes etc. from under the rock). χηραμῶν: see Il. 21. 495 with Rengakos 1994: 122; also Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 1299, where the word is used in yet another simile (see previous n.), this

time about young chicks cheeping desperately after falling from a c/eff in a rock. 182. ὁποῖα: used adverbially, as at 74 and 1429.

κοῦρος corresponds to the παῖδες in the Homeric simile (181n.), who torment wasps and make them angry, so that they become a nuisance to

wayfarers. For καπνῷ Griffiths suggests κλάδῳ, ‘with a twig’.

the account of Achilles’ subsequent search for Iphigeneia). See also Renaud 2009: 324 (the version followed by Lyk. is first found in FGrHist 76 Douris of Samos F 88). See further 324 and n. Iphigeneia was then replaced with a hind by Artemis; Tzetzes commented on the resemblance to the biblical story of Abraham's uncompleted sacrifice of Isaac. It has been noticed that Neoptolemos is absent from the main sequence of returning Greeks who receive punishment for the crime against Kassandra; see S. West 1983: 122, and 1281-1282 n. The present passage shows, however, that he was not completely forgotten.

164

Iphigeneia sacrificed. Achilles searches for her

181-188

drawing the fierce wasps from their crevices, like a boy who disturbs their nest with smoke. Savagely, they will sacrifice to the winds the heifer, who was mother to him of the warlike name,

and gave birth to a son by the dragon of Skyros. Her husband, within the Salmydesian sea,

185

will search for her, she who was the killer of Greeks.

For a long time he will inhabit the spray-whitened rocks For an interesting argument connecting this section of the poem with the cult of Artemis at Brauron, see Biffis 2013.

2009: 234) and is active in sense. But there is an ambiguity noted by 2. With the alternative accentuation καράτομον, the reference is passive

184. βύκταισι χερνίψαντες ὠμησταὶ πόριν: the

(she who is killed), and, as Sistakou 2009: 244 n.

18

verb is found only here, but the sense ‘sacrifice’ is required by the context (2 says σφαγιάσαντες). xépvub is holy water, so this is metonymy, the part for the whole. βύκτης functions as a noun in Lyk. only (also at 738, the Aiolos section, and 756);

For

(183-199)

see

Mari

motif of cannibalism (199) is absent from E., and

is made to use the proper noun EAAds, it means or comes close to meaning ‘Greeks’ rather than ‘Greece’ as a geographical expression. This is the clearest case, but see also 366, ‘all Hellas shall groan’, Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα, and it may even be true of the slightly awkward expression at 298, πρωτολεῖα θ᾽ Ἑλλάδος; see n. there.

188. paAnpi@oar ... σπίλον: the reference is to Leuke, the ‘White Island’; see 172-179 n. The participle, meaning ‘white (from spray, cf. the name of Phaleron the pre-Piraeus harbour of Athens,

for

Salmydes(s)os, a stretch of 5. Black Sea coast W. of the Bosphoros, see Barr. map 52 B2, and for the city of the same name, 52 Cr, see also 1286 and n. See Mari 2009: 439 and 435.

section

ascribes it to Lyk.’s taste for 'grand-guignol". See further ıggn. On all the three occasions where Kassandra

μογερὰν

/ ἐντός:

this whole

2009: 435-7 and n. 69, who points out that the

ἔντοκον λεχώ: cf. the hare omen at A. Ag. 120

ἁλός

the

virgin’, who is said by the Taurians themselves to be Iphigeneia the daughter of Agamemnon.

185. τοῦ Σκυρίου: Achilles was brought up on Skyros at the court of king Lykomedes.

Σαλμυδησίας

denotes

See also Hdt. 4. 103. 1-2: the Taurians sacrifice

highly appropriate (Europa).

186-187.

adjective

sailors, and any Greeks they capture, to ‘the

winds. Perhaps the present expression is condensed. sröpıs means a very young heifer (identical to πόρτις at 102), and the animal word has particular point here, as underlining the perverted sacrifice of the girl as if she were an animal. See also 496, where it is used of Laodike, who also dies prematurely and sensationally. At 1298 it is also

λόχου

it, the

ing to which Iphigeneia goes to Tauris and there, as priestess of Artemis, killed all visiting Greeks.

sacrifice to Artemis, designed to stop the contrary

πρὸ

puts

is difficult: 'sacrificed on behalf of Greece'? And what follows makes better sense on the ‘active’ hypothesis. "The reference is to the myth in E. IT, accord-

Homer (Od. 10. 20, βυκτάων ἀνέμων) had used it as an adjective to describe the winds, ‘swelling, blustering’ (LSJ), which Aiolos put into a bag, a line echoed at 738. (See 401n. for the comparable development of ῥόχθος from a Homeric verb.) For the sacrifice of Iphigeneia to the winds see the parodos of A. Ag., though strictly that is a

and esp. 137 αὐτοτόκον πτάκα θνομένοισι.

neatly

Iphigeneia of Aulis not Tauris. But then Ἑλλάδος

Hát. 6. 116)’, is surely imitated from the simile at

It. Ὁ. 798-9,

κύματα

παφλάζοντα.... κύρτα

φαληριοῶντα, of which line 799 was admired for

187. Ἑλλάδος καρατόμον: the second word liter-

its vividness by Aristotle (Rhet. 141229 £., and see

ally means 'she who cuts off heads' (see Guilleux

Nünlist 2009: 217 for a Z which commented on

165

189-200

Kassandra speech

Κέλτρου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖσι λιμναίων ποτῶν, ποθῶν δάμαρτα, τήν ποτ᾽ ἐν σφαγαῖς κεμὰς λαιμὸν προθεῖσα φασγάνων Ex ῥύσεται. βαθὺς δ᾽ ἔσω ῥηγμῖνος αὐδηθήσεται ἔρημος ἐν κρόκαισι νυμφίου δρόμος, στένοντος ἄτας καὶ κενὴν ναυκληρίαν καὶ τὴν ἄφαντον εἶδος ἠλλοιωμένην γραῖαν σφαγείων ἠδὲ χερνίβων πέλας Ἅιδου re παφλάζοντος ἐκ βυθῶν φλογὶ κρατῆρος, ὃν μέλαινα ποιφύξει φθιτῶν σάρκας λεβητίζουσα δαιταλουργία. xo μὲν πατήσει χῶρον αἰάζων Σκύθην, 189 199

Ἴστρου Scheer Κελτοῦ Holzinger δαιταλουργία Wilamowitz 1883b: 255 n. 1 [1935-72: 6. 201n.1]

190

195

200

δαιταλουργίᾳ MSS

the way the line imitated the sound ofthe stormy

190. ποθῶν δάμαρτα: see 184 n. The ποθ- root is

sea); see Janko on the Homer passage, who points out that the epithets for κύματα refer to sound, shape, and colour (seething, bulging, spraywhite). Was Lyk. aware of Aristotle as well as of

a favourite with Lyk.: the verb occurs six times, the noun three times; specially significant are the uses in colonial contexts (645n.). κεμάς: a young

Homer? See also Rengakos 1994: 121. 189. KeArpov: that the reference is to the Danube (ancient Istros, called by its usual name at 1336)

is generally agreed (2 says τὸ KéArpov was a lake flowing into the Euxine, but there is no other evidence for such a lake); and 'the Keltic

(river) would, in Lyk., be a perfectly acceptable periphrasis. Hence Holzinger cut the Gordian

knot and read Κελτοῦ, and explained the longer spelling as a partial intrusion of a gloss Ἴστρος.

Scaliger translated the line Celti Hguentes ad paludes gurgitis. This might be thought to support Holzinger’s simple solution. But the better MSS (see Hurst/Kolde) have an intrusive rho, and Scheer actually printed Ἴστρον, One ingenious explanation of KéArpov (Bachmann) has been to

suppose a 'syncopation from Κελτικοῦ Ἴστρου. For the Danube as ‘Keltic’, see Hdt. 2. 33. 3, Ἴστρος τε yàp ποταμὸς ἀρξάμενος ἐκ Κελτῶν

καὶ Πυρήνης πόλιος. Holzinger cited in addition

female deer. 191. φασγάνων Ex ῥύσεται: this is the only time the common verb ῥύομαι is used in Lyk. The preposition is placed after the noun, as at 365,

ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης ἀντί. The alternative is to punctuate so as to make ἐκρύσεται a single word; so Bachmann and many early eds going back to the Aldine edition; and LSJ (advised by E. A. Barber?), giving the present passage as the only ex. of the use with the genitive, but see below. The

longer verb exists and is much rarer; but it is Euripidean, cf. Ba. 258 and frag. 190 TrGF, see also Ap. Rh. 4. 83, where it is found in tmesis, and again with the genitive: ἔκ μὲ φίλοι ῥυσα-

ade ... Aijrao; see Livrea. It might be thought that Lyk. would prefer a rare and Euripidean word, but the version here printed is also possible

and effective. 192. ἔσω ῥηγμῖνος: cf. Il. τ. 437, ἐπὶ ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης, with Rengakos 1994: 119.

Timagetos On harbours, from & Ap. Rh. 4. 257-62

192-3. αὐδηθήσεται..... δρόμος: that is, it will

(p. 273 Wendel), but the text of this appears to be

be called Ἀχιλλέως δρόμος, see 172-179n., and for the almost exact expression see E. JT

disordered; see further Livrea on line 254.

166

Iphigeneia sacrificed. Achilles searches for her

189-200

By the marshy delta of the Keltric river, yearning for his wife, whom one day at the sacrifice the doe

190

shall save from the sword, by offering its own throat instead. The bridegroom's wide empty running-track on the shore,

by the breakers of the sea, will be called after him. He will groan for his fate and for his vain sea-voyaging, and for her who vanished, and is now changed in form to an old woman near sacrificial basins and lustral water,

195

and a cauldron, seething with flame from the depths of hell, which the Dark Woman will blow on as she boils the flesh of dead men in the pot, a skilled cook. And he, lamenting, will tread the Skythian land

200

436-7, Ἀχιλήος δρόμους καλλισταδίους. For Lyk.’s interest in naming, see ı83n., and for αὐδηθήσεται see 630 and 1140 (used of ‘being

is not easy to see what the ‘changed form might then refer to), but could be right, and may gain some support from Ovid ex Ponto 3. 2. 73-4:

called’ a god/goddess:

‘Achilles’ island’ or White

'spargit aqua captos lustrali Graia sacerdos / ambiat ut fulvas infula longa comas’, Y was in no doubt that the sense ‘old woman is the right one; according to Tzetzes, n. on 183, Nikandros says that Iphigeneia was turned into a bull, but others

Island (Barr, map 23 D3, and 172-179 and 187 nn.).

say, into an old woman, καθ᾽ ἑτέρους eis γραῦν,

Diomedes,

Kassandra

herself).

‘Achilles’ race-course’, a long tongue of land some 50 km. south of Olbia (Barr. map 23 E2) is

200 km. north of

and yet others say, into a deer, If Lyk. intended a

194. ἄτας: we have met Ate personified at 29, see

metamorphosis, it should be added to the list at

n. there. ναυκληρίαν:

176 n. But I am not certain about this. for the word

in this sense, naval

197. Atdov ... ἐκ βυθῶν φλογί: the ‘flame from the depths of hell’ is thought by Holzinger to be

travelling not commerce, see S. frag. 143 TrGF and in Pearson (who remarks that it may there

mean a ship rather than a voyage). 195. ἄφαντος: a tragic word, as at e.g. A. 4g. 657, and used three times by Pi. (O. 1. 46,N. 8. 34, P. τι. 30). 196. ypaiav: with this non-capitalized spelling,

which I have hesitantly adopted, Iphigeneia is transformed into an old woman, perhaps an actual witch. For Iphigeneia as Hekate, see Hes. frag. 23b M/W (from Paus. 1. 43. 1, see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 232), followed by frag. 215 PMGF,

and see 198n. Holzinger, however, followed

a reference to a geyser of petroleum, as found at Baku on the Caspian Sea (Barr. map 88, inset), and on the Taman peninsula (Barr. map 87, inset). Cf. perhaps E. IT 625-6. 198. μέλαινα: for this adjective applied to Hekate (196n.), see Holzinger. ποιφύξει: apparently a Hellenistic word; cf. Nik. 75. 180 and Euphorion frag. 132 Lightfoot (from a Z on the Nik. passage). 199. Another three-word line, cf. 63 n. δαιταλουρyia seems to hint at cannibalism. Wilamowitz’s

Wilamowitz 1883a: 256 [=1935-72: 6. 201] n. τ in taking the ref. to be geographical, Γραῖαν in the sense ‘inhabitant of Graia’, ie. ‘woman from

198) is rejected by Holzinger, but is preferable.

Aulis’, because Aulis belonged to the area known as Graike, cf. (for the ethnic) Steph. Byz. Γραῖα (cf. 645 and n.) This may seem far-fetched (and it

induced depression in this whole passage see

δαιταλουργία (nom., agreeing with μέλαινα in 200. xw μὲν πατήσει: Sistakou 2012: 158.

167

on

Achilles’ sexually

201-209

Kassandras speech

eis πέντε που πλειῶνας ἱμείρων λέχους. οἱ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ βωμὸν τοῦ προμάντιος Κρόνου ^

f

>?

1

᾿

ft

^

,

f

σὺν μητρὶ τέκνων νηπίων κρεανόμου, ὅρκων τὸ δευτεροῦχον ἄρσαντες ζυγόν, στερρὰν ἐνοπλίσουσιν ὠλέναις πλάτην, σωτῇρα Βάκχον τῶν πάροιθε πημάτων ‘

>

H

3

/

,

205

Σφάλτην ἀνευάζοντες, ᾧ ποτ᾽ ἐν μυχοῖς Δελφινίου, παρ᾽ ἄντρα Κερδῴου θεοῦ, Ταύρῳ κρυφαΐας χερνίβας κατάρξεται

of the flesh of sacrificial victims, so that there is something ‘perverse’ (Seaford) about using it of a single killer, such as Polyphemos (E.) or the

201. εἰς πέντε που πλειῶνας: on the meaning of

the rare noun πλειῶν see 1039 n., citing the few parallels. Z takes the present passage to mean ‘five years’, but the period may not be quite as determinate as that. See LSJ: γι time or period, year’.

serpent (Lyk.). 204. ὅρκων τὸ δευτεροῦχον dpoavres ζυγόν:

202-218. The Greeks swear oaths and set sail

the participle is from ἀραρίσκω, ‘fit together’. (Ciani confusingly lists it under alpw, ‘erigo,

202-203. A

extollo’ but then again under dpapioxw with a

succinct reference

to the portent

described (together with Kalchas’ interpretation

cross-ref. to αἴρω). Contrast ἄραντες at 1228 (from ἀείρω, ‘lift up’, ‘win’. The oath is the ‘second’ because of the oaths sworn to Helens mortal father Tyndareus, extracted by him at the clever suggestion of Odysseus.

of it) at JA 2. 305-32: a serpent killed and ate a

sparrow and her eight young, and this indicated that the siege of Troy would take nine years. (In Apollodoros and in Proklos’ summary of the Kypria, this episode is immediately followed by

that ofTelephos and Mysia, exactly as in Lyk.; see Apollod. ep. 3. 15-17, M. West 2003: 73, and cf. below.) But why Kronos not Zeus, the sender of

the Homeric portent, as Kalchas explains at 2. 324? Z says that some think that Kronos stands for Kronides, son of Kronos i.e. Zeus; others, that

Delphi was once possessed by Kronos. Holzinger sees a confusion between Kronos and Χρόνος, Time personified, so that the allusion is to the period of nine years. It may be that the ambiguities are deliberate: Lyk. perhaps wished to play with the double—active and passive—application of κρεανόμος to Kronos (203 n.), and so devised a riddling ref. to Kronos in the present passage. 203. κρεανόμου: at 762, the same word will again be used about Kronos, but to describe what he had done to him (his genitals mangled by Zeus) rather than, as here, what he did to others through the agency of the devouring serpent. For the word, compare E. Xy&. 245 (with Seaford’s long n. on 244-6); see Gigante Lanzaro 2009: 111 and n. sg. The word really refers to the distribution

206-207. σωτῆρα Βάκχον τῶν πάροιθε των / Σφάλτην ἀνευάζοντες: this refers unintended Greek expedition against recounted in the Telephos of Euripides

πημάto the Mysia, and in

Apollodoros and the Cypria (Apollod. ep. 3. 17, cf. M. West 2003: 73). The Mysian king Telephos

and his Mysians pursued the Greeks and killed many of them, but then Achilles charged him and he tripped on a vine branch and was wounded. This is the ‘former trouble’, from which Dionysos, the god of wine and the vine,

delivered the Greeks; hence “Tripper up’. The episode

is described

(in

the

future

tense,

of

course) at 213-215, where the lion entwined in tendrils is Telephos; and again at 1246-1247, in the course of the Rome section of the poem, because Telephos is father to Tarchon (founder

of the Tarquinii) and Tyrrhenos, eponym of the Tyrrhenians or Etruscans (1245 and 1248). A newly published papyrus poem by Archilochos deals with the episode, but does not mention the

tripping up on the vine: P. Oxy. LXIX no. 4708 and M. West 2006.

168

201-209

The Greeks swear oaths and set sail

for five full periods, yearning for his marriage.

Round the altar of Kronos the prophet, who mangled the flesh of the mother and her baby young they will bind themselves with a second yoke of oaths and will take solid oars into their hands as weapons. To Bacchus, as their rescuer from their previous trouble,

205

they will cry Euai! and call him the Tripper-up.To him, in the recesses of Apollo Delphinios, by the cave of the Cunning One,

the fleet-commander of a thousand city-sacking ships will begin For Kosmetatou 2000, this Mysian dimension is an indication that Lyk. was writing at the Pergamene court of an Attalid king. For this

as sacred enclosure. Here the inner sanctum at Delphi is meant, the location of Dionysos’ tomb (below).

For Apollo Delphinios

theory (not accepted here), see Introd. pp. 48-9.

To be sure, the Attalids appropriated the Telephos myth, in ways discussed by Jones 2010b.

(the name

suggests

dolphins as well as Delphi), see above all Graf

1979 (oddly not cited by Philippe 2005); cf. also Rutherford 2001: 206 n. 16. This is Apollo’s first

σωτῆρα: ızıon. Βάκχον: Introd. p. 74, and 28n. Σφάλτην: for this epiklesis, ‘he who trips up’,

mention in the poem, and a transparent and very

see Parker 2003: 177 and n. 34, giving this as one

familiar epithet is therefore used, on the system

of the few exceptions to the generalization that cult epithets do not usually refer to the details of

suggested at Introd. p. 74. Apollo and Dionysos both had cult at Delphi,

mythology. See SEG 19. 399 (Delphi), an extraor-

Σφαλεώτης,

and Dionysos was thought of as occupying the sanctuary during the winter months, when

including what purports to be a hexameter orac-

Apollo was away in the land of the Hyperboreans

dinary dedication

to Dionysos

ular response to Agamemnon, warning him not

(Plut. Mor. 389c with Burkert 1985: 224, cf. also

to go to Mysia and suffer harm from the ‘Greek of barbarian speech’ (i.e. Telephos), and telling him to sacrifice to Dionysos Sphaleotes instead. See Daux and Bousquet 1942-3: 1 and 2 (esp. 1. 124, arguing for an Attalid connection and a late 3rd-cent. date, when the Pergamene Attalid rulers were specially close to Delphi); also Parke and Wormell 1956: 164-5 no. 408; Fontenrose 1978: jot: no. Legendary] 100; Scheer 1993: 132 f£; Jacquemin 2005: 250-1, Dignas 2012: 135. πημάτῶν: one of Lyk.'s favourite words throughout the poem (eleven occurrences, culminating in that at 1405). ἀνευάζοντες: like the more usual and shorter form εὐάζω, this means to utter the specifically Dionysiac cry ‘Euhoi’ or ‘Euai’. For the shorter form, see S. Anz. 1134 with M. Griffith, and E, Ba. 1034.

146 for Apollos winter absence). Dionysos’ tomb

207-208. ᾧ ποτ᾽ ἐν μυχοῖς / Δελφινίου: with 207, Daux and Bousquet 19423: 2. 37 compare E.

Jon 228-9, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀσφάκτοῖϊς / μήλοισι δόμων μὴ πάριτ᾽ἐς μυχόν, with K. Lees comm. on μυχός

was displayed there, acc. Philochoros (FGrHist 328 F 7). See Burkert 1985: 223-5; Zacharia 2003b: 110-17; also the Delphic inscription cited at 206-207n.

208. Kepdwov θεοῦ: this cult of Apollo is epigraphically very well attested in nowhere else. See Decourt 2009: ‘un culte purement thessalien’), inscriptions at 389 (these include

Thessaly—and 388-gt (cf. 390, with a list of the replies by

the city of Thessalian Larisa to letters from Philip V of Macedon, Syll? 543 lines 22 and 44, 217 and 215

BC).

For

the

meaning

of the

epiklesis see

Decourt 390-1 (not ‘god of gain’ as has usually been assumed, but perhaps ‘le Rusé', from an adjective for cunning applied to foxes). 209. Ταύρῳ: 2 cites, for this epiklesis of Dionysos, E. Ba. 920: καὶ πρόσθεν ἡμῖν ταῦρος ἡγεῖσθαι δοκεῖ. See also Ba. 922, τεταύρωσαι γὰρ οὖν, with Dodds’ and Seaford’s nn. on the two lines; and 1017, φάνηθι ταῦρος. Dionysos Ταῦρος, ‘the

169

210-219

Kassandra speech

ὁ χιλίαρχος τοῦ πολιρραίστου στρατοῦ.

210

ᾧ θυμάτων πρόσπαιον ἐκτίνων χάριν δαίμων Ἐνόρχης Φιγαλεὺς Φαυστήριος, λέοντα θοίνης, ἴχνος ἐμπλέξας λύγοις, σχήσει, τὸ μὴ πρόρριζον αἰστῶσαι στάχυν κείροντ᾽ ὀδόντι καὶ λαφυστίαις γνάθοις. λεύσσω πάλαι δὴ σπεῖραν ὁλκαίων κακῶν σύρουσαν ἅλμῃ κἀπιροιζοῦσαν πάτρᾳ

215

δεινὰς ἀπειλὰς καὶ πυριφλέκτους βλάβας.

ὡς μή σε Κάδμος ὦφελ᾽ ἐν περιρρύτῳ

Ignore, therefore, the final sentence of Furley/

Bull’, is attested in a verse inscription from Delphi, the cult paian of Philodamos (340 Bc): SEG 32. 552 (= Furley/Bremer no. 2. 5), lines 2-3: e[dre, Ταῦρε

Bremer I. 372 n. 7. κρυφαίας xepvißes: Daux and Bousquet 1942-3: 1. 119 n. 2 seek to dilute ‘secret’ so as to mean something like ‘séparées, propres, particuliéres'. κατάρξεται: see 1188n. on ἀπάρξεται.

κ]ισσοχαῖίτα etc. As can be seen, Tatpe is entirely restored, but for metrical and other reasons the restoration is convincing. It may be

objected that although the paian as a whole is cul-

210. The ‘chiliarch’ is Agamemnon; for the word

tic (Furley/Bremer, 1. 128), this particular word,

cf. A. Pers. 304. The total of ships in the Homeric

never repeated in the otherwise repetitive poem, is

Catalogue

‘merely’ literary and poetic (cf. E. Ba. 920, already

quoted by 2), like the accompanying epithet ‘ivy~

But Lyk., like Marlowe

tressed’. But there is other evidence. In PMG 871 (from Plut. Mor. 299b = QG 36) = Furley/Bremer no. 12. 1, lines 6-7, the women

Tape. This text is thought to be very ancient. Discussing Philodamos' paian, Jacquemin 2005: 250 and n. 71, says that the cult of Dionysos Tauros had a particular role at Elis. Presumably she has in mind not only PMG 871 (above), but also the intriguing archaeological evidence set out at Furley/Bremer I. 371 (bovine skulls found at Elis in a theatre next to a temple of Dionysos; they also cite the bull in the Delphic amphiktionic law inscribed at Athens in 380 sc, Syl? 145 = CID1 no.

in Doctor Faustus (‘was

this the face that launch’d a thousand ships / and

of Elis invoke.

Dionysos with the repeated cry ‘worthy bull’, ἄξιε

is in fact (not 1,000 but) 1,186: see

Willcock on Wied. 2. 494-759 (introductory n.).

burnt the topless towers of Ilium?) rounds it down. 211, The ‘unexpected requital’ gives Lyk.’s unusual explanation of why Dionysos tripped Telephos up: not because he was angry with him, but out of gratitude towards Agamemnon for his sacrifices at Delphi, in which Dionysos had an interest shared with Apollo (207-208 n.). See T. Scheer

1993: 132. 212. δαίμων Ἐνόρχης Φιγαλεὺς Φαύστηριος:

three epithets for Dionysos. For the first as meaning sexual potency or lust, see 148n. on rpıöpxas. Other

and less plausible explanations

10, line 32, but this is mysterious, see Rougemont's CID comm., n4) If Dionysos were the θεὸς

include a derivation from ὄρχησις, dancing (2).

ταῦρος of IG 7. 1787 (Roman, Boiotian Thespiai), as Nilsson 1967: 571 and n. 7 confidently believed,

Ἐνόρχης was an epiklesis of Dionysos on Samos, acc, Hesychios, e 3255. In the course of a discus-

that would be a simple epigraphic attestation to set beside Lyk. But this and several similar inscriptions are now thought to be evidence for the deification of a member of the Roman family of the Statilii Tauri! See Schachter 1981-94: 3. 53-4, ‘Theos

Tauros

(Thespiai)and

Marchand

2013.

sion of wine-growing on ancient Samos, Shipley 1987: 16 remarks ‘the worship of Dionysus implies widespread viticulture’. For the cult of Dionysos at Phigaleia in Arkadia, see ZACP: no. 292 at p. 528 col. 2 (‘the principal deity of the city was Dionysos’), citing

170

Prophecies of Prylis and Aisakos

210-219

the secret sacrifice to the Bull-god.

210

To him, in unexpected requital for his sacrifices,

the Potent one, the Phigaleian, the Torch-god entwines the lion’s feet in tendrils, and keeps him away from his feast, so that he cannot utterly lay waste the corn

by ravaging it with his teeth and voracious jaws. For a long time now I have seen a spiral of trailing ills, dragging across the sea, and hissing against my fatherland terrible threats and fiery destruction. Would that Kadmos had never fathered a son

215

the festival to Dionysos at Diod. 15. 40. 2 (374 BC). See also FGrHist 319 Harmodios of Lepreon F x; also Paus. 8. 39. 6 for a temple of Dionysos

of the city. But this is not right: it is all in the

and for his local epiklesis Akratophoros

(15-27) was Paris’ departure for Greece,

future, the massing of the fleet at Aulis included:

the poems imagined temporal starting point

(a word

for a vessel for unmixed i.e. pure wine); and for Dionysiac mysteries there see Jost 1985: 85.

216. λεύσσω: see 52 n. ὁλκαίων κακῶν; Hurst/

Kolde see here a play on two senses of the

The Torch-god was so called because of the

ὁλκ- root: ὁλκαία, the tail of a serpent (so-called

use of torches in nocturnal Dionysiac ritual (3).

because

See E. Ba. 486 with Seaford; Aristoph. Frogs 342-

think of the epithet Phosphoros, for which see Zografou 2005.

creature)

and

88 with Hordern 2002: 177. κἀπιρροιζούσαν: see 66n. on ῥοιζηδόν.

213. λέοντα θοίνης: for the whole expression,

219-228. Kassandra’ regrets about the prophecies of Prylisand Aisakos Sistakou 2009: 248 and n. 32 (cf. 244 n. 19) notes that Prylis and Aisakos are, exceptionally, named

mixed up the animal metaphors: the behaviour ascribed to the lion (wasting the cornfield with its teeth or ? tusks) is more appropriate to a boar. For the favourite Lykophronic word Goivy, see

directly, because they ‘acquire a symbolic role

in Alexandra's prophetic monologue’ (at n. 32 she quotes Cusset 2006 for the idea that Kassandra ‘projects something of herself onto

at 1247, also

these characters’).

about Telephos: yvia συνδήσας Auyoıs. For the noun, see Od. 9. 427, εὐστρεφέεσσι λύγοισι. 215. xeipovr”. cf, with

the

217. With σύρουσαν cf. σύρτις at Timoth. Persai

cf. E. RA. 57, θοίνης λέοντα, The lion is Telephos, and Dionysos’ enigmatic epiklesis “Tripper up’ (207) is now explained; see 206—207n. Holzinger, Mooney, and others think that Lyk. has here

echoed

after

sometimes towed). For the adjective see also 1072. Kalospyros 2009: 217 detects alliteration in A.

Pellene in Achaia: Paus. 7. 27. 3. Or one might

773n. ἐμπλέξας Avyoıs:

it is dragged

ὁλκάς, a merchant ship (so-called because it is

3. Ciaceri suggests that we have here a variant of the Dionysiac epiklesis Lampter, attested at

219. Kadmos = Kadmilos = Hermes, as at 162, see

n. there (Tzetzes on 162 says that Hermes was called Kadmos by the Boiotians, but that looks like a mere guess based on Kadmos’ foundation

Holzinger, I/. τι. 560,

κείρει T^ εἰσελθὼν βαθὺ λήιον. Aapvariaıs: at 791 the same word has a passive meaning, ‘devoured’.

of Thebes.) Hermes was father of Prylis (Fowler 2013:

39

n.

141

wrongly

says

Kadmos

the

216-218. Hurst/Kolde say that the previous lines,

Phoenician was Prylis’ father).

about the Greeks at Aulis, refer to the past, but

The phrasing and the thought resemble the opening line of E. Med., εἴθ᾽ ὥφελ᾽ Ἀργοῦς μὴ

that Kassandra now turns to the future, the arrival of the Greek fleet at Troy and the burning

διαπτάσθαι σκάφος κτλ.

171

220-229

Kassandra‘ speech

Ἴσσῃ φυτεῦσαι δυσμενῶν ποδηγέτην, τέταρτον ἐξ Ἄτλαντος ἀθλίου σπόρον, τῶν αὐθομαίμων συγκατασκάπτην Πρύλιν,

220

τόμουρε πρὸς τὰ λῷστα νημερτέστατε. μὴ δ᾽ Αἰσακείων οὑμὸς ὥφελεν πατὴρ χρησμῶν ἀπῶσαι νυκτίφοιτα δείματα, μιᾷ δὲ κρύψαι τοὺς διπλοῦς ὑπὲρ πάτρας μοῖρᾳ, τεφρώσας γυῖα Λημναίῳ πυρί, οὐκ ἂν τοσῶνδε κῦμ᾽ ἐπέκλυσεν κακῶν. καὶ δὴ Παλαίμων δέρκεται βρεφοκτόνος

word rather than θέμισται; he goes on to explain the word as an alleged contraction of τομάρουροι

220. Issa is Lesbos; see Strabo 1. 3. 19, with an

explanation involving the Lesbian city of Antissa, which he says was once an island (‘opposite Issa’). The eponymous nymph had a son by Hermes

ie. τομαροφύλακες, ‘guardians of Mt Tomaros’ above Dodona (Kall. H. 6 75 Demeter 51 calls it Tmaros; see Hopkinson 1984: 124-5 on ἐν Τμαρίοισι, and Sistakou 2002: 170-1). The word occurs in a papyrus frag. of Euphorion (frag. 19 line 28 Lightfoot, cf. also Hollis 2007: 290), but as Lightfoot says, it is not clear whether it is being

called Prylis (named at 222), who predicted to the Greeks that they would take Troy by means of the Wooden Horse. This story is known only from the 2 to the present passage (and was perhaps developed out of the hint at a stay on Lesbos provided by Od. 4. 342). But it cannot have been concocted by Z out of Lyk by intelligent or imaginative guesswork, because the prophecy of the Wooden Horse is absent in the poem. So Prylis’ prophecy must represent a genuine but otherwise lost tradition, perhaps selected by Kassandra because it reduced the hated Odysseus" role. In Apollod. ep. 5. 14 Odysseus is actually said

used in its narrow Dodonaian sense, or in Lyk.’s more extended one. πρὸς ra λῷστα: ‘towards the best’;

this is surprising

because

for

224-225. Aloaxeiwy ... χρησμῶν: Aisakos was

son of Priam by his first wife Arisbe, daughter of Merops, who taught his grandson the art of dream-interpretation. See Apollod. 3. 12. 5, who continues with an account of Aisakos’ most

Od. 8. 493-4 Epeios makes it ‘with Athena’, and Odysseus merely inserted it into the city; but it is easy to see how this could have been expanded by

famous demonstration of his skill. He interpreted Hekabe’s dream that she gave birth to a firebrand (see 86): this meant that she would have a son

combining it with the general evidence for his

who would be the downfall of Troy, so she should

cunning so as to make him the actual deviser).

expose it. She did so, on Mt Ida, but the baby was suckled by a bear (138). Cf. also I. Rutherford

222. τῶν αὐθομαίμων: Prylis, descendant of Atlas, is kin to the Trojans because Dardanos was

2001: 236 and n. 8. See Euphorion referred to Killa (sister of Hekabe

223. τόμουρε: the Tomouroi were priests at the oracular site of Dodona, so the word denotes a seer (while continuing to suggest Dodona, see Sistakou 2002: 170-1). See Strabo 7. 7.11, who says that ‘some write what Amphinomos says . . .' (Od. 16. 403) as

frag. 79

Lightfoot. Priam pretended to think the oracle

son of Elektra who was daughter of Atlas (see 72 and n.).

a moment

Kassandra adopts a Greek focalization. Cf. 233.

to have thought of the idea of the horse (in Homer

follows: εἰ μὲν κ᾿ αἰνήσωσι

225

and wife of

Thymoites) and her son Mounippos and put them to death instead. See also 3197332 (and nn.), where the same story is alluded to. Tzetzes, com-

menting on the present passage, appears to say that the child was Killas by Thymoites, but 2 on 320 says it was the result of a clandestine adul-

terous union of Killa with Priam himself. See

Διὸς μεγάλοιο

Tonodpor—i.e. this is what they write as the final

Gantz 1993: 564. 172

220-229

The Greek fleet arrives at Tenedos

in sea-surrounded Issa, to be a guide to our enemies:

220

the fourth descendant of miserable Atlas,

Prylis, who helped to overthrow his own kin, you truthful seer! always directing towards the best. And would that my father had not spurned

the night-wandering fears of Aisakos’ oracles

225

but had done away with both of them by the same fate, for Troy’s sake, and had burnt their limbs in Lemnian fire; in that way we would not have been overwhelmed by a sea of troubles.

Lo! Palaimon the baby-killer sees

225. χρησμῶν ἀπῶσαι νυκτίφοιτα δείματα: the meaning of the infinitive is not clear. The verb

229-257. Sistakou 2009: 249 n. 35, citing Lowe 2004: 309 for frequency of deictic expressions, etc.

ought to mean ‘push away’ i.e. ‘reject’ or 'spurn'. But some translators take it to mean ‘keep sepa-

229-31. The Greek fleet arrives at Tenedos

rate from’; that is, Kassandra wishes that Priam

That is a bald summary of these three lines: Palaimon is a signifier for Tenedos, the shear-

had not kept Hekabe's disturbing dreams separate from (i.e. he failed to make the connection

waters are the ships, and the old woman

between the dreams and) the warnings of Aisakos.

is the

sea the ships sail on.

So Mooney has ‘sundered’, Paduano ‘disgiunto’.

There is some support for this in Tztetzes: τοὺς

229. καὶ δὴ Παλαίμων δέρκεται βρεφοκτόνος:

ὀνείρους τῆς Ἑκάβης ἀπῶσαι kai ἐκτὸς θεῖναι τῶν χρησμῶν. But this sense is not otherwise attested, and the simpler tr. is here preferred.

no fewer than four consecutive sections begin καὶ δή (the others are 232, 243, and 249). Ihe relent-

‘Night-wandering fears’ is surely imitated from

(cf. Holzinger on 249).

νυκτιπλαγκτῶν δειμάτων at A. Cho. 524; see Garvie's n. on 523-5.

Palaimon was originally called Melikertes. His mother Ino-Leukothea threw him into the

226. τοὺς διπλοῦς: Hekabe and Paris.

that is, mother

less Greek advance is thus stylistically enacted

sea when chased by her husband Athamas. For

and son,

this Boiotian and Thessalian myth, which is connected with the golden ram and thus with the

golden fleece sought by the Argonauts, and also

227. Teppwaas: see Guilleux 2009: 226 for this rare word.

with the foundation of the Isthmian games, see Burkert 19832: 178-9 and 196-9, Gantz 1993: 17680, and OCD* ‘Ino-Leucothea’ and ‘Melikertes’, both by J. N. B[remmer], also ‘Athamas’ and

Anpvaiw πυρί: 'Lemnian fire, not only because it was specially fierce, but because Lemnos was close

to Troy, as in Klytaimestra’s beacon-speech, in which Hephaistos i.e. fire crosses from Ida to

‘Helle’ by E. K[earns] and ‘Isthmian Games’ by N. J. Richardson].

Lemnos as the first hop. See A. Ag. 281-4, where Fraenkel notes that Hera made the reverse journey from Lemnos and Imbros to Ida at //. 14. 281-3.

The

228. κῦμ’ ἐπέκλυσεν κακῶν: the ‘sea of troubles’ metaphor is a natural one, and almost surpris-

on Tenedos, and

the

Milesian

historian

Maiandrios

or

Leandros,

FGrHist 491-2 Fs, unless with Maas we think rather of Peisandros of Rhodes: D’Alessio 2007: 505 n. 9); cf. Fraser 1972: 1.728 and 2. 1020. 94. There may be Phoenician influence here (Melikertes/

ingly ordinary for Lyk; cf. e.g. A. Seven 758,

κακῶν δ᾽ ὥσπερ θάλασσα Hutchinson's n.

cult for Palaimon

child-sacrifice to him there, were also mentioned by Kall. frags 9r (dieg.)-92 Pf. (from the local

Kip’ ἄγει, with

173

230-238

Kassandra’ speech

ζέουσαν αἰθυίαισι πλεκτανοστόλοις ^ 7 3, , / γραῖαν £óveuvov Ὠγένου Τιτηνίδα. /,

5

,ὔ

230

,

καὶ δὴ διπλᾶ σὺν πατρὶ ῥαίεται τέκνα, στερρῷ τυπέντι κλεῖδας εὐάρχῳ μύλῳ, τὰ πρόσθεν αὐλητῆρος ἐκπεφευγότα

ψυδραῖσι φήμαις λαρνακοφθόρους ῥιφάς,

235

ᾧ δὴ πιθήσας στυγνὸς ἄρταμος τέκνων,

αἰθυιόθρεπτος πορκέων λιναγρέτης κρηθμοῖσι καὶ ῥαιβοῖσι νηρίταις φίλος, 223:

τυπέντι Scaliger τυπέντα MSS

Melkart): see e.g. Fraser, and D’Alessio 2007: 504 n. 7, comm. on the Kall. frag, See further Hollis 2007: 286, who believes, surely rightly, that Lyk. was here indebted to Kall.

Pindar may provide the link connecting the usual myth about Palaimon-Melikertes and the Isthmian games with this more unusual one. Pindar wrote at least two poems for individuals

writers, esp. Konon FGrHist 26 F 1. XXVIII and Diod. 5. 83. 4-5 (from the Tenedos section near the end of his book 5 about islands), cf. also Plut. QG 28 and Paus. το. 14. 1-4. See Gantz 1993: 590-2 and 594 and M. West 20132: 111; Fowler

2013: 53475. The

name Tenedos

is thought

to be pre-

from Aiolian Tenedos (N. 11 and frag. 123), and he

Greek, so it precedes the name of the mythical oikist Tennes, rather than explaining it. So rightly

also wrote Isthmian odes and was well aware of the foundation-story involving Melikertes (frag. 5 and 6). Perhaps a lost poem of his brought

Halliday Pi N. n. 33-4 (in a poem written for Aristagoras of Tenedos) gives Tenedos a different and more famous oikist, no less a figure

Palaimon to Tenedos, but he is not likely to have

than Orestes, in company

talked about child-sacrifice in the way we find here in Lyk.

Aristagoras called Peisandros. See 1374-1377 for

At 663, ‘Palaimon’ will be another name Herakles; see n. there.

Tenedos

for

230. A three-word line, cf. 63n. See Gigante Lanzara 2009: 114.

231. Ὥγένου: this is the equivalent of Ὠκεανοῦ.

The ‘aged Titanid wife of Okeanos’ is the Titan Tethys, i.e. the sea. (Both Okeanos and his sister—

wife Tethys were Titans, children of Heaven and Earth, Ouranos and Gaia: Hes. 7%. 133 and 135.) The plain meaning is simply that Palaimon sees

the sea seething with the Greek ships. 232—242. Achilles kills Kyknos and his children on Tenedos ‘the killing of Kyknos by Achilles is twice briefly mentioned by Pi., see 233n. But the details of the various component parts of the Kyknos-Tennes story are not attested before Lyk., whose very condensed account is the main source apart from later mythographers and other

with

an ancestor of

Orestes' colonization of the Aiolid generally; but is not

there

named

or

specifically

implied. Hall 2002: 72 and n. 80 may be right to connect that later section of Lyk. with Pi., in which case Lyk. subscribes to two different foundation-stories: not impossible.

The name Kyknos may preserve a memory of

Kukunnis,

predecessor

of

Alakasandus

(Alexandros) as ruler of Wilusa (lion) in about

1300 BC; see M. West 20132: 116 and n. 48.

232. διπλᾶ σὺν πατρὶ ῥαίεται τέκνα: the story of Kyknos’ estrangement from his children is given by Paus. 10. 14, 1-4, to explain a proverb (below) in

connection with a dedication at Delphi; also by Plut. QG 28. The father is Kyknos, son of Poseidon and Halyke (Hyg. 157), and the two children are Tennes (who will give his name to Tenedos, see below) and Hemithea; but Tennes was really a

son of Apollo (Apollod. ep. 3. 23 and "Tzetzes; see 240-242, and cf. Sourvinou-Inwood 2005: 294 for

174

Achilles kills Kyknos and children on Tenedos

230-238

the aged Titanid wife of Okeanos seething with cordage-rigged [?] shearwaters.

230

And now two children are killed, together with their father,

whose collar-bone was auspiciously struck by a solid mill-stone. Previously, they had escaped, after the piper caused them by his false stories to be cast adrift in a deadly chest. Their stern father, murderer of his own children, believed him,

235

so he, whom shearwaters reared and fishermen caught in their nets,

he who was familiar with samphire and round seashells,

such

sons

of gods

as

oikists).

Their

(TrGF ς no. 66) or Kritias (TYGF 1. 43 frag. 20), with West 2013a: 111.

mother,

Kyknos' first wife, is not mentioned by Lyk. She is Prokleia. When she dies, there follows the clas-

sic wicked lustful Hippolytos). He Philonome fails she does not get

233. στερρῷ τυπέντι κλεῖδας εὐάρχῳ μύλῳ:

stepmother story (Bellerophon, remarries, and his second wife in love with Tennes. When her way she makes the piper

the MSS have τυπέντα, corrected by Scaliger. Lyk. here follows the version given by the Kypria (see Apollod. ep. 3. 31 with West 2o13a: 115-16). The unusual manner of killing (Ovid Mer. 12. 103

Molpos (a word meaning a singer, as at Miletos,

has him strangled by Achilles’ helmet-strap) was necessitated because Kyknos was invulnerable to

where the molpoi were a politically important guild which supplied the annual stephanephoros

ordinary weapons (S. frag. 500 TrGF, Ar, Rher. 1396b18, ἄτρωτος), presumably Lyk. imagines that he was killed by the fall after being struck

or eponymous magistrates, see my comm. on the name Molpagores at Hát. 5. 30. 2) falsely denounce Tennes for making improper advances

by the stone. The stone was ‘auspicious’ from the

to her. The father believes her (as fathers always

Greek point of view: this was their first victory of

do in such stories, Gantz 591) and casts the children adrift in a chest. They are washed ashore on Leucophrys (‘White-brows’, a place-name suitable for Kyknos, who is named from the best-known white bird, the swan), which is now renamed Tenedos. Kyknos learns the truth and kills Philonome. He sails to Tenedos in search

the Trojan campaign. Ás at 223, Kassandra adopts

a Greek focalization. For Achilles’ killing of Kyknos, see Pi. O. 2. 82, also I. 5. 39, where Kyknos provides the very first question in a puzzle or quiz of a sort which might

well have appealed to Lyk., ‘who killed x, y, and 2°, where the answer each time is ‘Achilles’.

of reconciliation, but as he is fastening the hawser

to the land Tennes cuts the hawser with an axe, hence the proverb ‘to cut with a Tenedian axe’, used of decisive rejection. But Lyk.'s version

235.

AapvakoqÜópous

ῥιφάς:

see

Gigante

Lanzara 2009: 114 for this very condensed expression, with two hapax words. Holzinger compares A. Ag. 814 (ἀνδροθνῆτας φθοράς).

seems to imply that father and children were together again when killed by Achilles. Some modern scholars (see Holzinger) think that the Kyknos killed by Achilles was a different Kyknos from the father of Tennes, and this would remove

236. oruyvös: the word is used about the habitual expression of the harsh disciplinarian Klearchos, ὁρᾶν στυγνός, Xen. Anab. 2. 6. 9. ἄρταμος: see S.

frag. 1025 TrGF ; cf. Schade on 797.

that problem. But Lyk. evidently thought there was only one, though he may have conflated two versions (Gantz 1993: 592). The story of the false

237. A three-word line, cf. 63n. On αἰθυιόθρε-

accusation

water. Another aquatic bird which looked after

of Tennes,

and of how

he was

πτος, Guilleux 2009: 230. The ‘nurse’ is the shear-

cut

adrift, was probably not in the Kypria, Lyk. may

Kyknos was a swan, from which he derived his

have got it from the Termes of either Euripides

name. For such ‘helpful animals' see 138 n.

175

Kassandra speech

2397249

χηλῷ κατεδρύφαξε διπτύχους γονάς. ^

FA

,

,

σὺν τοῖς δ᾽ ὁ τλήμων, μητρὸς οὐ φράσας θεᾶς

240

μνήμων ἐφετμάς, ἀλλὰ ληθάργῳ σφαλείς, πρηνὴς θανεῖται στέρνον οὐτασθεὶς ξίφει. ,

3

4

3

x

[4

f

καὶ δὴ στένει Müpıva καὶ παράκτιοι ἵππων φριμαγμὸν ἠόνες δεδεγμέναι, ὅταν Πελασγὸν ἅλμα λαιψηροῦ ποδὸς εἰς Biv’ ἐρείσας λοισθίαν αἴθων λύκος,

245

κρηναῖον ἐξ ἄμμοιο ῥοιβδήσῃ γάνος,

πηγὰς ἀνοίξας τὰς πάλαι κεκρυμμένας. καὶ δὴ καταίθει γαῖαν ὀρχηστὴς Ἄρης, 246

λοισθίαν BCDE λοέσθιον Scheer e Z λοισθίον A*

243-248. Achilles leaps ashore

239. χηλῷ: cf. IL. τό. 221 with Rengakos 1994: 122. διπτύχους γονάς: cf. E. IT 243 (Orestes and Pylades) and (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: ııı) E.

Achilles’ leap was repeated, surely in conscious imitation, by Alexander the Great: Diod. 17. 17. 2. But see 246n.

Med. 1136, δίπτυχος γονή. Lyk. likes to apply the word to siblings, see six and 554, the Dioskouroi,

also 1245, Tarchon and Tyrrhenos. Cf. τρέπτυχοι

243. καὶ δὴ στένει Μύρινα:

κόραι at 573, the three daughters of Anios.

for Myrina,

an

Amazon, see Strabo 12. 8. 6 (cf. 13.3. 6), quoting IA

240-242. Mnemon could be either an adjective

2, 813-14: she was buried at a hill called Bateia

(‘mindful’), or a proper name for the messenger

(cf. 1308n.). She also gave her name to a city in

the Aiolid (ZACP. no. 822, Barr. map 56 D4), but Holzinger thinks that is not here meant.

who failed to do the job assigned to him by Thetis (the ‘goddess

mother’),

which

was

to remind

Achilles not to kill any son of Apollo. See Plut.

245. Πελασγὸν ἅλμα: ‘Pelasgian’ i.e. Thessalian leap, because Achilles was from Thessaly, cf. 177.

QG 28 with Halliday. But it ‘is an unlikely irony for archaic epic that this forgetful messenger was actually called Mnemon’: Cameron 2004: 139; so it is possible that Mnemon was Lyk.’s invention

246. εἰς Biv’ ἐρείσας λοισθίαν αἴθων λύκος: Bis means a heap, usually a literal or physical heap of sand ie. sandbank, hardly more than ‘shore’, as here and 877; but once (812) it is used figuratively of a ‘heap’ of troubles. The MSS are confused; the choice is between λοισθίαν and (unmetrical) λοίσθιον, agreeing with ἅλμα in 245. The latter

(so Sistakou 2008: 148; see also Sistakou 2012: 160

for Mnemon as one of Lyk.’s ‘darkest inventions’, whose death ‘suggests the killing of the hero's conscience’).

A third and improbable possibility,

apparently advanced by Ptolemy Chennos, is that mnemon was a title for a remembrancer or clerk. See Cameron 2004: 138~40.

(which seems to have been read by 2) is preferred

It has been attractively suggested (M. West

by Scheer, and would make Achilles the last Greek to land on Trojan soil. The first Greek

20132: 112) that there was once a version which

to do so was Protesilaos, who was killed immedi-

had Thetis warning Achilles not to kill any son of

ately (//. 2. 698 and 528-534 and nn.); Apollod.

Apollo (see 232n. for Tennes as son of Apollo)

ep. 3. 29-30

because he would die soon after, and in which the only son he killed was Hektor (cf. £7.18. 96 for the certainty of Achilles’ death soon after Hektor's, and for the variant tradition which made Hektor

West 2013a: 114) says that Thetis had warned

ason of Apollo see 265n.).

(from the Kypria, cf. arg. 10a and

Achilles that the first to land would also die first, a prophecy not alluded to by Homer. This results in a timid and cautious Achilles. But

though Kassandra might be expected to transmit

176

Troy laid waste

2397249

enclosed his two offspring in an ark, and with them the wretch, who was not ‘mindful’, but failed

240

through forgetfulness to pass on the orders of the goddess-mother;

he shall die, pierced through the breast by a sword. And now Myrina and the seaside beaches groan as they absorb the neighing of horses, when the fierce wolf makes his Pelasgian leap and lands his swift foot on the shore's edge. He causes a sparkling spring to gush forth from the sand,

245

and opens up long-hidden streams. And now Ares, the dancer, sets fire to the land, a version unfavourable to Achilles, and does so at 279-280 (Achilles the last, λοῖσθος, to set foot on shore), the emphasis here is rather on Achilles’

that the latter used Antimachos. But there is slight uncertainty about the attribution of the

Antimachos frag. Matthews’ argument, that the

aggression, the description ‘fierce wolf’ is not

sudden appearance of water is a Hellenistic topos

consistent with cowardice, and it is better to read λοισθίαν and take it with θῖνα, the ‘furthest shore’, as it is usually rendered (although as often with Lyk., there may be deliberate ambiguity and

which indicates Antimachos of Kolophon as the author rather than the epic poet Antimachos of Teos, risks circularity, because it is a main thesis

of

we may be meant simultaneously to think of λοῖσθος in the sense it has at 279). But it could also, surely, mean the ‘nearest to the ship’ because ‘furthest away’ sc. from the land, in which case Lyk. is stressing Achilles’ eagerness to set foot on Trojan soil. See E. Andr. 1139 for Achilles’ leap. See

Matthews

that

Antimachos

anticipated

Hellenistic poets. With the motif, cf. Theok. 7. 6 (with Hunter 1999: 154): Chalkon created the Koan spring Bourina with his foot (and the winged horse Pegasos created the spring Peirene at Korinth with its hoof: Strabo 8. 6. 21).

also Holzinger: the leap was from a great distance,

249-257. Trojan

but did not carry him far inland. αἴθων λύκος: the

cries of woe

identification of a mighty warrior as a wolf is a laudatory metaphor found in Indo-European

territory laid waste

amid

249. ὀρχηστὴς Ἄρης: Ares is, unusually for a god in

poetry; see M. West 2007: 450, who notes that the Homeric word for battlefield fury or λύσσα is derived from λύκος. See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 99 and Sistakou 2009: 252 for the animal simile here. Cf. also Mahé-Simon 2009: 443.

Lyk,

named

without

circumlocution;

see

Introduction section rr. For the dance-of-death

idea behind ‘dancer Ares’, cf. the fine metaphor at Plut. Mor. 193e, Boiotia the ‘dancing-floor

of war’, ὀρχήστρα πολέμου. The comparison of Meriones to a dancer at /Z 16. 617 is rather different: Aineias is jeering at him for the nimbleness with which he has just ducked out of the way of a thrown spear. But the two activities, fighting and dancing, certainly overlapped because mar-

247. κρηναῖον . . . γάνος: this expression is (see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 109) borrowed from A. Pers. 483, where Broadhead (who emends to

κρηναίου γάνος) compares Hdt. 4. 181. 3, ὕδωρ an Aeschylean favourite. The detail of the water

tial dancing was part of military training and fitness. War-dances (including the ‘Pyrthic’

is intriguing. It featured in Antimachos (frag. 84

dance,

Wyss = 136 Matthews: his mighty leap produced a fountain, cf. Griffin 1977: 40). See esp. Hollis

also known as Pyrrhos) are best described for us at Xen. Anab. 6. 3. 5-13, and note 7. 3. 33: Seuthes, as part of the after-dinner entertainment, mimics aman dodging a weapon, cf. above on Meriones.

«prvatov. As Broadhead says, the word γάνος is

2007: 280, for whom the recurrence of this ‘very rare myth’ in Lyk. is a strong indicator

177

named

for Achilles’

son

Neoptolemos,

250-262

Kassandra’ speech

στρόμβῳ τὸν αἱματηρὸν ἐξάρχων νόμον. ἅπασα δὲ χθὼν προὐμμάτων δῃουμένη κεῖται, πέφρικαν δ᾽ ὥστε ληίου γύαι λόγχαις ἀποστίλβοντες, οἰμωγὴ δέ μοι ἐν ὠσὶ πύργων ἐξ ἄκρων ivódM erai, πρὸς αἰθέρος κυροῦσα νηνέμους ἕδρας, γόῳ γυναικῶν καὶ καταρραγαῖς πέπλων, ἄλλην ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῃ συμφορὰν δεδεγμένων. L4

3

A

3

x

LÀ

x

2

,ὔ

3

3

4

"

3

,*»

250

,

,

x

255

4.

ἐκεῖνό σ᾽, ὦ τάλαινα καρδία, κακόν,

ἐκεῖνο δάψει πημάτων ὑπέρτατον εὖτ᾽ ἂν λαβράζων περκνὸς αἰχμητὴς χάρων, πτεροῖσι χέρσον αἰετὸς διαγράφων ῥαιβοῖ τυπωτὴν τόρμαν ἀγκύλῃ βάσει, 262}

ῥαιβοῖ Scheer ῥαιβῷ MSS

ἀγκύλλῃ Holzinger (ad 260-8)

distance, returning with Hektor’s corpse. She is then given three articulate but anguished lines (704-6) which precede the longer laments of

250. στρόμβῳ: cf. Theok. 9. 257.

251-257. One of the least difficult sections of the poem

to

understand;

in

260

particular,

251-252,

Andromache, Hekabe, and Helen. This Homeric

ümaoa....keiraı consists entirely of words in common poetic use. Why should this be? The fall of Troy is central, all else is either ‘prequel’ or sequel. The switch to simple language may be

episode is crucial to the later literary development of Kassandra the mantic maiden; see Introduction

section 2. For the towers here, see Trachsel 2009: 534 n. 18 and Rougier-Blanc 2009: 555. ἰνδάλλεται (cf. also 597 and 961) means ‘seems’,

intended to emphasize this centrality.

252-253. πέφρικαν δ᾽ ὥστε ληίου yat / λόγχαις

and is said to be derived from the root for seeing,

ἀποστίλβοντες:

eiö-. It is therefore bold to use it of sounds (as Z remarks, οὐ μόνον ἐπὶ τῆς ὄψεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀκοῆς τέταχε).

the

thought

is Homeric,

cf.

(with 3) Z7. 4. 282, the dark thick phalanxes σάκε-

σίν Te kai ἔγχεσι πεφρυκνῖαι, or 7. 62. For the

specific comparison of a mass of men to a corn-

255. With this splendid line cf. I/. 8. 556, νήνεμος αἰθήρ and, with 2, the final line (837) of 12. 13,

field, see IA. 2. 147 (the Greek assembly); and Mynors 1990: 120 remarked on the closeness to

ἠχὴ (or φωνή) δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἵκετ᾽ αἰθέρα καὶ Διὸς αὐγάς.

the present passage of V. G. 2, 142, ‘nec galeis densisque virum seges horruit hastis. See also Skutsch 1985: 548, discussing Ennius danads line

257. ἄλλην ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῃ: with this doubled expres-

384, 'horrescit telis exercitus asper utrimque",

sion (‘polyptoton’)

πέφρικαν for πεφρίκασι is said by & to be a

Euboian

(‘Chalkidian

and

Eretrian)

form.

For ἀποστίλβοντες see Berra 2009: 267 n. 20 (solecism' for ἀποστίλβουσι, to be explained by

cf. line 3 of the oracle at

Hdt. 1. 67. 4, πήμ᾽ ἐπὶ πήματι, which may in turn derive from S. Ant. 595, πήματα φθιμένων

γυναίκων: Kassandra here virtually listens to her

ἐπὶ πήμασι πίπτοντ᾽, With συμφορὰν dedeyμένων cf. Pi. P. 8. 87, συμφορᾷ δεδαγμένοι. In sound, these are very close, though the perfect participle in Pi. is from a different verb, δάκνω: defeated athletes are 'bitten/gnawed' by disaster,

own future self: at I]. 24. 699-703 she (presci-

whereas for Lyk. the women ‘receive’ i.e. suffer it

ently?) climbs up to Pergamos, the citadel of Troy,

(from δέχομαι). See also 954n. on συμφοραῖς δεδηγμένους.

the ‘enthusiasm of the prophetess’). 254-256. πύργων ἐξ ἄκρων ἰνδάλλεται... yow

and groans and wails when she sees Priam in the

178

Deaths of Hektor and Achilles

250-262

leading the song with a bloody tune on his trumpet-shell. All the land lies devastated before my eyes, and the fields bristle and glisten with spears as if with corn. Groans seem to fill my ears from the topmost towers, reaching to the windless abodes of the ether, as women wail and tear their garments, having suffered one disaster after another. One evil,

250

255

O my wretched heart, one evil

will gnaw at you above every other woe, when the fierce black onrushing warrior— an eagle sweeping the earth with his wings,

260

who bends the line of his tracks with a circling motion,

258-280. Deaths of Hektor and Achilles

next line, 261. See Gigante Lanzara 2009: 99. For αἰχμητής as adjective (also at 1266), see Pi. P. 1.5,

260-262 describe the flight of Hektor and his pursuit by Achilles, 263-266 the killing of Hektor, 267-268

the

dragging

of his

corpse

αἰχματὰν κεραυνόν, and N. 9. 37. The word xdpwv (a variant for yápomos) appealed to Lyk. (see 455 and 660), and is also

behind

Achilles’ chariot, and 269-270 the ransoming of Hektor's body. This is mirrored immediately afterwards by the ransoming of Achilles’ own body after he has been shot and killed by archer Paris (271-273). This leads naturally to the

found in Euphorion (frag. 107. 4 Lightfoot). Acc. Tzetzes (on 455), it was Macedonian for ‘lion’. See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105 (for Pindar).

26r. Another very fine line (cf. 255). The image of the pursuing bird of prey recalls Homer's

Muses’ mourning for Achilles (273-275), and the

interwoven section closes with a retrospective

comparison of Achilles’ pursuit of Hektor to a

at Achilles for avoiding combat by hiding in

falcon pursuing a dove: J/. 22. 139-40.

womens clothes on Lemnos (276-280). For the drastic rearrangement of the order of the Homeric narrative, see Holzinger: 19-20 and

262. ῥαιβοῖ τυπωτὴν τόρμαν ἀγκύλῃ βάσει: this is the result of an emendation by Scheer: the MSS have ῥαιβῷ, an adjective meaning ‘crooked’

Sistakou 2008: 118-19 n. 213. See Sens 2009: 20. (This is all very brief compared to the interest in migration later in the poem); see also McNelis and Sens 2010. 258 See Gigante Lanzara 2009: πὶ for the Euripidean echo (Or. 446, IT 344) and Sistakou

or ‘bent’, But a main verb is needed somewhere in this long sentence, and this one (used by Lyk. at

563) is the easiest candidate. (Holzinger suggested making a verb out of ἀγκύλῃ by lengthening the second syllable to ἀγκύλλῃ). Even with the

emendation,

the line is difficult in detail,

2009: 250 for the internal monologue.

though the basic idea is clearly that Achilles cir-

259. δάψει: from the poetic verb δάπτω; meta-

cles round and round Troy in pursuit of Hektor. τυπωτὴν τόρμαν must mean something like

phorical biting or gnawing here, literal at 1006.

‘fashioned wheel-rut’ (both words are rare), but

260. περκνὸς αἰχμητὴς χάρων: the rare word

the implication of land travel is audacious after a

περκνός means ‘dark’, ‘dusky’, or ‘dappled’; but it is also said by Homer to be the name of a particular type of eagle (I7. 24. 316-17, Zeus sends an eagle in answer to Priam’s prayer), and this anticipates the explicit eagle metaphor of the

line describing the flight of a bird. This double meaning is defended and explained by McNelis and Sens zorıb, who suggest that Lyk. (1) com-

bines the idea of Achilles as bird of prey with that of a charioteer rounding the bend of a racecourse,

179

263-274

Kassandra’ speech

κλάζων τ᾽ ἄμικτον στόματι ῥιγίστην βοήν, τὸν φίλτατόν σου τῶν ἀγαστόρων τρόφιν Πτῴου τε πατρός, ἁρπάσας μετάρσιον, ὄνυξι γαμφηλαῖσι θ᾽ αἱμάσσων δέμας, ἔγχωρα τίφη καὶ πέδον χραίνῃ φόνῳ,

265

λευρᾶς βοώτης γατομῶν δι᾽ αὔλακος.

λαβὼν δὲ ταύρου τοῦ πεφασμένου δάνος, σκεθρῷ ταλάντῳ τρυτάνης ἠρτήμενον, αὖθις τὸν ἀντίποινον Eyxeas ἴσον, Πακτώλιον σταθμοῖσι τηλαυγῆ μύδρον, κρατῆρα Βάκχου δύσεται, κεκλαυσμένος νύμφαισιν, al φίλαντο Βηφύρου γάνος,

For Hektor as son of Apollo, a non- or anti-

and (2) implicitiy glosses the disputed Homeric

word ἀγκυλοχήλης

270

at Od. 19. 538, evidently

Homeric tradition, see Durbec 2009a: 400; also

taking the sense to be ‘of the curved talons’.

Federico 2008 and Hurst 20124: 87. It is also

263. στόματι ῥιγίστην βοήν: Lyk.'s iambics are

Tzetzes on the present passage, who also cites Stes. for it, PMG 224 (108 Fi.), and see Ibykos, PMG 295, from Z Il. 3. 314).

found in Euphorion, frag. 80 Lightfoot (from remarkably free from metrical resolution, and

this is the first of nine passages where Hermann 1834: 249-52 sought to eliminate the remaining

266. γαμφηλαῖσι: cf. E. Jon 159: Gigante Lanzara

occurrences by emendation

2009: III fi. 59.

(the others are at

962, 963, 1164, 1204, 1218, 1222, 1242, and 1469).

Here he suggested κλάζων δ᾽ ἄμικτον χάσμα, ῥιγίστην βοήν. But we do not have to suppose Lyk. to be have been so inflexible (so rightly Holzinger: 81-2). Note that most of the passages are from late in the poem: Lyk. loosened up towards the end, for some reason.

‘The rare word ῥίγιστος is Homeric (Tl. 5. 873), but seems to have been revived in Hellenistic poetry; see e.g. Ap. Rh. 2. 215. 264. ἀγαστόρων:

an extremely rare word

for

‘brothers’; formed from γαστήρ, with copulative alpha; see ἀδελφός (LSJ); also Guilleux 2009: 235. 265. Πτῴου re πατρός: this is Apollo's second mention in the poem; for the first see 208 and n. (Delphinios, Kerdoos). The Ptoion near Akraiphnion was a famous Boiotian oracular sanctuary. It had featured in Hdt., who calls it

τοῦ Πτῴου Ἀπόλλωνος τὸ τέμενος, and gives an accurate description of its location above lake Kopais and near Akraiphnion (8. 135; see Ducat

1971, Schachter 1981-94: 1. 52-73, and IACP: no. 198 ‘Akraiphia’).

267-268. ἔγχωρα τίφη καὶ πέδον χραίνῃ φόνῳ," λευρᾶς βοώτης γατομῶν δι᾽ αὔλακος: Achilles

stains the waters and ground of Troy with Hektor's blood, like a ploughman cutting a furrow. This alludes (Holzinger, following Scheer) to Achilles’ dishonouring of Hektor’s corpse by obsessively dragging it behind his chariot; this is described first at 1,22. 395-405 and then again at 24. 14-18 (three times round Patroklos’ tomb). With γατομῶν (also at 1394), cf. Ap. Rh. 2.

1005. Fraser 1972: 1. 636 (with 2. 897) saw this as borrowing by Ap. Rh. from Lyk., but in view of his subsequent mind-change about the date of Lyk. (Fraser 1979) he would presumably have reversed the relation of indebtedness.

269-270. λαβὼ» δὲ ταύρον τοῦ πεφασμένου δάνος / σκεθρῷ ταλάντῳ τρντάνης ἠρτημένον: for πεφασμένου, from a lost verb "φένω, Ἱ kill’, see LSJ θείνω (sic) II (with Berra 2009: 302 n. 138), and cf. 840n. on πεφήσεται. At 1374, the

πεφασμένος will be Agamemnon. ödvos: this word for ‘gift’ is Hellenistic; see Gow-Page, HE 1176 (= Kall. ep. 28. 2 - XLVII Pf.) and Euphorion 180

Deaths of Hektor and Achilles

263-274

screaming discordant, horrendous cries— snatches aloft your dearest brother,

the child of the Ptoan god;

265

with beak and claws he will bloody his body,

staining red the ground and the waters of Troy, a ploughman cutting a level furrow. He will take the price of the slain bull, suspending it in the precise balance of the scales; but he will pour out an equal and compensating amount in weight of shining Paktolian lumps and he will enter the mixing-bowl of Bacchus, mourned by the nymphs, who love the waters of Bephyros

frag. 46 Lightfoot; also Schade 122 f. (on 710).

demanding from the Greeks a ransom for his body equal to that paid for Hektor’s. The source

Lyk. will use it four more times (710, 887, 1269, 1381). For the chime with Euphorion (esp. at 887) see Hollis 288 n. 55. Up to now, Lyk. has more or less followed J. 22, but now there is a divergence: the picture of Achilles carefully weighing out the ransom-price

of this story is obscure.

272. Πακτώλιον..., μύδρον: for the gold dust, ψῆγμα, washed down from Mt Tmolos in the bed of the Lydian river Paktolos next to Sardis (Barr. map 56 Gs) see Hdt. 1. 93. 1 and 5. 101, 2 (and cf. 1352). See also Antimachos frag. "ror West = 79 Suppl. Hell. = 93 Matthews; but doubtfully Antimachan, acc. Parsons and Lloyd-Jones (see 629n.) For μύδρος see Jebb on S. Ant. 264.

for Hektors body is at sharp variance with Homer, where Achilles does not care about the money: he eventually accepts the ransom (J/. 24)

out of sympathetic human

270

regard for Priam,

not for mercenary reasons. This non-Homeric Achilles may go back to Aeschylus’ lost play The Phrygians, or the ransoming of Hektor (2 says Lyk. and some others, ἄλλοι τινές, narrated the care-

The word maintains the Herodotean mood; see 1.

165, 3, the Phokaians sink an iron lump into the

sea as part of their oath never to return home until the lump floats.

fully weighing of the ransom); for this nonHomeric tradition see M. West 2007: 395. Note

at Athens in 367 mc). But the negatively presented Achilles fits perfectly Lyk.’s general ten-

273. κρατῆρα Βάκχου δύσεται: the reference is to Od.24.73-5: Agamemnon in the Underworld tells Achilles that his mother Thetis gave us i.e. the mourning Greeks a two-handled jar, a gift from Dionysos and the work of Hephaistos, to contain the bones of Achilles and Patroklos (cf. Patroklos’ own request for this at JA 23. 9172). We are now

dency to build up Hektor and the Trojans and

back on track with Homer (see 269—270 n.). With

that Grossardt 2005, to which Martin West now

draws my attention, argued interestingly that Lyk.’s source was the Ransoming of Hektor or Hektoros Lytra by Dionysios 1 of Syracuse, staged

diminish Achilles and the Greeks; see McNelis

δύσεται cf. 813, AcSyv δύσεται with Schade.

and Sens 2oma: already present in 2008: 24-5 and n. tragedians ‘tumble

273-274. κεκλαυσμένος / νύμφαισι: the Muses, as at Od. 24. 60 and Pi. I. 8. 63-4: the nine Muses lamented Achilles.

66. The ‘negative’ Achilles is sth-cent. tragedy, see Sistakou 107 for the way the three great . . . Achilles off his plinth’, and

274. at φίλαντο Βηφύρου γάνος: Bephyras was the name for the upper reaches of the river

164-5 for Lyk.5 own negative treatment of him. For Hektor as bull, see Sistakou 2009: 242.

Helikon which flowed down the NW slopes of

271. ἀντίποινον: Achilles was killed by Paris,

Mt Olympos. See Paus. 9. 30. 8; also Livy 44. 6 15 (calling it Baphyrus) with Briscoe.

and Kassandra here imagines the Trojans as 181

275-284

KassandraS speech

ΔΛειβηθρίην θ᾽ ὕπερθε Πιμπλείας σκοπήν, ὁ νεκροπέρνας, ὃς προδειμαίνων πότμον,

275

καὶ θῆλυν ἀμφὶ σῶμα τλήσεται πέπλον δῦναι, παρ᾽ ἱστοῖς κερκίδος ψαύσας κρότων, καὶ λοῖσθος εἰς γῆν δυσμενῶν ῥῖψαι πόδα, τὸ σόν, ξύναιμε, κἀν ὕπνῳ πτήσσων δόρυ. x

[4

FA

>

“u

ὔ

!

280

ὦ daiuov, οἷον kiov’ alarwaeıs δόμων 5

^

t

/o

3

L4

[4

ἔρεισμα πάτρας δυστυχοῦς ὑποσπάσας"

οὐ μὴν ἀνατεί γ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ἄνευ μόχθων πικρῶν πένθους θ᾽ ὁ λῃστὴς Δωριεὺς γελᾷ στρατός, ,

»t€

M

‘

^

fi

275. Two Macedonian places. For Leibethra (or

69). In the usual tradition (for which see Apollod.

Leibethron): see ZACP: no. 540, citing SEG 27. 283 (bronze lead weight with depiction of bunch of grapes) for cults of Dionysos, for whom see 273. The ‘nymphs who love the Leibethrian watchtower’ (274-275) are certainly the Muses, because they mourn Achilles (273-274 n.). These lines may

3. 13. 8) it was one of his parents, Peleus or Thetis,

who, after Kalchas had prophesied that Troy could not be taken without Achilles, arranged for

him to be hidden, from aged nine, as a girl on the island of Skyros at the court of king Lykomedes. But Odysseus blew the war trumpet (or else offered the girls a mixture of spindles, swords,

help to explain ‘nymphae Libethrides’ of V. E. 7. 21,

etc.) and Achilles gave himself away by his reaction. The transvestism may mark the story as one of male initiation, comparable to the story of

where the description of the Muses as actual nymphs has been found surprising (Coleman 1977: 212 £; no mention of Lyk.). It is not clear whether

Euphorions

γαίης

παρθενικαὶ

Herakles as cross-dressing slave of the Lydian Queen Omphale. The story of Achilles on Skyros

Λί[ι]βηθρίδος

(frag. 34. 2 Lightfoot) are also the Muses; the Leibethrian nymphs are usually distinct from, though connected with, the Muses (Strabo 9. 2. 25; Paus. 9. 34. 4. Magnelli 2010 exaggerates the difference between Lyk.’s nymphs and Euphorions

was also treated in the anonymous Epithalamion

for Achilles and Deidameia, for which see Sistakou 2008: 171-4 (Achilles was turned from warrior into lover). Fantuzzi

add now Suppl. Hell 993. 7. With

2012: 38-42

discusses and

explains Kassandra’s ignoring of the usual tradition about Thetis, so as to place the responsibility

Muses). See Scherling in R.-E. ‘Leibethrides’, and the σκοπή,

Orph. Arg. so, Λειβήθρων ἄκρα κάρηνα. The noun is a favourite with Lyk, it is used of the

for cowardice on Achilles alone. This section about Achilles closes with a jump back in time to his attempt to avoid the Trojan

lookout-places i.e. crags on which both Skylla and

War, just as the long ‘Odyssey’ section (648-819) will

Oberhummer,

R.-E.

‘Leibethra’

(2)

compares

the Sirens awaited their prey (650 and 714).

close with a similarly analeptic reference to the

For Pimpleia, a village of Dion where Orpheus διέτριβεν (Strabo 7 frag. 10. 1), perhaps located at Agia Paraskevi, see LACP: p. 797. It was the

similar attempt by Odysseus—who had unmasked Achilles’ deception, but was himself unmasked by

location of a fountain sacred to the Muses: Kall. H. 4 to Delos 7.

emphasized by their final position, serve to dimin-

Palamedes. See 815-819n. The two stories, thus ish the stature of the two Greek heroes who domi-

nate Iliad and Odyssey respectively. See, for προδειμαίνων πότμον,

276. ὁ νεκροπέρνας: for such ‘ad hoc compound

adjectives’ used to define

a personality, see

Sistakou 2009: 244, 251. ὅς mpoßeiualvev πότμον: the idea that Achilles

himself feared death is part of Kassandra’s blackening of his reputation (McNelis and Sens 2orra:

Gigante

Lanzara 209: 99 n. t1.

277. kai θῆλυν ἀμφὶ σῶμα . . .: Tzetzes says the motive was not cowardice, but a desire to be in the womens' quarters in search of Deidameia (Berra 2009: 291 n. 101).

182

275-284

Hektor fires the Greek ships

and the Leibethrian watchtower above Pimpleia. He, the corpse-seller, who in fear for his future fate will even submit to wearing a woman's dress

275

on his body, handling the chattering shuttle by the loom, and will be the last to set foot on enemy soil, fearing your spear, my brother, even in his sleep. O Fate, what a pillar of my house you will destroy, pulling away the bulwark of my wretched fatherland.

280

But it will not be with impunity, and not without bitter hardships, that the Dorian army of looters will laugh at him, 278. κερκίδος ψαύσας κρότων: lit. ‘touching the noise of the shuttle’, a paradoxical but easily intelligible expression for ‘touching the noisy/ chattering shuttle’.

Pi

O.

2. 81-2

calls

Hektor

an

invincible,

steadfast pillar; the metaphor (continued by ἔρεισμα in 282 and repeated by ἕρμα at 1190) is perhaps suggested by the literal meaning of the name Hektor, for which see ıoon. See Durbec 2009: 400 and 527n. (But Rougier-Blanc 2009a: 548 thinks the metaphor a creation of

279. καὶ λοῖσθος eis γῆν δυαμενῶν papas πόδα: see 246 and n.; Gigante Lanzara 2009: 100. For ῥῖψαι πόδα cf. 515-516, Kassandra hopes the Dioskouroi will not leap ashore at Troy.

Lyk., cf. 542.)

280. τὸ σὸν, ξύναιμε:

282. This line virtually repeats the thought of 281.

note

the

alternating

narratee; Sistakou 2009: 250 argues that first- and

For ἔρεισμα see n. there.

second-person addresses by Kassandra mark the Trojan identity of the recipient. These words will be closely echoed at 1189, where Kassandra again addresses Hektor in imagination: σὺ δ᾽ ὦ ξύναιμε ... The word ξύναιμος (six occurrences

283. οὐ μὴν ἀνατεί: the normal form is dvar(, as at A. Eum. 59. interesting use Maidens section the poem). For

in Lyk.) is poetic, specifically Sophoclean, both as

See 1172 and n. for a particularly of the word in the Lokrian (the only other occurrence in the spelling here, cf. Herodian

Partitiones 256. The adverb, equivalent of Lat. 'impune', derives from ävaros, ‘without dry.

noun (Ant. 198) and as adjective (E/ 156), including

use as cult epithet (Ant. 658-9, Ζεὺς ξύναιμος). This is appropriate for Kassandra’s affectionate

Lyk. brilliantly inverts the sense of the similar-

and wistful addresses to Hektor, given 5.5 own

sounding and similarly formed adverb ἀνουτητί at I. 22. 371; see next n. The Greeks will not

emphasis on sisterly devotion, both in surviving plays and the fragmentary Tereus.

refrain from sticking their spears into Hektor (Hom.), but they will not do so without retribu-

281-306. Hektor fires the Greek ships

tion (Lyk.). For οὐ μήν see n26n. For the illogicality of thought here (the deeds

This is a kind of aristeia of Hektor (celebration of a heroic episode), intended to show that the

of Hektor which are about to be recounted can

Greeks who jeered at the dead Hektor did not/

hardly rank as revenge for the ill-treatment of his

will not go unpunished: od μὴν dvarei...(283). But this is not logical, because the firing of the ships happened long before, during Hektor's lifetime. For this ‘striking anachronism’, see McNelis and Sens 20112: 71.

corpse) see 281-306 n.

284. The laughing Dorian i.e. Greek army refers to Il. 22. 37174: none of the Greeks stood over Hektor's corpse without inflicting a wound on it,

281. ὦ δαῖμον, olov kiov’ αἰστώσεις δόμων:

ἀνουτητί (22. 371), and then they would say to

for δαίμων in the sense of ‘fate’, see LSJ? 1. 2. Kassandra here apostrophizes a daimon rather than (as usual, see gon.) a Trojan.

each other, he is weaker now than when he burnt

the ships. This is a prompt for Lyk. to narrate the ship-burning.

183

285—298

Kassandra’ speech

ἐπεγκαχάζων τοῦ δεδουπότος μόρῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφὶ πρύμναις τὴν πανυστάτην δραμὼν πεύκαις βίου βαλβῖδα συμφλεχθήσεται, 3

[4

^

/,

i

28ς

καλῶν Em εὐχαῖς πλεῖστα Φύξιον Δία,

πορθουμένοισι κῆρας ἀρκέσαι πικράς. τότ᾽ οὔτε τάφρος, οὔτε ναυλόχων σταθμῶν πρόβλημα καὶ σταυροῖσι κορσωτὴ πτέρυξ,

290

οὐ γεῖσα χραισμήσουσιν, οὐδ᾽ ἐπάλξιες'

ἀλλ᾽ ὡς μέλισσαι συμπεφυρμένοι καπνῷ καὶ λιγνύος ῥιπαῖσι καὶ γρυνῶν βολαῖς, ἄφλαστα καὶ κόρυμβα καὶ κλῃδῶν θρόνους

295

πυκνοὶ κυβιστητῆρες ἐξ ἐδωλίων πηδῶντες, αἰμάξουσιν ὀθνείαν κόνιν.

πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἀριστεῖς πρωτόλειά θ᾽ Ἑλλάδος 291

κορσωτὴ ABDE κροσωτὴ C κροσσωτὴ dett.

285. ἐπεγκαχάζων: this ugly word is unique to Lyk. in this form, but is a compound of the good classical verb καχάζω, which is (as LSJ say) probably onomatopoeic, like καχλάζω (8on.), cf. Eng. 'cackle', τοῦ δεδουπότος: this word for ‘fallen’, from δουπέω, literally refers to the noise made as

the expression B. B. seems borrowed from E.

Med. 1245, ἕρπε πρὸς BaAßida λυπηρὰν βίου, and the rare compound verb συμφλεχθήσεται from E. Ba. 595, σύμφλεγε, σύμφλεγε, δώματα

Πενθέος (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112 and 11 n. 59); cf. also Theok. 22. 211 φλογέῳ συνέφλεξε

a body hits the ground in battle; a common for-

κεραυνῷ (the blasting of Idas, cf. 560); for other

mula in the J/iad is ‘he fell with a crash/clatter’ (lit. 'clattered as he fell’), δούπησεν δὲ πεσών, The

occurrences see 740 and 1157. The thought, as

perf. form δεδουπότος on its own, with the more

Hektor reaches the Greek ships and sets fire

general meaning ‘dead’or ‘fallen’ (as if the meaning

to them, fulfilling the ‘will of Zeus’, as set out at 15. 596-600.

of the second half of the standard δ. 8. sr. formula had been transferred to the first, and without the necessary implication ‘in battle’, see Cingano 1992: 6. n. r3), occurs in 77. only at 23.179, the back-ref. to the games

for the dead

Oidipous, δεδουπότος

Οἰδιπτόδαο. That general sense is here imitated by Lyk. (again at 919, Philoktetes), as also by

Euphorion (frag. 44 Lightfoot, referring to Ajax: δεδουπότος Αἰακίδαο). For these intertexts, see Sistakou 2008: 130-1 and n. 42; cf. also Rengakos 1994: 125. Note esp. HE 1661 (= Dioskorides, late 3rd cent., XXXI line 5), πάντα νέκυν μάστευε

δεδουπότα, from a consciously old-fashioned poem about the archaic battle of 'Ihyrea ie. Dioskorides does use the word of battle-death. 287. βίου BaAßida

racing metaphor

συμφλεχθήσεται:

in BaAßis

for the

see 13 and n.

opp. the language, is indebted to Z7 15. 718 ff,

288. Φύξιον Δία: the Zeus of Fugitives, see J, Schmidt, R.-E 20. 1179; see esp. Ap. Rh. 2. 1147, also 4. 119 with Livrea, who cites the mention in SEG 7. 894 (with 35. 1570), Gerasa, 1st cent. AD. ‘The 2 on 2. 1147 (207. 20 Wendel) says this was a

Thessalian Zeus, Φύξιος Ζεὺς παρὰ Θεσσαλοῖς. (But Zeus Phyxios also had cult at Argos, Paus. 2. 21. 2, and Sparta, Wide 1893: 14.) 290-292. Some of the language here makes more sense in the light of the Homeric passage it

clearly imitates, I7. 12. 258-60. With πρόβλημα cf. στήλας τε προβλῆτας ἐμόχλεον (12. 259), and

with

κορσωτὴ

πτέρυξ

(vl. κροσσωτή,

lit. ‘tassled’, although at 1102, κροσσωτός is two-termination), cf. κρόσσας μὲν πύργων 184

Hektor fires the Greek ships jeering at the fate of the fallen man:

285—298 285

but at the sterns of their pine ships, running the final race of their lives

to the finishing tape, they will be enveloped in flames, and will call often on Zeus of Fugitives in their prayers to keep bitter death away from men who are being destroyed.

Then neither the trench, nor the barrier of ships stationed, nor the bristling wing-shaped palisade,

290

nor battlements will be of any help, nor parapets, but like bees, confused by smoke,

and gusts of thick fumes and flung firebrands, they will jump like massed divers from the quarter-deck onto the figure-heads and poops and rowing benches,

295

and stain the foreign soil with blood. Many chiefs, and many who carry off with their spears ἔρυον (t2. 258. But the meaning of the Homeric word κρόσσαι is itself obscure; LSJ? says ‘prob. = stepped argues leading related

295. ἄφλαστα καὶ κόρυμβα καὶ κλῃδῶν θρόνους: the three accusatives here appear to be governed by πηδῶντες in 297, ‘jumping

copings of parapets’). Rengakos 1994: 112-13 ingeniously that Lyk. is deliberately misus by using a seemingly Homeric word to κρόσσαι because κορσωτὴ πτέρυξ

(ento). The vocabulary and thought is again (see 290-292 n.) derived from Homer; see Rengakos 1994: 113-14 (who suggests that Lyk. is, by choice

refers not to parapets but to stakes or palisades. For such -rés formations in Lyk., see Guilleux

of words, offering an indirect commentary on

2009: 230 and n. 39. With ἐπάλξιες cf. 12. 258,

ἄφλαστα, and for κόρυμβα cf. 9. 241, ἄκρα

difficult Homeric expressions). Cf. I/. 15. 716 for

ἐπάλξεις. With σταθμοί or σταθμά cf. 5. OT

κόρυμβα; the whole of 9. 241-3 is relevant for

1139 with Rougier-Blanc 2009: 544. πτέρυξ: the word occurs here only in Lyk. It is Homeric and

Hektor' deed of valour, firing the Greek ships. Hdt. 6. 114 (ἄφλαστα at the battle of Marathon)

tragic for ‘wing’, but does not occur in the Iliad passage cited above. LS] sense (IIT) is a general

for ἄφλαστα see already 26. κλῃδῶν: for κλείς

category ‘anything that covers or protects like wings’ and gives the present passage as a sub-meaning

as a rowing-bench, see Od. 2. 419, ἐπὶ κληῖσι καθῖζον.

is a Homeric echo, see Pelling 2013:25 and n. 12;

(2): ‘fence, wall’.

296. πυκνοὶ κυβιστητῆρες: this description of the Greeks inverts Patroklos’ black humour at Il. 16. 745-50 about the Trojans as possessing excellent ‘divers’ (Kebriones has just taken a fatal

For χραισμέω in the sense ‘help’, see I7. 1. 28 with Rengakos 1994: 123 and n. ss, listing other J/.

passages. 293. συμπεφυρμένοι καπνῷ: the verb is cupφύρω, and for the metrically convenient perf. part. see E. Med. 1198-9, afua... συμπεφυρμένον πυρί, Ihat, however, means ‘blood mixed with fire’, whereas the present passage must mean that the bees are confused by the smoke, i.e. the prefix cuv- does not govern the dative noun, as it usually does (see LSJ συμφύωλ), This has a

tumble). The exact word κυβιστητῆρες occurs at 16. 750. 298. πρωτόλειά θ᾽ Ἑλλάδος: this would naturally be taken to mean ‘first-spoils taken from Greeks’, but the genitive must here be subjective, ‘first-

spoils taken by Greeks’. πρωτόλειον (for which cf. E. Or. 382, in a slightly different sense) will

bearing on the harder problem of 934; see n.

recur at 1228, in one of the poems passages. On 298-334 see Stirpe 2006.

there. For the simile, cf. 181 n. (wasps).

185

climactic

2997307

Kassandras speech

αἰχμῇ φέροντας kat σποραῖς ὠγκωμένους αἱ σαὶ καταξανοῦσιν ὄβριμοι χέρες,

300

φόνῳ βλύουσαι κἀπιμαιμῶσαι μάχης.

ἐγὼ δὲ πένθος οὐχὶ μεῖον οἴσομαι, τὰς σὰς OTÉvovoa καὶ δι᾽ αἰῶνος ταφάς. οἰκτρὸν γάρ, οἰκτρὸν κεῖν ᾿ ἐπόψομαι φάος καὶ πημάτων ὕψιστον, ὧν κράντης χρόνος, μήνης ἑλίσσων κύκλον, αὐδηθήσεται.

305

αἰαῖ, στενάζω καὶ σὸν εὔγλαγον θάλος, 30:

ββρύουσαι dett.

299. σποραῖς ὠγκωμένους: lit. ‘puffed up by/

by Priam

swelling from their seeds’ Le. proud of their

guished by the epithet ἱππιοχάρμης, ‘one who

directly after Hektor), and

is distin-

race or lineage. σπορά is rather a favourite word

fights from

of Lyk. (seven occurrences). It is a poetic word,

Homer used only at Od. 11. 259 of Amythaon son

when used in the sense of ‘offspring’, as e.g.

of Kretheus, a minor character, so the epithet is

Εὐρύτου σπορά (= Tole) at S. Tr. 316 and 420.

not quite unique in Homer, as Aristarchos asserted. For this problem see Nünlist 2009: 304 n.

300. ai aai καταξανοῦσιν ὄβριμοι χέρες: for the second-person address or apostrophe, see 280n. The verb is tragic, cf. e.g. S. Ajax 728 and s6ın. 301. φόνῳ βλύουσαι: the verb, a rare and remarkably vivid one, meaning to ooze or bubble,

a chariot’, I]. 24. 257 (elsewhere

in

19). This detail seems to have generated the story

that Achilles surprised Troilos when exercising his horses, as in Sophocles’ fragmentary Troilos, for which see TrGF 4: frags 618-35. This motif was popular in art, most remarkably at Karian

βλύζω. See Guilleux 2009: 231. κἀπιμαιμῶσαι

Aphrodisias, ‘Aphrodite's city, where the ‘Blue Horse’ statue group, found in 1970 and re-studied

μάχης: the verb ἐπιμαιμάω is Homeric in both

recently,

active (as here) and middle voices.

male mounted on a horse, and a large third figure

is a variant of the poetic (and onomatopoeic?)

302-304. Ihe language in these three lines is, by

Lyk.’s standards, plain and straightforward, convincingly expressive of grief; but they are followed by an elaborate conceit at 305-306. 304. κεῖν᾽ ἐπόψομαι φάος: elision is uncommon in Lyk., though see 894 and 896 with πη. κεῖνο is

depicted

a vigorous

heroic

youthful

(lost): surely a mounted Troilos being attacked

by Achilles. See Fig. 3. The original sculpture was an early Hellenistic group, no doubt in bronze,

of which the surviving group at Aphrodisias in blue-grey marble is probably a copy or version of the early Imperial period. The marble group was found repaired and reused, given a ‘second life’

elided in E. Tro, 541 and Hel. 1082, and ἐκεῖνο in

in the later Roman

several places. (Thanks to Martin West for help

Imperial inscription had mentioned ‘the people [sc. set up], Troilos, the horse, and Achilles’, 6 δῆμος / τὸν Tpwidov καὶ [τὸν ir] / πον καὶ τὸν Ἀχιλλέα, MAMA 8, 415, cf. Smith 2012: 69. See generally Smith 2012 ( am grateful to Bert Smith

with this.)

307-313. Kassandra mourns her brother Troilos

‘This is a conspicuous example of Kassandra’s elaborate response to and development of a very small hint in Homer; but as often the alternative possibility is that Homer was aware of a pre-existing tradition which Lyk. somehow had independent access to, and is here reviving. In Homer, Troilos is

merely one of Priam’s better dead sons (mentioned

period (ap 360s). An

early

for alerting me to the statue group, and for sending me a copy of his article). This sculpture-group shows

that, in art at least, ‘by the Hellenistic

period Troilos had grown in stature to be a great warrior’ (Smith 2012: 72, noting the ambiguity of his treatment before that). But Lyk.—who is also

186

Kassandra mourns her brother Troilos

2997307

the first-spoils won by Greece, and who boast of their lineage, will be carded by your mighty hands,

300

which drip with blood and which crave for battle. But J shall bear no less a grief as ] mourn your burial in perpetuity.

For I shall see that pitiful, yes pitiful day, and what will be called the uttermost woe of everything that Time, as it revolves the circle of the moon, brings into being. Woe! I groan for your milky youth, evidence for the Hellenistic period—seems to express a different, even younger, and more senti-

no. 377, Achilles and Troilos with cockerel, a love gift, cf. Robertson 1990: 67 and n. 33) and 30; see further 312 n.

mentalized Troilos; see below for his eroticization.

Robertson 1990 observes that in early artistic and poetic treatments (including perhaps Ibykos,

For other treatments in art see LIMC r1: 72-95, ‘Achilleus’ nos 206-388 and 8.1: 91-3 (Troilos), In a variant version, alluded to by Kassandra at

see above), the deaths of Troilos and his sister Polyxena are associated, but the stories were

313, Achilles ambushed and killed Troilos in the temple of Apollo Thymbraios, his real father (see

later separated. Lyk., by juxtaposing Troilos and Polyxena (311 ff.) may show awareness of this asso-

on 313): Apollod. ep. 3. 32, probably from the Kypria, see M. West 2003: 78-9 for arg. 11; Ibykos

ciation. (See Robertson 66 for Lyk.) Robertson 67

5224 SLG (=P. Oxy. 2637 frag. 12). A bronze tripod

explains the separation by reference to Attic tragedy: two stories so widely distant in time could

from Olympia seems to depict this moment, and to derive from the Kypria: Olympia Mus. B 3600; LIMC 'Achilleus' 437; West 2013: 42 and n. 86. If

not easily be brought together in a tragedy (except

by a chorus), unlike in epic and lyric. Lyk. has

Ttoilos had taken refuge there, the two versions

no difficulty in violating temporal probability (see 281-306n. for the severe anachronism involving Hektor's corpse).

(horses; temple) are reconcilable, For the eroticization of the story (Achilles as both killer and

victim of Troilos, because transfixed by unrequited love for him)

see Sistakou

2008:

ro

and

As for hints in Homer (above), the same prob-

lem arises with Kassandras foreknowledge in the same book of the Iliad: she is nowhere called a mantis by Homer as she is by Pindar, but why did she alone think to climb up the Trojan citadel at

166,

cf. 57-8; McNelis and Sens zorıa: 73-5; Fantuzzi 2012: 14-15, noting that the motif may go back to Ibykos (PMGF $224. 7-8 and 151. 41-5). This is the version in Lyk. At 307, Kassandra emphasizes

Il. 24. 700 unless she had some reason in advance for thinking that she might see Priam returning

Troilos’ extreme youth, apparently following the Kypria (see M.West 2003: 102-3 for οἱ νεώτεροι at frag. 25) and Sophocles (frag. 619 7+GF, τὸν ἀνδρόπαιδα δεσπότην ἀπώλεσα). This is not

in Homer, and is hardly compatible with the chariot-fighting epithet (as already remarked by E on J/. 24. 257b, whence Kypria frag. 25); it may be

305

with Hektor's body? See Introduction section 2. 307. εὔγλαγον θάλος: there are two distinct meta-

phors here, animal and vegetable, and no tr. can do justice to them simultaneously. The adjective is from γάλα, and suggests an unweaned mammal

part of a tradition about an oracle or prediction

(note the onomatopoeic gurgling sound); the noun

that Troy would never fall if Troilos reached the age of twenty: Mythog. Vat. 1. 210. See also Servius on V. A. r. 475, infelix puer atque impar congressus Achilli. See Fowler 2013: 541-2. On Achilles’ love for Troilos (above), see also

is a metrically convenient variant of θάλλος, a

Davidson 2007: 283-4 and figs 29 (= LIMC 1: 90

shoot or sprig; for the connection between boys

and shoots cf. the personified deity @aAA (one of the Seasons, see R. C. T. P[arker], OCD* ‘Horai’) in the 4th-cent, ephebic oath, R/O no. 88 line 18, or tragic passages such as S. Tr. 144ff. Cf. 965 n.

187

Kassandra’ speech

308317

ὦ5 σκύμνε, τερπνὸν ἀγκάλισμα συγγόνων ὅς τ᾽ ἄγριον δράκοντα πυρφόρῳ βαλὼν ivyyı τόξων, τὸν τυπέντα δ᾽ ev βρόχοις μάρψας ἀφύκτοις βαιὸν ἀστεργῆ χρόνον,

32

,

x

,

>

>

310

,

πρὸς τοῦ δαμέντος αὐτὸς οὐ τετρωμένος, καρατομηθεὶς τύμβον αἱμάξεις πατρός. οἴμοι δυσαίων, καὶ διπλᾶς ἀηδόνας καὶ σὸν, τάλαινα, πότμον αἰάζω, σκύλαξ. x

x

/

/

37

315

7

ὧν τὴν μὲν αὐτόπρεμνον ἡ rokàs κόνις χανοῦσα κευθμῷ χείσεται διασφάγος, 308. ὦ σκύμνε: this is any kind of cub or whelp (e.g. wolf-cub, cf. E. Ba. 699, σκύμνους λύκων), but is usually here taken to mean ‘lion-cub’; cf. 7. 18. 319, where the previous line shows that lion-

Jason to make him fall in love with Medea (see Graf 1997: 92-3 and 2001: 37 for the passage).

312. πρὸς τοῦ δαμέντος αὐτὸς οὐ τετρωμένος: Davidson 2007: 283 sees an ambiguity here: the

cubs are meant; for the whole expression σκύpvos λέοντος see Hdt. 3. 32. 1, and see esp. the famous prophecy at 1233, where the σκύμνοι λέοντες are Romulus and Remus. For Euripidean

final word could (he suggests) mean not only ‘untouched’ or ‘unwounded’, but also ‘(sexually)

unpenetrated’. C£, also Gigante Lanzara 2000: 246. For the paradox of Achilles as savage killer of the one he loved, see also Mari 2009: 431, and compare 999-1001 on Penthesilea.

uses of σκύμνος on its own to refer to human beings, Andr.

1170, Or. 1213, and

Rh. 382 with

Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59. Aristophanes famously applied σκύμνος λέοντος to Alkibiades

will be turned into a dog; compare σκύλαξ, used

313. The reference is to the temple of Troilos’ other reputed father, Apollo Thymbraios; for the Apolline paternity see Tzetzes (rod παιδὸς Ἑκάβης καὶ Πριάμου ἐν λόγοις, ἔργῳ δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος) and

at 963 about Aigestes, whose father Krimisos metamorphosed into a dog before mating with Aigesta. So in tr. we should avoid specifying what

Apollod. 3.12. 5, Wathelet 2009: 340 sees this paternity as a way of giving Apollo a closer connection with Troy, but we should also recall Kyknos and

kind of whelp is meant here (Mooney and Mair both have /ion's whelp) τερπνὸν ἀγκάλισμα

Apollo

at Frogs 14312. There is, however, an extra point to

the word here, given that Troilos' mother Hekabe

συγγόνων: Hurst 2009: 196-7 (cf. 208) speaks of "tendresse au milieu de l'horreur".

309. ἄγριον δράκοντα: it has been suggested (McNelis and Sens 20112: 73-4 and n. 42) that this word for snake has special point in view of the ancient derivation from δέρκομαι, ‘see’. It is through seeing Troilos that Achilles’ passion is kindled.’ 309-310. πυρφόρῳ βαλών / ivyyı τόξων: the iynx is a love-charm. It takes its name from the bird known as the wryneck, which was tied to a wheel. See Kall. frag. 685 Pf. and A. M. H[enrichs], OCD* ‘iynx’; also Winkler 1991: 241 n. 84, PirenneDelforge 1993. Pindar uses the word (P. 4. 214) about the love-spell which Aphrodite cast over

Thetis’ warning to Achilles not to kill sons of (240-242n.):

see

West

20132:

122.

For

"Thymbra, S. of Troy, see Barr. map 56 Ca. τύμβος usually means 'tomb-mound' (and is so taken here by Sistakou 2009: 246 n. 24), but here and at 335 it means ‘altar’ i.e, ‘temple’, see J'on 614, citing the early Hellenistic historian

Douris of Samos, FGrHist 76 F 34: φησὶ δὲ Δοῦρις ἐν τῷ περὶ ἀγώνων τοὺς βωμοὺς τάφους καλεῖσθαι. See Jacoby’s note, also citing Et. Gud. βωμός. 314-334. Kassandra mourns her sisters Laodike and Polyxena, and her mother Hekabe. She

foresees Hekabe’s metamorphosis After the two male relatives Hektor and Troilos, three females; cf. Hurst/Kolde. On

see Renaud 2009.

188

this section

Kassandra mourns Laodike, Polyxena, and Hekabe

308-317

you whelp, dear object of your siblings’embrace, you who will hit the savage serpent with the fiery love-charm of your arrows, and grip the stricken one in an inescapable noose for a short and loveless moment.

310

Unpenetrated by your victim, you will bloody the altar of your father with your severed head. Alas for my miserable life! I lament for you, my two nightingales, and for your fate, wretched bitch. 315 One of you will be swallowed up completely in a deep cleft of the gaping earth which bore her,

314. οἴμοι δυσαίων:

the

adjective

is tragic,

316. αὐτόπρεμνον: lit. ‘roots and all’; c£. A, Eum. 410. For the story that Laodike was swallowed by

and seems to have invited word-play, as at S. OC 150-1, where the chorus calls Oidipous δυσαίων μακραίων τε, and at E. Hel. 213-14 (also

the earth at the time of the capture of Troy (i.e. never herself captured by the Greeks), see 497 and

choral lyric), αἰὼν ducaiwy τις ἔλαχεν ἔλαχεν.

Apollod. ep. 5. 23; a classical author may have dealt with this unusual topic, see Anderson 1997: 49. "Izetzes, following 2, says that according to some versions, she fell into a ravine when being pursued by the Greeks. Euphorion frag. 97 Lightfoot (from Pausanias) may imply that she suffered some

But Lyk. for once declines the invitation (contrast 1174). διπλᾶς ἀηδόνας: the two (‘double’) nightingales are Kassandra’s sisters Laodike and Polyxena. Nightingales had funerary connotations, see Renaud 2009: 322, but at the same time bird names are often used by Kassandra to describe innocent

unspecified hostile treatment from Agamemnon

victims, cf. 103 for Iphigeneia and Hermione, and

and Menelaos; see Lightfoot's n. Renaud 2009: 323

357 for Kassandra herself, with Sistakou 2009: 242. At E. Hek. 337, Hekabe addresses her daughter Polyxena, who has been condemned to death by the Greeks, as a nightingale. See 323 n. In the Iliad, Laodike (3. 124 and 6. 252) and Kassandra (13. 365) are both called the fairest of Priam's daughters, θυγατρῶν εἶδος ἀρίστη. The inconsistency could be avoided if Homer were ingeniously taken to mean that Laodike was the fairest married daughter, but see Janko's nice comment on the second passage: ‘epic is more gallant than pedantic in bestowing compliments’. (The formula is in fact used of the daughters of other fathers, e.g. I/ 2. 715 and O4. 7. 57, with Mazzoldi 2001: 27 n. 3.)

is strictly right that Lyk. is the first source for

314 and 497. Cf. Tryphiodoros, Taking Troy 660-1 for a possible imitation of Lyk.

this myth of the ravine, but Ciaceri thought it

might go back to Arktinos’ I/iou persis, part of the Epic Cycle. Quintus of Smyrna 13. 544-53 makes this the granting of a prayer to a god, so as to avoid slavery (Gantz 1993: 661, and see 318n.). For Lyk.’s fondness for myths involving imprisonment or envelopment in some strange enclosed place, see Lambin 2009: 165. The prime example is Kassandra's own stone cell, see 349-351 and 1462. ἡ τοκὰς κόνις: for the implausible idea that this is a return to a Jungian prenatal state see Lambin 2009: 166-7. On 316-322 see Stirpe 2001, arguing ingeniously for an implied

of

315. σκύλαξ: for Hekabe’s metamorphosis into a bitch, after her frightful revenge on Polymestor, see 334 with n., and 1174-1188; this is metamorphosis no. (3) at 176n. Cf. also 963n.

allusion to Laodike,

wife of the Macedonian king Perseus; cf. also Musti 2001: 213 and n. 23 See further 1025n.. 317. xavotaa is future participle of χάσκω, cf.

‘chasm’. χείσεται is future indicative of χανδάνω, ‘take in’, ‘contain’; for the form cf. Od. 18. 17. There

is marked

alliteration here, χανοῦσα

κευθμῷ

xeioera: (Gigante Lanzara). For κευθμῷ cf. 11. 13. 28 with Rengakos 1994: 126.

189

Kassandra’ speech

318-328

λεύσσουσαν ἄτην dyximovv στεναγμάτων,

iv’ ἄλμα πάππον, καὶ χαμευνάδος μόροι τῆς λαθρονύμφου πόρτιος μεμιγμένοι σκύμνῳ κέχυνται, πρὶν λαφύξασθαι γάνος,

220

πρὶν ἐκ λοχείας γυῖα χυτλῶσαι δρόσῳ"

σὲ δ᾽ ὠμὰ πρὸς νυμφεῖα καὶ γαμηλίους ἄξει θυηλὰς στυγνὸς Ἴφιδος λέων, μητρὸς κελαινῆς χέρνιβας μιμούμενος,

325

ἣν eis βαθεῖαν λαιμίσας ποιμανδρίαν στεφηφόρον βοῦν δεινὸς ἄρταμος δράκων €t

^

,

ραΐσει τριπάτρῳ

La

φασγάνῳ

K

ὃ

/,

Kavdaovos,

318. λεύσσουσαν ἄτην ἀγχίπουν: this hints at the version which had Laodike asking a god to be saved from the ‘doom of slavery when she saw what was about to happen to her, See 316n., and for a different emphasis 498 and n.: she was dis-

traught at the handing over of her son Mounitos to Akamas. For the hapax ἀγχίπους, a characteristic coinage of Lyk., see Guilleux 2009: 234.

319-322. ‘The reference is to the killing by Priam of Killa and of her son Mounippos (the father

whelp (sc. of a lion, see 308n.), σκύμνος and μόσχος are found closely together at E. Hek, 205-6 (Polyxena on her impending death by sacrifice), a play and a passage which Lyk. probably has in mind hereabouts (see 323 n. and 334 n.), but though that passage is corrupt, the nouns there both seem to refer to Polyxena herself, rather than to herself and her mother. 323. σὲ δέ... .: with this apostrophe, Kassandra passes on to her other sister, Polyxena. The story,

himself or Killas husband

according to which Polyxena was sacrificed by

Thymoites), in circumstances already alluded to

Neoptolemos to satisfy the demand of Achilles’

at 224; see n. there.

ghost, and the subsequent

was

either Priam

319. ἄλμα πάππου: dAua= ἄλσος, ‘grove’; elsewhere in this sense only at Euphorion frag. 186 Lightfoot (the attribution is not quite certain), which is also about the grove of Tros: ἔνθα Tpanov ἄλμα καὶ Apia Μουνίπποιο; see Hollis 2007: 290-1 for this striking intertext (Guilleux 2009: 231 is thus wrong to imply that Lyk.'s use is hapax). The alternative explanation (since ‘grandfather’ must mean ‘ancestor’, i.e not Laomedon)

is that the reference in Lyk. would be to the tomb of Ios; see I7. 11.166. χαμευνάδος: this word here = χαμαιτύπη or χαμεταιρίς, i.e. ‘prostitute’. It has a different and literal sense at 848, where it

refers to beds on the ground; but see n. there.

metamorphosis

of

Hekabe into a bitch, is in Euripides’ Hekabe (94 f., if not interpolated), and this source may be in Lyk.’s mind (the I/iou Persis arg. 4c merely says that Polyxena was sacrificed on Achilles’ tomb). The erotic motif {Achilles in love with

Polyxena) has been thought new and Hellenistic (Sistakou 2008: 167, and cf. 307-323n. for Troilos;

also the excellent discussion of Sistakou 2012: 157-71); but West 2013a: 242 f. argues convincingly that it provides the only explanation for Achilles’ otherwise unmotivated demand i.e. was older.

(Grossardt 2005 thought it went back to the Ransoming of Hektor by Dionysios I of Syracuse; see 269-270n.). Achilles had come to the temple of Thymbraian Apollo to discuss the marriage

320. τῆς λαθρονύμφου: this hapax word (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 114) prompts Z to say that Priam was the adulterous father of Killa’s son; see 224n.

with Priam, but was treacherously shot dead by

320-321. πόρτιος μεμιγμέναι / σκύμνῳ: two animal metaphors seem to be co-present here, referring to mother and son: the heifer and the

323-324. ὠμὰ πρὸς νυμφεῖα καὶ γαμηλίους / ἄξει θυηλάς: this hints at the frequent Greek equation of the rituals of marriage and of death,

Paris (second Z on E. He. 41, with Gantz 1993: 628). See further Fantuzzi 2012: 18.

190

318-328

Kassandra mourns Laodike, Polyxena, and Hekabe

when she sees, with groans of anguish, her approaching doom: there, at the grove of her ancestor, where the whore who married

secretly lies buried, her bones mixed with those of her son, the heifer together with the whelp, before it gulped

320

milk,

and before her limbs had been washed clean after childbirth. And as for you, the grim lion-son of Iphis will lead you to a

cruel wedding and marriage sacrifices. Imitating the sacrificial libations of his grim mother, he will slit her throat over a deep bowl:

325

the dreadful murderous dragon will slaughter the wreathed heifer with Kandaon's sword of the three owners, esp. the death of a prenuptial maiden; see Seaford 1987 and 1994: 320; Sistakou 2008: 167 and n. 181 and 2009: 439.

ventre mactans

meaning bowl

naviae’) assumes

of the

or cauldron

ordinary

noun

a play on the

tdvaypa,

a

(Hesych. and Pollux (το. 165,

ravaypiöes)). This ingenious explanation (‘cum

324. στυγνὸς Ἴφιδος λέων: the ‘lion-son of Iphis ie. Iphigeneia is Neoptolemos/Pyrrhos. For Neoptolemos as son of Iphigeneia, see 183 n. (this is not the normal version of his parentage). For the ‘doubling of perspective’ here (Neoptolemos’ sacrificial act is a reminder of his mother’s human sacrifices) see Sistakou 2009: 243. See also Mari

Lycophrone

ingeniose insaniens' as Bachmann

approvingly remarked) would avoid the need for a Boiotia-specific meaning, and allows a reference to Neoptolemos' sacrifice of Polyxena. But it is an attractive suggestion (Livrea 1989, cf. Rutherford

2001: 320 n. 60) that Lyk. intended a simultaneous reference to doth Polyxena and Iphigeneia, to Agamemnon and Neoptolemos, so that all the

2009: 435 n. 68.

324-329. See Mahé-Simon 2009: 444 (Pyrrhos/ Neoptolemos as lion, cf. 1435-1450).

possibilities above can be true together.

325. He is ‘imitating his grim mother’ Iphigeneia

327. στεφηφόρον: cf. Headlam 381 on Herodas 8. 1 (wool in ritual), also Servais 1967. ἄρταμος:

For the riddlingly described sword, see 328 n.

because of her murder of Greeks, as described at 186-187.

see 236 n.

326. qv... ποιμανδρίαν: the reference in the relative pronoun at the line’s opening (Polyxena or Iphigeneia?) was already disputed in antiquity, acc. 5. Both women have been mentioned in the past few lines. If it is Iphigeneia, as Wilamowitz

328. τριπάτρῳ: a hapax word, see Guilleux 2009: 234. The 'three-fathered sword of Kandaon' is ambiguous, depending whether its wielder is (1)

Neoptolemos or (2) Agamemnon. On view (1),

the riddle-name stands for Hephaistos, καίων καὶ δαίων (Holzinger). He gave the sword to

thought, the ‘dragon has to be Agamemnon; if Polyxena (as Holzinger preferred ), Neoptolemos.

Peleus, who gave it to Achilles, who gave it to Neoptolemos. On view (2), Kandaon is Ares, as

The meaning of zrotpavdpiav is difficult, and yet the key ought to be concealed here. Steph. Byz. Távaypa, citing the present line of Lyk., says it was an old name for Tanagra in Boiotia;

at 938 (where the additions 'or Mamertos, the hoplite wolf" facilitate the identification, but do

not exclude it for the present passage, where the name Kandaon appears alone). In this scenario

see also Kall. frag. 711 Pf. and Suppl. Hell. no. 257

= Tanagra = Boiotia = Aulis). But

the sword is that of Pelops, who gave it to Atreus, who gave it to Agamemnon. Perhaps we do not have to choose; see 326 n. But (3) Renaud 2009: 326 ingeniously connects

Scaliger’s Latin translation (‘namque in capacis

Kandaon with Orion and Tanagra, and concludes

with

Livrea

1989:

143. Wilamowitz

(1935-72:

200-1, originally 1883) detected here a reference

to Agamemnon's sacrifice of Iphigeneia at Aulis (Poimandria

I9I

329-340

Kassandras speech

λύκοις TO πρωτόσφακτον ὅρκιον σχάσας. σὲ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ κοίλην αἰχμάλωτον ἠόνα πρέσβυν Δολόγκων δημόλευστον ὠλένῃ,

330

ἐπεσβόλοις ἀραῖσιν ἠρεθισμένῃ, 3

,

3

^

3

“

κρύψει κύπασσις χερμάδων ἐπομβρίᾳ, Μαίρας ὅταν φαιουρὸν ἀλλάξῃς δομήν. ὁ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ τύμβῳ τἀγαμέμνονος δαμείς,

335

κρηπῖδα πηγῷ νέρθε καλλυνεῖ πλόκῳ, ὁ πρὸς καλύπτρης τῆς ὁμαίμονας τάλας ὠνητὸς αἰθαλωτὸν εἰς πάτραν μολών,

τὸ πρὶν δ᾽ ἀμυδρὸν οὔνομ᾽ αἰστώσας σκότῳ, ὅταν χέλυδρος πύρσον ὠμόθριξ βαρὺν 332 333

340

ἠρεθισμένῃ Canter ἠρεθισμένων Wilamowitz 1883a: 7 [= 1935-72: 2. 18n. 1] ἠρεθισμένην MSS κύπασσις A κυπάς τις BCDEV, Bachmann, Kinkel

that the sacrifice is that of Iphigeneia, who was sacrificed not far away at Aulis. Lyk. is capable of packing three meanings not two into a line. 329. For the Greeks

as wolves, see Sistakou

2009: 252. 330. σὲ de: Kassandra passes from the children to the parents. But they are differently treated: Kassandra’s mother Hekabe, wife of Priam, is

332. A three-word line, cf. 63 n. 333. κύπασσις χερμάδων: the model here is Hektor's scolding of Paris at I7. 3.57: λάϊνον ἔσσο χιτῶνα, ‘you would have put on a stone coat'i.e. have been stoned. For κύπασσις as an exotic word for a short tunic, see FGrHist ı Hekataios F 284 (from Harpokration, who cites other early uses); and for the hapax expression (‘cement overcoat’) see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 14. On the

reading κυπάς τις see Dickey 2014.

addressed in the second person, Priam is referred

to in the third. See 335n. The next lines presuppose Euripides’ Hekabe (see Durbec 2orıb: 4-8).

334. ‘assume the dark shape of Maira’ means that she will turn into a black bitch; Maira is the pet

After the sacrifice of Polyxena, the Thracian king Polymestor is blinded by the captive Hekabe, with Agamemnons permission, in revenge for his treacherous mercenary killing of her son Polydoros, to whom Priam had entrusted the

boy. Polymestor’s final speech predicts Hekabe's metamorphosis into a bitch, cf. 315 and 334 with n. This motif will be resumed in the second Hekabe episode, at 1174-1188; see 1176-1177. 331. Δολόγκων

δημόλευστον

ὠλένῃ:

for

the

Dolonkoi of Thrace (also at 533) see Hdt. 6. 34-6,

where they invite the Athenian Miltiades the Elder to be their oikist. With δημόλευστον cf. S. Ant. 36 with Gigante Lanzara 2009: ΠΟ n. 58; it was a Sophoclean coinage, and not used again before Lyk., cf. R. Rutherford 2012: 73 and n. 15. For stoning see 1168n. (the Lokrian Maidens). At 187 it

dog of Erigone, which helps her find the dead

body of her father Ikarios (Apollod. 3. 14. 7), so the name Maira stands for all dogs. The most prominent

earlier

source

is the

close

of E.

Hek. (esp. 1265) with Forbes-Irving 1990: 207-10,

Mossman 1995: 197-8, and Buxton 2009: 57-9; for

the relationship see Durbec 2omb: 8-11. The meaning of Hekabe’s metamorphosis is a puzzle, but Mossman

1995: 201 (followed by Buxton)

makes a virtue of this by arguing that E. intended an embittered, confused ending to the play. At 1176, Kassandra foretells that Hekabe will be an— evidently canine—attendant of Hekate; cf. E. frag.

968 TrGR Ἑκάτης ἄγαλμα pwopdpov κύων

will be implied that Hekabe will be stoned by the

éon. Burkert 1985: 65 (cf. Mossman 1995: 198) suggested that this connection came about through ‘an association of the names Hecabe-Hecate’ (cf. E. Sittig, R.-E. VII 'Hekabe' [sic] col. 2662). The

Greeks, led by Odysseus, not by the Thracians, as here. Either way, the stoning is not in Euripides.

metamorphosis

name-association might even explain the original

192

of Hekabe

into

a bitch, not

329-340

Priam’ downfall; the Wooden Horse

killing the first-slaughtered victim to gratify the wolves. But you, aged prisoner on the hollow shore,

330

stoned at the hands ofthe Dolonkoi because they have been provoked by your abusive curses: a shower of stones will cover you in its robe,

when you assume the dark shape of Maira. But he, slain at the altar of Zeus-Agamemnon, will adorn its base with his white hair below it;

335

the wretch, who was ransomed by the veil of his sister and came back to find his fatherland burnt to ashes, after losing his earlier obscure name in darkness;

340

at that time the fierce-crested snake,

of Troy by Herakles, together with Telamon

just her subsequent attendance on Hekate, but Forbes-Irving 208-9 is cautious about this. On the Thracian coastal place-name

and

Kynossema or ‘tomb of the bitch’, the scene of a

(32n.), Herakles

shot

Laomedon

prize of valour to Telamon, and allowed her to take one of the prisoners with her. She chose Podarkes, her brother, but Herakles said he must first be enslaved and then ransomed. She ransomed him (see 338, ὠνητός) with her veil, and his new name Priam supposedly derived from πρίασθαι, ‘to buy’ (in reality, the name may be connected with Luwian Pariyamuwas, ‘supreme in force’, see M. West 2orıb: 41). See Apollod. 2. 6. 4, and Tzetzes on the present passage of Lyk. Cf also 452n.: Hesione bore Teukros to "Telamon, and Teukros thus became cousin to the Trojan Kassandra.

sea-battle in 411 sc, see E. Hek. 1273; cf. CT ΤΠ: 1058 on Th. 8. 104. 5, giving other refs.

Neither the stoning nor the metamorphosis seem to have been depicted iconographically, on present evidence. See, explicitly, LIMC 4. 1: 480-1 (A.-F. Laurens).

335347. Priam's downfall; the Wooden Horse

335. 68€ . . .: Priam is not addressed by Kassandra in the second person (see 330n.). The guard is,

after all, delivering his speech to Priam, and a second-person pronoun here might awkwardly remind us of this. Kassandra approaches the cli-

max of her Trojan narration, viz. the act of viola-

339. τὸ πρὶν δ᾽ ἀμυδρὸν οὔνομα:

tion perpetrated against herself. dgupi τύμβῳ τἀγαμέμνονος δαμείς: ‘Agamemnon’ here means

for Lyk.’s

interest in names, see 164 n.

340. The ‘fierce-crested snake’ (2; hardly ‘turtle’, as Tzetzes), χέλυδρος ὠμόθριξ, is Priams brother-in-law Antenor (married to Hekabe’s

Zeus, and conversely ‘Zeus’ sometimes (see ı124-

1125 and 1369-1370 with nn.) means Agamemnon. See Finglass 2007: 103, cf. Parker 2005b: 224 and n. 32. For τύμβος as ‘altar’ see 313. and 613-614. 336. πηγῷ: cf. Kall. H. 3. 90, ἥμισυ πηγούς (dogs), with Bornmann. At J/ 9. 124 it was used of horses, but was there coupled with ‘prize-winning’, and perhaps meant ‘strong’ not ‘grey’. Acc. Hesych., some said it meant ‘white’, some ‘black’, but obviously black is not what we want here.

others

and all his sons except Podarkes/Priam. Herakles had given Laomedon’s daughter Hesione as a

sister Theano), whom later tradition represented as a traitor to Troy; so S. Antenoridai, and

cf. 658n. for his facilitation of the theft of the

Palladion

by Odysseus

and

Diomedes.

See

Wathelet 2009: 341. The germ of this is in I/ 7. 348-53, where he advises the handing back of

Helen (cf. also 3. 205 with Tryphiodoros, Taking of Troy 656 ff., for Antenor's earlier hospitality to Menelaos and Odysseus). For Antenor in art, see LIMC : 1. 1, 81-15.

337-338. Laomedon’s son Priam was originally called Podarkes. At the time of the first sack

193

341—348

Kassandras speech

ἀπεμπολητὴς τῆς φυταλμίας χθονὸς φλέξας, τὸν ὠδίνοντα μορμωτὸν λόχον ἀναψαλάξῃ γαστρὸς ἑλκύσας ζυγά, τῆς Σισυφείας δ᾽ ἀγκύλης λαμπούριδος λάμψῃ κακὸν φρύκτωρον αὐτανέψιος

345

τοῖς eis στενὴν Λεύκοφρυν ἐκπεπλευκόσι,

καὶ παιδοβρῶτος Πορκέως νήσους διπλᾶς. ἐγὼ δὲ τλήμων, ἡ γάμους ἀρνουμένη,

342-343. τὸν ὠδίνοντα μορμωτὸν λόχον / ἀναψαλάξῃ γαστρὸς ἑλκύσας ζυγά: these two lines describe the Wooden Horse, full of soldiers, by which Troy was taken; see Faraone 1992: 92-100 for this sort of talisman. For the ἱπποτέκτων or 'Horse-builder' ie. Epeios son of Panopeus, see further 930-950 n. ‘The virtuoso double meanings of the Greek here cannot be brought out in translation. Aéxos means either a Spartan regiment, as in ‘Pitanate lochos' (Hdt. 9. 53. 2), or else an ambush (the wooden horse is called a hollow ambush, κοῖλος λόχος, at Od. 3. 277, and cf. the oracle at Hdt. 3. 57. 4), or else childbirth. Ali three meanings are co-present here.

‘The Wooden Horse was often described as a great

Page. λαμπούριδος: A. frag. 433 TrGF, from Photios: λαμπουρίς: ἡ ἀλώπηξ παρ᾽ Αἰσχύλῳ. Note the assonance of the two unrelated words λαμπουρίδος λάμψῃ. This is a reference to the Greek Sinon, the ‘crooked cousin of the Sisyphean fox’ ie. of Odysseus (cf. 1030, with Cusset 2009: 135); Sinon was son of Aisimos, the brother of Odysseus mother Antikleia. Pretending to be a deserter, he persuaded the

Trojans to take the Wooden Horse into the city and then opened it up to let the soldiers out

(Virgil), and/or guided the Greek fleet back from Tenedos with fire-signals. Sinon's story was told in the Epic Cycle (see M. West 2003: 135, Little Iliad, and 20132: 204-5 (the kinship link with

pregnant animal, which gave birth to the troops

Odysseus via Aisimos found only in Lyk. and

who poured out of it; cf. the 'horse's brood’, ἵππου

other, even later, sources), and 145, Sack of Ilion),

veoooos A. Ag. 825, which Fraenkel calls a griphos or riddle. Finally, ζυγά refers both to the bars which secured the belly of the horse, and simulta-

elaborated by V. A. 2. 54-198, the best-known ver-

neously to the group of heavy-armed men inside the horse (evyirac means hoplites, men ‘yoked

and by S. in two plays, Sinon and Laokoon. It was sion, which perhaps drew on S. For the minor discrepancies between Virgil and what survives of the Greek accounts, see Gantz 1993: 646-50.

Lyk.’s Kassandra, contrary as always in choice

together’ on one ancient etymology). See also V.A.

6. 516, ‘armatum peditem gravis attulit alvo'. For the hapax μορμωτόν, formed from the substantive μορμώ, see Guilleux 2009: 230 and n. 39. ἀναψαλάσσω is another hapax word,

evidently meaning ‘open’ (p. has ἀνοίξῃ). For simple ψαλάσσω see 139, where it has a different meaning, ‘touch’ or 'twang' a string. Jocelyn 1969: 233 (commenting on 'saltu' at Ennius line 72, Alexander XXV, a prophecy by Cassandra about a pregnant leaping mare) seems to extract

the meaning "leap from 342, but does not explain how. 344345. ἀγκύλης: ‘crooked’, i.e. crafty; cf. HE 496 (= Antipater of Sidon XLIX. 1) with Gow/

of versions, says nothing about her own warnings against accepting the horse into the city; for these

see Apollod. ep. s. 17 and V. A. 2.2467. The manner of reference to Sinon is unusually roundabout, even for Lyk.; see Sistakou 2009: 252 n. 43 citing Lambin 2005: 228-50. See also Gigante Lanzara 2009: 102 and τοῦ f. and Cusset

2009: 135. 347. This refers to the serpents which

separately from Tenedos

the two

Kalydnai

swam

islets off

(25 and n.) to strangle Laokoon

(son

of Antenor acc. Σ᾽ or uncle of Aineias acc. Hyg. 135, see West 2013a: 231) and his children; hence

‘child-devouring’. The serpents were named as

194

Ajaxs assault on Kassandra herself

341-348

he who sold the land which bore him, shall light the torch of doom. He will open the ghastly pregnant hiding-place, dragging aside the wooden bars of its womb; and the crooked cousin of the Sisyphean fox will illuminate the evil fire, as a signal

345

to those who had sailed away to narrow Leukophrys and the double islands of Porkes the child-devourer. And I, miserable wretch, who rejected marriage,

Porkes/Porkis and Chariboia by 2, by Lysimachos

oath was a promise to do penance for his offence against Athena by sending the Lokrian Maidens

of Alexandria in his Nostoi (FGrHis 382 Fı6, from Servius), and—as we now know—by Nikandros: Suppl. Hell. 562 (= P. Oxy. 2812) lines

to Troy.)

On these lines (348-372 = lines 1346-1370 of

11-12, Πόρκην κα[ὶ Χαρίβοι]αν, ὅτε προλιπόντε Καλύδνας / viela Aaoxéwvros} ὑπὲρ βωμῶν

his anthology), Hopkinson 63 f. and 229-33 pro-

ἐπάσαντο. Sophocles had already named them

translation in two halves at 231 and 232, except that he considers 367 to be hopelessly corrupt and offers only a paraphrase of that part. See also Mari 2009.

vides text, introduction, and commentary, with

(see frag. 572 for the mere fact, without giving the actual names). West 2013a: 231 f. pertinently asks why the serpents should have had names at

all, and suggests that the idea originated from

348. ἐγὼ δὲ τλήμων: for such first-person pro-

their metamorphosis into a man and a woman, as attested by B. frag. 9. For Andreae 1988: 164, Laokoon is for Lyk. a ‘symbol of captured Troy; but this is Tzetzes not Lyk.: Smith 1991: 354.

nouns as features of key sections of the narrative, see Sistakou 2009: 249-50; cf. 1108 (Kassandra's

killing by Klytaimestra) and 1451, τί μακρὰ τλήpew (Kassandras farewell). ἡ γάμους ápvovμένη: Kassandra’s role as object of premarital cult is hinted at here, and is developed at 1131-1140 (Daunia in central Italy): maidens who deny their would-be husbands, νυμφίους ἀρνούμεναι

348-372. The sexual assault by Ajaxon Kassandra herself; many Greeks will pay the penalty for this In the structure of the poem as a whole, this section is a crucial hinge between the Fall of Troy

narrative—the first panel of a triptych—and the nostoi and failed nostoi which are the subject of the great central panel. 365 is the most important of all: because of one man’s crime or sin, tens of thou-

sands of Greeks and their families will suffer in times to come, most immediately by the failure of the returning heroes’ attempts to reach home. The offence of Ajax, like the sack of Troy itself, is perpetrated by Europe against Asia, and this perennial conflict will be the theme of the final section of the poem, the third panel. For the theory—here rejected—that an attested solemn oath sworn by Ajax was a denial that he had

sexual intercourse with Kassandra,

see 1141-1173 n., introd. to the Lokrian Maidens section. (Another modern explanation is that the

(1132, note the echo of the present line, with Mari

2009: 419 n. 33) will clasp her statue (1135), thus simulating Kassandras own appeal to Athena, the 'marriage-hater' (356). These rites are, in fact, a preparation for marriage, by the enacting and emphasizing of its opposite (‘refusal’ of marriage); see nn. on that section. See Mari 2009: 438 f. The present passage does not imply that Kassandra preserved her virginity from Ajax’s assault; on the contrary. For the evidence against any such idea, see 365n. The reference here is to her refusal to have sex with Apollo, a theme made famous by Aeschylus, but not made explicit by Lyk. until almost the end of the poem: 1457. For what might be meant by sex with Apollo see (with particular ref. to Pindar's nymph Kyrene and Euripides Kreousa in the lom), Kearns 2013.

195

Kassandra speech

3497359

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^

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,

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λίπτοντ᾽ dAékrpow ἐκβαλοῦσα δεμνίων ὡς δὴ κορείαν ἄφθιτον πεπαμένη πρὸς γῆρας ἄκρον Παλλάδος ζηλώμασι τῆς μισονύμφου Λαφρίας Πυλάτιδος, τῆμος βιαίως φάσσα πρὸς τόργου λέχος γαμφαῖσιν ἅρπαις οἰνὰς ἑλκυσθήσομαι, ἡ πολλὰ δὴ Βούδειαν Αἴθυιαν Κόρην

355

340. ἐν παρθενῶνος λαίνου τυκίσμασιν: for the implied reference to virginity in ἐν παρ-

which showed Kadmos where to found Thebes, For Ὡρίτην see Rutherford 2001: 256 (Apollo as

θενῶνος (Ajax’s assault lies in the future, see

connected with the seasons). Schachter (as above,

348 n.), see Klein 2009: 579 n. 49, and for the link between chambers or ‘cabinets’ and chastity in Shakespeare, see Burrow 2002: 57 and ἢ. 1,

go and 44 n. 1, comparing 153) thinks all three epithets may be Boiotian; the first two certainly

discussing the rape of Lucrece. mapQeveiv—as in the famous Parthenon on the Athenian acropolis,

does not give evidence; the epiklesis is not known to Wide.)

dwelling-place of Athena Parthenos—means the

353. λίπτοντα: see 131n., where the verb is, as

maidens’ apartments; cf. E. PA. 89 (plural). With the last two words of Greek cf. E. frag. 125. 3 TrGF, λαίνων τυκισμάτων. The stone cell,

Adıvos στέγη, recurs at 1469, part of the guard's closing speech, cf. Cusset 2009: 129.

are. (Hopkinson says Thoraios is Lakonian, but

here, in combination with ἐκβάλλω in participial

form. exßaAodca: Rougier-Blanc 2009: 553 sees

here a reference to Kassandra‘ flight from Apollo. 354. ὡς δὴ κορείαν ἄφθιτον: the plangently made point is that she was behaving as ifshe had eternal

350-351. Compare (with Rougier-Blanc 2009: 552 f) the Sibyl’s cave at 1277-1280. eipxrijs: the word is picked up by the guard at the end of the poem, 1462, describing Kassandra rushing

virginity to look forward to, which she did not (see

back into her prison. ἁλιβδύσασα: cf. Kall. frag.

579 n. 49 for the emphasis on the theme of virginity, and Mari 2009: 419 ἢ. 32 on ἄφθιτον, a word with powerful resonances, for which see Griffin on κλέος ἄφθιτον at IJ. 9. 413; cf. also Theok. 18. 52 for ἄφθιτον ὄλβον (perhaps borrowed from ὄλβον

645 Pf. tai νῆσαι ἁλιδύουσαιγ.

352. τὸν Sopatov Πτῷον Ὡρίτην: these are epikleseis of Apollo, and this time—contrast 265, see n. there, also Introd. p. 74—the poet does not start with the easiest, namely /Tr&ov, for which

see again 265n. For Qopaiov, which may be a

variant form of Θήριος, ‘god of the beast’, see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 43-4 and 153n. Or else it = Θοράτης, cf. Wide 1893: 73, go. Though Hesychios says it is a Lakonian epiklesis, it is

348n. and zısın.); Hopkinson 1988: 231 has ‘since I

had taken eternal virginity’, but this does not bring out the bitter force of ὡς δή. See also Klein 2009:

ἐδώ[καν ἄφθιτον"] at PMGF ‘Ibykos’ S166 line 12

(= P. Oxy. 2735 frag. 1; see 503-568n. for the correct attribution: Stesichoros not Ibykos). παπαμένη:

Aeschylean, from a presumed root πάομαι, Ἱ get’,

Apollo Thourios at Boiotian Chaironeia: Plut. Sulla 17. 6-8, who gives one explanation in terms

see Ag. 835 and Cho. 191. 355. πρὸς γῆρας ἄκρον: see Mari 2009: 414. Παλλάδος: Athena, at this her first mention in the poem, is referred to by an easily understood epiklesis, namely Pallas; see 152-153 n.

of a mythical female oikist called Thouro, and

356. τῆς μισονύμφου Λαφρίας Πυλατίδος: the

another which identified the ‘beast’ with the cow

first of these epithets is not quite a divine epiklesis,

likelier to be Boiotian. There was a temple of

196

Ajaxs assault on Kassandra herself

3497359

here, within the stone walls of my maiden-chamber,

with no ceiling, have hidden myself in the roofless cell of a gloomy prison.

350

I, who drove the lustful Thoraian, the Ptoian, the lord of the seasons,

away from my maiden bed, as if possessed of an undying virginity until extreme old age, in imitation of Pallas,

355

the Marriage-hater, the goddess of booty and of city-gates.

At that time I shall be dragged violently to the vulture's nest, a frenzied dove in his crooked talons,

crying out often for the help of the Ox-binder, the Seagull goddess, but it almost functions as one (cf. on Κόρην at 359), because it enables Lyk. to designate a god by an asyndetic sequence of three elements. ‘Marriagehater’ refers both to Athena’s own origin, which was from the head of Zeus rather than by normal

virgin and as living booty; Áthena as protectress. But Lyk.'s divine epithets are not often so well

fitted to their contexts,

female birth (A. Eum. 736), and to the role she

357. For the bird metaphors here see Sistakou 2009: 242; cf. 314 n.

plays in the trial scene of A. Eum., where she upholds the rights of the male against the female

358. γαμφαῖσιν ἅρπαις: see ı52n. on ἐν γαμφαῖσιν, and for the double substantive here,

in every way (τὸ δ᾽ üpgev’ αἰνῶ πάντα, Eum. 737, where, however, she adds πλὴν γάμου τυχεῖν, perhaps (so Sommerstein ad loc.) a reference to her narrow avoidance of rape by Hephaistos. Aagpia, goddess of spoils/booty, indicates Athena' role as war-goddess; she has this epithet at 985 and 1416 also (but at 835 Hermes is

see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115. oivás is thought to mean 'frenzied', because of the chain of con-

nections wine-Dionysos-Bacchic-mainads. For ‘Oinads’ as ‘Mainads’, see [Opp.] Kyn. 4. 235.

Adgpros). Pritchett 1971-91: 1. 55 and 5. 133 follows

359. Βούδειαν Αἴθυιαν Κόρην: the first two epithets (contrast the last two at 356) connote Athena in peacetime: agriculture, then seafaring; so rightly

the lexicographers, who explained that Adpupa

Holzinger.

means spoils taken from the living, σκῦλα spoils

men how to yoke oxen (cf. Athena Chalinitis,

from the dead (for Athena Σκυλητρία see 853 and n.). Cults of deities with epikleseis of this sort (Apollo Laphrios and esp. Artemis Laphria) are

The

‘Ox-goddess’,

Βούδεια,

teaches

‘of the bridle’, at Korinth, with Pi. O. 13, and Paus.

violent, piratical, and uncivilized region. See JACP. no. 148. Artemis Laphria was also wor-

2. 4.1 and 5), and there may be apotropaic significance here, because Athena avoided the yoke of marriage: Decourt 2009: 385-6. The epithet is Thessalian, acc. Steph. Byz. B 136 Billerbeck: Βούδεια' πόλις ἐν Μαγνησίᾳ, ἀπὸ τοῦ oikioa-

shipped at Patrai in Achaia on the other side of

vros Βουδείου.

the Korinthian Gul£ Paus. 7. 17. 6.

Θετταλίᾳ (then follows a quotation of the present

prominent at Kalydon

in Aitolia, a notoriously

She was Πυλᾶτις as guardian of the city-gates

(or is the implication somehow Amphiktionic, from Pylaia? The ethnic is close to the feminine form). See Rougier-Blanc 2009: 546 n. 57. The three epithets of 356 are not chosen at

random; they all ‘call attention to crucial points of the scene' (Sistakou 2009: 245): Kassandra as

οὕτω

τιμᾶται

ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ

ἐν

passage of Lyk.). Decourt 2009: 386-8 concludes that this Boudeion in Thessalian Magnesia was the home of Epeigeus of Boudeion, one of Achilles

companions, who went into exile after homicide and, like Patroklos, was taken in by Peleus (72. 16. 572; the ancient commentators give various possibilities, including a Boiotian Boudeion. See also

197

,

360-365

Kassandra’ speech

ἀρωγὸν αὐδάξασα τάρροθον γάμων. ἡ δ᾽ eis τέραμνα δουρατογλύφου στέγης γλήνας ἄνω στρέψασα χώσεται στρατῷ, ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πεσοῦσα καὶ θρόνων Διός, ἄνακτι πάππῳ χρῆμα τιμαλφέοστατον. ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης ἀντὶ μυρίων τέκνων €.

x

cA

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t

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,

Janko ad loc.). The mention of a month Βουδιών

in an inscribed sale-list from 4th-cent. sc Kyzikos in Asia Minor has led to a conjecture that behind this lurks the Boudeia of Lyk. and Steph. Byz. See "Irümpy 1994, prompted by SEG 36. 1116 line 7. Αἴθυια

(the noun

means

a shearwater)

was

a cult epithet of Athena at Megara, Paus. r. 5. 3, hence a goddess who protects sailors (Decourt 2009: 385). The ‘maiden’, Köpn,is more usually Persephone, but in the present context it picks up the ‘marriage-hating’ theme of 356; cf. Athena

Parthenos at Athens and elsewhere. Again (see 356n.) the epithets are all appropriate for Athena's prayed-for protective and virginal role in the

present context. The present passage is a narrated prayer, and unusually for Lyk., who mostly accumulates cult epithets as a matter of course and in narrative, the

piled-up epithets here conform to the usual Greek pattern in prayers (see Intoduction section u for the rationale for this). But is Kassandra

here Kassandra the narrator or Kassandra the

terrified praying maiden? It is a species of indirect speech: the predictive narrator Kassandra is

‘reporting’ what will be said by her future self. 360. Kassandra, clutching Athenas statue and

360

365

intercourse, as also at the parallel passage 1151 (from the Lokrian Maidens section), δυσσεβῶν γάμων; at 744 it means a sexual relationship or affair with no implication of marriage (Odysseus

and Kalypso). See also 6on. 361-362. ἢ δ᾽ eis τέραμνα δουρατογλύφου are-

γῆς γλήνας ἄνω στρέψασα: Athena famously averted her gaze from the dreadful act. See V.A. 2. 403-6 for Virgil's probable imitation of this passage (S. West 1983: 135). For the implied allusion to Odysseus, who stole the Palladion later, see Cusset 2009: 135. For γλήνῃ (lit. ‘eye-ball’) see esp. 988, where again it refers to Athena averting her eyes

from an act of violent profanation (the slaughter in her temple of the Ionians at Italian Siris), also 660, μονόγληνος; cf. also HE 1465 = Dioskorides (late zrd cent. sc) 1 line 2, listing γλῆναι.... ἀστράπτουσαι, ‘a pair of sparkling eyes’, among female charms; and Kerkidas 4. 20 in

CA. The Iliou Persis (arg. 3a) had the statue pulled away from its base (apparently this motif was already in S., see frag. τος TrGF lines 8 f.), but in Lyk. it evidently stays firm. See West 2013a: 236. 362. χώσεται στρατῷ: this motif is already in

Homer: see Od. 1. 327 (Athena laid a painful return, a νόστος Auypös, on the Greeks) and 3. 133 (Zeus—father of Athena—planned a νόστος

Avypós for them because they had not all been

invoking the help of Athena, was a favourite

intelligent or just, νοήμονες οὔτε δίκαιοι); at

subject in art (Figs 1a and 1b). The motif is first

found in the Epic Cycle; see Arktinos at M. West

4.502 Ajax specifically is hated by Athena, ἐχθόμενος Avy, but even so would have escaped his

2003: 146. But Lyk. does not actually specify

fate if he had not boasted that he had escaped

the clutching here; contrast 1135 (the Daunian

from the sea against the will of the gods. On the

maidens clutch Kassandra’s own statue) with n.

other hand, at 5. 108 the Greeks are said to have offended Athena en route for home, ἐν νόστῳ,

there for the method of supplication. dpwydv: cf. 513 and 536n. γάμων: the noun, frequently

used by Kassandra for whom it is a nagging preoccupation, does not always mean ‘nuptiae’ (so Ciani, who does not differentiate between the

nuances), Here it means violently forced sexual

which places the emphasis away from the assault on Kassandra. See further 365n. It is also relevant that this (Oilean) Ajax is presented as a rude and disagreeable character in the funeral games for Patroklos, and is tripped up

198

Ajax’s assault on Kassandra herself the Maiden, to help and defend me from this rape.

360-365 360

And she, turning her eyes up to the wooden coffers of the temple's ceiling, will be angry with the army, she who fell from heaven and the throne of Zeus

to become the most precious possession of my royal ancestor. In requital for the sin of one man, all Greece

365

by Athena so that he falls humiliatingly into the dung. See J7. 23. 473-81 and 773-84. The connec-

reference to Ajax’s fellow-citizens the Lokrians,

tion

and

that the real fault was that of the other Greeks,

Athena's anger at it, has often been made (see

for not punishing Ajax. This line may owe something to E. He 1122-29, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2010: 260. It was itself influential: it was echoed by V. 4l. 1. 41 ‘unius ob noxam et furias Aiacis Oilei' (S. West 1983: 132 and Hopkinson: 232—echo of this line of Lyk. ‘or its source—and Klein 2009: 570-1. Scaliger actually used V.’s words when translating the present line). It was also imitated by Tryphiodoros

with

his later assault

on

Kassandra,

at 1151), see 348—372 n. Deacey 2008: 70 thinks

M. West 2011b: 408), though as often we cannot

say whether Homer knew and hints at the story he does not mention, or whether that story grew out of the Homeric characterization.

363. ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πέσουσα: Athena's image, the Palladion, which fell from the sky as a sign to 1105 who had asked Zeus where to found Troy, held a

distaff and spindle in one hand and a spear in the other, signifiers for Athena's double role in peace and war (for which cf. 356 and 359). See Apollod.

3.12. 3, and cf. E. 171384, τό 7’ οὐρανοῦ πέσημα, which may have influenced Lyk.’s language here. See Arktinos again, frag. 4 (M. West 2003: 151),

though he says that the Palladion was given by Zeus to Dardanos. Apollod. (as above) says that Elektra daughter of Atlas sought refuge at the Palladion when threatened with rape by Zeus. Is this an error for

‘Kassandra’? Tt was fated city contained and Diomedes talismans see

that Troy would not fall while the the Palladion; therefore, Odysseus stole it (see 658n., and for such Farone 1992). How, then, was it

possible for Kassandra to implore the statue at the time of the Trojan sack? On this problem, see Sourvinou-Inwood 2011: 227-62, esp. 232 (answer:

there were two Palladia, and Kassandra took refuge at the 'imitation one; but SourvinouInwood rightly insists at 233 that no dissonance would have been felt).

364. ἄνακτι πάππῳ: Kassandra's ‘royal ancestor’ is Ilos, see 363n. So also at 1341.

365. ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης ἀντί... : for the importance of this line (the thought of which is repeated less pithily at 1087—1089, and again, with particular

in the Kassandra section of his Taking of Troy, 650: Athena was angry with all the Greeks because of one man, ἀνθ᾽ ἑνός.

For Kassandra, the main λώβη was that Ajax had sex with her. This has been doubted. Actual intercourse is implied by the depiction in art of Kassandra as naked (see Corssen 1913: 236-9 at 238, and Graf 2000: 265; cf. Fig. 1a, c.480 sc = LIMC 1.1. ‘Aias (II)! no. 44, Naples. Even

where she is partially clothed, as at Fig. 1b = LIMC as above, no. 56, Naples, 350 Bc, she is close to naked; Joan Connelly discusses Kassandra's nakedness, but says it 'remains unclear' whether

Kassandra was actually raped by Ajax: Connelly 1993: 103f., cf. 88). One and the same play of Euripides (Troades) has been taken to imply both that she was and that she was not a virgin. E. Tro. 324 makes her speak of παρθένων ἐπὶ

λέκτροις, the marriages of virgins, and Corssen 1913: 236 regarded this as an explicit reference to her own virginity. But Tro. 69 calls her ὑβρισθεῖσα, and Reinach 1914b: 40 was equally confident that this meant sexual violation (he also cited the strong noun used by Strabo to describe this action of Ajax: φθορά, 13. 1. 40).

Against the argument that Agamemnon would not have wanted ‘used goods’, Reinach (as above) replied with a rhetorical question; ‘was Andromache a virgin when she was taken away

199

366-376

Kassandra speech

Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα τοὺς κενοὺς τάφους,

οὐκ ὀστοθήκαις χοιράδων ἐφημένους, οὐδ᾽ ὑστάτην κεύθοντας ἐκ πυρὸς τέφρην κρωσσοῖσι ταρχυθεῖσαν, ἣ θέμις φθιτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ οὔνομ᾽ οἰκτρὸν καὶ κενηρίων γραφὰς θερμοῖς τεκόντων δακρύοις λελουμένας παίδων τε καὶ θρήνοισι τοῖς ὁμευνίδων. 3

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4

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Ὀφέλτα καὶ μύχουρε χοιράδων Ζάραξ, σπίλοι re KaT f

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καὶ πάντα Διρφωσσοῖο καὶ Διακρίων γωλειά, καὶ Φόρκυνος οἰκητήριον, 36) 369 334,3:

375

οὐκ ὀστοθήκαις χοιράδων ἐφημένους Gasse 1910: 59 οὐκ ὀστοθήκας, χοιράδων δ᾽ ἐφημένων Holzinger οὐκ ὀστοθήκαις, χοιράδων δ' ἐφημένους MSS ἢἣ θέμις φθιτῶν Kinkel ὡς φθιτῶν θέμις ACDEM ἡ θέμις φθιτῶν B ῬῬύγχαντα Knoepfler Τρύχατα MSS

by Pyrrhos?’ For Agamemnon see further 1510. Corssens own solution, that the actual rape was a post-sth cent. development, is too schematic and

2010: 259-60. With the thought in these lines may be compared such verse epitaphs as HE 1245-8 = Kall. ep. 45 (XVII Pf): the corpse of

does not explain the vase-paintings (Corssen wondered if the nakedness might have been consistent with a mere attempt at rape, but this is

pass by an empty tomb; cf. Durbec 2009b: 128.

weak). We

should

not worry too

much

about

Stratonikeia nos 1230, 1256, and 1267, and the works cited at SEG 47. 2358 for elsewhere in Asia

theory that Ajax

Minor. For χοιράδων see also 373.

swore an oath that he had not touched Kassandra will be discussed and rejected at 1141-1173 n.; the

The line is not translatable as it stands; the solution here adopted is that of Gasse (and Mooney), accepted by Mascialino, and Hurst/ Kolde. See further Liberman 2009.

oath must be explained in some other way. He raped

Kassandra,

a suppliant

(and

a priestess

in A. Ag., but Lyk. does not allude to this status); and in doing so he transgressed against the

goddess

to whom

Kassandra

had

369. κρωσσοῖσι:

appealed.

Naturally, Kassandra stresses the first offence, i.e. the aspect which

most affects herself, but she

does not ignore the second (362; at 1151-1152, she has it both ways; see n. there).

366. Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα τοὺς κενοὺς τάφους: see 408n. for ‘Greece’ here. Sistakou 2009: 246

notes the poem's fondness for tomb sites, esp. in the Nostoi section; the reference to tombs here is

thus programmatic. These tombs are presented as ‘places of memory’ (Nora 1999-2006). There may

be an echo of E. Hei. 370-1, βοὰν βοὰν δ᾽ Ἑλλὰς αἱ / ἐκελάδησεν ἀνοτότυξεν: Gigante Lanzara

367. The noun ὀστοθήκη (‘sarcophagus’) is rare in

literature, but well attested epigraphically: see I.

fluctuations in myth, or seek to explain them in

linear temporal fashion. The implausible modern

Sopolis is tossed somewhere on the sea, while we

a tragic

word

for

a water-

pitcher, as at e.g. E. Jon 1173 and cf. 1365; but used for a funerary urn at GI: no. 2013 line 1 (Rome, Imperial Roman). ταρχυθεῖσαν: this Homeric word for solemn burial (7 7. 85 and 16. 456) is used also at 424, 728, and 882; see also 1326 for ἀτάρχυτος (Theseus on Skyros). Here the word’s

solemn grandeur points up the contrast with the absence of proper funerary rites. 371-372. The Greek is unusually easy here, but it is not easy to say why the poet should have made this choice. There is a possible reminiscence of E. Tro. 376-9, see Gigante Lanzara 200g: 112. 372. ὁμευνίδων: a hapax word; for the Euripidean ὁμευνέτης, see 1199 Nn. 200

Greeks will be lured to their deaths by Nauplios

366-376

shall mourn the empty tombs of ten thousand of its children, not placed upon the rocks which are their real coffins,

nor containing the last ashes from their pyres, buried in funeral urns, as is the due for mortal men,

but as pitiful names and inscriptions on cenotaphs washed by the warm tears of their parents

379

and children, and the lamentations of their wives. O Opheltes, and Zarax, guardian of the recesses of the cliffs,

and you rocks by Rychas, and you, savage Nedon, and all the caves of Dirphys and Diakria

375

and home of Phorkys! 373-386. Kassandra addresses features of the rocky coast of Euboia, where many returning

Peloponnesian Nedon), see Knoepfler 1997: 385 and 20012: 243 with n. 922 and 269 n. 1057.

Greeks will be lured to their deaths by Nauplios

375. Dirphys is the central massif of Euboia; see Knoepfler 1997: 385. The name is still in use for a municipality of Euboia (mod. Evia). 2 cites Euphorion (frag. 99 Lightfoot): dippuv ἀνὰ τρηχεῖαν ὑπ᾽ Εὐβοίῃ κεκόνιστο, perhaps (Lightfoot)

It is possible (Sens 2009: 26-7) to detect a largescale clockwise movement from this point: Euboia, the Strymon, Kolophon, Kilikia, Cyprus,

then the west. Ajax’s death at the Gyrai rocks violates this order (387-407), just as he sought to violate Kassandra. The enumeration of places which will mourn dead people is a marked feature of the poem; for the literary device see esp. 645n. For the vocatives cf. 1145-1150, the Lokrian places which will lament the Maidens. See also 31n. for this sort of pathetic apostrophe of a locality. On 373-386 see Debiasi 2006. 373. Ὀφέλτα καὶ μύχουρε χοιράδων Zápa£: Σ says these are mountains of Euboia. Zarax is attested elsewhere; see Barr. maps 55 G4 and 58 G1,

based on Knoepfler 1997: 359 with n. 55 (emendation of Plut. Phok. 13. 7) and 365 with n. 106; also

Knoepfler 2001a: 244 and ZACP. p. 646. For the mythical eponym Zarex, son of Karystos, see 580n. With χοιράδων, also at 367, cf. A. Pers. 421,

ἀκταὶ δὲ νεκρῶν χοιράδες τ᾽ ἐπλήθυον. See 381n. 374. ar Ῥύγχαντα καὶ τραχὺς Νέδων: for the first and more obscure name (another mountain,

presumably), we should adopt the improvement suggested by Knoepfler (1997: 408 n. 21, and cf. 385) for the MSS «at Τρύχατα (the grammarian Herodian (de pros. cath. 57) read Τρύχαντα, see Berra 2009: 272). For the probable site of Nedon (a mountain in S. Euboia, not a river like the

referring to the same episode as Lyk. i.e. the wreck of the Greek fleet by the agency of Nauplios. For the δΔιάκριοι ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ and Ardrpıoı ἀπὸ Χαλκιδέων

of the Athenian Tribute Lists, see

ATL 3: 480-1, placing both (apparently distinct) groups in the mountainous region of central Euboia. For both, see Barr. map 55 F3. 376. καὶ Φόρκυνος οἰκητήριον: Phorkys, says 2,

was a δαίμων. The unhelpfulness of this suggests ignorant guessing. There may have been more than one mythical creature called Phorkys (or Phorkos, as at 477; see M. West on Hes. 75. 237 and 333,

showing that he is sometimes equated with both Nereus and Proteus). Akousilaos (FGrHist 2 F 42 and in EGM) made him father of the sea-monster

Skylla (44n.) by Hekate; this would fit the present line well. Alternatively he was son of Pontos and Gaia, cf. Od. 13. 96. See Gantz 1993: 26 and 19. He was father of the Graiai or Phorkides, for whom see 846 and n. A cultic connection with Euboia specifically is not attested, but is not unlikely in view of the Boiotian/Euboian localiza-

tion of the similar figure of Glaukos (Nilsson 1967: 240 and 754n.). The Euboians were great sailors

and explorers: Lane Fox 2008. οἰκητήριον: ‘a rare word, with philosophical colour’ acc. Willink on E. Or. 1114, citing DK 68 Demokritos B 171, ψυχὴ 201

Kassandra speech

377-387

ὅσων στεναγμῶν ἐκβεβρασμένων νεκρῶν σὺν ἡμιθραύστοις ἰκρίοις ἀκούσετε, ὅσων δὲ φλοίσβων ῥαχίας ἀνεκβάτου eo

x

4

€

H

3

/

δίναις παλιρροίοισιν ἕλκοντος σάλου,

380

ὅσων δὲ θύννων ἠλοκισμένων ῥαφὰς e

x

?

3

f

€

M

πρὸς τηγάνοισι κρατός, ὧν καταιβάτης σκηπτὸς κατ᾽ ὄρφνην γεύσεται δῃουμένων,

ὅταν καρηβαρεῦντας ἐκ μέθης ἄγων λαμπτῆρα φαίνῃ τὸν ποδηγέτην σκότου

385

oivrns, ἀγρύπνῳ προσκαθήμενος τέχνῃ. τὸν δ᾽ οἷα δύπτην κηρύλον διὰ arevov ἡλοκισμένων: see 199n. The participle will be

οἰκητήριον δαίμονος, and 31 Empedokles B 115 at p. 356. 30. Lyk. uses it four times (here and at 879, 1279, and 1305; see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 556).

echoed at the thematically similar 908.

382. πρὸς τηγάνοισι: the point of this vivid piece

There is, however, no obvious philosophical tinge to any of these passages. 377. ἐκβεβρασμένων νεκρῶν: to avoid the absurdity of corpses groaning, these two words must be taken as either a genitive absolute, or as an objective genitive but in any case not directly with στεναγμῶν. The verb ἐκβράσσω is a favourite

of Lyk.

συνεκβράσσω

(used

nine

times, and

for

see 898). At 878 it is again in

proximity to οἰκητήριον. 379. ῥαχίας: Aeschylean, acc. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 55, citing Pr. 713. But it is not poetic only: see e.g. Th. 4. 10. 5 (speech of the general Demosthenes).

380. The sea is thought of as dragging or sucking something as the tide recedes (the Mediterranean is tidal at the Euripos). The unspecified ‘some-

thing’ dragged is surely the corpses and detritus, just described. Here the word is an adjective. For the substantive παλίρροια or παλιρροία see S. frag. 832 TrGF, Kall. H. 4. 193 and esp. Hdt. 2. 28. 5 (Sivas τινὰς ταύτῃ ἐούσας ἰσχυρὰς Kai παλιρ-

ροίην), it will be used at 757 about Odysseus’ struggles in the water after being shipwrecked by Poseidon, see n. there. (and cf. 387n., for other

parallels between that section and this). 381. ὅσων δὲ θύννων ...: cf. A. Pers. 424; that whole section of the messenger speech may be in Lyk.’s mind here (Durbec 2009b). See also 373n.

of imagery seems to be to compare the rocks of Euboia, on which the bodies of the drowned men will be broken, to the frying pans in which the heads of tunny-fish are split open before being

fried and eaten. 382-383. καταιβάτης / σκηπτός: sec 1370n. 384-386. The

‘viperous wrecker’ (see 386n.) is

Nauplios, father of Palamedes, the latter of whom

forced Odysseus to join the expedition against Troy by exposing his feigned madness (815-819). Odysseus retaliated later by forging a treasonable letter from Palamedes to Priam and making sure Agamemnon saw it; before this he had planted

incriminating evidence (gold) in Palamedes, who was then stoned to army. (Another version, Kypria frag. 2003: 105 had Palamedes drowned by

the tent of death by the 27 = M. West Odysseus and

Diomedes, and Diktys 2. 14-15, had Odysseus and Diomedes, on their own, stoning Palamedes at

the bottom of a well where he had gone to look for gold). Nauplios then completed the cycle of revenge by luring the Greeks onto the rocks of

Euboia. See Apollod. ep. 3. 7-8 (Palamedes and Odysseus) and 6.8 (Nauplios revenge), with Gantz 1993: 603-8 and 695-8; more briefly OCD* ‘Palamedes’ (J. R. M[arch]); cf. also V. A. 11. 259-60 (ultorque Caphereus’) with Klein 2009: 573. Nauplios’ wrecking of the Greek ships was treated twice by S., and probably featured in E.'s Palamedes, a lost play of his Trojan trilogy; see Tro. 84 and go 202

Lokrian Ajax drowns in the Aegean

377-387

How many groans will you hear, when the corpses are thrown up on the shore, together with half-broken poops; how much roaring of the inescapable flood-tide, as the sea drags them out again with reverse-flowing eddies, how many tunny-fishes, with the sutures of their skulls

380

split open on the frying-pan: the thunderbolt as it falls to earth will taste them as they perish at night. When they are drowsy with wine the viperous wrecker will lure them on,

showing a lamp to guide them in the darkness, applying himself to his skill without sleeping.

385

One, like a diving kingfisher, the wave will carry, for the Greeks suffering shipwreck at Euboia and Cape Kaphareus. It was also the subject ofa play by Lykophron of Chalkis (7+GF 100 F 4a). But this (despite Geffcken 1887a: 37-42) has little or no

387-407. Lokrian Ajax drowns in the Aegean Kassandras

bearing on the question of the authorship of the Alexandra, because the theme was popular from the sth cent. onwards, thus Timotheos of Miletos at about the end of that cent. wrote a (?) nome called Nauplios, frag. 785 PMG; see Hordern 2002: 117.

assailant

is naturally

dealt

with

first of all the returning Greeks. For this section as a disturbance of the roughly clockwise geographical sequence of the Lykophronic nostoi,

see 373-386n. For Lyk.’s indebtedness to the epic Nostoi in 20132: 260-2,

this

whole

section,

see

West

Kassandra returns to Nauplios at 1093-1098,

387. δύπτην κηρύλον: a kingfisher, acc. Antigonos

where in addition to his shipwrecking activity he persuades the wives of the Greek leaders to be

(below) the male of the ἀλκύων, for which cf. I7. 9. 563 (and cf. 750n.). For the kingfisher dancing

unfaithful. (This double strategy is perhaps the

on the crests of the waves see Alkman frag. 26 PMGF (from Antigonos of Karystos, frag. XXIII Keller):

metapoetic ‘two-oared boat’ which he rows at his final appearance in the poem; see 1217n. on δίκωmov.) That passage is followed by an account of the fate of Agamemnon, and Durbec 20092: 394f.

οὔ μ᾽ ἔτι, παρσενικαὶ μελιγάρυες fapdpwvor

yvia φέρην δύναται: βάλε δὴ βάλε κηρύλος εἴην, ὅς τ᾽ ἐπὶ κύματος ἄνθος ἅμ᾽ ἀλκυόνεσσι

suggests that Lyk. intended a deliberate parallel between the deaths of Ajax and Agamemnon.

Lig

384. kapnßapeüvras ἐκ μέθης: cf. Od. 3.139, οἴνῳ

νηδεὲς

βεβαρηότες υἷες Ἀχαιῶν.

3»

4

[4

LJ

"

,

5»

H

Top

ἔχων,

ἁλιπόρφυρος

ἱαρὸς

ὄρνις.

286. σίντης: the word is ambiguous between ‘spoiler, thief’ and ‘viper’ (synonym for ἔχις, see Nik. 72. 623). Both meanings are surely intended here: at 1093 Nauplios will be called by a similarsounding animal name ἐχῖνος, ‘sea~urchin’ or

>

ποτῆται

The

kingfisher diving for fish is a visually

‘hedgehog’ or more likely both; see n. there. The

stunning image of speed and poise; Lyk. then daringly varies and inverts it (388) by identifying Ajax with a species of fish. For the double substantive cf. 358n., and for

focalization of these disparaging expressions is Greek rather than Trojan: from Kassandra’s point

δύπτης see 72—73n. Both δύπτης and κηρύλος will also feature in the description of Odysseus’

of view, the activities of Nauplios might have been expected to be welcome. ἀγρύπνῳ: Lyk. is fond of such alpha-privative words; see Berra

near-drowning at 750 and 752 (and see 389n. on σαρούμενον); the effect is to invite a comparison

2009: 283 n. 78.

between the two Greek villains of Kassandras story, Lokrian Ajax and Odysseus.

203

Kassandras speech

388-402

αὐλῶνος οἴσει κῦμα γυμνήτην φάγρον,

διπλῶν μεταξὺ χοιράδων σαρούμενον. Γυραῖσι δ᾽ ἐν πέτραισι τερσαίνων πτερὰ ρ

390

στάζοντα πόντου δευτέραν ἅλμην σπάσει,

βληθεὶς ἀπ᾽ ὄχθων τῷ τριωνύχῳ δορί, ᾧ νιν κολαστὴς δεινὸς οὐτάσας λατρεὺς ἀναγκάσει φάλλαισι κοινωνεῖν δρόμου, κόκκυγα κομπάζοντα μαψαύρας στόβους. ψυχρὸν δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀκταῖς ἐκβεβρασμένον νέκυν

395

δελφῖνος ἀκτὶς Σειρία καθαυανεῖ. τάριχον ἐν μνίοις δὲ καὶ βρύοις σαπρὸν

κρύψει Δίσκου τύμβος τρέμων 395 401

κατοικτίσασα Νησαίας κάσις, μεγίστου τάρροθος Κυναιθέως. δὲ γείτων ὄρτυγος πετρουμένης φυλάξει ῥόχθον Αἰγαίας ἁλός.

στόνους Griffiths πετρουμένης Bachmann et Scheer, ex p πετρουμένην Z πτερουμένης MSS

388. φάγρον: sea-bream. Holzinger suggested that it was reddish in colour, like the bloody corpse of Ajax, cf. Ath. 327c-e for red bream. Today the red sea-bream is native to the China seas, but Ath. quotes Archestratos, who associ-

ates them with Delos and Eretria and says they should be eaten Σιρίου ἀνατέλλοντος, cf. 397.

See Thompson 1947: 273-4. 389. σαρούμενον: only here in Lyk., but see 753 and n. for ἐνσαρούμενος, also used once only. For the thematic significance of the parallel, see 387n.

390.

400

Γύραισι

δ᾽

ἐν

πέτραισι

τερσαίνων

πτερά: the Gyrai were rocks between Tenos and

Mykonos (Hesych. says Gyras was ‘a mountain on Tenos’); they are the location of Poseidon’

destruction of Ajax at Od. 4.500ff. (with S. West, who notes that unlike Menelaos, Ajax took the sea-route through the Kyklades), see 392n.; see

also the epic Nostoi, arg. 3b with Apollod. ep. 6. 5,

and the comm. of West 2013a: 260. For repoai-

392. τῷ τριωνύχῳ δορί: for the trident, τρίαινα, as Poseidon’s weapon, given to him by the Kyklopes (Apollod. 1. 2. 1), see I7. 12. 27, Od. 4. 506 (where he strikes the Gyraian rock with it, see 390), and 5. 292. See also E. Erechtheus frag, 370 line 55-6 T*GF. It is possible that a frag. of Alkaios about Kassandra (306Ah Voigt and also Liberman) mentioned the trident (under the alternative description θρίναξ) of Poseidon,

and thus the death of Ajax. See line 13 ].pwax.a.[ with Liberman; and see Neblung 1997: 16 n. 37. 393. Aa pes: for this word, hapax but of obvious

meaning

(‘hireling’), see Guilleux 2009:

231.

Poseidon and Apollo, as hirelings of Laomedon, built the first walls of Troy; see 77. 7. 452-3 and 21. 441—5; Pi. O. 8. 31-6; and 521-323 and 617. 395. στόβους: a hapax word, which baffled Tzetzes,

who glossed it as λοιδορίας, and conjectured the unattested στόμους, because insults, ὕβρεις, come

through the mouth, διὰ στόματος. (See app. crit.)

νων cf. Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 607. Note, in the

397. δελφῖνος ἀκτὶς Sepia καθαυανεῖ: cf. HE

last three words, the recurrence

of consonants

708-713 (= Anyte epigram 12), a dolphin washed

Z detects allegory here (τὸ de repcaívow πτερὰ οἰκείως πρὸς τὸ κηρύλος ἀπέδωκεν

up on shore, with M. West 1996: 28-9 and 39 n. 58. Sirios means ‘the sun’, see Archilochos frag. 107 W (from Plut. Mor. 658b) ἔλπομαι, πολλοὺς

(merp-repo-rrep): Hurst/Kolde.

ἀλληγορικῶς), but does not specify how. See Berra 2009: 298 and n. 22.

μὲν αὐτῶν Zeipios καθαυάνει / ὀξὺς ἐλλάμπων, which Lyk. clearly imitates here.

204

Lokrian Ajax drowns in the Aegean

388-402

as a naked sea-bream, through the narrow channel, swept between the double rocks. On the rocks of Gyra, drying his wings

390

all wet from the sea, he will take a second gulp of salt-water,

flung from the cliffs by the three-forked spear, with which the awful avenger, the hired labourer, will wound him

and force him to share a path with whales, a cuckoo boasting with empty insolence.

395

And his cold dolphin’s corpse, thrown up on the shore, will be dried by the sun's rays. As putrid salt-fish, among the seaweed and moss,

he will be hidden by Nesaia's pitying sister, she who helped the mighty Kynaithian Disk-god.

400

His tomb, neighbour to the petrified quail, will tremble as it watches the breakers of the Aegean sea. 399. Νησαίας do:

"Nesaia's sister’ is Thetis,

another Nereid. See Hes.

75. 244 (Thetis)

and

249 (Nesaia, ‘island girl’,see M. West's 75. comm., explaining that Nereids touch land sometimes; for Nesaia cf. also Hom. //. 18. 40). See also West 2013a: 262 (discussing Arg. 3b of the epic Nostoi, and Apollod. ep. 6. 5) for Thetis' motive in burying Ajax: she was not fond of him but there was no one else, and 'as a goddess of coasts and islands she took note of the situation and acted". 400. The ‘disk’ or stone is Zeus, so-called because

of the stone which Rhea gave to Kronos to swallow instead of the infant Zeus: Hes. 75. 485 and Apollod. r. 1. 6; cf. 1201. Thetis helped Zeus by summoning ‘the hundred-handed one, whom the

gods call Briareus but men call Aigaion when Hera, Poseidon, and Pallas Athena (or Phoibos Apollo on another and attractive reading) wanted

to bind him in chains: Z/. 1. 399-406. Zeus was worshipped as Kynaithos in Arkadia; see Jost 1985: 52 with n. 7, and 2005: 390 and n. 9. For the

Arkadian polis of Kynaitha see LACP: no. 278. 401. τύμβος δὲ γείτων Oprvyos πετρουμένης: the reading πετρ- (2) is obviously preferable to the MSS arep-, and Scheer, following a lead by Bachmann, then corrected 2's πετρουμένην to werpouuevns. (In his text of the line, Bachmann printed πτερουμένης, but on a later page he

noted that the paraphrase had ὁ γείτων τάφος τῆς πετρωθείσης Opruyias, and he observed

'cod. πετροθήκης. Scholiastes videtur in textu legisse πετρουμένης᾽: Bachmann: 309 and n. 3). The meaning is that Ajax will be buried on Mykonos, neighbouring island to Delos. The

‘quail’ is Asteria, for whose story see Apollod. x. 4. 1. She was a daughter of the Titan Koios and

sister of Leto. Like her sister, Asteria was pursued by Zeus, and like her she was

part of Delian

mythology: to escape Zeus, Ásteria turned her-

self into a quail, and threw herself into the sea, where she was turned to stone and became Ortygia, ‘Quail-island’, the old name for Delos.

See I. Rutherford 2001; 252 n. 35 (Delos), and, for the first of these two metamorphoses, Buxton 2009: 161-2 (it is an escape from sexual passion, comparable to Demeter turning herself into a horse to escape Poseidon, Paus. 8. 25. 5). For metamorphosis in Lyk. see 176n. (where this is no. (5)), for πετρόω see also go1, and for Lyk.s creative use of such verbs in -ow, see Guilleux 2009: 232. 402. τρέμων:

J says that Tremon was a place

‘by Delos’ (πρὸς τῇ Δήλῳ), so-called because Delos had been shaken πάλαι by an earthquake (but Hdt. 6. 98. 1 and Th. 2. 8. 3 were agreed that

Delos had experienced no earthquakes before their own time, and see Rusten 2013. Holzinger

205

Kassandra speech

403-414

τὴν Kaorviav δὲ καὶ Μελιναίαν θεὸν λυπρὸς παρ᾽ Ἄιδην δεννάσει κακορροθῶν ἢ μιν παλεύσει δυσλύτοις οἴστρου βρόχοις, ἔρωτας οὐκ ἔρωτας, ἀλλ᾽ »

3

Ly

3

5»

4ος

Ἐρινύων ,

πικρὰν ἀποψήλασα κηρουλκὸν πάγην. ἅπασα δ᾽ ἄλγη δέξεται κωκυμάτων ὅσην Ἄρατθος ἐντὸς ἠδὲ δύσβατοι Δειβήθριοι σφίγγουσι Awriov πύλαι, L4 Ὁ

+

la

M,

H

E

,

M

>

x

,

410

οἷς οὑμὸς ἔσται κἀχερουσίαν πάρα ῥηγμῖνα δαρὸν ἐστεναγμένος γάμος. πολλῶν γὰρ ἐν σπλάγχνοισι τυμβευθήσεται

βρωθεὶς πολυστοίχοισι καμπέων γνάθοις thinks there may be a play on the old name for Rheneia, Artemite: Plin. NH 4. 67. ῥόχθον: the noun is found only in Lyk. (also at 696, 742)

and Nik. Alex. 390, 72. 822; but the verb ῥοχθέω is Homeric for the roaring of the waves of the sea (e.g. Od. 5. 102). Compare 184n. for a similar

progression (the substantive βύκτης, ‘wind’, is formed from a Homeric

adjective which was

gods see LSS 95 (Demeters, in the plural) and comm. (il s'agit probablement de cultes qui se distinguent par l'organisation ou par les épithétes des divinités’), with Parker 201: 66 n. 4. Hunter 2011: 111-16 discusses Kall. but not Lyk. Melina was a πόλις Ἀργοῦς acc. Steph. Byz., who cites the present passage; it is a ‘doubtful or spurious settlement’of the Argolid at Z4CP: 600

applied to the wind).

n. 1. £ connects the epiklesis with μέλι, ‘honey’.

403. τὴν Kaorviav δὲ καὶ Μελιναίαν θεόν: this

There is a link between these two epikleseis, in that Aspendos was considered an Argive colony: Strabo 14. 4.2 (Ἀργοῦς κτίσμα) and SEG 34. 282.

goddess is Aphrodite. For ‘the Kastnian’ as Aphrodite see also 1234. For Mt Kastnion near

The pig sacrifice is a further link. For pig sacrifice to Aphrodite at Argos, see Ath. gsf-96a with Pirenne-Delforge 1994: 389-90 and n. 67 (it took place at the festival called Yornpıa, which as

Aspendos in Pamphylia, see Steph. Byz. Κάστνιον (« 121 Bill.). For the cult of Aphrodite Καστνιῆτις, see Strabo 9. 5.17 (unusually, pigs were sacrificed to her, cf. Artemis Kaprophagos at Samos, attested by Hesych.) with Brandt 1988: 241 and Z4CP. p. ταις.

LSJ? says is suspiciously like a pun on μυστήρια. See also 1234n. (the second half of the reading ὁ

Roman date to Zi καὶ Ἥραι καὶ Ἀφροδείταις

Kaorvias re τῆς τε Xorpados, ‘of the Kastnian and swine-goddess’, is not certain).

Καστνιήτησιν. The seer Mopsos (429 n.) sacrificed

404. Aumpös = λυπηρός, see 1107n. For such

See also SEG 17. 641, Áspendian dedication of a boar to Aphrodite Καστνιῆτις, see again Strabo

9. 5. 15, citing Kall. frag. 200a Pf. from Jambus X; see

metrically

convenient

seemingly

for

the

contractions

avoidance

(sometimes

of resolution),

Dieg. VIII. 41-IX 1-11 (Pf. p. 198) and Kerkhecker

cf. 737n. on στύφλα (= στυφελά), or ἵκτης

1999: 207f., and D'Alessio on Jaméus X at n. 125; and this type of sacrifice is depicted on coins (Robert 1960). Kall. appears to say that Aphrodite Kastnietis is supreme among Aphrodites (cf. Parker 2003: 175), but see Kerkhecker 1999: 208f. for doubts about how much of the ‘fragment’ is actual quotation or even close paraphrase. For the

(= ἱκέτης) at 763. 405. οἴστρου βρόχοις: for οἴστρου see Headlam 42 on Herodas 1. 57. Ajax was punished by

the Erinyes for his impiety (406); the role of Aphrodite

as temptress

is obscure, unless

it

merely means that he was driven by lust. Cf. 612,

οἰστρήσῃ κύων.

double Aphrodite of both Kall. and the inscription, see L. Robert 1960, esp. 184-7 (also Fraser 1972: 1. 738 with 2. 1037 n. 178); and for other such double

406. ἔρωτας οὐκ ἔρωτας: cf. A. Cho. 600, ἀπέ-

pwros ἔρως. ἀλλ᾽ Ἐρινύων: & gives the names

206

403-414

All Greece will mourn for its dead

In Hades the wretch will curse and revile

the Kastnian and Melinaian goddess. She will entrap him fast in the snares of desire,

405

in a love which is not love; she will spring the Furies’ bitter destructive trap.

All Greece will be full of pain and groaning, everything which is hemmed in by Aratthos and the impassable Leibethrian gates of Dotion; and by the shore of Acheron the Greeks will long lament my marriage. For a numberless swarm of them will be entombed in the bellies of sea-monsters, devoured by their jaws of the three Erinyes, Megaira, Tisiphone, and Allekto.

410

409. The Aratthos river ran through Ambrakia in NW

Greece. See Kall. frag. 646 Pf. There is no

need to emend the spelling.

407. ἀποψήλασα: this compound verb (found string i.e. shoot an arrow) is exceptionally rare; but the simple ψάλλω ‘T pluck’ (the string of a

410. For Leibethra or Leibethron in Macedonia, see 275n. Dotion was a plain in Thessaly: Strabo 9. 5. 22, quoting Hes. frag. 65 M/W; see also frag.

bow or musical instrument) is a standard word,

59 (= P. Oxy. 2490) and Antimachos frag. 72 Wyss

here and at 915, where it means to twang a bow-

from which our ‘psalm’ derives (originally a tune

(=

played on a stringed instrument); see 1453 and n.

Hopkinson; Diod. 5. 61. 1.

Here it means to release the spring of a trap.

411-412. κἀχερουσίαν πάρα / pyypiva: Acheron

408-416. All Greece will mourn for its dead, drowned at sea or buried abroad

(cf. 90-gın. and 695n.) was the Underworld, but there Acheron and Acherousian NW Greece (Th. 1. 46. 2, cf.

This preamble continues that at 365-372, which

concerned the fate of Ajax and of the Greeks who drowned off Euboia. Kassandra now speaks of those who survived the Euboian storm or went

408. With

ἅπασα

we must understand

some

word like ‘land’, ‘earth’ or (with X) ‘Greece’. The

last is preferable in view of the geographical limits which follow, viz. NW-NE mainland Greece, though the difference is not great if Sens 2009: 25 is right to suggest that ‘Greece’ is synecdoche for the whole Greek world. There is certainly a verbal and thematic echo of 366, Ἑλλὰς στενάξει πᾶσα, see Sens 2009: 23. Cf. also Bouchon 2009: sıo.

409-410.For δύσβατοι.... πύλαι as metonymy for ‘Thessaly’, see Bouchon 2009: sıo.

Matthews)

and

Kall.

H.

6.

24

with

one of the rivers of was also a real river lake in Thesprotia, 90791 n.), which was

the site of the nekyomanteion or Oracle of the

by different routes (so in effect Holzinger). The two passages are not doublets, and so neither is

suspect.

85

Dead consulted by the messengers of Periandros (Hat. 5. 92 n 2, cf. 8. 47). This location, not far from Aratthos (409f.) means that the name carries both meanings here, as also at Hdt. s. 927 2. For the adjective Axepovola see go-gın., and for

the Campanian Acheron and Acherousian lake see 695n.

412. γάμος: as at 360, the noun refers, not to a proper marriage, but to Ajax’ forced intercourse.

414. καμπέων: J says that κάμπη (a hapax word in this form) = κήτη, neuter plurals. The normal singular is κάμπη (feminine), a caterpillar, but at

Diod. 3. 72. 3 Κάμπη is a monster killed by Dionysos (see also Nonn. D. 18. 237). Guilleux 2009: 231 suggests that the ending has been borrowed from that of κῆτος.

207

415-423

The nostoi begin

νήριθμος ἑσμός: οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ ξένης ξένοι

415

παῶν ἔρημοι δεξιώσονται τάφους.

τὸν μὲν γὰρ Ἠιὼν Στρυμόνος Βισαλτία ἀψυνθίων ἄγχουρος ἠδὲ Βιστόνων κουροτρόφον πάγουρον Ἠδωνῶν πέλας

κρύψει, πρὶν ἢ Τυμφρηστὸν αὐγάσαι λέπας

420

τὸν πατρὶ πλεῖστον ἐστυγημένον βροτῶν,

ὅμηρον ὅς μιν θῆκε τετρήνας λύχνους, ὅτ᾽ eis νόθον τρήρωνος ηὐνάσθη λέχος. "

3

3

[4

,

>

[4

,

416. παῶν: for this word (Doric form of Homeric

anos) cf. Antim. frag. 124 Wyss, 159 Matthews, with Hollis 2007: 281. δεξιώσονται τάφους: cf. 564, the plateaux of Olympos will receive the Dioskouroi as guests, δεξιώσονται ξένους, where the identical verb fills the identical part of the line, and both times the allusion is to posthumous fates (see also 51, where this meaning is, however, not certain, see n. there). But at 564 Olympos does

the greeting, whereas here we have the converse: the dead will ‘greet’ i.e. find their graves. 417-1282. The nostoi Now begins the main series of stories recounting the fates of famous and not-so-famous Greek individuals after the Trojan War (Ajax, Kassandra's

violator, was given separate treatment at 387-407). By no means all of them are strictly nastoi, ‘returns’, because some—like Phoinix, the first in the main

series—died at places en route, while others founded settlements far from home; and the stories are not

purely Greek because the fates of some Trojan kin of Kassandra (Hekabe, Hektor, Aineias) will be narrated towards the end of the section. These colonization stories, and the cults described in the course of the narrative (includ-

ing the numerous divine epikleseis), are of priceless value to the historian interested in myths of colonial identity; see esp. Malkin 1998a. For foundation myths and epikleseis, see Introduction, sections ro and 11. There is still value in Beaumont 1936: 194-8 on Greek cults in the Adriatic, and in the general survey by Dunbabin 1948: 11-16 (a paper written in 1939, but see the post-war update at 16-18). The latter's gloomy conclusion (16) that ‘proof must wait for digging’ is still

largely true, despite the wealth of background

material in Genovese 2009, apart from such windfalls as the Diomedes finds from Adriatic Palagruza (see 599n.). Thus the Tremiti islands urgently need proper excavation (again, 599n.). 417-423. Phoinix will be buried at Eion on the Strymon Phoinix raised the young Achilles and was a member of the three-man delegation which

pleaded with Achilles to return to the fighting; see Il. 9, where Achilles treats him with a kindness he does not display towards Odysseus or even Telamonian Ajax. The epic Nostoi narrated Neoptolemos’ return on foot via Thrace, and his burying of Phoinix. See M. West 2003: 157 (Proklos arg. 4c, with Apollod. ep. 6. 12, which is also cited by Tzetzes on 902) and comm. at 2013a: 264. Contrast the location of the tomb given by Strabo 9, 4. 14 who

mentions the river Phoinix, near Thermopylai and Anthela, and says it took its name from the tomb of the hero Phoinix which is beside it. For this river see Hdt. 7. 176. 2 and 200. Lyk.’s most sustained treatment of Thessaly is 897-902; see n. there. But Phoinix takes refuge with Peleus, who is a king there, see 421n. and Bouchon 2009: 510. On 417-446, see Zambon 2000. 417. Ἠιὼν Στρυμόνος Βισαλτία: for Eion on the Strymon (LACP. no. 630) see Hdt. 7. 113. 1, Xerxes arrives ἐπὶ ποταμόν τε Στρυμόνα καὶ πόλιν Hióva, also Th. 1. 98. 1 and esp. 4. 102. 3,

calling it an ‘emporion at the mouth of the river’. It disappears from the historical record after

the time of Philip II (for its destruction by the Athenians in the ?mid-4th cent. see FGrHist 115

208

415-423

Phoinix will be buried at Eion with many rows of teeth. Others, destitute of kin,

415

will find tombs as strangers in strange lands.

One will be hidden by Bisaltic Eion on the Strymon, near the Apsynthians and Bistones, and neighbour to the Edonians; he, the child-rearing crab,

will never see again the Tymphrestian rock. He was more hateful than any other mortal to his father,

420

who pierced his eyes and blinded him, when he shared the bed of the bastard daughter of the dove. 420. πρὶν ἢ Τυμφρηστὸν αὐγάσαι λέπας: that is,

Theopompos F sr), so was long defunct when Lyk. wrote. The Bisaltian and Edonian Thracians occupied

he will never see home. For Typhrestos or Tymphrestos as the mountain-source of the river Spercheios in Thessaly, see Strabo 9. 5. 9; also Euphorion frag. 104 Lightfoot, βουκολέων

the lower Strymon valley (Hdt. 7. 110, where the

Edonoi are the sixth of seven Thracian tribes listed from east to west, and for the Bisaltians see

Τρηχινίδα Tupppyotoio/ aims and Parthenios

115. 1; LACP: pp. 810 and 812).

frag. 40 Lightfoot,

418. The Apsynthians are hardly very close neighbours of Eion: they lived in the region of the Thracian Chersonese, where they gave trouble to the Dolonkoi who invited Miltiades to be their oikist, Hdt. 6. 34-6. The Bistones

419. κουροτρόφον mayoupov: Phoinix raised the young Achilles, 7/. 9. 485. The comparison to a crab is suggested ‘because of γῆρας [old age / sloughed off skin, see LSJ? I and II]’ (2); Phoinix imagines it as ‘scraped away’ with his imagined

return to youth, 1), 9. 446: γῆρας ἀποξύσας. (So already Eustathios.) The Boiotians to crabs at 634 is seems to refer to the crab-like taken by their ships, though seeks to explain both passages tainment in a ‘lieu clos’.

equation of the different: there it i.e. oblique course Lambin 2009: 165 as indicating con-

Ἠδωνῶν πέλας: see 417n. for the Edonians. The anagrammatic sequence at the end of 419 and 420 (πέλας, λέπας) has been thought to be deliberate word-play, see Kalospyros 2009: 217.

afmos

(from

Bouchon 200g: 515f. 421. For the story of how Phoinix, at his jealous mother's request, slept with his father Amyntor's concubine, and his consequent exile and his reception by Achilles’ father Peleus, see 77. g. 447-

(from Bistonos son of Ares, acc. 2) are the third

in the list of seven at Hdt. 7. 110 see 417n.), i.e. they too are some way away from Eion to the east. Holzinger thinks that the multiple geographical specification is needed because there was more than one place called Eion (ἠιών is a common noun for a shore or beach). This hardly seems adequate as an explanation.

Τυφρήστιον

Steph. Byz. Tuppnorös). See further 902 n., and

80. The blinding by the father was not in Homer,

but was recorded by Apollod. 3. 13. 8, who adds that Peleus took Phoinix to Cheiron who cured him. (Apollod. gives the concubine name as Phthia, but this looks like confusion

with

the

region given him by Peleus. Her alternative name was Klutie/a: 2.)

422. ὅμηρον: the word here means ‘blind’, and is said to be Kumaian and Ionian, but cf. M. West 20112: 421 n. 10 on FGrHist 7o F 1 (Homer was

blind). Tzetzes said the blinding was a symbolic way of saying that Phoinix was childless. He was right to suspect symbolism of some sort. For blinding as an apt punishment for sexual deviation, see Devereux 1973. In Devereux's list of "blinding for sexual crimes’ (40-2), Phoinix is no.

3; discussion at 43-4. 423. ὅτ᾽ eis νόθον τρήρωνος ηὐνάσθη λέχος: the dove is Aphrodite's bird, so this means ‘when

he had illegitimate sex’. With νόθον ηὐνάσθη λέχος cf. E. Jon 1484, κρυπτόμενον λέχος ηὐνάσθην, and 545 νόθον λέκτρον (see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 11).

209

4247425

The nostoi begin

τρισσοὺς δὲ ταρχύσουσι Kepkapov νάπαι \

x

,

/,

/,

Ἄλεντος οὐκ ἄπωθε καύηκας ποτῶν.

424. Κερκάφον νάπαι: for Kerkaphos, a mountain near Kolophon in Ionia, see Richardson

424-438. Kalchas, Idomeneus, and Sthenelos

will be buried at Kolophon in Ionia

2010: 89 on HHAp.

This section and the next (439-446) both concern cities in Asia Minor, and are further linked by the

lenged to a professional contest by Kalchas and wins; in the second he is a rival to Amphilochos as ruler of Mallos. See now, for valuable discussions, Fowler 2013: 546-50, and Mac Sweeney 2013:

425. AAevros: for the river Ales or Halesos (mod. Avci Cay) see Barr. map 61 Εἰ (marking it as Hales)

West 2003: 152}

and Bean

1967: 190

(‘said to be the

coldest in Ionia"). It runs between coastal Notion, ‘Colophon ad mare’, and inland Klaros. For

Alentia as a Kolophonian epithet of Aphrodite, see 868. καύηκας: cf. Euphorion frag. 108

104-37 (Mopsos and his daughter Manto).

The prominence of Kolophon in this section may have something to do with its prominence in the Epic Cycle; see Welcker 1865: 255 with n. 449, Huxley 1969: 164, and M. West 2003: 17 n. 17 for Eustathios’ plausible view (Od. 1796. 52 = M.

line 40, citing Nik. 75. 218;

also M. West 2orib: 85 on 77. 1. 69772, citing Nostoi arg. 2 and 'Hes.' frag. 278.

theme of rivalry between seers, of whom one is

always Mopsos. In the first section he is chal-

425

Lightfoot (with her n. on line 48); also Kall, frag.

522 (cf. 72-73n.) and Antimachos frag. 71 Wyss (132 Matthews). The word, meaning a tern or sea-swallow, is a variant of Homeric κήξ, and is

dealt with by LSJ under that spelling; see Od. 15.

that the author of the Nostoi

was a Kolophonian.

479, πεσοῦσ᾽ ws εἰναλίη κήξ, a fine example of

It has been suggested that the tradition of the contest between Kalchas and Mopsos is a signifier for a struggle in historical times, for control of the oracular site of Klaros (1464n.), between

stylistic enactment (the line swoops to its monosyllabic end). With either spelling, the word is

Ionian Kolophon (whose mythical champion was Kalchas) and its near neighbour Aiolian Notion (whose

mythical

champion

was

Mopsos,

who

is supposed to have come from Aiolian Thessaly: Lane Fox 2008: 234 with 224-5). The idea is attractive, but there are difficulties: (a) the Thessalian

Mopsos was the Argonautic seer of 881, who is not the same as Kalchas opponent: see 426-430n.; and (b) it is not certain that Aiolian Notion (for

onomatopoeic, expressive of the bird’s harsh cry.

Tzetzes explains the metaphor in terms of colour: the white hair of the old men suggests the bird’s white plumage. Hurst/Kolde think rather of the rapacity of all Greeks, as seen from Kassandra's perspective (but a tern is not a gannet).

426-430. Kalchas and Mopsos: figs and pigs In keeping with Lyk.’s usual allusive method, none of the three seers who feature in this double section (426-30, 439-446) are named. They are

which see Hdt. 1. 149.1) was the same as Kolophon's neighbour. See IACP. no. 858, ‘Notion (in the ‘Tonia’ chapter), whose author (L. Rubinstein) concludes that ‘Aiolic and Ionian Notion were

Mopsos (both sections), Kalchas (the first section), and Amphilochos son of Amphiaraos

different communities’, see also no. 825, ‘Notion’

are specially appropriate

(in the ‘Aiolis and South-Western Mysia chapter,

open naming of another mantic Mopsos short-lived Argonautic seer) at 881.

Rubinstein again), where this Notion

is said to

(the second). Since one of the themes of the present section is riddles, riddling designations

here. Contrast the (the

Kalchas was Agamemnon’s seer, familiar from

be ‘unlocated’ and the identification with Notion νότιος, neuter meaning either

bk 1 of the J/iaz. Mopsos was son of Manto (the name means ‘female seer’) the daughter of Teiresias;

‘rainy’ or ‘southern’. It could have provided more

he appears to be distinct from Mopsos the Lapith,

than one toponym. For Ionian Notion and Kolophon as Seleukid possessions in the early Hellenistic period, see Debord (2013).

65-6 etc., and (making the distinction explicit) Strabo 9. 5. 22; cf. LIMC vol. 6. By contrast, J. N.

near Kolophon ‘unwarranted’. νότιον, is a common adjective

seer of the Argonauts, for whom see 881, Ap. Rh. 1.

210

Kalchas, Idomeneus, & Sthenelos will be buried at Kolophon ‘Three sea-swallows will be buried in the woods of Kerkaphos. not far from the waters of the Ales.

424—425

425

B[remmer], ‘Mopsus’, in OCD‘ (and cf. Bremmer 2008: 133-51) seeks to identify the two, but wonders whether there was a family of Anatolian seers in which the males were all called Mopsos, in view of

2008, Bremmer 2008 (as above), and Lane Fox 2008: 224-39 = ch. 13, ‘A Travelling Prophet’.

the non-Greek epigraphic evidence for a Mukshus

instead that when Greeks arrived in various parts of south Asia Minor and at various times, they

Lane Fox, however, rejects the usual notion of a travelling Anatolian seer Mopsos, arguing

(Hittite) and ‘house of Mopsos’ in southern Asia Minor. Here is the evidence:

found traces of a local figure with approximately the same name, and promptly identified him with a Greek version. In other words it was the

() A Hittite letter to Madduwatta, shortly before 1400 Bc, mentions Muksu-. See Hawkins 199377.

Greeks, not Mopsos, who were doing the ‘travelling’. He holds Alexander the Great’s historian

(2) Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of Karatepe found in 1946 (Karatepe 1, para. XXI), ‘(wherein

Kallisthenes responsible for the developed version of the Mopsos story as found in Strabo,

served

according to which Kalchas died in Klaros and

under Muksas' house' and LVIIII 'and much let them be in service to Azatiwatas and to Muksas’

Mopsos crossed into Kilikia. (See Strabo 14. 4. 3,

were

bad

men,

robbers,)

who

had

not

which the Vatican palimpsest of Strabo ascribes

house by Tarhunzas and the gods! See Hawkins

to Kallisthenes not Kallinos, cf. Kallinos frag. 8 West, listed by West as ‘spurium’. T. Scheer 1993: 164 n. 75, cf. 177 and elsewhere, is aware of West's preference but seems not wholly convinced.

2000: Al. 16, II. 5, III. 1.

(3) Recently discovered Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of Cinekóy S. of Adana: Tekoglu and Lemaire 2000. It begins ‘{] am} Warikas, son of [...], descendant of [Muk]sas, king of Hiyawa’. See also Bremmer 2008, 142: a Phoenician text says that the king himself, well-attested Urikki,

The new Radt edn of Strabo prints ‘Kallisthenes’ but the app. crit. ascribed the reading to West and merely says ‘fortasse recte'. On this point Lane Fox 425 n. 18 is essentially right, but unfair to Scheer by implying that she was unaware of the reading ‘Kallisthenes’.) See further 439-

was offspring of the house of Mopsus, whereas the Luwian version calls him ‘a descendant of [Muk]sas". (4) Xanthos Sardis, who Lydian king go Nikolaos (5)

The

446n. on the quarrel between Amphilochos and Mopsos. In Lyk.’s version of the mantic duel, Kalchas

of Lydia (sth-cent. sc historian from wrote in Greek) mentions an early Moxos: FGrHis 765 F 17, cf. FGrHist F 16.

Kilikian

place-name

challenges Mopsos to say how many figs were on a particular tree. Mopsos gets it right and counter-challenges Kalchas to say how many

piglets a particular pregnant sow will produce.

Mopsouhestia

Kalchas fails and dies (he sleeps ‘the Big Sleep’,

(Strabo 14. 5. 19; LACP: p. 1213) sounds Greek—

430), as oracles had predicted would happen if

‘hearth of Mopsos’—but that is not a standard

he met a cleverer seer than himself. The first test

type of toponym, and Lane Fox 2008: 230 sug-

is about the present, the second is about the future (though the correct answer lies inside the animal in the present). Seers were not merely predictors but were supposed to range across the tenses. So Homer, describing Agamemnon's seer Kalchas, called him ‘by far the best of seers,

gests that it represents the old Hittite ‘hesty’ (religious site) of Moksu. Theopompos (FGrHist

115 F 103. 15 says it was named after Mopsos. It became Seleukeia on the Pyramos, πρὸς τῷ

Πυράμῳ, see Fraser, 2009: 368 (the name is known only from a brief coinage issue, of the

who knew the present, the future and the past’,

time of Antiochos IV, ruled 175-164 Bc).

οἰωνοπόλων dx’ ἄριστος, / ὅς ἤδη τά τ᾿ ἐόντα

For all this see T. Scheer 1993: 153-271 (without

τά T' ἐσσόμενα πρό τ᾽ ἐόντα (Il. 1. 69-70).

knowledge of the most recent finds), Oettinger

Mopsos stories appear to be designed to show 2II

The nostoi begin

426-432

τὸν μέν, Μολοσσοῦ Kumews Κοίτου κύκνον, συὸς παραπλαγχθέντα θηλείας τόκων,

ὅτ᾽ eis ὀλύνθων δῆριν ἑλκύσας σοφὴν τὸν ἀνθάμιλλον, αὐτὸς ἐκ μαντευμάτων σφαλεὶς ἰαύσει τὸν μεμορμένον πότμον. "e

»

Η͂

H

δ᾽

3

cA

EN

^

,

t

3

,

,

x

,

430

0 "

TOV δ᾽ αὖ, τέταρτον ἐγγόνων Ἐρεχθέως, Αἴθωνος αὐτάδελφον ἐν πλασταῖς γραφαῖς. that Homer was wrong about the superiority of Kalchas. Burkert 1983b: 117 puts it thus: ‘the motif

The author of the Noszoi (who was himself from Kolophon acc. Eustathios Od. 1796. 45, but who is

that the representative of Kilikia is for the Greeks

usually said to be Agias of Troizen) says that

a μάντις with superior knowledge as against the traditional bird-watcher, Kalchas, seems to

Kalchas, Leontes, and Polypoites went by land to

Kolophon and buried "Ieiresias when he died there: Proklos, arg. 2. It is not clear what exact

fit the historical situation of the eighth century remarkabiy well’. For the different and more obviously territorial nature of the quarrel between Mopsos and Amphilochos (though again both contestants were seers), see 439-446 n. Strabo (14. 1. 27) agrees with Lyk. in locating the present story at Kolophon, and makes it clearer that this is a kind of nostos-legend (Kalchas and Amphilochos arrive on foot from Troy and encounter Mopsos at Klaros, an Apolline oracular

relation this has to the stories in Strabo or Lyk. (Teiresias was supposed to be Mopsos' grandfather), but it does show that the Epic Cycle knew of a post-war journey by Kalchas to Kolophon. It is probable, however, that "Teiresias' in Proklos is a mistake for ‘Kalchas’; see West 2013a: 254-5,

adducing Tzetzes on 980 and the Vatican and Sabbaitic recensions ofthe epitome of Apollodoros ep. 6. 2 (see Loeb Apollod. vol. 2: 243). For Mopsos and Kolophon see Prinz 1979: 23-8.

site); but it is unusual in that the Greek newcomers do not prevail over the local element in

For the similar-but-slightiy-different lethal guessing-game about numbers of figs, played by

the person of Mopsos (but Oettinger 2008 thinks that Mopsos was a Greek name originally).

Kalchas (or ‘Kalchas’) against Herakles at Italian Siris, see 980 and n.

Strabo quotes Hesiod (frag. 278 M/W, from the Melampodia, which was devoted to seers) for the mantic duel, but in a single version involving figs only (Kalchas challenges Mopsos to count the figs on a tree, Mopsos gets it right by saying that there are 10,000 figs or alternatively one fig more than a medimnos, so Kalchas dies); then he quotes Pherekydes for another simple version, involving the sow only (Kalchas loses and dies as before). Then Strabo says that ‘others’, of δέ, have Kalchas propose the sow-question and Mopsos

426. τὸν μέν, Μολοσσοῦ Κυπέως Koirov κύκνον: the swan is Apollo's bird, see A. Ag. 1444-5 for

Kassandras own swansong, ἡ δέ τοι κύκνου δίκην / τὸν ὕστατον μέλψασα θανάσιμον γόον. The mention

epikleseis

are

Apolline,

but

are

(265 and

n.). ‘Molossian’ might

refer

to the cult of Apollo attested at Dodona, seat of the Molossian League; see ZACP: no. 93 at P. 944, citing Cabanes 1976: 560 no. 22. Κυπεύς

the fig-question (that is, the questions are distributed in the opposite way from Lyk. but this version resembles Lyk. in including both questions). The outcome, Kalchas’ defeat and death, is the

might be connected with the rare verb κυπόω, ‘I overthrow’, used at 1442 (cf., with Holzinger,

the supposed derivation of Apollo from ἀπόλ-

same. Strabo ends by citing Sophocles (TGrF

λυμι), and Koiros with a Homeric word for ‘bed’, i.e. this is a reference to sexual generation.

frag, 180, see below) for the transfer of the story to

Kilikia (i.e. Mallos? See 439-446 n.). The contest

three

all obscure, unlike ‘Ptoian’, used at the god's first

The Z are little help. See Schwartz 1959: 207.

may also, in some version, have featured in the

429. τὸν ἀνθάμιλλον: the ‘rival’ is Mopsos; see

epic Nostoi, see West 20138: 257, discussing Nostoi Fo (see next para.).

introductory n. 212

Katchas, Idomeneus, C8 Sthenelos will be buried at Kolophon 426-432 One of them, the swan of the Molossian Kypean Koitan god,

made a mistake about the offspring of the female, the sow, after he had drawn his rival into a contest of wits about figs; he shall, after his defeat,

sleep his allotted fate of sleep, as ordained by oracles.

430

Another is fourth of the descendants of Erechtheus,

brother of Aithon in the fictitious writings.

430. ἰαύσει means ‘he will sleep’ (cf. Rougier-

after his return. The epic Nosfoi presumably dealt

Blanc 2009: 546); this renders Hesiod’s simpler

ὕπνος θανάτοιο κάλυψεν, where M/W consign to their app. crit. the conjecture τέλος for ὕπνος

with him briefly (West 2013a: 264). His story will be resumed at the more detailed 1214-1225, where the reasons for his departure from Krete

(Wil. and Nauck). For the verb see e.g. Od. 9. 184; it was used transitively at ror. See also 606n. on

Nauplios). One tradition took Idomeneus to Italy

ἰαυθμούς and 1354n. on ἐνδαύει. μεμορμένον πότμον: ‘allotted fate’, from μείρομαι.

(Calabria, the land of the Sallentini, V. A. 3. 400401); it is remarkable that Lyk. shows no know-

are disclosed (the result of the machinations of

ledge of or interest in this aspect, given the western slant to many of the nosfoi in the poem. The link with Klaros, as in Lyk., was maintained by bringing him there from Italy at the end of his life: so Servius on V. A. 3. 401; cf. C. Robert 1926: 1499 and n. 8; Gantz 1993: 698. For mythical colo-

431. τέταρτον ἐγγόνων Ἐρεχθέως: Idomeneus, son of Deukalion, son of Minos, son of Zeus is

meant, as is proved by the name Aithon (see 432n.) and the connected reference to ‘fictitious writings’ i.e. Odysseus’ story in Od. 19. The context thus makes clear that ‘Erechtheus’ is Zeus here (as

nizing contacts between Krete and Italy, see Hdt.

also but less securely at 158), and Z says explicitly

7. 169-70: the Kretans who came in search for the killers of Minos ended up as lapygians in Messapia. For an attractive interpretation of this

Ἐρεχθεὺς yap καλεῖται ὁ Ζεὺς ἐν Ἀθήναις καὶ

ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ, explaining it etymologically: ‘because Rhea held out, ὀρέξαι, a stone to Kronos’. Tzetzes says much the same, but adds an alternative

derivation ἐρέχθω, τὸ xd

myth in terms of sth-cent. Áthenian interest in the West, and desire to make good Dorian Greeks

δι᾽ αὐτοῦ yàp of

out of Athens’ Messapian i.e. barbarian allies in

σεισμοί. But this (Schwabl 1978: col. 309) looks

the struggle against Spartan-colonized Taras, see Zacharia 2003b: 67-72, connecting the tradition with some fragmentary plays of Sophocles.

more like Poseidon than Zeus, and indeed Tzetzes on 158 gives the same explanation for the name Erechtheus, which he there says denoted Poseidon. Schwabl may therefore be right that originally Tzetzes on the present passage mentioned both Poseidon and Zeus but the latter dropped out.

432. Αἴθωνος αὐτάδελφον ἐν πλασταῖς γραφαῖς: this is, for Lyk., an exceptionally plain allusion to Odysseus’ story to Penelope at Od. 19. 178-84, where he presents himself as Aithon, brother of

It is very surprising to find Zeus—rather than is no

the Kretan Idomeneus, and gives ‘his’ genealogy

other evidence that this cult epithet for Zeus is

(see 431n. for the relevance of this plainness to the

Poseidon—called

Erechtheus,

and

there

either Athenian or Arkadian (nothing in Parker

preceding riddle of the name Erechtheus=Zeus).

1996 and 2005a, or Jost 1985, respectively). It might be relevant that Athenians and Arkadians both claimed to be autochthonous, and that Erechtheus was earth-born. Homer's Nestor (Od. 3. 191) said that Idomeneus, like Philoktetes, reached his Kretan

‘The expression ‘fictitious writings’ is nicely ambig-

uous: it alludes both to Odysseus’ mini-fiction (as above) and also generally to the entire Odyssey as unreliable, by comparison to Kassandra's alternative, more western-oriented version at 648-819. See Berra 2009: 274 and Sens 2010: 306, and cf. 764n. on the similar and similarly expressed τὸν μυθοπλάστην ἐξυλακτήσει γόον.

home safely, but here we have his tomb at Kolophon, implying that he left Krete

again

213

4337438

The nostoi begin

τρίτον δέ, τοῦ μόσσυνας Ἐκτήνων ποτὲ στερρᾷ δικέλλῃ βουσκαφήσαντος γόνον,

ὃν Γογγυλάτης εἷλε Βουλαῖος Μυλεύς, ἀγηλάτῳ μάστιγι συνθραύσας κάρα,

435

ἦμος ξυναίμους πατρὸς ai Νυκτὸς κόραι πρὸς αὐτοφόντην στρῆνον ὦπλισαν μόρον.

433-434. tpirov δέ, τοῦ μόσσυνας Ἐκτήνων ποτὲ / στερρᾷ δικέλλῃ βουσκαφήσαντος γόνον:

to have been known to Schwabl, but see Versnel

19902: 237 with n. 151, discussing the difficulties (one god, or two, or three?) but cautiously concluding that the epithet refers to Zeus. For Zeus BovAaíos see Schwabl 1978: col.

the ‘third man’ is Sthenelos, son of Kapaneus, one

of the Seven against Thebes (for the Ektenoi as

the supposed original inhabitants of Thebes, see Paus. 9. 5. 1). In a famous act of punished impiety, Kapaneus had started to climb the Theban battle-

291. He is ‘god of council’, referring not so much

ments in defiance of Zeus, until blasted by Zeus’

monly attested patronage of the senates or BovAal of Greek city-states; see e.g. IG V. 1. 62

thunderbolt, as described by Euripides with a

to the Διὸς βουλή of the I/iad, as to his com-

splendid piece of stylistic enactment, βάλλει κεραυνῷ Ζεύς vw, Pb. 1181. The agricultural metaphor in these lines is thought by Guilleux

lonians from the Panionion) lines 6—7, where

2009; 227-8 to be a continuation of the preceding themes (figs, sows, etc.). For μόσσυν, a wooden house or palisade (also at 1432), see Xen. Anab. 5. 4. 26 (the Μοσσύνοικοι, ‘mossyn-dwellers’); also Ain. Tact. 33. 3 with Hunter and Handford, and Ap. Rh. 2. 381b and 1016-17 (the Mossynoikoi again, with an explicit derivation from μόσσυν).

called had statues in the council-chamber: Paus. 1. 3. 4 for a statue of Zeus B. at Athens. See also Antiphon 6. 45 for an Athenian shrine of Zeus Boulaios and Athena Boulaia inside the bouleuterion itself. The god or guardian (LSJ?) of mills, Μυλεύς, is more obscure; the link might be with the

435. Γογγυλάτης ... BovAaios Mudevs: these epithets denote Zeus. Γογγυλάτης is said by LSJ to mean ‘hurling balls of fire’, from the root meaning ‘round’, γόγγυλος. That is, the god of the thunderbolt. The same result is achieved if we take the word to indicate twisting, as in the throw of a sling. C£ the altar of Zeus Keraunios at Olympia, Paus. 5. 14. 7. Schwabl 1978: col. 295

suggested that Lyk. here alludes to Aristoph. Lys. 974-5: Kinesias prays to Zeus to strike Myrrhine ‘with a whislwind and hurricane, sweep her aloft, roll her up’ (tr. Sommerstein), μεγάλῳ τυφῷ καὶ πρηστήρι / £vorpéjas καὶ ξυγγογγύλας. A Ist.-cent, AD inscription from Thessaloniki (IG 10 (1) 259 lines 1-2, cf. SEG 30. 622, attests a possibly

Thracian god ‘Zeus Dionysos Gongylos’. This does not solve the problem of the epithet's meaning or etymology, nor is the context of the present line of Lyk. obviously Thracian, but it might

indicate that Lyk. did not pluck the epithet out of the air. The inscription was too recently published

(Sparta)

and I. Priene no.

169

(decree

of the

Zeus Βουλήιος is coupled with Hera. Gods so

harvest: Pollux (7. 180) explains προμυλαία as a goddess who presides over mills, and for Artemis ἐπιμύλιος see Sext. Emp. Math. 9. 185 with Parker 2003: 174. See also Usener 1896: 256. But at the same time there may be present the

idea of the metaphorical and proverbial mills of the gods, which grind (Schwab! 1978: col. 339).

slowly but very

fine

436. ἀγηλάτῳ μάστιγι: acc. LSJ’ (ie. E. A. Barber),

‘lightning

which

consumes

and

so

purifies’. Cf Garvie 118 on χαλκηλάτῳ πλάarıyyı at A. Cho. 290, which may be here (as also at 1434) echoed by Lyk., and indeed some have emended A. to make the resemblance even closer. Cf. also Il. 12. 37, Διὸς μάστιγι δαμέντες. With συνθραύσας, here and at 1109, cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: m1 n. 59) E. Or. 1569, a

Euripidean hapax. 437. ξυναίμους πατρός: Eteokles and Polyneikes were Oidipous' brothers, as well as his sons.

214

Mopsos and Amphilochos will be buried at Mallos

433-438

The third is offspring of him who, with his strong twopronged fork, undermined the towers of the Ektenoi.

Gongylates, the God of the Council, the Mill-god, crushed his head with a purifying whip, when the daughters of Night armed the father’s brothers with murderous desire for the death of kin.

435

αἱ Νυκτὸς κόραι: for the Erinyes as children of

when Polyneikes left for Argos and returned,

Night, see A. Eum. 416.

Eteokles refused to hand over power.) Probably this reflects competing historical claims to pri-

438. αὐτοφόντην:

cf. (with

Gigante

Lanzara

macy by different clans, in the same way that the contradictory traditions about the colonizing

2009: 111 n. 59) E. Med. 1269. In both places the meaning is clearly 'kin-murderer'. But such atro- formations can mean simply ‘homicide’, see Parker 1983: 351, (discussing αὐτοφόνος in the 4th.-cent. kathartic law from Kyrene, SEG 9. 72, =

role of the various Penthelidai in NW

there was szasis at Mallos when Alexander arrived

R/O: no. 97, at line 131), and (discussing adroppé-

(Arr. Anab. 2. 5. 9), and which he brought to an end.

κτας in SEG 43. 630, the sth-cent. ac sacred law from Selinous in Sicily at col. B line 9), Jameson et al. 1993: 4475. See also 440n. for αὐτοκτόνοις, and cf. αὐτόχειρ at ıızı (Orestes’ killing of his mother). 439-446. Mopsos

and Amphilochos

In the middle of the above narrative, Strabo

cites S. (frag. 180 TrGF, from the Ἑλένης ἀπαί-

rnoıs) as having relocated the contest between Kalchas and Mopsos—for which see above—to Kilikia, perhaps influenced by the association

will be

buried at Mallos in Kilikia

of Mopsos with Kilikia in the context of the separate story of his dispute with Amphilochos; sce T. Scheer 1993: 173. Kallisthenes, as reported by Strabo (see 426-430n. for the source of Strabo 14. 4. 3), brought Mopsos on a long journey south-east from Ionian Klaros to Kilikia, and (as the ultimate source of Arrian) Kallisthenes may also have recorded Alexander's visit to Mallos, and

For the fight between these two, see Strabo 14. 5. 16; T. Scheer 1993: 168-73. The story was perhaps treated by Kall. also, see frag. 38 Pf. (a very brief notice in the Aitia bk 1, MaAAós" πόλις Κιλικίας) with D'Alessio 2007: 418 n. 106, and see 445n. for

Euphorion. Mopsos

and

Amphilochos

are

both

Asia

Minor (descendants of Orestes) look like signifiers for local rivalries; see 1374-1377 n. Certainly

seers,

but that aspect is not to the fore in Lyk., who represents them as joint but rival city-founders in Kilikia, though calling them both ‘hounds of

the city’s claim to be Argive, like Alexander himself and all the other classical Macedonian kings

Apollo i.e. seers. The city in question was Mallos

(Arr. Anab. 2. 5. 9, as above). It has been ingen-

(439n.). Strabo says Mallos was a foundation, κτίσμα, of Amphilochos and of Mopsos son of Apollo and Manto. He says the context between them was ‘not only’ about prophecy, μαντική,but also about rule, ἀρχή. Amphilochos (Strabo continues) went home to Argos, but was displeased

iously suggested that at the time of Alexander's arrival, Kallisthenes engaged in researches which

favoured the claims of Mopsos as founder of Mallos, whereas Alexander (himself an Argive by descent, cf. Hdt. 5. 22. 1) favoured the Argive

Amphilochos, and sacrificed to him as to a

with what he found there so returned to Mallos but was excluded from κοινωνία, presumably

hero, as described by Arrian (again, as above). See

meaning shared rule, so they fought. (This resem-

Lane Fox 2008: 237: ‘while the court historian was confirming the heritage of Mopsus, his

bles and may derive from the Theban myth of the

young patron Alexander was studiously ignoring

brothers Eteokles and Polyneikes, who had an agreement to share the rule in alternate years, but

Mopsus himself’.

it...he

215

is nowhere

said to have

honoured

The nostoi begin

4397445

δοιοὶ δὲ ῥείθρων Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς αὐτοκτόνοις σφαγαῖσι Anpaivou κύνες

440

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445

439. δοιοὶ δὲ ῥείθρων Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς: for the river Pyramos (mod. Ceyhan; Barr. map

notes that, alternatively or in addition, the name

67 B3) see Strabo 12. 2. 4 (cf. 1. 3. 7) and 14. 5. 16.

name Abdera (for this see already Wilamowitz

With πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς cf. 189. Mallos (L4CP: no. 1009, esp. on the rich and varied coinage in both

1913: 255-6, cf. Isaac 1986: 107), and suggests that Derenos/-ainos may originally have been a local

Aramaic and Greek) was at its mouth.

divinity who was syncretized with Apollo. Apollo

Derenos/-ainos is partially present (ö7p-) in the

"Ihe method of transition owes something to the Homeric Catalogue of Ships in IJ. 2: a relative pronoun or similar descriptor is followed by a reference (more or less allusive) to a Greek or group of Greeks, then a set of place-names. For this, see

the good discussion at Sens 2009: 25f., and for Lyk.’s fondness for such lists of place-names see

featured on Abderite coinage in the 4th cent, ac: Isaac 1986: 106-7, and LACP: no. 640 at p. 875. 441. Bony: see Rengakos 1994: 115-16. 442. Παμφύλου κόρης: Magarsos, daughter of Pamphylos, eponym of Pamphylia (FGrHist 777, Demetrios of Pamphylia), and of the third Dorian

644-647n. and esp. 645n. for the literary anteced-

tribe

the

Pamphyloi,

‘all

tribe-men’,

ents and effectiveness of the device. For the

alongside Hylloi and Dymanes: 1388 n.

geographical order of the nostoi, see 3737386 n.

443. ἐν μεταιχμίῳ: this is the easier of the two uses

440. αὐτοκτόνοις σφαγαῖσι: this must

mean

‘mutual [lit. ‘mutually-killing’] slaughter’. For the adjective in this sense see A. 72. 681 and 810, about Eteokles and Polyneikes, But at 714, the words αὐτοκτόνοις ῥιφαῖσιν, though similar in grammar and position in the line, mean ‘suicidal leaps’. The close proximity to αὐτοφόντην at 438 (another word for ‘murderous’, but with a different meaning again) is striking, and serves as a neat device of transition, because 438 referred to

Eteokles and Polyneikes. Derainos was a cult epithet for Apollo at the Greek city of Abdera in Thrace. 2 cites

Pindar in the paians for this fact, and for a temple of Apollo there (Derainos said to be a τόπος ἐν

Ἀβδήροις, ἔνθα Anpaivov Ἀπόλλωνος

of the word in the poem; here it must mean 'in the middle' (i.e. middle space between two objects). For φόνοι μεταίχμιοι at 1435, see n. there (where the word seems to convey the idea of an extent of time in between two events). For μεταίχμιον as the space between two armies, see Hdt. 6.77.1 and 112. 1 (the battle of Marathon). The literal military

meaning of the word (which is derived from αἰχμή, ‘spear’) is certainly present in those two Hat. passages. But then μεταίχμιον extends its meaning to ‘in between’, with no obvious military flavour (see LSJ? 2, ‘what is mid-way between’), In

the present line, the hostility between Mopsos and Amphilochos means that the military meaning is vestigially present, as more obviously at 1435.

ἱερόν

444. Mayapaos: Magarsos was the harbour of

ἐστιν, οὗ μνημονεύει Πίνδαρος ἐν παιᾶσι). This

Mallos, and home to a sanctuary of Athena Magarsis (Arr. Anab. 2. 5. 9 says that Alexander

was very satisfyingly confirmed by the publication in 1908 of the papyrus text of much of Pindar’s second Paian— written for the Abderites, as this and other evidence shows (see line 5, [47]

ρηνὸν Ἀπόλλωνα). Rutherford 2001: 265 accepts that Derainos derived from a place-name, but

sacrificed to A. M. there). See Strabo 14. 5. 17,

Steph. Byz, and L4CP: p. 1213, discussing it among 'pre-Hellenistic settlements not attested as Hellenic Poleis’; also Zambon 2000: 281 and Lane Fox 2008: 226—7 and 425 n. 20. In Hellenistic

216

Introduction to the Cyprus five

4397445

Two, by the mouths of the streams of Pyramos, hounds of Derainos, each killed by the other's murderous blow, shall fight with their last battle-shout

440

at the foot of the towers of the daughter of Pamphylos. That tall citadel, eaten away by the sea, Magarsos, shall stand in the middle, separating their holy tombs, so that neither may see, even when they have gone down

445

that

transition of thought is easy: Cyprus is opposite Kilikia, and once formed part of it in geological time, as Greeks might have guessed. For Sens 2010: 301-2, this large section is an example of 'Herodotean digressiveness; so too S. West 2009: 85 (the Cyprus section a ‘virtuoso display of technique’, enabling Lyk. to feed in

‘Eratosthenes mentioned it’, μέμνηται δὲ αὐτοῦ

much that happened before the Trojan War). See

καὶ Ἐρατοσθένης. But this comment has been

also 439n. for the Homeric style of transition between nostoi narratives.

times Magarsos, fused with Mallos, became the

epigraphically well-attested Antioch on the Pyramos (the city is mentioned by Steph. Byz. both under the name Máyapoos and as his sixth

Antioch, Ἀντιόχεια

ἔκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ

Πυράμου). See Fraser 2009: 331.

Z

says

against

ἁγνῶν

δὲ

ἡρίων

detached from its true context and has floated up from the Cyprus section which begins at 447; seen.

there. The fragment is included in the collections

Lyk.’s choice of Cypriot myths is determined by a desire to select Greek figures who are or can

neither of Jacoby (historical) nor of Berger or of

be associated with nosioi stories (see 494-585.n.

Roller (geographical). It was first edited by Kinkel and (independently) Scheer in 1880. ἠρίων: ἠρίον is Homeric, see J/. 23. 126 (the tomb of Patroklos).

See also 1208 (Hektor's tomb at Ophryneion). 445. ὡς μὴ βλέπωσι: for the tombs of Mopsos

and Amphilochos, out of sight of each other because separated by Magarsos, see Strabo, as in

previous n. & gives this story, and then quotes Euphorion as saying of Mopsos and Amphilochos that they ‘singly passed the gates of Hades the inexorable’ (frag. 103 Lightfoot, whose tr. that is):

Πύραμον ἠχήεντα, πόλιν δ᾽ ἐκτίσσατο Μαλλόν, ἧς περὶ δῆριν ἔθεντο κακοφράδες ἀλλήλοισι Μόψος «τ' > Ἀμφίλοχός τε, καὶ ἄκριτα δηρινθέντες μουνὰξ ἀλλίστοιο πύλας ἔβαν Αἰδωνῆος. Massimilla 2004 shows that this passage of Lyk. was imitated by Quintus of Smyrna at the end of his Paris and Oinone section, 10. 486-9. 447-591. The five leaders who will go to Cyprus ‘This section of the poem (minus the digressions)

is FGrHist 758 (Kypros, Anhang) no. 5. The

for Akamas’ connection

with the Trojan War).

This explains the absence of exotic and steamy stories about Cypriot eponymous figures who committed incest (Paphos, Kinyras, etc.). Only the last—and most obscure—two of the five leaders, Kepheus and Praxandros, are named explicitly (Berra 2009: 307); see 586n. for the reason for this. See Geus 2003: 269 n. 51. The length of the section might offer support to those who think the poem was written in Alexandria, because Cyprus was a Ptolemaic

possession, although the conclusion is not necessary or even specially attractive (see Introduction, section 7). To be sure, Fraser 1979 argued that much of this long section derives from the Alexandrian scholar Eratosthenes (c.280/75 to 200 BC), and from Philostephanos

(below) and

took this to be evidence of an early 2nd—not early 3rd—century date for the poem as a whole, since Eratosthenes probably wrote his geography

between 240 and 210, and Philostephanos was a pupil of Kallimachos. An important piece of evidence for Fraser's view was an apparently double reference to Eratosthenes, made by the Σ to the best MS of Lyk., Marcianus 476, and positioned at or just before the beginning of the

217

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

4467447

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,

446

λουθέντας Scheer

447

Kepaorida Steph. Byz. s.v. Σφήκεια; Scheer

Cypriot section (see below for the exact position).

frag. 9 Badino = Ath. 331e: Φιλοστέφανος δ᾽ ὁ

This MS and the accompanying scholia and paraphrases were collated by Kinkel and Scheer independently, and published by them in their editions of 1880 and 1881 respectively. The coinci-

Κυρηναῖος μὲν γένος, Καλλιμάχου δὲ γνώριμος. As we shall see (447n., citing the Z) he was the first to call Cyprus by the name of Sphekeia, ‘place

dence of timing meant (see also 442 n.) that the

the Achaian and Praxandros the Spartan coloni-

item or rather two items are not included among the geographical fragments of Eratosthenes edited in 1880 by Berger; nor are they in Roller

zed Cyprus; these two are Lyk.’s fourth and fifth

of wasps’. Philostephanos also said that Kepheus Cypriot oikists; see Philostephanos frag. 19 Badino and 586-s91n. (Note also that Eratosthenes mentioned the Achaian city of Boura, FGrHist 241 F43, see 591—592 n. for Lyk. on Boura.) It is thus very likely that Lyk. was aware of Philostephanos, and this too strengthens Fraser’s 1979 suggestion about the date of the poem. The only indication we have for Philostephanos’ date is that Ath. (above) said that he was a γνώριμος of Kallimachos. Badino

(2010), or Jacoby no. 241 (historical fragments); or

in CA or Suppl. Hell. (poetic fragments; see below for the Hermes of Eratosthenes). At the end of the comment on 444, explicating Kilikian Magarsos,we read (Scheer's edn): μέμνη-

ται δὲ αὐτοῦ kai Ἐρατοσθένης. €’ δέ φησιν εἰς Κύπρον ἀπενεχθῆναι Τεῦκρον, Ἀγαπήνορα, Ἀκάμαντα, Πράξανδρον καὶ Κηφέα (Kinkel punctuates with a colon after Ἐρατοσθένης

2010: 29 n. 2 says that the interpretation of yvd)piμος as ‘pupil’ is certain; cf. Fraser 1972: 1. 522 on

and then prints the numeral in full, thus: πέντε

Philostephanos as‘. . . “friend” (in the special sense

δέ φησιν....). This

further below). The first part is retrospective and

of “pupil”)’. This is surprising, given that the obvious etymology of the word is just ‘acquaintance’,

is still about Magarsos (‘Eratosthenes, too, refers

but is generally accepted. See LSJ 3(b), citing inter

to it, αὐτοῦ. Then the commentary moves on to

alia Dion. Hal. On literary composition (de comp. verb.) 19, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ 7] ye Ἰσοκράτους καὶ τῶν ἐκείνων γνωρίμων αἵρεσις. The case is argued by Fraser 1972: 2. 737 n. 140, discussing Istros, said by the Suda to be a δοῦλος καὶ γνώριμος of Kallimachos (FGrHist 334 T 1), and by Ath. (T 2 and 6) to be Καλλιμάχειος. On the other

is a double

fragment

(see

the next and unrelated section and continues ‘Eratosthenes also says that five [men, heroes]

were

carried

off course

Teukros [etc.]'. The evidence

to Cyprus,

for Eratosthenes’

namely

interest

in

Cyprus increased in 1974, with the publication by ΡῈ Parsons of P.Oxy. 3000 (= Suppl. Hell. 397), a fragment of his poem Hermes. This mentions Paphos as a synonym for Cyprus (deleted), and

then as the ‘metropolis’ i.e. here ‘most important

city’, of Cyprus. This raises the possibility that Kinkel’s Cyprus frag. (πέντε δέ gnaw ...) also came from the Hermes. Parsons and Lloyd-Jones (Suppl Hell: p. 186) assign the Magarsos frag. (‘Eratosthenis fragm. nov.’) to Eratosthenes’ geo-

graphical work but do not discuss the separate frag. about the five leaders who went to Cyprus, Philostephanos, like ^ Eratosthenes and Kallimachos, came from Kyrene: see test. 1 and

hand,

the

grammarian

Oros

(Vocum Atticarum

collectio frag. 25 line 1) says γνώριμος οὐχ ὁ μαθητής, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ γινωσκόμενός τινι ἢ ἁπλῶς ὁ ἔνδοξος. I am grateful to Martin West for help with this point. If Fraser was right, we have not one but two frags of Eratosthenes, one (a) about Magarsos

in Kilikia and the other (b) about the five leaders or oikists who

went

to Cyprus

(447). He

was

following Gisinger (not Wendel as he says at 335 n. 1) in R.-E. ‘Philostephanos’ col. 109, who

suggested briefly that the scholiast’s πέντε δέ φησιν... referred to Eratosthenes.

218

Introduction to the Cyprus five

446-447

to the seats of the dead, the other's blood-soaked tomb. Five, coming to Sphekeia, to Kerastia,

This view is of great interest, in view of the

reflects Eratosthenes on copper-mining (frag.

mentions of Paphos and Cyprus in the frag. of

IIIB, 91 Berger= Strabo 14. 6. 5). In conclusion, Frasers particular argument about the interpretation of the reference in Z to Eratosthenes is unsafe. But this by no means destroys his entire case for use by Lyk. of Eratosthenes and Philostephanos in the Cypriot section. For Eratosthenes see 484n.

Eratosthenes at Suppl. Hell. 397 (above). Fraser's interpretation is not certain; Peter Parsons, in a

letter sent in January 2011, told me that he does

not accept it. I quote the most relevant part in a footnote.

Badino rejects it (Badino 2010: 133-8,

discussing frag. 19 about Praxandros, the Spartan who went to Cyprus as one of the five oikists;

(the copper-mines), and for Philostephanos see

see 586). He

(i) he thinks

447n. (Sphekeia) and 586-587n. (Kepheus and

that πέντε δέ qgmoiw...refers to Lyk. not Eratosthenes, and is just a summary of what the poem says. But Fraser dealt with this in advance

Praxandros). See also Introduction section 3(»)

at p. 335 n. 1 (‘the subject cannot be Lycophron, since the passage precedes the opening lemma’).

447—449. Introduction to the Cyprus five

has two arguments:

for further refs outside the Cypriot section,

447. Σφήκειαν eis Kepaoriav: Cyprus is both the

(ii) the known frags of Eratosthenes’ Geography are ‘purely scientific’ not antiquarian, so this would not fit the pattern (Badino concedes that the Hermes frag. about Paphos is different in character). Fraser 340 met this in advance too,

place of wasps and of horns, or a horned people. For the wasps, see Buxton 2009: 68-9 (citing Bowie 1993: 159760) for foundation myths which ‘use the image of physical transformation— Cyprus from wasps, Myrmidons from ants [for Aigina, see 176n.] even humanity from stones’. But the metamorphosis of Diomedes' companions at 176 is the opposite, more like Aristophanes’ men who turn into birds, Lyk. as often inverts expectations. See also my n. on Hdt. s. 64. 2

though he did leave it open whether both the two frags (a) and (b) came from the Hermes not the Geography. This is not impossible. Parsons, in

his introduction to P. Oxy. 3000, noted that the poem is now known to have been at least 1,600 lines long and that ‘the range of such a poem is

(the ‘Storkade’) for Pelasgians or Pelargians as

unpredictable’: it is possible that col. 1 concerned itself with Kinyras, the legendary Cypriot king, so the poem might also have talked about Lyk.'s

storks.

The equation of Cyprus with Sphekeia was made by Philostephanos (above, Introductory n.).

legendary founders. Badino does not discuss Fraser's additional

See frag. 5 Badino = Σ' on the present passage,

repeated by Et. Magn.: Σφήκειαν' ἡ Κύπρος πρόrepov Σφήκεια ἐκαλεῖτο ὥς φησι Φιλοστέφανος

and cogent argument that 484 (see n. there)

ἐν τῷ περὶ Κύπρου

: ‘Certainly φησίν can introduce a summary or para-

ἀπὸ

τῶν

ἐνοικησάντων

ἀνδρῶν, οἱ ἐκαλοῦντο Σφῆκες ...

phrase (with ‘the poet' understood), or alternatively the quotation of an authority (normally with the name of the authority stated). Here one might argue that €’ δέ

As for Kerastia, ‘place of horns’, Z attributes

this to a historian called Androkles. In view of the possibility that Lyk. derived the name directly

φησιν introduces more than a summary, because it specifies all five names when L. himself uses only two of them (586): therefore this is substantive comment, and

from this Androkles, some detailed discussion is in order, because there is no satisfactory modern account of Androkles He is a very interesting figure and the evidence for him has increased in

E. is the nearest authority. But I think that would be pressing it all too hard. The fact that e' comes first in the

sentence suggests to me that this was once part of a short summary of the four groups 417ff. a’ ev... y'

recent years. The comment quoted above continues (FGrHist

δε... B' δέ... εἰ de. And e' πέντε serves as lemma but also as subject of the paraphrase/annotation following. So on the whole I'd side against Fraser . . .".

751 Androkles Fr) as follows: ... καλεῖται δὲ [sc. ἡ Κύπρος] καὶ Kepaaría, ws μὲν Ἀνδροκλῆς ἐν

219

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

448

καὶ Zarpaxov BAw£avres Ὑλάτου τε γῆν, τῷ περὶ Κύπρου, διὰ τὸ ἐνοικῆσαι αὐτῃ ἄνδρας, ot εἶχον κέρατα (Cyprus is called Kerastia because

SEG

the people there had horns). With this compare Ovid Met. 10. 220-3: ‘at si forte roges fecundam Amathynta metalli, / an genuisse velit Propoetidas, abnuet aeque / atque illos, gemine quondam quibus aspera cornu / frons erat; unde etiam nomen traxere Cerastae". The story of the horns was sinister: Ovid explains (lines 225-37) that the homed inhabitsacrificed

strangers

to

Zeus

= CEG

872 (metrical, in elegiac

θησαυρὸν Κυπρίαι καὶ [ Ὀρε]σθέως ei[xóva]

μορίφ]ῆ[ς] υἱοῦ τήνδε ἀνέθηκε Ἀν[δ]ροκλῆς βασιλεύς. The name Ἀνδροκλῆς is not metrical here, but should not be emended to -éys; see P. Hansen (CEG, commentary on no. 872) 'de re metrica

ants of Cyprus (a place associated with human sacrifice)

30. 1571

couplets) and SEG 32. 1318. Androkles unequivocally calls himself king. The dedication begins in Cypriot syllabic script and then continues:

apud

Xenios

Cyprios

male

cognita.

From

a Delian

until Aphrodite turned them into bulls. See Forbes-Irving 1990: 95, and cf. 176n. (metamor-

inventory, IG 11 (2) 135, we know that 'Androkles

phosis

there in about 313 (Hill 1940: 149 n. 6). LGPN does not consider the obvious possibility that this epigraphically attested king (no. 11 in LGPN, correctly given as from Amathous) is identical with

in Lyk.)

and

481n.

(Lykaon)

king of the Amathousians' made a dedication

for such

metamorphoses as punishment for violation of hospitality.

The name Androkles in the J to the present passage of Lyk. has often been emended, either to

the king Androkles in Arrian, whom it lists (no.

Alexandros (i.e. Polyhistor; so Müller in his edn

10) as merely Cypriot rather than from Amathous,

of Tzetzes 2. 616 n. 32) or to Menandros (of Ephesos; so Meineke). But this should not be followed. It is unnecessary and undesirable to get rid of this Androkles, as Knaack 1890: 82-3 saw (cf. Badino 2010: 75 n. 113). The only fragment we have of him does not give an ethnic. But he may well be from Amathous (Susemihl 1891: 635 n. 582b, drawing on Knaack 1890: no. XII at 82-3,

as he certainly was. (Arrian gives him his ethnic, both times, so this seems to be just a mistake. Hill notes that Arrian never quite calls Androkles king, either in 332 or 321, though he does give that title to other Cypriots he mentions in the same contexts. But Hill is also probably right that this is not significant but merely literary variation. And the epigraphic evidence is now greater than when Hill wrote, and it points in the same direction.) It would be attractive to promote the historian to king; he would then resemble such other royal historians as the Alexander-historian

and in R.-E.‘Androkles’no. 10, the historian). The

reason for this conjecture is that there is a king of Amathous called Androkles in Arr. Anaé, (2. 22. 2, where he commands ships on Alexander's side

during the siege of Tyre in 332 Bc). He recurs in Arrians History of the Successors in 321, FGrHist 156 Fıo para. 6. So Alexander kept him on as ruler of Amathous (so rightly Bosworth: 1. 250). A relationship, even identity, between the man in Arrian and the historian is a very attractive idea. The name Androkles, though not rare generally, is attested only twice on Cyprus, according to LGPN. One of them is the king in Arrian (no. 10 = R.-E .no.8). The other Androkles

listed in LGPN is a late 4th-cent. king of Amathous who made dedications at Amathous

Ptolemy (FGrHist no. 138), Pyrrhos and Aratos,

authors

of memoirs

(nos

229

and

231)

or

Archelaos of Cappadocia. Archelaos (FGrHist no. 123), a contemporary and acquaintance of the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, wrote an account of the territory covered by Alexander

the Great. The parallel with Ptolemy is particularly tempting, because the context in which Androkles is mentioned by Arrian in 321 is an

alliance with Ptolemy. Is it even possible that

to Aphrodite (called Kypria Aphrodite or just Kypria). These seem to have consisted of statues

Androkles formed his literary ambitions in emulation of his more famous ally? Only if we put Ptolemy's career as a historian improbably

of his (?dead) sons Oresthes and Andragoras:

early in his career. But 220

the

Delos

dedication,

Introduction to the Cyprus five

448

and Satrachos, the land of Hylates, which incidentally shows the degree of Androkles’ Hellenism, could Seleukos’ invasion

attributed to Xenagoras, a possibly Rhodian historian often cited by the Lindian anagraphe, in

belong to the period of of Cyprus, which brought

his work On Islands (FGrHist 240 F 26a and C.

back into the Ptolemaic fold (Diod.

Higbie's comm. in BN/). According to this expla-

19. 62. 6). This time of troubles would be a good

nation, Kerastia refers to the number of promontories or ‘horns’ sticking out of Cyprus. For

Amathous

context for the Delian dedication. The Ptolemaic alignment is a recurring theme in the history of Amathous in this period.

Xenagoras’ Rhodian origin see Fraser 1979: 337 n. 2, against Jacoby, who thought he was from Herakleia Pontike.

Androkles’ work seems, however, to have been

rather different from royal memoirs of the Ptolemaic sort. In fact, it looks paradoxographical. The one fragment we have of Androkles does, however, provide an intriguing reason, apart from the merely onomastic argument, for connecting him with Amathous. It is, precisely, the

448. Satrachos was a river on Cyprus (not a city, as Σ). See Nonn. D. 13. 458-60 with Fraser 1979: 335-6 n. 2; also Cat. 95. 5. Hylates is a cult-epithet of Apollo (see Cayla 2005: 232-4, explaining it as

‘Apollo of a virgin site’ suitable for a colonial

comment quoted by the 2 on Lyk. (Cyprus

foundation), and is well, though far from uniquely, attested at Kourion on Cyprus; and at Paphos (below). Cf. also Paus. 10. 32. 6 (Magnesia on the Maiandros) and OGIS 53 (Upper Egypt, Koptos, with Fraser 1972: 195, and 1979, as above). Apollo is very appropriately called Ὑλάτης

was once called Kerastia because populated by men with horns, κέρατα). Now this story is also found in Ovid, as we have seen above. The stories

are so surreal that it is plausible to assume a common ultimate origin in the writings of Androkles

of Amathous, who may actually have been the

(from a place called Ὕλη near Cypriot Kourion according to Σ᾿, but perhaps really ‘God of the

king who features in Arrian. (Knaack 1890: 83

thought Ovid was unlikely to have gone to Androkles direct, and suggested that the inter-

Grove’,

mediary was Philostephanos.) If so, Androkles will be the earliest identifiable Cypriot historian, capable of turning out or of commissioning an elegiac epigram of sorts (see above). But the historian Androkles might merely be a relative of, and of a later date than, the king. It is futile to speculate far about the character of his work on Cyprus or On Cyprus. That it talked about the name of the island does not by itself condemn it as paradoxographical and trivial, unless we are to condemn ‘Th. by the same token, for discussing the names of the island of Sicily or Trinakria

the island has yielded many Greek dedicatory inscriptions of the Roman Imperial period. See

or principal god of the city. The Rennes database cites only Buitron-Oliver. That is late, to be sure. But there were three other sanctuaries to Apollo Hylates on Cyprus (at Paphos; at Dhrymou near Paphos; and at Chytroi near modern Nikosia/

(6. 2. 3). But

a history of

Lefkosia), and relevant Cypriot syllabic dedica-

Cyprus of any seriousness, we might perhaps

tions from these places date from as early as the 4th cent. Bc. They have the epithet in the form

if Androkles

wrote

have expected more than this one fragment to have survived. It seems very possible that Lyk. derived the name Kerastia from Androkles direct; but we cannot rule out the possibility that the name reached Lyk. only through Philostephanos as intermediary.

An alternative and implausible explanation given by 2 on the present line of Lyk. (447) is

Silvanus). The

important

sanctuary

of

Apollo Hylates at Kourion on the south coast of Mitford 1971: 105-26 (inscriptions of Imperial date); Fraser 1979, 333 n. 4; Buitron-Oliver 1996; Cayla 2005: 232-5. See now the late ptolemaic honorary decree from Kourion SEG 57. 1745, esp,

lines 1314-15, calling him the προηγούμενος θεός

u-la-ta. See Masson 1983: nos 3 (Paphos: Apollo Hylates, 4th cent. Bc); 85-6 (Dhrymou: Hylates, no mention of Apollo); 184-9 (Kourion: ‘Apollo’ or ‘the god’, but no mention of Hylates); 250 and 250a (Chytroi: Hylates). See further Egetmeyer 2012: 429, noting that Lyk here uses the local

form of the name with long alpha. 22I

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

449-456

Mopqo παροικήσουσι τὴν Ζηρυνθίαν. ὁ μὲν πατρὸς μομφαῖσιν ἠλαστρημένος

450

Κυχρεῖος ἄντρων Βωκάρου τε ναμάτων, οὑμὸς ξύναιμος, ὡς ὀπατρίου φονεὺς sov, νόθον φίτυμα, συγγενῶν βλάβη, τοῦ λύσσαν ἐν ποίμναισιν αἰχμητηρίαν ,

H

,

^

Fd

χέαντος, ὃν χάρωνος ὠμηστοῦ δορὰ

455

χαλκῷ τορητὸν οὐκ ἔτευξεν ἐν μάχῃ, 449. ‘Zerynthian Morpho' is Aphrodite, and ‘shall settle near’ her is a way of saying ‘shall colonize

Cyprus’, because of her supposed birth at Paphos. Morpho (‘beautiful’) was one of her cult epikle-

seis at Sparta: Paus. 3. 15. τὸ (ἐπίκλησις μὲν δὴ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἐστὶν ἡ Moppw). See Wide 1893: 140 (cf. 136 and 391), calling this the most interest-

It is remarkable that Lyk. does not specify the places founded by any of the five: Fraser 1979. Teukros’ foundation of Cypriot Salamis is the best known of the five foundations, partly because of Horace's ‘nil desperandum' ode, with

its reference to a ‘future Salamis in a new land’: see Odes 1. 7. 27-9: ... Teucri / certus enim promisit Apollo / ambiguam tellure nova Salamina

ing Aphrodite cult at Sparta (Paus. 3. 15. 1 says her cult image was veiled and fettered, see Nilsson 1967: 524, cf. 82f.), and claiming that Aphrodite and Morpho were originally distinct deities; see also Brulé and Lebreton 2007: 219. An alternative or additional derivation is from μορφνός, suppos-

edly = ‘chthonic’; cf. Holzinger, and Wide 1893: 141; see 838n. for this word. For Zerynthian (i.e.

futuram’, See Pi. N. 4. 46-8, and less explicitly Hdt. 7. 90 (479-493n.). Fraser took this silence

on Lyk.5 part to indicate indifference to cult, but the better explanation is that Lyk. is, as often,

deliberately allusive. Certainly the poet could expect readers to know who founded Cypriot Salamis at least.

Samothracian or Thracian) see 77n. 450-478. No. (1). Teukros

This passage is full of reminiscences of S. Ajax, esp. but not only Teukros’ speech at 992-1039 (see Holzinger on 453 and Gasse 1910: 39). If we had

more of the fragmentary Teukros, the number of discernible Sophoclean echoes would no doubt increase.

450. The myth, for which see Prinz 1979: 56~78,

was that Telamon, father of Ajax and Teukros (and cousin of Kassandra via Hesione, see 337338n. and 452n., also 468n.), refused to believe Teukros’ account of Ajax’s suicide and banished him for not preventing it (Teukros foresees this

anger and expulsion at S. Ajax 1006-21). So he went to found Cypriot Salamis, whose name duplicates that of the island, near Athens, which was for all antiquity associated with Ajax (this will be called ‘Greek Salamis’ for convenience). See S. Ajax and Apollod. 3. 12. 7, with 451n. (S.'s mostly lost Teukros dealt with this theme, see frags 576-579b TrGF).

The Teukros

named

en clair at 1303

is a

different and less famous (Trojan) Teukros.

451. Kuxpeios ἄντρων: Kychreus was son of Poseidon by Salamis, one of the many daughters of Asopos. 2 says that Κύχρειος is a dialect genitive, Kychreus was king of Greek Salamis

(Euphorion frag. 32 Lightfoot) at the time when Telamon appeared (see 450n.) and saved the island from a dangerous snake (a similar story was

told of Orion and king Oinopion of Chios, and was perhaps worked up into a poem by Pindar, see Hornblower 2004: 145-56). Kychreus died child-

less, and Telamon ruled in his place, See 2, Apollod. 3. 12. 7 and Strabo 9. 1. 9. The Kuypeios πάγος, stream of Kychreus’, featured in S. Tewkros

(for which see 450n.): frag. 579 TrGF, from Steph. Byz. Βωκάρου: Bokaros was another stream on Greek Salamis. See Hesych.: ποταμὸς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ἐκ τοῦ Ἀκάμαντος ὄρους φερόμενος. (Not marked in Barr.) 452. οὑμὸς ξύναιμος: for the relationship, see 45on. (Hesione). It means that Greeks and Trojans 222

Cypriot leader (1), Teukros

449-456

shall settle near Zerynthian Morpho. The first, exiled, by his father’s reproaches,

450

from the caves of Kychreus and the waters of Bokaros—

my own cousin!—because he was the killer of his brother foal, and a bastard shoot, and the ruin of his family.

His brother had vented his warlike rage on flocks of sheep, he whom the skin of the fierce lion

455

had made invulnerable to bronze weapons in battle.

are to this extent represented as kin, and this

not necessarily unheroic. Invulnerability features in many Indo-European myths, but is usually either partial or can be overcome by burying the possessor under heaps of stones or some similar covering; see M. West 2007: 444-6. Ajax's partial invulnerability was perhaps in [Hes.] (see frag. 250 M/W) and in the Aithiopis (West 2013: 162 and n. 48). It was certainly known to A. (frag. 83

prepares us for the treaty of reconciliation at 1448. With ξύναιμος, cf. S. Ajax 977, Teukros apostrophizes the dead Ajax. ὡς ὀπατρίου φονεύς: the hapax word ὀπάτριος

(= ὁμοπάτριος) recalls the description of Teukros at Il. 12. 371, as Ajax’s κασίγνητος καὶ ὄπατρος. 453. νόθον φίτυμα: there is a double tragic reminiscence in Kassandra's description of Teukros as a φίτυμα: first, of Kassandra’s prophecy about Orestes’ avenging return: A. Ag. 1281, μητροκτόνον φέτυμα, mowdrwp πατρός, second, of

TrGF, from the Thracian Women, quoted by X on S. Ajax 833 and cited by & on the present passage of Lyk.), who said that some daimon had to show Ajax the spot to pierce (the daimon was Athena: Berthold 1911: 7 n. 1). It was perhaps known to S.

Teukros as speaker at S. Ajax 1296, ὁ pırloas

(Ajax 834, πλευρὰν διαρρήξαντα τῷδε φασγάνῳ), where the vagueness of the first word

πατήρ. With νόθον cf. Ajax 1013.

is compatible with knowledge of As version,

454. ἐν ποίμναισιν: Ajax’s madness took the form

which 5. did not wish to contradict outright (so

of killing sheep, an episode described at length in

the & on S.) or else—more likely—with deliber-

the opening scenes of S. Ajax. With ποίμναισιν (flocks’, see Od. 9. 122) cf. lines 27, 42 (the variant

ate ignoring (Jebb).

2 on J/ 23. 821 says that the

invulnerable spot was the neck, and 2 on S. says the armpit, μασχάλῃ, and X Lyk. 455 says the collar-bone. Euphorion frag. 44 Lightfoot may be an attempt to reconcile the traditions (see Lightfoots n.), and for a modern attempt to reduce the number of the variants, see Berthold 1911: 7-8, who thinks that the armpit was the

form ποίμνια), $3, 63, 184, 234 of the play: ποίμνη is S.'s favoured word for the animals so slaughtered. See also 529 and n. (ποίμνια).

455. χάρωνος: see 260 n. δορά: from δέρω, ‘I flay’, cf. E. Kyk. 330, δοραῖσι θηρῶν σῶμα περιβαλὼν ἐμόν.

original spot. Pi. I. 6. 47-8 has Herakles praying that the baby Ajax shall have ‘a body as impenetrable as this skin which is now wrapped

456. χαλκῷ τορητὸν οὐκ ἔτευξεν: for the reverse order of τορητὸν οὐκ = ἄτρωτον, invulnerable’, cf. (with Holzinger) E. Hel, 810, οὕτω σιδήρῳ

around me, of the beast which ...’ etc., τὸν μὲν ἄρρηκτον pvdv, ὥσπερ τόδε δέρμα με νῦν περιπλανᾶται θηρός, dv... This is close to but not

τρωτὸν οὐκ ἔχει δέμας. The (not quite complete) invulnerability of Ajax recalls that of Achilles, which is, however, first explicitly attested only

identical with Lyk.’s version, and may betray knowledge of Ajax’s invulnerability, without

by late sources (178 .). The story about Ajax is not

in Homer (Viirtheim 1907: 7). See Griffin 1977:

actually saying that it was conferred on Ajax (so

40, cf. Finglass

201: 39, for the ‘un-Homeric’

rightly Berthold 1911: 12-13; see also Vürtheim

character of stories of invulnerability, although partial invulnerability is a different matter and

relation between Pi. and Lyk. Vürtheim thought

1907: 507 and Gigante Lanzara 2009: 104-5 on the

223

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

457—465

μίαν πρὸς Ἅιδην καὶ φθιτοὺς πεπαμένον κέλευθον, ἣν γωρυτὸς ἔκρυψε Σκύθης, ἦμος καταίθων θύσθλα Κωμύρῳ λέων OPW

^

πάατρι

\ A n Λασκε

E H TOS ἐπηκοοῦς

A

΄ ALTAS,

460

σκύμνον rap’ ἀγκάλαισιν deira Bpdoas. οὐ γάρ τι πείσει piruv, ὡς ὁ Λήμνιος πρηστὴρ Ἐνυοῦς, οὔποτ᾽ εἰς φύζαν τραπείς,

ταῦρος βαρύφρων, δυσμενεστάτου ξένων ἔτυψε δώρῳ σπλάγχνον, ἀρνεύσας λυγρὸν that Lyk.'s source might have been Panyassis of Halikarnassos).

Pi. could

have

been

taken

to

imply that the invulnerability extended to all areas not covered by the skin of the Nemean lion (the Nemean lion's own invulnerability is thought

of as communicating itself to the person it is in contact with; cf. Berthold 1911: 10-11, but see 3,

where he shows that the motif is not actually attested before Ps.-Theok. 25). Lyk. implies that

the area of the baby’s skin which was covered by Herakles’ quiver, and so not in contact with the lion's skin, was not protected (457-458) 457. πεπαμένον: see 354 n. for the verb. 458. γωρυτὸς ἔκρυψε Σκύθης: that is, the metal

bow-case of the bow given to Herakles by the Skythian Teutaros; see 56n. For this meaning of the rare word y«purós see Od. 21. 54 (the only occurrence in Homer) with Russo in Russo ef al.

1992: 137 f. and Antimachos frag. 183 Wyss (108 Matthews), where it appears in the company of another rare Lykophronic word, τιθαιβώσσω, for which see 622 and n. (An ancient papyrus

commentary on the Ántimachos frag. says that γωρυτός

meant a quiver, and Matthews: 282

thinks the word had changed its meaning from the Homeric ‘bow-case’ to mean ‘quiver’ in both Antimachos and Lyk. But this is not true of Lyk.,

and LSJ are right not wrong on this point.) 459. θύσθλα: here 720, θύσθλοισι . . the reference is Homer (ZZ. 6. 134)

465

modern commentators repeat this and stop there. But here is a particularly satisfying case where

epigraphy confirms the information in the 2j see Introduction section 11. ‘Halikarnassos’ stands for ‘Karia’, because a festival of the Komyrion or Komyria (Κομύριον, Κομύρια, sanctuary τὸ Κομύριον, see I. Stratonikeia index vol. at 2. 2: 93) is well attested epigraphically in inland Karia, at Panamara, a site of pilgrimage. The evidence is a series of inscriptions published in the late 19th and early 2oth cents by Deschamps and Cousin in BCH, the connection with the present line of Lyk. was already made by them in 1887 and 1888 (BCH 11: 381 and 12: 249, calling Panamara a place of pilgrimage); Holzinger (1895) and Ciaceri (1901) were

therefore in a position to know about this evidence. See also BCH 13 (1889) no. 62 = I. Jasos : no. 632, line 4 (with Nilsson 1906: 28 n. ı and Laumonier 1958:

635) for the spelling Κυμώριος at Bargylia, north of Halikarnassos (a ἱερεὺς Διὸς Κυμωρίου). The many relevant Panamaran inscriptions are now republished in I. Stratonikeia, see 2. 2: 93 and 95 (indexes under Κυμάρια) for complete lists. See for discussion Nilsson 1906: 27-31; Syll? no. 900 note 2; R.-E. XI 1303-7,‘Komyros’(Scherling, cf. Schwabl 1978: 328); Laumonier 1958: 606, 635. It is thought that Komyros was originally a Karian god who became assimilated to Zeus. The

Komyria were a mystery (initiatory) festival (I. Stratonikeia: no. 203 lines 16-17 and 205 lines 26-7 with Nilsson 1906: 29 and n. 4). The female festival was called the Heraia and the male the

and elsewhere in Lyk. (see esp. . βοῶν, also the very similar 929) clearly to animal sacrifice. In the word had meant something

ciated at both. From the reference to Zeus and

like thyrsoi, ivy-wreathed wands used in Bacchic

the Kouretes in the ‘Pride of Halikarnassos’

worship. Κωμύρῳ: & says that Komuros was a cult-epithet of Zeus at Halikarnassos (Κώμυρος

inscription (SEG 48. 1330 lines 5-13), Lloyd-Jones 2005b: 217 suggested a link with the Komyria festival, at which men’s hair was offered (the name

yap ὁ Ζεὺς ἐν Ἁλικαρνασσῷ τιμᾶται), and all

Komyria, but the priest of Zeus Panamaros offi-

224

Cypriot leader (1), Teukros

457-465

He had only one way to Hades and the land of the dead, a way which was hidden by the Skythian bow-case. When the lion burned sacrifices to Komyros,

his father, he uttered prayers which were heard, as he tossed his companion's whelp in his arms. He will never persuade their father that the Lemnian

460

whirlwind of Enyo, he who was never turned to flight, the savage bull, could have pierced his innards with the gift from the guest-friend who was his bitterest enemy,

465

Kouretes was supposed to derive from κείρω,

we need Herakles’ arms to toss the baby, i.e. to go

‘cut’). This seems a long shot.

with βράσσω, cf. below. The verb Bpdoow is energetic, and 2 paraphrases it as πήλας. Here is a clue: the model is surely the use of πάλλω at I7. 6. 474 (with Graziosi and Haubold), Hektor kisses Astyanax and tosses him up, πῆλέ τε χερσίν.

The Karian epiklesis might be used as a minor argument (cf. 477-591n. on Cyprus) in favour of a Ptolemaic milieu for the poet, because of the extensive Ptolemaic Egyptian links with Karia, and early 3rd-cent Ptolemaic control of what would become the Stratonikeia area (Cohen 1995: 268f. and 270f. n. 2; the main evidence is SEG 15. 652 = I. Stratonikeia: no. 1002. See also Robert 1983: nos 3-6 for Karian Amyzon and I.

462. φῖτυν: cf. S. Ajax 1296 φιτύσας πατήρ, though on the text there see Jebb’s n. 462-463.

ὁ

Λήμνιος

/

πρηστὴρ

‘Evious:

other

‘Lemnian’ means ‘fiery’, ‘fierce’, from the associa-

Karian cult epithets in the poem see 950 (Athena Myndia) and 1207 (Apollo Lepsios). But on the ‘Ptolemaic milieu’ see Introduction section 7. λέων: for Herakles as lion see 33n.

that of Enyalios, an epithet of Ares. See Burkert

Labraunda:

no.

43

for Labraunda).

For

tion of Lemnos with Hephaistos the fire-god. Enyo is a war-goddess, whose name is related to

1985: 171. For πρηστήρ see 27n. 463. On the Homeric word φύζα (e.g. Il. 15. 62) see Rengakos 1994: 126 f.

461. σκύμνον map’ ἀγκάλαισιν ácíra βράσας: the meaning and orthography of deira is difficult, as shown by Bachmann's enormously long n. One interpretation sees it as a synonym for Herakles himself, so 2, τὸ δ᾽ Airas ἀντὶ τοῦ ὁ

464. βαρύφρων:

Ἡρακλῆς. The preferable alternative is to take it as a genitive of a (supposedly Thessalian) word for ‘companion’, airns, as at Theok. 12. 14 and 20 with Gow; see also Dosiadas Βωμός line 5 (with Hollis 2007: 283), Trs like ‘eagle’s youngling’ (Mooney) take the noun to be a dialect (Boiotian?) form of aleros, but that would make Ajax's father Telamon the eagle. That eagles are

rare

before

the

Hellenistic

period, see Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4. 731, citing only Alkman frag. 3.82 PMG, Ba[..]óppova. 464-465. δυσμενεστάτου ξένων

ἔτυψε δώρῳ

σπλάγχνον: this echoes S. Ajax 661-2, ἐδεξάμην

/ παρ᾽ Ἕκτορος δώρημα δυσμενεστάτου. The ultimate reference is to 1. 303-5, Hektor gives Ajax his sword and Ajax gives Hektor his belt.

The paradox that the gift of a previously hostile

likely enough, given that in the Pindaric version

guest-friend turns out malign is summarized by S. a few lines later in a proverb: ἀλλ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἀληθὴς ἡ βροτῶν παροιμία / ἐχθρῶν ἄδωρα δῶρα

of the story, Herakles gave Ajax (Aias) his name because of its similarity to the word for ‘eagle’

frags 45 and 46 Lightfoot.

(Pi. I.6. 50 and 53). Hence Holzinger's ingenious

465. ἀρνεύσας: a hapax word; see Guilleux 2009:

suggestion that παρ᾽ ἀγκάλαισιν ἀείτα means ‘to the beat of the eagle’s wings’, ‘bei des Adlers Flugschlag’, in reference to the eagle-portent. But

227 n. 27 (it is probably derived from ἀρνευτήρ,

meant to be suggested, at some level, by the line is

κοὐκ ὀνήσιμα (Ajax 664-5). See also Euphorion

an ‘acrobat’, as at 1), 16. 742, and see Headlam on

Herodas 8. 42). It will be used again at 1103.

225

466-476

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

πήδημα πρὸς κνώδοντος αὐτουργοὺς σφαγάς. ἐλᾷ δὲ πάτρας τῆλε Τραμβήλου κάσιν, 3Y

^

x

,

^

,

,

ὃν ἡ ξύναιμος πατρὸς ἐκλοχεύεται, δοθεῖσα πρωταίχμεια τῷ πυργοσκάφῳ' ἣν δή ποτ᾽ ἐν ῥήτραισι δημοτῶν σταθείς,

470

γλαυκῷ κελαινὸν δόρπον ὥτρυνεν κυνὶ στεῖλαι τριπλᾶς θύγατρας ὁ σπείρας βάβαξ, ^

A

^

/,

^

ww

,

M

t

,

[4

τῷ πᾶσαν ἅλμῃ πηλοποιοῦντι χθόνα, ὅταν κλύδωνας ἐξερεύγηται γνάθων, LÀ

,

,

,

,

λάβρῳ σαλεύων πᾶν τρικυμίᾳ πέδον. ὁ δ᾽ ἀντὶ πιποῦς σκορπίον λαιμῷ σπάσας 476

475

πίπου Griffiths, cf. LSJ? πῖπος (II)

See Wathelet 2009: 339, also Gantz 1993: 401-2 for the alternative versions in which the demand for Trojan maidens, or for Hesione specifically, originates with Apollo. See Servius on V. Δ. 1. 550 and A. 5. 30. For Herakles’ role (the monster swallows him instead and he kills it) see 34-37. There is a hidden western dimension, mentioned here by Tzetzes, in anticipation of Lyk.’s own full and interestingly more explicit account at 951-967 (see below): Laomedon (named at 952) banished Phoinodamas’ three daughters to Libya, intending that they should be eaten by wild animals. One of them evidently crossed over

466. πήδημα: cf. S. Ajax 633 for the word, and,

for the thought applied to Ajax 1033, ὄλωλε θανασίμῳ πεσήματι (πηδήματι Kuiper, see Holzinger). κνώδοντος: ‘any tooth-like prong or spike’: so Jebb on 8, Ajax 1025, noting that Lyk. has here borrowed from that passage, where

Teukros wonders how to extract the sword from Ajax's body (or rather, how to tear the body away from the sword). S.’s Teukros then (1027 ff.) reverts to the theme of Hektor's fatal gift, see 464-465n. For κνώδων see also 1109 (where the word is used metonymically for the weapon which killed Kassandra herself) and 1434. 467. Τραμβήλου κάσιν: the ‘brother of Trambelos is Teukros; see 468n. Trambelos is not a Greek name, and no name in any vol. of LGPN is at all

like it. The closest noun to the name is a rare one found in, precisely, Lyk., namely τράμπις, a ship (97), and since there are maritime features to the

story of Trambelos and Apriate (469 n.), this just

might be relevant. Alternatively, see Lightfoot 1999: 518-19 for various speculations involving

names of Anatolian places or peoples (the Karian mountain Tarbelos, or the name given to the Lykians by their neighbours, viz. Termilai, see Hdt. 1. 173. 3; etc.). 468-478. Hesione, Phoinodamas, and Herakles The story of Phoinodamas (here named by Z only,

but by Lyk. at 953, see below), and his speech in the Trojan assembly urging the sacrifice of Hesione to the sea-monster, is known from Lyk. and 2; also

Ü

to Sicily, where

she married

the river-god

Krimisos, in the shape of a dog (961), and gave birth to Aigestes, who founded the three Elymiot cities in western Sicily: Egesta, Entella, and Eryx (964). See Wathelet 2009: 339 and n. 41 for this myth, which seems to be peculiar to Lyk. When Lyk. mentions an individual for the second time, the name is sometimes given without periphrasis or riddling. So Phoinodamas and Laomedon are not named here, but nearly five hundred lines later the poet will relent, and name them. So too with the Laistrygonians (anonymous at 662-665, but named at 956).

468. ὃν ἡ ξύναιμος πατρὸς ἐκλοχεύεται: lit. ‘to whom the sister of my [sc. Kassandra's] father gave birth’. For ξύναιμος see 280 n., and for the verb, see E. Hel. 258 and Jon 1458 (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59). The woman

here is Hesione, sister of

(with differences of detail, and without the actual

Priam, and so Kassandra's aunt (Gantz 1993: 444 says, by a slip, that Hesione is Kassandra's sister).

name Phoinodamas) Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 52.

She was mother of Teukros by Telamon (see 226

Hesione, Phoinodamas, and Herakles

466-476

and have leapt in a fatal fall on his sword in self-slaughter. He will drive Trambelos’ brother far from his fatherland,

whom my father’s sister bore,

she who was given as the first spoils to the tower-underminer. It was she whom once, as he stood in the assembly of the citizens,

the babbler father of three daughters urged should be sent as a grim meal to the bright-eyed hound,

470

which made the whole earth into mud with sea-water,

when it spewed out the billows from its jaws, and shook the whole plain with boisterous waves. He sucked a scorpion, not a woodpecker, into his gullet,

475

450 n.). dv could refer either to Trambelos himself,

Thrax, but the discovery of a lengthy papyrus frag.

or to his brother (κάσιν) Teukros. See next n. for Hesione/Theaneira as mother of Trambelos; but she could also be mother of Teukros. The alternative is to make Teukros’ mother an unknown

of the poem itself (Suppl Hell. 415 and Lightfoot Euphorion frag. 26) confirms that the indebtedness was not straightforward; see Lightfoot 1999: 516-18 (e.g. only the papyrus tells of a dolphin res-

Trojan woman, and this might be supported by the

cue or escort of the girl's corpse). The Alexander-

description of Greek Salamis as Teukros’ fatherland or πάτρα (468) i.e. he was born there, not at Miletos, to which Hesione/Theaneira fled (see next n.). It seems doubtful that Lyk. wished to be clear and unambiguous, 469. δοθεῖσα πρωταίχμεια τῷ πυργοσκάφῳ: this alludes to the first sack of Troy, by Herakles (see 32 n.), who gave Hesione to Telamon as ‘first

spoils’. But Istros (FGrHist 334 F 57, quoted by 2), names the πρωταίχμεια as Theaneira (a variant

for Hesione, or perhaps another name for her, as "Tzetzes, Oedveipav, τὴν kai Ἡσιόνην) and says she fled to Miletos, where she gave birth to Trambelos, who was killed by Achilles without knowing who he was. As Jacoby remarks on the Istros frag.: ‘the story of Trambelos was repeatedly treated during the third century’ (but ‘during the Hellenistic period’ might be better). See Lightfoot

1999: 352-5 and 516~19 and n. 319 for text and tr. of, and comm., on Parthenios Erotika Pathemata no. XXVI ‘Apriate’, the sad story of the girl with whom Trambelos fell in love (either he threw her

historian Aristoboulos (FGrHist 139 F 6) described

a Milesian spring called the Achilleion where Achilles killed Trambelos. 470-472. The ‘babbler’ (472 n.) is Phoinodamas. 472. The onomatopoeic βάβαξ means ‘babbler’, cf. Archilochos frag. 297 West, quoted by the grammarian Orion, who says it means λάλος, φλύαρος. 474. ἐξερεύγται ‘spew out’; see next n. 475. λάβρῳ: this word for ‘boisterous’, ‘noisy’ is

again used in close proximity to the verb ἐξερεύγομαῖι at 724 (with 725). Pindar uses it of the noisy

common people in P. 2. 87, where λάβρος orpa7ós means democracy as opposed to monarchy or oligarchy, the other forms of government there considered. For the meaning of the adjective see Homblower 2004: 80-1 and modern discussions cited at n. 97; also Finglass on S. Εἰ 749.

into the sea in anger at her rejection of him, or she threw herself into the sea to escape him). The story is said, in the ‘manchette’or short notice preceding

476. ἀντὶ πιποῦς σκόρπιον: for this use of ἀντί as the strongest form of negation, see CT II: 226 on Th. 4. 62. 3. In Roman mythology, Picus was a king of Latium who was metamorphosed into a woodpecker by Kirke; for the abundant evidence

the story, to be told by Euphorion in his poem

see C. R. P[hillips], OCD*, ‘Picus’. This is not

227

477-484

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

Φόρκῳ κακῆς ὠδῖνος ἔκλαυσεν βάρος, χρήζων πυθέσθαι πημάτων συμβουλίαν. ὁ δεύτερος δὲ νῆσον ἀγρότης μολών,

χερσαῖος, αὐτόδαιτος, ἐγγόνων δρυὸς

480

λυκαινομόρφων Νυκτίμου κρεανόμων,

τῶν πρόσθε μήνης φηγίνων πύρνων ὀχὴν σπληδῷ κατ᾽ ἄκρον χεῖμα θαλψάντων πυρός, χαλκωρυχήσει, καὶ τὸν ἐκ βόθρου σπάσει

obviously relevant to Hesione (who survives in

narrative of war and quarrels. So Hurst 2009:

human form), and this is therefore not a straight-

202-3.

forward metamorphosis story of the type discussed at 176n. But one etymology connected Picus with the inhabitants of Picenum in central Italy (see OCD*, as above), and Lyk., whose west-

meaning 'hunter' is derived from the context (a

em

480. χερσαῖος: see I]. 2. 614, Agamemnon

interests

are

detectable

hereabouts

(468-

478 n.), might have been aware of this. (See app. crit.) The language and thought of the present line are echoed at 837-839, ἀντὶ θηλείας ..., said of Andromeda's rescue by Perseus. That episode

has other similarities with the rescue of Hesione. 477. Φόρκῳ: see 376 (where he is called Phorkys) and n. The old paraphrase of the present passage identifies him with Nereus; cf. M. West on Hes. Th. 233.

90 on the Cyprus contingent in Xerxes' army,

including oí δὲ ἀπὸ Ἀρκαδίας, alongside people from 'Salamis and Athens' (for this tradition see 450 n.) The notion has some philological basis, in the form of the Arkado-Cypriot dialect, for 2007: 31-2 (Arkadian

pro-

vides Agapenor with sixty ships ἐπεὶ οὔ σφι θαλάσσια ἔργα μεμήλει. αὐτόδαιτος: ‘of a guest, bringing bis own share to a feast’ (LSJ^). The likeliest meaning is that in Arkadia the earth provides food of its own accord; so Holzinger, citing FGrHist 244 Apollodoros F 100 from the Demeter section of his περὶ θεῶν (quoted by Steph. Byz. a 428 Bill., an entry about Arkadia whose opening is corrupt): αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἔμολεν ὁ καρπὸς εἰς τροφὴν καὶ σπόρον. ἐγγόνων δρυός: this is to which Arkas, the eponym

For Arkadian colonization of Cyprus cf. Hdt. 7.

see Colvin

simile).

an elegantly brief reference to the myth according

479-493. No. (2). Agapenor

which

479. ἀγρότης: lit. ‘countryman’; at Od. 16. 218, the

as the

relic of a Peloponnesian dialect of the Mycenaean age, before Greeks emigrated to Cyprus; the iso-

lated physical character of Arkadia made this possible, cf. 480 n. on χερσαῖος). For Agapenor as founder of Paphos, see Paus.

8.5. 2, Agapenor was oikist of Paphos and founded the temple at Palaipaphos; similarly Strabo 14. 6. 3. C.M. West 2orib: 117 on I7. 2. 603-14. Apollod. ep. 6. 15 includes, among the wandering Greeks who settled overseas, Ayarıvwp ἐν Κύπρῳ. This subsection has been seen as a moment of ‘respiration et d’apaisement’ in the middle of a

of the ethnos of

the Arkadians, rescued the oak-tree-dwelling Hamadryad (nymph) Chrysopeleia by diverting the river which threatened to inundate her habitat: FGrHis? 262 Charon of Lampsakos F 12 a and b, where (a) is 2 Ap. Rh. 2. 476-83a, p. 166

Wendel, and (b) is Tzetzes’ comment on the present passage of Lyk., where Tzetzes also cites Eumelos for the name Chrysopeleia (frag. 15

Bernabé (1), with Apollod. 3. 9. 1 and Jacoby's app. crit. on Charon). The two married, and she gave birth to Elateia (eponym of the Phokian polis, LIACP. no. 180, and for the Elateian link with Arkadia see Paus. 8. 4. 5-6 and 10. 34. 2, with Habicht 1998: 67-9) and to Amphidamas. The diverting of water-courses was a feature of Arkadian life in historical reality, see Th. 5. 65. 4 with CT III: 172, citing Roy 1999: 324 and 368 nn. 19-20 (with other ancient refs) for flooding as a

particular Arkadian problem.

228

Cypriot leader (2),

Agapenor

477-484

and wept the heavy weight of his dire woes to Phorkos, wanting advice in his trouble. The second, a hunter, comes to the island, a landsman, earth-nourished, one of the sons of the oak,

480

who took the shape of wolves after they cut Nyktimos to pieces; They were older than the moon, and warmed their food of acorn-mast

in the ashes of their fires at dead of winter. He will dig for copper, and will wrench the clods Lykaon is complicated by his positive mission as culture-bringer; cf. Buxton 1987: 73, ForbesIrving 1990: 94, and Fowler 2013: 103-9. Like Prometheus, he illustrates the dangers of performing a civilizing role. It has been suggested that Lykaon could have been the subject of Aeschylus’ satyr-play Leon, see Burnett 1998: 188

481. A three-word line (cf. 63n.), and a particu-

larly powerful and virtuosic one, which condenses much into little. Zeus in disguise visited the lawless fifty sons of Lykaon, who served him the flesh of their brother Nyktimos. Zeus destroyed

some of them with thunderbolts and turned the others into wolves. For these Arkadian werewolves, see esp. Burkert 1983a: 84-93 and Buxton 1987 and 2004: 88-9, who interpret the concluding stage of the myth in terms of an attested, and probably initiatory, ritual which was practised in

n. 42; but the usual explanation (Herakles and the Nemean lion) is likelier.

For

the region of Mt Lykaon in Arkadia (for a good

family stripped and swam across a lake or pool and stayed out of society for nine years. If he ate no human flesh in that time, he then turned back

into a man, otherwise he stayed a wolf This temporary wildness fits the pattern bic transitions: as often the myth gives an version of what was routinely enacted

for ever. of epheextreme in ritual

(cf. 1141-1173 n. for the Lokrian Maidens). That

is, young men on the verge of manhood were detached from society for a fixed period. For wolf-rituals in Arkadia see also Plato Rep. 565d and Paus. 8. 2. 6. From another point of view, the degrading metamorphosis of Lykaon and/or his sons is the appropriate punishment for violation of the laws of hospitality and for transgression of behav-

ioural boundaries, in particular by attempting to deceive the gods into crossing those boundaries. Compare the case of Tereus, turned into a hoopoe after dreadfully crossing a boundary by ignorantly eating his son Itys (137n.). The

case of

of the

metamorphosis

ie. older than, the moon’, see Meyer 1892: 65 n. 1; BN] 62 Theodoros F1 (Dowden). Scarpi 2009: 218

also Aston 2011: 102 and n. sr, 209-10. Pliny the Elder (NH 8. 81, quoting Euanthes (FGrHist

frequency

482. πρόσθε μήνης: for the Arkadians as ‘before,

photograph of which, see Buxton 2004: 6-63); see

320 F 1)) said that a young man from a specified

the

theme in Lyk., see 176 n. (where this is no, (8)).

n. 44 (citing 2 480 and 482). Kall. frag. 191 Pf. (= lambus Y) line 56 with D'Alessio 2007: 584f. n. 24, citing FGrHist 554 Hippys of Rhegion F 7. Pf. cites Wendel, 2 Ap. Rh. 4. 264. φηγίνων πύρνων ὀχήν: for the Arkadians as 'acorn-eaters', see the Delphic oracle given to the Spartans at Hdt.

L 66. 2: πολλοὶ ἐν Ἀρκαδίῃ Balarnpayoı ἄνδρες ἔασιν. Lyk. enjoys inserting mentions of unusually described food: see also 578-579 (Anios’ daughters), 639 (food on Balearics), 677-678

(Kirke’s pigs). For 6x7 as food see Ath. 363 b. The prestige conferred by the supposed antiquity of Arkadia helps to explain the number of foundation legends which claimed Arkadian oikists like Agapenor. For this point see T. Scheer

2010, 484. χαλκωρυχήσει: for the hapax verb, see Guilleux 2009: 227, comparing χαλκωρυχεῖον at Theophr. On Stones 25. This mention of copper-mining on Cyprus is an important extra element in Fraser's argument that Eratosthenes was the source for the Cypriot

229

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

485-493

βῶλον, δικέλλῃ πᾶν μεταλλεύων γνύθος.

485

^ > 7 > ^ " odT gírvv ἠνάριξεν Οἰταῖος aróvv£,

βουβῶνος Ev τόρμαισι θρυλίξας δέμας. ^

3

,

r4

/

ἔγνω δ᾽ ὁ τλήμων σὺν κακῷ μαθὼν ἔπος, ὡς πολλὰ χείλευς καὶ δεπαστραίων ποτῶν μέσῳ κυλΐίνδει μοῖρα παμμήστωρ βροτῶν. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀργῷ πᾶς φαληριῶν λύθρῳ €

5

2

A

3

a

a

^

490

tA

στόρθυγξ δεδουπὼς τὸν κτανόντ᾽ ἠμύνατο πλήξας ἀφύκτως ἄκρον ὀρχηστοῦ σφυρόν. 23. 396. For the literary theme of boar-wounds,

section (Fraser 1979: 339): Eratosthenes spoke of the copper- and silver-mines at Tamassos in the mountainous centre of the island (for this place

Adonis 7 (Adonis is ‘presumably bleeding to death

see Barr. map 72 Cz; LACP. pp. 1224f.): Strabo 14.

from a ruptured femoral artery’). Shakespeare,

6.5 = Berger frag. IIIB, or.

Venus and Adonis 1115-16 ‘. . . nuzzling in his flank, the loving swine / sheathed unaware the tusk in his soft groin’ derives from Ovid, Met. το, 715-16. Thigh-wounds have been seen as ‘initiatory signals’: see Versnel 1990b: 84 and n. 135, a notion which fits the Argonautic Ankaios better than the Samian king.

486-493. Ankaios, father of Agapenor This Ankaios was son of Lykourgos and one of the Argonauts: Ap. Rh. 1. 164 and 398, who

makes him come from Arkadian Tegea, and puts (See 970. on

him on a level with Herakles for strength. also E. frag. 530. 4-6 TrGF and Suppl. Hell 22-3 and Apollod. 1. 9. 16; Fowler 2013: 215-16 Pherekydes frag. 36.) He was killed by

the Kalydonian boar. Another Ankaios, a son of Poseidon

and

king

of Samos, was

also an

usually in the thigh or groin, see Reed on Bion

488—490. μαθὼν ἔπος / ὡς πολλὰ χείλευς καὶ

δεπαστραίων ποτῶν / μέσῳ κυλίνδει μοῖρα παμμήστωρ βροτῶν: the full story was given by Aristotle (frag. 571, from the Constitution of the Samians, and reproduced by, among others, the

Argonaut (Ap. Rh. 1. 185-9) and also killed by a

paroemiographer Zenobios). It may derive from

(different) boar; the ‘many a slip / 'twixt cup and lip'story is usually told about him. See 488-490. To argue that Lyk. has confused the two Ankaioi

the epic poet Asios of Samos; see Huxley 1969: go n.1 (citing Barron 1966: 5-6, who suggests that the winged boar on Samian coins might have

out of mere ignorance—Mooney: Lyk. ‘seems to confuse ...’, cf. also Mair—is to fall into a trap, as

something to do with this story). Small details

see (cf. Lambin, and

vary, but in essence, Ankaios was a vine-growing early king of Samos (Shipley 1987: 25 n. 1 for refs)

Berra 2009: 291 n. 99. The proverb is a transferable comment on the unexpectedness of fate, ἐπὶ

who treated his slaves badly. One of them warned him that he would never taste the wine of his

τῶν παρὰ προσδοκίαν τι πραττόντων (Zenob.).

vineyard. Came

The point is, that it was not to be expected that

to his lips a cup containing the first of the

most other commentators

the massively strong Ankaios son of Lykourgos (486—493 n.) would succumb to a wild boar. 486. στόνυξ: a Euripidean word (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59), cf E. Kyk. 401, as restored by

Scaliger, an expert on Lyk.; see also 795 and 1181.

It was also used (once only) by Ap. Rh. 4. 1679; see Livrea on that passage, also Schade on 795. 487. For βούβων cf. Il 4. 492, where it is a Homeric hapax word (Kirk). For θρυλίξας, cf. I/.

the day when

the king lifted

new vintage, and he sneered at the warner, who

replied πολλὰ μεταξὺ πέλει κύλικος καὶ xelλεος ἄκρου. At that moment news arrived of a savage boar which was ravaging the area, so he put the cup down immediately, went to deal with the animal, but was gored to death. In this form,

the prediction belongs to the same family as that given neatly at Plut. Caes. 63. 5-6 (with Pelling for Plut.’s simplification here), and memorably

drawn on by Shakespeare: a soothsayer had

230

Ankaios, father of Agapenor

from out of the pit, mining the whole shaft with his mattock. The Oitaian tusk killed his father, shattering his body in the joint of his groin. The wretched man learnt in his agony the meaning of the

485-493 485

proverb,

that between the lip and the drinking-cup all-inventing mortal fate rolls many surprises. ‘The same tusk, all foaming with glistening blood,

490

took revenge on its killer as it fell dead,

striking the ankle-tip of the dancer with unerring blow. warned him to beware the Ides of March. On

(cf. Zuntz 1971: 350 and n. 3) in view of trag. frag.

the day, Caesar says to him light-heartedly ‘the

adesp. 129 in TrGF 2, a poem quoted by Diodorus

Ides have come’ and gets the calm reply ‘Yes, they have come, but they have not gone’, and is assassinated. Lyk. has turned the hexameter line into two ingenious iambics. Lyk. does not treat this as an actual prediction by anyone, while taking knowledge of the Samian slave-story for granted. ἔπος has a variety of

(37. 30. 2), line 8: σοὶ δὲ καὶ χθὼν πᾶσα καὶ πόντος καὶ ὁ παμμήστωρ Ἄρης. That poem actually mentions the songs of Orpheus at line 6,

but that does not make it ‘Orphic’ exactly. 491. φαληριῶν: see 188 n. and Rengakos 1994: 121.

λύθρῳ: the word is Homeric, and always found

meanings, including ‘warning’ and ‘oracle’ (see

in the dative singular, see e.g. Id. 6. 268, αἵματι

LSJ), either of which is possible here; but ‘proverb’ (or ‘saw’: Mooney) is particularly attractive here, in view of Hdt. 7. 51. 3 and its subjectmatter: Artabanos advises Xerxes to remember

καὶ λύθρῳ πεπαλαγμένον, with Graziosi and Haubold:

it means ‘the defilement of blood’,

and is always used by Homer with παλάσσω, ‘I spatter’.

the good old proverb which says that the end is 492. στόρθυγξ δεδουπώς: for SeSoumws see 285n. With the ugly στορθύγξ (a favourite word of Lyk. for any kind of spike or spike-like object, see 761, 865, 1406), cf. S. frag. 89 line 4 TrGF (from the Aleadai, a play about the family of

not always obvious at the beginning, τὸ παλαιὸν ἔπος ὡς εὖ εἴρηται, τὸ μὴ ἅμα ἀρχῇ πᾶν τέλος καταφαίνεσθαι. Possibly Lyk., always alert to Hdt., had this passage in mind. Cf. also (with Holzinger) Od. 22. 10-21: Odysseus shoots the suitor Antinoos through the throat while he is in

Telephos) with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58;

the act of lifting a wine-cup to his lips.

also HE 480 (= Antipater of Sidon 46. 5) δικέpatov στόρθυγγα (i.e. antlers) with Gow-Page.

489. χείλευς: Homeric-style contraction for the

Here the tusk is used as part for whole (the boar),

gen. χείλεος. δεπαστραίων: a hapax word, but an obvious formation, from δέπας, ‘a cup’. Perhaps influenced by δέπαστρα at Antimachos frags 19, 20, and

23

Wyss

(19, 20,

and

and is thought of as dying, like the animal itself, as it administers the fatal blow. This line and the

next enact the horror: they are full of ugly sounds in £ and x.

21 Matthews),

cf. Wyss: XLIV; see Hollis 2007: 281. 490. μοῖρα παμμήστωρ:

the apparently neat

493. ὀρχηστοῦ σφυρόν: for the warrior as dancer see 249n. The afflicted part of the body is now the ankle, whereas at 487 it is the groin. This is neither contradiction nor a clumsy description of a

and exact parallel at Orph. frag. 47 Kern, rauunστορι μοίρᾳ, is no longer thought to be the correct reading. See Bernabé (2) frag. 492 (Graf and Johnston 2007: 10-11 no. 4, Greek text and tr.) for the now-preferred reading πάμνηστοι

with whirling feet (the ‘vehicle’) has affected the

Μοῖραι,

main thought of the line (the ‘tenor’. See Silk

‘the

all-remembering

Fates’,

double wound; rather, the metaphor of the dancer

plural.

However, the old reading still has its attractions

1974: 9 for these terms).

231

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

4947499

τρίτος δὲ τοῦ μάρψαντος ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας κέλωρ γίγαντος ὅπλα, τοῦ ποτ᾽ els λέχος ,

,

*

^

^

4

,

Ld

P

^

H

3

3

4

λαθραῖον αὐτόκλητος Tóaía πόρις ἡ ζῶσ᾽ ἐς Ἅιδην ἵξεται καταιβάτις θρήνοισιν ἐκτακεῖσα, Movvírov rokds: ὃν δὴ ποτ᾽ ἀγρώσσοντα Κρηστώνης ἔχις 495 497 498

495

Τοῦ τὸν ABCD ἡ Potter 7 MSS Μουνίχου Wilamowitz 1880: 118 n. 62

himself, but the Epic Cycle (Little Iliad frag. 17

494-585. No. (3) Akamas

and Thou Persis frag. 6 with West 20134: 215 and The

central panel

of the

section devoted

to

this group of five Cyprus oikists is by far the largest, and concerns—with digressions—Theseus’ son Akamas. Of his two sons (the other was Demophon), Akamas tended to be associated most often and most particularly with overseas

241) told how the brothers rescued their grandmother Aithra, mother of Theseus, which is why

see FGrHist 382 Lysimachos of Alexandria Fg (cf. 1208n. for Ophryneion), and Erskine 2001: 107-8; for Thrace, see Aeschin. 2. 31. But sometimes

they went to Troy. (Aithra was in Troy because she had been taken there by Helen as her servant, after the Dioskouroi had released their juvenile sister Helen who had been abducted by Theseus. See I/. 3. 144, which may, however, be a confusion or an Athenian interpolation, see the comms of Willcock and Kirk, also Lightfoot 1999: 480 and n. 282). Whether or not they took other booty was disputed in antiquity: the author of the Sack of Troy said that ‘Agamemnon gave gifts to the sons of Theseus’. See West 2003: 147 and 151

Demophon features instead, as at Apollod. ep. 6.

(arg. 4 and frag. 6).

15c-16 (Thrace then Cyprus, cf. Gantz 1993: 701;

Lyk. also knows of and alludes to another myth, according to which Akamas and Diomedes went to Troy to try to negotiate the return of Helen. It was on this occasion that Akamas and Priams daughter Laodike had a sexual liaison

activity and settlement, cf. E. Ke[arns], OCD*

'Acamas: ‘The usual distinguishing feature of Acamas is his interest in distant places’. For Akamas in the Troad and Hellespontine region,

Finglass 2013a for Egypt acc. Stes.). These are areas of Athenian interest from the 6th cent. onwards, so it is an obvious possibility that the myths con-

necting Akamas with the N and NE Aegean were manipulated or even invented for political reasons

(initiated by the infatuated

in the Athens of the sth-cent. Delian League

gave birth to Mounitos (316ff. Kassandra gives double coverage to the sister who in Homer was

period. See Lightfoot 1999: 480 and cf. Hdt 5. 95

Laodike),

and

she

(Sigeion) with my comm. The specific connection

her equal in beauty, and the poet is able, in the

made by Lyk. between Akamas (not Demophon)

middle of a digression, to keep Kassandra's family and their fate before our eyes). See Parthenios

and Cyprus is not found in a surviving author older than Lyk. (not, for instance in the epic Nostoi, see West 2013a: 250 and n. 8), but was known to Strabo (14. 6. 3, foundation of Soloi by Akamas together with Phaleros, source not identifiable with certainty. Another tradition connected Solon with Soloi, but for this see my n. on Hdt. s.

113. Hopeful Athenian political myth-making has been at work in both these traditions about Soloi).

Akamas and Demophon do not feature in Homer, any more than does their father Theseus

XVI (of which we have only the 'manchette' or ancient summary, with Lightfoot 1999: 479 and nn. 231 and 238; also Euphorion frags 98

and (perhaps) 186 Lightfoot. See also FGrHist 391 Hegesippos F 4 (from the ancient summary of Parthenios XVI), perhaps the common source of Lyk. and Euphorion, acc. Jacoby; cf. Lightfoot 1999: 479. S. dealt with the mission to Troy in his lost play the Demand for Helen, but few frags survive (176-180a TrGF), and it may have

232

494-499

Cypriot leader (3), Akamas

The third is the son of the man who took the giant’s weapons from the hollow rock. To his furtive bed

495

the Idaian heifer shall come, self-summoned, she who will descend, still living, to Hades,

emaciated with grief, the mother of Mounitos; whom once, when he is out hunting, a Krestonian viper featured Odysseus and Diomedes (the usual pair

ποτ᾽. This entails (1) taking the (postponed) i£e-

of ambassadors). See also Sistakou 2008: 138.

ται with ‘bed’ as the destination of the verb, (2) taking Hades as the destination of καταιβάτις,

494-495. τρίτος δὲ τοῦ μάρψαντος ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας κέλωρ γίγαντος ὅπλα: the referent of τοῦ μάρψαντος is Akamas’ father Theseus. Theseus’ own

and (3) reading ἡ ζῶσα at 497 (in apposition to Ἰδαία πόρις) not ἢ ζῶσα.

father, the Athenian king Aigeus,

496. αὐτόκλητος: the girl came of her own free will, like Medea at 1317, where the same word will

is called ‘giant’ either as outsize hero, see 177n., or because of his descent from earthborn Erecththeus,

be used. It is tragic diction; see S. Tr. 392 (but A. Eum.17o is active, and means that Apollo himself

see Berra 2009: 309 and Massa-Pairault 2009: 488.

Aigeus left a sword and sandals—but the latter

did the inviting; see Sommersteins

are hardly a ‘weapon’, ómAov—under a rock, after

impregnating Aithra in Troizen. He told her that if she gave birth to a boy she should tell him, when he grew up, to lift the rock and he would find the objects. See Kall. frag. 235 Pf. = 9 Hollis, from

(Iphigeneia) and n.

497. See 316-318 for Laodike, who was swallowed

up by the earth and so avoided capture and slavery; and cf. next n. ἡ ζῶσα: see 495n.

the Hekate: ἐν γάρ μιν Τροιζῆνι κολουραΐίῃ ὑπὸ πέτρῃ / θῆκε σὺν ἁρπίδεσσιν, with Hollis 2007: 285 (and note that Hollis 2007: 283-6 reckons that among Kall.’s poems, it is ‘easiest to establish links

498. θρήνοισιν

cf. Hek. 433-4, ἐκτέτηκα καρδίαν

See also Paus. 1. 27. 8, Plut. 75es. 3. 7, Apollod. 3. 15. 7. The sword then enabled Aigeus to recognize his

the subject of the section has had furtive sex with

/ θρήνοισι

for suicide, it is amplification rather than contradiction of 318, where she acts because she sees her approaching doom, 499-500. Κρηστώνης ἔχις / κτενεῖ: in Parthenios XVI (see 494-585 n.), Mounitos dies at Olynthos in Chalkidike; so Krestonia, the area north of the later Thessalonike, between the rivers Axios

and Strymon (Barr, map. 50 C3) is an imprecise way of saying ‘Thrace’. Konon (FGrHist 26 Fr IV

Theseus will turn out to be Akamas or Demophon, because both could be said to have gone to Cyprus,

roxds:

handed over by Aithra (to whose care he had been entrusted). If this is offered as her motive

son when he arrived at Athens, as at Ovid Met. 7.

422-3. See D'Alessios comm. on the Kall. frag.: ‘un tipico motivo di folk-tale’, to be connected both with initiatory rituals and with themes of recognition as featured in tragedy (he presumably means

a Trojan girl (Idaian heifer’, 496), we do not know whether the son (xeAwp, cf. E. “πάν. 1034) of

Movvirov

μητρός, and Or. 869, ἐξετηκόμην γόοις. Mounitos (or -ichos, see app. crit.) is, unusually, named without periphrasis. Laodike is here represented as distraught when her son was

rowing, Lyk. is the borrower. See further s40n.).

There is a brief tease here: until we are told that

ἐκτακεῖσα,

the participle is from ἐκτήκω, a Euripidean verb,

between Lycophron and the Hecale’; he thinks it likely that Kall. wrote first, and that if there is bor-

e.g. E. Jon) and New Comedy.

comm.)

Ἰδαία röpıs: for the noun (‘heifer’ = girl) see 184

see 494-585 n. On 495-503 see Stirpe 2001.

with Lightfoot 1999: 480) told a similar story about the mythical Olynthos son of Strymon,

495-497. We should follow one MS (Palatinus)

and most editors in reading τοῦ ποτ᾽ eis λέχος

who was killed in a hunting accident and buried there by his father, who then founded the city to

(i.e. ‘to whose bed’ refers to Akamas’bed) not τὸν

which he gave his son's name.

233

500-510

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

κτενεῖ πατάξας πτέρναν ἀγρίῳ βέλει

500

ὅταν τεκόντος αἰχμάλωτος εἰς χέρας ἡ πατρομήτωρ τὸν δνόφῳ τεθραμμένον

βάλῃ νεογνὸν σκύμνον. ἧ μόνῃ ζυγὸν δούλειον ἀμφήρεισαν Ἀκταίων λύκοι τῆς ἁρπαγείσης ἀντίποινα θυιάδος,

505

ὧν ὀστράκου στρόβιλος ἐντετμημένος

κόρσην σκεπάζει ῥῦμα φοινίου δορός. τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα θριπόβρωτος ἄψαυστος δόμων

σφραγὶς δοκεύει, θάμβος ἐγχώροις μέγα. ἃ δὴ πρὸς ἄστρων κλίμακα στήσει δρόμον 507

510

σκεπάζει Hermann 1834: 241 σκεπάσει MSS

500. πτέρναν: literal use of a word used metaphorically/geographically at 442. 501. ὅταν: lit. ‘when’, but Mounitos’ death as an

adult has just been mentioned, so we must translate ‘after’ to avoid the nonsense of his simultaneous transfer as a baby from Aithra to Akamas. 502. ἡ πατρομήτωρ: Aithra was mother of Theseus, the father of Akamas, the father of Mounitos. The noun is very rare; at Lucian Alex. 58 it means ‘mother's father’. τὸν δνόφῳ

τεθραμμένον: that is, illegitimate (496), cf. I7. 6.24 (Boukolion), σκότιον δέ € γείνατο μήτηρ, or King Lear Act 5 scene 3 (Edgar to the bastard Edmund about their father Gloucester): ‘the dark and

vicious place where thee he got / cost him his eyes’. 503-568. The Dioskouroi and the Apharetidai

(Idas and Lynkeus) The link between Akamas and his grandmother Aithra enables Lyk. to dilate on the Dioskouroi, and on the Apharetidai with whom they fought, as narrated by Pi. N. 10, Theok. 22 (with Sens

1997), and see Tzetzes. The sequence was set in motion by an episode from before the Trojan War,

the abduction of Helen, when a young girl, by Theseus and Peirithoos (505), who took her to Aphidna in N. Attica. Her Spartan brothers the Dioskouroi set off to rescue her, and did so, other-

wise taking with them only Theseus’ Aithra in revenge (503-505, and for their in other respects 508-509). Hdt. 9. 73 story, in order to explain the good

mother restraint tells the relations

between the Spartans and the demesmen of Dekeleia, who disapproved of Theseus’ Aybris and therefore showed the Dioskouroi the way to Aphidna, 8 km. to the E. of Dekeleia. The rescue

by the Dioskouroi was probably the subject of a

poem by Stesichoros, $166 SLG, where Page assigned it to Ibykos, and M. Davies followed him, but West 1969: 142-9 (not followed by Davies

and Finglass 2014: 606) preferred Stesichoros, as did Lobel in P. Oxy. 2735 frag. 1. See 354. In narrative

terms, Aithra

is the initial en-

abling link, at any rate. Near the end of the long dilation, the Trojan Kassandra will link the Dioskouroi and Apharetidai to the Troy theme by means of a different and new idea, namely that the gods have arranged the deaths of these Greek heroes so as to help the Trojans before the war has even started (567-568). For the Dioskouroi, see Burkert 1985: 212-13; LIMC 3.1: 567-8 (esp. 582 nos 174-8 for the rescue of Helen after her abduction by Theseus); Gantz

1993: 323-8; and R. C. T. P[arker], OCD*. 504. Ἀκταίων λύκοι: Akte is Attica (mo-ıın.), and the Dioskouroi are ‘wolves of Attica’ because of their invasion, see 503-568n. The Apharetidai will also be ‘wolves’ at 524 (Sistakou 2009: 252), but the animal imagery is particularly varied in this section, thus at 555 the Dioskouroi are lions who are weaker than the Apharetidai who are bulls. 505. θυιάδος: see 143 and n. for this word (in effect, ‘maenad’)

used

of the

adult Helen, but

hardly appropriate to a young girl: Hellanikos said

234

Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus will kill, striking his heel with its fierce sting,

500-510 500

after his grandfather’s mother, the prisoner, has placed in his father’s hands the child reared in darkness, the young cub. On her alone the Aktaian wolves

fixed the yoke of slavery, in requital for the abduction of the maenad. Their heads were covered by the sliced ball of an eggshell, a protection against the bloody spear.

505

Everything else in the house is guarded by the intact woodworm-eaten

seal, a great marvel to the local people. This will erect a ladder to the way of the stars

sıo

that Helen was seven years old when abducted by the Athenian Theseus (FGrHist 4 F 168b, Tzetzes

508-509. These two lines are an elaborate way of saying that the Dioskouroi left Attica untouched,

on the present passage), and was dancing at the temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta (168a, from Plut. Thes. 31). It is possible that the myth was popular and embroidered at the time of late

Helen. The comparison is to a house whose seals are intact, i.e. not burgled.

apart from the seizure of Aithra and the rescue of

508. Opımößpwros: cf. Aristoph. 75. 427, about Euripides: ἐδίδαξε θριπήδεστ᾽ ἔχειν σφραγίδια. Sommersteins n. on that passage explains this

archaic and classical tensions between Athenians and Spartans. See Fowler 2013: 489 (esp. for the

vase published in 1986, depicting the happy wedding of Theseus and Helen: Shapiro 1992).

type of seal: ‘quite literally pieces of wood (usually oak) in which woodworm had etched patterns

506-507. ὧν ὀστράκου στρόβιλος Evrerunuevos / κόρσην σκεπάζει: cf. 88-89, which the present passage closely echoes (esp. 89, στρόβιλον ὠστρακωμένην), and n. there. The half-eggshell here refers to the pilos or soft helmet worn by the

virtually impossible to copy’, similarly Austin

Dioskouroi, in supposed allusion to the egg or

Rougier-Blanc 2009: 547.

and Olson. For the compound

word, a hapax,

see Guilleux 2009: 230-1; it is one of several

in -Bpwros (760, ἁλίβωτος, 1199 παιδόβρωτος). For the symbolism of bolts and bars in Lyk., see

eggs from which Helen, Klytaimestra, and their

509. θάμβος... μέγα: for the noun see I7. 24. 482 and other poetic passages cited at CT III: 391 (on Th. 6. 31. 6, an unusual non-poetic instance, but in

twin brothers (or some of the four) were born.

So 2, ὀστράκον' τοῦ mod ἐξ of ἐγένοντο, where the plural verb refers to the Dioskouroi. (The distribution of babies to eggs is variously

a highly charged and rhetorical context), and for the combination μέγα θάμβος, Ap. Rh. 4. 1673 with Livrea. For the verb θαμβέω see Hdt. 1. 111. 4.

given by the sources and is very complicated, see Gantz 1993: 320-1.) The hemispherical pilos is, however, not characteristic of the iconography

510. Because the Dioskouroi spared Attica, they will receive cult there (but the twins were protectors of sailors, cf. HHDiosk., and this role— hinted at in 514—is surely an extra explanation of their importance for Athens, a naval power from

of the Dioskouroi before the Hellenistic period, and may actually have been borrowed from the regular headgear of other saviour figures such as the Kabeiroi, or the Samothracian Great Gods: LIMC 3. 1: 592. For the Dioskouroi as ‘benefactors and saviours’, see Plut. hes. 33. 1 (Athens), and cf. sxon. 507. ῥῦμα: cf. (with the genitive, as here) A. frag. 353 TrGF, ῥῦμα τῶν πολλῶν κακῶν.

the archaic period). For heroization as a path to the stars, cf. V. A. 9. 641 ‘macte nova virtute, puer, sic itur ad astra', with P. Hardie's n.; and for the

Dioskouroi in particular, Hor. Odes 3. 3. 9-10, ‘hac

arte Pollux et vagus Hercules / enisus arces attigit

235

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

5117519

τοῖς ἡμιθνήτοις διπτύχοις Λαπερσίοις, οὗς μήποτ᾽, ὦ Ζεῦ σῶτερ, εἰς πάτραν ἐμὴν στείλαις ἀρωγοὺς τῇ δισαρπάγῳ κρεκί, μηδὲ πτερωτὰς ὁπλίσαντες ὁλκάδας ^

t

7

,

/

πρύμνης ἀπ᾽ ἄκρας γυμνὸν αἰψηρὸν πόδα eis Βεβρύκων ῥίψειαν ἐκβατηρίαν, 3

,

tr

>

515

,

μήδ᾽ οἱ λεόντων τῶνδε καρτερώτεροι, ἀλκὴν ἄμικτοι, τοὺς Ἄρης ἐφίλατο, 3

A

»

x

M

,

’

καὶ di Ἐνυώ, καὶ Tpvyévvqros θεὰ *

^3

y

ca

M

fa

igneas’, where ‘Pollux’ does duty for both twins, see Nisbet and Rudd on that passage and on 3. 29. 63-4. The notion is specially appropriate to the Dioskouroi if they were catasterized as the constellation Gemini, the ‘Twins’; cf. Tzetzes, who

cites E. Or. 1631. But see OCD* ‘constellations and named stars’ at p. 367: (a) the sign-name is very old, and derives from Babylonian Mash-Mash (‘twins’) and (b) there were other Greek candi-

dates as well (e.g. Amphion and Zethos, Herakles and Apollo). In Attica, the Dioskouroi received cult under the

name ‘Anakes’ (Plut. Thes. 33. 2 tries to explain the name): Parker 2005a: 72 n. 88 (sacrifices to Helen

together with the Anakes/Dioskouroi) and 404 with n. 67 for theoxeny (divine hospitality) offered to the twins at the Athens Prytaneion. They were initiated at Eleusis in Attica according to Xen. Hell. 6. 3. 6 (speech of Kallias the Torchbearer at Sparta,

referring to them as ‘your citizens’), and Plut. Zhes. 33, making clear (cf. 32. 3) that this took place on the occasion of their invasion to recover Helen; see

Parker 1996: 99 and For the ladder, 2009: 550, who sees tectural touches in

n. 133. κλίμαξ, see Rougier-Blanc it as one of many small archiLyk.

x

Polydeukes the option of full immortality for himself, or half-immortality shared with Kastor. Without hesitating, Polydeukes ‘set free the eye and then the voice of bronze-armoured Kastor’ (89-90) i.e. he caused his brother to be restored to life on those shared terms. See also Pi. P. τι. 61-4. For διπτύχοις see 239n. ‘Lapersian’ is said to

derive from the sacking (πορθῶ) of the S. Lakonian city of Las (94-95n.), or possibly from λαοί, ‘people’ (see Tzetzes for both suggestions). The word recurs at 1369, where Zeus Lapersios is Agamemnon, and the epithet surely indicates

Sparta, despite I. See n. there. For the Dioskouroi as Lapersai see S. frag. 957 TrGF, νὴ τὼ Aumépaa. 512. οὗς μήποτ᾽,

ὦ Ze)

σῶτερ:

the

prayer,

that the Dioskouroi should not come to rescue Helen a second time, i.e. take part in the main

"Trojan War, is held to have been answered favourably by the time we reach 567-568: Kassandra there says that the god will indeed grant Troy a brief remedy i.e. remission by eliminating the Dioskouroi and Apharetidai before the start of the war (see also 535-536). The Dioskouroi were themselves a saviour pair, so the invocation to Zeus in this capacity (1210n.) is neat.

on Olympos and a day in Hades (see further

513. For ἀρωγούς cf. 360 and 536 with nn. The *twice-snatched corncrake’ is Helen (the first abductor is Theseus, the second Paris). For κρέξ see Euphorion frag. 6 Lightfoot (‘the hated corn-

564-566). See Od. 11. 299-304 (but at J/. 3.243 they are simply dead). Pi. N. 10. 55-90 explains that this came about by an act of wonderful brotherly love by Polydeukes: Kastor was killed by Idas, one of the two Apharetidai (below). Zeus then gave

Tzetzes, who also quotes Kall. frag. 428 Pf. in similar vein (this bird a very bad omen to those getting married). Kassandra's allusion to Helens marital history (for her five marriages see 143) is

sır. The Dioskouroi were ‘half-mortal’ in a special sense: they took it in turns to spend a day

crake sang of the bad marriage’), quoted by

236

Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

for the half-divine Lapersian twins. Zeus Saviour, may you never send them to my fatherland as helpers of the twice-snatched corncrake, nor let them arm their winged ships, and, leaping from the topmost poop, set their swift naked feet on the Bebrykian landing-place; nor may those others do so, who are even stronger than those

511-519

σις

two lions,

unmatched in might, beloved of Ares and divine Enyo and the goddess who was born three times, obvious Ἑλένῃ, Lyk. abouts,

and malicious; as & says κρεκὶ δὲ τῇ τουτέστι τῇ κακονύμφῳ. plays on the idea of doubleness herecf. s11 διπτύχοις, 521 διπλοῖ.

For the Apharetidai (or Apharidai) see LIMC 1. 1. 877, also 3. 1 (Dioskouroi’) 604f., and 626f.;

Gantz 1993: 324-7; and A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* 'Idas and Lynceus’. They were sons of Aphareus, king of Messenia (cf. Sens 1997: 213 on Μεσσήνιος

514. The ref. to ships hints at the nautical role of

at Theok. 22. 208), so that the myth of their battle

the Dioskouroi, cf. stron. Normally ὁλκάδες (lit. '[ships] towed’) were merchant-ships, so that

with the Dioskouroi (already in the Kypria, frag. 17 at West 2003: 97) is Spartan-Messenian Spartan Dioskouroi fight was variously

‘arming’ them (i.e. fitting them out) is a paradox. 515-516. πόδα / els Βεβρύκων ῥίψειαν ἐκβατηρίαν: in Ap. Rh. 2, 1-163 the Bebrykians and their

partly a signifier for historical antipathies, cf. sosn. for the and Athens. The origin of the given: either the Dioskouroi

king Amykos live at the E. end of the Propontis,

tried to steal the daughters of Leukippos, who

ie.

were

they

are

Bithynians,

neighbours

of the

Mariandynoi (line 140); see also Suppl. Hell. 339A

line 2. That episode involved a boxing match in which Polydeukes killed Amykos, so the name Bebrykians is apt here. For ‘Bebrykian’ meaning

‘Trojan’ (not a precise usage geographically) cf. 1305 and 1474, and Euphorion frag. 75 Lightfoot. Sens 2010: 306-7 says that this recalls an Argonautic episode not treated by Lyk. For ῥίπτω πόδα cf. 279, where it was used about another leap ashore at Troy, that taken by Achilles. &«Barnpiav: Holzinger capitalized, seeing a hint at an epiklesis (Aphrodite?). 517-564. The Apharetidai 517. μήδ᾽ οἱ λεόντων τῶνδε καρτερώτεροι: these are the Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus, who are ‘stronger than the lions’ ie. than the Dioskouroi. The grammatical connection with what precedes is loose; presumably the verb ῥίψειαν (516) has to be understood. Anyway, the idea is that Kassandra hopes that neither the Dioskouroi nor their equally Greek foes the Apharetidai will ‘set foot’ on Bebrykian landingplaces i.e. come against ‘Troy.

betrothed

to the Apharetidai

(Theok.

22.

137-213), or else (Kypria arg. 2 and frag. 16, West 2003: 71 and gs, and Pi.N. 10. 60 f£.) the Apharetidai were to blame, for stealing cattle. Lyk. prefers the first version (549, but see n. there; and for the occasion of the quarrel see 538-539 n.), but at the same time offers what can be seen as a third or ultimate explanation (Gantz 1993: 324, cf. Holzinger on 543): Zeus was responsible, because he wanted, by removing conspicuous Greek heroes from the chess-board, to postpone the fall of Troy by

making things harder for the Greeks. For Idas' fight against Apollo over Marpessa see 561n. Both pairs of brothers were Argonauts, and they all joined in the hunt for the Kalydonian boar: Apollod. 1.9. 16 and τ. 8. 2. 518-519. ἀλκὴν ἄμικτοι, τοὺς Ἄρης ἐφίλατο / kai 0C Ἐνυώ, καὶ Τριγέννητος θεά: the meaning

οἔἄμικτος is given by Ciani as ‘ferus’, i.e. ‘savage’, as of the Kyklops at E. Kyk. 429, but there and elsewhere the idea seems rather to be ‘unsociable’, and this does not obviously suit the

Apharetidai, nor does the adjective make good sense as applied to ἀλκή. Here the idea seems

237

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520-522

Βοαρμία Aoyyáris Opodwis Bia. οὐκ ἄν, τὰ χειρώνακτες ἐργάται διπλοῖ, 5

»

\

,

>

Δρύμας τε καὶ Πρόφαντος,

!

520

^

ὁ Κρώμνης ἀναξ,

rather to be ‘matchless’sc. in strength (both Mair and Mooney have ‘unapproachable’), though this is not easy to parallel from other authors. The linkage of Ares (with Enyo, 463n.) and Athena is of religious importance. The standard structuralist explanation of the pairing is that the gods are antithetical and complementary: Ares stands for the destructive, chaotic aspect of war, and Athena for its ordered and orderly side (see e.g. Burkert 1985: 141). Deacy 2000

modifies this—without however referring to the present passage—arguing that both Athena and Ares embody war's contradictions. See further next n.: the presumed personification of Athena

as ‘Force’, ‘Violence’, certainly fits this more nuanced account.

Athena’s description as ‘goddess three times born’, Τριγέννητος θεά, is explained by 2 and Tzetzes in various ways (she is the moon, which appears on the third day after its conjunction with the sun, or maybe she was born on the third of the month, FGrHist 124 Kallisthenes Fs4, or on the third from the end of the month if we add φθίνοvros with Jacoby; Trito is the Boiotian word for ‘head’, and she was bom from the head of

daughter of Zeus. Evidently, Lyk. did not take this view: Tpeyevvnros imposes an explanation in terms of ‘three’. M. West 2007: 260 n. 71 suggests that "Ihird' in names like Τριτογένεια

may have been a ‘poetic or hieratic code-name fully comprehensive knowledge".

only

with

specialized

520. Boappia Aoyyärıs Ὁμολωὶς Bia: Athena; the typical asyndetic accumulation of cult-epithets (Introduction section 11) has particular point here because of the last in the sequence, which com-

bines Athena Bía with Ares and Enyo to indicate the atmosphere of violence which characterizes the fight between Dioskouroi and Apharetidai. See Sistakou 2009: 245.

Boarmia is said by Σ᾽ and Tzetzes to be a Boiotian epithet of Athena. Schachter 1981-94: 1. 134 merely registers this statement, and adds

‘Boarmia would appear to be derived from oxen and ploughing’; so already Tzetzes (cf. 359n. for

Βούδεια), and see Decourt 2009: 385 for a possible link with Zeus Thaulios. However, Decourt

2009: 385-6 again (see 359 n., as above) prefers to take the word in a passive and apotropaic sense,

Zeus; etc.). The adjective is probably (Holzinger) a

the goddess who does not wish to be yoked in

variant of the cult epithet Τριτογένεια, itself obscure (cf. M. West on Hes. 75. 895, ‘original

marriage. Hurst 2012: 74 sees an oblique reference to the Apharetidai. Longatis is also, i.e. like Boarmia, said by 2 and Tzetzes to be Boiotian. For a possible Boiotian cult of Athene Longatis see the very

meaning ... uncertain’);

see

the

helpful

long

discussion in LSJ? and the ancient refs at Davies and Finglass 2014: 534-5. It was sometimes derived from Athenas supposed birthplace, near the River Triton or Lake Tpırwvis in Libya (A. Eum. 292-3 with Sommerstein) or even a torrent called Triton

at Alalkomenai in Boiotia (Schachter 1981-94: 1.114). Diod. 1. 12. 8 maintains the connection with

‘three’, explaining that Athena is Τριτογένεια because her nature changes three times a year, in

spring, summer, and winter. But at Z/. 4. 515 the iota must be long, whereas that of τρίτος is short. A modern suggestion (see Chantraine, and Kirk

on Z7. 4. 515) is that this is ‘metrical lengthening’, and that the name resembles Tritopateres, genu-

ine ancestors, Athena will thus be the genuine

conjectural restorations of Athena Aloyyärı] in two Tanagraian dedications (JG 7. 553 and 2463): Schachter 1981-94: 1. 129 (cf. ACP. p. 453, from entry no. 220, Tanagra). But there is considerable doubt about these readings, see SEG 31. 497. "Tzetzes claims that there was a Boiotian place,

χωρίον, called Aoyyds, but he may just be guessing; at any rate, there is no supporting evidence at present. The only other place-name resembling the epithet is the variously spelt Longane in Sicily, LACP: no. 35. See 1032 (where Aoyyärıs is again Áthena, and the context is unequivocally Sicilian) and n. also 868n. on Zoyyoópov

238

520-522

Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus the Yoker, Longatis, Homolois, the Forceful.

520

For nothing that those two hard-working handymen,

Drymas and Prophantos, lord of Kromna,

see Paus. 2. 4. 7 (cf. L4CP: p. 468) for a cult of

μυχῶν for the Sicilian city Longane and river Longanos. Athena OpoAwis is said to be Athenian (παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις) by the old Σ' to Marc. 476, ed. Kinkel; but this was emended by Scheer to παρὰ Θηβαίοις, cf. Tzetzes, Ὁμολωὶς δὲ τιμᾶται παρὰ Θηβαίοις. Ὁμολωΐδες γὰρ πύλαι Θηβῶν, ἀπὸ Ὁμολωίδος, τῆς Νιόβης θυγατρός. The location of the Homoloid gate of Thebes is uncertain, but assumed to be on the E. of the city, S. of the Proitid gate. See Mastronarde 1994: 650 and map at 648, where it is marked as δ᾽, Schachter 1981—94:

personified Violence (together with Necessity) at Korinth: Ἀνάγκης kai Bias ἐστὶν ἱερόν. For the contextual significance of Bia here see 518-519 n. 521-524. The thought here is that Troy, a city built

by Apollo and Poseidon, would not last a single day against the onslaught of the Apharetidai. 521. χειρώνακτες ἐργάται: these words are similar in meaning, and both can be either adjectives

or nouns. It seems best to take the second adjectivally, ‘industrious’. There is a play on ἄναξ, which will close the following line, 522, and

1. 134 (cf. Jacoby on FGrHist 379, Komm. note 9)

suggested that the attribution to Athena is a mistake for Demeter or Zeus (see R.-E. ‘Homoloia’ citing the Suda o 275 Adler for Ὁμολωία and Ὁμολώιος as epithets of these two gods, and see

forms

above) derived the name Homolois from a daugh-

part

of the

compound

king, but this time the word is κοίρανος. For the building of Troy by Apollo and Poseidon see e.g. Pi. O. 8. 31-6, and 523 n. for their cheating by Laomedon. Cf. also 617.

(husband of

Niobe), acc. FGrHist 383 Aristodemos of Thebes Fsa (2 E. PA. 119), who rejects the derivation (subscribed to by Σ᾽ Lyk., see above) from a daughter of Niobe called Homolois. Aristophanes of Boiotia (FGrHist 379 F 2, cited by the Suda, as

second

his hands’ (LSJ). At 523 we will have yet another

further below for Zeus and Demeter); but this is a risky sort of assumption where Lyk. is concerned. Homoloeus was a son of Amphion

the

xetpwvaé, i.e. χειρῶν ἄναξ, ‘one who is master of

522. Aptpas re καὶ Πρόφαντος,

ὁ Κρώμνης

ἄναξ: that is, Apollo and Poseidon. δρύμας is said by Tzetzes to be a Milesian epiklesis of

Apollo, Ἀπόλλων, παρὰ Μιλησίοις. This puzzleepithet is not easily solved from conventional Greek epigraphy, but Linear B offers a clue. A gold vase from Pylos (Tn 316) has the name

ter of Enyeus, sent as a prophetess to Delphi. For Zeus Homoloios see Z on the present line; L. Robert 1960: 238 n. 6 (discussing Boiotian names in ‘Opod-, cf. already Usener 1896: 354) and Schachter 1981-94: 3. 120-2, 148 and n. 3 (for the sth-cent dedication IG 7. 2456, and cf. SEG 26.

(who may also have been designated in Linear B by some form of the name Paion). Rougemont

585). For Ὁμολώιος as a Boiotian month-name, derived from Zeus Homoloios, see ISE: no. 64

2005: 375, in the course of a very full discussion of cult epithets in Linear B, does not seek to explain

line 2. Demeter

was

also perhaps

Drimios, di-ri-mi-jo, who is son of Zeus. This is

thought by Mycenaean specialists to be Apollo

Homolois

(Schachter 1981-94: 1. 168).

or derive it. The vowels v and ı are not identical,

but Linear B experts nevertheless offer etymolo-

Bia is personified force or violence, Ciaceri

gies for di-ri-mi-jo from either δριμύς, ‘sharp’,

and Mooney compare Athena’s Boiotian title Ἀλαλκομενηίς, i.e. they assume that that has a

‘piercing’; or else δρυμός, ‘copse’, ‘thicket’: Garcia

root ἀλκή, strength‘, but this epithet (connected

with the polis Alalkomenai, ZACP: no. 199) is far from transparent, see Schachter 1981-94: 1. 11-14.

Mooney’s

analogy with another of Athena's

epithets, Σθένεια, is better, see 1164 and n., and

Ramón 2011: 230; cf. E. Aura Jorro, Diccionario Micénico vol. 1 (Madrid, 1985), entry under di-rimi-jo. 1 am grateful to Stephen Colvin for these

refs. Oddly enough, the noun δρυμός first occurs in prose in the Molpoi inscription from Miletos (sth cent. sc), Rehm 1914: no. 133 line 28. Lyk. has,

239

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5237529

ἐλατύπησαν κοιράνῳ ψευδωμότῃ, Ev ἦμαρ ἀρκέσειε πορθηταῖς λύκοις, >

,

,

/

στέξαι βαρεῖαν ἐμβολὴν ῥαιστηρίαν, καίπερ πρὸ πύργων τὸν Kavaorpatov μέγαν ἐγχώριον γίγαντα δυσμενῶν μοχλὸν ᾽

-

,

\

€

525

’ὔ

ἔχοντα, καὶ τὸν πρῶτον εὐστόχῳ βολῇ μαιμῶντα τύψαι ποιμνίων ἀλάστορα.

however, played virtually no part in the argument

detail by Lyk. (1379; see also Hdt. 9. 97). So Lyk.,

Hat. 5. 63. 2 and 9. 93. 4), and thus more suited to Apollo than to Poseidon; but the run of the line precludes this. ‘King of Kromna’ is also Poseidon. 2 identifies this Kromna as the Paphlagonian city (ICP. no. 723) and says there was a temple of Poseidon there; but also cites Kall. (frag. 384 Pf, see Pf. vol. I p. 312, on line 12) for a Korinthian Kromnos. This place (not a polis) is now epigraphically attested at

when narrating an episode of vast antiquity (a episode from long before the main Trojan War), seems to have chosen a venerable epithet indeed. (But Poseidon’s descriptors "Prophantos' and ‘lord of Kromna’ are not noticeably ancient; see below.)

Bc); cf. LACP: p. 466, part of no. 227 (Korinth), citing Lyk. Poseidon was well established at Korinth, see Pi. Οἱ 13 and the Korinthiancontrolled sanctuary of Poseidon at the Isthmia;

hitherto, though see below. (In regard to spelling, we should recall—see above on Kastnia—that Lyk. sometimes gives epithets in slightly eccentric forms.) There is a slight link between Miletos and

Messenian

Pylos, because

Neileus

son of

Kodros, a younger kinsman of Pylian Nestor, founded Miletos, according to a myth treated in

A

different

(but

even

more

speculative)

approach to the epithet Apóp.as might start from

Korinth, see SEG 22. 219 (late 4th/early 3rd cent.

but that does not prove 2’s first suggestion wrong. For a Spartan Kromnos see IACP: no. 334.

the Phokian place-name Drymos. An inscribed Hellenistic agreement about financial matters, between Drymos and the Oitaian federation, is best interpreted as having an amphiktionic aspect. This would bring us to Apollo by another

523.

route, because one of the creditors was his sanc-

λατομεῖον and suchlike formations. The perjuror

tuary at Delphi. There is no reason why this approach should exclude the other, Mycenaean, explanation: in Lyk., things are often neither set-

king is Laomedon, see 34 n. for his cheating of the two gods; in that opening section of Kassandras speech, the background here given was not spelt

tled nor stable. Indeed, the Phokian city has fea-

out. (Lyk. is sometimes more helpful second time round.) Cf. V. G. 1. 502, 'Laomedonteae luimus

tured in explanations of the Mycenaean word di-ri-mi-jo. For Drymos see LACP: no. 178; for the agreement, see IG 9. 12 226-30 (after 167 nc),

ἐλατύπησαν

κοιράνῳ

ψευδωμότῃ:

an

admirable three-word line, cf. 63 n. The first word,

a hapax (Guilleux 2009: 227; but cf. S. frag. 530 TrGF for Adrurros, ‘stonemason), is related to

periuria Troiae".

with SEG 53. 491. Cf. Stella 1958: 26—7 and n. 27, explaining Mycenaean di-ri-mi-jo on these lines (and citing Tzetzes on 533). Mynors on V. G. 3. 336 wondered if there was a connection between Cyrene's woodland nymph

524. λύκοις: see so4 n.

Drymo in V. and Apollo's epithet in the present

526-527. τὸν Καναστραῖον μέγαν / ἐγχώριον γίγαντα: this is Hektor. He is called a ‘/ocal [i.e Trojan-born] giant’ to make clear that, like Xerxes but unlike Aigeus (495, 1414 and nn.) he is not one of the Giants in the technical sense,

passage of Lyk.

Prophantos is said by Z to be a cult of Poseidon at Italian Thourioi; there is no other evidence. The

name suggests an oracular deity (for πρόφαντος cf.

525. ῥαιστηρίαν: the word is used of poisonous

drugs, φάρμακα, at Ap. Rh. 3. 803, some good, some bad, τὰ μὲν ἐσθλά, τὰ δὲ ῥαιστήρια.

240

Dioskouroi

and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

5237529

had built of stone for the perjured king,

would have held out for one day against the destructive wolves, so as to stem their heavy destructive attack;

525

even though the city had before its towers the great Kanastraian giant,

local-born, to bar the enemy’s way, keen to strike, with a well-aimed spear-throw,

the first man to bring destruction on the flock.

over by him. She is named as Polydora in the

but is so-called as an indicator of his size and strength (Massa-Pairault 2009: 488; West 2009:

Kypria (frag. 22 at M. West 2003: τοι). Lyk. surprisingly declines the opportunity to associate Protesilaos with a nostos story involving his foundation of Skione in Chalkidike: see

91). For Kanastraion (i.e. the Pallene promontory

of Chalkidike) as the home of the (real) Giants, see 127 n. Cf. Durbec 2009: 400: the confrontation between Hektor and the Greeks becomes a new Gigantomachy.

FGrHist 26 Konon F. 1 XIII, and he features on

the city's coins (Kraay 1976: 134 and LIMC r: 554-5). But there is an obvious problem, because a man famously killed at Troy could not have had a nostos or return from there. So one ingenious modern suggestion is that he founded Skione

527-528. δυσμενῶν μοχλόν / ἔχοντα: with this

metaphorical use of the standard word for a bar or bolt, with a genitive of the thing or person

protected against, cf. S. frag. 760, φόβου μοχλός

after the first Greek expedition against Troy, that

with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110. The barring metaphor is appropriate for Hektor in his role as protector, cf. Rougier-Blanc 2009: 547 and

by Herakles and Telamon. For further discussion see CT II: 378-9 on Th. 4. 120. τ (Skione is there said to have been founded by Greeks returning from Troy but blown off course by a storm; they

Durbec 20092: 400, who notes the derivation of

his name from ἔχω, ‘I hold’, and therefore the appropriateness of ἔχοντα in 528. See also z8ın.

are anonymous, but note Th.'s possible hint at

Protesilaos in the words τοὺς πρώτους); cf. also Boedeker 1988: 36 n. 22.

528—534. Protesilaos and his tomb Protesilaos, leader of a Thessalian contingent, was

the first Greek to land at Troy and the first to be killed (/. 2. 695-702), in accordance with an oracle which said (Apollod. ep. 3. 29) that the first to

land would be the first to die: his name means

‘first of the people’ i.e. army, or ‘first to be killed’, from ὄλλυμαι.1π Homer (2.701) the death-blow is dealt by ‘a Dardanian [i.e. Trojan] man’, not specified as Hektor, but the Kypria arg. 10 (M. West 2003: 77) names Hektor as the killer. See 246n. and 279-280n. (Achilles was warned by Thetis not to be the first to jump.) The sequel to the main story of Protesilaos is given by Apollod. ep. 3. 30: his wife grieved so much for him that he was allowed to return from Hades for a while; this develops a hint in Homer (who speaks only of her cheek-lacerating grief) or else possibly alludes to a story known to Homer but passed

528. τὸν πρῶτον: strictly this accusative could go with either Hektor or Protesilaos, and indeed Mooney takes it with Hektor (‘one who is fore-

most with a well-aimed cast' etc.). But it is much more likely that mpwr-ov indicates IIpwrεἐσίλαος, who is not actually named (and πρῶτα at 530 rams the point home, see n. there). Apollod. (see 527n.) says that Protesilaos managed to kill

some Trojans before being killed himself; he is thus a πρῶτον ... ποιμνίων ἀλάστορα (529). 529. ποιμνίων ἀλάστορα: for the Sophoclean word ποίμνια see 454n. The second word is also Sophoclean (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58): see Tr. 1092-3, of the Nemean lion, the 'herds-

men’s scourge' (LSJ): Νεμέας ἔνοικον, βουκόλων ἀλάστορα / λέοντα. The noun ἀλάστωρ (also at 1318) is very strong, see Jameson and others 1993: 16 (B lines 1, 9, and 12, also in SEG 43. 630) with

241

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

530-538

οὗ δή ποτ᾽ αἴθων πρῶτα καινίσει δόρυ τ

4

3

L/

^

,

/

κίρκος θρασὺς πήδημα λαιψηρὸν δικών, Γραικῶν ἄριστος, ᾧ πάλαι τεύχει τάφους ἀκτὴ Δολόγκων εὐτρεπὴς κεκμηκότι, Μαζουσία προὔχουσα χερσαίου κέρως. ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι γάρ τις, ἔστι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα

530

535

ἡμῖν ἀρωγὸς πρευμένης ὁ Δρύμνιος δαίμων Προμανθεὺς Αἰθίοψ Γυράψιος, ὅς, τὸν πλανήτην Ὀρθάνην ὅταν δόμοις 5:6 $38

ApdprosD Ὀρθάνην Hermann 1834: 241 ὀρθάγην MSS

comm. at 54-6 for the variant form ἐλάστοροι in the /ex sacra from Selinous in Sicily, where you

need to be purified from them and to sacrifice to them; see esp. comm. at 54: the word can be ‘used both of a wrongdoer who commits a crime or an act of violence and of pursuer and punisher of the wrongdoer’, but in Lyk. and S. the first meaning is uppermost. See also JGDS II; no. 18 (and dis-

cussion at pp. 56f.). 530. πρῶτα καινίσει δόρυ: this is a ‘first’ for both Protesilaos, who is first to feel Hektor's spear (and see 528n. for mpwr-words applied to Protesilaos), and for Hektor, for whom Protesilaos

is his first Greek victim. καινέσει is rendered by LSJ and Mair as ‘handsel’, but this verb for ‘use x for the first time’ is no longer in common English

usage.

and, for Lyk., see esp. Calce 2011: 119-22, arguing that Lyk. still used it in a restricted sense, Aiolian Greeks from Thessaly or Boiotia (the context of 891 is the shipwreck of three Thessalian Greek leaders). Calce 201: 126 (English summary at 180)

suggests that the spread of the name to Italy is explained by the colonizing activity of Euboians:

cf. the name Γραική in the Oropos/Tanagra region opposite Euboia (Th. 2. 28. 3 with CT, and 64511.). 532-533. τεύχει τάφους / ἀκτὴ Δολόγκων: the

Dolonkoi stand for the Thracians, as part to whole, cf. 331n. (on the story of Miltiades the

Elder, invited to Thrace by the Dolonkoi). The tomb or temple of Protesilaos was a Thracian

landmark mentioned by both Hdt. and Th. very near the end of their respective Histories; see

Hdt. 7. 33, 9. 116. 2, 120. 2 and 4 with Flower and

532. Γραικῶν ἄριστος: this echoes Homer's description (I 2. 702) of Protesilaos as πολὺ

Marincola 2002: 302; Th. 8. 102. 3 with CT III:

πρώτιστον Ἀχαιῶν, which was ambiguous as

which is almost at the tip of the Thracian Chersonese (for which polis see LACP: no. 663, Barr. map 51 G4, and cf. R/O no. 71, and for the Protesilaeion in particular see Strabo 7 frag. 21. 16 and LACP: p. 906 for a prehistoric mound which

between ‘first’ (to land) and ‘best’ ( most coura-

geous) of the Greeks, but Lyk. chooses to adopt only the second half of the ambiguity, having already made P.'s chronological priority clear at 528 and 530 (πρῶτος, πρῶτα). The Marmor Parium (FGrHist 239 F 6) claimed that Γραικοΐ was the old name for Ἕλληνες; the relationship between the two terms has been much discussed, because Γραικοί (Graeci, Greeks,

1047. The Πρωτεσιλάειον was near Elaious,

may be the tomb). On the frequent mentions of tombs in Lyk., see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 550.

891, 1195, 1338) see Willi 2008: 151 and n. 104, com-

534. MaLovoia: marked at Barr. map 51 G4 as "Mas(t)ousia Pr[omontory], but Strabo (7 frag. 51) spells it in the same way as Lyk. The spelling Μαστουσία (e.g. Ptol. 3. 12. 2, Plin. NH 4. 49) derives from its supposedly breast-shaped appear-

paring S. frag. 1087 TrGF (Ῥαικοί vel Γραικοῶ,

ance; see R.-E. 'Mastousia' (1) and cf. Tzetzes.

etc.) has prevailed in most European languages apart from mod. Greek itself. For Γραικοί (also at

242

Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

A bold gleaming falcon will be the first to feel his spear, leaping forward with a swift bound,

530-538 530

the best ofthe Greeks, for whom, when killed, the ready

Dolonkian shore has long since built a tomb, Mazousia, the promontory of the horn-shaped peninsula. But someone there is, someone beyond our hopes, a gracious helper, the Drymnian

535

god, Promantheus, Aithiops, Gyrapsios;

when they receive the wandering Orthanes 535. ἔστι γάρ τις, ἔστι: for the repetition cf. 69n.;

meaning of Αἰθίοψ, ‘burnt face’, is not obviously

also TrGF'2 no. 624. 3, and esp. Kerkidas 18. 34 (CA).

appropriate to Zeus, unless there is an allusion to allegorical attempts to identify him with the sun; see Eustathios, as above, and also his comm. on the I. passage cited above (1. 197 van der Valk). C£. Cook 1914-40: 1.290,

536. ἡμῖν ἀρωγός: the same noun as at 360, where Kassandra used it of her own appeal to Athena as helper; and as at $13. See also next n. 536—537. ὁ Δρύμνιος / δαίμων Προμανθεὺς Aidioys

Gyrapsios might mean 'he of the round disk'

Γυράψιος: these are all epithets of Zeus. Drymnios

(i.e. the sun): Cook 1914-40: 1. 289f. and 330, arguing wildly for solar cults on Chios because Orion was blinded by the sun there. See Schwabl 1978: col. 295. Graf 1985: 37 and n. 349, discussing Zeus' cult-titles at Chios, draws a blank, merely repeating the above information about Aithiops and Gyrapsios. Cook 289 speaks of Lyk. 'the pedant’.

is said (Tzetzes) to be Pamphylian; Promantheus to be Thourian; Aithiops and Gyrapsios to be Chian. For the combination ἡμῖν (536) and δαίμων of Zeus, see the resumptive 567, and n. there. There is (Schwabl 1978: col. 301) no other evidence for Drymnios. The name superficially recalls Drymas (=Apollo son of Zeus) at 522, see n. there; but the nz in Drymnios needs to be accounted for and the names should be kept distinct. (Only the inferior MS D reads δρύμιος here.) Promantheus has been connected speculatively with a Sanskrit word meaning ‘fire-drill’ (i.e. two

sticks rubbed together to make fire, a word supposedly connected to the name Prometheus); see

538. τὸν πλανήτην Ὀρθάνην: this is Paris. Orthanes or Orthages was a minor Athenian god resembling Priapos i.e. he was phallic; see Strabo 13.1.12 and Parker 1996: 162 n. 32, who cites Plato Com. frag. 188. 12 K/A, and notes that the comic playwright Euboulos wrote an Orthanes (or Orthannes), see frags 75-9 K/A; that is, we have here a ref. to Paris’ sexual excesses. On the reading (not Ὀρθάγην) see Hermann 1834: 2412.

Cook 1914740: 1. 329£., cf. 325; Schwabl 1978: col. 355 M. West 2007: 273. This works better for Prometheus the fire-snatcher than for Zeus. One might think rather of a syncopated version of προμανθ(άνων Ζ)εύς (for the verb cf. Pi. Ο. 8. 60 or Th. 1. 138. 3) i.e. Zeus who has foreknowledge: even Apollo's oracular power comes from Zeus, see e.g. A. Eum. 19 and 616-18. Denis Rousset points me to SEG 55. 581, Zwreipaı Προμαθεῖ (Ambryssos, Phokis).

West 2003: 69). Since it was only in the Kypria that the paths of Paris and the Dioskouroi crossed, it follows that Lyk.’s source must, at whatever

538-539. ὅταν 8ópots . . . δέξωνται: in the Epic

Cycle, Paris received hospitality at Sparta both from the Dioskouroi, and from Menelaos sepa-

rately and later, μετὰ ταῦτα (Kypria arg. 2 = M.

Aithiops is confirmed by Eustathios (comm. on

remove, have been the Kypria; see West 20132: 88,

Od. 1385. 60-4 at 62) to be an epithet of Zeus, cf. Schwabl 1978: col. 263. At IJ. 1. 423, Zeus is said to

versions of myths, as found in the Epic Cycle. (Cf.

have gone to feast with the Ethiopians. The literal

also Sens 1997: 172 on Theok. 22. 141.) Lyk. does not

also 47 for Lyk.’s usual avoidance of standard

243

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

5397549

σίνιν καταρρακτῆρα δέξωνται πικρὸν

οἱ δεινὰ κἀπόθεστα πείσεσθαί ποτε μέλλοντες, ἔν re δαιτὶ καὶ θαλυσίοις λοιβαῖσι μειλίσσωσιν ἀστεργὴ Κράγον, θήσει βαρὺν κολῳὸν ἐν λέσχαις μέσον. ,

LÀ

x

x

540

,

Kal πρῶτα μὲν μύθοισιν ἀλλήλους ὀδὰξ βρύξουσι κηκασμοῖσιν ὠκριώμενοι, αὖθις δ᾽ ἐναιχμάσουσιν αὐτανέψιοι, ἀνεψιαῖς ὄρνισι χραισμῆσαι γάμους x

^

^

A

2?

4

>

LH

,

>

>

A

545

͵

βιαιοκλῶπας ἁρπαγάς τε συγγόνων χρήζοντες, ἀλφῆς τῆς ἀεδνώτου δίκην. distinguish clearly between the two visits (so rightly Holzinger), and implies that the quarrel

542. μειλίσσωσιν ἀστεργῆ Kpáyov: Kragos is a Lykian epithet of or name for Zeus, who

with the Apharetidai and attempted abduction of

is here alluded to twice, because his cult títle Meilichios (common in the Hellenistic period) is

the Leukippidai (for which see sızn.) took place at

an unspecified banquet. Tzetzes (followed by

suggested by the verb μειλίσσω. For Mt Kragos

Mooney) assumes that the Tyndaridai and Apharetidai were all present at 2 banquet given by Menelaos, but Lyk. does not quite say so.

in S. Lykia, above Sidyma, W. of Xanthos, and

539. σίνιν καταρρακτῆρα: for the second word cf, 169 and n.: there the bird of prey (κίρκος) is specified, but it is present here too by implication, esp. if we remember the earlier passage. Mooney actually translates ‘destroying eagle’, though oivis just means a ravager or plunderer. 540. δεινὰ κἀπόθεστα:

the

rare

a

word

is

used,

in

second Homeric

and hapax,

very at

Od. 17. 296 of Odysseus’ neglected old dog Argos, See also Kall. frag. 325 Pf. (from the Hekale) = 131 Hollis and perhaps Suppl. Hell. 1066 (ἀπεόθ»εστος Ἐρινύς). For the etymology (either d + ποθεῖν or else ἀπὸ + θέσσασθαι) see

Hollis: 310-11, who concludes that the first meaning (‘despised’) suits Homer better, and the sec-

ond meaning (‘which one prays not to encounter’) suits Kall., Lyk., and the Suppl. Hell. frag. For links between Kall. Heka/e and Lyk. generally, see Hollis 2007: 283-6, cf 494.n. 541-542. ἔν τε δαιτὶ καὶ θαλυσίοις / λοιβαῖσι: for δαιτί see $43 n. θαλύσιος seems here to be ἃ two-termination adj.; so Ciani. It means 'pertain-

ing to first-fruits' (Jim 2014: 105-6), so as applied to a libation it presumably indicates the first pressing of wine.

home of the mythical creature the Chimaira, see Strabo 14. 3. 5, Dion. Perieg. 850 with Lightfoot 2014: 445-6; Barr. map 65 Bs (itis part ofa mountain complex whose other and larger component is Antikragos to N. of it). 543. κολῳὸν ἐν λέσχαις μέσον: for the rare word

κολῳός, ‘quarrel’, ‘wrangle’, cf. I. 1. 575, with Rengakos 1994: 18 for the echo. The context there is a feast on Olympos, and the Homeric line ends with the genitive of Sais, ‘a feast’, used

by Lyk. in the dative at 541. See also Ap. Rh. ı. 1283-4, ἐν δὲ κολῳός / ἄσπετος. The motif of alcohol-fuelled quarrels at banquets, especially weddings, and the resulting violence

towards

both

sexes, is familiar

from

the story of the Centaurs, told by Antinoos at Od. 21. 293-304. This took place at the wedding of the Lapith Peirithoos to Hippodameia, see eg. Diod. 4. 70. 3 for the Centaurs’ violence against Hippodameia on this occasion; cf. A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* ‘Centaurs’. See also, for a modem anthropological parallel (the Sarakatsani in NW Greece in the 1950s), Campbell 1964: 97 (also 107, 114), noting that fights and brawls happen in certain contexts in particular, including ‘at a wedding when men drink to excess and see a veiled insult in each word or gesture. Yet these fights seldom lead to a killing’. But they

244

Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

5397549

into their home, the bitter down-swooping destroyer— they who will suffer frightful, dreaded fates, and who will try, with feasts and libations of the first pressing of wine, to propitiate unyielding Kragos— he will cause them to quarrel violently as they converse.

540

At first they will rend with biting words,

roughing each other up to fury with their taunts. Then those cousins will fight with spears,

545

seeking to defend their cousin-chicks from violently forced marriage and seizure of kin, to punish what was usurped without bride-price.

do in myth, where patterns of behaviour are commonly taken to extremes (cf. 1141-1173 n., on

the

ritual and

Dioskouroi-Apharetidai

G[riffiths], OCD* ‘Leucippides’. Leukippos was

quarrel does not happen at a wedding exactly, but it shares some features of such incidents,

brother both of Aphareus and of Tyndareos the mortal father of the Dioskouroi, so that the girls seized by the Dioskouroi were cousins both of

myth). The

Leukippidai or Leukippides, or rather two of

mythical and real (wine no doubt; abusive words;

three,

Phoibe

and

Hilaeira.

See

A.

H.

men coming to blows; violence against or even

the Dioskouroi and of the Apharetidai, Idas and

abduction

Lynkeus. See Apollod. 3.10.3 and Gantz 1993: 181. Mari 2009: 439 rightly notes that the sexual violence offered to the Leukippides reminds us of

of

nubile

women;

and

we

recall

that Helen, who is present, is the bride par exce/lence, 143 and 146, and is about to be abducted by Paris).

544. καὶ πρῶτα

μὲν μύθοισιν:

the

classic

sequence (543n.): heated words first, then escalation to violence. ó8d£: cf. Od. 1. 381, where ὀδὰξ ἐν χείλεσι φύντες appears (LSJ) to mean that the suitors are ‘biting the Hips in smothered rage’ at Telemachos’ speech. This too (see 543n. on KoAwös) is at a feast, cf. 1. 369 viv μὲν δαινύμεvot τερπώμεθα. Homeric language for quarrels is continued in 545, see n. there. 545. A three-word line, cf. 63n. κηκασμοῖσιν: the noun

will be used

again

at 692

Kassandra’s own fate, the main narrative line of

the poem. J. N. B[remmer], OCD* ‘initiation’ suggests that names in -Aipp or Hipp-, such as Leukippos

(the monkeys

appointed by Zeus to mock the giants), and the verb κηκάζω at 1386. Cf. Kall. frag. 656 Pf., κηκάδι σὺν γλώσσῃ. ὠκριώμενοι is from ὀκριἄάομαι, cf. Od. 18. 33, ὀκριόωντο, of Odysseus’ quarrel with Iros; cf. 544n. The root word is ὄκρις, meaning a rough, jagged object. 547. ἀνεψιαῖς ὄρνισι: the multiple interrelation-

ship of cousinhood is explained by Tzetzes. The ‘cousin chicks’ (for the double noun see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115) are Leukippos’ daughters the

and

Leukippides

(and

Hippolytos),

indicate

initiatory rituals, because youths were seen as resembling wild animals, in need of taming. On

the names Phoibe and Hilaeira (‘shining’ and ‘genial’, perhaps versions of the Daughters of the Sun who feature in Indo-European myth), see West 2007: 232; cf. also North 2012: 47 for the idea that the kidnapping theme might be seen ‘in terms of cosmic symbolism’: the Dioskouroi are sometimes identified with the morning and evening star, cf. West 2007: 234. Fowler 2013: 418-25. 549. ἀεδνώτου: this hapax word has been held (see

eg.

Holzinger)

to

hint

after

all

at

the

alternative or Pindaric version of the origin of the quarrel, that involving theft of cattle (s17n.): cattle are on this view assumed to be the normal medium of exchange, in which bride-price would have been payable.

245

550-560

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

ἢ πολλὰ δὴ βέλεμνα Κνηκιὼν πόρος ῥιφέντα τόλμαις αἰετῶν ἐπόψεται, ἄπιστα kai θαμβητὰ Φηραίοις κλύειν. ὁ μὲν κρανείᾳ κοῖλον οὐτάσας στύπος φηγοῦ κελαινῆς, διπτύχων ἕνα φθερεῖ, λέοντα ταύρῳ συμβαλόντα φύλοπιν. ὁ δ᾽ αὖ σιγύμνῳ πλεῦρ᾽ ἀναρρήξας Bods κλινεῖ πρὸς οὖδας. τῷ δὲ δευτέραν ἔπι πληγὴν ἀθαμβὴς κριὸς ἐγκορύψεται, ἄγαλμα πήλας τῶν Ἀμυκλαίων τάφων. ὁμοῦ δὲ χαλκὸς καὶ κεραύνιοι BoAat ΜΝ

€

€

$50

^

3

7

^

A

,

4

/

,

^35

^

x

550

,

555

A

cA

M

560

Βνηκιὼν Scheer Κνηκείων MSS

550. Κνηκιὼν πόρος: this river, near Sparta, is

Bc showed there were brave and warlike men other

mentioned, in its Doric form, in the Great Rhetra preserved at Plut. Lykourgos 6, see para. 2 for

than ‘those between B. and K.’). Tzetzes says that

Knakion was later called Oivoös, which implies that the old name had disappeared.

popular meetings to be held μεταξὺ Βαβύκας re καὶ Kvakiavos. See Bölte, R.-E ΠΙᾺ ‘Sparta

551. τόλμαις αἰετῶν: for the eagle as the usual symbol of force in the Lykophronic bestiary, see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 105.

(Topographie)’, col. 1372, calling the location of B. and K. a ‘still insoluble puzzle’ in ap 1928, and that remains true today. He suggested, partly because of 559 (Amyklai) that Knakion/Knekion must have been a stream to the south of the Eurotas (c£ Geiger, R.-E. XI (1922) cols 907-8, ‘Knakion for other possible locations), and preferred the accen-

552. Φηραίοις: this is evidently an ethnic of the

polis of Pharai, in the border area between Messenia and Lakonia, IACP: no. 320, Barr. map. no. 58 C3 (marking it as Pherai). See Steph. Byz.

tuation Kvaxiwy. This assumed that the name derives from κνάκος or κνηκός, ‘yellow’, ‘tawny’ (note that in Lyk. the mss have Κνηκείων, emended by Scheer, perhaps wrongly); but it may be from κνῆκος, a safflower, and be connected with cults of Artemis, who has epikleseis such as Κνακαλησία (Paus. 8. 23. 3, Arkadia) and Kvayia

(Paus. 3. 18. 4, Sparta. That epiklesis was thought to derive from Knageus, a hero who accompanied

the Dioskouroi on their expedition to Aphidna. This would make the place very suitable for Lyk. to mention here). See Brulé 1998: 23 n. 33 for these epikleseis of Artemis. Bélte’s further suggestion (citing Wentzel 1890: ı8ff., 25) that Lyk. derived these place-names from the Kypria is unnecessary.

Babyka and Knakion were surely familiar to anyone interested in early Spartan history and mythol-

ogy; for instance Aristotle (frag. 536 Rose, quoted by Plut. Lykourg. 6), said that Babyke was a bridge and Knakion was a river. See also Georgiadou 1997: 153 on Plut. Pelop. 17. 13 (the battle of Tegyra in 375

Qapa(, πόλις Μεσσήνης, ὅθεν ἦσαν οἱ Ἀφαρητιάδαι (but he says that the correct ethnic of the Messenian place was Φαραιίτης). 553. The referent of ὁ μέν is Idas. He killed Kastor, who was hiding in a hollow oak until spotted there by Lynkeus, the ‘lynx-eyed’ with his X-ray vision. See Kypria frag. 16 in West 2003 (commentary at West 2013a: 95), Apollod. 3. 10. 3,

and esp. Pi. N. 10. 6ο-3,... ἔτρωσεν χαλκέας λόγχας ἀκμᾷ. / ἀπὸ Tavyérov πεδαυγάζων ἔδεν Λυγκεὺς δρυὸς ἐν στέλεχει / ἡμένους. κείvou γὰρ ἐπιχθονίων πάντων γένετ᾽ ὀξύτατον /

ὄμμα... C£ A. H. Glriffiths], OCD* "Idas and Lynceus’; for the Indo-European motif of miraculously good vision, see West 2007: 427 n. 57. With the adjective κράνεια (‘made of cherryor comel-wood’) on its own, i.e. with no noun, to

mean a spear, see GP 664 (Anyte epig. I line 1). 555. λέοντα ταύρῳ: the lions (the Dioskouroi) are weaker than the bulls (the Apharetidai).

246

Dioskouroi and Apharetidat, Idas and Lynkeus

550-560

The stream of Knakion shall see many missiles thrown by the daring of eagles,

55°

an incredible wonder to the people of Pharai. One of them, after piercing with his spear of cherry-wood the hollow trunk of a black oak-tree, will kill one of the twins, a lion who joined battle against a bull.

555

The other lion will rend open the other bullock’s flank with his spear and level him with the ground. Against him the intrepid ram will aim a blow, butting him for the second time,

hurling a statue from one of the Amyklaian tombs. But bronze and thunderbolts together 556. ὁ δ᾽ αὖ σιγύμνῳ πλεῦρ᾽ ἀναρρήξας Bods: this is confusing but the key is in the final word. The ‘ox’ rent by the spear must be the other of the Apharetidai, viz. Lynkeus, compare ταῦρος = Idas in 555. The subject of the sentence must then be the surviving ‘lion’ or Dioskouros, viz. Polydeukes. Therefore, ὁ δέ does not answer ὁ μέν in 553. See Holzinger. For σιγύμνης (‘spear’) cf. Hdt. 5. 9. 3, where Hdt., discussing the origins of the Sigynnoi in Thrace, says that σιγύνναι is a Cypriot word for ‘spears’. We are, after all, in the middle of Lyk.'s Cypriot section, though Cyprus might seem to have been lost sight of.

(6.

in the previous line, 556. The subject of the sentence this time is Idas, who takes revenge for the death of his brother Lynkeus. This version, acc. to which Idas throws a grave-marker (559 n.) only after Lynkeus is killed, is shared by Apollod. 3.11. 2. In Apollod., Idas knocks Polydeukes unconscious. This is likely to be older than Pindar's version, which is more respectful towards Polydeukes (it avoids the humiliation Polydeukes is ineffective). See West 20133: 96, who

argues that this older version was that of the Kypria. Lyk. follows it up to a point.

there

was

a

well-known

Aiginetan

559. For Amyklai, c.6 km. S. of Sparta, see LACP:

pp. 592-3, and jon. for the cult of Kassandra and Agamemnon, who were killed there on the version followed by Lyk., see 1124n. This is the only place in the poem where the site is actually named. Pindar (N. το. 67-8) has Idas brought to bay by the tomb of his father Aphareus. He hurls (the

verb is from mdAAw) a grave-marker, ἄγαλμα, hence Lyk.’s word. Cf. also Theok. 22. 207~9 with Sens 1997. See Farnell 323-4 on the Pi. passage. 560-561. ὁμοῦ δὲ χαλκὸς καὶ κεραύνιοι βολαί /

558. κριὸς ἐγκορύψεται: the bull has turned into a ram, This is disconcerting, but these two creatures are closer to each other in appearance than either is to a lion (cf. Mahé-Simon

50)

‘Mr Ram’, Kpiós, whose name was the subject of black humour on the part of King Kleomenes I of Sparta; and Simonides also played on this man’s name (see 518 PMG and my comm. on the Hdt. passage). In the present quasi-military context, the secondary meaning 'battering-ram' should not be forgotten; see e.g. Xen. Kyrop. 7. 4.1 and Pol. 1. 48. 9 (siege of Lilybaion). For the hapax verb ἐγκορύπτω (the future is middle in form, cf. LSJ), see Hunter 1999: 112 on κορύπτει at Theok. 3. 5 ‚calling it ‘the vox propria for fighting between rival he-goats or rams’. This Theok. passage was already adduced by 2 and "Tzetzes.

557. τῷ δέ: this is, again, Polydeukes, who was ὁ δέ

of having him stunned: in Pindar, Idas' throw at

560

2009: 444-5 for the

way Lyk. can refer to the same people as different animals) In Lyk.’s favourite prose author Hdt.

ταύρους καταξανοῦσιν: Lynkeus was killed by the bronze [sword] of Polydeukes and Idas by Zeus’ thunderbolt; cf. Theok. 22. 202-3 and 211 (perhaps

here

recalled), and

Apollod.

3. 1. 2.

For the tragic verb καταξαίνω cf. 300 and n. Particularly relevant to the present passage is E.

247

561-567

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

ταύρους καταξανοῦσιν, dv ἀλκὴν ἑνὸς οὐδ᾽ ὁ Σκιαστὴς Ὀρχιεὺς Τελφούσιος ἐμέμψατ᾽, ἐν χάρμαισι ῥαιβώσας κέρας. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἅιδης, τοὺς δ᾽ Ὀλύμπιοι πλάκες Tap ἥμαρ αἰεί δεξιώσονται ξένους, φιλαυθομαίμους, ἀφθίτους re καὶ φθιτούς. ı

7

2x

ὃ

/

€ 3

‘

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7

τ

565

Á

καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμῖν εὐνάσει δαίμων δόρυ,

Ph. 1145, πρὶν καταξάνθαι βολαῖς, possibly here imitated. But another passage of E. is also in Lyk.'s mind here; see 564n. for Jon 1267, where,

About Orchieus, nothing more can be said, apart from the alleged Spartan connection (above). Wentzel 1890: 47, citing only 2 on the

present passage, says the epiklesis is Boiotian, but this seems to be a slip. The Telphousa or Tilphousa here referred to by its ethnic is more likely to be the Boiotian

however, the verb has the literal sense ‘comb’.

561. ὧν ἀλκὴν ἑνός ...: the reference is to an earlier fight between Idas and Apollo (562 and n.) for the hand of Marpessa daughter of Euenos. As

sanctuary (so Tzetzes) than the homonymous Arkadian polis, although Apollo does feature on the coinage of the latter (L4CP: no. 300, "Ihelpousa' [sic in both regions the name is

mother of Kleopatra she makes a brief appearance

in Homer,

who

insists

on

her beautiful

ankles (two mentions in four lines, I2 9. 557 and 560) and says that Idas, strongest of mortals,

variously spelt]). Both the Boiotian and the

dared to raise his bow against Apollo for her. The story is given in full at Apollod. τ. 7. 8 as part of

Arkadian places were Poseidon's

mating,

the

form

2003: 53 (Boiotia), with Larson 2007: 65 and

gave his name to the river. Idas got as far as Messenia when Apollo came across him again and they fought. Zeus intervened, and offered Marpessa a choice between her suitors. She

chose Idas because she feared that Apollo would desert her when she grew old: she 'preferred security to glamour’, as Alan Griffiths puts it (OCD*, ‘Idas

and

Lynceus’).

The

sexual

rejection

of

Apollo makes Marpessa analogous to Kassandra herself.

562. οὐδ’ ὁ Σκιαστὴς Ὀρχιεὺς Τελφούσιος: these are all epithets of Apollo. The first two are said by Tzetzes to be Spartan. But Σκιάς was a place in Arkadia (Steph. Byz., Zxıds), and it gave the name Σκιᾶτις to Apollo's sister Artemis; Paus. 8. 35. 5 with Jost 1985: 190. Cf. Mooney.

Erinys,

horse,

Pleuron son of Aitolos). She was being wooed by Apollo, but Idas swooped in and carried her (for this detail see also B. 20); the angry father

producing

of a

the Aitolian section (the girl was descended from

gave chase but drowned during the pursuit and

so

said to be the site of

with

off, helped by swift horses provided by Poseidon

Demeter,

in

see

Paus. 8. 25. 5 (Arkadia) and Thebaid frag. τι = West

212 n. 22. Telphousa was the tutelary and eponymous

goddess of an ancient sanctuary at a spring in Boiotia. Her story is given by HHAp. 239-76 and 375-87 with Richardson 2010: 120, nn. on 244

and 246-76. Apollo started to build a temple there but the goddess tricked him into doing so at Krisa instead. The myth in this form respects the antiquity of Telphousa while making

Telphousa a dependency of Delphi, thus asserting the latter's predominance; so Schachter 1981 94: 1. 76—7. The site is not agreed (see Schachter 76 n. 4 for the two possibilities, Petra and Agios Nikolaos. The rough position, near Alalkomenai

and the place shown in antiquity as the tomb of Teiresias, is given by Strabo 9. 2. 27. See Barr. map 55 D4, marking it as the Tilphosaion [sic], SE. of Koroneia; but the map-by-map Directory lists it under ‘unlocated toponyms’). At 77 n. 2.

Schachter is probably right that Lyk.’s single word may be ‘taken to depend ultimately’ on

248

Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, Idas and Lynkeus

561-567

will crush the bulls, one of whom was not disparaged for his strength even by the Skiastan, Orchian, and Telphousian

god, who bent his bow in the fight. These twins Hades will take, but the plateaux of Olympos will greet the other twins as guests for ever on alternate days, brother-loving, immortal and mortal. A god will lull all these men’s spears for us,

HHAp.—provided we accept Telphousa is meant (above).

that

Boiotian

&&or,and this is listed as an epiklesis by Wentzel 1890: 50, The Dioskouroi were specially prone to ‘theoxeny’, 'god-entertainment see R. C. T. P[arker], ‘Dioscuri’ and E. Ke[arns], ‘heoxenia’, both in OCD*.

563. ἐν χάρμαισι: used only here and at 1271

(about Roman military prowess). It is a mainly epic word, though see Pi. O. o. 86. It is related to χάρμα, ‘joy’, and the meaning travels from ‘joy in battle’ to ‘battle’. ῥαιβώσας κέρας: for the singular noun (despite the composite nature of bows made of two horns with a central grip) see Gow-Page on HE 1131 (= Kall. epig. 17. 3). The bow is mentioned by Homer as Idas' weapon on this occasion (1 9. 559, εἵλετο τόξον; cf. 562n.To use Ápollos characteristic weapon against the god was super-daring). But in Lyk. the bow is bent, as it more usually is, by Apollo, who must be

the subject of ῥαιβώσας. For the verb see 262 (emended there, see n.). 564. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἅιδης, τοὺς δ’ Ὀλύμπιοι πλάkes...: these (τοὺς μέν, τοὺς δῷ are the Apharetidai and the Dioskouroi respectively. The

567. kai τῶν μέν: this refers to all four of the

S. Ph. 1430, πρὸς πάτρας Οἴτης πλάκα. At 648 it will be used of expanses of sea.

ovras ἔνδον Ὀλύμπου (so Holzinger). For the

too, citing I. 20. 64).

tragic one.)

Jon 1267, καταξήνωσι Παρνασοῦ πλάκες, cf. also

time-share arrangement by which the Dioskouroi enjoyed immortality in daily turns, see sr1n. For δεξιώσονται see 416n. Tzetzes and X say that ‘among the Spartans the Dioskouroi were the

2007:

But Lyk.’s meaning is quite different: both of the Dioskouroi are both mortal and immortal. (Note that φθιτός is not a Homeric word but a

Olympos practically means ‘heaven’, and in any case there is a precedent for the expression at E.

565. ... map’ ἦμαρ αἰεὶ δεξιώσονται ξένους: here παρ᾽ ἦμαρ, ‘daily’, ‘on a daily basis’, means ‘on alternate days’. The model is Pi. P. 11. 63-4, 76 μὲν παρ᾽ dap ἔδραισι Oepamvas,/ τὸ δ᾽ oike-

566. A neat, as well as an attractive, line. For Polydeukes as a paradigm of brotherly love because of his decision, see sr n. The hapax word φιλαυθόμαιμος (a multiple compound, cf. Guilleux 2009: 234) is the equivalent οἔφιλάδελos, a familiar word in Hellenistic royal titulature, but metrically inconvenient in unresolved iambics. For Lyk.s fondness for words beginning with alpha privative such as ἄφθιτος, especially in expressions of paradox or oxymoron, see Berra 2009: 283. The pairing ἀφθίτους τε καὶ φθιτούς ingeniously reuses a type of polar expression used by Homer to convey the idea of totality, θνητοῖσι καὶ ἀθανάτοισι, 1.6. ‘all intelligent beings’ (M. West

noun πλάξ ought to mean a level place or plain (see 98n.), so it might seem paradoxical to apply it to Olympos, conceived as mountain. But here

565

combatants; it is answered by ἄλλων

δέ at

569: the danger to Troy from these powerful Greek fighters has been neutralized by Zeus, but he has other troubles in preparation. Behind this thought may lie Z/ 24. 530: at different times

(More... ἄλλοτε) Zeus gives good and evil. ἡμῖν εὐνάσει δαίμων: this picks up 537, the Drymnian (etc.) δαίμων i.e. Zeus will be ἡμῖν dpwyös. The metaphorical εὐνάζω will be repeated very soon after this, at 570; for the point of this repetition, see 569-585n. The verb is used of anger, χόλος, at Ap. Rh. 3. 1000.

249

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

568-577

βαιόν τι μῆχαρ ἐν κακοῖς δωρούμενος. ἄλλων δ᾽ ἄπλατον χειρὶ κινήσει νέφος ὧν οὐδ᾽ ὁ Ῥοιοῦς tis εὐνάζων μένος Ψ

>

νΝ

x

7

[4

σχήσει, τὸν ἐννέωρον ἐν νήσῳ χρόνον

570

μίμνειν ἀνώγων θεσφάτοις πεπεισμένους,

τροφὴν δ᾽ ἀμεμφῆ πᾶσι τριπτύχους κόρας ἴσκων παρέξειν, Κυνθίαν ὅσοι σκοπὴν μίμνοντες ἠλάσκουσιν Ἰνωποῦ πέλας, Αἰγύπτιον Τρίτωνος ἕλκοντες ποτόν. ἃς δὴ Πρόβλαστος ἐξεπαίδευσε θρασὺς 568. βαιόν τι μῆχαρ ἐν κακοῖς: for μῆχαρ (here only in Lyk.) see A. Ag. 199 (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 55). It = μῆχος, as at I). 2.342 and 1459; also Hdt. 2. 181. 4 and 4. 151. 2, both times with κακοῦ. 569-585. Anios of Delos and his miraculous daughters Anios, king of Delos, told the commanders of the Greek fleet, en route for Troy, that oracles made it certain that they would not capture Troy before the tenth year, and promised to provision them in the meantime through the special gifts of his miraculous daughters the Oinotropoi or Wineturners (580): their names were Oino (wine), Spermo (seed i.e. corn), and Elais (olive-tree). The Greeks refused (see 572 n.) but were later forced to

send to Anios for help when the army was starving (582n.) For this myth, Lyk. is the main surviving ancient authority (the magical element denied it a place in Homer, cf. Griffin 1977: 40£.); but Tzetzes tells us that the main part of it was given by

Pherekydes (FGrHist 3 F 140), and by the Kypria (frag. 26 = M. West 2003: 103; West 2013a: 123-5; cf. also Marin 2009 and esp. Fowler 2013: 531-3). Tzetzes adds that Kall. also had the story (frag. 188,

575

centring on an eschara or altar for burnt-offerings and including inscribed dedications to him as θεός, βασιλεύς, and dpynyérys. It is unclear in what sense he was ‘founder’ (he was a ‘fondateur sans fondation’, as Prost 2001: 114 neatly puts it).

On Anios as king and founder see esp. Prost 2001; cf. also Bruneau 1970: 413-30 and in LIMC vi 794; OCD* 'Anius' (but correct the Lyk. ref. from 170 to 570). The connection of this section of the poem with its wider context has been thought loose, not to say

strained (‘une association d'idées assez libres’, say Hurst/Kolde on 569-583), and we have certainly been led a long way from Akamas, the third Cypriot oikist who is still the ostensible subject until 586. But rather than censuring Lyk. we should admire the ingenuity of the transition, which enables the folding in of yet another pre-Trojan war story. The straight prediction at 569, that Zeus will have more trouble in store for the Greeks

despite the lull provided by the mutual elimination of Dioskouroi and Apharetidai, leads to a kind of counter-factual prediction: if the Greeks were hypothetically to obey the oracle which will be

cf. frag. 664 Pf. and Hollis 2007: 286) and we know

revealed by Anios, and so stay on Delos rather than going to lay siege to Troy, that too would postpone or ‘lull’ Trojan sufferings for many years. The repeti-

that Euphorion wrote an Anios (frag, 4 Lightfoot,

tion of the word for ‘lull’, εὐνάζω (567 and 570),

from Stephanus not Tzetzes, and uninformative).

facilitates the connection of thought. The introduction of Anios also prefigures the Roman theme which will be so prominent

Diod. recounted the birth of Anios from the union between Apollo and Rhoio: 570n. Ovid says that the three daughters were pursued by the Greeks and changed by Dionysos into doves, Lyk. apparently knew about this metamorphosis, and may allude to it by just one word: see 580n. on paBas. French excavations have revealed a Delian herocult of Anios as Archegetes, founder, apparently

later in the poem. Virgil has Anius (‘rex Anius, rex idem hominum Phoebique sacerdos’, A. 3. 82)

recognized as a friend by Aineias’ father Anchises. This has been plausibly brought into connection

with the epigraphically attested friendship and closeness, οἰκειότης καὶ φιλία, between Delos

250

Anios of Delos and his miraculous daughters

568—577

giving us a brief remedy in our troubles. But his hand will stir up a horrendous cloud of others: not even Rhoio’s son will be able to lull their fury, urging them to stay for nine years

570

on the island, in obedience to the oracles.

He said his three daughters would provide food beyond

reproach for all, if they stayed by the Kynthian watchtower and roamed near the river Inopos,

575

drawing water from Egyptian Triton. Bold Problastos taught those girls, and Rome: JG τι. 4. 756. See Erskine 2001: 185-8 and Battistoni 2010: 94-5.

Delos, they would do so in obedience to the oracles (it does not mean that they actually will

obey them. Obviously they will not, or there would have been no ten-year siege of Troy). Anios himself is presumably the source of these oracles; see 57on. for Apollo's gift to him of prophecy. A Delian inscription of 275 sc (a hieropoiic list) mentions a μαντεῖον, which has been connected with the cult of Anios: JG 11. 2. 165. 44 with SEG 44. 678. But there may have been more

569. ἄπλατον: from πελάζω, ‘approach’; a word found in early poetry, but not apparently Hellenistic

apart from the present passage; see Pi. P. 1. 21 ἀπλάTov πυρός, and tragedy, e.g. 5. Tr. 1093, ἄπλατον θρέμμα κἀπροσήγορον. (But at Hes. WD 148 and TE. 151 the right reading is ἄπλαστοι; see M. West on the latter passage: ἄπλατοι ‘not an epic form.)

than one oracular authority located on Delos:

570.'Powoös tus: for Anios as ‘son of Rhoio (daugh-

ter of Staphylos, ‘Mr Grape’, and grand-daughter of Dionysos) and of Apollo, who conferred mantic

FGrHist 396 Semos

of Delos F 12 speaks of

powers on the child, see Diod. 5. 62. 1-2. The rare

573. τριπτύχους κόρας: sce 239 n.

‘Delian prophets’, plural.

noun fs is tragic and esp. Aeschylean, see Eum. 323-4 and (a brilliant emendation by Conington) Ag. 717; E. Tro. 571. C£. also Kall. frag. 75. 63 Pf. (and see Pf. p. 118 n. 61 for another occurrence in frag. πο, the Coma Berenices, lines 65/66) and Dosiadas Bomos 3. The name Rhoio derives from the word for

574. loraw: for this verb cf. Theok. 22. 167, from

pomegranate, fda, Ionic and Epic ῥοίη. It was also

575. Ἰνωποῦ πέλας: for the river Inopos on Delos see Strabo 10. 5. 2.

the hymn to the Dioskouroi, perhaps in Lyk.’s mind hereabouts. It occurs in a famous line of

the Odyssey, 19. 203 ἔσκε ψεύδεα πολλὰ λέγων ἐτύμοισιν ὁμοῖα. Cf. also Ap. Rh. 2. 240.

the name of the mother of Herodotus the historian (Suda m 248 Adler, preferable to δρυώ at ἡ 536

576. Αἰγύπτιον Τρίτωνος: for the Nile as "Triton' see iron. Kall. H. 3 to Artemis 171 combines

Adler), so ‘son of Pomegranate’is a clever concealed gesture of homage towards one of Lyk.'s leading prose influences, as well as towards Aeschylus. εὐνάζων: see 567 and 569-585n.

Delian Inopos and the Nile, ἀγχόθι πηγάων Αἰγυπτίου Ἰνωποῖο. The Nile was supposed to be linked to the Inopos, Kall. H. 4 £o Delos 206-8

571. évvéwpov: cf. the mysterious words at Od. 17. 178-9, Μίνως évvéwpos βασίλευε, and other Homeric uses, with Rengakos 1994: 117. For the number nine in the Trojan legend see Jacoby on FGrHist 269 Staphylos F 6.

577. IIpößAaoros

572. θεσφάτοις πεπεισμένους: this participle

the vines began to shoot, ὅτε βλαστάνουσιν at

must mean that if the Greeks were to stay on

ἄμπελοι, or when they were first cut.

and Paus. 2. s. 3. 'The symbolic truth underlying this is that Hellenistic Delos was a great centre of Egyptian cults. 2, because

251

is Dionysos,

sacrifices were

made

so-called, acc. to him

when

578-587

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

μυληφάτου χιλοῖο δαιδαλευτρίας ἕρπιν τε ῥέζειν ἠδ᾽ ἀλοιφαῖον λίπος,

οἰνοτρόπους Ζάρηκος ἐκγόνους φάβας. al καὶ στρατοῦ βούπειναν ὀθνείων κυνῶν τρύχουσαν ἀλθανοῦσιν, ἐλθοῦσαί ποτε Σιθῶνος εἰς θυγατρὸς εὐναστήριον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν μίτοισι χαλκέων πάλαι

580

στρόμβων ἐπιρροιζοῦσι γηραιαὶ κόραι.

585

Κηφεὺς δὲ καὶ IIpd£avöpos, οὐ ναυκληρίας λαῶν ἄνακτες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνώνυμοι σποραΐί, 632-74. (But might Ovid have ingeniously exploited Lyk.’s single word so as to generate the metamorphosis? Lyk. often uses ‘doves’ to describe sexually vulnerable girls, cf. 87 and n.,

Hurst 2009: 203 suggests that 577-580 offer ἃ reassuring picture of peace and abundance, by contrast with the grim themes of the poem as a whole. There is something in this, but the magical sustenance provided by the Oinotropoi is a cure for an extreme famine, 581 (Hurst 203 n. 18).

and most recently 547, the Leukippidai described as birds.) For this as one of many metamorphoses in Lyk., see 176n. (where this is no. (9). See also

Olding 2007: 145 (the story possibly treated by

578. A three-word line, cf. 63n. μυληφάτον χιλοῖο: xıÄds was at first a purely prose word meaning green fodder for cattle: Hdt. 4. 140. 3 and Xen. Anab. 1. 9. 27; cf. ggn. It was used by

Ion of Chios).

581. βούπειναν: also at 1395. This rare alternative to βουλιμία, ravenous or uncontrollable hunger (whence our ‘bulimia’), is also used by Kall. frag.

Euphorion also, and in the same epic form xıAoio (frag. 81 Lightfoot), part of a fanciful etymology

24 Pf. (26 Massimilla)

of the name of Achilles, who never tasted χιλή,

nourishment in the form of mother’s milk. In the present passage a more general meaning ‘food’ is needed, so that in combination with μυλήφατος, ‘mill-ground’ (used at Od. 2. 355 of barley) it will mean ‘bread’, See also 677 with Schade (the fodder eaten by Kirke’s metamorphosed pigs). For the food-description see 482 n.

‘cure’ (cf. IZ s. 417, ἄλθετο χείρ, Dione's healing of Aphrodite's hand) see 1122, The use at 1395 is closer in sense to the present passage (it refers there, as here, to the relieving of hunger).

580. οἰνοτρόπους Ζάρηκος ἐκγόνους papas: the

583. This is a roundabout way of saying that

‘Wine-turners’ (i.e. turners of water into

wine), is strictly appropriate to only one of the girls, but is applied to all three. Zarex

(s

Euboian

Zarax,

cf. 373)

the Greek army was near Troy when the famine

struck. Sithonia was the middle prong of the Chalkidic peninsula, on which Torone was situated (cf. 16n.). Its eponym Sithon, king

married

Rhoio after she had borne Anios to Apollo. He was son of Karystos, eponym of the Euboian polis (2).

‘Doves’ (nom. sing. φάψ) appear to be a brief allusion to the story that the girls were turned into doves by Dionysos; for this see Ovid. Met. 13.

n.

582. τρύχουσαν ἀλθανοῦσιν: although the Greeks had originally refused Anios’ offer, Agamemnon later sent Palamedes to fetch food from Delos when the army was hungry (2). For ἀλθαίνω, lit.

579. Epmw: acc. Tzetzes, this word for wine was Egyptian, suitably enough in this context (see 576 n.). It was used by Hipponax, frag. 79. 18 West. name

line τι; see Harder's

ὀθνείων κυνῶν: the noun is a favourite of Lyk. often used of women or frightful mythical females, i.e. ‘bitch’. It will be used again of the male Greeks at 1266, αἰχμηταὶ κύνες.

of Thrace, was son of Ares and father of Rhoiteia,

who was buried in the Troad and became eponym of Rhoiteion (ZACP: no. 490. A variant tradition made Rhoiteia the daughter of Proteus by Anchinoe, daughter of the Nile. See Fowler

252

Cypriot leaders (4) and (5), Kepheus and Praxandros

578-587

creators of mill-bruised fodder,

how to make wine and oil for anointing: the Wine-turners, the doves, the granddaughters of Zarex. They will cure the ravenous wasting hunger of the army, those foreign dogs, when some day they come to the sleeping-place of the daughter of Sithon.

580

The aged maidens have long been whirring all this with the threads of their bronze spindles. Then Kepheus and Praxandros, not as leaders of

585

sailor folk, but as obscure stock, 2013: 42 n.155). This story would seem to make

also relevant that Lyk. tends generally to name

Rhoiteion

only minor figures, not well-known ones (Cusset 2006; Sistakou 2009: 249, cf. 244 n. 19; Holzinger).

a Euboian

(ie. Ionian)

foundation,

but it was first ‘possessed’ by Dorian Astypalaia: Strabo 13. 1. 42. For ‘fields of the daughter of Sithon’ as shorthand for Troy (because of the link with Rhoiteion), see 1161, where the expres-

sion designates the destination of the Lokrian Maidens. For different scansion and spelling, see 1357 and 1406.

like Praxandros, καὶ οὗτοι δὲ mapayevovro eis Κύπρον, ὥς φησι Φιλοστέφανος. This hardly tells us more than what is said, with unusual plainness, by Lyk., but the information that it was

585. γηραιαὶ κόραι: these are the Moirai or Fates. 586-591. Nos Praxandros

(4)

and

(5),

Kepheus

and

also in Philostephanos is of great importance (see 447-591n.). Tümpel in Roscher tentatively and implausibly suggests that this Kepheus may

The fourth and fifth Cypriot oikists are dealt

be the same as the Arkadian son of Aleas (Paus.

with very rapidly, compared with the first three.

8. 4. 8); he is certainly not the Ethiopian father of Andromeda and husband of Kassiepeia, the best-known mythological Kepheus (see OCD* 'Andromeda). The Achaian Kepheus has no entry in LIMC, and there is no historical or other bearer of the name in LGPN (see further below,

Lyk. may have taken over the number five from Eratosthenes (see 447-591n., and see sgin. for Eratosthenes

on

Boura),

and

was

committed

to mentioning them all, but did not wish to develop these two unHomeric heroes, or lacked the material to do so.

586-587.

Κηφεὺς

δὲ

καὶ

Πράξανδρος,

Kepheus the Achaian oikist is as obscure to us as he was to Lyk., except that he is said by Philostephanos (frag. 19 Badino = Z on the present passage of Lyk.) to have come to Cyprus

end of this n.).

οὐ

Praxandros is a more substantial figure. Strabo

ναυκληρίας / λαῶν ἄνακτες: we are told by the

(14. 6. 3) knew that the polis of Lapethos or

commentators (2 and Tzetzes) that the unchar-

Lapithos (ACP. no. 1017, giving various spellings), on the N. coast of Cyprus (map 3), was ‘a foundation of the Spartans and of Praxandros’,

acteristic naming of Kepheus and Praxandros caused puzzlement in antiquity (why, it was asked, are they not designated in the usual way as

Λακώνων κτίσμα καὶ Πραξάνδρου. But we saw

was compelled to name them. The presentation by negation (οὐ ναυκληρίας / λαῶν ἄνακτες) is a virtually explicit way of saying ‘not in the

above that the tradition of Lakonian settlement on Cyprus under the leadership of Praxandros goes back to Philostephanos in the late 3rd cent. ΒΟ, though without specification of Lapethos. Historical evidence for Spartan overseas settlement is not great, but the mythical evidence is plentiful, and was examined by Malkin 1994, who did not, however, consider Praxandros. There

Catalogue’ (Sens 2009: 27, Berra 2009: 307). It is

are grounds, other than Lyk. and Philostephanos,

wolves, lions, or serpents?), but the commenta-

tors themselves supply one clearly correct answer: these two were not βασιλεῖς or ἄνακτες but obscure figures, and in particular they did not

feature in the Homeric Catalogue of Ships, so Lyk.

253

The five leaders who will go to Cyprus

588-591

πέμπτοι τέταρτοι γαῖαν ἵξονται θεᾶς

Γόλγων avdoons: ὧν ὁ μὲν Adkwv’ ὄχλον ἄγων Θεράπνης, θάτερος δ᾽ ἀπ᾿ Ὠλένου

590

Δύμης re Βουραίοισιν ἡγεμὼν στρατοῦ. 7

"d

€

ι

for believing that Spartans colonized, or were thought to have colonized, places on Cyprus. (For what follows, see more fully Hornblower

2010: 87-90.) (1) There was a cult of Amyklaian Apollo in Cyprus at Idalion, in the central SE part of the

island. For Amyklai near Sparta, see 559 η., and for the Cypriot cult and its implications see Hill

1940: 87 and n. 3; Gjerstad 1944: 112; Cartledge 2002: 94; Lane Fox 2008: 341 and 445 n. 16. Lipinski 1987: 98 identifies the Lakonian deity Amyklaian Apollo with the Phoenician Resheph.

(2) There was supposedly a place called Lakedaimon in the interior of Cyprus: see Steph. Byz. Λακεδαίμων and R.-E. 'Lakedaimon' no.3.

Conversely, there was a Lakonian place-name Lapithaion, named from a local man called Lapithos: Paus. 3. 20. 7. (3) A recently discovered fragment of the Hesiodic

Megalai Ehoiai (frag. 157.2 Most, from Philodemos’

On Piety) mentions Lapetheia, an eponym of Lapethos (sic), among Poseidon lovers, together

with Methone, another eponym. D'Alessio 2005: 212 convincingly explains these paired mentions in terms of the Lakonian perspective of the poem as a whole, and adduces in support the Cypriot

activity of the Lakonians and Praxandros, as described by Lyk. and Strabo. (4) The name Praxandros is Greek world generally, but precisely, Lapethos see Hill names compounded with

extremely rare in the for Prax-names at, 1940: 99 n. 6, 'Greek Prax- seem to be

^

represents Greek Πραξά(ν)δρω. See Mitford and Masson 1983: 52 no. 30 and comm.: ‘the rare name /Ipd£avöpos is already known in Cyprus for the mythical founder of Lapethos’, with a ref. to the present passage of Lyk. Now the mythical oikist was a Spartan, but the name Praxandros could have migrated to Cyprus

along with its original bearer. Alternatively and even more speculatively (Hornblower 2010: 89)

we might think in terms of hero-cult for the oikist Praxandros, and the inscription will then be

a dedication

of some

sort, at one

of the

most famous sanctuaries of the island. Whatever the explanation, onomastic and other scattered evidence supports Lyk. and Philostephanos in their apparently surprising claims that Spartans under Praxandros were held to have colonized Cyprus; and this evidence, in a small way, reinforces Lyk.’s claim to be a reliable source for traditions about early Greek settlement in the Mediterranean. But an Achaian presence on Cyprus is not otherwise attested, and the ‘Achaia’ ch. of IACP ignores the evidence of Lyk. Note finally that LGPN is not consistent in its treatment of Lyk.s five Cypriot oikists; see Hornblower 2010: 84f. Praxandros the oikist has a separate

entry

in

vol.

ΠΙᾺ

but

not

in

I,

Agapenor is in I but not in IIIA, and Kepheus is entered in neither vol. (see above), and nor are

Akamas or Teukros. ἀλλ᾽ ἀνώνυμοι σποραΐί: it is a paradox to say they are anonymous, just after naming them; the adjective here means ‘obscure’, ‘not named by Homer (see previous n.).

characteristic of the place’; this goes too far in

view of the fifty Prax- names in LGPN I alone, but the observation was soundly based, cf. LGPN I: 384f. for Praxidemos nos (1) and (2), and

588. πέμπτοι τέταρτοι: the unexpected

Praxippos

were

nos

(1 and

(2), all from

Lapethos.

For Praxandros in particular, LGPN I cites the one-word 6th-cent. inscription from Paphos on the SW of Cyprus. This is in sinistroverse Cypriot syllabic script, Pa-ra-ka-sa-to-ro, which

order

should be retained in tr. Tzetzes seems to explain it by saying that since they arrived together, they

equal

fourth,

of δύο

ὁμοῦ

τέταρτοι

ἵξονται. 588-589. γαῖαν ἵξονται θεᾶς / Γόλγων ἀνάσσης: that is, they came to the land of Aphrodite.

254

Cypriot leaders (4) and (5), Kepheus and Praxandros

shall comes as fifth and fourth to the land of Golge’s divine queen: the latter will bring a Spartan throng from Therapne, the former, coming from Olenos and Dyme, will be the leader of an army from Boura.

tantly denied polis status by LACP (see p. 1225), which did, however, recognize its importance as a

cult place. See Collombier 1991. Golgoi was poetically associated with Aphrodite, cf. Theok. 15. 100 with Gow (déonow’ ἃ Γολγῶς re καὶ Ἰδάλιον

ἐφιλήσας, echoed by Cat. 64. 96. ‘Paphian’ was her more usual Cypriot epithet, Paus. (8. 5. 2) implies that Paphos superseded Golgoi as centre of Aphrodite’s Cypriot worship. This does not mean Golgoi fell into disuse, but it might mean that it was regarded as the senior site. For

bare mention at Kall. Hymn 4. 102, by the Z to the present passage of Lyk. The link between Lyk. and Eratosthenes is significant in view of the possibility that Lyk. drew on Eratosthenes for the whole Cypriot section; see Fraser 1979: 336 (see 447-591n. for qualifications). But none of this can be used to date Lyk. All three places, Olenos, Dyme, and Boura, were listed by Hdt. (1. 145) among the twelve Achaian cities, and Lyk. very likely took them from Hdt., an old source by Lyk.’s day, to describe, in part-for-whole fashion (see 589590n.), what was after all a supposedly prehistoric

Aphrodite Golgia on Cyprus, see Ulbrich 2010:

171, and for the epigraphically attested ‘Queen’ (Wanassa) of Golgoi see esp. Egetmeyer 2012. 589-590. ὧν ὁ μὲν Λάκων’ ὄχλον / ἄγων Θεράπνης: for Praxandros as leader of the Spartans see 586-587n. “Therapne’ merely elaborates, in Lyk.'s favourite part-for-whole manner, the idea that this is a Spartan contingent, cf. s90-

sgın. for the specified Achaian sites. Alkman of the

‘sacred

shrine

colonizing venture by the Achaians. (None of the

of well-towered

three places are in Homer, see LACP: p. 473, but Antimachos in the Thedais, frags 27—quoted by Tzetzes on the present passage of Lyk.—and 28 Wyss and Matthews, talked about Dyme.) However, the particular choice of Boura by the western-minded Lyk. might have been affected by the homonymy between the spring called Sybaris near Boura and the famous Sybaris river in S. Italy; according to Strabo (8. 7. 5) the latter was said to have been named after the

Therapne’, καὶ ναὸς ἁγνὸς εὐπύργω Σεράπνας (frag. 14b PMG), which suggests a considerable settlement. Paus. 3. 19. 9 located the Menelaion at

Therapne (Μενελάου δέ ἐστιν ἐν αὐτῇ ναός). The Menelaion is an important and defensible exca-

vated site south of Sparta, on the lower slopes of Mt Parnon (Catling 2009), and this fixes Therapne

securely enough; see Shipley 1997: 264-5 no. 133 and Barr. map 58 C3, putting the two sites close

together. (But—despite Paus. and the implication of Alkman—the identification of the Menelaion with Therapne is not regarded as quite certain, and

Therapne has been placed at the mod. village of Chrysapha, 20 km. SE of Sparta and considerably E of the Menelaion, see Cartledge 2002: 290 and map (fig, 16) at 114.) 590-591. θάτερος δ᾽ dm’ Ὠλένου / Δύμης τε Βουραίοισιν: Olenos and Dyme were both poleis in W. Achaia, SW. of Patrai, mod. Patras (LACP. nos 238 and 234, Barr. map 58 B1); Boura

590

(LACP: no. 233) was much further to the E, near Aigai (Barr. map 58 Cr). Olenos’ inhabitants were absorbed into Dyme by synoikism (Strabo 8. 7. 4) and the city had disappeared by the time of Polybius (2. 41.7); while Boura was badly hit by the earthquake of 373 Bc. To the ancient sources for the damage to Boura by this earthquake at L4CP: p. 480, add FGrHist 241 Eratosthenes F43, with F. Pownall in ΒΝ), this is cited, together with the

Golgoi in E. Cyprus, north of Kition, was hesi-

spoke

588-591

former, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐνταῦθα κρήνης Συβάριδος τὸν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ποταμὸν ὀνομασθῆναί φασιν. This has been thought to indicate actual colonizing activity by the Bourians in what was certainly an area of Achaian settlement (see LACP: no. 233, giving mod. refs). At any rate, the homonymy, if like the poem's sharp-witted hearers we are aware of it, means that Boura effects a neat

transition to the next main section of the poem, the western

adventures

of Diomedes.

But, that

recondite detail apart, a thematic transition to

255

The nostoi continue

592

ὁ δ᾽ Ἀργύριππα Δαυνίων maykAnpiav 592

Ἀργύριππα A, (?) Steph. Byz. a 405 Bill. Ἀργυρίππα A Ἀργυρίππαν BCDE

592-632 is effected anyway by 586-591, because Praxandros’ home city of Sparta founded not only Cypriot places but Taras in 5. Italy, just as the Achaians generally were active in both Cyprus and S. Italy, though Dyme and Olenos are not specifically known to have sent colonists to Italy. In each

the J/iad, Diomedes again helps Odysseus, this time in the theft of Athenas cult statue the Palladion (363, 668 and nn.), an action for which Dante has them punished together for ever in the Inferno: Canto 26. Perhaps on this occasion

case the S. Italian activity was well known, the

Koroibos, who was insanely in love with Kassandra, acc. V. A. 2. 343; but other traditions made Neoptolemos or Peneleos the slayer of

Cypriot much less so. Finally, it is possible (Sens 2009:

26-7, cf. 373-386n.)

to see the transition

Cyprus-Daunia as continuing an approximately clockwise movement round the Mediterranean. 592-632. Diomedes in Daunia (1) ‘This episode, which has rightly been called ‘one of the most attractive parts of the poem’ (S. West 2007: 206), is the first of two sections about

Diomedes in the West, specifically Daunia in SE

(P. Rylands 22) Diomedes

and Odysseus

killed

Koroibos. See Little Iliad frag. 24 (= Paus. 10. 27. 1)

with West 20132: 217-18. In any case, Lyk. does not allow Kassandra to allude to Koroibos. Diomedes is punished by Aphrodite for wounding her; the goddess may have been weak in battle, but she knows how to use her weapon of sexual desire, and makes his wife Aigialeia unfaithful with Kometes (610-613n.). When he returns to Árgos, the two adulterers try to kill him,

Italy, mod. N. Puglia. For Diomedes (2) see 1056-

as in the Oresteia story, but unlike Agamemnon he

1066. Why is the material divided in this way?

escapes

The poem shows a marked interest in Apulia; and

where he founds Argyrippa (592n.) and enjoys cult on the island or rather islands of Diomedes (599 n. for new archaeological and epigraphic confirmation) and the Daunian mainland opposite. In Lyk., the western cult of the understudy Diomedes corresponds to the Black Sea cult of

the Daunian material, here and later, can be seen as a thematic doubling of Trojan themes already explored in the early parts of the poem (Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 459 n. 14, cf. 461). But there are other examples

of divided material, not all

of which can be so explained: Hektor, Hekabe, the Hesione/Phoinodamas story, and above all Kassandra’s own fate, told in two stages: 347-364 (assault by Ajax) and 1108-1120 (death at hands of

and goes

to the Italian west (Daunia),

Achilles in the east of the Greek world (186—210

and nn., and for the parallel between the two cults see Fraser 1994: 183 n. 509), but that of Diomedes is narrated more fully, as suits a poem with a markedly western slant. The unhappy homecom-

Klytaimestra). We may suggest that double or multiple treatment is, for the poet, a way of indi-

ing of Diomedes may be hinted at (or developed

cating the importance of the topic in question.

from) the speech of Aphrodite’s mother Dione

The Argive Diomedes, son of Tydeus (one of the Seven against Thebes), was prominent on the

Greek side in the fighting in I/ 5 (the ‘aristeia of Diomedes’, where he wounds Aphrodite and even, with Athena's help, Ares the war-god himself), and in the early part of 6. Homer needs a

great Greek hero to replace Achilles, who is sulking in his tent, and Diomedes is the understudy (the drinking song PMG no. 894 puts them together in the Islands of the Blest). In the

(Il. 5. 406-9), who says that Diomedes

is a fool

not to realise that the man who fights the gods will have no happy welcome from children when he comes back from war. See LIMC ‘Diomedes τ᾽, (Boardman and Vaphopoulou-Richardson); A. H. Glrifiths], OCD*. For the purely literary tradition about the zostos of Diomedes, see C. Robert 1926: 1487—96.

Doloneia (J/. 10. 242-5) he co-opts Odysseus for

From these Greek beginnings, Diomedes develops interestingly into a hero of ‘brief, ad hoc encounters involving commerce, marriage

his night-time expedition. Outside the action of

and hospitality’ (Malkin 19982: 242). The story

256

Diomedes in Daunia (1)

592

Another will build Argyrippa as a Daunian heritage

transmitted by Lyk. is partly about the uneasy relations

between

Greek

settlers

in

the

It has been suggested (Fantasia 1972; Lamboley

1996: 439; Shipley 2011: 104) that the myths of Diomedes were exploited or promoted by Dionysios I in the 4th cent. sc as part of his

west,

represented by Diomedes, and the indigenous population, represented by Daunos

(619n.); the

metamorphosis of Diomedes’ companions into birds is in part an expression of these tensions (594-595n., and see esp. Malkin 19982: 238f.; cf. also Herring 2000 and Baron 2013: 222). For the traditions about Diomedes in the west and his

establishment Woodhead

Lamboley 1996: 439 (Diomedes a local Apulian hero, merged with the famous Greek one; for this idea see already Beaumont 1936: 195 and Dunbabin 1948: 14); Malkin 1998a: 234-57 (just too early for the Palagruza finds); Giangiulio 2006; Castiglioni

2008; Mari 2009: 417 n. 29; Genovese 2009: 189-266; Mazzei 2010. Note the new evidence cited at 599n. For Aitolians in Italy, see Fabre 1981, On Torelli 1984 and 1999 (attempt to connect Diomedes with the Latin colony at Luceria, accepted by Dench 2003: 308), see 1129-1130 n In the larger architecture of the poem, the Greek-Daunian collision can be seen as prefiguring the colonial confrontations which will feature of Kassandras

(and

Kallimachos

in Aitia

An Athenian Palladion

law

tradition (an aetiology of the court)

made

Diomedes

put

in

at Phaleron, the early harbour of Athens, on his way home from Troy. Some of his Argive companions were killed, and Theseus’son Demophon then founded the law court in obedience to an oracle: Paus. 1. 28. 9 with Sourvinou-Inwood 2011: 247. It would be futile to try to construct an itinerary for Diomedes on this basis (e.g. TroyAthens-Argos-Italy);

the Athenian

independently, and for local reasons.

story arose

the

link

between

the

'Arpi' (treaty with the

Romans by 320 ΒΟ acc. to the implication of Livy 9. 13, with Dench 2003: 300, citing Mazzei 1987 (cf. Torelli 1999: 104 and τος plate 31) for shared hostility to the Samnites, perhaps expressed artistically: see 623n. for its history in the Hannibalic War. Notable Hellenistic buildings excavated

2) writing

them were dilapidated; not Syracuse, for example).

but

for which see OCD*

about western foundations, cf. Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012: 142-3. They suggest that the subject was topical after the activities of Agathokles and Pyrrhus, and that there was an intended contrast between Ptolemaic glory and the now dilapidated state of the Sicilian cities (but by no means all of

1970);

592. 6 0 ᾿Αργύριππα Δαυνίων παγκληρίαν: the formula of transition to new topic and area is standard, see Sens 2009: 25. Argyrippa or Argos Hippion (Eustath. 2 Dion. Perieg. 483, cf. Kall. frag. 426 P£) became Arpi, the chief Daunian city,

speech, (see

bk

(for this

comments on the notes which follow (made in sumrner 2012).

esp. 1267 and 1359-1361 for Italy, and 1369-1396, the Aiolid and Miletos). On the motivation for Lyk.

empire

Daunian region and off-lying islands was already established by the sth cent. (599 n.). The sources for the Daunian material in the Alexandra and its ancient commentators included Timaios and Lykos, both of whom are cited by Sand "Tzetzes at 615 (FGrHist 566 F 53 and 570 F 3). But in the present section the extent of the indebtedness is unclear; see 615n. I am grateful to Irad Malkin for some

mythical foundations in the Daunia region, see Fantasia 1972; Musti 1994: and Fraser 1994: 182-4;

in the final section

of an Adriatic

project see Fraser 1993 against the scepticism of

there include the "Tomb of the Medusa’, for which

see Mazzei 1995). The place-name in its two Greek forms was evidently taken to allude to the Argive origin of Diomedes (who, however, also counted as Aitolian through his father Tydeus, cf. Malkin 1998a: 240f). Argyrippa was ‘part and parcel of the Greek world in the Hellenistic age’; so Fraser 1994: 184, citing a Delphic proxeny

grant in 191 BC to an Argyrippan called Σάλσιος TayvAAıos Ταγίλου υἱὸς Ἀργυριππανός, next door to ἃ similar grant to a man from Brindisi (Syll? 585. 64-5, 69-70; cf. Beloch 1926: 589). Fraser suggested that Salsios might have been a theorodokos for Delphian Zheoroi in Apulia and Picenum. For such inscriptions as evidence for the interconnectedness

257

of E.

and

W.

Mediterranean,

see

The nostoi continue

593-599

map’ Αὐσονίτην Φυλαμὸν δωμήσεται, πικρὰν ἑταίρων ἐπτερωμένην

ἰδὼν

οἰωνόμικτον μοῖραν, ot θαλασσίαν δίαιταν αἰνήσουσι πορκέων δίκην, κύκνοισιν ἰνδαλθέντες εὐγλήνοις δομήν. ῥάμφεσσι δ᾽ ἀγρώσσοντες ἐλλόπων Üopovs, φερώνυμον νησῖδα νάσσονται πρόμου, ,ὔ

2

cer

/

>

3

3

4

P4

595

/

>

i

4,

Erskine 2013, who does ποῖ, however, discuss these

Diomedes returns to Argos and finds that his

particular instances (nor does he bring Lyk. into

wife Aigialeia has been unfaithful with Kometes son of Sthenelos. The two try to kill him but he escapes to the altar of Argive Hera. He goes to

the picture at all). Ἀργύριππα: the neuter plural (not fem. sing. Apyöpımmav) is the better form, and is not only the reading of A (accented paroxy-

Italy where Daunos or Daunios (Ant. Lib.), king

of the Daunians, asks him for help in his war against the Messapians, offering as reward a share of the land and his daughter's hand in marriage

tone), but seerns also to have been in the text of

Lyk. used by Steph. Byz. P. Oxy. 2094, which includes 586-592, is missing the first half of the line. rayrAnpiav: A. Cho. 486.

(the daughter is not in Tzetzes).

In Antoninus’ version, Diomedes agrees, defeats 593. Αὐσονίτην: see 44n. For δωμήσεται

the Messapians and distributes the land among

see

his Dorian followers. He marries the daughter and

48n. The river Phylamos is thought (Holzinger) to be the Aufidus (mod. Ofanto), which runs

past the battle-site of Cannae, and divided Daunia from Peuketia to the S.; see Barr. map 45 CD2. But Argyrippa itself was on the mod. river

Aquilo (map 45 Cz), and this may be meant.

has two sons, Diomedes

when

most spectacular and detailed of the many metaBirds, the archetypal text about colonizers who lose their human shape. See also V. A. 11. 271-7 (Diomedes

explains

it as punishment

for

his

wounding of Aphrodite/Venus, see 592-632 n.), and Ovid Met. 14. 456-511 (with the same explanation at 477-8). The derivation of V. at least, from Lyk. is very likely; so rightly S. West 1983: 133. Cf. Klein 2009: 573-4. Strabo's account of the ‘islands of Diomedes' (599 n.) includes an account of the metamorphosis. (From Timaios?) For the

metamorphosis see also Sistakou 2012: 166, calling it grotesque, but not bringing out sufficiently its relevance to the colonizing background The background to the metamorphosis is described fully by Tzetzes and by Antoninus Liberalis 37, ‘Dorians’, clearly drawing on the same tradition, though with discrepant details.

He

Daun(i)os dies, jealous Illyrian barbarians

attack and kill the Dorians when they are in the act of sacrificing. Zeus causes their bodies to disappear but turns their souls into birds. And even

594-595. ἐπτερωμένην ἰδών / οἰωνόμικτον μοῖραν: the fate of Diomedes’ companions is the morphoses in Lyk.; see 176 n., where this is no. 10 in the list. Cf. Buxton 2010: 69 for Aristophanes’

and Amphinomos.

dies of old age and is ceremonially buried by his Dorians on ‘the island’ which is thenceforth called Diomedeia. They cultivate the fertile land. But

now, says Antoninus, when a Greek ship lands there, the birds flock to it, but they avoid all

Illyrian ships and leave the island. It will be seen that in this version the villains are a third party, the Illyrians, not the Daunians. (For Illyrian ‘piracy’ in the Adriatic, see Dell 1967. It did not begin with the activities of the Illyrian Queen Teuta in 231 Bc, as implied by Pol. 2. 4. 8-9.) But Tzetzes and Z represent the Greeks and Daunians in bilateral conflict, with some treach-

ery on the Greek side. 2 610 says bluntly that Daunos killed Diomedes by a trick. 2 619 nar-

rates an earlier phase of Diomedes’ Italian period (and Tzetzes gives this in logical detail), as follows. ised Diomedes the land, evidently goes back on

greater but not entirely Despite having promor some of it, Daunos his promise, because

Diomedes’ bastard brother Alainos, who is in love

with Daunos’ daughter Euhippe, is employed as arbitrator and awards Diomedes the booty only,

258

Diomedes in Daunia (1)

593-599

by the side ofthe Ausonian Phylamos, when he sees the bitter winged fate of his companions, turned into birds; they will welcome a maritime way of life, like fishermen, in shape resembling keen-sighted swans. Catching with their beaks the spawn of fishes, they will inhabit the island which bears the name of

595

their leader;

not the land. So Diomedes curses the land so as to be infertile for ever, unless an Aitolian should sow it (he himself counted

by two lines, and entry for ἔλλοψ.)

as Aitolian as well

presumably),

and

which

returned

the

LSJ

599. The ‘island which bears the name of the leader’ (sc. Diomedes) has been spectacularly illuminated by recent archaeological finds. The

as Argive, through his grandfather Oineus, king of Kalydon). Cf. 623 n.: these future Aitolians are the Dasii of Argyrippa/Arpi. For the magical stelai—originally part of the walls of Troy— which Diomedes planted in Daunia (as boundary markers,

this has affected

‘islands

of Diomedes’

(plural)

were

known

to

many ancient writers (e. g. Strabo 6. 3. 9; Plin. NH 3. 151.) These do not always distinguish between cult of Diomedes on the offshore islands and on the mainland of Italy. See esp. Theophr. HP 4.5. 6 (printed by Fraser 1994: 190 as his ext. 11): ‘they say that the plane-tree and other waterloving trees are not found except round the

to

their former position when Daunos tried to move them, see 616-617 and 625 with nn. For an intriguing analogy with the fate of the 6th-cent. Phokaians who went west (Hdt. 1. 167, FGrHist 90 F 51 and other sources), see Malkin

shrine of Diomedes’, the source for this, which

19982: 245 É: the two stories illustrate the range of colonial expectations and fears, from local invitation and co-operation, to annihilation and curses directed against the ‘barbarians’. As Irad Malkin

is ambiguous as between mainland and islands, may have been the Syracusan historian Philistos (FGrHist 556), who wrote around 400 Bc (Fraser 1994: 184). This, and Ps.-Skylax's mention in the

puts it to me, curses are the weapon of the weak

and frustrated.

4th cent. sc of (mainland) Umbrian worship of Diomedes and a temple to him (para. 16) are the

597. κύκνοισιν ἰνδαλθέντες: cf. Ovid. Met. 14. 5089:'si volucrum quae sit subitarum forma, requiris, /

earliest literary attestations of the cult (Shipley 2011: 18 and 103-4). See also [Ar.] mir. ausc. 109-

ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis’. Other

10, the source of which may be either Timaios,

authors

said

albatrosses,

herons

or (again) Philistos. This speaks of a shrine of Athena Achaia in the Daunian region (i.e. main-

(605-606n.),

shearwaters, coots, etc. Shearwaters are right: see Benton 1960. Indeed Cory's shearwater, a native of Mediterranean islands, takes its Latin name from Diomedes (Calonectris diomedea). For ἰνδαλθέ-

ντες see 2547256 n. εὐγλήνοις: see 659n.

land) containing weapons of Diomedes and his

companions (109, see 1123 ff.) and of a sanctuary of Artemis among

which

the (mainland)

Peuketioi in

there is a dedication by Diomedes

to

Artemis (110).

598. ῥάμφεσσι:

cf. Kall. frag. 647 Pf. = 272

Strabo says there were two islands of Diomedes,

Massimilla. ἐλλόπων: also at 796 and 1375. ἔλλοζ

one inhabited, one deserted. They have traditionally been identified with the small isole Tremiti,

is a poetic word for a fish (e.g. Opp. Hal. 2. 658),

but how and why it comes to mean that is not 1947: 62-3. It is an adjec-

close to the Italian coast N of the Gargano promontory There are in fact five of these islands,

tive and is explained by Hesych. as meaning ‘dumb’, but LSJ? suggests instead ‘scaly’, from λεπίς. (The Loeb edn p. 370 misnumbers 592—615

San Domino. The three tiny deserted islands are Capraia (i.e. goat-island, so-called like many small

certain; see Thompson

of which

259

two

are

inhabited,

San

Nicola

and

600-605

The nostoi confinue

θεατρομόρφῳ πρὸς κλίτει γεωλόφῳ

600

ἀγυιοπλαστήσαντες ἐμπέδοις τομαῖς πυκνὰς καλιάς, Ζῆθον ἐκμιμούμενοι. x

,

^

>

,ὔ

ὁμοῦ δ᾽ ἐς ἄγραν κἀπὶ κοιταίαν νάπην νύκτωρ στελοῦνται, πάντα φεύγοντες βροτῶν κάρβανον ὄχλον, ἐν δὲ Γραικίταις πέπλοις t

^

55

ΜΝ

>

x

,

FA

about Diomedes in the west, and explains it as due to his lack of interest in the Daunian region. For φερώνυμος and similarly formed words in Lyk., see 164n. νάσσομαι (the middle and pas-

Aegean goat-grazing islands, cf. R/O no. 82. 11 for Polyaiga, disputed between Melos and Kimolos),

Cretaccio, and Pianosa. See further 6oon. for the physical appearance of the islands. But it is now clear that the Adriatic cult of Diomedes was much more widespread. Archaeological discoveries have shown that the

sive future

mod. Croatia, but actually closer to the coast of both sites, pottery fragments have been found, inscribed with the name Diomedes. As to (i), the main Palagruza island is Vela (‘large’) and the other Mala (‘small’) Palagruza. A chance excavation on Vela Palagruza in 1995 revealed sth-cent. sc Attic pottery inscribed e.g. AIOMEAI[- (see Fig. 4). See SEG 48. 629bis-694; Colonna 1998; Kirigin and Cace 1998; Parker 1999; IACP: p. 323; Castiglioni 2008: 17-18; Kirigin 2013. See Casule 2012: 214 for the importance of both Palagruza and Cape Ploca as a crucial locations for seafaring traffic; cf. also Broodbank 2013: 562. As to (ii), an international (Croatian, Canadian, and British) initiative called the ‘Adriatic Island

Project’ has resulted in important finds at Cape Ploca, which it seems safe to identify with the 'promuntorium Diomedis’ of Pliny, NH 5. 141. The earliest finds are from the second half of the 4th cent. Bc, and include a pottery fragment inscribed AIOMEAI AOPON, gift to Diomedes’. See BilicDujmusic 2004, Kirigin 2004, and Castiglioni 2008: 12-16.

These finds give further support to the arguments

of Malkin

1998a:

254 (made

without

knowledge of the Palagruza material) that the cult of Diomedes moved, perhaps in the 7th cent., through the Adriatic to Apulia and thence north and south. Malkin 254 notes the silence of Hdt.

of vaiw, ‘I dwell’) has active

Lyk., who uses it seven times, cf. Schade on 785),

pair of islands about 50 km. away to the NE, Palagruza, just inside the territorial waters of

Adriatic coast of central Croatia, Cape Ploca. At

form

sense; see LSJ. For πρόμος (a favourite word of

‘islands of Diomedes’ included (i) another small

Italy, see 600n.; and (ii) a peninsular site on the

605

see e.g. I7. 3. 44 with Rengakos 1994: 125. See also A. Supp. 905. 600. This description would fit both San Nicola and Vela Palagruza, rocky islands with steep inclines. There is more than one ‘theatre-shaped’,

θεατροειδής, location or city in Diodorus: 2.10. 2 (hanging gardens

of Babylon, probably

the Alexander-historian

from

Kleitarchos), 16. 76. 2

(Perinthos, from Ephoros), 19. 45. 3 and 20. 83. 2 (Rhodes, perhaps

from

a local Rhodian

histo-

rian). The sources of all these are 4th-cent. sc or Hellenistic, though the actual word may be Diodorus own

(c.30 Bc)

and therefore cannot

have influenced Lyk. But the idea of theatreshaped constructions was a favourite Hellenistic notion, cf. Vitruv, 2. 8. 1: (Halikarnassos), ‘is autem locus est theatrae curvaturae similis’. 601. A three-word line, cf. 63n. For the seven-

syllable hapax-word ἀγυιοπλαστήσαντες, ‘fashioning after the manner of streets’, see Guilleux 2009: 227-8.

602. καλιάς: cf. Hes. WD 301 and 307 (‘barn’); Theok. 29. 12 ('bird's nest’, as here). Ζῆθον ἐκμι-

μούμενοι:

the brothers Amphion

and Zethos

were sons of Zeus and Antiope (one of the many

daughters of the river-god Asopos), and were mythical founders of Thebes: Od. τι. 260-5, where Odysseus meets Antiope in the Underworld; also Hes. frag. 182 M/W. Amphion was a lyre-playing musician and Zethos bred cows. Zethos married ‘Thebe, another daughter of Asopos (so that this was incestuous, see above, except that Antiope's

260

600-605

Diomedes in Daunia (1) on a protruding theatre-shaped mound, with firm twigs, as if building streets, they make their compact nests, in imitation of Zethos. ‘They go out together to the hunt, and at night they come back to the valley-glade to rest, avoiding every gathering

600

of barbarian men, but seeking, in the folds

605

605-606. ἐν δὲ Γραικίταις πέπλοις / κόλπων:

father may have been Nykteus, and Zethos’ wife may have been Aedon); and Amphion married Niobe. Amphions musicianship charmed the stones so that they danced into position of their own accord (if Zethos’ name suggests Amphion, this may possibly hint at the motif of the Daunian stelai: 625-627). Zethos’ role in the building work

is obscure but was presumably more mundane. The pair featured in now fragmentary plays: Sophocles’

Niobe and esp. Euripides’ Antiope, quoted by Plato, Grg., who took the pair as exemplars of the contemplative and the active lives; at frag. 223. 127-8 TrGF, Hermes promises that they will receive cult at Thebes as the ‘white colts of Zeus’, λευκὼ δὲ πώλω τὼ Διὸς κεκλημένοι / τιμὰς μεγίστας ἕξετ᾽ ἐν Κάδμου πόλει. This looks ephebic, cf. perhaps 680n. for "White Hermes’ in Boiotia. See Apollod. 3. 5. 5-6, citing Hes. frag. 183 M/W; A. Schlachter], Amphion and Zethus’in OCD* ‚and Schachter 1981-94. 1. 28-9 (noting the curious silence of Pindar); Gantz 1993: 484-8; F. Heger, LIMC 1.1: zı8ff. Zethos is here more than a mere synonym for ‘city-builder’; he looks forward both to the Boiotian section at 633-647 and perhaps also to the Daunian stelai. 605. xdpBavov ὄχλον: that is, the indigenous Daunian population, or possibly the Illyrians who feature in Antoninus Liberalis' version (594595n.). kápBavos (used again at 1387) is a very rare equivalent for βάρβαρος, but was used by Klytaimestra to the hitherto mute Kassandra

herselfat A. Ag. 1061, inviting her to make herself understood by gestures with her ‘barbarian hand’, καρβάνῳ χερί. See also A. Supp. 130 and 914.

Tzetzes’ cites ‘Diogenes in the Galatika’ for κάρBavos as a Phoenician word. This Diogenes is not in Jacoby, and I have not been able to find out anything more about him. He has an extremely

common name.

the particle δέ is strongly adversative: although the birds flee from barbarians, they nevertheless actively seek refuge (‘customary sleep’) with Greeks, who are referred to metonymically by their clothing.

(For this word

for ‘Greeks’ see

Malkin 1998a: 147-50: the Graikoi probably originated in NW Greece and moved across the Adriatic’ see 532 n.). At first the listener or hearer might be puzzled by the second half of 605 (how can the birds themselves be ‘dressed in Greek clothing’?), but the next line makes it clear that év refers not to clothing worn, but to the place in

which rest is sought. πέπλοις κόλπων is also unexpected: we expect ‘folds of clothing’, and that seems to be the sense, but instead we have

‘clothing of folds’. These two lines

closely

resemble

Antig.

Hist. mir. CLXXII, quoting Kall. (frag. 407 Pf.),

quoting Lykos (FGrHist 570 F 6 with D. Smith's comm. in BN/): on the island of Diomedeia, the herons are friendly towards Greeks and even fly into their κόλποι. (Much

the same material is

given, without source-attributions and with large birds’, instead of herons, at [Ar.] mir. ausc. 79; see Fraser 1972: 2. 1079 n. 384). This does not prove that Lykos was Lyk.’s source, because of the possibility that Lykos drew on Timaios (on this point, see 615n.). See also Augustine, CD 18. 16, from Varro, with Geffcken 1902: 7. For a similar story about dogs in Diomedes' temple (they fawn on Greeks), see [Ar.] mir. ausc. 109 with Fraser, as above; Forbes-Irving 1990: 231 compares the story at Aelian NA 11.5 about dogs at a temple of Athena in Daunia who are friendly to Greeks but bark at barbarians. See Malkin 19982: 238f. for such stories as expressive of Greek insecurities in

a foreign land. By the time of Strabo (6. 3. 9), the birds no longer distinguish between Greeks and barbarians, but on the basis of moral qualities (Malkin 19982: 239).

261

The nostoi continue

606-614

κόλπων ἰαυθμοὺς ἠθάδας διζήμενοι, καὶ κρίμνα χειρῶν κἀπιδόρπιον τρύφος μάζης σπάσονται προσφιλὲς κνυζούμενοι τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλήμονες μεμνημένοι. Τροιζηνίας δὲ τραῦμα φοιτάδος πλάνης ἔσται κακῶν TE πημάτων παραίτιον, ὅταν θρασεῖα θουρὰς οἰστρήσῃ κύων πρὸς λέκτρα. τύμβος δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκσώσει μόρου

610

Ὁπλοσμίας, σφαγαῖσιν ηὐτρεπισμένον. 607

κρῖμνα Scheer

606. ἰαυθμούς: this hapax word is formed from

Wehrli = Ath. 632a) said of the people of

Homeric

see Rougier-

Poseidonia/Paestum in S. Italy that they were originally Greeks but are now barbarized, having

607. κρίμνα: for this homely word for barleygroats, see Kall, frag. 260. 46 Pf. = 74. 5 Hollis, with

words were deleted by Wilamowitz]. They ‘have

Holliss n. (the context is ‘slightly similar’ in the

today they celebrate only one Greek festival. They

lado, Ἵ sleep’ (430n.);

Blanc 2009: 545 f.

two poems) and Hollis 2007: 285: Lyk. more likely to be the borrower. Cf. 793-794, where Hollis again thinks Lyk. may be recollecting Kall.; see 793n. That line is not only preserved on the papyrus of the Hekale but quoted by X on the present passage of Lyk. κἀπιδόρπιον τρύφος: Lyk.’s only two uses of the adjective (‘after-dinner’, ‘dessert’) occur in rapid succession; see 661, where it refers

with grim humour to the wine which Odysseus will use on the Kyklops as a soporific before blinding him. See Theok. 13. 36 (Herakles and Hylas), where Hunter 1999: 276 notes that Theok. and

Lyk. are the first to use the word, and that Ap. Rh. 1.1209, in his account of the Hylas episode, has the Homeric ποτιδόρπιον (Od. 9. 234 and 239, of the Kyklops, but earlier than the blinding episode). See also Headlam 178 on Herodas 4 line 13. 608. κνυζούμενοι: the verb is poetic, and more usually used of the howling or whining of dogs, cf. Od. 16. 163, when the dogs saw Athena, they did not bark, but cowered κνυζηθμῷ.

become

changed

Etruscans

or Romans

their language

[these

and customs

last two

so that

come together for this and recall the ancient names and practices, lament with one another

and go on their way shedding many tears’. See N. Purcell, CAH 6° 393-4 for good discussion of this fragment, and of the more complex reality of cultural interchange in 5. Italy, as demonstrated by archaeology; cf. also Herring 1996: 169 and Briquel 1990: 187. Frisone 2011 speculates

that the ritual lamentation by the people of Poseidonia was connected with some sort of hero-cult for Achilles, as attested for Kroton at 856-861. But Aristoxenos seems to be describing something much more interesting and unusual,

namely institutionalized colonial pothos. (The doubts of Erskine 2013: 31-2 about the value of this fragment, and about whether it represents Aristoxenos

at all rather

than

Athenaios,

are

over-done). On the supposedly anachronistic mention of the Romans, which worries Erskine,

see above for Wilamowitzs deletion.) Lyk.s picture is even more extreme than that of Aristoxenos, in that Diomedes’ companions are

609. τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλήμονες μεμνημένοι: an important and authentic comment on the nostalgia felt for their homeland and way of life by the colonial Greeks of S. Italy. In the second half of

represented as successfully (and implausibly) avoiding all barbarian contact. For nostalgia

the 4th cent. sc, the philosopher, historian, and

from Hieronymos of Kardia: the Greeks settled

musicologist

in the Upper Satrapies by Alexander rose in

Aristoxenos

of Taras

(frag.

124

felt for their δίαιτα by Greeks in the extreme far east of the Greek world, see Diod. 18. 7. 1,

262

Diomedes in Daunia (1)

606-614

of Greek clothes, their customary sleep;

they will eat hand-held bread and after-dinner morsels of barley-cake, with affectionate whimpering, as they remember in sadness their former way of life.

His wounding of the Troizenian goddess will be part-cause

610

of his distraught wanderings and his dire calamities, when the bold and lustful bitch will be goaded

with a craving for sex. The altar of Hoplosmia will save him from death, when he has been made ready for slaughter.

unsuccessful

611. παραίτιον: cf. A. Cho. 910, Klytaimestra tells

revolt after his death, ποθοῦντες

Orestes that Fate was partly responsible for what

μὲν THY Ἑλληνικὴν ἀγωγὴν καὶ δίαιταν. In Daunia in particular, archaeology shows that Greek influence steadily declined between the 4th and rst cents. sc: Colivicchi 2011.

had happened, ἡ Μοῖρα

610-613. Z attributes this story to Mimnermos, and has been followed by many modern scholars; probably wrongly, despite Musti 1994: 189 ff. and Malkin 19982: 237; cf. also Prinz 1979: 159 n. 6o. It is printed by M. West (IE* frag. 22) among ‘dubia

Greek wives, including Aigialeia, in revenge for the death of his son Palamedes. (In other versions,

this role is played by Palamedes’ brother Oiax.) For Nauplios' revenge, cf. 1087-1098 n.

et spuria". The reading καθώς φησι Μίμνερμος is uncertain (some MSS have μνήμερμος or

612. οἰστρήσῃ κύων: for the root of the verb, see 40§N. on οἴστρου βρόχοις.

piuvepos), and West ingeniously offers καθώς

613-614. τύμβος δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκσώσει μόρου / Ὁπλοσμίας: Hoplosmia, a military word, was a cult epithet of Hera at Elis, acc. X. Hera

φησι καὶ Ὅμηρος, citing Eustath. on Dion. Perieg. 483, ἔνθα ᾧκησε Διομήδης διωχθεὶς ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος Ἀφροδίτης χόλῳ οἷα τρωθείσης ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ κατὰ Τροίαν πολέμῳ, καθά φησι καὶ ‘Ounpos... That is, Homer is cited

Hoplosmia features in the modem epigraphic literature in connection with a short and partly unintelligible archaic Greek inscription from Paestum

merely for the wounding of Aphrodite, for which see I]. 5. 336.

610. Τροιζηνίας δὲ τραῦμα: Aphrodite is associated with Troizen above all because of the Hippolytos story, which probably originated there, and which presupposes an important cult of Aphrodite; see E. Hipp. 12-13, Aphrodite complains that Hippolytos is the only Troizenian citizen not to honour her. For particular cults of Aphrodite at Troizen see Paus. 2. 32. 3 and 7.

Steph. Byz. gives Ἀφροδισίας as one of several alternative names for Troizen (but these also include Apollonias and Poseidonia, for the last of which cf. Strabo 8. 6. 14). For Diomedes’ wounding of Aphrodite see 610-613n. porrados: this adjective is used of Kassandra about herself at A. Ag. 1273, φοιτὰς ws ἀγυρτρία, ‘like a wandering

τούτων, ὦ τέκνον,

παραιτία. If ‘partly’ can be pressed here, there may be a hint at the role of Nauplios, who in Apollod. (ep. 6. 711) caused the infidelities of various

(Posidonia) in S. Italy: IGDGG 2 no. 18, This seem-

ingly chimerical attestation of Hera Hoplosmia is hesitantly entered in the Rennes database (see Introduction section 11), but Lyk.’s two mentions of Eleian (Hera) Hoplosmia—the other is at 858— are not. On Hera Hoplosmia, see Maddoli 1983: 313-60. But the epithet, as opposed to the name Hera, is not present, and the connection seems to

be a mere modern guess. Hera’s consort Zeus is mentioned as Hoplosmios in an inscription from Methydrion in Arkadia: Sy/l.3 490 line 18 (c.233 BC); cf. Robert 1963a: 189 n. 2. See also Jost 1985: 277-8, who at 277 and n. 4 cites (for Hera Hoplosmia)

Lyk. and 2. A warlike goddess (whether Hera or Athena) at Elis is curious: "L'Élide nest pas une terre de soldats’: Launey 1949-50: 130.

For τύμβος meaning ‘altar’, Z cites Douris of Samos; see 313 n. (614 is a three-word line: 63 n.)

mendicant priestess’ (Fraenkel).

263

615-621

The nostoi continue

κολοσσοβάμων δ᾽ ev πτυχαῖσιν Αὐσόνων σταθείς, ἐρείσει κῶλα χερμάδων ἔπι

615

τοῦ τειχοποιοῦ γαπέδων Ἀμοιβέως,

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620

Δηοῦς ἀνεῖναι μήποτ᾽ ὄμπνιον στάχυν 615-632. Acc. Z, Diomedes put stones from Troy

into his ship as ballast, then was driven out of Argos by Aigialeia, went to Italy, and at Kerkyra

(presumably en route for Italy) killed the dragon which had been guarding the Golden Fleece; the

It is not clear how much of the summary went back to Timaios and Lykos: the maximum would be the whole narrative of Diomedes in Daunia (Holzinger) and perhaps much more, the minimum would be just the final section. See 615 n.

dragon mistook Diomedes’ golden shield, given him

by Glaukos

(IL 6. 234-6), for the

615. κολοσσοβάμων:

Golden

Fleece. See 632 n. At the end of this summary, 2 615 adds ‘Timaios says this (ἱστορεῖ δὲ τοῦτο), and also Lykos in his third book’, an important piece of evidence for the inquiry into Lyk.’s own sources (the frags are FGrHist 566 F 53 and 570 F 3, with the

ΒΝ] comms of C. Champion for Timaios and D. Smith for Lykos). See 615n. Timaios and Lykos (possibly father of the tragedian Lykophron of Chalkis) were approximate contemporaries, both active about 300 ac. There is no way of

this hapax word implies

locomotion and should mean ‘with the stride of a colossus’, but Diomedes is standing still (oraθείς) to view the terrain, so the comparison to a

colossus is resembles to Achilles (published Aeschylean

of a general sort, unless the adjective Homeric 'swift-footed' as applied even when stationary. Ángió 2012 2014): 275 (in the course of a study of and other words in -βάμων, includ-

ing the curious ἀμπελοβάμων in a new frag.

570 ΤΆ); and the more usual view is that Lykos

of Empedokles) suggests that Lyk. may have intended a ref. to the famous Colossus of Rhodes. She also suggests that the paradox of a moving colossus is an advance hint at the equally paradoxical moving pillars of 625-629. See also, independently, Janko 2014: 47-8, discussion of τετραβάμων, ‘four-footed’, at line 10 of a sth-cent. sc hexameter incantation from Sicilian Selinous, of which he gives text and tr. at 42-3. A completely different line of explanation of

came first and was used by T'imaios. See Laqueur, R.-E. ‘Lykos, (50), col. 2405, who admits the theo-

the word seems to have been suggested by T'imaios and Lykos: & and (derivatively) Tzetzes on the

retical possibility that Lykos drew on Timaios, but observed that the J on Lyk. cite Timaios seven times but Lykos only here, and therefore concluded that Lykos was mediated via Timaios. The question

present line explain that Diomedes took stones from the walls of Troy, went to Argos but was

knowing which of them was used by the other. Geffcken 1892: 5 argued from 2's order of naming here—Timaios-Lykos, see above—that Lykos used Timaios (Jacoby's comm. on no. 570, n. 7 to the introduction, at p. 349, attributes to Geffcken a

view opposite to that which he actually held).

Holzinger (n. on 615) countered with Agatharchides’ reverse order of naming, Lykos-Timaios (FGrHist

driven out by his wife Aigialeia and then went to Italy. He found the dragon ‘there’, τηνικαῦτα, as it was ravaging Phaiakia/Kerkyra (but ‘en route’,

is wide open, and Lambin 2005: 16-29 produces no new evidence for the theory that Lyk. used Lykos

καθ᾽ ὁδόν would have been more accurate in view

extensively: we have only 14 certain frags as opp. 158

of the position of Kerkyra). So he killed it. See 632.

of Timaios. Mahé-Simon 2009: 446 says overconfidently that Lykos’ work centred on S. Italy. See De Sensi Sestito 2013b: 103-5, for an argument

He was honoured greatly for this, and he erected a

that Lykos’ work reflected historical exploitation of the Diomedes myth by Agathokles.

statue (or statues, ἀνδριάντας, the reading of Tzetzes preferred by Holzinger) made from the stones of Troy. “This is related by Timaios and Lykos in his third book, (aropet δὲ τοῦτο Τίμαιος

264

Diomedes in Daunia (1)

615—621

Like a Colossus he will stand in the recesses

615

of Ausonia, and will place his legs on stones taken from the acres where the Exchanger once built walls;

he will throw these ballast-rocks out of his ship. When defeated in the arbitration by his brother Alainos, he will utter effective curses against the soil, that it should never produce Deo’s bountiful grain, καὶ Λύκος ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ. So far Tzetzes reproduces Z (the ‘old scholia’ in Marcianus 476), but he continues at considerable length, giving material from

620

The so-called ‘Daunian stelai’, a very distinctive local product, may be somehow connected with this strange story of magical boundary-

stones, perhaps by understandable later confusion

£ (N) and from elsewhere. It will be seen that the extent of the derivation from Timaios (or Lykos) is

about their purpose. These blocks, which date from the 7th and 6th cents Bc and were found all over pre-Roman Daunia but mainly in the lagoon area (Cupola-Beccarini and Salapia but

not at all certain. It might be quite small, perhaps the final detail about the statues only: cf. Jacoby, comm, p. 562, remarking that the condensed nature of the scholion makes it impossible to be sure if Timaios is being cited for more than the statue.

also Arpi and Tialto) are now in the archaeological museum of Manfredonia. They appear to be

On the other hand, for what it is worth, there is

dedications of some sort, and depict banqueting,

other evidence (566 F 129) that Timaios was interested in the fortifications of Troy: Brown 1958: 33. But these difficulties mean that Baron 2013: 222 is too confident in his view that Timaios here offers

sacrificial, and marital/erotic scenes, some involving women (for female dress depicted on the stelai see Verger 2008). See Nava 1988: 1. 32-44,

Genovese 2009: 214-33; Mazzei 2010: 117-35 (with excellent photos). In addition to the con-

a ‘typically Greek’ way of incorporating Greek mythology into Western prehistory.

jectural link with the boundary-stones (for this link see Mazzei 2010: 117), it is tempting to speculate further that there might be some iconographic hint at the Daunian cult of Kassandra herself, for which see 1126 n. and 1137n.: the ritual

616-617. χερμάδων ἔπι 7 τοῦ τειχοποιοῦ γαπέdev Ἀμοιβέως: the ‘Exchanger’ is Poseidon (not Apollo, as Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 461). Poseidon built the walls of Troy together with Apollo, see 393n.; this divine origin explains the

dress

of the

girls who

practise

the

cult, and

are compared to the Erinyes, who are thought to be depicted on one of the Daunian stelai; for this suggestion, see Ferri 1971 and Nava 1988: 140-4 and Fig. 5. As for the other stelai, Mazzei 2010: 134 is not confident about identifying any of the depicted figures as gods of Daunia.

magical power of the stones (Holzinger). The epithet Ἀμοιβεύς is explained by Poseidon's gift of Delphi to Apollo in exchange for Kalaureia; both places became centres of amphiktionies. & cites Kall. for this exchange; the relevant frag. is 593 Pf.,

quoted by Z A. Eum. 27, μέσφα Kadaupeins ἦλθεν ἐς ἀντίδοσιν. It was also mentioned by

621. For Deo as Demeter (probably a hypocoristic

Philostephanos, frag. 21 Badino, from Z Ap. Rh. 3. 1242-3b. For Poseidon at Delphi, see Paus. 10. 24. 4 and Syll? 247 K. col. III. 12, the Potidanion. (A slightly different, double, exchange was recorded by Ephoros. See FGrHist 70 F 150, from Strabo 8. 6. 14: Poseidon exchanged Delos for Kalaureia

989, Deo taught the Titans on Kerkyra to harvest it. That passage was surely in Lyk.’s mind hereabouts (cf. 632n. for Kerkyra). As for ὄμπνιος

with Leto, and Tainaron for Delphi with Apollo.)

(also at 1264), see Hollis 2007: 281, suggesting that

Amoibeus is thus an example of a cult epithet which refers to a mythological detail; see Parker 2003: 177 n. 34. Another is Dionysos Sphaltes/ Sphaleotas, see 207n.

Philetas or Philitas of Kos popularized the word among Hellenistic poets (cf. Kall. frag. 1.10 Pf. for ὄμπνια Ocapogópo[s]. See Philetas frag. 46 Lightfoot, listing it as a grammatical fragment.

form,

though

this

is

not

quite

agreed)

see

HHDem. 47 with Richardson, and for the expres-

sion ὄμπνιον στάχυν (in reverse) cf. Ap. Rh. 4.

265

622-630

The nostoi continue

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αὐταὶ παλιμπόρευτον ἵξονται βάσιν ἄνδηρ᾽ ἀπέζοις ἴχνεσιν δατούμεναι. θεὸς δὲ πολλοῖς αἰπὺς αὐδηθήσεται,

630

there in 215. The Dasii were pro-Carthaginian

The supposed one-time infertility of Apulia is mythical in every sense (cf. Delcourt 1938);

the motif is a foil to its actual fertility at all

(Livy 21. 48. 9 and 26. 38. 6), and were proud of their Greek lineage: it is precisely in this post-

times in antiquity (Hor. Odes 3. 30. 11-12, ‘et qua

Cannae context that we learn that they claimed

pauper aquae Daunus agrestium / regnavit populum’ implies a contrast with the situations under

descent from Diomedes, i.e. they presented them-

selves as Aitolians. For this vital point see App. Hann. 31: a man called Dasios, who considered himselfa descendant of Diomedes, τις ἔκγονος εἶναι τοῦ Διομήδους νομιζόμενος (cf. Sil. Ital. Pun. 13.

Daunos and under his son-in-law Diomedes, see Nisbet/Rudd). See Strabo 6. 3. 9 with Brunt 1971: 368f., and cf. Toynbee 1965: 1. 499. But Arpi never recovered from its degradation by the Romans in 213 BC; see 623n.; and the Foggia plain (the ‘Tavoliere’) had become

32), caused the defection of Arpi/Argyrippa. But

malarial by the time of

Caesar and Cicero, see Toynbee 1965: 2. 566. See further 1129 n. (Salpi unhealthy).

622. τιθαιβώσσοντος: for the verb, cf. Od. 13. 106 with Rengakos 1994: 120 and Antimachos frag. 183 Wyss (108 Matthews); and see 458n. for its

he then tried to reverse this later, when Hannibal's fortunes began to decline. For this man see also Livy 24. 45. 1, calling him Dasius Altinius. The city was retaken by the Romans under Q, Fabius Maximus (son of the famous Fabius Maxumus Verrucosus, ‘Cunctator’) as consul in 213 Bc. See

back’, ‘derive’ one’s origin. αὐτοῦ most likely

de Sanctis 1968: 262-3 and n. 132; MRR: 1. 262-3. "Ihe territory of Árpi was confiscated, and later used for the citizen colony of Sipontum in 194 BC: Livy 34. 45. 3; MRR: 2. 345; Salmon 1969: 97. Arpi then declined (only two inscriptions in the Corpus of Latin inscriptions; see Brunt 1971: 368). The behaviour of Arpi is, as has often been remarked (e.g. by Toynbee 1965: 1. 266 n. 3), one of the exceptions to Livys disapproving generalization that the upper classes in Italy

refers to Diomedes’ own stock, but it could mean ‘there’ (so Hurst/Kolde).

Hannibal: 24. 2. 8, said about Kroton; see also

Diomedes’ own ‘Aitolian stock’ are a local elite

Fronda 2oro for the relevance of regional rivalries.

juxtaposition in Antimachos with another rare and Lykophronic word, ywpvrös. ἀρδηθμῷ: a very rare word for ‘watering’, ‘irrigation’; otherwise only at Nik. 72. 401.

623. ἢν μή τις αὐτοῦ ῥίζαν Αἰτωλῶν σπάσας: the verb σπάω is used in an unusual sense, ‘trace

favoured

Rome,

the

lower

classes

looked

to

of Argyrippa/Arpi, the Dasii, whose occupation

Lyk. must have been aware of these remarkable

of Daunia will end his curse of infertility against

developments at Arpi, and thus of the Hannibalic

it; but see 62rn.: the infertility is unhistorical. This prophecy ('unless...") is an oblique allusion to a significant episode in the Hannibalic (Second

war of 218-201 BC. The point is, that these Dasii are

in the news at that period, and not earlier

Punic) War, attested by Pol. 3. 118. 3: the defection

or later. This has a bearing on the date of composition of the poem and points towards a late

to Hannibal of Arpi (Greek Argyrippa) after

(early 2nd cent.) date: Introduction section 5; cf.

the Roman defeat at Cannae, fought nearby in 216 BC, after which Hannibal actually wintered

was Jocally prominent at earlier dates: for silver and

also r129n. for Salpi/Salapia. But the Dasii family

266

Diomedes in Daunia (1)

622-630

although Zeus should irrigate the fields with showers, unless someone deriving from his own Aitolian stock should dig the land, cutting the furrows with oxen. With unmovable pillars he will secure the plain and no man shall boast that he has been able to shift them even a little. For without wings, but speedily,

625

they will make a return journey, treading the shore with footless steps. He shall be called a high god by many, bronze coins from Arpi, Sal(a)pia, and Rubi bearing, in the genitive, the names 4AZOZ ie. Das(i)us/-os and [TYAAOZ (another Greek

magistrate’s name), see HIV: 76f. nos 633 and 642 (Arpi, «325-275 Bc); 80 nos 685-6, 690, and 692 (Salapia, 275-250 BC); 91 no. 809 (Rubi, 325-275 BC). The personal name Δάζος is interestingly attested on both sides of the Adriatic; see LGPN IIIA (and for the Italian occurrences of Δάσιος, see under that name in the same vol.). Add now Goldman 2010: 132, a Pannonian Dasius at Gordion. The implication of this story, then, is that the curse was finally considered to have been lifted in the Hannibalic period or not long before. This means that the visit by, and murder of, the Aitolian envoys described at 1056-1066 took place much earlier, in mythical time. 624. λαχήνῃ: from Aaxaívo, ‘I dig’, a Hellenistic

poetic word; see Kall. frag. 701 Pf., Ap. Rh. 3. 222, and Ps.-Moschos 4. 96, but cf. already Hom. Od. 24. 242 φυτὸν ἀμφελέχαινε (Laertes’gardening).

627. ἀπτέρως is usually taken to mean ‘rapidly’, like ἀπτερέως. Cf. Tzetzes, ὁμοπτέρως, ταχέως, and A. Ag. 276, τις ἄπτερος φάτις. But surely the

630

but it came back in their nets. Cf. 930 and 931 (beginning of section on Epeios in Italy) with nn. for Lyk.'s clear echo of this poem. Cf. also the story that the Penates, after being taken from Lavinium to Alba Longa, magically returned (Dion. Hal. 1. 67. 173 with Cornell 1975: 15). It is said (wikipedia "Iremiti islands’) that on San Nicola (one ofTremiti islands)

a monk named

Nicoló is buried in a monastery. Every time someone tries to move his corpse off the island, there is a violent storm preventing navigation. The story is

in obvious ways structurally similar. I have not been able to find more evidence for this.

629. ἄνδηρα: cf. Antimachos frag. 191 West = 93 Matthews = 79 Suppl. Hell. (where the eds doubt whether it is Antimachos; see 272n.). Matthews:

259 notes that the word was taken up by the

Hellenistic poets, and cites Euphorion frag. 19. 36 Lightfoot (for the Lyk.-Euphorion parallel see Hollis 2007: 290). ἀπέζοις: the stones have nei-

ther feet nor wings (627n.) but they move swiftly to assert justice. Cf. the frighteningly personified Child of Oath at Hdt. 6. 86 y 2: it is anonymous,

and has no hands or feet, οὐδ᾽ ἔπι χεῖρες / οὐδὲ πόδες, but it is swift to punish, κραιπνὸς δὲ

alpha-privative sense ‘without wings’ is here also

μετέρχεται.

present, in view (a) of the magical way in which

630. αὐδηθήσεται: for the word, see 164n., 192193n., and esp. 1140n.: Kassandra herself says she will be called an immortal god in Daunia. Pindar

the pillars jump back to land, and (b) of ἀπέζοις at 629, which makes a similar point; see n. there. For Lyk.’s fondness for such alpha-privatives see Berra 2009: 283 n. 78 and Guilleux 2009: 234.

(N. ro. 7) mentioned the deification of Diomedes

taken, resisted attempts by fishermen to chop it

by Athena, who had changed her mind about deifying his father Tydeus in horror at his eating of the brains of Melanippos. A 2 on the Pi. passage quotes Ibykos, a poet from Rhegion in S. Italy, who thus knew what he was talking about (frag. 294 PMG): καὶ ἔστι περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν

up for firewood. They threw it back in the sea

Διομήδεια

628. See Kall. frag. 197 (= amb. VII) and Diegesis, with Petrovic 2010: a statue of Hermes

Perpheraios at Ainos, made by Epeios the carpenter of the Wooden Horse by which Troy was

267

νῆσος

ἱερά,

ἐν fj τιμᾶται

ὡς

631-632 “

The nostoi continue Popa

^

>

^

/

ὅσοι παρ᾽ Ἰοῦς γρῶνον οἰκοῦνται πέδον, δράκοντα τὸν φθείραντα Φαίακας κτανών. θεός: καὶ Ἴβυκος οὕτω. The Z continues that Diomedes married Hermione (daughter of Helen and Menelaos) and shared his immortality with the Dioskouroi. Then follows a source attribution to Polemon, and finally, lists of S. Italian cult places of Diomedes: Argyrippa, Metapontion, Thourioi. 631. The ‘hollow plain of Io’ is the Ionian Sea i.e. the Adriatic. See A. Prom. 839-41, already cited and quoted by Tzetzes. 632. Φαίακας means the people of Kerkyra, Corcyra, Corfu. The Kerkyraians identified their island with Homeric Phaiakia by the time of Th., see 1. 25. 4, the naval fame of the Phaiakians, the previous inhabitants of Kerkyra, κατὰ τὴν Φαιάκων προενοίκησιν τῆς Κερκύρας, also 3. 70. 4, a femenos of Alkinoos on the island (see Wilamowitz

1916: 500); see also FGrHist 4

Hellanikos F 77 (on Phaiax son of the Asopid Kerkyra, ἀφ᾽ἧς ἡ νῆσος Κέρκυρα ἐκλήθη, τὸ πρὶν ἀρεπάνη τε καὶ Σχερία κληθεῖσα, cf. Fragoulaki 2013: 79 with n. 153, Fowler 2013: 555, and M. West 2014: 84-5. For the name Drepane, see 762n. on Ἅρπην). For the identification see also Kall. frag. 12 Pf. with Harder 2012: 176, and H. 4. 156 and 2. Lyk. accepts the version of the Argonautic myth according to which the dragon guarding the fleece was merely put to sleep temporarily and then pursued Jason and Medea westwards. This is first given by Antimachos (frag. 63 Wyss, 73 Matthews), and perhaps also by Ap. Rh. 4. 156-66. The dragon is linked to Phaiakia/Kerkyra because that was where Jason married Medea (Ap. Rh. 4. 1141-3 with S. West 2007: 206); the location of the marriage in Kerkyra was due to Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 87; cf. 615-632 n.). For Diomedes’ killing of the dragon, see 615n., citing Tzetzes’ summary of Timaios and Lykos. Diomedes’ killing of the dragon at Kerkyra has been speculatively linked with the Spartan Kleonymos’ occupation of Kerkyra in 303/2 Bc (Diod. 20. 104. 4): Braccesi 1994: 121-7, cf. Malkin 1998a: 246. Kerkyra, crucially placed between Greece and Italy, was certainly a coveted possession

in the period of the Diadochi, cf. Agathokles' capture of the island in 299 sc after relieving it from siege by the Macedonian Kassandros (Diod. 21.2.1 with Niese: 1.357,an episode well analysed by Intrieri zon: 438-50). But the island’s strategic importance and desirability is also attested much nearer Lyk.'s own day: Pol. 2. 9-ı1 (229 Bc).

The story of Diomedes resumed at 1056.

Aitolians

will be

633-647. The Boiotians in the Balearic islands

For the Balearic islands in antiquity, see Strabo 3. 5. 1 and S. J. K[eay], OCD* ‘Baleares et Pithyusae

insulae

The

largest

two

Baleares,

mod. Majorca and Minorca, were also called the

Gymnesiai (Barr. map 27, inset), the Greater and the Lesser respectively. To the SW of them, mod. Ibiza (ancient Ebusus) and Formentera (ancient

Ophioussa or Colubraria) form a separate archipelago called the Pityousai in antiquity (Barr. map 27 G 2-3); but the islands are all the mod. Balearics, and Lyk. (and Timaios) may have had

both clusters in mind. They were finally brought under Roman control in 121 sc by Ὁ. Caecilius Metellus, who

cognomen

took

Balearicus;

from

them

his triumphal

see Livy Per. 60 with

MRR: 1. 513, 518, and 521, and, for such geographi-

cal cognomina, Dueck and Brodersen 2012: 14. Archaeological evidence for contact with the wider, esp. E. Mediterranean world, is meagre in

prehistoric and archaic times; for the isolation of the early Balearics see Broodbank 2013: 421-2, 481, 567, and 599, drawing on Lull et al. 2002, who seem to suggest (see esp. 2002: 124) that this iso-

lation was the result of choice. By contrast, for the abundance of Carthaginian and Greek trade after about 650 Bc, see Waldren 2002: 164.

Σ and Tzetzes begin their notes by saying the islands are (a) in the Tyrrhenian Sea (περὶ τὴν Τυρσηνίαν) and (b) are mentioned by Artemidoros, sc. of Ephesos, the geographer, for whom see OCD* ‘Artemidoros (2); see frag. 24

Stiehle. Canfora 2007: 29 n. 51 maintains that this “reference to Ártemidoros in Tzetzes ... is only

apparent’, because ‘it is actually Strabo (III. 5. 1) who in turn quotes Artemidoros, on the subject

268

631-632

The Boiotians in the Balearic islands

all those who live by Io's hollow basin— he who killed the dragon which harried the Phaiakians. 2,

Graia/Tanagra, Skolos, and Onchestos: IZ 2. 507,

the ‘old’ scholia, all of which long antedate Tzetzes, and some of which may go back to

498, 497, 506), and the most obvious reminiscence of the Catalogue lies in the catalogue form itself.

Theon of Alexandria, who is more likely to have known the work of Artemidoros than that of

But these arguments cannot be pushed very far.

of the Balearic

islands’. But

this

ignores

First, Hellenistic poets were anyway fond of lists. Within the Alexandra itself, cf. 373—375 for a string of Euboian places, none in the Homeric Catalogue, 900-907 for Thessalian places, two in

Strabo. Note that the new Artemidoros’ papyrus (for which see Canfora 2007 and—for further bibliog

—OCD*,

as above)

does

not cover the

Balearics, although it does include some of Spain. We learn from Z that Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 66) had said that ‘some of the Boiotians went to these islands’. So it is an obvious inference that Lyk. drew on Timaios here (Günther 1889: 34, Geffcken 1892: 4, and the hypothetical reconstruction of Timaios’ text at 155; see also Pearson 1987: 66 and n. 53). This does not absolve us from asking, (1) why Lyk. gave coverage to this zestos at all, and on such a generous scale; and (2) why it is placed just here in the poem. As

for

(2),

the

approximately

the Catalogue (Trechis and Oloosson) and 1146-

1148 for a string of Lokrian places, three in the Homeric Catalogue. Second, the latter passage does not describe a Lokrian 7165/05, so there would

be a risk of special pleading if one were to use Homeric overlap so as to explain the Boiotian travels. Nevertheless the Boiotian section of the Homeric Catalogue does appear to have been unusually influential here; see Hurst 20122: go-1 (originally 1985), and Sens 2009: 27-8, noting that

each of 644-646 begins with a name from the Homeric Catalogue. On another tradition, the colonizers of the Balearics were the Rhodians. See Strabo (14. 2. 10): ‘some say that they [the Rhodians] founded the islands after their departure from Troy’, τινὲς δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Τροίας ἄφοδον τὰς Γυμνησίας νήσους ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν κτισθῆναι. This passage is immediately followed by a citation from Timaios

clockwise

movement of the mos/oi part of the poem (see 373-386 n.) means that the Balearics are the westernmost point of Greek colonization: the poem moves from Diomedes in Italy and the Adriatic to the far western Mediterranean, before embark-

ing on the complex stories of Odysseus and Menelaos. As for (1), Boiotians were normally thought of as stay-at-homes, but this can be exaggerated: apart from early Boiotian settlement of Lesbos, Tenedos,

and

(on

the

Asiatic

mainland)

(FGrHist 566 F 65, cf. 164 = Diod. 5. 17) to the

effect that the largest of the Balearics (Majorca) was the eighth largest in the Mediterranean after

the

Sardinia, Sicily, Cyprus, Krete, Euboia, Corsica, and Lesbos, though Strabo denies this, and says

Aiolid, there is the tradition that both Thebes and

Tanagra joined the Megarians in founding Herakleia on the Black Sea (Suda n 715 Adler

there are others which are much bigger. Jacoby prints this entire section of Strabo, including the opening statement about Rhodian colonization, in large font, as if from Timaios in its entirety. If that were right, Timaios would have attributed the settlement of the Balearics both to the

and Paus. 5. 26. 7 with ZACP: nos 220 and 221). There is, however, no indication, other than the

present passage (and F 66 of Timaios, see above), of Boiotian interest in the western Mediterranean. One might wonder if Lyk, in making the Boiotians

Boiotians and to the Rhodians. But in his comm.,

into naval wanderers, was influenced

by the Homeric Catalogue of Ships (see 5867587n. for an unmistakable

hint at the

Catalogue), in

which the Boiotians were listed with the largest contingent of all, as Thucydides noticed (JZ. 2. 509,

Th. 1. 10. 4). Of the Boiotian places mentioned by Lyk., four also featured in the Catalogue (Arne,

Jacoby makes clear that he thinks that Strabo got the colonization sentence from his Rhodian source, i.e. that only the remark about the size of

Majorca is from Timaios, The double tradition

remains

curious:

no

kinship tie links the Dorian and Argive Rhodians and the Aiolian Boiotians. But here is a possible

269

The nostoi continue

633-643

οἱ δ᾽ ἀμφικλύστους χοιράδας Γυμνησίας σισυρνοδῦται καρκίνοι πεπλωκότες ἄχλαινον ἀμπρεύσουσι νήλιποι βίον, τριπλαῖς δικώλοις σφενδόναις ὡπλισμένοι.

635

ὧν αἱ τεκοῦσαι τὴν ἑκηβόλον τέχνην ἄδορπα παιδεύσουσι νηπίους γονάς. οὐ γάρ τις αὐτῶν ψίσεται πύρνον γνάθῳ, πρὶν ἂν κρατήσῃ ναστὸν εὐστόχῳ λίθῳ,

640

ὑπὲρ τράφηκος σῆμα κείμενον σκοποῦ. καὶ τοὶ μὲν ἀκτὰς ἐμβατήσονται λεπρὰς Ἰβηροβοσκοὺς ἄγχι Ταρτησοῦ πύλης, clue: Lyk. insists and expands on the Boiotians as slingers

(this is authentic, cf. Feyel

1942:

200;

Roesch 1965: 5 line 26; SEG 3. 354 with Launey 1949-50: 829 n. 6 and 888), and this was a military speciality of the Rhodians also. See already Th. 6. 43, and for the Hellenistic period App. BC 2. γι with Launey 1949-50: 245 (who evidently takes

σφενδονῆται with Κύπριοι and Ῥόδιοι as well as with Κρῆτες). If we had Timaios in full, the mystery might be solved. 633. of δέ: the usual formula of transition, Sens 2009: 25. ἀμφικλύστους: perhaps imitated from S. Tr. 52. xoıpadas Γυμνησίας: Σ᾽ and Tzetzes, after quoting Timaios for the tradition of Boiotian settlement (633-647n.) continue ἃς

νήσους

xorpadas

εἶπε. The

subject of εἶπε

appears to be Timaios, in which case Lyk. took over his vocabulary as well as the fact; but might it be better to understand ‘the poet’as the subject? The name Γυμνησίαι for the Balearics was widespread in antiquity; 2 and Tzetzes quote bk 3 of the Naxiaka of Philteas (FGrHist 498 F1) for this as the original name and Βαλιαρίδες as the later one. (It is an insoluble puzzle why Philteas should have discussed the Balearics in a book about Naxos, whether this Naxos was the Aegean or— less likely—the Sicilian city.) The two names were variously explained: Βαλιαρίδες was supposed (Diod. 5. 17. 1) to derive from βάλλειν, ‘to throw’, a

ref. to the inhabitants as slingers (cf. the βάλλωderived word ἐκήβολον 204 (= 2012a: 43); Strabo authorities derived the baleares, the Phoenician

at 637 with Hurst 2009: (14. 2. 10) says that some name Balearides from word for light-armed

troops, pact δὲ τοὺς γυμνῆτας ὑπὸ Φοινίκων

βαλεαρεῖς λέγεσθαι. (1 follow Radt for text, tr., and accentuation.) Perhaps the Phoenician god Baal lies behind the name. Finally, Livy (Per. 60) connects

the

name

with

Baleus, an

otherwise

unattested companion of Herakles. 634. σισυρνοδῦται: this hapax word means ‘clad in skins’; for σίσυρνα as a jerkin, see Alkaios frag. 379 Voigt and Hdt. 4. 109. 2 and 7. 67.1. 2 quotes

‘Simonides’ for σίσυν παχείην, but this should be '"Semonides', See The Boiotians their wanderings this as one of a an 'étrange lieu

frag. 31b West. are καρκίνοι, ‘crabs’, because of by sea. Lambin 2009: 165 sees number of refs in the poem to clos’. For the three-word line,

see 63n.

635-642. The description of these strange naked people is ethnography verging on paradoxography. It is similar at several points to the account in Diod. 5. 17-18, much of which may be Timaian;

see 633-647n.; note esp. Diod. 5. 18. 1 παράδοξον δέ τι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς γάμους κτλ. (there follows an account of Balearic promiscuity with the bride on the occasion of a wedding). But Diod. says nothing of Boiotian post-Trojan war immigration and settlement. In addition, [Ar.] mir. ausc., a paradoxographical collection which is heavily indebted to Timaios in general, gives material about the Gymnesiai islands at ch. 88. This overlaps with Diod. but not with Lyk. A set of ‘Greek Questions’ on the lines of Plutarch's, and preserved on papyrus, also explains the association between Balearics and Gymnetes by reference to the nakedness of the inhabitants,

but uniquely says that the naked ones were companions of Odysseus: P. Oxy. 2688.

270

The Boiotians in the Balearic islands

633-643

Others, crabs clad in coats made of skin,

will sail to the sea-washed Gymnesian rocks, and drag out their lives without cloaks and barefoot,

armed with three slings of two thongs.

635

Their mothers will teach the art of shooting from afar

to their young unfed children. For none of them will chew barley-bread until with a well-aimed stone they earn their food,

640

placed as a mark above the baker’s board.

They shall climb the rough headlands which nurture Iberians, near the gates of Tartessos: 635. ἀμπρεύσουσι: for ἀμπρεύω (also used at

637. τὴν ἑκηβόλον τέχνην: see 633 n. 'Far-shooter' was a Homeric epithet of Apollo, as at 1 1. 14, but E. Ph. 1142 has ‘far-shooting slings’, σφενδόναις ἑκηβόλοις, cf. 108 ἑκηβόλοις τόξοισιν with

975, where it is metaphorical as here, and at 1298, where it is literal) see the literal use at Kall. frag. 272 Pf. (= 52 Hollis); Hollis in his comm. (p. 206) remarks ‘Lycophron may derive his taste for the

Mastronarde: ‘a stereotyped juncture in tragedy,

verb partly from this line of Call.’ An ἀμπρόν

which removes the epithet from its original constant attachment to Apollo’; he gives other tragic

was a rope attached to animals pulling heavy loads (e.g. IG 2^ 1426 B line 410 (369/8 nc). νήλιποι: this word for ‘bare-footed’is also used by Ap. Rh. 3. 656 (Medea leaving her bed-chamber); at S. O.C. 349 the MSS have νηλίπους, which some eds emend to νήλιπος. Hurst 2009: 204 sees in this whole section echoes of Ap. Rh. and of the Aitia of Kall.

refs. But Pj. was set in Thebes, so the reminiscence (if that is what it is) is neatly appropriate in

this Boiotian section of the poem. 638-641. Diod. 5. 18. 4 is very close to this in its description of the training of children in the use of

slings (no food unless and until they hit the target): αἴτιαι δὲ τούτων ai συνεχεῖς ἐκ παίδων μελέται, καθ᾽ ἃς ὑπὸ τῶν μητέρων ἀναγκάζονται παῖδες ὄντες συνεχῶς σφενδονᾶν' προκειμένου γὰρ

636. Cf. Diod. 5. 18. 3, who envisages three slings attached to different parts of the body, head, belly, hands: ὁπλισμὸς δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς τρεῖς σφενδόναι, καὶ τούτων μίαν μὲν περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν

σκοποῦ κατά τι ξύλον ἠρτημένου ἄρτου, οὐ πρότερον δίδοται τῷ μελετῶντι φαγεῖν, ἕως ἂν τυχὼν τοῦ ἄρτου συγχωρούμενον λάβῃ παρὰ τῆς μητρὸς καταφαγεῖν τοῦτον.

ἔχουσιν, ἄλλην δὲ περὶ τὴν γαστέρα, τρίτην δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς χερσί. Strabo (3. 5. 1) explains the triple sling as made from three materials: rush, hair, and sinew.

641. τράφηκος: see τοοτη.

In this connection he quotes the Hermeneia or

Interpretation of the Hellenistic poet Philetas of

639. For the food-description see 482 n. ψέσεται: from a Hellenistic poetic verb ψέζω or ψίω, cf. Euphorion frag. 100 Lightfoot line 5, λευκῷ «o» ἔψισα γάλακτι with Durbec 2014: 21.

Kos for the couplet AeuyaAdos de χιτὼν πεπινώ-

μενος, ἀμφὶ δ᾽ ἀραιὴ / ἰξὺς εἰλεῖται κόμμα μελαγκράνινον, ‘a wretched tunic, all befouled

with dirt, And round his slender waist is girt a strip of blackly-tufted rush’ (frag. 30 Lightfoot, whose tr. this is. The frag. is problematic. It may be just a gloss, by Philetas or someone else, on the rare word μελαγκράνινον, which featured in an otherwise unknown poem, which may not have been about the Balearics at all). See also Gow-

Page on HE 314 (= Antipater of Sidon XXII. 3), ῥινοῦ χερμαστῆρος ἐύστροφα κῶλα τιταίνων.

643. For famously wealthy Tartessos near Gades (mod. Cadiz) and the Guadalquivir river (prob-

ably the Tarshish of the Bible) see Stesichoros 184 PMGF = 9 Fi. (‘by the vast silver-bedded streams of Tartessos river’, Ταρτησσοῦ ποταμοῦ παρὰ mayas drmeipovas dpyupopilous ie. the Guadalquivir?); Hdt. 1. 163. 2-3, Phokaian exiles are befriended by the long-lived Arganthonios,

271

644-647

The nostoi continue

Ἄρνης παλαιᾶς γέννα, Τεμμίκων πρόμοι, Γραῖαν ποθοῦντες καὶ Λεοντάρνης πάγους, Σκῶλόν τε καὶ Τέγυραν Ὀγχηστοῦ θ᾽ Eos,

645

καὶ χεῦμα Θερμώδοντος Ὑψάρνου θ᾽ ὕδωρ. and Strabo 7. 7. 1, 9. 2. 3. (Th. 1. 12. 2 says that Boiotia was previously called Kadmeis, a reference to the tradition of settlement by Kadmos the Phoenician; see Hdt. 5. 57.1 with my n.) The ethnic form of the name has been ingeniously supplemented at Suppl. Hell. 994 frag. ı (poet unknown): 1. μέκειοί

king of the place and 4. 152. 2, storm-driven Samians

profit from

this ‘unharvested

market’,

ἐμπόριον ἀκήρατον; and Strabo 3. 2. r1, citing Stesichoros

(as

above),

Eratosthenes,

Polybius

and Artemidoros. (At 3, 2. 13, he speculates that Homer borrowed the name Tartaros from Tartessos.) Tartessos declined after about 550 ac, for unknown reasons; for a general account see S. J. K[eay], OCD‘ "Tartessus'. This is the westernmost point mentioned in the poem.

645. Γραῖαν ποθοῦντες: the theme of colonial nostalgia, πόθος, for the metropolis is extremely important in the poem; see 6ogn. For the verb ποθῶ used, in the present poem in the context of nostoi, about Greeks who yearn for their lost homelands, see also 904, 1035, and 1074. The first and last of those passages resemble the present one most closely, ποθοῦντες, followed by a list of

644-647. For the list of Boiotian places in the Homeric Catalogue, a list which obviously lies behind the present passage, see Hope-Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 19-37 (21 for Skolos, 22 for Graia, 30f. for Onchestos, and 31 for Arne) and Fossey 1970, 1973-4, and 1988. For such catalogues of place-names in Lyk.—a notable feature of the poem—cf. also 903-907, 1146-1149, 1236-1241, and 1285-1290, with Sistakou 2009: 246; and see 439n. For the pathetic effectiveness of such lists

local places. Here and elsewhere (e.g. 1146-1150, Lokris) the enumeration and specification adds

poignancy, cf. Macleod on J/ 24. 49577 (citing Ar.

Rhet. 1365a10): ‘by numbering and classifying his sons Priam gives weight to his loss’. For the ethnic form Γραικοί see 532 n. Because of a claim recorded at Paus. 9. 20. 2, Graia has

see 645 n. Arne, for which

often been identified with Tanagra in E. Boiotia,

see Ii, 2. 507 and Th. 1. 12. 3, is an old puzzle. In modem times it has often been identified with the impressive Mycenaean site of Gla (Hope Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 31). But ancient testimonia may indicate a location near Chaironeia (see e.g. Paus. 9. 40. 5 and Steph. Byz. Χαιρώνεια, both of which say that Chaironeia was previously called Arne). Accordingly, Barr. map 55 D4 accepts Fossey’s identification with mod. Magoula Balomenou on Lake Kopais, a little to the W. of Orchomenos (Fossey 1973-4: 17f., and briefly 1988: 382-3). Lyk. is perhaps here contributing to a Homeric debate, so Sens 2009: 28. For instance, by mentioning Arné and Leontarne (645) separately, Lyk. by implication denies their identity, which had been suggested as a solution to the Arne problem. For Temmikia as Boiotia see also 786, and for the Temmikoi as the pre-Greek inhabitants of Boiotia see FGrHist 384 Menelaos of Aigai F 1

for which see IACP. no. 220 (Barr. map ἐς F4 and 57 B3). Kall. frag. 7 Pf. seems to have

644. The location of Boiotian

known of this tradition (see Sistakou 2002: 166),

and Tzetzes gives it as if uncontroversial. But Euphorion (frag. 83 Lightfoot) appears to deny it when he says that the Tanagraians did not take part in the expedition against Troy; and Strabo 9. 2.10 (cf. Steph. Byz. Ὠρωπός) knew of a Graia near Oropos. Two suitable candidatesites have been identified in that region, one very near Oropos (Hope-Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 22), the other at mod. Dhramesi, N. of Delion, opposite the Lelantine Plain of Euboia (Fossey 1970 and 1988: 66f., accepted at Barr. map 55 F4). καὶ Aeovrápvys πάγους: Leontarne has been sought in the territory of Thespiai, on the slender evidence of Eustath. 2 on 77. 2. 507 (1. 414 van

der Valk), which

puts it below

Helikon and says it was so named because of the lion that attacked a lamb which Adrastos

272

644-647

The Boiotians in the Balearic islands the race of ancient Arne, lords of Temmikia,

yearning for Graia and the crags of Leontarne,

645

and Skolos and Tegyra and the seat of Onchestos,

and Thermodon river, and the waters of Hypsarnos. χεῦμα: lit. ‘something poured out’, see IA. 23.

was sacrificing there; perhaps this arose because of an unusual rock-formation. See Fossey

561, where

1988: 164. 646. Skolos, E. of Thebes, was

an insignificant

polis in the territory of Thebes up to 479 sc (Hdt. 9. 15. 2). It was politically dependent on nearby Plataia during most of the Pentekontaetia (480-430), but had been re-annexed by Thebes at some time before 431 (Heil. Oxy. 19. 3 and 20. 3 Chambers; Fossey 1988: 119-26; LACP: no. 219;

Barr. map 55 E4 and 58 Ex). Its inclusion by Lyk.

to

metal

casting

(found

stream. 648—819. Lykophron's 'Odyssey

is surely owed to its mention in the Homeric Catalogue (see 633-647 n.) Tegyra was at mod. Magoula Pyrgou, on the N. banks of Lake Kopais (Fossey 1988: 368-73, Barr. map ἘΔ and 57 B3). It was not a po/is, but the site of a temple and oracle of Apollo Tegyraios (LACP: p. 436). The place owed

it refers

nowhere else in Homer), and Pi. N. 9. 39-40, Σκαμάνδρου χεύμασιν / ἀγχοῦ, ‘by the waters of Skamandros' as the place where Hektor's glory flowered. After that it becomes a Hellenistic favourite, e.g. Kall. H. t to Zeus 32, Ap. Rh. 4. 1242, etc., and three times more in Lyk.: 705, 1276, 1334. Hypsarnos is an unidentified Boiotian river ör

At 172 lines (nearly one-eighth of the poem), the “Odyssey is by far the largest section of the poem devoted to a single individual or theme; and it

has much in common with the Menelaos section which immediately follows it, and which occupies a further 57 lines (820-876), almost exactly

its fame to the

one-third of the length of the ‘Odyssey’ (see 820-

battle fought there in 375 ac between the Spartans

876 n.). For instance, in Homer, both Odysseus and Menelaos begin their wanderings at Cape Malea, and see 668—672 n. for similar clusters of rhetorical questions about both Odysseus and

and Thebans; the surprise Theban victory antici-

pated Leuktra in 371 (Diod. 15. 81. 2 and Plut. Pelop. 16, cf. FGrHist 124 Kallisthenes F 11). Onchestos was S. of lake Kopais, E. of Haliartos

Menelaos; also 662 n. for ἐπόψεται, which will be

(Fossey 1988: 308-12; Barr. map 55 E3 and 57 B3). Like Tegyra, it was not a polis, but enjoyed enhanced political and religious importance after 338 Bc when it became the capital of the Boiotian League; a temple of Poseidon and a councilchamber have been excavated (JACP. p. 435). Megareus, the mythical founder of Megara, supposedly came from Boiotian Onchestos: FGrHist 4 F 78 with Hanell 1934: 24-35. For its mention in the Homeric Catalogue see 633-647n. Lyk. can call it the ‘seat’ of Onchestos because Onchestos was a son of Poseidon and lived there: Paus. 9. 26. 5.

picked up several times in the Menelaos section. See esp. Schade; also Sens 2009: 19-20 (the travails of Odysseus and Menelaos described in far greater detail than the martial action of the Iliad at 258-306 above) and 2010: 310-12; Hurst

20122: 97-1tt. S. West 1983: 115 notes a ‘certain malice’ in this section; by thus ‘democratically starting from the fate of [Odysseus’] comrades’, Lyk. draws attention to Odysseus’ failure to bring his men home; see also Hurst 20122: 103. Lyk. follows Homer's order of narration only approximately (Hurst 2012a: 105-6). For the placing of the Kalypso episode, see 744 n. A prophetic section of a speech of the Euripidean Kassandra in Troades (427-44) may have supplied the idea that the sufferings and wanderings of Odysseus in particular, and indeed of the returning Greeks generally (a main

647. For the river Thermodon, see Hdt. 9. 43. 2, 6 δὲ Θερμώδων ποταμὸς ῥέει μεταξὺ Tavdypys τε καὶ Γλίσαντος and Kall. frag. 648 Pf. ἀῴ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντος ὁδεύετον. 1t has been identified as the mod. Kalamitis E. of the mod. village of Syrtzi; See Fossey 1988: 217-23 (discussing Glisas)

theme

at 222.

of the Alexandra)

Kassandra's sufferings.

273

were

punishment

for

Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’

648-652

τοὺς δ᾽ ἀμφὶ Σύρτιν καὶ Λιβυστικὰς πλάκας, στενήν τε πορθμοῦ συνδρομὴν Τυρσηνικοῦ καὶ μιξόθηρος ναυτιλοφθόρους σκοπάς, x

,

[4

/

650

τῆς πρὶν θανούσης ἐκ χερῶν Μηκιστέως ^

A

FA

2

^

/

τοῦ στερφοπέπλου Σκαπανέως Βοαγίδα,

frag. IIIB, 57 Berger, the island Meninx, 'ab appellata', though this Greater Syrtis, and in

648. The Lotus-eaters

Lyk. omits the Homeric narrative of Odysseus’ encounter with the Kikones (Od. 9. 39-61), and disposes of the Lotus-eater section (9. 82-104) in

just this one line, with no actual mention of Lotus-eaters, but see 648n. for Libya as the land of the Lotus-eaters. Explanations for omission and brief handling in the Alexandra must always be precarious, but the key to these oddities may lie in the western orientation of the central part of the poem. The Kikones lived in Thrace, acc. Strabo 7 frag. 18. 10; and Lyk. may not have regarded even the supposedly North African Lotus-eaters as sufficiently ‘Western’ for full treatment, despite the close links at all times between Cyrenaica and Sicily. (For naval traffic between Sicily and Kyrene, see Hdt. 5. 47. 1 and

Th. 7. 50. 2, and for routine close contacts Theok. 1. 24 and 3. 5 with Gow). In fact the Lotus-eaters were placed at Sicilian Akragas or Kamarina by Σ Od. to. 20 (cf. C. Robert 1926: 1390 with n. 4),

but perhaps only so as to place them in the same general area as the Kyklopes who were located

at Katane and the Etna region (so Wilamowitz 1884: 169 n. 5; for Katane cf. C. Robert 1926: 1389

n. 4, Citing e.g. Servius on V. A. 1. 201. The rocks in

from Pliny NH 5. 41 for Eratosthene Lotophagitis is in the Lesser not the mod. Tunisia: Barr. map 35

Cr (which confidently marks the ‘Lotophages’ across the two promontories to the S. of the island, on the authority of Mattingly 1994: 27, a list of testimonia; but Mattingly 25 is cautious: he notes that Latin authors put the Lotophagi in the Greater not Lesser Syrtis, but says that by Roman times the name Lotophagi had no ethnic

or geographical significance). Hdt. described the lotus as the size of a mastic-fruit and sweet as a date; but

as Heubeck

says

(see Heubeck

and

Hoekstra 1990: 17f., n. on Od. 9. 82-104), the plant is as mythical as its consumers.

‘The etymology of Σύρτις is uncertain and the word may not be Greek; it is unlikely to be related (as has been suggested) to the notion of ‘dangerous shallows’, see Hordern 2002: 177, n. on Timotheos Persai 88.

ABvoricds πλάκας: for the unusual adjective (instead of Λιβυκάς) see A. Eum. 292, ἐν τόποις AiBvorixois, and cf. Ap. Rh. 4. 1753, ἠπείροιο Λιβυστίδος. For the noun 7Adé see 98n. 649—656. Skylla

the sea off mod. Acireale, N. of Catania, are said

to be those flung by the Kyklops at Odysseus; see

Barr. map 47 G3, Cyclopum Scopuli tres’). Kassandra will return to the theme of Greeks

meeting their end off Libya at 877-908 (three "Thessalians). 648. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀμφὲ Σύρτιν: the usual formula of transition, see Sens 2009: 25. The mod. Gulf of Sirte or Sidra (more accurately the Greater

Syrtis as opp. the Lesser Syrtis off Tunisia) is the great expanse of sea off Libya, extending

Skylla

opening

has

already

portion

been

introduced

of Kassandras

in

the

speech;

see

44749, and esp. 44-47n. for the preparatory function of that earlier section, which introduces the western theme which will dominate much of the poem. 649. στενήν τεπορθμοῦ συνδρομήν Τυρσηνικοῦ:

the straits of Messina. Th. had noted that this narrows was ‘called Charybdis, where Odysseus is said to have sailed through’ (4. 24. 5). Although

from Tripoli in the W. to Benghazi (Berenike,

Lyk. is describing Skylla not Charybdis (for

Euesperides)

which see 668), the two horrors were thought of as positioned on either side of the straits (Od. 12.

in

the

E. The

lotus-eaters

were

located here by Hdt. (4. 177), and by the νεώτεροι generally, acc. Z/ Od. 9. 84. Note esp. Eratosthenes

235), and the present line echoes Th.'s language

274

Skylla

648-652

Those who have wandered round the Gulf of Syrtis and the Libyan lands, and the narrow contraction of the Tyrrhenian straits, and the sailor-slaughtering lookout-post of the half-beast,

650

who once died at the hands of Mekisteus,

the Pelt-wearer, the Digger, the Cattle-driver,

about Charybdis and the straits three times over (ἔστε δὲ ὁ πορθμός... διὰ στενότητα...

890-2, Cat. 60. 2, V. A. 3. 424-8 made her waist or lower parts into barking dogs), and Lyk. was perhaps aware of these more explicit traditions,

τοῦ Te Τυρσηνικοῦ....; cf. also E. Med. 1342-3 Τυρσηνίδος Σκύλλης with Mastronarde). With στενήν compare already 44-45 (also about Skylla’s abode), Αὐσονιτίδος μυχούς / στενούς The noun συνδρομή is a mainly medical term

or may even (Schade: 60) have influenced them,

though neither assumption is strictly necessary, see above. Some of the iconography of Skylla suggests Hekate, cf. Vermeule 1979: 109 and A. H. G[riffiths], 'Scylla (1) in OCD* (see also 47n.).

for contractions of one sort or another; but there

is surely a reminiscence of the adjectival form used by Pindar about the Clashing Rocks, see P. 4. 208-9, συνδρόμων πετρᾶν, cf. Ap. Rh. 2. 346, σύνδρομα merpawv and Theok. 13. 22 συνδρομάδων, although these were conventionally located at the entrance to the Black Sea (European shore of Bosporus); they were not

this confusion. ναυτιλοφθόρους:

the same as the Wandering Rocks, the πλαγκταί,

(for which see 788) is a mostly poetic equivalent

of Od. 12. 61, the home of Skylla and Charybdis. For the confusion between the two sets of rocks,

of ναύτης, but see Hdt. 2. 43. 3. At Od. 12. 98-9, Kirke warns Odysseus of Skylla’s destruction of sailors. For σκοπή see 275n.; it will be used again at 71§ to describe the location of another maritime threat to Odysseus’ crew, viz. the Sirens.

"This Skylla was often confused with Skylla the daughter of Nisus, who was turned into the bird ciris, see V.’s Ciris and E. K[earns], OCD* 'Nisus

(1). But Lyk. does not appear to have perpetrated

see e.g. Ap. Rh. 4. 786, and cf. Page on E. Med. 2. See 1285n. 650. This (see 654n., and compare 653) is close to being a three-word line. Lyk., in the first lines of this new and lengthy section, deploys a specially heavy barrage of elaborate compound words, such as tend to produce such lines. μιξόθηρος: a compound word for a compound entity (reversed at 963 describing Krimisos, θηρόμικτος, and cf. 669 for Skylla herself as μιξοπάρθενος κύων, another sort of reversal). μιξόθηρ is Euripidean, see Jon 1161 for μιξόθηpas φῶτας. Lyk. reduces to just four syllables the lengthy account at Od. 12. 89-100 of Skylla’s ghastly twelve-footed six-headed appearance. Homer gives her three rows of teeth, a shark-like feature (12. 91), and her yelping voice is that of puppy (12. 86, σκύλακος, a play on her name). This, and E. Med. 1342 (‘a lioness, not a woman’, cf. 44) would be enough to justify Lyk.’s succinct description of her as ‘half-beast’. Later sources developed the animal aspects further (e.g. Lucr. 5.

a hapax

word;

ναυτίλος

651-652. Mekisteus was an epithet of Herakles at Elis, acc. Σ᾽ and Strabo 8. 3. 21. The other three epithets all seem to refer to Herakles’ Labours, and are so understood by 2: he wears the pelt, στέρφος, of the Nemean lion, see 456n. and 1347, oreppos ἐγχλαινούμενον; he is the Digger, Σκαπανεύς, from his clearing of the Augeian stables; and Βοαγίς (cf. 1346, where he is BonAd7s) from his abduction of the cattle of Geryon. It has been suggested that ‘Digger’ might refer

to his uprooting of the foundations of Troy (see 1348) or to the vines of Syleus (Ciaceri, citing

Holzinger 1896). And Boayis might refer to Io. But though some of these possibilities may alternatively or additionally be present, the ‘Labours’ explanation is adequate on its own.

For Herakles’ killing of Skylla (whose death was reversed by Phorkys), see 44-50.

275

653-658

Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’

ἁρπυιογούνων κλώμακάς τ᾽ ἀηδόνων πλαγχθέντας, ὠμόσιτα δαιταλωμένους, t

,

’

[4

3.3

/

πρόπαντας Ἅιδης πανδοκεὺς ἀγρεύσεται,

655

λώβαισι παντοίαισιν ἐσπαραγμένους ἕνα φθαρέντων ἄγγελον λιπὼν φίλον, 4

£

”

4

F

δελφινόσημον, κλῶπα Φοινίκης θεᾶς.

653-654. The Sirens The Sirens, for whom see Od. 12. 39-54 and 165-

200 and Egeler 2010, will be covered more fully at 712-737, and more briefly at 670-672; see nn. there. They are extremely important in the structure and general conception of the poem, and this

helps to account for this triple mention in the ‘Odyssey’. They are named as Sirens only at its very close and climax, 1463, where the guard compares the eloquent utterances of Kassandra herself to

with womens’ heads (like the winged Harpies, LIMC 4. 1 (1988), 444-50), and they are here explicitly called nightingales. See LIMC 6. 1 (1992): 962-4 ("Ulysse et les Sirénes’), and 8. 1.

(1997): 1093-1104, ‘Seirenes’; also OCD*, ‘Sirens’ (N. J. R[ichardson]), and ‘Harpyiae, Harpies’ (J. N. B[remmer]). The main difference was that, over time, the Sirens acquire webbed feet; see Vermeule 1979: 169~70.

654. It is remarkable, and an indicator of thematic

the song of a Siren, Zetpijvos ... μέλος. But the

weightiness, that two three-word lines occur so

theme has been adumbrated already at the poem's opening; see 4n. The Sirens brought death to sailors; so, in a different way, did Kassandra, because the death at sea of Ajax and others was her revenge (365 and n.). But the Sirens themselves succumbed to a Greek (Odysseus, see

close together; see 656, and for the phenomenon word line, apart from the initial καί, Lyk. here generalizes from the fate of the sail-

712), just as Kassandra succumbed to the Greek

λεύς (cf. A. Prom. 1024); see Guilleux 2009: 225.

Klytaimestra. For the Sirens as negative counterparts to the Muses, and strongly associated with death, see Allen on E. Hel. 167-169 and Aston 2011: 72-3; the Alexandra is a ‘dark’ poem in more than one sense, and the Sirens are important in

its structure (see also 712~737n., and 737n. for their centrality in the whole poem). Finally, the Sirens are—like Kassandra—conspicuous for their virgin status; see E. Hel. 167-8, πτεροφόροι vedvides, / παρθένοι Χθονὸς κόραι / Σειρῆνες. The Z on Od. 12. 39 says that angry Aphrodite turned them into birds because—again like

Kassandra—they chose virginity, παρθενία.

see 63n.; also n. on 650, which is almost a three-

ors devoured by Skylla only (Holzinger). The hapax-word Sa:taAdw is formed from δαιτα655. Hades is the ‘All-receiver’, by a kind of grim joke (mavöokevs is the regular word for an ‘inn-keeper’); compare his poetic epithet Πολυδέγμων, HHDem. 17 and 430, cf. 9, Πολυδέκτης, and probably PMG 925. e r1 (lyric poem by unknown author), φθιμένων βασιλῆα πανδ[οκέα. See 700n., and for such euphemisms for the powers of the Underworld, see Henrichs 1991 and Voutiras 1999. 656. See 654n. 658. At last Odysseus, greatest

who

mostos of all, makes

experienced

the

his entrance

(but

almost (but for re) makes this line also—cf. the

see 344n.). Briefly, he is called 'He of the dolphin sign because a dolphin rescued the

similar 650 and n.—a

three-word line, Some

baby Telemachos from drowning, so Odysseus

comparison with the Harpies (for whom see Ap.

adopted the creature as the sign on his shield. More precisely, Z and "Tzetzes on the present passage tell us that Stes. (PMGF 225=290a Fi.) said that Odysseus had a dolphin-sign on his

653.

ἁρπυιογούνων:

this

five-syllable

word

Rh. 2. 188 ff.) is obvious, but it is not clear what

the second half of the word means; ‘legs’ are probably preferable to ‘lineage’, because the Sirens’ iconography represented them as birds

shield, and that Euphorion (frag. 87 Lightfoot)

276

The Sirens

653-658

and the rocky places, dwellings of the harpy-legged nightingales who feast on raw flesh— all these wanderers Hades, who is host to all, shall take in,

855

mangled by every kind of wound;

but will spare just one of them behind to bring news of his friends,

he of the dolphin sign, the thief of the Phoenician goddess.

agreed. The explanation in terms of Telemachos

‘do not try to fight this by force’; cf. B. frag. 15

is provided by Plut. Mor. 98sb (On the Cleverness of Animals 36), who also cites Stes. (PMGF 225),

Maehler = dithyramb 1, 47ff; see also LIMC ‘Harmatidas’, with West 20132: 117, for a 6th-cent.

but

Korinthian vase depicting Theano greeting the Greek embassy.) Sourvinou-Inwood 239 n. 40 incorrectly says that 2 658 (actually Tzetzes) says that Theano gave the Palladion to the two Greeks, but Tzetzes says it was Antenor, who does not feature at all in Sourvinou-Inwood's discussion. Antenor, like Diomedes, was held to have gone

adds

record

the

intriguingly reason

that

for it, as

'the

Zakynthians

Kretheus

attests’,

ἐξ ἧς δ᾽ αἰτίας, Ζακύνθιοι διαμνημονεύουσιν,

ὡς Κρηθεὺς

μαρτυρεῖ. This might indicate

some sort of cult practice. Kretheus is otherwise unknown,

but the name

is not rare (examples

in all vols of LGPN except IIIB). For a fine illustration of a dolphin (actually two dolphins) on a shield, see the Attic black-figure vase at Mertens 1983: 18, Side A, with discussion at 21 and n. 16,

where some other examples of dolphin iconography are listed. On the Stes. frags see Davies and Finglass 2014: 576-7. The symbol is also appropriate (Holzinger) because of Odysseus adventures by sea.

‘Thief of the Phoenician goddess’ refers to the theft of the Palladion, also mentioned by Dosiadas Bomos 16, cf. Hollis 2007: 283. Tzetzes on the present passage says that Antenor (for whom see 340n.) gave the Palladion to Odysseus and Diomedes. ‘For Theano, wife of Antenor, was the priestess of Athena there’ (the information in the last sentence is from //. 6. 298-9). The Suda (v 34 Adler) takes this a little further by saying that it was Theano herself, wife of Antenor, who betrayed the Palladion to the two Greeks. At J/. 6. 306, by contrast, Theano had prayed to Athena to break Diomedes’ spear. On the theft of the Palladion, see Sourvinou-Inwood 2011: 227-62, who seeks (239) to trace this story back to S.

Lakainai, TrGF frag. 368,which has been speculatively identified as a speech intended to persuade Theano to hand over the Palladion; so too West 20132: 202. But the frag. is very general (it is about Trojan responsibility for the war, and ends

west; he founded Patavium (mod. Padua) in the

country of the Veneti (S. frag. 137 TrGF with Leigh 1998). The western coincidence is interesting; it might indicate some further imagined connection between the two men after their arrival in Italy. Cf. the attraction of the Palladion episode for S. Italian vase-painters. See LIMC "Diomedes : no. 25. There was disagreement between different works in the Epic Cycle as to whether the real Palladion was taken (Little Iliad arg. 4e and Fir), or only a simulacrum (I/ieu Persis F4, a secondary version, see West 20132: 237-8). The simulacrum

story seems not to have been known to Lyk.; at any rate, Kassandra is made to ignore it. Cusset 2009: 136 ingeniously detects in the rare word κλώψ an anticipation of Κύκλωψ (subject

of the immediately following episode). Athena was 'Phoenician at Korinth, acc. 2. Korinth, via its eastern harbour Kenchreai, was always open to eastern influence; see Pi. frag. 122 Maehler for temple prostitution there (and

from

Ephoros

we

learn

of a Korinthian

place called Phoinikaion: FGrHist 70 F 75, with Schade). The epithet ‘Phoenician’ is appropriate here because of the role played at Od. 14. 288ff. by the (fictitious) lying Phoenician in one of Odysseus' stories.

277

Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’

659-663

ös ὄψεται μὲν τοῦ μονογλήνου στέγας a

w

x

^

,

χάρωνος, οἴνης τῷ κρεωφάγῳ χερσὶ

προτεΐνων,

τοὐπιδόρπιον

,

σκύφον

660

ποτόν.

ἐπόψεται δὲ λείψανον τοξευμάτων τοῦ Κηραμύντου Πευκέως Παλαίμονος.

fond of such compounds; cf. μονόστολος at 690

659-661. The Kyklops

or μονοκρήπις at 1310, with Berra 2009: 283 n. 78.

See Od. 9. 105-566. Already in the time of Th. (6. 2. 1, see 662-665n.), the Kyklopes and Laistrygones were said to live in eastern Sicily (just as Charybdis and Skylla occupied the bridge to Sicily from

660. χάρωνος: see 260n. οἴνης τῷ κρεωφάγῳ σκύφον: cf. Od. 9. 347, Odysseus addressing the

Kyklops: Κύκλωψ, τῇ, πίε οἶνον, ἐπεὶ φάγες ἀνδρόμεα κρέα (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 101). In early and classical Greek, oivy meant a

Italy: 649n.); Lyk. does not, however, specify the

Sicilian habitat of these two sets of man-eaters. This is in contrast with the Sicilian section (865870) of the Menelaos narrative, which includes the explicit phrase Σικανῶν πλάκας (870), and other less transparent but still specific placenames. It is noticeable that Menelaos’ Sicilian visits seem to be to the west of the island, rather

than the eastern part associated with Odysseus (852-876 n.). Nevertheless visits by both Odysseus and Menelaos to Sicily are part of a larger structural symmetry between the juxtaposed narratives dealing with them (820-876n.). Kassandra will

vine (Hes. WD 572, E. Ba. 535), but by Hellenistic times came

659-660. ds ὄψεται: see 662n. on ἐπόψεται. τοῦ uovoyArvov ... xapwvos: for γλήνη see 362, Athena turns her eyes away from the assault on Kassandra. It is an eye-ball in Homer (J/. 14. 494 and esp. Od. 9. 390 of the Kyklops, γλήνης καιο-

wine: cf., with noticeably

Page HE line 1970 (Leonidas of Taras), σκύφος ἔμπλεον οἴνης. 661. τοὐπιδόρπιον ποτόν: see 607n. for the adjective. For the delicious and exceptionally

strong wine with which Odysseus drugged the Kyklops, see Od. 9. 345-74, and 196-215 for the

original gift of this wine to Odysseus by Maron, on whom see Heubeck 1990: 25 on Od. 9. 197-8

return briefly to the theme of Odysseus in E. Sicily at 1181-1188, where, prompted by a dream, he established cult of Hekabe, because he had taken the lead in stoning her. Dench 1995: 37-8 explains the Sicilian location of the Kyklops by arguing that Greek colonial settlers used pastoral activity as a way to characterize the difference between themselves and the local population. There is something in this, but it works better for the Kyklops and Laistrygonians than for Skylla and Charybdis (cf. CT III: 265). In any case, Lyk. welcomes and amplifies the western locations which he inherited from earlier traditions; and adds new ones.

to mean

similar phrasing to the present passage, Gow-

(and 26 on 9. 208-11 for the strength of the wine).

662-665. The Laistrygonians See Od. 10. 80-132 with Heubeck 1990. The Laistrygonians are not named here, but they will be on their second appearance at 956, ἃ common pattern in Lyk., cf. 470-472 and 953 for Phoinodamas, with 468-478 n.

Lyk. here follows Homer’s order of events, except that the episode of Aiolos and the bag

of the winds (Od. 10. 1-79) is postponed until 738—739, see nn. there. (S. West 1983: 118 n. 15 actually wished to transpose the Aiolos section to before 662, but Kassandra does not systematically respect Homer's sequence; so rightly Schade: 143.) Lyk. perhaps situated Aiolos in the west by adopting the easy derivation of Strongyle and

the other Aiolian islands from the name Aiolos (Wilamowitz 1884: 169 n. 5; C. Robert 1926: 1388

μένης), for μονόγληνος see Kall. H. 3. 53, pdea

with

μουνόγληνα with Bornmann (and Schade on the

present section may have been influenced by Th.'s

present passage) for other Hellenistic compounds

coupling of Kyklopes and Laistrygones (below). In Homer, there are close parallels between the

in -yAnvos, including εὔγληνος at 597. Lyk. is

278

n. 4). Lyk.’s

omission

of Aiolos

in

the

The Kyklops and Laistrygonians

659-663

This man will see the cave of the one-eyed monster, and will hand the cup of wine

660

to the cannibal, as an after-dinner drink. And he will see the survivors of the arrows

of Keramyntos, Peukeus, Palaimon:

encounters with the Kyklops and with the Laistrygonians, cannibals both (Heubeck 1990: 49-50), and this made the coupling natural. ‘Th. mentioned sarcastically, and as a common belief, the Sicilian location of the Laistrygones, as also of the Kyklopes (6. 2. 1), and Theopompos

specified

the

plain

of

Leontinoi

for

nn. The source of this might be Timaios (Pearson

1987: 60), or perhaps ultimately Stesichoros' Geryoneis: Lyk.'s glancing allusion seems to indicate a known myth. If so, we can hope for a papy-

rus find. Kassandra will allude to the land of the Laistrygonians as a desert (957 and 960), an implied back-allusion to the present passage.

the

Laistrygonians (FGrHist 115 F 225 = Pol.8.9.13,on which see Walbank; & and Tzetzes on the present passage also know the Leontinoi location and may have got it from Theopompos. See C. Robert 1926: 1390 with n. 2,and Barr. map 47 FG 4,'Laestrygonii

663. The three epithets are of Herakles. Tzetzes tells us that Keramyntes is Herakles Alexikakos,

'driver-away of harm' and that he was an apotropaic Herakles who drove away the Keres:

Κηραμύντης ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ὁ τὰς κῆρας διώκων" ἀλεξίκακος γάρ. For Herakles Keramyntes,

campi"). But this was not the only ancient opinion.

Ap. Rh. 1. 957 placed the Laistrygonian spring Artakie (for which see Od. το. 108 with Heubeck) at Kyzikos in the Propontis, Z4CP: no. 747; cf. Barr. map 52 Bq, ‘Artake’ (sic, i.e. the town, LACP: no. 736, not the spring, cf. Hasluck 1910: 16—21, discussing the spring at 20. The modern town-name is Erdek). M. West 20112: 291-6 argues that the Laistrygonians

were originally part of the Argonautic saga, and located in the Black Sea region (at Balaklava, not

Artake).

see perhaps Harrison 1908: 166-7 (a ref. I owe to

Robert

Parker), citing

(i)

Orphic Hymn

12

(to Herakles) line 16 Quandt, and (ii) Herakles attacking a winged goblin on a Boiotian pelike, which she illustrates. (But note that H. A.

Shapiro, LIMC IV. 1. 181, ‘Geras’ no. 7, prefers to

see this little figure as personified Old Age.) ‘The epithet Alexikakos was more usually applied to Apollo or even Zeus. But mythographers knew of a cult of Herakles Alexikakos, and there is

at 659 and ἐσόψεται at 673, where ἐπ- is the

epigraphic evidence for it from Athens, and probably also from Epidauros. For Athens, see

reading of one MS) will be picked up three times

FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F. 104 (cited by 2 469), cf.

in rapid succession by the Menelaos narrative; see 825, 834, 847. The effect is to compel the drawing

SEG 28. 232 with Parker 20052: 414 n. 104; IG 7. 3416 (‘Apalexikakos’) with Schachter 1981-94: 2. 2 (stone lost, date uncertain). For Epidauros, see JG 4 1.531 (partly restored), with Schade: 7o. SEG 17. 451 (Rome) is very late, 2nd or 3rd cent. ap. The cult is attested in Hellenistic Skythia (Kallatis on the Black Sea, Z4CP: no. 686): SEG 49. 1013 for refs. Ferri 1971: 348-9 (cf. Nava 1988: 144) seeks to connect the cult of Herakles Keramyntes

662. ἐπόψεται: this word (and less exactly ὄψεται

of parallels between the two men. Otherwise ἐπόψεται is found only at 551, and Kassandra says of herself ἐπόψομαι at 304. λείψανον rofevμάτων: for λείψανον in a different sense, see 54, the only other occurrence in Lyk.; sec n. there.

The allusion here is to a story not in Homer (or anyone else), but given by 2 and Tzetzes: most of the Laistrygonians were shot down by Herakles because they made war on him when he was

driving the cattle of Geryon (the Greek of the two scholiastic passages is not quite secure, but that is the clear gist). For Herakles and the cattle of Geryon in Sicily and Italy, see 47 and 697 with

both with Aphrodite

Arenta (832n.) and with

one of the Daunian stelai, which may depict the Erinyes (Fig. 5). See Fowler 2013: 313 for one explanation of the epithet (Herakles breached the walls of Troy, and thus, ‘by the logic of opposites’, can protect it).

279

664-672

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

οἵ πάντα θρανύξαντες εὔτορνα σκάφη, a

Hi

4,

,

M

σχοίνῳ

LÀ

,

κακὴν

,

id

τρήσουσι

u

KETTPEWV

665

αγρην.

ἄλλος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ μόχθος ἄθλιος μενεῖ, τοῦ πρόσθεν αἰεὶ πλεῖον ἐξωλέστερος. ποία Χάρυβδις οὐχὶ δαίσεται νεκρῶν; ποία δ᾽ Ἐρινὺς μιξοπάρθενος κύων; , τις

-

/

ff

LA

,

3}

E οὐκ

LII

^

?

a4

M

3 \ ἀηδὼν

H

,

^

7

^ στειρα

4

/ Κενταυροκτόνος

670

AirwAis ἢ Κουρῆτις αἰόλῳ μέλει πείσει τακῆναι σάρκας ἀκμήνους βορᾶς; Peukeus is said by Z and Tzetzes to be an epithet of Herakles in ‘Iberia’. This can be either a district in Transcaucasia or else Spain—perhaps

Greek (666-667); these form a group with such

passages as 365-372, 909-910

(note esp. 909,

ἄλλην δ᾽ em’ ἄλλῃ κῆρα κινήσει θεός) or 12811282, in both

of which,

however,

the

idea

of

likelier for Herakles; so this would either be the poem's easternmost or its westernmost cult epi-

Greek sufferings as requital towards Kassandra

thet; but the true reading may be ‘Abdera’ instead.

herself is made explicit; cf. also 257, ἄλλην em’

(See Scheer's app.)

ἄλλῃ συμφοράν ...,where, however, the sufferings are Trojan. The form of expression is close to proverbial, cf. Hes. 75. 800. It is noticeable that all the deadly powers are female, as if loyally avenging their fellow-female Kassandra, Then follow a series of rhetorical questions whose subject-matter partly recapitulates the opening section of Lyk.’s ‘Odyssey’ (Skylla; the Sirens), except that Charybdis is new (668, where

Palaimon (‘wrestler’) is epigraphically attested in Boiotia as an epithet of Herakles: see IG 7. 2874 with Wilamowitz 1909: 34 n. 67 and Schachter 1981-94: 2. 9f. (Koroneia). For Herakles’ wrestlingmatch with Zeus, see 41 and n. 664. θρανύξαντες: with this coinage, whose etymology is obscure, cf. 758 (δρυφάσσω). See Guilleux 2009: 228f. edropva: cf. E. Tro. 1197, ἐν εὐτόρνοισι περιδρόμοις. It is not fortuitous that Trojan Kassandra is made to echo a play from the Trojan trilogy (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 11). For

the shattering of Odysseus’ ships by rocks thrown by the Laistrygones, see Od. 10. 12173, esp. 123 νηῶν θ᾽ dua ἀγνυμενάων. 665. τρήσουσι is from τετραίνω; this form of the future is found only here, This line is, as Z saw

(ἔλαβε δὲ τοῦτο ἐξ Ὁμήρου), a paraphrase of Od. 10. 124, ἰχθὺς δ᾽ ds πείροντες

ἀτερπέα

δαῖτα φέροντο, where πείρω means to string or

pierce (regularly used in Homer of putting meat ona spit). Lyk. has found a variant for every word of Homer, and altered the order and construc-

tion. For similar black humour about mortal death and involving a comparison to the cooking of fish, see 382. 666-672. Recapitulation and transition Kassandra pauses in the detailed narrative to utter two lines of generality in conspicuously easy

she precedes Skylla in 669), and the final ques-

tion introduces a new subject, Kirke, at 673. For such questions, cf. the significantly similar 823-824 (Menelaos), with below, nn. on those lines.

Sens

2009: 30, and

668-673. ποία... ποία... τίς οὐκ... ποίαν: cf. ποίους... ποίαν at 823-4 (Menelaos).

668. For Charybdis, see 649n. Charybdis will recur at 743. 669. This is Skylla again (see 650—652). 'Erinys' on its own is non-specific; Lyk. used it to refer to Demeter at 153 (see n. there; that was justified

by cultic practice), and at E. Tro. 457, Kassandra uses it of herself for other tragic uses see Schade. But here the juxtaposition with Charybdis makes Skylla’s identity clear. The compound formation μιξοπάρθενος is Euripidean: PA. 1023 (the Sphinx) with Gigante Lanzara 2009: ııı n.

$9; but cf. also Hdt. 4. 9.1 μειξοπάρθενος (the strange creature with whom Herakles has sex. See Mastronarde on the PA. passage.

280

664-672

Kirke those who shattered the well-rounded ships, will thread their evil catch of fish on a rope. One miserable trouble after another awaits them,

665

each one more ruinous than the last. What Charybdis will not feast on his dead comrades, and what Erinys, half maiden half bitch? And what sterile, Centaur-killing nightingale,

670

Aitolian or Kouretan, shall not, through its varied song,

invite their starving flesh to waste away? 670. The Sirens (more fully dealt with at 712-737, and see 653-654n.) are ‘nightingales’ because of the beauty of their songs; ‘sterile’ because they are παρθένοι; and ‘Centaur-killers’ because of a myth,

that Homer played down the magical elements, see Buxton 2009: 39-43). Apollonios (4. 661-752 with Buxton 2009: 119-20) also included a Kirke

known

cleanses Jason and Medea of the pollution of homicide. But there are subtle differences of emphasis even between Lyk. and Homer, and these may reflect the development of magic from Homeric ‘magic before magic’ (Gordon 19992: 178, Stratton 2007: 242 n. 133) to the kind of more routine and human Hellenistic magic that we

from J and Tzetzes, but otherwise only

from Ptolemy Chennos (Photios 150 B 129732): the Centaurs, fleeing Herakles, went from Thessaly to Siren-land and there succumbed to the Sirens. This is one occasion when Ptolemy Chennos seems to display genuine learning, at any rate, he agrees with Lyk.’s commentators; see Cameron 2004: 136 (Cameron has a generally low view of Chennos).

episode,

but

his

Kirke

is very

different;

she

find in, say, Theokritos 2 and in curse tablets. Homer's Kirke is a goddess (so explicitly Od. 10.

For a possible papyrus commentary on this

136 and 220, an aspect not mentioned by Lyk.,

line, see Hurst 2012b.

who introduces her as ‘she-dragon’ at 674), and in

671. ‘Aitolian or Kouretan’ is, acc. 2, a curious double reference to the river Acheloos, father of

Homer her powers have been thought to derive from this divine status, rather than from her per-

the Sirens by the muse Terpsichore. The river divided Aitolia and Akarnania, supposedly the

formance of particular rituals (so Stratton 2007:

43 and cf. again Gordon 19992: 178). But this last point should not be exaggerated, When Homer's Kirke strikes Odysseus with her wand or staff, ῥάβδος, at το. 319, cf. 10. 293, she does seem to accompany this with the utterance of ‘a kind of

home of the Kouretes. (Steph. Byz.; FGrHist 70

Ephoros F 122 = Strabo το. 3. 2). The present passage has been seen as evidence of Lyk.’s preoccupation with boundaries: Sens 2009: 23.

αἰόλῳ μέλει: see 4n.

spell’ (ro. 320 with Heubeck)

672. The Sirens killed, not by violence, but by distracting their victims from everything except their own song, so that the sailors starved. But because Odysseus defeated the Sirens by cun-

and this is absent

from Lyk., though in so short a reduction of Homer

(more than 400 lines reduced to eight),

this cannot be pressed. See further 674 n. Kirke was associated with the Italian West as early as Hes. 72. 1011-13: Kirke bore Agrios

ning, πείσει should mean ‘invite’ not ‘persuade’ (so rightly Holzinger, unless Lyk. has been carried away by the desire to list fatal agencies which await Odysseus and his companions. By the time the poem reaches Kirke, Lyk. is aware that not every threat listed is fatal; see 678).

and

Latinos

to Odysseus,

and they ruled over

the famous Tyrrhenians i.e. Etruscans; this item found its way into the Hellenistic prose tradition (see FGrHist 382 Lysimachos of Alexandria F 15, from his Nostoi, a work we would like to have more of), These celebrated lines, which are from

673-680. Kirke

near the end of the poem, are probably not by

The source is plainly Od. 10. 153-574 with Heubeck (but for criticism of Heubeck for his assumption

Hesiod, but date from the second half of the 6th cent. sc (on the date of the last hundred lines

281

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

673-680

ποίαν δὲ θηρόπλαστον οὐκ ἐσόψεται δράκαιναν, ἐγκυκῶσαν ἀλφίτῳ θρόνα, καὶ κῆρα κνωπόμορφον; οἱ δὲ δύσμοροι στένοντες ἄτας ἐν συφοῖσι popßades γίγαρτα χιλῷ συμμεμιγμένα τρυγὸς ‘4

kl

/

3

5

,

675

καὶ στέμφυλα βρύξουσιν. ἀλλά νιν βλάβης μῶλυς σαώσει ῥίζα καὶ Κταρὸς φανεὶς Νωνακριάτης Τρικέφαλος Φαιδρὸς θεός. 673

680

ἐσόψεται ABCE ἐπόψεται D lexically unusual equivalents for the vocabulary used by earlier writers. Homer had used pap-

or so of 77. see M. West 1966: 49, 398, 436). Apollonios (above) accepts this Etruscan location

Τυρσηνίδας εἰσορόωντες). Monte Circeo on the

paxa both for Kirke's ‘bad drugs’ and for the ‘good drug’ moly (Od. 10. 236 and 286 with Graf

Tyrrhenian coast was the site of a supposed sanc-

1997: 28). There is a possibility (see Winkler 1990:

tuary of Kirke; see 1273 and n., OCD* ‘Circeii’,

172-4 and Ferrari 2010: 164 and n. 3) that the

for Kirke’s dwelling (4. 660, Αὐσονίης

ἀκτὰς

famous compound ποικιλόθρον᾽ at Sappho frag.

and Hunter on Ap. Rh. 3. 311-13; and Wilamowitz 1916: 500 (Circello). On Kirke see generally Bettini and Franco 2010.

673. θηρόπλαστον is formally ambiguous, like other words in -τός, but evidently means 'shaper into beasts’, contrast εἰδωλόπλαστος at 173, where the meaning is active not passive (Guilleux 2009: 230). ποίαν... οὐκ ἐσόψεται: cf. 662 n. on

ἐπόψεται for the links with the Menelaos section. Note that Parisinus reads ἐπόψεται here too, and this is preferred by Scheer. (Ciani registers this line under εἰσοράω.) 674. δράκαιναν: because she is fierce, ἄγριον, or sharp-eyed and energetic (Tzetzes). At 1114, the word is applied to Klytaimestra. θρόνα: in Homer, θρόνα means ‘flowers’ (I7. 22. 441, in combination with ποικίλα, cf. below for Sappho); it is

only in Hellenistic Greek that it acquires the sense 'Zauberkriuter' (Fritzsche on Theok. 2. 59),

ie. ‘herbs used as drugs and charms’: LSJ?, citing Theok. as above, and Nik. 72. 493 and 936, as well as the present passage of Lyk. (and 1313, of Medea;

see

also 1138). The

word

is very

old:

Heubeck 1990: 61 on ro. 315 cites Mycenaean to-no /thornos and similar words; see Ventris and

Chadwick 1973: 342-3. In this detail, as elsewhere

ı Voigt line 1 implied (or was taken in Hellenistic times to imply) magic drugs as well as ‘throne’. Certainly Kall. (frag. 368 Pf. = 3 Hollis, with

Holliss comm. at pp. 140-1) appears to have called the poisoner Medea πολύθρονος, where the idea of φάρμακον, i.e. drug, is surely present (Suda glossed the word as πολυφάρμακος). I am indebted to Giambattista D’Alessio for help with the implications of the Sappho passage. 675.

κνωπόμορφον:

for

this

᾿ῥοδοδάκτυλος᾽

(two-noun) type of hapax compound, see Guilleux

2009: 233 and Rougier-Blanc 2009: 543. (a snake at Nik. 75. 499 and 520) is said equivalent to κινώπετον, for which see Nik. (also a snake) and Kall. A. ı fo Zeus 25

κνώψ to be 75. 27 with

McLennan. κινώπετον is itself said by Hesych. to be equivalent to κνώδαλον or Önpiov,i.e.it means

a wild creature of any sort. Hesych. is probably just glossing a fairly obscure word with two standard and general ones, but a general sense is what we need for κνωπο-

here; Kirke did not turn

Odysseus’ men into snakes.

676. ἐν συφοῖσι: from the hapax-word augds; the usual word for pigsty is συφεός (as at Od, 10. 238), see Guilleux 2009: 232. 677. ylyapra χιλῷ: for χιλός see 578 n., and for the

in the Kirke passage (673-680n.), Lyk. betrays knowledge of the Hellenistic world, though this

typically elaborate food-description see 482 n. (but

variation is motivated by the usual desire for

here there is a Homeric precedent because Od. το.

282

673-680

Kirke

And what she-dragon shall he not see,

turner of men into wild beasts by mixing magic herbs with barley, a monstrous-shaped doom? The wretches, grunting lamentation for their fates as pigs in the sty, shall munch grape-stones and pressed grapes mixed with their fodder. But him the moly-root

675

shall save from harm, and an epiphany of Ktaros,

the Nonakrian, the Three-Headed Bright One.

Ἐμπολαῖος. (He was also Ayopaios, but so were other gods, and the agora was not only a commercial but a political gathering-place, and the

242 had Kirke feeding them mast, acorns, and fruit

of the cornel-tree; Lyk. has varied the foodstuffs). For yiyaprov as a grape-pip, see Simonides frag. 24 West (a sympotic poem); at Aristoph. Peace 634, Sommerstein translates it 'raisins' and says it literally means ‘grape-husks’, but that is roughly what στέμφυλα means in the next line, 678. 678. στέμφυλα: the meaning is clear and the text should not be altered; see Schade against Scheer's στεμφύλων. The word is comic, see Aristoph. Knights 806, where, however, it refers to olive-

pressings; at Hp. Or diseases 2.69 (Loeb Hippocrates vol. 5 pp. 320-1) it means a non-alcoholic drink made from pressed grapes.

680

noun can mean the assembly itself.)

The participle neatly indicates an epiphany;

cf. xpóviós re φανείς at S. Ph. 1446 (Philoktetes to Herakles, who has appeared at the end of

the play). 680. Nonakrian is an Arkadian epithet Hermes (Jost 1985: 36) and no doubt conjures the Styx and Hermes’ chthonian role. For polis of Nonakris, see Hdt. 6.74 and LACP: no.

of up the 285.

“Ihree-headed’is said by Philochoros (FGrHist

679. μῶλυς σαώσει ῥίζα: this is the magic drug μῶλυ of Od. 10. 305, but μῶλυς is an (invented)

328 F22a and 220) to relate to Hermes’ role as showing the way, i.e. he stood at a road junction. The epithet immediately and appropriately pre-

adjectival form; the addition of the final sigma

cedes Lyk.’s narrative of Odysseus’ visit to the

lengthens the vowel almost imperceptibly before

Underworld.

the initial sigma

of oawoeı

(μῶλυ

would

Φαιδρὸς θεός is said by Z to be ‘honoured

not

scan at that position in the line; cf. Hurst 20122: 104). With σαώσει cf. Hermes to Odysseus at 10.

as White

286 when about to give him the moly: ἄλλ᾽ ἄγε δή σε κακῶν ἐκλύσομαι ἠδὲ σαώσω. Homer never tells us what Odysseus actually did with the moly once Hermes had given it him. Heubeck 1990: 61 suggested that it was effective simply by being carried on Odysseus’ person.

Apollod. ep. 3. 16 asserted, without Homeric

Hermes

among

the Boiotians’, παρὰ

Βοιωτοῖς λευκὸς Ἑρμῆς τιμᾶται. Tzetzes expands this with an account of a war between the Eretrians and the Tanagraians, in the course of which a boy and girl were sacrificed in accordance with

an oracle, as a result of which

the

Tanagraians established a cult of White Hermes, ἱδρύσαντο Λευκὸν Ἑρμῆν. No source is given. One attractive possibility is that behind this lies

some kind of ephebic cult at Tanagra, in which

authority, that Odysseus added it to Kirke’s drugs (i.e. to his own cupful only, presumably) so that he alone escaped their effects. Or one could imagine him eating or drinking it separately in advance, like a travel sickness pill. Krapos paveis: Hermes is the ‘god of gain’ i.e. trade, though not to the same extent as his Roman ‘equivalent’, Mercury

(Schachter 1981-94: 2. 49 with nn. 2 and 4b). But there is no hard epigraphic evidence for such a cult, and we can only hope that some will appear. Jost treats ‘White Hermes’ as Arkadian also,

(see J. Sch[eid], OCD*, ‘Mercurius’), See esp.

like Nonakriates, but this is not consistent with

Aristoph. Ach. 814, an

Σ or Tzetzes.

invocation

of Hermes

case Tanagraian ephebic inscriptions, influenced

by Athenian institutions, might become relevant

283

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

681-687

ἥξει δ᾽ Epeuvov eis ἀλήπεδον φθιτῶν, καὶ νεκρόμαντιν πέμπελον διζήσεται ἀνδρῶν γυναικῶν εἰδότα ξυνουσίας. ψυχαῖσι θερμὸν αἷμα προσράνας βόθρῳ,

καὶ φασγάνου πρόβλημα, νερτέροις φόβον,

685

πήλας ἀκούσει κεῖθι πεμφίδων ὅπα λεπτήν, ἀμαυρᾶς μάστακος προσφθέγμασιν. 686

πεμφίγων B

‘Nekuia’)

the word ἁλίπεδον, in defiance of scansion, and then took it to mean ‘a plain near the sea’.

This passage is remarkable for its brevity: a

682. νεκρόμαντιν πέμπελον:

mere seven lines cover an entire book of the

of Teiresias (Od. τι. gof., cf. Kirke’s instruction

Odyssey (bk 11, on which

at 10. 493—he still has his wits about him—and 537) has been seen, as by West 20132: 278, as the survival of a version in which Odysseus consults a regular oracle of the dead, as at Hdt. 5. 927 (Periandros at Ephyra), and as discussed by

681-687. The

visit to the Underworld

see Tsagarakis

(the

2000).

In particular, Odysseus’ many interviews with dead celebrities are disposed of in a mere oneline reference

to their

faded

utterances

(687).

Lyk. evidently did not want to discuss the individual dead, and especially not Agamemnon, who described Kassandra’s own death at Od. 11. 421-3, an episode reserved by Lyk. for special and carefully positioned handling at 1108-1119. The

main

source

that Aeschylus wrote tized the Homeric with Henrichs 1991: 79), and this too

is Homer;

note, however,

a Psychagogoi, which dramaNekuia (TrGF frag. 2738 187-92 and Voutiras 1999: described the instructions

given (by the chorus) to Odysseus about how to invoke the souls of the dead, and it featured

the consultation

Johnston 1999: 83-4, 88, Tsagarakis 2000: 37-44 (but see his reservations at 55 about the consulta-

tion of Teiresias by Odysseus) and Ogden 2001. Indeed, Strabo (s. 6. 5), after mentioning the Homeric Nekuia, says that Aornos/Avernus is related to have been the site of an oracle of the

dead, and that Odysseus visited it, καὶ δὴ καὶ vervonavreiov

ἱστοροῦσιν

ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι

καὶ Ὀδυσσέα εἰς τοῦτ᾽ ἀφίκεσθαι. Lyk.’s choice of νεκρόμαντις (which is, surprisingly, a hapaxword) may hint at such a view of Odysseus’ ‘visit’

Teiresias. There may have been some influence on Lyk., though the vocabulary of the few fragments is not obviously echoed by Lyk. here; but see 706n. and zion. As often, the great unknown influence is Stesichoros. On 681—711, see Antonelli 1998.

old woman turned to stone by Aphrodite) and n. there: Hollis 2007: 284 has argued plausibly that the word echoes an early line of Kall. Hekale. On Teiresias’ age see Hes. frag. 276 M/W (= frag. 212

681. ἥξει: this word

which says that Teiresias lived for seven human generations.

(for which see further

768, ἥξει ydp, ἥξει) will be picked up several times in the Menelaos section, and at the same initial position in the lines; see 852, 856, and 866.

ἀλήπεδον: this hapax word is said (by LSJ? and Ciani) to be equivalent to λήιον πέδιον, ‘Plain

of Wandering’, wandered over by the solitary Bellerophon

(οἷος ἀλᾶτο)

at 11], 6. 201, and so

somewhere in the neighbourhood Tzetzes aspirated the initial vowel

of Lykia. and spelt

to the Underworld. πέμπελον: see also 826 (the

Most, quoted by Tzetzes on the present passage),

683. For Teiresias’ sex-change (a kind of metamorphosis, see 176 n.) see the literary passages assembled as Hes. frag. 275 M/W, from the Melampodia: he saw snakes copulating on Mt Kyllene in Arkadia, struck one, and was changed into a woman, then seven years later saw the same snakes copulating, and was changed back again. His versified decision—settling a quarrel between Zeus

284

The visit to the Underworld (the ‘Nekuia’)

681-687

He shall come to the dark plain of the dead,

and seek out the aged necromancer, he who knows the sexual intercourse both of men and of women.

Sprinkling at the pit warm blood on the dead souls, and brandishing a protective sword, object of fear to those below,

685

he will hear the thin voices of the ghosts, the utterances of their dimly audible mouths.

and Hera—that women enjoy sex more than men do (an obvious piece of suspicious male misogynism)

is ascribed

to the Hesiodic

686. πήλας: from πάλλω. πεμφίδων: from πέμ-gis, a variant for πέμφιξ, as at 1106 (and Kall. frag. 43 Pf. line 41; Euphorion frag. 131 Lightfoot,

Melampodia

both by Z on the present passage and by Apollod. 3. 6. 7, with slight textual variations (see Hes., as above). The margin of greater female enjoyment is,

cf. Hollis 2007: 290 n. 60); see n. there, citing

D’Alessio: in Kall. it means ghosts not breezes.

686-687. ὅπα / λεπτήν, ἀμαυρᾶς μάστακος: the

however, unclear (Gantz 1993: 529), perhaps a ratio

of 10:9 (Apollod.) or perhaps g:1 (the apparent implication of other sources). ἀνδρῶν γυναικῶν: the unusual asyndetical juxtaposition enacts the instantly alternating

nearest Homer gets to this description of thin, faded voices in the Nekuia is at Od. τι. 605-6,

succession

of birds in terror. Closer is Od. 24. 5 (the ghosts of the slain suitors, led by Hermes): ταὶ δὲ τρίζουσαι ἕποντο, which is followed (6-7) by a simile of

of Teiresias’ sex-lives;

this

κλαγγὴ νεκύων ἣν οἰωνῶν ὥς, / πάντοσ᾽ ἀτυζομένων, but that seems to mean the squawking

is more

relevant than the analogy of S. Ant. 1079, ἀνδρῶν γυναικῶν ἐν δόμοις κωκύματα, though that may have exercised some influence. For the

gibbering bats, νυκτερίδες... rpilovoaı. With auavpäs cf. ἐξ duaupds κληδόνος at A. Cho. 853, where it means an insubstantial rumour, or 157~8, ἐξ / ἀμαυρᾶς φρενός, where it refers to the faint and weak φρήν of the dead Agamemnon (with Garvie on the latter passage for the range of meanings: ‘weak’, ‘dark’, or both). It is surely relevant that that play contains so much about communicating with the dead. For μάστακος (also at 1453), an Odysseian not an Iliadic word for the mouth as source of speech, see esp. OZ. 23. 76, Odysseus puts his hand over Eurykleia's

asyndeton see Scheer 1876: 4, who can otherwise

point only to 1367, τριπλᾶς τετραπλᾶς. Lyk. here designates a character not by metaphor or name-play but by reference to the most famous episode of his biography; see Sistakou 2009: 244. 684. θερμὸν αἷμα: see Od. 11. 36 for the blood from the sacrifice flowing into the pit. This blood must then be drunk by the ghosts before they can speak. βόθρῳ: for the pit, see Od. το. 517 (Kirke instructs Odysseus to dig one) and 11. 25, 36£. (he digs it and sacrifices sheep over it. That is, he slits their throats and the blood is then available for drinking, see above). 685. φασγάνου πρόβλημα: Od. το. 535 and 11. 48. νερτέροις φόβον: the dead were commonly supposed to fear iron: 2 Od. τι. 48, κοινή τις παρὰ ἀνθρώποις ἐστὶν ὑπόληψις ὅτι νεκροὶ καὶ Satμονες σίδηρον φοβοῦνται. Norden 1927: 206 (on V. A. 6. 260, 'vaginaque eripe ferrum) suggested that Lyk. was aware of, and carefully paraphrasing, this explanation by the Homeric 2.

mouth to silence her, cf. 4. 287 where he silences

Antiklos. Cf. Rengakos 1994: 125. 688-693. Pithekoussai, Kerkopes

the Giants

and

the

Lyk. now departs from the Homeric Odyssey until 695 (the

Kimmerians). For the reason for this

departure, and the inclusion of the Pithekoussai section, see next para. Two separate mythical groups are here referred to in rapid succession, both

285

of them

opponents

of Herakles:

(1) the

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

688-691

ὅθεν Γιγάντων νῆσος ἡ μετάφρενον e

,

^

[4

/

θλάσασα καὶ Τυφῶνος ἀγρίου δέμας φλογμῷ ζέουσα δέξεται μονόστολον,

690

ἐν Jj πιθήκων πάλμυς ἀφθίτων γένος Giants, whose battle against the gods ended when Herakles took part (he counted as a mortal, and thus fulfilled an oracle which said that the Giants would be defeated only with mortal help). See Apollod. 1. 6. 1-2 and for the details Gantz 1993: 449-54. After their defeat they were buried under Sicily, which ‘weighs upon his (Typhons) shaggy chest', and the buried Giants extended

right across to Campania, 'the sea-fencing cliffs above Kyme": see Pi. P. 1, 17-20, and for Typhon, treated loosely by Lyk. as one of the Giants, see 689. (2) The Kerkopes: Herakles subdues this

pair of trouble-makers as one of his post- Labours exploits; see Gantz 1993: 441-2; Fowler 2013: 321 3. Zeus then metamorphosed them into monkeys (for metamorphosis in Lyk. see 176 n., where this is no. (15)) and installed them above Pithekoussai, "Monkey islands’, to mock the buried Giants (see 691—692 n. for πίθηκοι as monkeys not apes, and for the mockery, κηκασμός). The first source for this punitive explanation of the name is Aischrion (4th cent. Bc), author of an Ephesides or possibly Ephemerides, Suppl. Hell. 3, cited by X. For the metamorphosis of the Kerkopes see FGrHist 240 Xenagoras F 28, from his περὶ νήσων, for which work see also 447n. (Kerastia as an old name

for Cyprus).

In a variant

tradition, the

Kerkopes were petrified, not turned into monkeys: FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 77 (and in Fowler). The Gigantomachy was most famously depicted on the Great Altar at Pergamon

(Hardie 1986:

esp. 125743 for the link with Augustan poetic imagery) and this can be invoked as an argument for an Attalid Pergamene patron for Lyk. (for this theory see Kosmetatou 2000; cf. above, p. 48 and n. 136). But the western connection, already

prominent in Pi. (above) is enough to explain the presence of Giants in the present passage. Pithekoussai (Barr. map 44 E4) is mod. Ischia,

one of the two main Phlegraian islands, the other being Prochyta, mod. Procida. Pithekoussai is an archaeological site of prime importance

(for its

status, see Esposito 2012: 10277 and Broodbank 2013, 512-13, 524, and 530). For Pithekoussai's

settlement by Greeks ¢.759 BC (even earlier than

Cumae on the Italian mainland) see Livy 8. 22. 6 with Oakley: the Euboians from Chalkis 'primo insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes transferre". Strabo 5. 4. 9 is the essential ancient source: he says that the Euboians

were

after

metals,

including

gold

(a problematic claim); note the explicit citation of Timaios on Pithekoussai (FGrHist 566 F 58). Excavations at Pithekoussai in the 1950s and 1960s revealed Euboian settlement, thus confirming Strabo; see Buchner and Ridgway 1993; Osborne 2009: 106-10, Guzzo 201m: 71-91. Archaeology had already shown that Euboians were colonially active in the E. Mediterranean: the same unusual and distinctive pottery types

were found at Chalkis in Euboia and Al Mina in Syria (Boardman 1957). Then the excavations at Pithekoussai produced some more of the same distinctively Euboian pottery, and most spectacularly ‘Nestor’s Cup’ from c.725 ac (ML 1, found in 1953, with an inscription alluding to ZA τι. 632-7,

one of the very earliest examples of Greek writing). Finally, the chance discovery in 1981 of a rich gth-cent. burial at Lefkandi in the Lelantine plain

itself (western

Euboia,

between

Chalkis

and Eretria) yielded finds which indicate international contacts at that unexpectedly early date: Cyprus, Egypt, etc. See Osborne 2009: 55-60 and 342; for Euboians as pioneers of early colonizing activity see Lane Fox 2008 and ΤΊΤ' ch. 9. Pithekoussai must have occupied the same

position of primacy in the story of Greek settlement in Italy as Naxos did in Sicily (Th. 6. 3. 1). In view of all this, we can easily understand

why Lyk. should have inserted a section about Pithekoussai in a poem, one of whose dominant

themes is Greek colonization, especially in the western Mediterranean. The monkeys (691-692n.) are a difficulty. Zoologists deny the possibility of monkeys on Italian Pithekoussai at any time. Lane Fox 2008: 147 ingeniously suggests that the Euboians first went to the ‘monkey islands’ off Tunisia, homes

286

Pithekoussai, the Giants and the Kerkopes

688-691

Next, the island which crushed the backs of the giants and the savage body of Typhon, seething with burning lava, will receive him as solitary seafarer. There the King of the Immortals installed an ugly tribe of real monkeys, Pithekoussai, and

then went north again to called their new settlement

by the same name, For these African islands (not in Barr.) see Ps.-Skylax 111, 5 with Shipley 2011: 197 citing Juvenal ro. 194-5 for monkeys near Hippo Regius, and noting the mention of a polis called ‘Euboia’ further down the same para. of Ps.-Skylax. At L4CP: p. 1237 col. 2, M. M. Austin is sceptical about the reliability of Ps.-Skylax here. The metamorphosed monkeys may belong to a category of metamorphosis in colonial contexts;

see 176n.,

and

Introduction

sections

1o

and 12. 688. μετάφρενον: used again at rnm, where it also means ‘back’, dorsum (Ciani), and 1438 (metaphorical, about ploughed land). Malkin 1998a: 173 concedes that Odysseus is vaguely linked with Pithekoussai, and cites the present passage, but insists that in the Hellenistic period Odysseus is no longer primarily connected with Campania (as opp. Etruria). This gives too little weight to the entire section 688-711, 689. θλάσασα: from θλάω, a Homeric word, cf. Od. 18. 97, where ἔθλασεν describes Odysseus smashing the bones of Iros. Zeus’ fight against Typhon, for whom see K. D[owden], OCD*, is strictly distinct from and later than the Gigantomachy (Apollod. 1. 6. 3), and Typhon was the last of Zeus’ enemies to be subdued. But there was understandable confusion: the giant Enkelados was buried under Sicily (Apollod. 1. 6. 2), and on one version (see

below), Typhon was also buried there (688693n.; Apollod. 1. 6.3 specifies that he was under Mt Etna). It is true that Lyk. could be held to mention the Giants and Typhon separately and correctly here in 689, but 691-692 (the monkeys settled on top of Pithekoussai to mock the giants) relates to the Giants only. That is, Typhon is treated as a kind of Giant. Lyk. will later (825 and n.) treat Typhon as buried in Kilikia (Sens 2009: 34).

690. The

description

in the

690

first two

words

is authentic. Ischia is volcanic, and was

nearly

destroyed by an eruption in Ap 1883. φλογμός means burning lava at Ar. de mundo 400b4. jrovdστολος is used of a spear at E. Ph. 742. It means a little more than just ‘alone’; the second half of the word must be allowed weight (‘travelling alone’, lit. ‘on a solitary mission’, Tzetzes says &v πλοῖον

ἔχοντα). At Od. το. 132 Odysseus, closing his Laistrygonian

narrative,

speaks

of ‘my

ship’

(singular), and explains that the other ships had

all been destroyed.

691-692. πιθήκων... γένος / δύσμορφον eis κηκασμόν: for the mythical explanation of the monkeys, see 688-693n. πίθηκος means a ‘Barbary ape’, which is really a kind of monkey; see Finglass 2012: 52 n. 7, drawing on McDermott

1938: 102-8; Maspero 1997: 301-6; Theoph. Char. 5. g with Diggle. Finglass 2012 shows that, on the evidence of a papyrus fragment (P. Oxy. 2508 frag. 90), The Monkey

(Πίθων, a variant noun),

was the title of a play by the sth-cent. sc Sicilian comic poet Epicharmos. Lyk., if a western Greek, would have been aware of this work, ‘The monkey was a byword for ugliness (as here, γένος δύσμορφον) in both comedy (Taillardat 1962: 228) and oratory (Dem. 18, 242, Aischines an αὐτοδίδακτος πίθηκος, with Wankel); see Finglass 2012: 51-2 n. 7, and cf. 1000 for Thersites

as πιθηκόμορφος, 'monkey-formed'. For κηκα-

σμός see 545n., and with δύσμορφον cf. E. Hel. 1204 (cf. Gigante

Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59), also

frags 790 and 842 TrGF. For a possible depiction of this mockery, on a sth.-cent. sc Etruscan bronze mirror, see Massa-Pairault 2009: 495. 691. πάλμυς: Tzetzes on the present line says

πάλμυς was an Ionic word, and quotes the Ephesian Hipponax frag. 38 West. Hipponax uses it often, judging from its frequency just in the fragments we have (3; 42. 4; 72. 6; and perhaps 47. 2, see West's app.). It is thought to have been a Lydian word originally: Masson 1962: 103-4. For the hyperbaton, Kalospyros 2009: 216.

287

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

692-699

δύσμορφον εἰς κηκασμὸν ᾧκισεν τόσων οἱ μῶλον ὠρόθυναν ἐκγόνοις Κρόνου. Baiov δ᾽ ἀμείψας τοῦ κυβερνήτου τάφον, καὶ Κιμμέρων ἔπαυλα κἀχερουσίαν ῥόχθοισι κυμαίνουσαν οἴδματος χύσιν, Ὄσσαν τε καὶ λέοντος ἀτραποὺς βοῶν xwords, Ὀβριμοῦς τ᾽ ἄλσος οὐδαίας Κόρης, ,

^

y

W

5

,

695

,

Πυριφλεγές τε ῥεῖθρον, ἔνθα δύσβατος was supposed to derive from Odysseus’ helmsman

693. μῶλον: Homeric, often coupled with Ἄρηος, as at Il. 7. 147. 694—711. Campania It is a feature of this section—as of Strabo 5. 4. 5-6, which covers the same ground—that many of the place-names are both attested Campanian locations of one sort or another, and also mythical districts of the Underworld. (Tzetzes on 695

puts this neatly with his distinction between

μυθικῶς, on the one hand, and ἱστορικῶς καὶ

Baios, who died there; see Strabo 5.4. 6, also Z and

Tzetzes. It is odd that Misenos gets no mention here (he is postponed to 737). Kassandra ignores the metrically inconvenient but otherwise promising Palinurus, famous from Virgil but also known to Dion. Hal. (1. 53. 2. From Timaios? So Norden 1927: 229 and Koch, R.-E. 36 (1949): 150). He was Aineias’ drowned helmsman, in some ways a Trojan counterpart to Greek Elpenor of OZ. 10-12. He gave his name to Cape Palinurus near Paestum (Barr. map

περιηγητικῶς, on the other.) Lyk. thus retains the poem's insistent focus on the west, even when

dealing with the episode of Odysseus’ wanderings which takes him furthest from civilization and normality. The problem, whether or not Odysseus' travels should be located in Italy and Sicily, was already old when Strabo discussed it in bk 1 ch. 2 (see esp. paras. 11. 13, 18) The obvious common source of Strabo and Lyk. for Campania is Timaios (see 688-693 n. for Timaios Fs8 on Pithekoussai and 607n. for Herakles and the cattle of Geryon), but Ephoros

is specifically cited for a detail at Strabo 6. 5. 5 (695n., the western location of the Kimmerians and their underground

habitat). Geffcken

1892:

29-39 put the case for Timaios as Lyk.'s source powerfully, but Lykos of Rhegion, and poetic predecessors, including the Sicilian Stesichoros,

must also be factored in. These eighteen lines form one long sentence

46 Br), and received cult. He

could

have been mentioned periphrastically. As often, a minor character is called by his

name without periphrasis or riddling (Sistakou 2009: 249), compare 586, Kepheus and Praxandros; but Baios gets his descriptor, κυβερνήτης. 695. The location of the Kimmerians—in the north (1), east (2), or west (3)?—was a disputed topic in antiquity; see Sistakou 2002: 151-2, discussing Kall. H. 3 to Artemis 252-3, who follows Hidt. (below). Lyk. places them in the west (3), while at the same time clearly connecting them with Homer's occupants of the far north (1). (1) At Od. 11. 14-19, Odysseus goes to the land of the Kimmerians in the far north, shrouded in

permanent darkness. (Cf. Milton L’Allegro το, ‘in dark Cimmerian desert ever dwell’.) In Homer, this visit is preparatory to the main Nekuia. (2)

The

historical

Kimmerians

were

more

694. The place-name Baiai (a fashionable spa

usually located in the east. They are thought to have derived their name from Assyrian Gimirri, and may be the ‘Gomer’ of the Bible (Ezek. 38 6, Gen. 10: 2; see OCD* 'Cimmerians’). After migrating into Anatolia from S. Russia under Skythian pressure, they were then forced

town in Roman times because of its volcanic hot springs, see Beloch 1890: 181 and OCD* ‘Baiai’)

the early 6th cent. sc: Hdt. 1. 16. 1.

(Kalospyros 2009: 215). For all the places described, see Barr. map 44

E-G

4, and

discussions in Beloch

1890

and

Frederiksen 1984.

out again by Kroisos’ father, Alyattes of Lydia, in 288

692-699

Campania

of monkeys, in mockery of those who stirred up war against the offspring of Kronos.

Then he will pass the grave of Baios the helmsman, and the dwellings ofthe Kimmerians, and the Acherousian

695

flood, swelling with the breakers of the sea;

from there to Ossa and the ox-paths built by the Lion from piled-up earth, and the grove of Obrimo, the underworld maiden,

and the stream of Pyriphlegethon. There the inacessible peak

(3) For the western. Kimmerians' location in Campania in the neighbourhood ofthe Ploutonion, evidently some kind of cult-place of Hades, see Strabo 5. 4. 5, citing Ephoros (FGrHist 7o F 134) for this Campanian location and for their underground dwellings, ἃς καλοῦσιν dpyiMas. Lyk.'s ἔπαυλα, lit. ‘stables’ (cf. Rougier-Blanc 2009: 544), would appear to reflect this notion.

Augustus, see also Diod. 4. 22. 2 and cf. OCD*

For the river Acheron and the adjective Myepovcía (used also at grr) see go-grn. At Euphorion frag. 26 Lightfoot (= Suppl. Hell. 415. i.) line 3, the word is almost entirely restored. For

698. xwarás: cf. E. Rh. 450 (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59). Ὀβριμοῦς: this is Persephone.

the Acherousian

lake

(mod.

Foce

‘Lucrinus lacus’. For Herakles' adventures with the cattle of Geryon in Italy and Sicily see 47 (an early and programmatic allusion to the western theme) and 662 with nn.; cf. also 978-983 nn. We now know from an inscription found at Tauromenion in Sicily that Fabius Pictor talked about Herakles in Italy: FRHist no. 1 T7 (from SEG 26. 1123).

ὄβριμος is a Homeric epithet of Ares, meaning ‘strong’or ‘mighty’, as at e.g. ZZ 5. 845. The word is said by Tzetzes to be used here of Persephone because of her anger at an attack on her by Hermes. At 1176, Βριμώ is Hekate (for the occasional identification of Hekate and Persephone in magical papyri see A. H[enrichs], ‘Hecate’ in

del Fusaro)

Beloch 1890: 188-9. 696. For ῥόχθος see 40zn. It is possible that κυμαΐνουσαν hints at the place narne Kyme (cf. Strabo 5. 6. 4 ὠνομάσθαι δ᾽ ἔνιοι Κύμην ἀπὸ τῶν κυμάτων φασῶ.

OCD"). LSJ’ say that ὄβριμος (short iota, NB) may be related to βριμός (= μέγας, χαλεπός, Hesych.) as Ὀβριμώ is to Βριμώ. For her grove,

697. Ossa was the largest mountain in Italy, acc.

ἄλσος, cf. Od. το. 509 (Kirke to Odysseus), ἄλσεα

Metrodoros of Skepsis (FGrHist 184 F 17), quoted

Περσεφονείης. οὐδαίας Κόρης: see 49n.

by Z on the present passage. The location must be Campanian. Might it be Vesuvius? (Suggested by Geffcken and Ciaceri as a candidate for Lethaion at 703, but see n. there.)

The ‘Lion’ is Herakles, as often in Lyk. (e.g. 33 and 459, other passages at Sistakou 2009: 252 n. 42), and the oxen are those taken by him from

Geryon; the theft was the subject of Stesichoros’ Geryoneis and of Pi. frag. 169a; see also FGrHist

566 Timaios F 89 with Champion in BN]. Herakles made a pathway for the cattle by creating a dam which thereafter separated the Lucrine lake from the sea; the story is given in plain language by Strabo (6. 5. 6), who

Vipsanius Ágrippa

adds that Marcus

repaired it in the time of

699. Strabo 5. 6. 5 said that the hot springs near the Acherousian lake (cf. 694n. for Baiai) were

evidence that Pyriphlegethon—one of the rivers of the Underworld, O4. 10. 513, Kirke to Odysseus, and Pl. ῥά. 114a—was located here; cf. also 1. 2, 18. See also [Ar.] mir. ausc. 102. There is a verbal and conceptual association with the Phlegraian fields: the root of both words is φλόξ, ‘flame’, and on one version of the myth the fields were located in Campania

opposite

Pithekoussai,

and were

the site of the battle of the gods and Giants (693). (But Phlegra was also an old name for the Pallene promontory of Chalkidike: Hdt. 7. 123. 1, cf. 115-16 n. and 127.)

289

700-708

Lykophron

‘Odyssey’

τείνει πρὸς αἴθραν κρᾶτα Πολυδέγμων λόφος, ἐξ οὗ τὰ πάντα χύτλα Kal πᾶσαι μυχῶν

700

πηγαὶ kar! Αὐσονῖτιν ἕλκονται χθόνα, λιπὼν δὲ Μηθαιῶνος ὑψηλὸν κλέτας, λίμνην τ᾽ Ἄορνον ἀμφιτορνωτὴν βρόχῳ,

καὶ χεῦμα Κωκυτοῖο λαβρωθὲν σκότῳ,

795

Στυγὸς κελαινῆς νασμόν, ἔνθα Τερμιεὺς ὁρκωμότους ἔτευξεν ἀφθίτοις ἕδρας, λοιβῆς ἀφύσσων χρυσέαις πέλλαις γάνος, 708

λοιβῆς ἀφύσσων Scheer λοιβᾶς τ᾽ ἀφύσσων A Aoıßas τ᾽ ἀφύσσων BCDE

700. ‘Polydegmon’ must surely, from the description which follows, be the entire range of the Apennines, or at very least the central part of

an obscure personal name from the muster of the Trojan contingent at Troy; Lethos the father

it (the ‘Campanian Apennines’); but it is also a

Larisa in the Aiolid at J/. 2. 843.To be sure, Aineias was not the only Trojan to settle in Italy, but this is a long shot. Geffcken 1892: 32, followed by Ciaceri, suggested Mt Vesuvius. The likeliest explanation of this puzzle is the least exciting: Lyk. wished to mention as many of the rivers

name for ‘many-receiving’ Hades, and a nearsynonym for πανδοκεύς. See 655n. and refs, esp. HHDem.ı7,äva£ Πολυδέγμων, and add FGrHist 244 Apollodoros

F 102 (f), from

Cornutus, on

names for Hades: ἐπονομάζεται δὲ ἐπιθετικῶς xai πολυδέκτης kai πολυδέγμων καὶ πολύαρχος, πολλούς τε δεχόμενος καὶ τῶν λεγομένων πλειόνων ἢ πολλῶν ἄρχων.

of Hippothoos, leader of the contingent from

of the Underworld as possible, but Lethe, River of Forgetfulness, was post-Homeric (it featured most famously in the Myth of Er, Pl. Rep. 621a);

so the name, or an enlarged adaptation of it to suit a mountain, could be introduced into the Campanian narrative only by a bold fictional crea-

701. χύτλα: at 1099, at ΚΑΙ]. frag. 245 Pf. = 60 Hollis, line 2, and at Euphorion frag. 11 Lightfoot line 7, the meaning in all is ‘water for washing’, not ‘libations’ (see Hollis). Here it just means ‘streams’.

tion. κλέτας: here used for the first time as far as we know, is said (2 followed by Tzetzes) to be

702. κατ᾽ Avcovirw . . . χθόνα: see 44n. for the range of meanings of ‘Ausonian’ this is one of the broadest in Lyk. Italy is not aland of specially long rivers, but—as already noted by Polybius (3. πιο. 9)—the most important ones flow down from both sides of the Apennines (Tiber, Arno,

Liri, Volturno, Ofanto).

equivalent to the Homeric and tragic κλειτύς, for which see e.g. Od. s. 470 and S. Ant. 114475, Παρνασσίαν / ὑπὲρ κλιτύν, 704. ἀμφιτορνωτὴν βρόχῳ: the adjective is a hapax-word, but is clearly developed from tragic ἀμφίτορνος at E. Tro. 1156 (‘rounded’, of the dead Hektor’s shield; Kassandra thus obliquely recalls her beloved brother). For Lake Avernus/Aornos

703. Δηθαιῶνος: & and Tzetzes are no help, but an ingenious modem suggestion (Holzinger) connects it with Pausilypon, mod. Posilippo, 'Sanssouci', the place where you forget your cares. For this luxurious Roman villa, owned by the notorious voluptuary Vedius Pollio, see OCD* ‘Pausilypon’. This theory requires that Pollio should have borrowed the name from a local natural feature. But Pollios name Pausilypon can be explained without this extra dimension. Tzetzes thinks in terms of

as encircled by hills (‘the ‘noose’ of Lyk.'s powerful metaphor, cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 103), see

Strabo 5. 4.5 and esp. [Ar.] mir. ausc 102, τῷ σχήματι κυκλοτερῆ. The lake is circular because it is a volcanic crater, like that on the Aegean island of Nisyros. The name was supposed to mean ‘no-birds’ because birds who flew over the lake were asphyxiated by noxious vapours (Tzetzes and Strabo, as above. Tzetzes goes off on a tangent about the Baktrian Aornos of the Alexander-

290

700-708

Campania

of Polydegmon stretches its head to the sky; from its caverns all streams and springs throughout the Ausonian land descend.

700

He leaves the high hill of Lethaion, and lake Aornos encircled by a noose, and the river of Kokytos violently roaring in darkness, tributary of black Styx, where Termieus established a place of oaths for the immortals, drawing a libation-stream in gold vessels,

795

because of a belief that it was Styx, and Silius

expedition, for which see Arr. Anab. 3. 29. 1 etc.). However, [Ar.] (cf. Antig. CLIT) says this is false because those who have visited it say there are plenty of swans there; the main marvel is the purity of the water, on which there are no leaves floating despite the many overhanging trees. This probably reflects Timaios, see Geffcken 1892: 31. (Antig. actually cites Timaios: FGrHist 566 F 57.)

Italicus

(Punica

12. 120-1, cf. 705n.)

identified

Styx with Avernus. For Zeus Termieus, Zeus who is the beginning and end of all things (Z: παρὰ τὸ πάντων ἄρχειν kai τέρμα elvai), see FGrHist 244 Apollodoros F 102 (g) = Tzetzes on 706.

(Milton), was one of the rivers of the Underworld,

707. For the house of Hades as the dwellingplace of Styx, who is hateful to the gods, see Hes. 75. 776-806; at 75. 805-6 the gods (plural)

and like Acheron it had a real-life counterpart in

are said to have appointed the ἄφθιτον ὕδωρ, /

Thesprotia (NW

ὠγύγιον of the Styx to be their oath; at 399400 it is Zeus alone who honoured her and appointed her to be the great oath of the gods (on this see M. West 1966, and cf. I. 15. 37-8 = Od. 5. 185-6). ὁρκωμότους: a hapax-word in this form, but there are various closely related compound-words,

705.

Kokytos,

‘named

of

lamentation

loud’

Greece); but another Acheron

was identified with the Lucrinus lacus by Silius Italicus (Punica 12. 116-17, cf. 706n.). For χεῦμα, see 647n., and for λαβρωθέν see 475n. and cf. below, 724.n. 706. Ihe idea that the Kokytos was a tributary of Styx is Homeric. See Od. 10. 514 (quoted by

e.g. ὁρκωμότης, ‘juryman, at IG 5. 2. 261 line 2

2): Κώκυτός θ᾽, ὃς δὴ Στυγὸς ὕδατός ἐστιν

(from, suitably enough, Arkadian Mantineia).

ἀπορρώξ, a line imitated from J/. 3. 755, where the tributary of Styx is the Titaressos, which therefore does not mingle its waters with the Peneios (see also go4n.). For νασμός, ‘stream’,

708. λοιβῆς ἀφύσσων: the verb is Homeric for pouring a libation: I/. 1. 598; cf. E. L4 1051. With Scheer and most other eds, we must delete the MSS' re after the first word, and then emend that

here used in apposition to χεῦμα, see E. Hipp. 653, Hippolytos says he will wash away the pollution of Phaidra ῥυτοῖς νασμοῖσιν. But the closest parallel to the present passage is A. Psychagogoi

frag. 273a (Cologne papyrus) lines 11-13, οὗ τόδ᾽

word

from Aoıßäs or Aoıßas. It is best to take

γάνος with λοιβῆς, ‘the stream of a libation’. πέλλαις: 27 says that a πέλλη was a shepherd's cup. In the simile at 77 16. 643, flies buzzing round a milk-pail, it certainly has a rustic air (Rengakos 1994: 121 for the Homeric echo). So too has the

ἀπορρὼξ ἀμέγαρτον ὕδωρ / κἀχέρνιπτον / Στυγίοις να[σ]μοῖσιν ἀνεῖται. The best-known actual, as opp. mythical, river Styx was located at Arkadian Nonakris in the Peloponnese, see 68on., but there is some evidence for a Campanian Styx as well: Strabo s. 4.5

similar (both frags from the same section Arh.). It was daring of Kassandra to turn

mentions a stream in Campania whose waters were drinkable, but were nevertheless avoided

everyday an object into gold, and to use it of a solemn libation by Zeus.

cognate πελλίς at Hipponax frag. 13 West; the context of frag. 14 (πέλλη, as in Lyk.) is probably

291

of so

Lykophron’ ‘Odyssey’

7097717

μέλλων Γίγαντας κἀπὶ Τιτῆνας περᾶν' /

,

3

M

^

^

θήσει Δαείρᾳ καὶ ξυνευνέτῃ δάνος,

710

πήληκα κόρσῃ κίονος προσαρμόσας.

κτενεῖ δὲ κούρας Τηθύος παιδὸς τριπλᾶς, οἴμας μελῴδου μητρὸς ἐκμεμαγμένας, αὐτοκτόνοις ῥιφαῖσιν ἐξ ἄκρας σκοπῆς Τυρσηνικὸν πρὸς κῦμα δυπτούσας πτεροῖς

715

ὅπου Awepyns κλῶσις ἑλκύσει πικρά. τὴν μὲν Φαλήρου τύρσις ἐκβεβρασμένην 4

x

,

A

3

,

709. The battles against the Giants and the Titans are not identical, but nor does Lyk. quite say they were, and cannot be faulted for muddle on this score. The order Giants-Titans is, however, the reverse of the normal sequence (see Apollod. 1. 1 and 1. 6), and acc. Hes. 7%. 392 ff,

Styx was the first goddess to join Zeus in his fight against the Titans, not the Giants. But a similar but otherwise unattested tradition about the Giants cannot be ruled out. 710. For Daeira as Persephone, see A. frag. 277 TrGF (the Psychagogoi), Δαῖρα, from Z Ap. Rh. 3. 846—472 Wendel, commenting on Jaipav uovvoγένειαν at 3. 847, and also citing FGrHist 354 Timosthenes F 1, Gigante Lanzara 2009: rıo n. 55. The name Daeira either suggests torches, δᾷδες, and thus chthonic cult, or else is derived from δάω, ‘I learn/know' (so LSJ: ‘Knowing one’, citing Pherekydes FGrHist 3 F 45 and EGM, where Daeira is said to be sister of Styx, see Fowler 2013:

16-18, listing the many other ancient identifications of Daeira and discussing the name as n. 52) or

both simultaneously. The detail of a thank-offering made by Odysseus to Persephone and Hades after his visit to the Underworld is not Homeric. It may have been suggested by a landmark pillar with a distinctive crowning feature, visible at some cult-site in Campania. For a historical dedication of a helmet, see ML 29 (Olympia, 474 c): ‘Hieron son of Deinomenes and the Syracusans to Zeus:

Etruscan

(spoils) from

Kyme’

(and

ML

comm.). Plut. Marc. 20. 4 knew of a temple at Sicilian Engyion containing a dedicated spear and a helmet, inscribed with the names of Meriones

and Odysseus (rd μὲν ἔχοντα Μηριόνου, τὰ δ᾽ OvA(ov, τουτέστιν δάνος: see 269n.

Ὀδυσσέως,

ἐπιγραφάς).

711. κόρσῃ: a part-for-whole word (lit. ‘temple’, ie. side of the forehead, then ‘head’, then, by a familiar metaphor, ‘top’). kiovos: an architectural

term with a religious tinge (Rougier-Blanc 2009: 548 n. 63). 712-737. The Sirens again For the Sirens see 653 n., and for the importance of the Siren theme in the Alexandra, 653-654n.: Kassandra herself is presented as a kind of Siren. This is the third, and easily the fullest, account of the Sirens in Lyk.'s Odyssey (for the others, see

653-654 and 670-672 and nn.), but they bookend the entire poem. The whole of the present section is constructed round the mentions of the Sirens’ tomb-sites—part of the poem's preoccupation with the macabre (Sistakou 2009: 246, and for the Sirens’ connection with death see 653654n.); but Lyk. also repeatedly associates the Sirens with rivers and river-gods (Aston 2orr: 68-76, esp. 69, rightly stressing that they are, after all, daughters of Acheloos, see 712 n.). For Aston

2011: 75 birds are either victims or aggressors. In most of the Alexandra they are victims, but see 148 for eagles used as metaphor for male force. See also Padel 1992: 65; Bettini and Spina 2007; Egeler 2010: 368; Fowler 2013: 30-1. On 7127721 and 732-737, see Raviola 2006. 712. κτενεῖ δέ; Odysseus does direct and obvious sense. But mulated in this respect by Sirens were fated (cf. 716 for the Moirai)

to commit

not kill them in any the myth (first forLyk.) said that the the auxiliary role of

suicide when

foiled of

their prey. This is the last verb of which Odysseus is the subject until 738, itself slightly problematic; see n. there. The son of Tethys and father of the Sirens is the river-god Acheloos

292

(so that Ovid

709-717

The Sirens again

as he set out against the Giants and Titans. He will dedicate a gift to Daeira and her husband,

710

his helmet, fixed on top of a pillar. And he will kill three of the daughters of the son of Tethys,

who imitated the songs of their melodious mother. With suicidal leap from their high lookout-place they shall dive on wings towards the Tyrrhenian waves, where the bitter thread of flax draws them. One of them, cast up on shore, Phaleros' tower will receive,

merely says they were birds from the thighs down), and wings are a standard feature of their iconography (see 653n. for LIMC refs., esp. the famous stamnos of ¢.475-460 BC with the upside-down Siren, LIMC 6. τ: no. 153); see also 721n. Ovid charmingly explains that the Sirens were equipped with wings so as to enable them to search for their lost companion Persephone: Met. 5. 552763. For δύπτω see 164n.

calls the Sirens the Acheloides, Mer. 5. 552); on Acheloos see Aston 2011: 78-89. Hes. Th. 337-45 names the great rivers which were considered to be children of Tethys and Okeanos. One of them (75. 340) is 'silver-eddying Acheloos’. τριπλᾶς: it is usually thought that Homer knew of only two Sirens (Od. 12. 52, where they are referred to in the dual), but E. Hofstetter, LIMC 8. 1: 1093, argues

that the dual does not necessarily mean that the two are 'die einzigen ihrer Gattung. However, there is no obvious reason why one Siren should be absent without explanation. Hesiod and later mythographers spoke of three or more, as does Lyk.; see Hes. frag. 27 M/W with 2 Ap. Rh. 4. 892 (but calling them Thelxiope or Thelxinoe, Molpe,

716. This splendid line means that Klotho, the Spinner, one of the three Moirai or Fates (144145n.), will draw the Sirens down to their death

(and see 712 n. for Odysseus’ role). The very rare κλῶσις

and Aglaophonos). There are folk-tale parallels

713. For οἴμας see ıın., and for ἐκμεμαγμένας 138n. The mother of the Sirens was variously given, but a muse is likeliest, and Lyk.'s preferred candidate seems to be Melpomene, the alliterative ‘melodious mother’, μελῳδὸς μήτηρ. So too Apollod. 1.3.4 and ep. 7.18.

east of Capri and west of Amalfi (Strabo 6. 1. 1 and 6, Barr. map 44 F4). 2, followed by Tzetzes,

says that the Seirenousai were 'three promontories of Italy. 715. δυπτούσας πτεροῖς: Homer mentions no wings; they are first attested for the Sirens at E.

Hel. 167, πτεροφόροι νεάνιδες (Apollod. ep. 7. 18

(a process-word)

is a variant

for

the

almost equally rare κλῶσμα (a product-word), which is used of the thread of fate at IG 12. 7. 123 line 4 (funerary epigram from Amorgos, ?rst cent. AD), κλώσματα θεῖα τελῶν.

for both two and three female temptresses; see Davies 2004: 609-10 and n. 39.

714. αὐτοκτόνοις ῥιφαῖσιν: see 440n. For the adjective, and for the suicide, 712 n. σκοπῆς: see 275 and 6sonn. Homer located the Sirens on a single island (Od. 12. 167), which in later traditions became the plural Σειρηνοῦσσαι νῆσοι,

715

717. τὴν μέν . . .: the first of the three Sirens is Parthenope, the eponym of the settlement which became

(or was

the predecessor

of) Neapolis,

mod. Naples: 736n. Lyk. will return to her at 732

(πρώτῃ δέ....), after working southwards down the coast to describe the fates of Leukosia and Ligeia. Parthenope, because of her connection with Naples, a kind of Athens of the west (734.n.),

is the most important of the three (cf. Aston 201: 70). Nevertheless they can all be classed as ‘secondary characters’, and are named without mystification; see 723 and 726, with Sistakou 2009: 249 and 586 n. Phaleros, acc. J and Tzetzes, was the founder of Parthenope (for which, as a place rather than a Siren, see 736n.); the name Phaleros (cf. Hdt. 6.

116 for Phaleron as the pre-Piraieus harbour of Athens) obviously points to the Athenian

293

Lykophron ‘Odyssey’

718-725

Γλάνις τε ῥείθροις δέξεται τέγγων χθόνα.

οὗ σῆμα δωμήσαντες ἔγχωροι κόρης λοιβαῖσι καὶ θύσθλοισι Παρθενόπην βοῶν "

^

3

4

720

,

ἔτεια κυδανοῦσιν οἰωνὸν θεάν.

ἀκτὴν δὲ τὴν προὔχουσαν eis Ἐνιπέως 3

\

A

\

"

3

3;

/

Λευκωσία ῥιφεῖσα, τὴν ἐπώνυμον

πέτραν ὀχήσει Gapóv, ἔνθα λάβρος "Is γείτων θ᾽ ὁ Λᾶρις ἐξερεύγονται ποτά. /

2

,

/

μὲ

Ld

*

connection which will be elaborated at 733-735. See Fragoulaki 2013: 314, cf. 259 for Phaleros,

Athenian hero and Argonaut (Ap. Rh. 1. 96-7 and Paus. 1. 1. 4), who gave his name to the harbour of Athens (above) and founded Cypriot Soloi together with Akamas, son of Theseus (Strabo 14.

Diomedes at 630; torch-race, also for Parthenope, founded by Diotimos at Naples (734 and n.); funerary cult of Philoktetes at 927; oracular cult of Podaleirios at 1051; Daunian cult for Kassandra herself at 1128; and Theban cult of Hektor at 1212-1213. See 164n.

For

6. 3). See Steph. Byz. s.v. Φάληρον, which echoes the present line: ἔστι καὶ πόλις ἐν Ὀπικοῖς, eis ἣν ἐξεβράσθη Παρθενόπη ἡ Σειρήν, ἣ καλεῖται

725

the

Campanian

tomb

and

cult

of

Parthenope in particular, see Strabo 5. 4. 7, cf. 1. 2. 13 and 18 with Edlund 1987b: 46; Raviola 1990; Carafa 2008: 44. Pliny the Elder also knew of a tomb of Parthenope here (NH 3. 62), and he had

Νεάπολις; cf. also Paus., as above (Phaleros’ altar at Phaleron, Attika) and Kearns 1989: 203.

first-hand acquaintance with Campania, because

718. The

Γλάνις

he commanded the fleet at Misenum, as we know from his nephew, the younger Pliny: Ep. 6. 16. 4.

is the Latin Clanius, which

delimits the western and northern edges of the ager Campanus, and enters the Tyrrhenian Sea

719. δωμήσαντες: cf. Ap. Rh. 2. 531 with Fraser

near Liternum (Barr. map 44 F 3-4; other rivers of the same name do not come into question). Steph. Byz. y 8: Bill. cites Lyk., i.e. the present passage, for Glanis as a ποταμὸς Κύμης. Lyk.'s description of the Clanius was perhaps known to Virgil; see Mynors 1990: 130 on V. G. 2, 225, ‘et vacuis Clanius non aequus Acerris’, where 'vacuis'

1972: 1. 636 and 2. 158 (noting the similar contexts, the building of a tomb/altar); but on such parallels between the two poets see 268 n. Some MSS

here have the metrically impossible form δομ-. 720-721. λοιβαῖσι καὶ θύσθλοισι.... / κυδανοῦσιν οἰωνὸν θεάν: these words will be echoed at 928-929, the posthumous cult for Philoktetes

refers to depopulation caused by flooding. Lyk.'s topography (or hydrography) has been

in another part of S. Italy: αἰανῆ θεὸν / λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσι καὶ θύσθλοις βοῶν (there is even a

thought shaky here because the Clanius is some way north and west of Naples (Frederiksen 1984: 105). Possible solutions (Frederiksen) are that the cult began in some fortress, τύρσις, on the Clanius and was later moved to Naples; or that the poet has muddled the Clanius with the Neapolitan river Sebethos. But this may be to press Lyk. too hard for precision of placing: the

similarity of sound between olwvo» and αἰανῆ, although the words’ meanings are very different). There is a further parallel at 1213, which predicts the Theban cult of Kassandra’s brother Hektor,

λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσιν ἀφθίτοις ἔσον. For the verb κυδαίνω, see 133n. Despite the word θεάν,

what we have here is presumably heroine-cult;

river stands for Campania. 719-721. This

is one

of many

pseudo-future

references in the poem to the establishment of cults. Like the cults in Ap. Rh. (e.g. 4. 1770, ἔνθ᾽ ἔτι viv ...), they are often explicitly said to sur-

vive to the poet's day. Thus Lyk. 'predicts' cult of

see Pfister 1909-12: 212; Pugliese Carratelli 1952; Larson 1995: 18 and 163 n. 53, noting that Strabo (s. 4. 7) says that there was an oracularly ordained athletic contest (ἀγὼν γυμνικὸς κατὰ μαντείαν) for her; see Th. 5. τι. 1 (Brasidas) for such athletic competitions as marking hero-cults, and note that Aristotle (EN 1134b23), with comparable

294

718—725

The Sirens again and the Glanis, which waters the land with its streams. "There the locals will construct a tomb for the maiden,

and will honour her with yearly libations and sacrifices of oxen,

720

Parthenope, the bird-goddess.

Leukosia, thrown onto Enipeus’ projecting headland, will long occupy

the rock named after her, where roaring Is and its neighbour Laris spew out their waters.

looseness, uses θύειν of Brasidas, although that

mod. Isola Licosa, is close to the Licosa promontory (Strabo 6. r. 1). It is not clear whether Lyk.

verb normally indicated divine not heroic cult. Cf. (for Philoktetes) 871n. and 928—929 n., and 1139, ἄφθιτος θεά (the hero-cult of Kassandra

refers to the island or the promontory. Either way, the place is presumably thought of as the property of, i.e. sacred to, Poseidon as being part of the territory of Poseidonia.

herself).

720. θύσθλοισι: see 459n. Παρθενόπην: the nam-

Ἐνιπέως: this is Poseidon, because he took the

ing of Parthenope involves Lyk. in uncharacteristic

form of the river Enipeus in Thessaly in order to have sex with Tyro, as described in Homer’ Nekuia, see Od. τι. 240-2, cf. also Apollod. τ. 9. 8; cf. Cusset and Kolde 2013: 181-2. But Tzetzes gives an alternative explanation: Enipeus was a cult epithet of Poseidon at Miletos. The Rennes database of cult epithets gives Tzetzes only as evidence for this, and there is at present no epigraphic support. Is it possible that Lyk. intends an echo of Od. 5. 446, Odysseus prays to an unnamed river-god, as he flees the ‘angry threats of Poseidon’, Ποσειδάωνος évimás? On 722-725 see Coviello 2006.

metrical abnormality, an anapaestic CUU-. Perhaps in recitation the second syllable could be pro-

nounced very lightly, Παρθ(ε)νόπην. For the see 736n.

Greek

settlement

at Parthenope,

721. ἔτεια: for such annual sacrifices, cf. Hdt. 6.

105. 3 (Pan), or the ἐτήσιοι θυσίαι to the heroized

Brasidas at Amphipolis, Th. 5. 11. 1. οἰωνὸν θεάν: for such double expressions see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115; cf. 547 n. The description of the goddess as a bird most obviously picks up the wings motif of 715; but there may also be a hint that the cult of Parthenope was oracular, because οἰωνός had the

723-724. THY ἐπώνυμον / πέτραν: for Lyk.’s fondness for such words in τώνυμος, esp. when

extended sense ‘omen’, as at Th. 6. 27. 3. This sense derived from one main activity of seers, the observation of bird-movements (cf. Od. 2. 159, where the

seer

Haliserthes

is said

to ‘know

used (as here) to describe the derivation of a his-

torical place-name

birds’).

moves

on

to

the

fate

of the

second

Siren,

Leukosia. Her eponymous (723-724 n.) promontory is probably mod. Punta Licosa, between Poseidonia/Paestum and Elea/Velea (Barr. map.

45 A 4) near mod. Catellabate (see, however, Edlund 1987b: 47, for the possibility that the promontory was not Punta Licosa but the peak to the north on which mod. Agropoli stands); the tiny and equally eponymous island Leukosia,

from

a mythical

personal

name, see 164n.

Might this be the source of the oracle at 735? 722. ἀκτὴν δὲ τὴν προὔχουσαν . . .: Lyk. now

725

724-725. Mflpos . . . ἐξερεύγονται: see 475n. 7247725. The rivers Is and Laris are not traceable; Holzinger ingeniously speculates that there is some kind of anagrammatic word-play with the name of the attested river Silaris or Silaros near Paestum (Strabo 5. 4. 13). #GrHist 825 Parthax ΕἸ (quoted by Herodian) attests an association of a river Is with Paestum: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀφίκετο eis τὴν Ποσειδωνίαν ὁ Ἡρακλῆς---ἔστι de ποταμὸς ‘Ts καλούμενος μέγας.

295

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

726-731

3,

Aiyeıa δ᾽ eis Tépewav ἐκναυσθλώσεται, κλύδωνα χελλύσσουσα. τὴν δὲ ναυβάται κρόκαισι ταρχύσουσιν ἐν παρακτίαις,

Ὀκινάρου δίναισιν ἀγχιτέρμονα. λούσει δὲ σῆμα βούκερως νασμοῖς Ἄρης ὀρνιθόπαιδος tapa. φοιβάζων ποτοῖς. 730

739

ἀρής Scheer

726. Ihe third Siren is Ligeia, the ‘Sweetsounding One’ (cf. Alkman frag. 30 PMGF, 4 Mésoa kerAay’a Alyna Σηρήν). On 726-731 see Nocita 2006. Τέρειναν: the strictly unlocated polis of Ter(e)ina, a Krotoniate foundation (1008n.), was on the coast S. of ancient Temesa and N. of the Lokrian foundation of Hipponion (the later Latin colony of Vibo Valentia). It was a long way further south than the final resting-places of Ligeia's Siren sisters, and far enough south for

ἐκναυσθλώσεται: a hapax-word, but evidently formed from ναυσθλόω, Ἵ carry/travel by sea’, as at E. Tro. 162, a play well known to Lyk.,and as at 967, 1257, and 1415. 727. χελλύσσουσα: cf. Nik. Alex. 81. 728. ταρχύσουσιν: sce 369n. 729. A

three-word

Okinaros,

line, see

if identical

with

63n. mod.

The

river

Fiume

dei

the Tepwatos κόλπος to have featured in Th.'s

Bagni, flowed past Tereina to the E.: Barr. map

narrative of the Sicilian Expedition of 415-413 BC

46 B4. (For this conjecture see H. Philipp, R.-E.

(6. 104. 2). See Barr. map 46 D 4 (with a question-

mark), LACP: no. 73, (tentatively accepting the identification with mod. S. Eufemia Lamezia), and Ps.-Skylax 12 (calling Terina a ‘Greek city’); see also Mercuri 2004: 289. The name's spelling fluctuates in our sources, as also no doubt during

the life of the place (Tépwa in IG 4° 1. 95 line 45, Steph. Byz., and cf. above for Th.; but Tépewa in the MSS of Lyk., here and at 1008).

The city's remarkably lively and beautiful coins of the sth and 4th cents ac (HIN?: 193-6 nos 25672653, cf. Rutter 1997: 61-2 and 77) have the legend TEPINA and the head of a winged female figure who is usually supposed to be the city's eponymous

nymph

Terina or Nike-Terina

(so HN’:

112-14, Kraay 1976: 188-9 and LACP. p. 304; for the nymph Terina see Larson 2001: 224). It is tempt-

ing to think that this is really the Siren Ligeia, on the analogy of Parthenope on the coins of Naples/Neapolis, for which see 736n. But this old idea, held by the early numismatists Eckhel and Avellino, was rejected by Regling 1906: 62 (cf. also Holloway and Jenkins 1983: 15-16) on the grounds that in pre-Alexandrian iconography, the Sirens are depicted as mixtures of girls and birds (actually birds with

human

faces), not as

maidens with wings, ‘Fliigelmadcher’.

*Ocinarus', But Turano 1975: 69 n. 146 and 78, the other mod. work cited by the Barr. map-by-map Directory as evidence for the location, adds little, and is not worth consulting.) See also 1009. ἀγχιτέρμονα: cf. S. frag. 384 TrGF and E. Ra. 426, ἀγχιτέρμων yaid μοι. See also 1130. 730. Bovxepws ... Ἄρης: & and Tzetzes suggest that the horns indicate the river's strength and noisiness (for the word βουκερως cf. Hdt. 2. 41. 2, about Isis and Io, also A. Prom. 588), cf. Strabo 10.

2,19 on the Acheloos; but horns are also a signifier for fertility, and thus appropriate for river-gods (Aston 2011: 88 and 142). See also 1407, where the word is used of another river, the Brychon.

Z and Tzetzes also say that alternative readings for the final word were "Epns and "Epis, rivers in the neighbourhood of Tereina. Another possibil-

ity is to accent the word differently (ἀρής) and take it as an adjective, ‘strong’, related to ἄριστος

(cf. the Homeric Apes dpés, as some think the second

word

should

be accented). But

for an

ingenious solution, which retains Áres as a divine

name, see 731n. 731. ὀρνιθόπαιδος ἴσμα: this line is most naturally taken as an amplification—actually hardly more than a repetition—of the thought of the

296

726-731

Diotimos will found torch-race for Parthenope at Naples

Ligeia will be cast on shore at Tereina, spewing out sea-water. Sailors will bury her on the sea shore, next to the eddies of Okinaros. The bull-horned Ares will wash her tomb with his streams,

739

purifiying with its waters the resting-place of the bird-child. preceding line 730. But Holzinger thinks that the ‘bird-child’ is not Ligeia but the nymph Tereina

draft of Athenian settlers to Naples, tentatively dating it to the 440s or early 4305, see Frederiksen

(726 n.), who was daughter of the river Strymon and bore a daughter Thraissa to Ares; after a

1984: 105-6, an outstanding discussion.

Let us suppose that Diotimos did indeed visit Naples in just this period, perhaps soon after the

series of unhappy incidents her descendants were turned into birds (Ant. Lib. XXI. 1-4; cf. 176 n. for metamorphoses in Lyk., where this is no. (16)); she will then, sc. on this hypothesis, have

been consoled (‘purified’) by the river Okinaros. So 730 and 731 would then refer to different ‘birdwomen’, There

is, however, no need

to choose:

Lyk. could have enjoyed posing a riddle with two equally legitimate answers. taa: a hapax-word of obvious meaning (it is a product-word formed from ἴζω). See Rougier- Blanc 2009: 546 and $54. 732-737. Foundation of torch-race in honour of Parthenope by the Athenian general Diotimos This passage provides a more secure link with a historically attested individual than can be found in almost any other part of the poem: as well as Lyk., two historians (Thucydides and Timaios), three geographers (Damastes of Sigeion, Eratosthenes, and Strabo), a set of four anecdotes

in Polyainos (5. 22, none obviously set in the west), and a sth-cent. Athenian public inscription, all attest his activity. The individual is Diotimos son of Strombichos,

identified

by Timaios

(quoted

by Z) as the commander of what Lyk. calls the "Mopsopian' i.e. Athenian fleet, and known from

Th. and a sth-cent. Athenian inscription to have been sent to Kerkyra in 433/2. See 733n. for the evidence. There is also a likely connection between the present passage and the joint Chalkidian, Athenian,

and

Pithekoussan

re-foundation

of

Neapolis/Naples attested by Strabo 5. 4. 7: μετὰ δὲ δΔικαιάρχειάν ἐστι “Νεάπολις Κυμαίων (ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Χαλκιδεῖς ἐπῴκησαν καὶ Πιθηκουσσαίων τινὲς καὶ Ἀθηναίων, ὥστε καὶ Νεάπολις ἐκλήθη διὰ τοῦτο. For a defence of the historicity of this evidence for the sending of a

new settlers arrived, or even at the same time as them (so that his torch-race will have had an

inaugural aspect). If he was among other things a ‘western expert’, and had already visited Naples before 433/2, he could have been chosen for the Kerkyraian command in that year precisely because of his earlier diplomatic experience at Naples, and indeed this sequence of events is the likeliest. The simplifying possibility that Kerkyra was Diotimos' point of departure for his Naples visit, i.e. they formed a single complex enterprise, all of which took place in 433/2, cannot be ruled out (Rutter 1979: 95 thinks this a ‘sensible’ supposition, and cf. Beloch 1890: 30, the visit to Naples *wird etwa in dieselbe Zeit fallen' as the Kerkyraian command. See below for Develin 1989). But in that case, Th.’s silence about the further adventures of Diotimos and his ships would be more surprising, whereas there is much that he does not tell us about western affairs before the mid-430s (he never mentions

Neapolis/Naples anywhere. The Νέα πόλις of 7. 30. 2 is in N. Africa). That

Diotimos’

only

attested tenure of the generalship (serazegia) at Athens is dated to 433/2 is not decisive: 733 n. Numismatic evidence, notably Neapolitan issues from about 450 Bc with Athenas head on the obverse, have been held to indicate Athenian

political ambitions in Campania in mid-century, and to be somehow connected with the Neapolitan activity of Diotimos (Rutter 1979: 4-5, 44-6, 94-5, cf. Lomas 2000: 174 and Davies 2007: 88f.). But for

well-grounded scepticism about the political significance of the supposedly Athenian-influenced coins, see Frederiksen 1984: 104 (the ‘temptation to read political aspirations or influences into such

297

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

732736

πρώτῃ δὲ Kai ποτ᾽ αὖθι συγγόνων θεᾷ κραίνων ἁπάσης Μόψοπος ναυαρχίας πλωτῆρσι λαμπαδοῦχον ἐντυνεῖ δρόμον, χρησμοῖς πιθήσας. ὅν ποτ᾽ αὐξήσει λεὼς Νεαπολιτῶν,

οἵ map’ ἄκλυστον

735

areas daughter of Okeanos". It is not clear if this different explanation of the name Mopsops goes back to Euphorion himself. 2, followed by Tzetzes, cites Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 98) for the identity of the Athenian naval

coin-types is undeniably strong, but it should probably be resisted’). It is not easy to be persuaded

that the coinage of Neapolis has much or anything to do with Diotimos, and coin-based chronologies for his activity all seern exasperatingly speculative. However, the Neapolitan activity of Diotimos is a fact, and should certainly be seen in the context

commander: Diotimos. This is an incalculably precious citation. Diotimos is known from Th. (1. 45. 2, where he is Διότιμος ὁ Στρομβίχου) to have been sent to Kerkyra as one of three commanders of an

of a pre-Peloponnesian War Athenian western drive which is generally under-reported by Th.; see CTI: 9o and III: 5, and note Frederiksen 1984: 105 on the evidence of the present line and of Timaios F98: ‘Diotimus, geographer and diplomat, was undertaking something more than ritual purifications’ (see 733n. for his diplomacy in both west and east, and for his geographical speculations). The extent of the overlap between Lyk. and Timaios in these lines make it very likely that Lyk.was aware

Athenian fleet of ten ships; an inscription (ML 61, 433/2 BC) records the expenses of both this squad-

ron and of a reinforcing squadron of twenty ships, and names Diotimos at line 9: Διοτίμοι Εὐονυμεῖ (i.e. from the Attic deme Euonymon, which was in tribe I, Erechtheis). For Diotimos as a possible

western expert, see 732-737n. But he also led an

Athenian embassy eastwards via the Kydnos river

of and drew on Timaios’ account (which Jacoby

in Kilikia to the river Choaspes near the Persian

assigned to Timaios’ historical section, rather than to his sections on foundations or myth). For Naples see further 736n.

regional capital Susa, and had an opinion about the relationship between the Kydnos and the Choaspes and communicated it to the historian

Damastes of Sigeion (so we are told by Strabo 1. 3. 1, who cites Eratosthenes, frag. 1 B, 6 Berger; cf. FGrHist 5 Damastes T 7 and F 8. See Frederiksen 1984: 105 and n. 147). Diotimos came from a

732. πρώτῃ δέ: Lyk. now returns to Parthenope, the first of the Siren-sisters, already treated at 717-721. θεᾷ: see 720—721 n. for the terminological

‘notable and wealthy family’ (APP: 161); in democratic Áthens at least, long-distance diplomacy

inaccuracy (this was really hero-cult).

called for private resources of this sort. It wil be argued below that Lyk. treats Diotimos as a strategos (‘commander of the fleet’,

733. ‘Of Mopsops’ means ‘Athenian’, as does Μοψόπειος at 1340. (Lyk. assumes a male indi-

vidual called Mopsops, as does Kall. frag. 709 Pf. (from

Steph.

Byz:

Moyoria,

ἡ Ἀττική,

κραίνων... «ναναρχίας), and that this corre-

ἀπὸ

Μόψοπος);, cf. Strabo 9. 1. 18, 5. 22 (both passages uninformative), calling him Mopsopos. Tzetzes on the present passage says Mopsops was a ruler of Athens, but he does not easily fit into the tree of

sponds to Timaios’ word ναύαρχος. Tzetzes, writing on his own account rather than reproducing Timaios, actually calls Diotimos a strategos,

which is surely right as far as it goes (see below),

the mythical early kings. (The entries ‘Mopsopos’

but has little evidential value because it is embed-

in Roscher and R.-E. (J. Pley) collect the literary

ded in the wild assertion that Diotimos 'went to

evidence, including some from the Latin poets,

Naples ata time when as general of the Athenians

but do not explain him.) Euphorion wrote a work called the ‘Mopsopia or Miscellanies’, Μοψοπία ἢ Araxta (frags 37-40 and test. 1 Lightfoot).

he was fighting against the Sikels’, eis Νεάπολιν

The source for this (Suda e 3801 Adler) says that Attica was formerly called Mopsopia ‘from the

ἦλθεν, ὅτε στρατηγὸς ὧν τῶν Ἀθηναίων, émoλέμει τοῖς Σικελοῖς (by the last two words he presumably means the Greek inhabitants of

Sicily, what Th. would have called the Σικελιῶται,

298

Diotimos will found torch-race for Parthenope at Naples

732-736

To the first of these three sister goddesses the commander of the whole fleet of Mopsops will institute a torch-race for sailors,

in obedience to oracles. The people of

735

Neapolis will enlarge this, they who will inhabit the rough cliffs

ie. the Syracusans, rather than the indigenous

of one, as at Th. 8. 20. The whole description («pai-

Sikel peoples. So this is a vague and ignorant

νων ...vavapxías) is an elaboration of Timaios’ word ναύαρχος; see previous para.

allusion to one of the Athenian expeditions against Sicily in either 427-424 or 415-413). Develin 1989: 104 (part of an Appendix on problems in the years 480/79 to 432/1) takes seriously the possibility that Diotimos was a mere nauarchos when he went to Naples, a mission which ‘should fall in the 430s and, if he was nauarchos, before his strategia of 433/2’. Now it is true that, though the nauarchy is normally thought of as a Spartan institution, there is a school of thought which holds that the Athenians employed nauar-

734. Torches and torch-races may often be gloomy and chthonian (1179n.), but they are not necessarily or invariably funerary or sinister. See Aston 2011: 70, citing e.g. Hdt. 6. 105. 3 (Pan); certainly

the torch-race at Pl. Rep. 328a (for the Thracian Bendis) sounds a cheerful enough affair. In view

of the strongly Athenian theme in these lines, it is

least in the years around 414; see Develin 1989: 153

surely relevant that a torch-relay was a prominent feature of the Panathenaia (Parker 20052: 257). So rightly Edlund 1987b: 47. This new city was to be the Athens of the West. λαμπαδοῦχον: cf. E. LA

(Konon) and ıs5f. (Diphilos and Hippokles); cf.

1506 (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112).

also CT III: 602, cf. 790f.). But the problem of

735. χρησμοῖς πιθήσας: so too Timaios, κατὰ χρησμόν, Ihe oracle was perhaps that of Apollo at Delphi, since this was in effect a new colony, and Delphi was the traditionally right place for colonial matters; but see 721n. for another possibility. For such oracular commands in the poem, see 133-134 n.

choi to supplement the panel of ten generals, at

excess of generals in early as the 430s, and (and Lyk.) are using and the same is true

our sources does not arise as it is far likelier that Timaios zauarcbos to mean strategos, of Polyain. 5. 22. 3 (cited by

Develin 104), which also calls Diotimos a nauar-

chos. Indeed Develin 104 hesitates between the two possibilities, because his para. on Diotimos’ Naples mission is headed ‘Strategos or nauarchos', and he cites Tzetzes

(above) for the title

strategos. Strategos is surely preferable. If we press

the constitutional implication of this, the only year when Diotimos is actually attested as one of the ten tribal strategoi is 433/2 (Develin 1989: 99,

736. Νεαπολιτῶν: for Neapolis, the ‘New City’, mod. Naples, see LACP: no. 63; the ethnic used by Lyk. is also found on coins and at e.g. Diod. 16. 18.1. It is unusual for Lyk. to give a name or ethnic of an important city without mystification.

see above for Th. and the inscription), but there

The original Chalkidian foundation of the ‘New City’ (see Strabo, quoted at 732-737n.) is

are plenty of years among the previous twenty in which the strategos for tribe I Erechtheis is

thought to have been in about 470 sc, but Livy claimed that there was also a predecessor city

unknown (see Develin's lists), so an otherwise unattested earlier strategia for Diotimos, in which

Palaiopolis, the ‘Old City’, whose population merged with that of Neapolis (8. 22. 5: "Palaepolis

he operated in western waters with a naval force (Frederiksen 1984: 105), is perfectly possible and is the solution here preferred. Develin does not appear to consider this possibility at any point.

fuit haud procul inde ubi nunc Neapolis sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat. Cumis erant oriundi' etc.). This is a notorious problem:

no other literary text knows of a sovereign city

ναυαρχίας: the meaning ‘fleet’ is imposed by

Palai(o)polis, and the only other secure attesta-

the context, but the word strictly means command

tion of it is in the Triumphal Fasti (triumph

299

Lykophron’s ‘Odyssey’

7377739

ὅρμων Μισηνοῦ στύφλα νάσσονται κλίτη. L4

^

,

,

if

βύκτας δ᾽ ἐν ἀσκῷ συγκατακλείσας βοὸς παλινστροβήτοις πημοναῖς ἀλώμενος, celebrated by Publilius Philo in 326 sc over the Palaeopolitani, MRR 1: 146). Nor is it likely that a

Siris, with Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 131-142,

also dealing with the present passage at 140;

.. oriundi’)

also Guzzo 2o11a: 281-296. But formal Rhodian

would have been called the o/d city. Palaiopolis has been identified with the non-o/is settlement of Parthenope, ?mod. Pizzofalcone; see L4CP: p. 257; see also the excellent and extended discussion by Oakley 1998: 628-51 at 636 and 644, which seems to have been unknown to the authors of

colonization in this area is thought to be doubtful

daughter-city

of

Cumae

(‘Cumis.

the relevant ACP entries (2004). See also Raviola

1991. Oakley suggests that the first foundation on Pizzofalcone was called Parthenope, and that the name Neapolis was given to the second (sc. 5thcent.) settlement. When the name Parthenope came to be used for the whole Naples area, the Pizzofalcone settlement was called Palaeopolis. To be sure, Beloch 1890: 60-2 and 442 discounted Livy's evidence here altogether, and preferred to think that the ‘Old City’ presupposed by ‘the New City’ was none other than Cumae. Against this, see Oakley 1998: 644 (this solution is too drastic, and involves throwing out the epigraphic evidence for Philos triumph, as well as Livy; it also presupposes implausibly that the Romans as well as the local population would have called Cumae by the informal name Palaeopolis). Strabo 14. 2. 7 and Steph. Byz. say that Parthenope was a Rhodian foundation (contrast 717 for the Athenian Phaleros as the oikist), and there is some slight archaeological support for this (see Lomas 2000: 174 for early Rhodian and Mycenaean material; the tradition is apparently

(‘singularly improbable’ acc. Oakley 1998: 634 n. 1), and Parthenope is more likely to have been a harbour or other dependency of Cumae; so LACP as above, and at p. 283 under no. 63, 'Neapolis'.

Phaleros will then (so rightly Beloch 1890: 29) have been inserted into the tradition as part of the Athenian re-foundation in the 440s or 4308, for which event see 732-737n. "The Siren Parthenope features regularly on the coinage of Neapolis; see Rutter 1979: 52; ΗΝ: 546 f; LACP: p. 285. So, it seems, does her father Acheloos, the man-faced bull of the coins. See

Beloch 1890: 36; Rutter 1979: 44 and HN?

68.

737. Μισηνοῦ: this is Capo Miseno, at the western end of the small bay of Pozzuoli and beyond it the larger bay of Naples (Barr. map 44 F4; OCD* "Misenum. Μισηνόν is named after the individ-

ual Μίσηνος. There

are two

traditions

about

Misenos, in one of which (1) he is Greek and in the other (2) a Trojan (see Beloch 1890: 195).

(1) For Misenos as one of Odysseus' companions, and thus a counterpart to Baios (694 n.), see Strabo 1. 2. 18 and 5. 4. 6; from the general context,

Lyk. seems (Geffcken 1892: 29) to subscribe to this tradition rather than to (2), though

that is

not made explicit in this fleeting mention. If so, Lyk. is tradition (1)’s first exponent. (2) For

accepted by Carafa 2008: 43). Note also the sug-

Virgil, whose

immediate

source

was

gestion of Huxley 1969: 91 (drawing on Jacoby's comm. on FGrHist 545 F 1 = Asios frag. 7 at M. West 2003: 259, from Paus. 7. 4. 1-2) that the Rhodian Parthenope also features in the Samian epic poet Asios’ genealogy of Samos, the eponym of the island (there Parthenope is daughter of

probably Varro (Geffcken 1892: 29 and Norden

Samia and sister of Samos), and that Parthenope

1284 at p. 331, MIEHNOZ, Squire 2012: 156-7 and fig. 57; 162-3 and fig. 60 (see further 1236-

is a ‘pre-Hellenic maiden heroine of the south-

western [sic read 'south-eastern] Aegean’. Cf. 911-929 τ. for the myth that Rhodian immigrants under Triptolemos were helped by Philoktetes in the Kroton region, also 978—992n. for Italian

1927:

179),

Misenus

was

Aineias’

trumpeter,

drowned by Triton after challenging the gods to a musical contest (V. A. 6. 162~78); this version may possibly go back to Stesichoros, because it featured in one of the Tabulae Iliacae (so Norden; see IG 14.

i280n.). For Stesichoros see PMGF frag. 205 (frag. 105 Finglass), and Introduction section 3(e)).

Misenus may somehow be connected with the idea that the trumpet was an Etruscan invention

300

Aiolos and the bag of winds

7377739

next to the tranquil refuge of the harbour Misenon. He encloses the winds in a bag of ox-hide, but is forced to wander by woes which whirl him backwards. his departure gives him a bag in which he has tied up the winds. But while Odysseus sleeps on board, his suspicious comrades open the bag, the winds fly out, and the ship is driven back to Aiolos’ island (10. 54-5, cf. 739). This time Aiolos, realizing that Odysseus has incurred divine hostility (cf. 749 for Poseidon as the enemy), sends him on his way with abuse and a curse. For Th. (3. 88. 1, ignoring Homer's floating"), the "islands of Aiolos’, which retain that name today as the Isole Eolie, are the volcanic cluster off the NE corner of Sicily, N. of Tyndari: Lipara, Didyme, Stroggyle, and Hiera, in the last of which ‘the locals believe Hephaistos has his forge’

{Norden 1927: 180). Like Baios (and Palinurus, 694 n.), Misenos is un-Homeric.

στύφλα: here only in the poem. It is a contracted form of στυφελός, ‘harsh’, ‘rough’, ‘cruel’; cf. A. Pers. 303, στύφλους map’ ἀκτάς. For κλίtos see 6oon. The topographical description is accurate, see Beloch 1890: 195 (‘Der Berg Misenus steigt von allen Seiten in schroffen Felswänden aus dem Meere empor’etc.).

With this line we reach the end of the Sirens episode, and we also reach the exact half-way point of the 1474-line poem. This is an indicator of the importance which Lyk. attaches to the Sirens generally (see 712-737n. and 653-654 n.), and to Parthenope and Naples in particular. Misenos is also significant, in that he looks forward to the Aineias section at 1236-1280; see introductory n. to that section, discussing the Tabula Iliaca. For other indications that Lyk. was conscious of numbers of lines, see 820-876n. and 1229n.

(3. 88. 3). See Barr. map 47 F 1-2. Lyk. brings out none of this, unlike Kall. (Z. 3. 46-9). The subject of these two highly compressed lines is Odysseus, who has not governed a verb since 712, κτενεῖ. In fact, the subject of 738 ought

(if Lyk. is taken to be paraphrasing Homer faithfully) to be Aiolos, because it was he who actually

Roman poets, at least, were conscious of middle

points in particular, see Thomas 2011: 233-4 (Virgil and Horace). They surely did not think this sort of thing up for themselves. Thus Kall. F7. 6 to Demeter is, as preserved in the MSS, perfectly symmetrical" 23 lines for the ritual, then 92 (223 x 4) for the myth, then another 23 for more ritual

(Hopkinson 1984: 11; for the mysterious extra letters at the end of P. Oxy. 2226 col. 4 see Hopkinson

188-9: they may represent an alternative ending to the poem). For S., see Irigoin 1983 (speculative). Ziegler 1927: 2329 noted that Kassandra's orac-

tied the winds up into the bag. And so the alert educated reader or hearer would initially have understood the line. But the wanderer of 739, dAwμενος, must be Odysseus, who is also the subject of the main verb συμφλεχθήσεται in 740, and this requires us retrospectively to take συγκατακλείcas in 738 with Odysseus. The ingenious brevity demands mental agility from the reader, but does not mean there is anything wrong with the text, as S. West 1983: 118 n. 13 believes (she regards 738 as an ‘isolated detail’, unconnected with the following

ular speech (31-1450) occupies exactly 1420 lines

narrative). βύκτας: see 184 n. for this noun, and for

(1430 if we include her peroration at 1451-1460), so that its middle point is at 710 or 715; but neither line is specially remarkable.

the echo of Od. 1o. 20. Of Lyk.5 three uses (the last is at 756), this is the most apt, because the Homeric line is also about Aiolos tying up the winds in a bag. ἐν [email protected]: cf. Od. το. 19 (Aiolos): ἐκδείρας ἀσκὸν Bods ἐννεώροιο.

738-739. Aiolos and the bag of winds Lyk. now condenses into just one pair of lines the narrative of Odysseus' two very different visits to the floating island of Aiolos, Zeus-appointed keeper of the winds (Od. 1o. 1-76, here recalled

out of Homeric sequence. In Homer this section precedes the Laistrygonian episode). Aiolos at first receives him kindly and hospitably, and on

739-740. This and 845-846 are the only places in the poem where two three-word lines occur in immediate succession, though there are several other cases of pairs in close proximity; see 63n. for the full list, and for the clustering tendency. The most recent such line was 729 and there will be two more very soon (745 and 748).

301

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

740—749

Kepavvin μάστιγι συμφλεχθήσεται

740

καύηξ, Epıvod προσκαθήμενος κλάδῳ, ὡς μὴ καταβρόξῃ νιν ἐν ῥόχθοις κλύδων, Χάρυβδιν ἐκφυσῶσαν ἑλκύσας βυθῷ. βαιὸν δὲ τερφθεὶς τοῖς Ἀτλαντίδος γάμοις ἀναυλόχητον αὐτοκάβδαλον σκάφος 3

i

3

/

745

/

βῆναι ταλάσσει, καὶ κυβερνῆσαι τάλας αὐτουργότευκτον βᾶριν εἰς μέσην τρόπιν εἰκαῖα γόμφοις προστεταργανωμένην. ἧς οἷα τυτθὸν Ἀμφίβαιος ἐκβράσας T

745

^

3,

4

>

[4

ἀναυτόχητον Scheer

739. παλινστροβήτοις: an eloquent hapax-word. See 738-739 n. for the thought here conveyed, and for the arpoß- root, cf. 756, στροβήσει.

740. Zeus' punishment for the eating of the Cattle of the Sun See Od. 12. 261-425: despite Odysseus' warnings and his extraction from them of an oath of abstinence, his men kill and eat the cattle of Helios, the Sun-god. Helios complains to Zeus, who promises to shatter the Greek ship with a 'bright thunderbolt’ (12. 387-8), and

does

so (12. 415).

Z on this line complains that Lyk.’s narration of Odysseus is confused (Berra 2009: 291),

but Lyk. was not aiming at plodding repetition of Od. συμφλεχθήσεται: 211, there quoted.

as pulling or sucking the whirlpool (‘snorting Charybdis’, ἐκφυσῶσαν intr.) down into the deep water. One would have expected the whirlpool to do the sucking.

744. Odysseus’ stay with Kalypso This begins at Od. 12. 447-449, lines which close the ring of Odysseus’ narration to the Phaiakians, begun at the start of bk 9 (see 9. 29-30 for Kalypso). But the authorial account of his divinely ordained departure from Kalypso takes up much of bk 5. 744. ‘Atlantis’,

see 287n., esp. Theok. 22.

741-743. Odysseus escapes Charybdis for the second time See Od. 12. 426-47. This time Lyk. preserves the Homeric sequence. 741. καύηξ: see 425n. for this word. In the corresponding line of Homer (O4. 12. 433), the ship-

wrecked Odysseus, clinging to the fig-tree (12. 432), is compared to a bat, ws νυκτερίς, rather than a sea-swallow. There is heavy alliteration in κ at 741-743 (Kalospyros 2009: 217, who detects an ‘incantatory effect’).

742. καταβρόξῃ:

743. The tr. is straightforward, but the thought is

not easy: the wave or κλύδων of 742 is imagined

from

καταβιβρώσκω,

cf.

(perhaps, depending on the textual reading there preferred) 54-56 n. ἐν ῥόχθοις: see go2n.

ie.

daughter

of Atlas,

is here

Kalypso (at 72 the word referred to Elektra, another daughter of Atlas); see Od.1. 52 and 7. 245; Ap. Rh. 4. 575 with Livrea, also Apollod. ep. 7. 24. This version of the paternity of Kalypso was not known to Hesiod in 7., and this silence was

one reason why Wilamowitz considered Kalypso to be an invention of the poet of the Odyssey (1884: 28). With βαιὸν δὲ τερφθείς cf. Od. 5.15273, Odysseus yearned for his zos tos because ‘the

nymph

no longer pleased him’, ἐπεὶ οὐκέτι

ἦνδανε νύμφη. γάμοις: see 360n. 745-761. Odysseus’ tribulations at sea; his raft For Odysseus’ building of a raft see Od. 5. 234-62. Poseidon sends a storm and flings him off the raft at 5. 291-315 (but in Homer he manages to re-establish contact with the raft

at 5. 32475).

302

Odysseus’ tribulations at sea; his raft He will be engulfed in flame by the whip of a thunderbolt, a sea-swallow, perched on the branch of a wild fig-tree. so that the roaring waves should not gulp him down, as they suck snorting Charybdis towards the deep. After briefly enjoying his affair with the daughter of Atlas, he will dare to embark on a hastily built raft

740-749 740

745

which will never reach port, and—wretched man!—will steer his home-made vessel, a boat which he fixed to a central keel

with fastenings, to no avail.

From this, Amphibaios hurls him out, 745. ἀναυλόχητον: this retains the reading of

from ταργάνη (= the Attic form of σαργάνη, see

the MSS, rather than adopting Scheer's clever emendation dvauröynrov, ‘not propelled by any sailors’, which is based on Tzetzes’ explanation:

2), meaning something plaited or riveted; cf.

Hesych. rapyavar πλοκή, συνδέσεις, πέδαι. For the three-word line, cf. 63n. and 739-740n.

τὴν μικρὰν λέγει ναῦν, καθὸ ὑπὸ ναυτῶν οὐκ

749. Ἀμφίβαιος: ‘Poseidon among the Kyrenaians’, acc. 2. Poseidons persecution of Odysseus was undertaken to avenge the blinding of his son the Kyklops, thus answering the latter's prayer at Od. 9. 526—35 (at 9. 536, Poseidon is said to have heard the prayer); see 765. The epithet has been speculatively identified as a synonym for Aupiyeios or Ἀμφίγαιος, which is (this is yet more speculation)

ὀχεῖται. (Against the emendation, see Marandino 2012: 477: it is not supported by the papyrus commentary PSI VI 724.) On the other hand, 2

appears to have read ἀναυλ-, to judge by his comment οὐδέ πω ἐν ὅρμῳ καὶ λιμένι καταλεγόμεvov. Either way, this is one of the exuberantly many a-privative words in the poem; see Berra 2009: 283

n. 78, and cf. 750 n. αὐτοκάβδαλον: for this excep-

none other than the familiar Gaieochos, earth-

tionally rare word, see Ar. Rhet. 1415239; perhaps an interesting indicator of Lyk.’s range of reading.

shaker or earth-holder, invoked under that name by the Kyklops at Od. 9. 528 (cf. above), κλῦθι,

For the cluster of three-word lines hereabouts,

Ποσείδαον γαιήοχε κυανοχαῖτα. Ihe equation is

see 63 n. and 739-740n.

746. ταλάσσει.... τάλας: the repetition of the stem cannot be an oversight, but the shades of meaning are different (‘he will dare’, an unusual

future form of the verb rAdw; then ‘the wretch’).

given as hard fact in LSJ? under Ἀμφίβαιος: ‘epith. of Poseidon at Cyrene, = ἀμφίγαιος [this word only was corrected in the Revised Supp. (1996) to ἀμφίγειος], γαιήοχος, Tz. ad Lyc. 749’. This is misleading: Tzetzes and 2 are authorities

"here are several rAn- or raA- words hereabouts

only for the first part (up to the comma), not for

(Schade: 179 on 777, citing also 773 and 775).

the equation of Lyk.’s epithet with yaınoxos. The latter and crucial point evidently derives from Holzinger, who cited Welcker 1857-63: 2. 679. Welcker wrote ‘statt Gäeochos sagte man auch Ἀμφίβαιος, von ala, also statt ἀμφίγαιος [bare

747. Bäpıv: an Egyptian word for a flat-bottomed

boat or barge: Hdt. 2. 96. 5 τρόπιν: a keel, cf. e.g. Od. s. 130, S. frag. 143. 2 TrGF. At 1025 it will mean a ship (the Argo, no less), by a partfor-whole usage.

ref, to 749 in footnote], nach Tzetzes in Kyrene’.

(Welcker does not actually suggest emending to ἀμφίγαιος, as Schade 154 n. 301 says he does.) This

748. εἰκαῖα: not ‘randomly’ or ‘haphazardly’, but ‘in vain’, ‘frustra’ not ‘temere’ (so Holzinger, citing Hesych. εἰκαῖον" ἀνώφελες, μάταιον etc.). γόμ-

qois: cf. Od. ς. 248, part of Homer's description of the raft. The one word Lyk. avoids in this section

is Homer’s main one for the raft itself, oxeötn. προστεταργανωμένην: a hapax-word, formed

is bold (what about the ß?), but the identification

has been repeated by many scholars (e.g. Wide 1893: 37 and n. r, and Schachermeyr 1950: 31 and n. 53). The 1996 change in LSJ to dupiyeios (‘with land on both sides’) is not explained: Martin West suggests to me that its likely author, E. A. Barber,

303

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

750-758

τῆς κηρύλου δάμαρτος ἀπτῆνα σπόρον

750

αὐταῖς μεσόδμαις καὶ σὺν ἰκρίοις βαλεῖ πρὸς κῦμα δύπτην ἐμπεπλεγμένων κάλοις. πόντου δ᾽ ἄυπνος ἐνσαρούμενος μυχοῖς, ἀστῷ σύνοικος Θρῃκίας Ἀνθηδόνος ἔσται. παρ᾽ ἄλλου δ᾽ ἄλλος, ὡς πεύκης κλάδον βύκτης στροβήσει φελλὸν ἐνθρώσκων πνοαῖς. μόλις δὲ Βύνης ἐκ παλιρροίας κακῆς ἄμπυξ σαώσει, στέρνα δεδρυφαγμένον

may

have

wanted

to produce

a reference

Kyrene's harbour (Apollonia, cf. LACP:

to

p. 1236).

But even with the change, the ultimate derivation from γαιήοχος is by implication retained in LSJ. One might be tempted to dismiss this as

a poetic epithet: surely there was no cult to the earth-shaker any more than to Zeus cloudgatherer? But in fact there was cult to the Earthshaker (I am assuming that is the right translation, rather than eg. ‘earth-holder’) at one classical

city, namely Sparta, according to Hesychios and Pausanias; that rare thing, a lengthy sth-cent. sc inscription from Sparta, the ‘Damonon inscription’, bears this out by mentioning a festival Gaiaochia in an agonistic context. For Poseidon Gaiaochos at Sparta see Paus. 3. 20. 2, Hesych., and IG 5 (1) 213. 9. Not in Rennes database under any spelling of the epithet. (At Athens the cult is not attested before the 2nd cent. Bc, and in so well-

documented a religious centre, this absence in earlier centuries has some weight. See JG 2° 3538 (2nd cent. BC), 5058 (time of Nero). Sourvinou-

Inwood 2011: 68-72 can cite nothing earlier than these, but nevertheless argues that the Athenian cult of Poseidon Gaieochos antedated 450 sc. A 6th-cent. sc potsherd from Mende in Chalkidike bears a heavily restored inscription which might be relevant, but it is not certainly cultic. See SEG 45. 776, from a sanctuary of Poseidon, tentatively restored as [Π]α[ι]άοχε «vavoyaiz[a]. This looks like a snatch of Homer (cf. Od. 9. 528, also in the

of Kyrene. Thus a cult which was appropriate in a colonizing city was inherited by the colony and then the colony's colony, even though Kyrene is not seismically active, and we would expect "Theraians to be more worried about volcano god Hephaistos than about Poseidon of earthquakes, unless they knew that earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are related (as they are). So here is an example of a poetic epithet which had real cultic force in one city, and of colonies which adopted cultic name and cult without the specific motive which held for the metropolis. See Introduction section 11. ἐκβράσας: see 377n. for this favourite word of Lyk. 750. τῆς κηρύλου: see 387n. for the word, and also for the significance of the combination with

δύπτης

both

there

Lokrian

Ajax)

and

(describing here

(see

the fate of

752).

Lyk.

adds

δάμαρτος here because, as Σ᾽ and Tzetzes tell us, a κηρύλος was a male kingfisher. ἀπτῆνα: yet another a-privative word, see 745n. 751. μεσόδμαις: the word occurs twice in Od. (2. 424 and 15. 289) to mean the hollow, koiAn, box in

which the mast stood, in which case the ἔκρια are here uses then (Od.

vocative, as above), rather than a simple dedication,

so it is not clear evidence for local Mendaian cult to Poseidon as Gaieochos specifically. It is tempting to connect the Spartan cult with the area's well-known proneness to earthquakes. Sparta was, via Thera, the ‘grandmother’ city

755

the mast. But the better solution is that Lyk. μεσόδμαι for the mast itself, the ἔκρια will correspond to Homeric ἐπίκριον, 'yard-arm 5. 318). See Rengakos 1994: 114.

The construction αὐταῖς μεσόδμαις kat σὺν ἰκρίοις is μεταβολὴ or variatio of the kind discussed at 8n. 752. δύπτην: see 72—73n. for this word, and, for the combination with κήρυλος, 387n. and 750n.

304

Odysseus’ tribulations at sea; his raft

like the wingless chick of a female kingfisher,

750758 750

together with the mast and yard-arm, towards the waves, a diver entangled in the ropes.

He will be swept sleepless into the recesses of the sea, and will share his dwelling with the god from Thracian Anthedon. One wind after another will whirl him like a cork made of pine-bark, swooping on him with its gusts. The veil of Byne will just manage to save him from the deadly back-swirl; it will enclose

755

753. ἐνσαρούμενος: cf. 389 and n. for σαρούμενος

755. παρ᾽ ἄλλου δ᾽ dAdos...:

(about Lokrian Ajax), and 387n. for the Ajax-

winds which buffeted Odysseus at this moment,

Odysseus parallel.

see Od. 5. 292-8, naming them all.

754. This is a flowery way of saying that Odysseus

756. Burns: sce 738 n. peAAdv: there were distinguished poetic precedents for the application of

will jump or be thrown into the sea, like Glaukos (OCD* no. 4, LIMC

'Glaukos' no. 1), the fisher-

this word to human beings. At Pi. P. 2. 80 the

man who became a sea-god and acquired mantic

poet compares himself to a cork which stays afloat when the net sinks (i.e. he is not sunk by

powers when he ate a special herb and leapt into the sea; he then taught Apollo the art of prophecy. See Paus. 9. 22. 7, Ath. 296a-297a, and Palaiphatos 27, with Buxton 2009: 67 n. 51 and 174. This allusion is therefore an indirect reference to a

(past)

metamorphosis,

but

one

which

for the various

obloquy), and at A. Cho. 506, Orestes says that a

man's children are like corks which keep up the net of his reputation.

has

757. For Byne = Ino/Leukothea see 107n. ἐκ παλιρροίας κακῆς: for the adjective παλέρροιος

already taken place outside the poem and is not alluded to in it; see 176 n.

see 380n.; cf. Od. 5.430 παλιρρόθιον. Ciani treats

Boiotian Anthedon (JACP: no. 200, Barr. 55 E4 and 57 B3) was on the Euboian gulf, a little to the W. of the Euripos; Herakleides Kretikos 1. 23~4 said that ‘the inhabitants are nearly all fishermen’, etc., and that they claimed to be

the word as adjectival both times, but here it must be anoun. 758. ἄμπυξ σαώσει: for the strange narrative in which Leukothea takes pity on Odysseus and

descendants of Glaukos the sea-god. Cf. Pfister

saves him from drowning with the gift of her

1951: 83 and

‘immortal veil’, κρήδεμνον ... ἄμβροτον, see Od. 5. 333-51, esp. 346-7 and 351. Presumably the immortality of the veil somehow communicated itself magically to its wearer. In Homer, ἀμπυξ is a hair-band, I7. 22. 469

176, calling Glaukos' herb

(above)

a ‘Wunderkraut’. For Glaukos at Boiotia and Euboia, see also 376n. For Glaukos at Anthedon, see Aston 2011: 76-7 and 163-4; Schachter 1981-94: 1. 228 (no evidence for active cult of Glaukos) and ancient refs at n. 1.

(Andromache flings it away with the rest of her

The place called ‘Glaukos’ leap: Paus. 9. 22. 6.

headgear), already quoted by 2 and Tzetzes.

Anthedon

Cusset 2009: 135 stresses the negativity of Kassandra’s presentation of Odysseus hereabouts, but his powerlessness is not total: if Poseidon is his implacable enemy, he still has the ability to attract friendly saving gestures like that of Leukothea. Lambin 123 n. 314 (and 2009: 167) claims to see

was

"Thracian because

supposedly

colonized from Thrace. & says it was a περὶ Βοιω-

τίαν πόλις, ἥντινα ᾧκισαν Θρᾷκες, cf. Steph. Byz. a 329 Bill., which, however, merely quotes the present line of Lyk. in support of the idea that

Thracians συνῴκισαν the place. It is curious that, in the classical period, nearby Mykalessos was savagely overrun by ‘Thracian mercenaries, as

here a radical rewriting of Leukothea's role in Od.,

described in a famous passage of Th. (7. 29-30).

same way.

but she helps him in both texts and in much the

395

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

759-763

Kal χεῖρας ἄκρας, als κρεαγρεύτους πέτρας μάρπτων, ἁλιβρώτοισιν αἱμαχθήσεται στόρθυγξι. νῆσον δ᾽ eis Κρόνῳ στυγουμένην Ἅρπην περάσας, μεζέων κρεανόμον, LA

€

!

,

^

e

5

3

,

/

760

ft

ἄχλαινος ἵκτης πημάτων λυγρῶν κόπις 759

κρεαγρεύτους A κρεαγρεύστους B κρεαγρέπτους CDE κρεωγεύστους Holzinger

758—759. στέρνα δεδρυφαγμένον

761. στόρθυγξι: see 492 n.

/ καὶ χεῖρας

ἄκρας: there are two very different but equally cogent candidates for the meaning of the monstrous hapax-word δεδρυφαγμένον (cf. 664n. on θρανύξαντες), and the ambiguity cannot be conveyed in tr. Therefore, only sense (1) is conveyed by the tr. here adopted, but there is a real possibility that Lyk. intended both meanings, as a kind of riddle. (1) The verb δρύφασσω is related to δρύφακτον, ‘barrier’, ‘fence’, so that the meaning of the verb should be ‘I guard with a fence’. So

761-765. Odysseus in Phaiakia Odysseus arrives at the land of the Phaiakians at the end of Od. 5, is entertained by them in bks 6-8, tells the story of his adventures after dramatically revealing his identity at 9. 19, and concludes his narrative (and the first half of Od.) at the end of bk 12. 762. ἅρπην: the name means ‘sickle’ (cf. Hes.

here Odysseus is thought of as protecting his

Th. 179) and is an equivalent for Aperravn, from

chest and hands with the magic veil, as if by a barrier. This gains support from the verbal reminiscences of Od. 5. 372-3, Odysseus discarded the clothes which Kalypso had given him, tied the

δρέπανον, another word for ‘sickle’. Lyk. here implies, unusually, that Zeus not only overthrew but castrated his father Kronos with a sickle, which then lay hidden under the island of the

shawl under his chest, κρήδεμνον ὑπὸ στέρνοιο

Phaiakians; hence the name Drepane, which was

τάνυσσεν, and leapt into the sea, stretching out his hands, χεῖρε πετάσσας. (2) The verb is related

to ἀποδρύπτω, T tear, lacerate’. This gains support from Od. 5. 426 (again, Odysseus in the water),

ἔνθα δ᾽ ἀπὸ pwods δρύφθη and s. 434-5 ὡς τοῦ πρὸς πέτρῃσι θρασειάων ἀπὸ χειρῶν / ῥινοὶ ἀπέδρυφθεν. Both the Od. passages mean that he was stripped of the skin, ῥινός, of his hands. Lyk. will then be saying that his chest and the extremities of his hands i.e. his fingers were lacerated; so Mooney (‘with his breast all torn / And hands . . .’) and most commentators since Scheer.

759. κρεαγρεύτους: the word is variously transmitted; Mooney preferred the reading x peaypdmous, ‘flesh-scoring’ and Holzinger conjectured Κρεωγεύστους, ‘tasting flesh’. The text here followed is that of Mascialino and Hurst/Kolde, ‘qui carnes lacerat’ (Ciani). See Guilleux 2009:

230 for the frequency in Lyk. of such words in -76s with active verbal sense. 760. For this three-word line, one of several in this section, see 63n. and 739-740n. For the hapax-word dAißpwros, see 508n.

already known to Hellanikos as an old name for Kerkyra (FGrHist 4 F 77). This version, i.e. castration by Zeus of Kronos, appears to have been known to Timaios (FGrHist 566 F79, from 2 Ap. Rh. 4. 982/92g, p. 302 Wendel), but the text is not quite secure: Τίμαιος de φησιν ᾧ ἐξέτεμεν

[τοῦ Οὐρανοῦ ἢ deleted by Wendel, deletion approved by Jacoby] τοῦ Κρόνου τὰ αἰδοῖα ὁ Ζεύς; and see the app. crit. of Jacoby and Wendel. This tradition also featured in Orphic literature, see frag. 154 Kern (mainly from Porphyry, de antro nympharum 16): Zeus drugged Kronos with

honey and then castrated him, ὃ καὶ πάσχει ὁ Κρόνος (i.e. the honey story) καὶ δεθεὶς ἐκτέμνεται ὡς ὁ Οὐρανός. See, for this Orphic aspect, Roscher: 1. 2. 1470-1 (cf. briefly Gantz 1993: 44) and esp. M. West 1983: 134-6 and 237,

showing that the tradition probably featured in the Orphic theogony recorded by the Peripatetic Eudemos of Rhodes in the later 4th-cent. sc. It would be of great interest if Lyk., and perhaps also the Sicilian Timaios, could be shown to have been aware of and influenced by Orphic doctrine, which certainly flourished in Magna Graecia

306

Odysseus in Phaiakia

759-763

his chest, and the fingers, with which he grasps the flesh-lacerating rocks: he will be bloodied by sea-corroded spikes. Then he will come to Sickle-island, hateful to Kronos

760

because it mangled his genitals; as a naked suppliant, inventing a miserable tale of woes, (Zuntz 1971; Graf and Johnston 2007: 4-5 no. 1, Hipponion), but there may be less exciting explanations for Lyk.’s not-uncharacteristic departure from a standard myth. For the same derivation, but in terms of the more familiar myth of Kronos’ own castration of his father Ouranos

(cf. Hes. 7%. 173-206 for this

there are nine separate examples in Barr., and that

castration), see Ap. Rh. 4. 982-90, who gives, as an alternative, a derivation from the reaping-scythe of Demeter

(for this derivation see also Arist.

frag. 512 Rose). The problem (was the fathercastrator Zeus or was it Zeus’ own

of coast which runs N. of Corfu town is obviously the blade of the ‘Sickle-island’ of Kerkyra, regarded as a whole), and once the sickle had become a toponym, the alternative explanation in terms of one of the primeval divine acts of castration was inevitably attached to it. Drepanon/e was a common name for coastal places throughout the Greek world:

father Kronos?)

is not addressed by Sens 2009: 34-5, who sees Lyk. as engaging in a scholarly debate as to ‘which god’s sickle accounted for the original name of Corcyra’, but regards the choice as binary, between

Zeus and Demeter. There are in fact three possibilities: Kronos, Zeus, and Demeter, and it is not

clear that Lyk. has a view about the Demeter option, unless silence is taken to be conscious rejection. For the identification of Homer's Phaiakia with historical Kerkyra, see 632n. (this location is

implied by Ap. Rh. 4. 982, πορθμοῖο παροιτέρη

total does not include Kerkyra/Drepane; see also the places enumerated at Steph. Byz. 8 127 Bill., Δρεπάνη. No doubt the Kronos story was told by local pundits about many of these, as well as about those discussed above, and no wonder 'Th. and/or Antiochos ignored Kronos when discussing the name Zankle. μεζέων: cf. Hes. WD 512 for this synonym for μήδεα (i.e. genitals, as at Od. 6. 129 and 18. 67, also Kall. frag. 43 P£. = Massimilla 50 line 70, describing Kronos’ castration of Ouranos). κρεανόμον: cf. 203n.

763. ἄχλαινος: Odysseus has to cover his μήδεα (cf. 762 n. on μεζέων) when addressing Nausikaa, Od. 6. 129. ἵκτης: ie. ἱκέτης, cf. 720n. The shortened form ἱκτήρ is found several times in tragedy. Guilleux 2009: 232 is right that the reason

Ἰονίοιο). See also 869n.: the story of the hidden castrating sickle was also sometimes told about

for

Drepanon in W. Sicily, mod. Trapani. Finally, the city of Zankle/Messina in E. Sicily ACP. no. 51)

the abbreviation was not actually necessary for the scansion to work. Rather, Lyk. avoids resolu-

was also supposed to have derived its name from ‘sickle’ (Th. 6. 4. 5, ‘the Sikels call a δρέπανον a ζάγκλον᾽, see Kall. frag. 43 Pf. (= so Massimilla) 71, cited by 2 869, cf. Harder 2012: 348. Th., perhaps following Antiochos of Syracuse (FGrHist 555), explained this solely in terms of the shape of the place (the splendid natural harbour of Messina is indeed sickle-shaped, ZACP: p. 235 and any map of the town), but Kall. frag. 43 Pf. = so Massimilla lines 68-72, in his section of the Aitia on Zankle,

invoked the sickle used by Kronos against Ouranos here too. Clearly, any large protected circular harbour invited comparison with a sickle (the great arc

the

shortened

form

here

is metrical,

but

tion: dyAawos ἱκέτης would have been perfectly acceptable in late Euripidean iambics, cf. e.g. Ba. 701. πημάτων λυγρῶν: the chime with the

famous σήματα λυγρά of Il. 6. 168 (a slanderous message in writing, matching Odysseus' supposedly lying narration here) may not be accidental. κόπις: used again at the end of the poem (1464, spoken by the guard) to describe the Sibyl, to

whom Kassandra is compared. It is applied in a derogatory sense to Odysseus as smooth-talking people-flatterer at E. Hek. 132, κόπις ἠδυλόγος δημοχαριστής (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112), and may—see Tzetzes on the present passage

307

764-771

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

τὸν μυθοπλάστην ἐξυλακτήσει γόον,

ἀρὰς τετικὼς τοῦ τυφλωθέντος δάκους.

765

οὔπω μάλ᾽, οὔπω, μὴ τοσόσδ᾽ ὕπνος λάβοι λήθης Μέλανθον ἐγκλιθένθ᾽ Ἱππηγέτην. ἥξει γάρ, ἥξει ναύλοχον Ῥείθρου σκέπας καὶ Νηρίτου πρηῶνας. ὄψεται δὲ πᾶν μέλαθρον ἄρδην ἐκ βάθρων ἀνάστατον

770

μύκλοις γυναικόκλωψιν. 1j de βασσάρα, 767

λήθῃ fortasse P. Oxy.3445

dyrAıdevß"Scheer

and Collard’s n. on Hek.—derive from xértw, ‘I

chop' as in ‘logic-chopping’. (A Z on Hei. cites a sentence of Timaios, FGrHist 566 F 132, in sup-

port of the explanation koridas de τὰς τῶν λόγων τέχνας, but the verbatim Timaios quota-

265. For the Kyklops' prayer to Poseidon, see 749n. δάκους: from δάκνω, ‘I bite’; hence any large wild animal. It is used of the Wooden Horse

tion which follows is corrupt. DK 22 Herakleitos B 81, part of which is cited by the same Z, is not easy to disentangle or understand either, but probably confirms that the noun conveys disparagement: Herakleitos apparently called Pythagoras the κοπίδων.... ἀρχηγός.) The use at 1464 is the more problematic of the two occurrences in Lyk.; see n. there.

at A. Ag. 384, with Fraenkel. Kall. A. 3. 84 applies

it, not to the Kyklopes, but to hunted wild beasts which the Kyklopes might eat (cf. Bornmann’s n.: the animals described by Kall. ‘have the same

attributes as the Kyklopes who are to eat them). It is surely likelier that Lyk. plays with Kall. here than vice versa.

764. τὸν μυθοπλάστην ἐξυλακτήσει γόον: this compressed expression resists attempts to attach it to a specific Homeric episode. On the most plausible such attempt, that of Holzinger, it might refer

to Odysseus’ groans on hearing Demodokos' song about the Wooden Horse (OZ 8.534, βαρὺ δὲ στεváyovros ἄκουσεν, cf. 8. 540, Alkinoos says that since Demodokos began singing, Odysseus has not ceased from ὀιζυροῖο γόοιο). But more probably it embraces the whole of Odysseus' Phaiakian narrative, the self-pitying tendency of which is naturaly exaggerated by Kassandra. There is (S. West 1983: 116, and Hurst/Kolde) an obvious paradox in having Kassandra characterize Odysseus Phaiakian narrative as mendacious, when it forms

the basis of much of her own future-tense narrative in this section. However, this inconsistency, such as it is—and it is better regarded as clever character-

Cusset 2009: 137 notes that ‘les seules paroles’ which Kassandra anywhere allows Odysseus to utter are these inarticulate groans.

766-767. Kassandra prays to Poseidon Itis as if she has been reminded to pray to Poseidon by her own mention at 765 of the Kyklops’ prayer to him. 767. These epithets all refer to Poseidon: Kassandra prays that the vengeful god will not rest. Scheer's idea that they refer to Odysseus (so that the ‘horsey’ epithet would refer to his role in the making of the Wooden Horse) discards the evidence of the ancient commentators, and produces a much weaker sense. Kassandra has already told us (753) that Odysseus was sleepless as he was tossed

around at sea. λήθης: P. Oxy. 3445 may show that the right reading was λήθηι, instrumental dative.

etc.), by which Schade: 166 is also unconvinced, as

MéAavÜov: the ancient commentators offer no help here beyond saying that this was a cult title of Poseidon at Athens. There is no other direct evidence for this, though Melanthos was a figure in early Athenian myth and was descended from Poseidon, cf. FGrHist 26 Konon F 1. XXXIX.

is White 2000: 126.

(Note also that Melanthios has been restored as an

ization of an angry and illogical Kassandra—does not justify the violent transpositions suggested by

S. West 1983: 115-18 (lines 763-764 placed after 788,

308

764-771

Odysseus on Ithaka; his death

he will yell out his fictitious lament,

fulfilling the prayers of the blinded monster.

765

Not yet, not yet! May no sleep of forgetfulness seize Melanthos, the Driver of Horses, as he surrenders to slumber.

He will come, he will come to the harbour-refuge of Reithron and the heights of Neriton; and he will see his entire house utterly overthrown from its foundations by wife-stealing adulterers. And that vixen,

779

mentioned only in that one Homeric passage,

epithet of Apollo at IG 12. 5. 1101, from Poiessa on Athens’ close and Athenian-influenced neighbour

and has not been located (S. West 1988: 100; Barr.

Keos: [Ἄπόλ]λωνι Μελαν[θίωι]; and Melanthides

map 54 C5 offers nothing, always assuming that

(?) may be an epithet of Dionysos in Konon (as

the historical Ithaka was Odysseus’ island). See

above), where, however, Jacoby accepts the emen-

also next n.

dation

Διονύσωι

Medavaiyıöı

for

the

MSS

769. Mt Neriton ‘of the quivering leaves’ features

μελανθίδι or μελανθίδηι, both of these are from the Rennes

database, which

does

both in the Catalogue of Ships Ul. 2. 631-2,

not, however,

Odysseus led Κεφαλλῆνας μεγαθύμους / οἱ ῥ᾽ Ἰθάκην εἶχον καὶ Νήριτον εἰνοσίφυλλον) and

register plain Melanthos as an epithet of Poseidon.)

The word is thought to mean ‘dark’, cf. kvavoyal-

(with the same adjective) at Od. 9. 22, and cf. 13.

της. Holzinger translates ‘das dunkle Haupt des Schläfers, der das Ross erschuf! ἐγκλιθένθ᾽:

Scheer's emendation

ἀγκλιθένθ᾽ was accepted

by Mooney but has not generally found favour. (Rejected by White 2000: 125.) The difference in meaning is not great, but the word is admittedly hard (we expect another cult epithet, like the two

which enclose it). The MSS’ reading means ‘yielding’ sc. to slumber; with Scheer's emendation it would mean ‘lying down’. Ἱπττηγέτης: epithets for Poseidon in ὑππ’- are common everywhere, but this otherwise unattested cult epithet is said by 2 and Tzetzes to denote Poseidon ‘among the Delians’. It is absent from the Rennes database. There is very slight epigraphic support for Poseidon the ‘Horsedriver’ (or "Horse-begetter', perhaps referring to his mating with Demeter and fathering of Arion) at Delos: a very fragmentary inscription, perhaps naming Poseidon, has been found on a mosaic near what may (or may not) have been the site of the

hippodrome. See Bruneau 1970: 265, with 260 for the inscription (---]Z | ---]@ND. 768-819. Odysseus on Ithaka; his death

768. ἥξει ydp, ἥξει: see 681n. For Reithron as a (or the?)

harbour

of Ithaka

see

Od.

1. 187, ἐν

λιμένι Ῥείθρῳ, ὑπὸ Nyiw ὑλήεντι. Reithron is

351, also stressing its wooded character, but in different language; Lyk. will pick up this feature at 794, Νηρίτων δρυμῶν. The similarity of the name to Neion (see previous n.) led grammarians in antiquity to wonder if the two places were supposed to be identical. It has been thought (Rengakos 1994: 127-8) that Lyk. here pronounces in favour of identity. 770. μέλαθρον ...: here and elsewhere, the language used for Odysseus’ house is Homeric; see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 540-1, 548-9, 554, 556. 771. μύκλοις: cf. Antimachos frag. 154 Wyss = [206]

Matthews;

Antimachos lecherous

but

this

is

probably

not

but Kall. (frag. 650 Pf.). For the

behaviour

of the suitors, see

Od. 16.

109-10 (they drag the women about, cf. 1089 n. for the verb; 22. 37 is more frank) and 20. 325 (Melantho sleeps with Eurymachos). γυναικόκλωψιν: this compound word is a kind of reverse of κλεψίνυμφος at 1116; cf. Guilleux 2009: 234. Bacodpa: used again at 1373 to describe Mestra, the daughter of Erysichthon. The word supposedly means a kind of fox, and is thus suggestive of cunning (for the meaning ‘fox’ see Tzetzes, who adds that it ‘now’ means a prostitute, πόρνη). But

399

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

772-786 σεμνῶς

κασωρεύουσα

κοιλανεῖ δόμους,

θοίναισιν ὄλβον ἐκχέασα τλήμονος. αὐτὸς δὲ πλείω τῶν ἐπὶ Σκαιαῖς πόνους 3

^

*

’

a

>

x

^

/,

ἰδὼν μολοβρός, τλήσεται μὲν οἰκετῶν στυγνὰς ἀπειλὰς εὐλόφῳ νώτῳ φέρειν δέννοις κολασθείς. τλήσεται δὲ καὶ χερῶν πληγαῖς ὑπείκειν καὶ βολαῖσιν ὀστράκων. οὐ yap ξέναι μάστιγες, ἀλλὰ δαψιλὴς σφραγὶς μενεῖ Θόαντος ἐν πλευραῖς ἔτι,

780

λύγοισι τετρανθεῖσα, τὰς ὁ λυμεὼν ἐπεγκολάπτειν ἀστένακτος αἰνέσει, ἑκουσίαν σμώδιγγα προσμάσσων δομῇ, ὅπως παλεύσῃ δυσμενεῖς, κατασκόποις λώβαισι καὶ κλαυθμοῖσι φηλώσας πρόμον.

785

3

^

3

/

A

é

,

A

/

3

3

-

A

775

A

ὃν BoußvAelas κλιτὺς ἡ Τεμμικία a

΄

A

€

,

A. wrote a play called the Βασσάραι or Βασσαρίδες, meaning Bacchanal worshippers, so

773. θοίναισιν: here and at the similar 791, the ‘feasts’ are objects of disapproval or are otherwise

there is a hint of Dionysiac abandon, as at 792

grim (see 213n.); but that at 802 is the grimmest

(see n. there); cf. Mari 2009: 434 n. 67.

in the poem.

Lyk. adopts the un-Homeric view that Penelope was faithless and did sleep with the suitors—all of them. Douris of Samos (FGrHist

76 F 21, quoted by 2) and perhaps also Pindar (frag. 100) held that Pan was the result of one of

these liaisons (a piece of dumme Etymologie’, acc. Jacoby). The Douris frag. is a puzzle: frag. 18 is thoughtto hint that the context was Kleonymos' sexual excesses, for which see Diod. 20. 104. 3. "The unusual notion that Penelope was unfaith-

ful may perhaps be explained in terms of the revenge of Nauplios against the killers of his son Palamedes, among whom Odysseus was the chief, see 1090-1098 n. Naturally, Kassandra omits Odysseus' suitorslaying and re-union with Penelope (all too positive). This Odyssey has no provisional happy end. 772. σεμνῶς κασωρεύουσα: the verb means to fornicate (cf. the hapax-word κασωρίς at 1385, and Guilleux 2009: 227). The adverb is more of a difficulty, because it is a common word whose meaning is usually positive. 2 (N) says it means λαθράιως. Et. Magn. (709. 51-3) cites the present passage of Lyk. for the meaning αἰσχρῶς. δόμους: see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 547 for the 'trahison domestique".

774. ἐπὶ Σκαιαῖς: understand πύλαις, as J says. The reference is to the battle for the dead body of Achilles, as described at Od. 5. 310 and 24. 36-42; Aithiopis arg. 3a and 3b with West 20132: 149-53. The specification of the Skaian gates is implied by Hektor’s dying prophecy (47 22. 359760) that Achilles would die there. Kassandra insistently evokes the city of Troy in its physical aspect; see Trachsel 2009: 533-4 (also Rougier-Blanc 2009: 546 n. 57). 775. μολοβρός: see Od. 17. 219 (already quoted by ΣῈ) and 18. 26, with Rengakos 1994: 124. 776. Cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58) S. Ajax 1286-7, εὐλόφου / κυνῆς; also E. Tro. 303, δυσλόφως φέρει κακά. "Tzetzes found these two lines (775—776) absurd and in bad taste (see Berra 2009: 294). 777. δέννοις: a rare but Herodotean word (9. 107.1, and there only in Hdt.; see Flower and Marincola,

who

note that the—tragic

and poetic—verb

δεννάζειν is commoner, cf. e.g. S. Ant. 757).

778. See A. frag. 180 TrGF (from the Ὀστολόγοι) lines 4-5 with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 55: someone (probably Ktesippos, cf. Od. 20. 287-302) threw a chamber-pot at Odysseus’ head, and the

310

772-786

Odysseus on Ithaka; his death demurely fornicating, shall waste his household,

pouring out the wretch’s wealth in feasts. He himself, a greedy beggar, will see more troubles than he did at the Skaian gates, and he will endure

775

the odious threats of his own slaves with a patient back, chastised with reproaches. He will submit to

blows from fists, and thrown potsherds. Whips will be no strangers to him, but the broad seal of Thoas will remain visible on his side,

780

imprinted by the switches which that mischief-maker will permit to engrave their marks on him, without a groan, applying voluntary weals to his body: all this to dupe his enemies, with wounds for spies, and wailing, so deceiving our king.

785

He whom the Temmikian hill of Bombyleia object smashed into fragments or potsherds, so he says περὶ δ᾽ ἐμῷ κάρᾳ / πληγεῖσ᾽ ἐναυάγησεν

(here

ὀστρακουμένη. This has often been taken to be

other than Odysseus, λυμεὼν ἐμός, with Garvie for the participle used as in effect a substantive. It has certainly become one by the time Lyk.

it is hardly

more

than

abusive);

but cf.

S. Ajax 573, spoken (by Ajax himself) about none

from a satyr-play, but Sommerstein 2008: 3. 183 argues convincingly against this (as have others before him). So Lyk. would be alluding to a trag-

uses it.

edy (note A.’s three-word line).

782. See 63n. for this three-word line.

779. δαψιλής: cf. 957 n.

783. σμώδιγγα: this word is used twice by Homer, both times in connection with Odysseus:

780. 2 says that this episode was in the Little Iliad, see West 20132: 197, comm. on ΕΒ (the πτωχεία), noting that Thoas the Aitolian is next to Odysseus

Il 2. 267 (he beats Thersites)

both in the Catalogue of Ships (I. 2. 631-44) and in

wrestling-match with Ajax). Rengakos 1994: 120

and

23. 716

(his

the Hesiodic list of Helen's suitors (frag. 198 M/W

notes that Lyk. was the first author to use the

= 154¢ Most). This account was a development of

word since Homer.

Od. 4. 242-64, where Helen describes how Odysseus entered Troy covered in disfiguring wounds. Ion of Chios also used the episode in his Öpoupoi; see TrGF 1.19 frags 43 and 44. The story was surely in Hdt.’s mind when he described the patriotically motivated self-mutilation of the Persian Zopyros which enabled the capture of Babylon (3. 153-8), and this narrative in turn may have influenced Lyk.

784-785. κατασκόποις / λώβαισι: a daring brachylogy, involving a kind of synecdoche. Odysseus’ wounds are themselves thought of as the spies. For λώβαισι see 780n. 786. 2 says that Bombyleia was a Boiotian epithet of Athena, Βομβυλεία ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ τιμᾶται ἐν Βοιωτίᾳ. The epithet has been thought to refer to Athena as inventor of the flute, presumably because βόμβυξ was the lowest note on the flute, as Aristotle says in the Metaphysics (1093b3). See Schachter 1981-94: 1. 134, citing Farnell 1896-1909: I. 315, and noting Thebes' connection with fluteplaying. For this, see e.g. Pi. P. 12. 5-8 and Plut. Demetr. 1.6, Boiotian authors both. Τεμμικία: see 644n. for this old name for Boiotia.

Note the repeated use by Hdt. of λωβ- words (3. 154. 2-155. 3, and 156. 3), cf. λώβαισι at 785 (also used of Odysseus at 656); and with Hdt. 3. 154. 2 μαστιγώσας and 157.1 μάστιξι cf. μάστιγες at 779. For Thoas, see further 1013-1026, esp. ro12— 1013 for his periphrastic description. 781. λυμεών: see 38n. The basic meaning ‘destructive agent’ is better suited to that passage

au

Lykophron's ‘Odyssey’

787-800 ὕψιστον ἡμῖν πῆμ᾽ u

€

^

^

ἐτέκνωσέν ποτε,

>>

ἢ

/

μόνος πρὸς οἴκους ναυτίλων σωθεὶς τάλας. λοῖσθον δὲ καύηξ ὥστε κυμάτων δρομεὺς ὡς κόγχος ἅλμῃ πάντοθεν mepırpıßeis, ε

/

L4

/

790

,

κτῆσίν τε θοίναις Πρωνίων λαφυστίαν πρὸς τῆς Λακαίνης αἰνοβακχεύτου κιχών, σῦφαρ θανεῖται πόντιον φυγὼν σκέπας, κόραξ σὺν ὅπλοις Νηρίτων δρυμῶν πέλας. 4

^

e

,

^

/

κτενεῖ δὲ τύψας πλευρὰ λοίγιος στόνυξ κέντρῳ δυσαλθὴς ἔλλοπος Σαρδωνικῆς. κέλωρ δὲ πατρὸς ἄρταμος κληθήσεται, Ἀχιλλέως δάμαρτος αὐτανέψιος. μάντιν δὲ νεκρὸν Εὐρυτὰν στέψει λεώς, 67 αἰπὺ ναίων Τραμπύας ἐδέθλιον, u

3

3

A

,ὔ

7

29

2

795

800

the two wives. See Schade on the present line,

The underlying notion here is that Odysseus was born in Boiotia. For this see FGrHist 334 Istros F 58, Antikleia bore Odysseus at Alalkomenai in Boiotia.

aptly commenting on the typically Lykophronic tease by which we might assume for a brief moment that the αὐτοβάκχευτος Spartan woman is actually Helen.

788. Against the theory that lines 763—764 should be transposed to here, see 764n. In the present section, Wilamowitz 1884: 193 n. 55 suggested the order 787, 789, 790, 788, 791; rejected by Holzinger but accepted by Schade and favoured by Mooney. Independently, Platt 1891: 115 suggested transposing 790 after 792.

793-798. Odysseus crosses over to Epeiros and is killed For Teiresias’ enigmatic prediction of Odysseus’ final travels and death, see Od. n. 121-37. A detailed and un-Homeric account was given in the Epic Cycle. See the Telegony by Eugammon of Kyrene, West 20132: 288-315.

789. καύηξ: see 425 and 741nn.

793. σῦφαρ: lit. an old and wrinkled skin (rare); see Kall. frag. 260. 52 Pf. = 74. 11 Hollis (the crow swears by its own wrinkled skin), where Hollis suggests that the juxtaposition of this word and κόραξ in 794 ‘could be due to unconscious recollection of our [sc. the Kall.] passage’. See also Hollis 2007: 284-5.

791. Boivais: see 213n. and 773n. Πρωνίων: for

Pronnoi (polis on Kephallenia) see not onlyTh. 2. 30. 2 but R/O no. 22 line 108. ACP: no. 135. Here

the meaning is really ‘of Odysseus’, because he was leader of the Kephallenians in the Catalogue

of Ships (1l. 2. 631). λαφυστέαν: here passive in sense, contrast 215, where it means ‘voracious’ (see

Rougier-Blanc 2009: 547 n. 62).

794. For Neriton see 769 n.

792. Penelope is ‘Lakonian’as daughter of Ikarios,

795-796. This refers to the manner of Odysseus’ death at the hands of Telegonos, his own son by Kirke; the spear was tipped with the barb of a sting-ray. See Tedegony arg. 3 and frag. 5 with West 20132: 300-3 and excursus (‘The Death of Odysseus’) at 307-15, including (309 fig. 3) a photograph of a sting-ray. There seems to be

brother of Tyndareos, earlier king of Sparta (Apollod. 3. 10. 4 and 5). αἰνοβακχεύτου: the Bacchic motif assimilates Penelope to the promiscuous Helen, cf. 106n. For the compound word cf. 820n. on αἰνόλεκτρον; the verbal parallels further emphasize the assimilation between

312

787-800

Odysseus on Ithaka; his death

once bore to be the greatest of our woes: the wretch comes home safe, alone of all his crew. Last of all, like a sea-swallow racing above the waves, or like a shell worn away from all sides by sea-water,

he will find his property devoured in Pronian feasts by his fearfully frenzied Lakonian wife. He will die wrinkled, after fleeing the ocean-refuge, an armed crow near the groves of Neriton. A spear-point, deadly and incurable, will strike his side and kill him with its barb of Sardinian fish.

790

795

"Ihe son shall be called his father's killer, cousin of the wife of Achilles.

The Eurytanian people will crown him as a seer when he dies, they who live on the lofty seat of Trampya.

unintelligible oracles of Odysseus, but this goes

a contradiction between this prophecy and that of Teiresias at Od. 11. 135-7: a gentle, ἄβληχρος,

beyond what Kassandra says about him here. This is (Cusset) strictly the only occurrence of μάντις in this prophetic poem. But see 202 and 1456, πρόμαντις; 429, μαντεύματα; 682, νεκρόμαντις. Acc. all the old 2, the manteion or divinatory

death will come to Odysseus in sleek old age. See also Nik. 75. 835-6, concluding the section on the τρυγών or sting-ray: it is said that

Odysseus ‘perished when struck by the miserable sting from the sea’, λευγαλέοιο ὑπὸ κέντρου.

τυπεὶς ἁλίου

sanctuary of Odysseus in Eurytania was mentioned by Aristotle in his Constitution of the Ithakesians (frag. 508 Rose), a good and important source, also drawn on by Plutarch in his Greek Questions, see esp. Question no. 14 with Halliday 1928: 79-83 (Odysseus’ enforced migration to Italy, where some have unnecessarily emended Ἰταλίαν to Αἰτωλίαν. See West 20132: 295 n. IO).

795. στόνυξ: see 486n. 796. ἔλλοπος: see 598n. ‘Sardinian’ means ‘from the Tyrrhenian sea’, because Kirke lived in Etruria. 797. ἄρταμος: see 236n. 798. See 63n. for the three-word line. The son is the cousin

of the wife of Achilles because

800

(a)

800. For Trampya see LACP: p. 340, citing Steph.

Achilles was married to Medea, see 174 and (b)

Byz. Tpaumóa: πόλις τῆς Ἠπείρου πλησίον

Kirke, mother of Telegonos, was sister of Aietes,

Βουνίμων. For a conjectural location Voutonosi) in inland Epeiros, on the Arachthos, see Hammond 1967: 798 with map at 675. His main reason for putting it

father of Medea. 799. For Eurytania, whose inhabitants were said (as reported by Th. 3. 94. 5) to speak an unintelli-

(mod. upper 550 and there is

gible dialect and to be eaters of raw meat, see

its distance from

Barr. map 55 AB 2-3. It was a large area in the northern part of Aitolia; see Corsten 1999: 138 and 152 for the Hellenistic Eurytanians as a kind

Odysseus’death among people who did not know

the sea, cf. Od. τι. 122-3 for

the sea (and ‘away from the sea’, if that is what the

passage, and no other, as evidence for the ethnic of Eurytania. Cusset 2009: 137 sees a parallel

mysterious ἐξ dAds means at rr 134; but see below). See West (799n.). On the other hand, Lyk., by having Odysseus killed by a sting-ray, appears to subscribe to the alternative interpretation of the words, viz. 'out of the sea'. Or else, as

between the unintelligible Eurytanians and the

often, the poem has it both ways.

of sub-ethnos of Aitolia, citing Ar. frag. 598 (see

below). Steph. Byz. (e 169 Bill.) gives the present

313

801-808

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

ἐν fj ποτ᾽ αὖθις Ἡρακλῆ φθίσει δράκων Τυμφαῖος ἐν θοίναισιν Αἰθίκων πρόμος, τὸν Αἰακοῦ τε κἀπὸ Περσέως σπορᾶς

καὶ Τημενείων οὐκ ἄπωθεν αἱμάτων. Πέργη δέ μιν θανόντα, Τυρσηνῶν ὄρος,

805

ἐν Γορτυναίᾳ δέξεται πεφλεγμένον, ὅταν στενάζων κῆρας ἐκπνεύσῃ βίον H παιδός

808

τε

και

EJ δάμαρτος,

a NV

, κτεινας

, TOOLS

κάσις C.J. Fox ap. Döderlein 1829: 467-8

801-804. The reference here is to the killing

in Act V of the Shakespearean Titus Andronicus,

of Herakles, son of Alexander the Great and Barsine, by Polyperchon in 309 sc, at the sugges-

Harpagos realizes he has eaten his son, compare the killing of the boy Herakles in the present passage. His other use is at 9. 82. 3, which is less ‘marked’. Murder at dinner is the most extreme violation of hospitality imaginable; for the theme, see

tion of Kassandros; see Diod. 20. 20 and 28 with

Beloch 4° τ. 139 and J. Hornblower 1981: 36 and 225. A clear signal is the naming of Herakles en clair. elsewhere the god/hero Herakles is referred to periphrasticaly This and Xerxes’ invasion (1412-1434) are the only historical events alluded to in the poem almost without equivocation. See nn. below. It is likely (see 802 n.) that Lyk. here drew on the History of the Successors by Hieronymos of Kardia, for whom (in relation to Lyk.) see further 1189-1213 n. (on the tradition that Hektor's bones were removed from Ophryneion and reburied at Boiotian Thebes, of which Hieronymos was governor in the 290s). 801~802. δράκων / Τυμφαῖος: this is Polyperchon, from the Macedonian canton of Tymphaia, for whose career in and after the reign of Alexander the Great see Berve 1926: 2. no. 654, Heckel 2006: 226-31, and A. B. B[osworth], OCD‘, For his can-

ton see esp. Diod. 17. 57.2, where he commands the

‘Stymphaians (sic) at the battle of Gaugamela, cf. also 20. 28. 1, where he is operating περὶ τὴν καλουμένην Στυμφαίαν. The spelling with initial sigma is also found at Kall. EZ. 3 £o Artemis 178, Στυμφαιίδες (of oxen); see Steph. Byz. Τύμφη. See also next n. for δράκων; also 814n.

802. ἐν θοίναισιν: Lyk.’s usual word for feasts,

the

Homeric

(as opp.

Aeschylean)

version

of

Agamemnon's death, Od. τι. 410-20. Here, the death-at-dinner detail is not in Diod., but is in

Plut. Mor. 530 c-e, who quotes Hes. WD 342 τὸν φιλέοντ᾽ ἐπὶ δαῖτα καλεῖν, τὸν δ᾽ ἐχθρὸν ἐᾶσαι. Paus. 9. 7. 2 says that Polyperchon poisoned the

boy (ἀπέκτεινεν ὑπὸ φαρμάκων), and Σ' (cf. Holzinger) suggests that this is alluded to by the ‘dragon’ or ‘snake’ i.e. venomous creature of 801, δράκοντα δὲ εἶπε τὸν ἀνελόντα, διὰ τὸ ἰῶδες

τοῦ φαρμάκου; but there are many human ‘drag-

ons’ in Lyk. (For alleged poisonings by another Macedonian king, Philip V, at symposia, see HE 18-27 = Alkaios of Messene II and III.) Justin 15.

2. 3 attributes the murder entirely to Kassandros, and merely says it was done ‘tacite’. Plut. (above) has the boy strangled. It is likely that Diod., at least, goes back to Hieronymos, and that Lyk.

was also aware of Hieronymos account. Αἰθέκων πρόμος: the Aithikes, in the borderlands between Epeiros and Thessaly (Barr. map. 54 D2) were in

the Thessalian

Eurypylos’

contingent

in

the

Catalogue of Ships: I. 2. 744. Strabo 9. 5. 12 says

they formerly lived on Mt Pindos, but were now

which are always grim in this poem; cf. 1200 for Kronos’ ‘impious banquet’ of his own children.

extinct. For πρόμος see 599n.

θοίνη is a poetic word, apart from two uses by

803. Alexander the Great (and therefore also his son, the historical Herakles) was an Aiakid through his mother Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemos, Molossian king who claimed to be a descendant of

Ht. The latter's first use is at 1. 119. 5, where, after the grimmest feast in all Greek literature, matched only in any literature by Tamora’s feast

314

Odysseus on Ithaka; his death

801-808

There the Tymphaian snake, king of the Aithikes, will slay Herakles during a feast, the descendant of Aiakos, of the seed of Perseus, no distant kin of the Temeneioi.

Perge, the Tyrrhenian mountain in Gortynaian territory,

805

will receive him when dead and cremated,

as he breathes out his life, lamenting the fate of his son, and of his wife, whom her husband kills

perhaps the bridge from a section of narrative about Epeiros (see FF 206 and 207, both fixed by Harpokration to book 43) to an excursus about the Etruscans, which includes the lengthy frag. (204) about their habits; so Shrimpton 1991: 89. On the traditions about Odysseus in Etruria see also Occipinti zo1o. πεφλεγμένον: it would seem that Odysseus’

Achilles’ son Neoptolemos. He was of the seed of Aiakos because the Macedonian kings were descended from Temenos (Hdt. 8. 137. 1, cf. 139), who was great-grandson of the mythical Herakles, who was great-grandson of Perseus. The boy's name Herakles alludes to this royal Macedonian claim to descent from the god-hero Herakles; for this claim see Gow-Page on HE 488 (= Antipater of Sidon XLVII. 7). The language and thought of this line resemble

body was taken to Etruria by Telegonos after he had accidentally killed him in Ithaka. (Alternatively,

those of 1440, ἀπ᾿ Αἰακοῦ Te κἀπὸ Δαρδάνου yeyws. Kassandra here subject-matter of that rightly S. West 1984a: 138 and Prioux 2009: 463 and

Odysseus was brought back to life by Kirke and died a second time in Etruria. So Z, but M. West

looks forward to the climactic section; so and n. 51, cf. Pouzadoux n. 24.

20132: 306 thinks this was not in the Telegony, because then Penelope would not have been free to marry Telegonos). S. West 19842: 138-9 (echoing Tzetzes) despairs of Lyk. here, for juxtaposing 'two virtually contradictory accounts without explanation or apology', but apologies and explanations are not in this poet's line, whereas inconsistencies are. See also Fowler 2013: 557 n. 116.

804. Τημενείων οὐκ ἄπωθεν αἱμάτων: for ‘ Temeneian' ἫΝ see 803n. ‘ ‘Not far from’ ; here means ‘close to’. 805. Perge is said (2) to be a mountain in Etruria, in the territory of Cortona, but there is no other hard evidence. Holzinger thought it might

807-811. These lines are thoroughly oracular in style (‘ganz orakelhaft’), acc. Wilamowitz 1884:

be a Lykophronic formation from Perusia, mod.

190 n. 31.

Perugia; cf. Justin zo. 1. 11, ‘Perusini quoque originem ab Achaeis ducunt' (from a chapter full of such foundation stories involving Greeks in Italy).

807. The dying were believed to have prophetic powers; see Janko on J/ 16. 852-4, and my comm. on Hát. 5.92 ἢ 2-4. 808. The son (of Odysseus) is Telemachos and the wife (first of Odysseus, then of Telemachos,

806. For Cortona, 30 km SE of Arezzo (Arretium)

and on a straight line between Arezzo and Lake Trasimene, see D. W. R. R[idgway], OCD* and Barr. map 52 B2. Z quotes Theopompos (FGrHist 115 F 354, no book-number) for Odysseus’ departure for Etruria, where he founded Gortynaia; there he died and was greatly honoured by them. Theopompos is an important strand in the preLykophronic ‘western’ tradition about Odysseus. In the architecture of his Philippika, this frag. was

see FGrHist 382 Lysimachos F 15) is Kirke, whom Telemachos killed; Telemachos was in turn killed

by Kassiphone, who was daughter of Kirke and Odysseus, and so Telemachos’ own (half-)sister.

πόσις: there is no need to emend to κάσις, ‘brother’. (Scaliger translated the noun with

‘frater’, so some have thought that he actually read κάσις.)

315

Lykophrons ‘Odyssey’

809-819

αὐτὸς πρὸς Ἅιδην δευτέραν ὅδὸν περᾷ,

σφαγαῖς ἀδελφῆς ἠλοκισμένος δέρην, Γλαύκωνος Ἀψύρτοιό 7’ αὐτανεψίας. Xo μὲν τοσούτων θῖνα πημάτων ἰδὼν ἄστρεπτον Ἅιδην δύσεται τὸ δεύτερον, γαληνὸν ἦμαρ οὔποτ᾽ ἐν ζωῇ δρακών.

810

ὦ σχέτλι᾽, ὥς σοι κρεῖσσον ἦν μίμνειν πάτρᾳ βοηλατοῦντα, καὶ τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον

815

"

ti,

FA

x

7

κάνθων᾽ ὑπὸ ζεύγλαισι μεσσαβοῦν ἔτι πλάσταισι λύσσης μηχαναῖς οἰστρημένον, /

,t

M

,

^

»

ἢ τηλικῶνδε πεῖραν ὀτλῆσαι κακῶν. 8:1

οἰστρημένῳ CE

against the infant Telemachos, Odysseus dropped the pretence (but took his revenge against Palamedes later; see 384-386n.). Lyk.s more elaborate version involving Odysseus’ yoking of ill-matched draught-animals (ox and either horse or donkey) is also found in Hyg. Fad. 9s. Palamedes places baby Telemachos in front of the ploughing team and Odysseus stops abruptly, revealing his sanity. A nice added refinement was to have Odysseus ploughing the seashore with

810: ἠλοκισμένος: see 119 n. δέρην: see 843}. 811. The allusion is to Kassiphone, daughter of Kirke, and Z explains the relationships. Glaukos was son of Minos and Pasiphae. Pasiphae, Kirke, and Aietes (father of Apsyrtos) were all children

of Helios. So Kassiphone was cousin of both Glaukos and Apsyrtos. 812. θῖνα πημάτων: for this metaphorical use of θίς see 246n.

salt (Servius on V.A. 2. 81). Sophocles wrote an

813. Odysseus is said to go down to Hades a sec-

Ὀδυσσεὺς μαινόμενος or Mad Odysseus, but the frags (462-7 TrGF) are uninformative and mostly consist of single words (cf. 34 and n. for one of

ond time (i.e. to die) because the Nekuia described

his first visit. δύσεται: cf. 273 and n. 814. δρακών: from δέρκομαι, contrast the differently accented noun a few lines earlier, at Bor.

these). Lucian (de domo 30) seems to combine the

versions, and implies that there was a famous painting of the episode (a modern pictorial treatment is Heywood Hardy's Odysseus’ Induction, 1874). See Frazer on the Apollod. passage, citing other sources; also Gantz 1993: 580. The basic idea may have developed from Od. 24.119 (Agamemnon says that he and Menelaos persuaded Odysseus ‘with difficulty’, σπουδῇ). But its charm as a story is that it has the great schemer Odysseus for once outwitted by a greater; naturally, Kassandra welcomes the opportunity for implied disparagement

Both words appear at the end of a line, and the

difference in sound would not have been great, so some word-play may be intended. 815-819. Odysseus’ feigned madness. Closure of Lyk.’s ‘Odyssey’ Kassandra, having killed off Odysseus, now closes

the ‘Odyssey’by reverting to the period before the Trojan War, when Odysseus pretended to be mad in order to avoid military service. (Compare 276277, where a comparable stratagem, designed to prevent Achilles going to the war, concludes a section

about Achilles; see 276n.) The

(see generally Cusset 2009: 135; but see 815 n.). It

adds piquancy that Achilles’ comparable attempt

version

to avoid the Trojan War

told by Apollod. (ep. 3. 7, cf. West 20134: 102-4 on Kypria arg. 5b) was that when Odysseus feigned insanity, Palamedes son of Nauplios saw through it and imitated him, and when he drew a sword

(above) was foiled by

none other than Odysseus.

815. ὦ σχέτλιε: here, for the only time in the poem, Kassandra apostrophizes a Greek rather

316

Odysseus on Ithaka; his death

809-819

and then follows her on the path to Hades,

his throat slit by a sister's slaughter,

810

the cousin of Glaukos and of Apsyrtos. And he, seeing such a heap of ills, will enter Hades for the second time, with no return,

never having beheld a peaceful day in his life. Wretch! It would have been better for you to stay in your fatherland

815

driving the oxen, and to join the lustful working donkey to the oxen under the yoke, goaded by a pretended device of madness, than to endure the test of such great ills. than a Trojan individual (cf. Sistakou 200g: 250 and n. 37, who remarks that apostrophe is Kassandra’s usual way of communicating a Trojan perspective); see gon. for such sympathetic apos-

and perhaps S. Tr. 7, where, however, many eds prefer ὄκνον, see Lloyd-Jones and Wilson 1990: 150). With this line, Odysseus withdraws from the

trophe (but note that σχέτλιος — used here only

poem

in Lyk. - can mean ‘wicked’ as well as ‘wretch’, ‘poor fool’). σοι κρεῖσσον: this, too, might be held to imply sympathy: why should Kassandra feel sorry for Odysseus and tell him what would have been better for him? But perhaps this is mere sarcasm; so Schade on 812-819.

1244, as the Italian companion and ally of his former enemy Aineias. See Phillips 1953: 60.

he will return at 1242-

820-876. The wanderings of Menelaos This section displays several parallels with the Odysseus section which precedes it: the two Greek wanderers attempting to reunite with

816. μύκλον: cf. 771, and for the donkey as lustful see Pi, P 10. 36. Ciani lists Lyk.’s two uses of μύκλος separately, but they are the same word slightly differently applied.

their wives. This has been well discussed; see esp. Sens 2009: 33. But we can go further. The idea that the two narratives were conceived as a pair is strengthened by the almost exact 3:1 ratio between their lengths: Odysseus receives 172 lines (648-819), Menelaos 57; an exact 3:1 ratio would be 171:57. (For another indication that the poet was alert to numbers of lines, see 737n.) To be sure, the parallel between Odysseus and Menelaos is already there in the Odyssey. For detailed verbal and thematic parallels

817. ὑπὸ ζεύγλαισι: this, dat. pl. could be from either ζεύγλη (synonym for ζυγόν) or the much rarer ζεῦγλα, but the latter is Lyk.’s preferred form (996, 1344). It is Euripidean; see TrGF 4. 285. 10

(from the Bellerophon, im’ ἄτης ζεῦγλαν ἀσχάλλει πεσών), see also, for ‘put on the yoke of slavery’, the epigram GP 3709 = Archias XIX. 1o (1st cent. Bc),

δούλαν ζεῦγλαν ἐφηρμόσατο. It occurs also in the

between the two sections see 820n.; 823-824 n.;

anapaestic Kassandra-poem, b line 14, ζεῦγλαν dvdy[ «ns. For this poem see Appendix. μεσσαβοῦν: apparently modelled on Hes. WD 469

825n. on ἐπόψεται; 681n. on ἥξει; see also 823 n. for an anticipation of some lines about Odysseus much later in the poem (1244-1245). The wanderings of Menelaos, and Homer's account of them in OZ. 3 and 4, were much discussed in antiquity; a contemporary of Strabo

μέσαβα, cf. Guilleux 2009: 226 and M. West on the Hes. passage. Tzetzes objected to the altered spelling and metrical lengthening; see Berra 2009: 293. 819. ὀτλῆσαι: cf. Ap. Rh. 4. 381 with Livrea, who shows that the word is not attested before the Hellenistic period (Kall. frag. 303 Pf. and Arat. 428), though ὄτλος is tragic (A. Sepr. 18,

for the moment;

called Aristonikos, a grammarian, wrote an entire

lost treatise on the subject (FGrHist 53 F1), and Krates

of Mallos,

the

Stoic

philosopher,

also

expressed opinions, as did other scholars whose

377

The wanderings of Menelaos

820-826

ὁ δ᾽ αἰνόλεκτρον ἁρπαγεῖσαν εὐνέτης πλᾶτιν ματεύων, κληδόνων πεπυσμένος, ε

5

5

,

t

^

*

,F

820

ποθῶν δὲ φάσμα πτηνόν, εἰς αἴθραν φυγόν,

ποίους θαλάσσης οὐκ ἐρευνήσει μυχούς; ποίαν δὲ χέρσον οὐκ ἀνιχνεύσει μολών; ἐπόψεται μὲν πρῶτα

Τυφῶνος

σκοπάς,

82ς

καὶ πέμπελον γραῦν μαρμαρουμένην δέμας, 822. ποθῶν δὲ φάσμα πτηνόν: an the servant at E. Hel. 605-6, βέβηκεν σὴ πρὸς αἰθέρος πτυχὰς / ἀρθεῖσ' (Holzinger; Allan 2008: 75 n. 334;

names we do not know. The source for all this is Strabo 1. 2. 31-5. Menelaos has already featured as the third of Helen's husbands: 149-167, though only the first three lines of that section are directly about him. ‘The narrative as a whole moves clockwise from east to west, though western motifs lurk even in the sections about Kilikia (825n.) and Phoenicia (828833n.). The first part has a more or less Homeric

Lanzara

2010: 261f.) and

echo of ἄλοχος ἄφαντος Gigante

618-19, ὑπόπτερον

/

δέμας (Holzinger; but note that that passage is ironic, see Allan). See also 113 n. for Lyk.’s indebtedness to Stes. on this topic, and note esp. PMGF

no. 193=goFi. (= P. Oxy. 2506 frag. 26 col. 1), where the girl addressed as χρυσόπτερε παρθένε

basis: Cyprus (826), the mysterious land of the Eremboi (827), Phoenicia (828-833), Ethiopia

might be Helen herself (that is, both E. and Lyk.

would have picked up the idea of a winged Helen

(834-846), and Egypt (847-851) are all listed by Menelaos at Od. 4. 83-4. But the jump to the west-

from

ern Mediterranean and the activity there (852-876) are un-Homeric. See further Sens 2009: 32-35.

West 2009: 82-3: Lyk. agrees with Homer and

ily going in search of Helen, as in Lyk. eis αἴθραν implies

(Holzinger;

Mooney)

that

as soon

as

Menelaos found Helen in Troy, she vanished ‘into thin air’, It has been

thought (see e.g. S. West

1982: 7-8) that the disappearance of the phantom straight after the capture of Troy is from Stes. 823-824. ποίους . . . ποίαν:

cf,

from

near

the

opening of the ‘Odyssey’, the series of rhetorical questions, mostly in ποίαί(ν), at 668-673

(Sens

2009: 30).

821. κληδόνων πεπυσμένος: see Hat. 2. 118. 3: it was the Trojans who told Menelaos that Helen

823. For μυχός, which in Lyk. (who likes the word) can mean a recess or nook of land or sea, or both (see below), see 44n. But the most telling parallel is with 1244-1245, where the ‘dwarf’, vávos, i.e. Odysseus, is described as πλάναισι πάντ᾽ ἐρευνήσας μυχὸν / ἁλός τε καὶ γῆς (the only other occurrence of the verb in Lyk.). This, with its combination of verb and noun in the same position in the line as in the present passage

was now in Egypt. κληδών is used here only by Lyk. For the sense ‘rumour’ or ‘news’, cf. Od. 4. 317 precisely,

for Hdt., with

φυγόν: the past tense of the participle φυγόν

Lyk. may have read this).

to,

11s-ız7n.

Hdt., but disagrees with Stes., in insisting on

713, where Helen's abductor Paris is called τὸν aivoAextpov by the Chorus; cf. also Cho. 315 πάτερ alvörarep. The chime with 792 (Penelope) is deliberate; see n. there. Lyk. will use the word again at 1354 in a different sense and context, the ghastly lair, αἰνόλεκτρον.... μυχόν, of Echidna. Cf. also ἀθεσμόλεκτρον at 1143 (the rapist Ajax). εὐνέτης: cf. E. Med. 159 εὐνάταν (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59 for the parallel, and see Page and Mastronarde on the E. passage for the long alpha. The MSS have εὐνέταν, and

speaks

also

Helens guilt. In Homer (Od. 3. 276-80, cf. 4. 81-2, where his passivity is stressed), Menelaos is driven on his wanderings by Zeus, rather than voluntar-

820. αἰνόλεκτρον: an Aeschylean word, see Ag.

(Telemachos

Stes.). See

Menelaos):

ἤλυθον εἴ τινά μοι κληηδόνα πατρὸς ἐνίσποις. In Hdt., it sometimes means the omen of a spoken word, but at 9. 101. 3 it refers to the mysterious rumour which reached the Greeks at Mykale of the outcome of the battle of Plataia (elsewhere in that section, the word for rumour is φήμη).

(see below), is yet another close parallel between

318

The wanderings of Menelaos And he, the husband hunting for the abducted wife

820-826 820

who made the evil marriage, will hear of her by rumours. Yearning for the winged phantom which had disappeared into the air,

what nooks of the sea shall he not investigate?

What dry land shall he not visit and search? He shall first see the crags of’Typhon, and the old woman whose body was turned to stone,

the treatments of Odysseus and of Menelaos (820-876 n.), except that this time the Odysseus passage is not from the main ‘Odyssey’. The significance of such small parallels is debatable and deserves a separate word. On the one hand, armed as we are with author-specific lexica and computerized aids, we need to remember that ancient authors were not in the same position as ourselves, and anyway had to unroll papyri even to consult earlier sections of their own

see 662n., showing that the clusterings of this word are virtually confined to just those two sections of the poem. To be sure, the verb &popw is not rare, but see 824 n., final para.

The 'crags of Typhon’ are ambiguously located. Pi. P. 1. 16 connects Typhon with both Kilikia (where he was 'reared by the famous Kilikian cave’) and the entire volcanic region stretching between Kyme in Campania and Sicily. Lyk. has already placed Typhon in Campania (689 n.), and

the geographical ambiguity, though inherited from Pindar, is surely deliberate: the primary reference here is Kilikian, but Lyk. intends that we should not forget Italy and Sicily for long. For another tradition about Typhon (connecting him and his wife Echidna with Lydia) see 1355n. Apollod.1.6. 3 has Zeus pursuing Typhon ‘as far as Mt Kasios, which overhangs Syria’, for which mountain see next n. See M. West 1997: 304. 826. πέμπελον γραῦν μαρμαρουμένην δέμας:

works. On the other hand, recitation (and with it better memory skills) continued much later than

some sceptics acknowledge. Momigliano 1980b, partly drawing on inscriptions, argued this convincingly for historiography. As for the present

example, it may be objected that the verb ἐρευνῶ is not rare, But, against this, ordinary single words can do the trick; thus Euripides (cf. 1336 n.) surely

makes a comparative point by making Aphrodite at the start, and Artemis at the end, of E. Hipp. use the same non-rare word τιμωρήσομαι about an intention to destroy the other's mortal favourite, Hippolytos and Adonis respectively (21 and 1422). But the similarity between 824 and 1244 goes wider anyway (the entire phrase with μύχο-,

for πέμπελος see 682 (Teiresias) and n., citing

Hollis 2007: 284 for the suggestion that the word, esp. as used in the present passage in combination with γραῦς, recalled a lost section of the opening of Kall's Hekale. For the petrification see 176n., where this is metamorphosis no. 17. It is of the punitive variety: Aphrodite, after the detection of

occurring at the same position in the line, a feature Schade always registers).

her affair with Ares, as described in Od. 8, was

824. ποίαν δὲ χέρσον οὐκ ἀνιχνεύσει: the ref.

angry with the other gods and went into hiding on Cyprus (this much is from Od. 8. 362-3: she flees to Paphos), in the region of Mt Kasios (ὀργισθεῖσαν τοῖς θεοῖς ἐλθεῖν eis Κύπρον ἀποχωρισθεῖσαν αὐτῶν, περὶ τὸ Κάσιον δὲ

to land balances that to sea at 823; see n. there (citing 1244-1245), and cf. 1229 n. and 1414-1415. The verb is Homeric, memorably used at IZ 22. 192: Achilles pursuing Hektor is compared to a

dog tracking its prey, ἀλλά

B25

τ᾿ ἀνιχνεύων θέει

ὄρος διατρίβειν), but the old woman revealed

ἔμπεδον.

the hiding-place. This explanation is given by

825. ἐπόψεται: again at 834 and 847 (occupying the same initial position in the line) and cf. 828,

both Z (Venetian MS) and Tzetzes, but the latter (and the Neapolitan version of the old 2) give the

ὄψεται. These uses recall those in the ‘Odyssey’;

mountain as Καυκάσιος. Mt Kasios is clearly

319

827-830

The wanderings of Menelaos

καὶ τὰς Ἐρεμβῶν vavfláraus ἠχθημένας x

A

D

^

[4

>

H

προβλῆτας ἀκτάς. ὄψεται δὲ τλήμονος Μύρρας ἐρυμνὸν ἄστυ, τῆς μογοστόκους ^

5

/

"

*

,

ὠδῖνας ἐξέλυσε δενδρώδης κλάδος, preferable to the far-distant Kaukasos range. However, Mt Kasios is not actually on Cyprus but on the Syrian mainland opposite (Barr. map 68 A2, marking it as Cas(s)sius Mons; it is mod. Djebel el Aqra, near Ras Shamra and Al Mina): 2 and Tzetzes may have given a somewhat misleading abbreviation of a longer piece of mythical narrative. We cannot simply equate Homer's Paphos with the Mt Kasios of Lyk.'s ancient

commentators

(Hurst/Kolde

speak

of

Paphos and ‘le mont Casios’ without addressing the geographical difficulty, or appreciating the importance of the mountain). For the Syrian Mt Kasios as a place of great and ancient sanctity, home of Zeus Kasios, see M. West 1997: 303f. and Lane Fox 2008: 255-72, calling Mt Kasios ‘the Olympus of the Near East...a beacon of ancient

paganism’ (259). For

Hdt.

(e.g. 2. 6.1,

3. 5. 3), Mt Kasios was in Egypt, on the Syrian border by the Serbonian lake (Barr. map 7o C3. Lane Fox 2008: 268-9 argues for a connection in one version, Typhon or Typhos was said to have been hidden near the Egyptian Kasios (Hdt. 3. 5. 3 with Lane Fox 2008: 268), and it is tempting, therefore, to try to link the subject-matter of 825 and 826. For the Syrian Mt Kasios and the struggle between Zeus and Typhon, see M. West 1997, as above, and see 825. It is useless to speculate in rationalizing fashion on what feature of the landscape might have given rise to Lyk.'s petrifaction story, esp. given the uncertainty as between Cyprus and Syria. With the verb in -dw, a favourite Lykophronic form, cf. πετρόω at 401 and 9or, with Guilleux

827. Ihe location of the Eremboi is the despair of modern commentators: Od. 4. 84 is the only

F 154, cited by Z and Tzetzes), said that they lived around the mouth of the Nile; this might suggest a thematic link with one detail of 826 (see n.

there for the location of the Egyptian Mt Kasios, as mentioned by 2 there, though the primary reference was surely to the Syrian Kasios). Strabo 1.1.3 (and 1. 2. 34) speculated that Homer meant the Arabian Troglodytes, and at 16. 4. 27 he cited Poseidonios and before him Zeno for various more or less fanciful etymologies of the name. "The relevant Poseidonios frags are nos 280 and 281a Edelstein and Kidd; but see Kidd: 955-6 for the difficulty of disentangling Poseidonios' opinions from Strabo' here. Lyk.’s remark about the headlands being hateful to sailors does suggest a definite particular location, unless this is merely an example of the ‘reality effect’ which lends circumstantiality to fiction. 828-833. Myrrha and Adonis

between these two sacred mountains). Note that

2009: 226.

830

Strictly, the function of this romantic mini-section is merely to make the point that Menelaos will visit Phoenicia (820-876 n.). But there is an extra

dimension.

Myrrha

is, like

Kassandra

herself

(and Andromeda, see 834-846 n., cf. also 34n. for Hesione), a beautiful female victim of divine

anger. She was inflicted with unnatural lust, either because her mother Kenchreis had boasted of Myrrha's beauty and so annoyed Aphrodite, Hyg. Fab. 58. 1, or because

unspecified Solis ira in in Roscher Myrrha locution

Helios was

angry, for an

reason: Servius on V. E. ro. 18 (‘quae amores incidit patris). See K. Tümpel 2. 1: 990, Gantz 1993: 730. is, unusually, named without circum-

(cf. Praxandros

at 586).

She

was

the

mother of Adonis (= 'Gauas' of 831) by incestuous union with her father Theias king of Assyria i.e. Syria (Apollod. 5. 14. 4, citing Panyassis frag. 27 Bernabé, though

see below for this derivation;

mention, and is uninformative. As S.

FGrHist 13; Kleitarchos F 3 specifies Byblos,

West 1988: 198 says (calling the Eremboi 'completely mysterious’), all later refs to them derive from that Homer passage. Hellanikos (FGrHist 4

Ovid Met. το. 298-514, cf. already Suppl. Hell. 749 Theodoros), the father was Kinyras, king of

Homeric

see 828-829n.). In other and later versions (esp.

320

827-830

Myrrha and Adonis

and then the protruding headlands of the Eremboi, which sailors hate. And he shall see the strong citadel

of sad Myrrha, whom the branch of the tree released from her acute birth-pains;

830

Cyprus. See Gantz 1993: 729-30; A. H. G[riffiths],

the

ocD*, ‘Myrrha’ (where the verb ‘conceived’ gov-

is loosely used for the part of the world in which Byblos was situated, hence the treatment by Lucian of Byblos in a treatise on the Syrian goddess. Kleitarchos must have dealt with Phoenicia in the context of Alexander the Great’s conquest of that coastline and its cities. The myrrh-tree

erns both ‘incestuous passion’ and “Adonis’); cf. also Lightfoot 2003: 307 n. 12, 319, 331. (Lightfoot 1999: 243 warns against assuming that everything

given by Apollod. was in Panyassis, and insists that Ovid is the first source in which the Myrrha story ‘indisputably involves incest’.) Under the name Zmyrna or Smyrna, Myrrha was the subject of a lost but influential poem by the poet Cinna (see E. C[ourtney], OCD* ‘Helvius Cinna, C.’; cf. Lyne 1978: 185-6, 198). Antoninus Liberalis (XXIV) called her ‘Smyrna’, and he located the

frag.

(828-833n.):

‘(As-)syria’

(830n.) was associated with Arabia, which—again

in a loose way—could be held to extend as far as Mt Libanon (Jacoby, citing Strabo 16. 2. 16); but Ovid evidently wished to make explicit the connection between Myrrha and Arabia, land of spices, so he describes Myrrha as wandering to Arabia (Met. 10. 477-8).

myth ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῷ Λιβάνῳ. Despite the eastern colouring to all this, there are connections with the west, in particular Italian Lokroi. See Gantz 1993: 730-1 and Sourvinou-

829. μογοστόκους: in Homer, this is the epithet of Fileithuia, goddess of childbirth (77. 11. 270 and 16.

187 with the nn. of Hainsworth and Janko respectively). μόγος is ‘pain’ or ‘labour’, so the compound

Inwood 1978: 116 (n. 113) and 117: the baby Adonis

was the subject of negotiation, eventually hostile, between Aphrodite and Persephone (Apollod., as above), and this tug-of-love tussle may have been depicted on the Lokrian pinakes. For this motif see also LIMC

Kleitarchos

word means ‘giving birth «only» to pains’ (Janko),

and Lyk.s addition of ὠδῖνας makes the point twice over. Adonis was born from the branches of the myrrh-tree into which his mother was

1. 1 ‘Adonis’ (B. Servais-Soyez):

metamorphosed (830n.).

223-4, not mentioning the Lokrian pinakes, but describing (no. 5) a 4th-cent. pelike from Naples which depicts Adonis on a couch, and an assembly of Muses underneath. ‘This last feature is curious in view of the role of the Muses in Lyk. (see 832n. on μουσόφθαρτον), but on the pelike their demeanour is not hostile.

830. δενδρώδης κλάδος: this indicates the metamorphosis of the girl into the myrrh-tree. See 176n. for Lyk’s fondness for metamorphoses; this is no. 18. See Forbes-Irving 1990: 274-7 for a full account of the many sources; also Buxton 2009: 228-9, who notes that, in Ant. Lib. (XXXIV), Myrrha ‘is said to weep the fruit of

828. ὄψεται: see 825n.

the wood

[i.e. she weeps

myrrh]

every year’,

λέγεται κατ᾽ ἔτος ἕκαστον δακρύειν τὸν ἀπὸ

828-829. τλήμονος / Μύρρας ἐρυμνὸν ἄστυ: this is Byblos in Phoenicia (2), a city regarded—by

already, for this point, Burkert 1979: 106. (As early as Hesiod, frag. 139 M/W—from Apollod. 3. 14. 4, see 828-833 n.—Adonis was ‘son of Phoinix’, epo-

ξύλου καρπόν; Buxton sees here an association between mouming and trees, as in the myth of the sisters of Phaethon, who became poplar-trees and wept amber (Diggle 1970: 4-9). The connection is slightly less obvious than in the case of Phaethon, but Lyk. certainly has mourning in mind in this section (831-832). The simpler way of seeing the metamorphosis is a manifestation of divine pity (so Apollod.) After all, though

nym of the Phoenicians.) See Jacoby’s comm. on

incest is an extreme violation of the natural order,

Greeks at any rate—as the main site of the Adonis cult (Strabo 16. 2.18; Lucian, de dea Syria 6-8 with

Lightfoot 2003: 305-31, esp. 318-19, stressing the absence

of Byblian

evidence, e.g. coins, which

might show knowledge of the Adonis myth; see

321

The wanderings of Menelaos

831-833

καὶ τὸν θεᾷ κλαυσθέντα Γαύαντος τάφον Σχοινῇδι μουσόφθαρτον Apevra Ξένῃ, 4

x

-

^

/

7

/

5,

[4

FA

ms

κραντῆρι λευκῷ τόν ποτ᾽ ἔκτανε πτέλας. Lightfoot = Paus. 7. 17. 9-10). Γαύαντος τάφον: Gauas was Adonis’ name παρὰ Κυπρίοις (2). Acc. Hesychios (« 2769 and 4681 Latte), Adonis was called either Kipis or Köpıs on Cyprus. See Roscher 1. 73 (article by W. Roscher himself) for other attested names for Adonis.

the original cause lay outside Myrrha herself. Her metamorphosis can thus be seen as a way of saving her from an intolerable situation (see 34 n.,

and cf. Forbes-Irving 1990: 107 for Myrrha's transformation as an escape from the conse-

quences of a polluting action) Mooney acknowledges his colleague W. A. Goligher (Regius Professor of Greek at Trinity College Dublin) for the ingenious suggestion that δενδρώδης κλάδος means ‘tree-born scion’, ie. the noun refers both to Adonis (young men were commonly referred to as ‘sprigs’ or ‘shoots’, cf. 307 n. on θάλος), and to the branch of the tree from which he was supernaturally born.

832. Σχοινῇδι μουσόφθαρτον Apevrg Ξένῃ: the ‘old paraphrase’ (‘P’) says that Schoineis is Aphrodite ἐν Σάμῳ. The usual identification, since

Holzinger, is with the attested Samian cult of Aphrodite ‘among the reeds’, ἐν καλάμοις, or ‘in the marsh’, ἐν ἕλει (Ath. 572f, citing FGrHist 539 Alexis of Samos F 1, cf: Shipley 1987: 282); σχοῖνοι are rushes, and σχοινιά a bed of rushes. For the Samian place-name Κάλαμοι see Hdt. 9. 96. 1 with

Shipley 1987: 280. Tzetzes has an unexpected expla-

831. τὸν θεᾷ κλαυσθέντα: cf. Ps.-Theok. 20. 35-6, Κύπρις (i.e. Aphrodite) τὸν ἄδωνιν / ἐν δρυμοῖσι φίλασε καὶ ἐν δρυμοῖσιν ἔκλαυσεν (Lyk. conveys no hint that Adonis will rise from the dead,

as

he

does

at Theok.

15. 100-44).

nation: when you brush your teeth with a σχοῖνος, it acts as an aphrodisiac. (But Scheer thinks there is confusion here with the τέρμινθος or terebinth plant, see Dioskourides 1. 70-1 Wellmann.) The epithet Zxowris, of which Lyk.’s Zxownis looks like a variant of a form now attested for Aphrodite in the ‘Pride of Halikarnassos’ inscription (150-100 BC), SEG 48. 1330 line 1, ἔννεπέ μοι, Σχοινῖτι.... For discussion, see Lloyd-Jones zoosb: 215 (the epithet may refer not only to Samos but to Schoinos near Anthedon in Boiotia). Adonis is μουσόφθαρτον (a hapax word of obvious meaning, see Guilleux 2009: 230) because, on the highly unusual version of the myth which Lyk. gives, the Muses were angry with Aphrodite for making them fall in love with men or male gods

But

Aphrodite' love for Adonis is already and plainly hinted at in the Hippolytos of Euripides, where Artemis says (1420-22) that she will revenge her-

self on Aphrodite for bringing about the death of Hippolytos, by using her inescapable arrows to do the same to a mortal favourite of Aphrodite.

She surely has Adonis in her sights, despite the absence of mention of the usual boar (for which

see 833). For some early iconographic support for the relationship see Gantz 1993: 103 (sth-cent. pots depicting Adonis and Aphrodite together; see LIMC 1. 1: 224 nos 8-10, lekythos, oinochoe,

and hydria). Barrett comments on the E. passage that the arrows ‘serve only to disguise his [the intended

victim's]

identity’,

and

notes

that

Apollodoros (3. 14. 4) says that Artemis causes the boar to kill him. But perhaps the boar is a post-classical feature of the story anyway: see J. D. Reed 1997: 199 on Bion Adonis 7 (noting that Lyk. is the first to mention it, and suggesting that it may derive from contamination in about 400 Bc with the myth of Attis or Attes, for which see Burkert 1979: 99-102 and 108~11; for Attes’ death by a wound from a boar, see Hermesianax frag. 10

and have children by them and so had Adonis killed. Terpsichore was mother of Orpheus and Kymothon (?) by Oiagros, Terpsichore of Rhesos by the river-god Strymon, and Klio of Linos by Magnes: these three are specified by Tzetzes, and X E. Rh. 346 = p.335 Schwartz gives some further and some discrepant material of the same sort. Lyk. avoids the Euripidean version of Adonis' death (831n.),in which the avenger was Artemis, who has

a noticeably low profile in the poem generally, even allowing for Kassandras special relationship with the other conspicuously virgin goddess Athena.

322

Andromeda and Perseus

831-833

and the tomb of Gauas, whom the goddess—Schoineis, Arenta, the Stranger—mourned as victim of the Muses, whom the boar killed with its white tusk. There is Orthosia perhaps; suggests

only the name Nepounis at 1332 (cf. in 1331), and an implied allusion at 190, see nn. on those lines. Stephanie West to me that this silence may have some-

thing to do with Artemis’ (not very effective) support of Troy in Homer, but even so we would have expected more. It is an interesting question, why Lyk. chose or invented the deviant version conveyed by μουσόφθαρτον. Sex (Aphrodite) and

simple statement by the Homeric Menelaos that he visited the Ethiopians. But again, as with Myrrha, there is a thematic parallel with the narrator Kassandra herself, because Andromeda, daughter of Kepheus king of Ethiopia, is yet another beautiful female victim of a god’s wrath. Her mother Kassiepeia had boasted that either she herself (Apollod.) or her daughter (Hyg. Fad. 64. 1) was more beautiful than the Nereids (‘or than Hera, according to others’: Tzetzes); cf. Bömer on

poetic/musical activity (the Muses) are implied to

be in conflict, a conflict personified by Kassandra herself, who refused sex, and who is a vates in the double sense of poetess and prophetess.

Ovid Met. 4. 670-1. So Poseidon sent a ravaging sea-monster as punishment for this arrogance. Ammonis oracle was consulted, which ordered the

Aphrodite’s epithet Apévra is very difficult.

stele no. VIII, repro-

sacrifice of the king’s daughter. But the monster was killed by mighty hero Perseus; this recalls the rescue by Herakles of Hesione (33-34 and 472-478, cf. Lambin 2009: 165)—another divine victim. See "Tzetzes, Apollod. 2. 4.3 (perhaps from Pherekydes, cf. FGrHist 3 F1o-12), and Gantz 1993: 307-9. Both S. and E. wrote tragedies called Andromeda (TrGF 4: frags 126-36 and 5: frags 114-56), and the topic

duced as Fig. 5 and thought to depict two of the Erinyes (one with snake’s head and one with a trident), argued for a connection with Ἐρινὺς

which are in more or less probable relationships to these plays. See Taplin 2007: 174-85. Note esp.

"Apavrís attested by Hesych., and with Herakles

"Taplin 180—2 no. 62, a remarkable Apulian volute-

Keramyntes, for whom see 663n.

krater of about 400 sc which seems to depict Andromeda being unbound. See also LIMC τ. τ: 774-90, ‘Andromeda I’, and 6. 1: 6-10, 'Kepheus I’ (both K. Schauenburg); cf. also 7. 1: 332-48 and 7. 2: 272-309, ‘Perseus’ (L. Jones Roccos). The topic may also have been a Hellenistic literary favourite. The tragedian Lykophron of Chalkis—who is not,

One suggestion (Holzinger) is that it is related

to the unexplained goddess 4piovria in the Damonon

inscription from

Sparta, IG 5 (1) 213

line 24; for this goddess see Wide 1893: 141-2. The epithet may simply be a variant for Ἄρειος, ‘warlike’. Ferri 1971: 347-9 (followed by Nava 1988: 144), discussing Daunian

With Eevn cf. Hdt. 2.112. 2, ξείνης Ἀφροδίτης ἐπώνυμόν ἐστι ὅσα yàp ἄλλα Ἀφροδίτης ἱρά

ἐστιν, οὐδάμως ξείνης ἐπικαλέεται. Lyk. knew Hdt. well. Aphrodite in Hdt. is ‘foreign, ξένη, from the Egyptian point of view, because she is Phoenician Astarte. See Lightfoot 2003: 319, Pirenne-Delforge 2005: 278, and S. West 2009: 83.

on the view taken in this comm., the author of

the Alexandra—wrote a tragedy called Andromeda (TrGF 100 Fic). A late Alexandrian epyllion on a papyrus in the University of Chicago (abbrev. in the index vol. to Fraser 1972 as P Chic. Lit.) dealt with the story of Andromeda and the beast (Powell

833. κραντῆρι λευκῷ: a κραντήρ is an ‘accomplisher’, i.e. a wisdom tooth, because such teeth complete the set (Ar. hist. an. sorb25); hence teeth of any kind (Nik. 72. 447, the fang of some kind of python); hence tusk of a boar here. mréAas: a

hapax word. Cf. Hesych. m

was popular on Greek pots (mostly found in Italy)

1918: 127, text only at CA: 85), and this influenced

4186 (πτελέα a

both Ovid Mer. 4. 663—752, and Manil. 5. 538-630, esp. 558-64 (with Housman’s n. on 540). Lyk. tells the myth of Perseus back to front: in the usual sequence of events, his visit to the Graiai, who told him how to reach the nymphs who gave him his various magical and talismanic objects,

Spartan word for a boar).

834-846. Andromeda and Perseus Again (see 828-833n., Myrrha), the ostensible rationale for the excursus is to elaborate on the

323

The wanderings of Menelaos

834-844

ἐπόψεται δὲ τύρσιας Knpnidas, καὶ Λαφρίου λακτίσμαθ᾽ Ἑρμαίου ποδός, δισσάς τε πέτρας, κέπφος αἷς προσήλατο δαιτὸς χατίζων. ἀντὶ θηλείας δ᾽ ἔβη τὸν χρυσόπατρον μόρφνον ἁρπάσας γνάθοις,

835

τὸν ἡπατουργὸν ἄρσεν᾽ ἀρβυλόπτερον.

πεφήσεται δὲ τοῦ θεριστῆρος ξυρῷ, φάλλαινα δυσμίσητος ἐξινωμένη, ἱπποβρότους ὠδῖνας οἴξαντος τόκων τῆς δειρόπαιδος μαρμαρώπιδος γαλῆς, ὃς ζῳοπλαστῶν ἄνδρας ἐξ ἄκρου ποδὸς 82:

Κηφηΐδας CDE

844

ésCDE

840

Κηφηνίδας A Κηφινίδας B

óAB

and his killing of the only mortal Gorgon of the

Ar. hist. an. 6202 13 (the κέπφος can be lured by sea-foam), and cf. Archestratos, Suppl. Hell. 154. 15

three, Medusa (see 842-843 n.), precede the rescue of Andromeda from the monster. Kassandra starts with the last-mentioned feat: she has a special interest in Andromeda the victim, see above. The chaining of Andromeda to the rock was not always set in Ethiopia. Tzetzes on the present passage cites various authors who said it happened at Joppa. One of them was Josephus, whom he quotes inaccurately (cf. BJ 3. 420: the traces were

κεπφαττελεβώδη (the result of a brilliant emendation by Bentley). At Kall. frag. 191 (Jam. 1) line 6, the implication of ]kemg[ is not certain (it might refer to the bird's tendency to settle in large groups), see D'Alessio 2007: 579 n. 9 and Kerkhecker 1999: 22 with nn. 66 and 67.

837. ἀντὶ θηλείας: balanced by ἄρσεν᾽ at 839. The balancing recalls allusive oracular discourse: cf.

still displayed there in Josephus' own time). See also Rawson 1958 1935: 257-8 and n. 42 (afterlife of Andromeda's monster). 834. ἐπόψεται δέ: see 825n. Κηφηίδας: Tzetzes

argued against the less good reading Κηφηνίδας. 835. & says that Hermes’ epithet Adgptos meant ‘hospitable’, φιλόξενος, and this is so unexpected

that we should accept it; see 356n. for Athena’s martial epithet Aagpia, ‘Spoils-goddess’ (used of

Athena again at 985). & then explains the ‘kick of Hermes’by an episode in the story of lo. Hermes had been set by Zeus to protect Io, in Ethiopia, from harm by Hera. Feeling thirsty, he struck the ground with his foot and a stream appeared. The

similarity with the story of the Korinthian spring Peirene, struck from the ground by a blow from the hoof of Pegasos (Strabo 8. 6. 21), is remarked by 2. With λακτίσματα cf. 5. Ichneutai (TrGF 4

Hdt. 6. 77. 2, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια τὸν ἄρσενα νικήσασα κτλ. With the strong negation in ἀντί, cf. 476, ὁ δ᾽ ἀντὶ πιποῦς σκόρπιον κτλ. The echo between the two passages strengthens the parallel with Herakles’ rescue of Hesione. 837-838. ἔβη... ἁρπάσας: the indicative verb Baivw here hardly indicates motion; rather it is almost equivalent to εἰμί (sum); see LSJ? under βαίνω A (2).

838. τὸν xpvaorarpov. the ‘golden father’ is Zeus, who impregnated Perseus’ mother Danae as a shower of gold; see Apollod. 2. 4. 1 and Tzetzes.

μόρφνον: see I]. 24. 316-17, aleröv ... / μόρφνον Onpnrüp, ὃν καὶ περκνὸν καλέουσι (with Rengakos 1994: 126). The Homeric lines are themselves obscure. Homer uses μόρφνον as an adjective, Lyk. as a noun, and Homer uses περκνόν as a

Gigante

noun when it is usually an adjective meaning ‘dark’.

836. κέπφος: see 76 and n. On the stormy petrel's

frag. 314)

219, and

perhaps

237, with

Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58. reputation for stupidity, based on the ease with

839. τὸν ἡπατουργόν: Perseus climbed into the monster and destroyed its liver (cf. 35, Herakles). ἄρσεν᾽: see 837n. ἀρβυλόπτερον: for Perseus’

which it could be caught, see Arat. 916 with D.

winged sandals, πτηνὰ πέδιλα, given him by the

Kidd, also Aristoph. Peace1067 with Sommerstein,

nymphs, see Apollod. 2. 4. 2.

324

Andromeda and Perseus

834-844

And he shall see the towers of Kepheus,

and the place kicked by the foot of Hermes Laphrios, and the twin rocks, which that foolish petrel approached

835

in its search for food. But instead of a female,

it snatched in its jaws the eagle with the golden father, the liver-destroying winged-footed male.

By the blade of the reaper the hateful monster will be killed,

840

its sinews slashed to pieces. He released, from labour-pains which produced a man and a horse

born from her throat, the weasel whose gaze turned men to stone: he moulded men from the toes upwards, the creatures neck, δειρή (Lyk.'s compound word is an absolute hapax. At 810 the spelling of the simple noun is δέρη, with the first vowel shortened for metrical reasons). See Ant. Lib. XXIX. 3

840. πεφήσεται: ‘will be killed’, for the verb see 269-270n. (In Ciani’s entry "φένω, a ref. to the present line has dropped out. Read ‘occido: πεφήσεται 840; λαβὼν 8é . . .' etc.). For the 'adamantine sickle’, ἅρπη, given to Perseus by Hermes, see Apollod. 2. 4. 2. θεριστῆρος: this hapax-word is equivalent to the usual θεριστής.

(the

232 n. 44 (‘é-nerver’).

842-843. The thought is not easy here. The subject is Perseus’ slaying of the petrifyingly horrible Medusa, for whom see J. N. B[remmer], OCD* ‘Gorgo/Medusza’; she was the mortal sister of the immortal Sthenno and Euryale. The idea is that when Perseus cut off Medusa5 head he released the weasel from her 'horse-man labour-pains' i.e. he brought about the birth of a horse and a man, who were born, weasel-fashion, from her neck. See next two nn.

was

metamor-

844-845. After releasing Andromeda (and falling in love with her), Perseus used Medusa’s head to turn to stone (1) Phineus, her uncle and disaffected previous fiancé, and (2) Polydektes and

his supporters on Seriphos, when he found that his mother Danae had fled to an altar to escape Polydektes’ violence. As Pindar put it (P. 10. 47-8), ‘he came to the islanders, bringing stony death’, ἤλυθε νησιώταις / λίθινον θάνατον φέρων. For all this see Apollod. 2. 4. 2. For the Gorgons head as talisman, see Faraone 1992: 38, 119, and M. West 1997: 454, both citing the same Near Eastern parallel, Gilgamesh and the ogre Humbaba.

842. ἱπποβρότους ὠδῖνας: Chrysaor, father of three-headed Geryon, and the winged horse Pegasos, emerged from the severed neck of Medusa: Hes. 75. 280-1, 287; Apollod. 2. 4. 2. The

father was Poseidon. Stes. in his Geryoneis could

843. δειρόπαιδος . . . γαλῆς: this refers to the belief that the weasel's offspring emerged from

who

to stone by a gaze’. The word μαρμαρῶπις is otherwise not found except in the epi τρόπων of the ıst-cent. Bc grammarian Tryphon (Spengel 3: 195), who, however, uses it as an illustration of an enigmatic way of referring not to Medusa but to Athena. See, however, E. Her. 883 for μαρμαρωπός, with the comms of Wilamowitz and Bond, both citing the present passage of Lyk.

ἐξινωμένη in the present line see Guilleux 2009:

and 15 Fi.), both of which contain what may well be fragmentary mentions of the name Chrysaor.

of Galinthias,

Met. 9. 323: ‘ore parit"). pappapwridos: ‘turning

841. There is a notable cluster of three-word lines in this section: 841, 845, 846, and 858 (see 63n.), and—a related feature—the Perseus section contains many neologisms (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 115). See esp. 846 and n., and for the hapax word

have treated this topic; see PMGF Sıo and Su (13

story

phosed into a weasel; cf. the same story at Ovid

844. The reading ὅς is to be preferred, with most eds; the relative pronoun will then refer to the ‘reaper’ of 840. The alternative is to retain 6 and posit a lacuna between 843 and 844 (so Hurst/ Kolde).

325

The wanderings of Menelaos

845-851

ἀγαλματώσας ἀμφελύτρωσεν πέτρῳ, 3

,

>

tA

Hd

λαμπτηροκλέπτης τριπλανοῦς moönyias.

845

ἐπόψεται δὲ τοὺς θερειπότους γύας, καὶ ῥεῖθρον Ἀσβύσταο καὶ χαμευνάδας A

€

^,

5

td

M

LA

εὐνάς, δυσόδμοις θηρσὶ συγκοιμώμενος. καὶ πάντα τλήσεθ᾽ M

,

,

2

οὕνεκ᾽ Αἰγύας κυνὸς Lg

>

3

,

x

850

τῆς θηλύπαιδος καὶ Tpidvopos κόρης. 846. By a miracle of condensation, Lyk. reduces to a single line, consisting of three neologistic words (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 113, and Guilleux 2009:

Ἀισβύστης as a virtual synonym for ‘Kyrenaian’); Barr. map 38 B1 and D1. Lyk.’s geography seems wildly out here (cf. S. West 2009: 85 n. 15), until

234 for λαμπτηροκλέπτης), the story of Perseus’

we recall that Hdt. (2. 34) believed that the Nile

flowed through Libya, and that, even in the early

visit to the Graiai or Phorkidai. They were daughters of Phorkos or Phorkys (376n.) and sisters of the Gorgons (perhaps originally identical with them, see Davies 2003: 37 n. 31). Their names were Enyo, Pe(m)phredo, and Deino; they were

old

from

birth,

and

had

one

tooth

Hellenistic period, Douris of Samos (FGrHist 76 F 44, quoted by 2 on the present passage) located the source of the Nile in Libya. 848-849. χαμευνάδας / εὐνάς: lit. ‘beds bedded

and

on the ground’, with a repetition of the edv- root.

one eye between them. (Hes. 75. 270-3 with M. West; A. H. G[riffiths], OCD* ‘Graiae’; C. Kanellopoulou, LIMC 4. 1: 362-4; Fowler 2013: 253-5.) Perseus needed them to show him the way to the nymphs, so he took away their eye (he 'stole

See 319n. for a different sense of yapeuvds, viz. ‘prostitute’. But the sexual double entendre may

prepare for the reference just below (850) to Helen as a ‘bitch’, i.e. shameless, promiscuous. δυσόδ-

pots θηρσὶ συνκοιμώμενος: at Od. 4. 435-53,

the lamp’, as Lyk. puts it) and tooth to make them co-operate. (In Aeschylus’ Phorkides, it seems that

Menelaos ambushed Proteus (whom he wished to

interrogate about Helen) by hiding among seals, covered in sealskins; he was following the instruc-

he actually blinded them by throwing their eye into Lake Tritonios in Libya; see Gantz 1993:

tions of Proteus’ daughter Eidothea. δυσόδμοις alludes to the terrible stench, ὀλοώτατος ὀδμή,

304-5, cf. 19.) The nymphs provided him with winged sandals (839n.), a pouch (xiBeats) to pop

of the creatures (4. 442, cf. Aristoph. Wasps 1035,

Medusa's head into (so as to carry it without risk of petrifaction), and the cap of Hades, to confer

φώκης δ᾽ ὀσμήν), but Kassandra—ever keen

invisibility (cf. the Tarnhelm in Wagner's Ring of the Nibelung). To these, Hermes added the adamantine sickle or ἅρπη (840n.). See FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 11 (and in Fowler); Apollod. 2. 4. 2. Most of this equipment was depicted in art; see eg. LIMC 7. 2: 300 no. 162, a fine column krater from Metaponto in S. Italy, ¢.460 Bc.

847-851. Menelaos searches for Helen in Egypt

(850) to stress the unpleasant side of the experiences which await returning Greeks—does not mention the ambrosia which Eidothea gave to Menelaos and his companions, and which killed the smell (4. 445-6). For the Homeric sealskins

as effecting a ‘quasi-metamorphosis’, see Buxton 2009: 38; cf. 176 n., no. 20.

850-851. These two lines effect a mini-closure of the usual Lykophronic sort (cf. e.g. 819, 909-910,

847. ἐπόψεται: see 825n. The line alludes elegantly to the annual flooding of the Nile, between June and September.

between Menelaos’ wanderings and the western Mediterranean.

848. The ‘Asbystes’ is the Nile. The Asbystai, for whom see 895, were a tribe south of Kyrene: Hdt.

850. For the Lakonian polis of Aigys, close to the Arkadian border, see L4CP: no. 323 and Barr. map

4. 170 (Kall—see H. 2 to Apollo 76 with E.

58 C3. That Steph. Byz. a 113 Bill. regards Αἰγύας

Williams, also frags 37. 1 and 384. 6 Pf.—uses

as equivalent to “ακωνικῆς (so Holzinger) is

1087-1089, 1281-1282); here they mark the break

326

in the eastern

Menelaos in the West

845-851

turning them into statues as he wrapped them in stone, he who stole the lamp which guided the feet of the

845

wandering trio. Then he shall see the summer-flooded fields,

and the river Asbystos and the beds on the ground, as he sleeps alongside foul-smelling beasts. All this he will endure for the sake of the Spartan bitch, the maiden who was mother of daughters and wife of

850

three men. true, but is based only on the present passage of Lyk., which the epitomator quotes in full. The

at sacrifice, made his daughters ‘twice-married and thrice-married’, keiva de Tuvdapeov κόρας / χολωσαμένη διγάμους τε καὶ τριγάμους ἐτίθει / καὶ λιπεσάνορας, meaning that Klytaimestra had two husbands, Agamemnon and Aigisthos, and Helen had three, as above. But there κόραι, ‘daughters’, refers to their unmarried state at the time of the curse. See also 1003n. for another

same Steph. entry tells us that Euphorion, also,

said that Aigys was a ‘Lakonian polis’, but that is the frag. in its entirety: no. 165 Lightfoot. κυνός: for this description of Helen see 87n. 851. θηλύπαιδος: see 103n. Lightfoot 1999: 546 suggested that 'the question whether Helen had sons was a scholarly ζήτημα [problem], but

doubtfully virgin κόρη. 852-876. Menelaos in the West

also cited (at n. 402) a suggestion of L. Holford-

Strevens that θηλύπαις in the present passage might refer to a girl used sexually as a boy, ‘Lakonian style’ (Hesych. A 224) i.e. buggered. See Holford-Strevens 2000 for the full argument, esp. 609 for readings of Photios Lexicon 192. 12-15 which imply that Theseus buggered the prepubertal Helen. Kassandra will then be calling her a ‘female boy-girl’. But the double entendre is impossible to bring out in tr., so I have retained the conventional rendering. τριάνορος κόρης: if this is meant literally, and if we are to make Lyk. self-consistent (Helen had five husbands earlier in the poem, 143), the three husbands are presumably Menelaos, Paris, and Deiphobos; Theseus

and Achilles are in this section ignored. But a small inconsistency is bearable in an emotional Kassandra, and anyway Σ' glosses the adjective as τῆς moAvdvepos ἢ πολυάνδρου, presumably regarding the prefix rpı- as a mere strengthener, as in τρίσμακαρ or τρισοιζυρός. Either way, the emphasis is on Helen's sensuality; see Mari 2009: 433 and n. 63. As for the noun κόρῃ,if it is pressed so as to imply virgin status, it is a sneering paradox, because the adjective rpidvwp has made it clear that she is no maiden. Stes. (223 PMGF = 85 Fi., by which Lyk. is ‘probably influenced’) said that Aphrodite, in anger at neglect by Tyndareus

Lyk. now departs from the Homeric model, and sends Menelaos west. This version does not seem to derive from the Epic Cycle, because the Nostoi gave the same account of Menelaos' wanderings as did the Odyssey, see West 2013: 248. Perhaps this section of Lyk. owed something to Stesichoros; see 856n. on “ακινίου

The parallel pronounced eastern (see attention is

μυχούς.

with Odysseus’ adventures is more in this western section than in the e.g. 869n.), but the distribution of slightly different: most of Lyk.’s

‘Odyssey’ is set in Italy rather than Sicily, except for the brief episodes of the Kyklops and Laistrygonians, 659-665, and even these contain no specification of locality, by contrast with e.g. Σικανῶν πλάκας (870). And even within Sicily,

Menelaos mostly visits the western, Odysseus the eastern, part of the island. See 659-661n. Menelaos was a Spartan king, and it is possible to see in his Italian and Sicilian adventures an anticipation of historical Spartan attempts to gain a foothold in the west, starting with the foundation of Italian Taras in c.710 BC, and continuing with the episode of Dorieus, son of a Spartan king, at the end of the 6th cent. (Hdt. 5. 42-8, esp. 43 for Dorieus failed attempt to found a Herakleia in W Sicily), the activity of Gylippos' father

327

852-856

The wanderings of Menelaos

ἥξει δ᾽ ἀλήτης eis Ἰαπύγων στρατόν, καὶ δῶρ᾽ ἀνάψει παρθένῳ Σκυλητρίᾳ Ταμάσσιον κρατῆρα καὶ βοάγριον καὶ τὰς δάμαρτος ἀσκέρας εὐμάριδας. ἥξει δὲ Lipw kai Aakwíov μυχούς, [4

8.

*

^

x

/

855

La

δκυλλητιᾳ Scheer

Kleandridas at Thourioi and the successful foun-

the rule of the noisy στρατός (democracy), and the rule of the σοφοί (oligarchy). See further 853 n. for the Iapygians and Spartans/Tarentines. The Iapygians occupied the southern part of Apulia, mod. Puglia; the northern part was Daunia,for which see 592-632 and 1128-1140, etc. For Lyk.’s marked interest in Apulia, see Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 459 and n. 14.

dation of a new city of Herakleia in Lucania, both in the 430s, and Spartan interference in Korinth’s colony Syracuse in the years after 413 (see CT III: 6-12 and 534-5, n. on Th. 6. 104. 2). For Menelaos as a mythical prototype of Dorieus in particular, see Braccesi 1999: 69-76. A specially interesting parallel can be drawn between Menelaos' Tapygian dedications to Athena and the various classical and early Hellenistic Spartan kings who helped Taras against lapygians and other hostile neighbours: 853n. on παρθένῳ Σκυλητριᾷ. Lyk. was perhaps not the first poet to allude to these Spartan probes in the west; the myth of the ‘clod of earth’ in Pi. P 4 may hint at the failure of Dorieus' expedition. See Niese 1907; but note the reservations of Malten 1911: 132 and n. 2.

853. καὶ Sap’ ἀνάψει: this is close to Od. 3. 274, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀγάλματ᾽ ἀνῆψεν (said about Aigisthos, but in the middle of a section about Menelaos,

and thus surely in Lyk.’s mind hereabouts). rapθένῳ Σκυλητρίᾳ: the derivation appears to be from σκῦλα, one of several words for ‘plunder’,

‘spoils’: I says Σκυλητρίᾳ, διὰ τὰ ἐν πολέμῳ σκῦλα. Another such word is λάφυρα; Athena in

Lyk. is both Laphria (see 356.n. for the difference in nuance between σκῦλα and λάφυρα) and Skyletria here. Scheer (followed by Mascialino) wanted to emend to Σκυλλητίᾳ, so as to make the epithet an 'ethnic' of Skylletion/Scolacium on the Italian coast between Kroton and Kaulonia (Barr. map 46 E4). But we do not need to alter the text to produce this result: the place-name is suggested by the cult-epithet even in its unemended form, i.e. Lyk. is having it both ways.

852. ἥξει: for this word (also at 852 and 856) as a link between the Menelaos section and

the ‘Odyssey’ see 681n. Ἰαπύγων στρατόν: the Peuketians, lapygians, and Messapians were peoples who inhabited the hinterland of Taras (Barr. map 45 3 EFG and 4, marking them from NW to SE in the order just given above); see Th. 7. 33. 4, where the Iapygians and Messapians help the Athenians in the expedition of 415-413. The story transmitted by Herodotus (7. 170. 2) was that these people were originally Kretans who came west to search for Minos, but settled in S. Italy and ‘instead of Kretans, they became lapygian Messapians’. This myth was probably an Athenian attempt to manufacture good Greeks out of Athens’ indigenous allies in the struggle against the Spartans and their colonists at Taras. Compare 1303-1308 n. (Kretans colonize a predecessor of Troy). It is attractive (see Malkin 1994: 59, cf. next n.) to

see in στρατόν (‘people’) an allusion to the martial characteristics of the Iapygians, who gave the Tarentines so much trouble over the centuries; but

this is not necessary: at Pi. P. 2. 86-8 the three types of political system are one-man-rule (τυραννίς),

The sanctuary has not been identified for certain, but may have been

at Castro, south of

Hydruntum (mod. Otranto, Barr. map 45, right inset, marked as 'Castrum Minervae"). See Edlund 1987b: 47, noting that Virgil (A. 3. 531) made it the first sanctuary seen by Aineias as he approached Italy: femplumque apparet in arce. Minervae; cf. Strabo 6. 3. 5, τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν πλούσιον. In the classical and early Hellenistic periods, the inland Peuketians, Iapygians, and Messapians were

in a state of constant

friction with, and

sometimes outright violent conflict against, the Spartan colonists at coastal Taras (Hdt. 7. 170, Syl. nos 21 and 40). Menelaos in the present passage, apparently making dedications to a war-

like Athena from Tapygian spoils, has therefore

328

Menelaos in the West

852-856

He shall come as a wanderer to the Iapygian people,

and shall hang up gifts to Skyletria, a Tamassian mixing-bowl and a shield of ox-hide, and his wife’s eastern shoes with fur lining.

855

He shall come to Siris and the Lakinian recesses, By contrast, West 20132: 272 and n. 39 takes the ref. here to be to Cypriot Tamassos (ἃ Cypriot crater’). Noting Holzinger's suggestion that these were gifts to Menelaos from Kinyras king of

been seen as the ‘forerunner of the later Tarentines’ (Malkin 1994: 58£. with n. 44 and D. Cairns 2010: πὶ with n. 25, both citing FGrHist 555 F13, a foundation oracle of Taras instructing the Tarentines to ‘be a plague to the Iapygians’, πῆμα Ἰαπύγεσσι yéveaÜa:). This is surely on the right

Cyprus, and that they featured in the Epic Cycle, he comments ‘presumably these objects were actually to be seen in the temple’ i.e. of Hera Lakinia. West n. 39 corrects Holzinger on one detail: the gifts would have been mentioned in the Nostoi, not the Kypria. But they would have been part of a Cypriot, not necessarily an Italian, narrative (cf. 852-876 n.: the Epic Cycle does not appear to have taken Menelaos to the west). Harder 2012: 704-5 thinks that Kall. intended a simultaneous reference to both places; the same may be true of Lyk. also. See further Mercuri 2004: 197 and 288-9.

lines, but Menelaos, the mythical Spartan king,

should rather be seen as the forerunner of those historical Spartan kings who periodically went to help the beleaguered Tarentines against their local enemies. (See 852-876 n.) Thus Archidamos

III died fighting against the Messapians and/or another set of Taras' neighbours, the Lucanians,

on the same day as the battle of Chaironeia in 338 sc (Plut. Agis 3. 3; Diod. 16. 62. 4-63. 1 and 88. 3); and the Spartan pretender Kleonymos in 303 also fought against the Lucanians, but with the surprising support of the Messapians (Diod. 20. of which

855. ἀσκέρας εὐμάριδας: both these words mean

would have been transmitted to Lyk.’s time (Archidamos and Kleonymos anticipate Pyrrhos, who went to Taras' aid against Rome in 280) see Cartledge and Spawforth 1989: 13 f. and 30. There

shoes of some sort, so one of them must be func-

104-5). For these episodes, memories

tioning as an adjective, probably the second. For εὔμαρις as an exotic eastern slipper, see A. Pers. 660 (a ‘sandal dipped in saffron’) and E. Or. 1370-

1, βαρβάροις edudpr-/ow; so here it probably

was a cult of the Atreidai (and Aiakidai and other

mythical families) at Taras; see [Ar.] mir. ausc. 106, perhaps from Timaios (Geffcken 1892: 137£.). Menelaos in Iapygia, and his dedications, are discussed by Lamboley 1996: 273 and 400. 854. The place referred to by Ταμάσσιον is ambiguous: is it Tamassos in central Cyprus (Barr. map 72 C2) or Temesa/Tempsa in Bruttium, S. Italy (Barr. map 46 D3, on the western side of the

peninsula; see 1067 and n.)? Both were supposed to be centres of bronze-working (Strabo 6. 1. 5: less plausible for Tempsa, see S. West on Od. 1. 184 and Harder 2012: 7-4f.), and so would be appropriate as providing epithets for an out-of-the-ordinary mixing-bowl. Sistakou 2002: 167 believes that Lyk.—both here, and also unequivocally at 1067— and Kall. (frag. 85. ro Pf.) put the place in S. Italy, and Tzetzes supports this; so too, for the Kall. frag., D'Alessio in his comm.

means ‘barbarian’. As for doxépa, Pollux (7. 85)

explains it as a warm woolly winter shoe, ὑπόδημα λάσιον, χειμῶνος χρήσιμον. This presumably derives from Hipponax, frag. 34. 3 West (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110): οὔτ᾽ ἀσκέρῃσι τοὺς πόδας δασείῃσι / ἔκρυψας. Hipponax was an important influence on Lyk.; see Hollis 2007: 279. 856. For Siris and its complicated early myth-

history (there is an unexpected Trojan aspect), see 978-992n. Here it features more straightforwardly as a place visited by a returning Greek. Aaxwiov μυχούς: this expression means, in effect, Kroton (L4CP: no. 59; Barr. map 46 F3),

not actually named

in any form until 1002,

Κροτωνιᾶται. The temple of Hera on the Lakinion promontory, mod. Cape Colonna, was a famous and splendid landmark, positioned at the edge of Krotoniate territory, 10 km S. of the polis

329

857-864

The wanderings of Menelaos

ἐν οἷσι πόρτις ὄρχατον τεύξει θεᾷ Ὁπλοσμίᾳ φυτοῖσιν ἐξησκημένον. γυναιξὶ δ᾽ ἔσται τεθμὸς ἐγχώροις del 3

T

,

x

>

»

,

A

E

^

,

3

V

πενθεῖν τὸν εἰνάπηχυν Αἰακοῦ τρίτον καὶ Δωρίδος, πρηστῆρα δαίου μάχης, καὶ μήτε χρυσῷ φαιδρὰ καλλύνειν ῥέθη, μήθ᾽ ἁβροπήνους ἀμφιβάλλεσθαι πέπλους κάλχῃ φορυκτούς, οὕνεκεν θεᾷ θεὸς

that is unfortunately corrupt, but there is some reference to the period before the Trojan War. For this temple-aetiology (which may go back to

of Kroton (see de Polignac 1995 for such Hera sanctuaries as delimiting folis territory, esp. 103 and n. 32 for Hera Lakinia). Note, however, the

possibility that Lyk. has in mind the sacred grove rather than the famous temple; see Edlund 1987b: 48. For dedications and votive deposits to Hera from the site, see IGDGG 2: nos 83-5 and Guzzo 20112: 238-40. In myth, Lakinios was son of the eponymous hero Kroton; he stole some of the cattle of Geryon and was killed by Herakles in consequence (Diod. 4. 24. 7 with de Polignac, as above, and see Servius on V. A. 3. 552, cf. 857858n.) It is tempting to wonder if Stesichoros’

Timaios, cf. Geffcken 1892: 17 and 140, followed

by Holzinger), see further 864-865 n. For öpxaτον, from ὄρχος, a row (of trees), see Od. 24. 222 with Heubeck (the garden of Laertes), cf. 7. 112 (Alkinoos).

858. See 841n. for the three-word line, one of several in this section. 859-865. This festival of mourning for Achilles at Kroton is of great interest; Graf 1985: 351 n. 4 sees it as secondary (‘wohl sekundär’), transferred to Achilles under the influence of epic, but if so that does not diminish its importance for the study of Lyk. In particular the western slant to

Geryoneis is the ultimate source for this; as for

writers nearer Lyk.’s time, Geffcken 1892: 140, cf. 17 is confident that the Krotonian and Lakinian material is Timaian, or rather that ‘wir haben timäisch-varronische Tradition. For Lyk.s marked attention to Kroton, see 1002 ἢ.

857. möprıs: for this word for a young woman, see 102 n. Here the ‘heifer’ is the Nereid Thetis; see next n. For Nereids as κόραι see (with Holzinger)

A. frag. 174 TrGF πεντήκοντα Νηρήδων κορᾶν, from the Ὅπλων

κρίσις, with which

cf. the

obvious imitations at E. I7 427-8 (same words, different order) and Andr. 1267 (Thetis herself

speaks): πεντήκοντα Νηρήδων χορόν; also HE 574-5 (= Antipater of Sidon LIX. 7-8) for the Nereids as Ὠκεανοῖο / κοῦραι. 857-858. öpxarov τεύξει θεᾷ / Ὁπλοσμίᾳ: for Hoplosmia as Hera, see 613-614n. & hardly does more than elucidate and paraphrase Lyk.

(ἡ Θέτις ἀνέθηκε κῆπον τῇ Ἥρᾳ), but there is independent evidence. Servius, commenting on diva Lacinia i.e. Juno at V. A. 3. 552, says that Thetis gave the Lakinian promontory to Hera as a gift: Iunoni Thetis dono dederat, the Latin after

860

the evidence for such festivals is noticeable; see

the examples given by Burnett 1988: 143 and Eidinow 2007: 162 with 299 n. 32; also Giannelli 1963: 100 and Edlund 1987b: 48. Note for example the

(Spartan-derived)

festival

at the

tomb

of

Hyakinthos at Taras, Pol. 8. 28. 2, with Walbank. For other parallels, see detailed nn. below, and for the aetiology, see 864-865 n. There is a clear relationship to the section (1126-1140) about Kassandra’s own Daunian cult;

see nn. there, and Mari 2009: 427-8. See also Frisone 201: 85 and n. 71, citing an early 6th-cent. inscription on a pinax from S. Biagio della Venella in the territory of Metapontion, Arena 1996: 11 no. 85, plate XXV. 1: Ἀχιλ(λ)ές | Πάτροκ[λος] inscribed from right to left under a depiction of a horse. »

859. γυναιξὶ 8^ ἔσται τεθμός: with the final noun cf. R/O no. 1 (the Labyadai law from Delphi, £.400 BC) C 19-20, ‘this is the law, τεθμός, about things to do with burials’. Funerary laws often

330

857-864

Menelaos in the West

where the heifer shall prepare a garden for Hoplosmia, well-provided with plants. And for the local women there shall be an eternal law to mourn the nine-cubit one, third in descent from Aiakos

860

and Doris, the whirlwind of fierce battle,

and never to adorn their shining limbs with gold, nor to clothe themselves in soft dresses dyed with purple, because a goddess gave to a goddess regulated the behaviour of women in particular,

862. The prohibition on female adornment, specifically gold jewellery, is a feature of cults or fes-

and sometimes prescribed sober dress for them. in the Aiolid,

tivals for women, like the Thesmophoria, which

near Pergamon, 3rd cent. sc) lines 4-6, ordaining clean grey clothes for female citizen mourners,

See LSAM:

no. 16 (Gambreion

impose temporary avoidance of the pollution of sex. For restrictions on the wearing of gold, see

νόμον εἶναι Γαμβρειώταις, | τὰς πενθούσας ἔχειν φαιὰν ἐσθῆτα, μὴ κατερρυπωμένην.

e.g. LSCG

But the motive of such regulations was to outlaw the ‘aggressive funeral’ by which families might assert themselves against the polis (Seaford 1994: 78), whereas here the point of the τεθμός is to show solidarity with the bereaved Thetis, by compelling the women of Kroton to lament the dead

mentary) line 22 un ἐχέτω δὲ μηδεμία χρυσία; LSS 33 (Patrai in Achaia, Demeter cult) col. A

65 (mystery cult at Andania

in

Messenia; see Gawlinksi 2012 for detailed com-

IRS

ss [4a]-|patpiows

τὰς

γ[υ]ν[αἴ]-[κες

μήτε χρυσίον E-|xev πλέον ὀβέλου ὁλ-| κάν, LSS 68 (cult of Despoina at Lykosoura, Arkadia) lines 1-4. On all this, and the reasons for it, see

Parker 1983: 83 and n. 36. See also next n.

hero (see next n.). For this sort of lamentation see

Pickard-Cambridge 1927: 139f. and Seaford 1994:

863. ἁβροπήνους: for this type of hapax word (adjective + noun), see Guilleux 2009: 233. Luxurious or sexually provocative female dress is

139 n. 151, citing the present passage and several others, including the Elis festival cited at 860n.;

also Goff 2004: 34 for the specifically female aspect to such mourning at times of festival.

also forbidden by cults of the type mentioned in 862 n., e.g. LSCG 65 line 16 with Gawlinski 2012:

118, no ‘see-through’ dresses for women, αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες μὴ διαφανῆ... Like gold, 'such garb

860. πενθεῖν τὸν εἰνάπηχυν: Achilles is thought of as a kind of giant (cf. 1414n.), therefore tall,

therefore nine cubits tall; the adjective is an

denotes the prostitute' (Parker 1983: 83 n. 36, cf.

iambic variant for ἐννεάπηχυν. Cf. Il. 19. 527, Ἀχιλλῆα πελώριον. For a parallel to this mourn-

864. κάλχῃ φορυκτούς: for κάλχη as a purple

Gawlinski 2012: 126).

ing for Achilles, see Paus. 6. 23. 3: on a particular day, when the sun is setting, the women of Elis perform rites for Achilles at an empty tomb, and ritually beat their breasts in lamentation. This is said to have been in obedience to an oracle. Some sort of rivalry between Elis and Kroton is

limpet (tr. Gow and Scholfield) see Nik. Alex. 393. For the contrast between crimson and mourning black cf. Bion Adonis 3-4, μηκέτι πορφυρέοις ἐνὶ φάρεσι, Κύπρι, κάθενδε' / ἔγρεο δειλαία, kvaνόστολε with Reed's n. on Κυανόστολε at 4 (cit-

ing Fantuzzi). Purple is banned in the Andania inscription (862 n.), LSCG 65 line 24, μήτε προφύραν; see Gawlinski 2012: 131 (purple makes religious officials ‘stand out’).

suggested by Timaios (#GrHist 566 F 45): the people of Kroton tried to outdo the Olympic games. Cf. also Philostratos, Heroikos 53. 15, cult for Achilles in Thessaly and Graf 1985: 351

864-865. οὕνεκεν θεᾷ θεὸς / χέρσου μέγαν στόρθυγγα δωρεῖται κτίσαι: Thetis, mother of Achilles, gave to Hera the land in which the temple of Hera Lakinia would one day be situated;

(Erythrai). For the cults of Achilles on the Black

Sea see 1723179 n. 861. πρηστῆρα: see 27n.

331

865-870

The wanderings of Menelaos

χέρσου μέγαν στόρθυγγα δωρεῖται κτίσαι. ἥξει δὲ ταύρου γυμνάδας κακοξένους

8ός

πάλης κονίστρας, ὅν τε Κωλῶτις τεκνοῖ, Ἀλεντία κρείουσα Aoyyotpou μυχῶν,

Ἅρπης Κρόνου πήδημα Κογχείας θ᾽ ὕδωρ κάμψας Γονοῦσαν τ᾽ ἠδὲ Σικανῶν πλάκας, 870

870

ΑΑἰγοῦσαν Ciaceri

Bc, when it was the object of Roman foreign policy at a moment of military crisis. In 217, Venus Erycina was summoned to the Capitol at Rome on the instructions of the Sibylline Books

see 857-858 n. The temple is on the coast, at the edge of Krotoniate territory (see 856n., citing de Polignac), and a powerful aetiology was needed

to justify Kroton' possession in perpetuity. The sea-goddess Thetis had the necessary power over coastal land, but she was felt to require a consideration, in the form of perpetual mourning for her son. The polyptoton θεᾷ θεός (the feminine then the masculine form of the noun, although

(Livy 22. 10. 10). The reasons for Roman attention

surely included the connection with Trojan Aineias: he had made a dedication there to his mother Venus/Aphrodite (Diod. 4. 83. 2, cf. V..A. 5. 772 for Aineias’ sacrifice to Eryx himself). See Gruen 1990: 8£, 14; 1993: 229; and further 964 n.

both refer to female gods) is interesting, and per-

haps no more than an avoidance of the predictable. Such noun-noun juxtapositions sometimes underline the surprising nature of the connection (as at I7. 16. 176 with Janko, γυνὴ θεῷ εὐνηθεῖσα, or HH. Aph. 167 with N. Richardson), but here it

is divine solidarity that is being stressed. 865. στόρθυγγα: see 492 n. 866-870. Menelaos in Sicily

866. ταύρου: the 'bull' is Eryx, son of Aphrodite (designated

there follows the evidently earlier story of the daughters of the Trojan Phoinodamas, which in turn leads to the account of the Trojan foundation of the three Elymian cities, Egesta, Entella,

and Eryx (964). In particular, Eryx is alluded to in the present passage in terms which evoke the purely Greek charter myth according to which Herakles defeated Eryx, the indigenous champion and eponym of Aphrodite's city and sanctuary (that is, the temple of the Phoenician Astarte, see Lane Fox 2008: 292), and took over his terri-

tory; see 866n. Nevertheless, the prominence accorded to Eryx here (it features in first place, and occupies two lines, 866-867) may reflect the importance of the sanctuary in the late 3rd cent.

and the

on V. A. 1. 570 are aware of both versions). Eryx was the eponym of one of the three Elymian cities at the western end of Sicily (for which see Th. 6. 2. 3; the other two Elymian cities were Egesta and Entella, 964 and n.). He wrestled with strangers and killed them (so Tzetzes and Servius,

Kassandra here treats western Sicily summarily, as an area which will be visited by a famous Greek; she expresses no hint at an earlier Trojan phase of settlement; contrast 9517977, where we will be told that ‘others’, sc. other Greeks, ‘will inhabit the Sikanian land, where ...'—and then

by her epithet ‘Kolotis’)

Argonaut Boutes (Diod. 4. 83. 1; Apollod. makes him son of Poseidon, while Tzetzes and Servius

as above, hence the wrestling-arena was κακόξεvos), until himself defeated by Herakles, who had proposed that the stakes of the contest should be Herakles' cattle or Eryx's land: Diod. 4. 23. 2, a charter myth for Greek (as against Phoenician) possession of the western end of the island, Gantz

1993: 409. This is the myth presupposed by Hdt. (s. 43) when he has Antichares advising the Spartan Dorieus that the territory of Eryx was acquired by Herakles; Dorieus then tries to found a Herakleia in W. Sicily. See Malkin 1994: 203-18; Giangiulio 2003. γυμνάδας: this word, as a substantive, is occasionally found in late Hellenistic inscribed epigrams as a synonym for ‘gymnasium! UG 12 (7) 447. 5, Amorgos; SEG 37. 736, Peparethos). But here it seems to function as an

adjective, qualifying κονίστρας, in the same way as does κακοξένους. 867. xoviorpas: cf. Kall. frag. 328 Pf. on Kerkyon, who also forced strangers to wrestle with him,

332

Menelaos in Sicily

865-870

a great spike of dry land to build on. And he shall come to the inhospitable wrestling-arena and

865

gymnasium of the bull, whom Kolotis bore,

Alentia, the mistress of the recesses of Longouros. He shall round the place where Kronos’ Sickle took its plunge, And the waters of Koncheia, and Gonousa and the Sikan 870

fields.

xe 62 est cf.

as about Kerkyra, and no doubt many other places with curved harbours, as discussed at 762n. The repetition of Zipm from 762 serves as a small reminder of the larger parallel between the wan-

κονίστραι / ἄξεινοι (from the Hekale) = frag. Hollis, with Hollis 1990: 212 (‘perhaps the closparallel between the Hecale and Alexandra’), Hollis 2007: 285. It is clear that Kall. wrote

first and that, here at least, Lyk. was the ‘borrower’

derings of Odysseus and of Menelaos (820-876 n.),

(Hollis 2007: 284-5). Hollis 1990 also compares Nonn. D. 48. 103, κακοξείνοιο παλαίστρης. Κωλῶτις: this is Ἀφροδίτη ἐν Κύπρῳ, acc. 2.

although different places are designated by the name (first Kerkyra, then Drepanon). Lane Fox 2008: 293 thinks that behind the present passage may lie ‘a story begun by Phoenicians’. Koyxeías

There was a well-known Aphrodite Κωλιάς in

θ᾽ ὕδωρ: this is a puzzle, to the solution of which

Attica, at the promontory Kolias (for which see Hdt. 8. 96. 2): Aristoph. Lys. 2 with the comms of Sommerstein and J. Henderson.

2 and Tzetzes offer no help. Holzinger ingeniously suggested Palermo, because of the magnificent bay called the 'Conca d'Oro (another curved

868. Adevria: ‘Ales was a river at Kolophon, where there was a temple of Aphrodite’ (2). For the chilly Ionian river Ales or Halesos, see 425 and n. Aoyyoöpov μυχῶν: the MSS vary between this spelling and Aoyyoupw, Aoyydpov and Aoyyöpov. Acc. &, it was a Sicilian harbour, lake, or river, λιμήν, λίμνη, or ποταμός; the readings of Z and Tzetzes also vary, see Leone and Scheer. The best-attested Sicilian place-name resembling this—even approximately—is inland Aoyydvn or Aoyyavn on a river of the same name, probably situated between Tyndaris and Mylai in the NE corner of the island. See LACP:

harbour,

see

above);

Ciaceri

preferred

Himera

because of its hot springs (Pi. O. 12. 19, θερμὰ Νυμφᾶν λουτρά). 870. Γονοῦσα: a Sicilian lake, acc.

2 (N), but as

yet there is no other evidence. Ciaceri (not regis-

tered by Mascialino or Hurst/Kolde) proposed emending to Αἰγοῦσαν, ‘Goat Island’, one of the Aigates islands off the western end of Sicily, mod. Favignana, Barr. map 47 A3. (Ciaceri's ‘isoletta nella costa orientale di Sicilia’ must be a slip for 'occidentale') Σικανῶν πλάκας: cf. also 951 and 1029 for Σικανός. If this ethnic is to be pressed, and does not just refer loosely to ‘Sicily’as a whole in the present passage (as it does at 1029, see n. there), the geographical indicator is restrictive, because Sikanians occupied the W. part of the island (Th. 6. 2. 2), specifically the region N. of

no. 35, *Longane’, Barr. map 47 Ga; it was men-

tioned by FGrHist $56 Philistos F 38 (from Steph. Byz.). There was also a place near Katane called Adyyav (Diod. 24. 6). See also 520 n. on Athena's

epithet Aoyyärıs.

Akragas (Steph. Byz. Σικανία, citing Apollodoros). So too at 951, Σικανός appears to indicate W. Sicily, although the Laistrygonians of 956 were conventionally located in E. Sicily (662—665n.); see gsrn. for the westward travels across Sicily of Phoinodamas' daughters. It has been noticed (Holzinger and Mooney on the present passage) that Lyk. never uses Σικελοί or Σικελία, The

869. Ἅρπης Κρόνου πήδημα: this is Drepanon

or Drepane in W. Sicily, mod. Trapani (Barr. map 47 AB 2); for the type of allusion (toponym identified with the characteristic element of the myth)

see Sistakou 2009: 245-6 n. 23, with acknowledgement to Ciani 1973: 145-6. The names Aprn and Apemdvy both mean ‘sickle’, and the same castration-myth was told about Sicilian Drepanon

reasons cannot be straightforwardly metrical (the

333

The wanderings of Menelaos

871-877

Kal θηροχλαίνου σηκὸν ὠμηστοῦ λύκου, ὃν Κρηθέως ἄμναμος ὁρμίσας σκάφος ἔδειμε πεντήκοντα σὺν νανηγέταις. κρόκαι δὲ Μινυῶν εὐλιπῆ στελγίσματα τηροῦσιν, ἅλμης οὐδὲ φοιβάζει κλύδων, !

A

^

^

3

"

2

^

x

/,

LA

"i

875

οὐδ᾽ ὀμβρία σμήχουσα δηναιὸν νιφάς. ἄλλους δὲ θῖνες οἵ Te Ταυχείρων πέλας »

x

^

v

ia

7

4505, during one of the city's democratic phases. (For Phayllos see perhaps SEG 12. 411 (Selinous) with CAH 5° 166 n. 21.) Aithalie/Elba also featured in the work of Philistos (FGrHisz 556 F

poet’s tendency to avoid resolution), because the

cretic Ζικελός was presumably available, for a daring soul like Lyk., on the analogy of dactylic Σικελικός etc.; see Gow on Theok. 8. 56, where Σικελικὰν (preferred by Gow) and τὰν Σικελὰν

21, cf. 599 n.), as well as in Hekataios (FGrHist 1

both have MS authority. It is tempting to try to use Lyk.’s vocabulary to shed further light on Hellenistic attitudes towards Sicilian identity, a topic well examined by Prag 2013, who shows that, on the evidence of epigraphy, Σικελιώτης gave way to Σικελός after the 4th cent. sc. But the poet may be merely archaizing; note that Th. (as above) says that the island was once called Zixavia, tak-

F 59), both cited by Steph. Byz. a 120 Bill. Indeed,

ing its name from the Σικανοί who migrated there from Iberia.

Philistos has been suggested as the source for Diod. 11. 88 (Freeman 1891-4: 2. 337 n. 3); but Timaios is also possible (Meister 1967: 52). The

poetic leap in thought from Sicily to Elba thus corresponds to a degree of historical reality. On the basis of the present passage of Lyk., Braccesi 1999: 73-6 speculates that the Spartan Dorieus, at the end of the 6th cent., might have had

designs on Elba and even have clashed with the Etruscans (see 852-876n. for Menelaos as mythical forerunner of Dorieus). In Ap. Rh. (see 4. 658), as also in Timaios

871-876. Menelaos on Elba Kassandra uses Menelaos’ western wanderings as a peg on which to hang a strange episode from the Argonautic legend, which took place on the island of Elba (Aithalia), off the coast of Etruria

(Barr. map 41 C4); for the themselves with pebbles on 654-8, esp. 654 ἐς Αἰθαλίην dition of the visit of the

Argonauts scraping Elba see Ap. Rh. 4. ἐπέρησαν. (The traArgonauts to Elba/

Aithalie, and the naming of the harbour there as

Apywov after the ship Argo, was in Timaios: Diod. 4. 56. 5 = FGrHist 566 F 85; Geffcken 1892: 131-2.) S. West 2007: 206 n.10 (following Pearson

1975: 181 n. 27, cf. 1987: 63 n. 43) thinks that Lyk. meant to place the story not in Elba but in W. Sicily, like the subject-matter of 866-870, but this

is improbable (so rightly Geffcken 1892: 25). Elsewhere the story is always attached to Elba, and the discolouring of the pebbles makes sense only there; see below. Elba was within the range of Greek adventurers and conquerors: Diod. 11. 88. 4-5 records an attack on the Etruscan-held island by a Syracusan general Phayllos in the

(above) the story is an aetiology for the name Apy@os λιμήν, the harbour on the N. of the island; cf. Barr., as above. Unfortunately, a line

may be missing from Ap. Rh. (after εἴκελαι at 4. 657), and H. Fränkel fills the gap by drawing on the other literary sources, including Lyk. But story and aetiology are given fully by Strabo,

5. 2. 6: the Argonauts on Elba cleaned themselves with strigils, and the scrapings congealed into pebbles of variegated colours. See also, more briefly, [Ar.] mir. ausc. 105, for which the source is probably Timaios (Geffcken 1892: 3, 24£, 131). A papyrus commentary on Ap. Rh. may attribute

the story to the paradoxographer Antigonos of Karystos. It can be restored as mentioning Elba (Αἰθ]αλείαν) and beaches (rod[s | ailyıaAovs), and then as citing Antigonos (io]ropeiv Ἀντίγονον). See P. Oxy. 2694, p. 54 lines 10-11 and 14, with comm. at p. 58; cf. Livrea on Ap. Rh. 4.

654. The scientific truth behind the story has been thought to do with rust-coloured discolouration

produced by the rich deposits of iron-ore on

334

Menelaos on Elba; Shipwrecks of Thessalians

871-877

He shall visit the temple of the savage wearer of animal hide, which the grandson of Kretheus, after anchoring his ship, built with his fifty fellow-sailors.

The shore still preserves the oily scrapings ofthe Minyans, which waves of sea-water do not cleanse,

875

nor do long showers of rain wash them away. For others, the sandbanks and hidden reefs best, claimed to be descended from daughters of Minyas. The Minyans were connected with

Elba; cf. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 252,‘es handelt sich

um die rostbraunen Eisensteine von Elba’. But there is something surreal about the story, an aspect well caught by Goldhill 1991: 325, discussing Ap. Rh.’s version. It is, he says, ‘an aition that uses an everyday event—cleaning oneself—to explain a phenomenon in the natural world, the colour of stones, by an unexplained and totally strange process of transformation’. The Menelaos episode ends as the Diomedes episode

had

ended,

with

a reference

to

Orchomenos in Boiotia (for'Minyan Orchomenos’

see 1) 2. 511 and Th. 4. 76. 3), from which ‘some of them migrated to Iolkos in Thessaly, which is

why the Argonauts were called Minyans’ (Strabo 9.2.40). For the Argonauts as Thessalians, see 1309 and n. στελγίαματα: what, after physical exertion in the gymnasium, is scraped off with a ardeyyis, strigil (the spelling of this group of words fluctuates between στλε- and στελ-). See [Ar.] mir. ausc. (as at 871-876 n.): the Greeks on the island [Elba] say that the pebbles on the beach take their colour ἀπὸ τῶν στλεγγισμάτων div ἐποιοῦντο ἀλειφόμενοι.

the

Argonautic legend. See S. West 2007: 206ff. and 2009: 84 (the Argonautic theme continues into the following episode, 877-896, esp. 881 ff.) 871. The

wearer

of the

animal

(sc. lion)

hide

is Herakles; see 455 and 456 with nn. For Herakles as wolf, see Sistakou 2009: 252 and n. 42. The notion that Jason

(grandson

877-908.

Shipwrecks

off

Libya

of

the

"Thessalians Gouneus, Prothoos, and Eurypylos

of Kretheus) built

On this passage see esp. Malten ıgır: 129-42, an excellent but complex discussion, linking the three shipwrecked Thessalian heroes with tradi-

a temple to Herakles on Elba appears to be confined to Lyk. σηκόν: supposedly the right word for a hero shrine (as opp. a temple for a god), see Kall. frag. 694 P£; but LSJ? IL (1) observe that the distinction is not always observed by the poets

tions of immigration to Libya by Arkadians and

(certainly not by Lyk., see below). Herakles had a double nature, hero and god, ace. a famous pas-

Kretans as well as Thessalians. Kassandra does not name the three Thessalians, obscure though they are; they will be referred to periphrastically

sage of Hdt. (2. 44. 5). At 927, σηκός is used of the

at 897-902, see nn. there.

grave of Philoktetes, who is said to get cult as a god (928), although hero-cult is surely meant. See

The Greeks-perishing-off-Libya motif has been briefly introduced at 648; but those Greeks were different: Odysseus and crew,

further Rougier-Blanc 2009: 555. At 959 and 1261 the noun

is used

of temples

of Aphrodite

(at

877. ἄλλους de: Kassandra uses a routine formula of

Eryx) and Athena respectively.

transition (Sens 2009: 25, but see also Introduction

section 3 (d) for the influence of the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women) to pass to another group of Greeks, specifically a trio of Thessalians taken from the Homeric Catalogue of Ships. But a thematic bridge is provided by the Argonauts, who

872. ἄμναμος: see 144.1. for this interesting word. 873. ἔδειμε: from δέμω, I build’ (but the present is not often

found). Cf. IA. 21. 446

(speech

of

Poseidon), ἔδειμα. Lyk. is fond of the word, and uses it six times (Rougier-Blanc 2009: 558).

straddle the two sections (see 871-876n., at end), and who are themselves Thessalians, because

874. For the Argonauts as ‘Minyans’ see Ap. Rh. 1. 233, explaining that most of them, and the

most of them were Minyans (see 874n.). Pives:

335

878-885

Further nostoi

μύρμηκες αἰάζουσιν ἐκβεβρασμένους ἔρημον εἰς Ἄτλαντος οἰκητήριον θρυλιγμάτων δέρτροισι προσσεσηρότας, ,

3)

2

H

880

Μόψον Τιταιρώνειον ἔνθα ναυβάται θανόντα ταρχύσαντο, τυμβείαν θ᾽ ὕπερ κρηπῖδ᾽ ἀνεστήλωσαν Apywou δορὸς κλασθὲν πέτευρον, νερτέρων κειμήλιον, ag?

5

,

3,

’,

x

Αὔσιγδα Κινύφειος fj τέγγων ῥόος

see 246n. Ταυχείρων πέλας: Taucheira (L4CP: no. 1029, Barr. map 38 Br) was on the Libyan coast between Euesperides/Berenike (mod. Benghazi) and Ptolemais. It was a member-city of the Pentapolis of Cyrenaica (see J. M. R[eynolds], OCD* ‘Pentapolis’). For excavations in the 1960s see Boardman and Hayes 1966-74. It became a Ptolemaic Arsinoe, named after the sister-wife of Ptolemy II, Philadelphos, but had reverted to its

earlier name by the time of Strabo (17. 3. 21), and this survives in the form of mod. Tocra. (It is the first in the list at Steph. Byz. ‘Arsinoe’, a 454 Bill., with Fraser 2009: 342-3.) The name was, however, presumably Arsinoe when Lyk. was writing, so “Taucheira’ is not quite an exception to the poems usual preference for roundabout or riddling designations; it does, perhaps, attest yet again Lyk.’s extensive familiarity with Hdt. (4. 171,

the Bakales live on the sea κατὰ Ταύχειρα πόλιν τῆς Βαρκαίης, see Pf. on Kall. frag. 484). Steph. Byz. under Tavyerpa says the name derives from the daughter of Autandros, so Taucheira was evidently an eponymous nymph, but there seems as yet to be no other evidence for her existence, unless she was one of the anonymous guardian heroines of Libya who helped the Argonauts: Ap. Rh. 4. 1309, 1323, etc. The entries ‘Autandros’ in R.-E. and ‘Taucheira’ in Roscher, both by Höfer,

merely repeat the information in Steph., and add nothing. 878. This and 880 are three-word lines, clustered as often: see 63n. μύρμηκες: see 176n., and cf. 8gon. (S. West 2009: 84 suggests that there is here an allusion to Hdt. 7.183. 2, the ἕρμα between

Skiathos

and

Magnesia,

καλεόμενον

δὲ

Μύρμηκα). ἐκβεβρασμένους: Lyk. is extraordinarily fond of this verb; see 66n.

879. Atlas was Buxton 2009: and 176 n. no. on the present

88ς both a mountain and a Titan. See 200-1 on Atlas’ transformation, a1 for this metamorphosis. Tzetzes passage relays a story by the dithy-

rambic poet Polyeidos

(c.400 Bc), according to

which Atlas was a shepherd who was shown the Gorgon's head by Perseus, and so was petrified (844-845n.) PMG: no. 837. οἰκητήριον: see 376n. for this rare word.

880. δέρτροισι: cf. Od. τι. 579, the punishment of Tityos by vulture-peck in the Underworld: 8épTpov ἔσω δύνοντες (where it means ‘peritoneum (or part of it)’: Heubeck). It is a far cry from ‘peritoneum’ to ‘sharp fragment’, which must be roughly the meaning here; but the explanation is thought to be that early grammarians misunderstood the word as referring to the sharp beak which penetrated the bowels of Tityos, rather

than to the body-part so penetrated. See Er. Magn. 257. 31-2, ἄμεινον δὲ τὸ δέρτρον ῥάμφος, with Ciani, and Rengakos 1994: 122. The Greek, as Mooney observes, is odd: the underlying idea in mpoooeonporas is ‘gaping wound’ (cf. Ps.Theok. 20. 14-15, σεσαρὸς . . . ἐγέλαξεν), but the

literal meaning seems to be that the men gape at the spars of wreckage which have wounded them (so Mair: ‘grinning on the points of their wreckage’, but that does not make much sense). See also 878n. (the three-word line).

881-896. Kassandra uses Libya, the final destination of the three Thessalians returning from the Trojan War, to append an analeptic section on the Argonauts (themselves also Thessalians via Minyas, cf. 874n.), whose difficulties in Libya a generation earlier were narrated by Ap. Rh. 4. 1227-610, who in turn partially follows the brief narrative at Hdt. 4.179. (For Lyk.'s dependence on

336

Shipwrecks off Libya of Thessalians

878-885

near Taucheira make lament, as they are flung ashore

at the deserted dwelling-place of Atlas, their wounds gaping from sharp spars of wreckage.

880

That was where Titaironeian Mopsos died and was buried by the crew; they raised above the foundations of his tomb a broken oar

from the ship Argo—a treasure for the dead. There the Kinypheian stream makes Ausigda fertile, Hat. see Wilamowitz 18832: 14 [= 1935-72: 2. 27], but there are divergences too, see Malten 191r: 131 n.1 and 888 n.) Kallimachos may also have treated the Argonauts’ experiences at Lake Tritonis or Pallantis, judging from an obscure frag. preserved by Pliny, ΝῊ s. 28.: Kall. frag. 584 Pf, with D'Alessio 2007: 736 ἢ. 81. But Kall.’s interest in his native N. Africa may be enough to explain this; see Hollis 2007: 286 (noting that Kall. did not as far as we can see cover the Argonauts’ adventures in Libya) and n. 43. 881. This Mopsos (a secondary character, therefore called by his right name, cf. Sistakou 2009: 249) is not the same as the more famous seer of 426~430 (not named, but referred to riddlingly); the present

Mopsos was one of the two seers who accompanied the Argonauts. The other was Idmon, who also died on the expedition, as he had himself foreseen, 1. 139-41 and 2. 815-42, where he is killed by a boar; on his burial mound the Argonauts erected a trunk of wild-olive-tree of the kind used

for shipbuilding, cf. 884.n. For Mopsos see Ap. Rh. 1. 65-6, where he is Méyos Τιταρήσιος, and is said to have been taught the art of bird-augury by Apollo, Just fifteen lines later (1. 80-1), Ap. Rh. explains proleptically that Mopsos will be killed wandering within the borders of Libya, and this duly occurs at 4. 1502-36: he dies bitten by a snake

born from the blood of the Gorgon, and the Argonauts march three times round the corpse in armour and pile a mound over him. Unlike Idmon, Mopsos is not said to have foreseen his own end. Τιταιρώνειον: for Titaron in Thessaly see 9o4n. and cf. Bouchon 2009: 522,

882. ταρχύσαντο: see 369n. 883. Apyaov δορός: for δορύ as a ship, cf. A. Pers. 411 and Ag. 1618, also E. Andr. 793 with Stevens.

885

Compare the colloquial part-for-whole use of ξύλα for a ship at Th. 4. 11. 4, indirect speech of military encouragement by Brasidas (cf. 32 n.). This expression is close to, but not quite, a nam-

ing of the Arge—supposedly the first ever named ship. For that we have to wait until 1274. 884. κλασθὲν πέτευρον: the noun is used for any length of wood, as at Theok. 13. 13, where it means a hen's perch (cf. also Nik. 72. 197)— but that whole poem is Argonautic (it tells the story of Herakles and Hylas) and Lyk. perhaps

recalled the unusually domestic and everyday word because of a trunk or plank Rh., but seems of the obsequies

this. The motif of the erection of of wood over a tomb recalls Ap. to be taken from his account of Idmon rather than of those

of his fellow-seer Mopsos (88on.). This detail of death-ritual is, however, old and Homeric; at

any rate, it is similar to the treatment accorded to Elpenor at Od. 12. 14-15: a pillar and an oar were placed on his tomb, as had been requested by Elpenor himself in the Underworld (1r. 77). vepτέρων κειμήλιον: for such offerings of ‘treasure’ to the dead (weapons and so on), including Elpenor's oar, see Bruck 1926: 29.

885. Avovyda: neuter plural; see Steph. Byz. a 544 Bill. (οὐδετέρως), citing Kall. frag. 706 Pf. For its location see Ptol. 4. 4. 3 (Aöpıyda ἢ Αὔσιγδα, E. of Ptolemais and W. of Aptouchou bieron and Apollonia, evidently on the coast); Hekataios (FGrHist 1 F 330, also cited by Steph.)

said it was an island. It is marked as a coastal place (with *?") at Barr. map 38 Cr; see Malten

1911: 129 and Laronde 1987: 282, also Applebaum 1979: 2 for Ausigda as one of several 'small but

viable bays [of central Cyrenaica] suitable for the light vessels of ancient times’.

337

886-891

Further nostoi

νασμοῖς λιπαίνει, τῷ de Νηρέως γόνῳ Τρίτωνι Κολχὶς ὥπασεν δάνος γυνὴ

χρυσῷ πλατὺν κρατῆρα κεκροτημένον, δείξαντι πλωτὴν οἶμον, ἧ διὰ στενῶν μύρμων ἐνήσει Tipus ἄθραυστον σκάφος. ^

2

^

»

,ὔ

890

Γραικοὺς δὲ χώρας τουτάκις λαβεῖν κράτη,

The Κινύφειος ῥόος is the Kinyps, near the later Lepcis Magna (see Barr. map 35 Ga for

epic (cf. the famous θεὸς πασε θέσπιν ἀοιδήν, Od. 8. 498) and lyric word is found here only

the

Kinyps,

in Lyk. 8ávos: see 269n. and 888n. at end. For

which is LACP: no. 1027); cf. V. G. 3. 312 ‘Cinyphii’ (with Mynors, who says of the Kinyps that ‘in Hellenistic poetry we know it only in Callim. Frag. 384. 24 Pf., where it is perhaps the western extent of Ptolemy's dominions’. But this overlooks the present passage). There is an obvious geographical difficulty: how can Ausigda in Cyrenaica be watered by

the exact combination ὥπασεν davos cf. (a striking parallel) Euphorion frag. 46 Lightfoot with Hollis 2007: 288 n. 55.

river and, at its mouth,

the polis

888. Acc. Hdt. (4. 179, a narrative introduced by a distancing formula appropriate to mythical material, ἔστι δὲ καὶ λόγος λεγόμενος), the Argonauts, rounding Cape Malea at the southern tip of Peloponnesos with a bronze tripod on

the Kinyps far away to the W., separated by the entire Gulf of Syrtes? Holzinger ingeniously

board,

suggested that Lyk. was really talking about some anonymous river near Ausigda whose fertility was comparable to that of Kinyps; so he translates ‘der Kinyps gleicht”. This is accepted by

was from Medea (rather than from Jason or the

Argonauts generally) is Lyk.’s own. ὥπασεν: this

(like

the

do not discuss Lyk., argue

that Hdt. was thinking of an inland area in the Lesser Syrtes region, Barr. map 34 G4 and 35 Αἱ. For other candidate locations see 37 D2, also 38 B1 for ‘Tritonis palus.) Triton himself is by Hdt. said to have appeared to Jason, and to have told Jason to give him the tripod in exchange for being shown, δέξειν (cf. Lyk.’s δείξαντι, 889), a passage, πόρον (cf. Lyk.'s οἶμον, 889), by which he would

thing else ("Tritons sharp-toothed dog’ at 34 is

887. The Kolchian woman (or wife) is Medea; she

Libya

may be more mythical than historical. Peyras and Trousset 157-8, who

886—887. τῷ δὲ Νηρέως γόνῳ / Τρίτωνι: Triton

was called Κυταική at 174. The detail that the gift

to

are far from mutually consistent, and the place

has featured in the poem already, but only as part of periphrastic expressions referring to some-

119 and 576 "Triton = the Nile). Triton was Poseidon by Amphitrite, who was daughNereus (Hes. 77. 930-3); so γόνος here ‘(remoter) offspring’ i.e. ‘grandson’. See 892 n.

south

shallows, ἐν τοῖς Bpdxeat, of Lake Triton, which was described in detail at 4. 178. (See Peyras and Trousset 1988 for the lake’s location, which is highly problematic: the ancient literary sources

Hurst/Kolde, although it was rightly rejected

and at son of ter of means further

blown

cited by S. West 2007: 208 n. 14), and ended in the

long ago by Malten 1911: 129-30. Malten showed convincingly that Lyk. has contaminated two traditions, one of which concerns Cyrenaica and survives in Pindar (hence Taucheira at 877 as well as Ausigda here), the other about the Kinyps region, a long way away to the W. Lake Tritonis is in between (888n.).

the monster from which Herakles saved Hesione,

were

Spartan fleet at Th. 7.50. 2, and cf. the Od. passages

send them on their way safely, ἀπήμονας ámoστελέειν (cf. Lyk.s ἐνήσει.... dÜpavorov, 89o). Kassandra has turned the bronze tripod into a gold mixing bowl (but dedicated tripods regularly support a lebes or cauldron, so this comes to much the same thing), and the shallows are called

hidden reefs, διὰ στενῶν μύρμων (889-890), hardly a change at all. Triton put the tripod in his own sanctuary and prophesied that when a descendant of the Argonauts took it away again, a hundred Greek cities would be settled round the

338

886-891

Shipwrecks off Libya of Thessalians as it drenches it with its waters,

and there the Kolchian woman gave to Triton, descendant of Nereus,

a wide mixing-bowl of beaten gold, for having pointed out a navigable passage, which enabled

Tiphys to send the ship unscathed through the narrow reefs.

890

Then the two-formed god, the child of the sea, foretold lake. The local Libyans heard of this and hid the tripod, κρύψαι

τὸν τρίποδα, cf. Lyk’s

depend on the tripod, not on the clod of earth (Stephens 2003: 179 n. 20). Kassandra reserves the important notion of a clod of earth as a pledge of territorial possession until 1381 (foundation charter

κτέαρ

κρύψουσι (with 5. West 2007: 208 and 2009: 85 for the verbal echo); see 891-896 for all this. In Pindar (P. 4. 20-42), Triton, disguised as a

of Miletos, see n. there), where, however, the lan-

mortal man Eurypylos, encountered the Argonauts at Lake Tritonis. Triton gave them a clod of earth, a token of friendship and a guarantee of territorial

guage used (ὀρέξαι... ddvos) will closely recall

possession;

but

it was

later washed

the present section, cf. 887, ödvos and 894, ὀρέξῃ. 889. πλωτήν: for this sense of the word (as opp.

overboard

‘floating’, of islands) see Hdt. 2. 102. 2, and cf. Ap.

through the carelessness of the crew. In this ver-

sion, there is no tripod and the Argonauts are

Rh. 4. 232 with Livrea.

not lost. In Ap. Rh., the tripod reappears in the story: it is said to have been one of a pair, gifts from Apollo at the time of Jason's consultation of his oracle at Delphi (4. 529-30). One tripod had been given away to the Hylleans who showed them the way on an earlier occasion (4. 528; cf. Livrea

890. μύρμων: a variant for μύρμηξ, in the unusual sense it has at 878. For Tiphys, the pilot or

on 4.1548). Now, at the time of their difficulties at

the Tritonian lake, Orpheus suggested giving the

remaining tripod to the gods of the land, δαίμο-

helmsman of the Argo, see Ap. Rh. 1. 105-6 (specifying that he was a Boiotian from Siphai in Thespian territory, cf. Th. 4. 76. 3 for the accuracy of this political detail), and 400-1. For Virgil in the ‘Messianic Eclogue’ (E. 4. 34-5) he virtually personifies the Argo: ‘alter erit tum Tiphys et altera quae vehat Argo / delectos heroas’. Z and Tzetzes point out crowingly that Lyk. was wrong

ow éyyevérais (4. 1447), and Triton, disguised as the young man Eurypylos, took it, and gave them a clod of earth (4. 1552-3), after which he conducted them out by a safely navigable passage (πλόος ... ἀπήμων, cf. Hdt. as above, ἀπήμο-

(κακῶς) to speak of Tiphys at this stage of the journey, because he had died and been replaced by

vas). It will be seen that this version combines

to be found in Kall.’s Aitia, rather than in Ap.

elements known from Hdt.and Pindar (but there may have been other lost early versions as well, not to mention Kall, cf. 881-896 n.), and that Lyk. has done the same, to some extent. Lyk., however, differs from Hdt. in that Hdt.

has the Argo blown south on its maiden voyage, whereas Pindar put it on the homeward sail, and Lyk. appears to agree with this version, to judge from the presence of Medea (887) and the death

of the seer Mopsos. See S. West 2007: 208 for

good elucidation of this point. Lyk. differs from Pindar in making possession of the land of Libya

Ankaios (Ap. Rh. 2. 898). Perhaps Lyk., like Virgil, almost identified Tiphys with his ship, or else followed a slightly different tradition—perhaps one Rh.? For this idea, see Hollis 2007: 287, who notes that Tiphys’ name appears in Kall. frag. 17 Pf. line 9, in a narrative about the return journey. ἄθραυστον: for this rare word cf. E. Hek. 17 πύργοι 7’ ἄθραυστοι Τρωικῆς ἦσαν χθονός. As often, Kassandra echoes ἃ tragedy with a Trojan theme, and that one was about her own mother and her sister Polyxena. dÜpavoros is the equivalent of

ἀπήμων in Hdt.and Ap. Rh., see 888n. 891. Γραικούς: see 532n. The word is specially appropriate in this Thessalian context.

339

892-901

Further nostoi

θαλασσόπαις δίμορφος αὔδαξεν θεός,

ὅταν παλίμπουν δῶρον ἄγραυλος λεὼς Ἕλλην᾽ ὀρέξῃ νοσφίσας πάτρας Λίβυς. εὐχὰς δὲ δειμαίνοντες Ἠσβύσται κτέαρ

895

κρύψουσ᾽ ἄφαντον Ev χθονὸς veipois μυχοῖς, ἐν ἦ Κυφαίων δύσμορον στρατηλάτην ναύταις συνεκβράσουσι Βορραῖαι πνοαΐ, τόν τ᾽ ἐκ Παλαύθρων ἔκγονον Τενθρηδόνος

Ἀμφρυσίων σκηπτοῦχον Εὐρυαμπίων, καὶ τὸν δυνάστην τοῦ πετρωθέντος λύκου M

x

/,

^

7

900

"4

892

αὖὔδαξεν Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 173 n. 1 αὐδάξει MSS αὐδάζει Scheer

894

πάτραν Griffiths

895. εὐχάς: this word should mean ‘prayers’, ‘curses’, or ‘wishes’, all of which imply a subjective element, but here it must refer to Triton's emo-

892. 8(uoppos: this presumably refers to Triton as the half-man, half-fish of his standard iconog-

raphy (LIMC 8. 1: 68-73 no. 1, cf. Holzinger's ‘Fischmensch’), rather than specifically to his forked tail, 8(«paipa . . . ἀλκαίη, as described at Ap. Rh. 4. 1613-14. That is, the adjective is rather

the equivalent of διφυής, which was applied to the strange μειξόπαρθενος, half-maiden, half-snake, at Hdt. 4. 9. 1. In Hesiod (886-887n.) Triton is a sea-dwelling god, and a formidable one at that

evasive.

Griffiths

suggests

mean ‘abdomen’. With χθονὸς vetpots μυχοῖς cf. English ‘bowels of the earth’.

key is that ‘EAAqv’is dative, Ἕλληνι (cf. e.g. 1. 13.

894. ὀρέξῃ: see 888n., at end.

is

under νειός); veiatpa as a noun on its own can

is not easy to translate (see Holzinger), but the

their own fatherland of the gift. See app. crit.

that

896. κρύψους᾽ = κρύψουσι; another elision (see 893-894n.). veipors: this hapax word for ‘lower part of’is related to expressions like veta(pm δ᾽ ἐν γαστρί (Il. s. 539 with Kirk, citing Chantraine

893-894. ἄγραυλος λεώς... Διβύς: these correspond to Hdt.’s οἱ ἐπιχώριοι τῶν Λιβύων, who bury the tripod (4. 179. 3). The whole sentence

with λεώς, meaning the Libyans are depriving

(note, however,

‘claims’. Ἀσβύσται: see 848n. on σβύσταο. The name must here be taken in its vaguest sense, hardly more specific than ‘Libyans’. κτέαρ: with this unusual word compare Ap. Rh. 4. 1550, where the tripod is called a «repas; for this ‘deliberate verbal link’, see Hollis 2007: 288.

see 126n. for this very rare

289 for the elision, and for the rarity of elision in Lyk. see 304n.), and νοσφίσας πάτρας agrees

prophecy

Mooney ingeniously suggests that "Triton, out of gratitude to the Greeks, wishes (εὐχάς) that his prophecy may be fulfilled". LSJ? is no help, but Ciani rightly enters the present passage under a separate heading ‘TI vaticinium, oraculum, so too Hurst/Kolde, ‘craignant la prédiction’. Holzinger's

‘Gétterspruch’

(δεινὸς θεός, Th. 933) but is not actually said to be a Fischmensch. Tritons double shape can be regarded as a kind of metamorphosis; see 176 n. no. 22 (in Ap. Rh. 4. 1551 he changes into a young man called Eurypylos, so he is a shape-shifter in a way not picked up by Lyk. On Triton see Buxton 2009: 176, cf. 175 for sea-dwellers as prone to metamorphosis because of the ever-changing nature of the sea). αὔδαξεν: for Triton's prophecy, see 888 n., and for the tense see app. crit. 893. παλίμπουν: word.

tionally neutral

897-910. On this section see esp. Bouchon 2009, who offers ingenious explanations for Lyk.’s choice of Thessalian places: he regards them as noms par/ants, implying doom, etc.; for details, some more

compelling than others, see below. See also Klein 2009: 574 n. 33, citing S. West 1983: 133 n. 60. The three Thessalians are all from the same section of the Iliadic Catalogue, 2. 734-59,

340

Shipwrecks off Libya of Thessalians

892-901

that Greeks would take possession of the land when a pastoral Libyan people handed back to a Greek a gift returned to its giver, so depriving their own country of it. So the Asbystai, fearful of these prophecies, shall conceal the prize, out of sight in the depths of the earth. There the blasts of Boreas shall fling ashore the ill-fated leader of the Kyphaians, together with his crew; and also the son of Tenthredon from Palauthra, who wields his sceptre over the Amphrysian Euryampians; and the lord of the petrified wolf

but Kassandra deals with them in the Homeric order 2, 5, 1.

895

900

Ormenion, Hypereia, Asterion, and Titanos: IZ 2. 736. None ofthese place-names would have fitted easily into Lyk.’s usually unresolved iambics, but

897. The reference is to Gouneus, who led twentytwo ships ἐκ Κύφου,I7. 2. 748. He is the eponym of

that is not much of an obstacle on this poem (cf.

e.g. 905 and 906 for the iambification of Hiere or

Perrhaibian Gonnoi, for which see 906 n. (Perhaps the same as the Gouneus of 128; see n. there.)

Hiera and Oloosson). He was also one of Helen's

suitors: Apollod. 3. το. 8. τοῦ πετρωθέντος λύκου / ἀποινοδόρπου: for πετρόω see 4orn. The curi-

899. The Homeric leader of the Magnesians and son of Tenthredon is Prothoos, J/. 2. 756. Palauthra is usually spelt something like Spalauthra, for

ous story of the petrified wolf is given by 2 and Tzetzes. It was an aetiology for the place-name Λυκοστόμιον (Tzetzes) or “υκοειδές (2), part of the Thessalian domain of Eurypylos. A wolf was turned into stone by Thetis as punishment for eating some sheep which had been given as

which S. Magnesian town, mod. Chortokastro, see

Steph. Byz. Σπαλέθρη,εἰάπρ FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F 201 for the form Σπάλαθρον. See LACP: no. 458 and Barr. map ἐς Ez. It appears to have been absorbed into Demetrias (successor of archaic and

atonement (hence ἀποινόδορπος, unsurprisingly

classical Pagasai, precursor of mod. Volo, cf. Fraser 2009: 351) by the synoikism of 293 sc (L4CP

a hapax-word) for an act of involuntary homicide perpetrated by Peleus, father of Achilles: he killed Aktor son of Akastos while hunting. Tzetzes gives a variant, introduced by ἄλλοι δέ φασιν: the homicide was the (intentional, φθονοῦντες)

and Bouchon 2009: 512), so Lyk.'s mention is to a

small degree archaizing. Bouchon explains Lyk.’s deviant sigmatic spelling as a misunderstanding of

a hypothetical MS variant e£rraAavÉpav.

killing of Phokos, son of the Nereid Psamathe,

by Peleus and his brother Telamon. Psamathe sent a ravaging wolf who destroyed Peleus’ flocks; but then at Thetis’ request Psamathe petrified the wolf. For the same story, involving the death of Phokos, but with the metamorphosis vaguely

goo. À three-word-line, soon followed by another

(908): see 63n. Amphrysos was a Magnesian river, mentioned by Kall. £7. 2 to Apollo 48 and Ap. Rh. 1. 54, ἐπ᾿ Ἀμφρυσσοῖο ῥοῇσιν (hence, presumably Steph. Byz. a 299 Bill, ποταμὸς Μαγνησίας), cf. V. G. 3. 2, ‘pastor ab Amphryso’;

Bouchon

2009:

unknown,

but B. Helly

513. Euryampos

is otherwise

(unpublished, cited by

Bouchon 2009: 513-14) suggests the name means

‘broad hill’, (for ἄμφη as equivalent of αὐχήν see Theok. 30. 28 with

Gow).

For

Lyk., Prothoos’

realm is essentially coastal, so Bouchon. 901-902. This Euaimon,

is Homer's

commander

of

Eurypylos, the

Greeks

son

of

from

said to be carried out κατὰ δαίμονα (no naming of Thetis or Psamathe), see Ant. Lib. XXXVIII (cf. Ovid Met. 11. 346-409). See Gantz 1993: 227, and for the metamorphosis, see 176n. no. 23. As a maritime creature (cf. 892n.), Thetis was herself a famous shape-shifter: she used this facility to try to escape from Peleus’ advances. By an interesting development of this facility, she is able, it seems, to impose

other creatures.

341

metamorphosis

on

902-910

Further nostoi

ἀποινοδόρπου καὶ πάγων Τυμφρηστίων. P e 1 2 + fl ,ὕ ὧν οἱ μὲν Αἰγώνειαν ἄθλιοι πάτραν ποθοῦντες, οἱ δ᾽ Ἐχῖνον, οἱ δὲ Τίταρον,

Ἶρόν τε, καὶ Τρηχῖνα, καὶ Περραιβικὴν

905

Γόννον Φάλαννάν τ᾽, ἠδ᾽ Ὀλοσσόνων γύας,

καὶ Κασταναίαν, ἀκτέριστον ἐν πέτραις αἰῶνα κωκύσουσιν ἠλοκισμένοι. ἄλλην δ᾽ ἐπ᾿ ἄλλῃ κῆρα κινήσει θεός, gIo

λυγρὰν πρὸ νόστου συμφορὰν δωρούμενος. 902.

πάτραν ABDE

mérpav C name was thought by Stählin 1924: 213 n. 2 to be a

902. For Tymphrestos, see 420 n.

form of Tepd, ‘the Sacred Place’, i.e. the Demeter

903-907. For such catalogues of place-names, see 439n. and 644-647 Nn.

sanctuary at Thermopylai; cf. Bouchon 2009: 522. A sinister note has been ingeniously but not very convincingly detected in the supposed reference

903. Aigonaia: almost completely obscure (Bouchon 2009: 524). Steph. Byz. a 114 Bill. quotes

to the name of Iros the beggar, half-killed by

the present passage of Lyk. and adds kai Ἑκαταῖος

Odysseus at the beginning of Od. 18 (Bouchon 2009: 523). Trachis (called Herakleia from 426 nc, see Th. 3. 92. 1): Barr. map 55 C3 and 57 A3.

(FGrHist 1 F 132). πάτραν: in this context of ship-

wreck, there is something to be said for the MS variant πέτραν. (Cf. Bouchon, as above, who, how-

ever, defends πάτραν, citing 1073-1074 πάτραν Λίλαιαν ... ποθοῦντες; see next n.)

906. Γόννον Φάλαννάν τ᾽, ἠδ᾽ Ὀλοσσόνων γύας: for all three Perrhaibian places see Barr. map 55 Cr. Oloosson is L4CP: no. 467. Homer has

904. ποθοῦντες: a favourite verb for Greek nos-

Ὀλοοσσών (Il. 2. 739),but Lyk.’s spelling without

talgia for their homelands; see 645n. (Boiotians) and 1074 n. (Phokians). Each time there follows a

the doubled omicron is the epigraphically attested form, found also at Strabo 9. 5. 19. Bouchon 2009: 522 suggests that, ‘par contamination’ (rough similarity of name), Gonnoi is meant

list of places longed for. ‘Exivos: Ps.-Skyl. 62 (‘the last city’ of Malis; ZACP: no. 429; Barr. map 55 D3 and 57 As, near the Maliac gulf. An allusion

to take on the steepness of αἰπεινὴ Γονόεσσα in

to the shipwrecking ‘hedgehog’,

ἐχῖνος, i.e.

the Sikyonian section of the Homeric Catalogue

Nauplios has been detected here (Bouchon 2009: 521, comparing 1093). Térapov: LACP: 678 col. 2 foot (Thessaly); Mt Titarion: Barr. map 50 B4 and 49 E3. We have recently met Titaros as home-place of Mopsos, a seer of the Argo (881).

seem very likely. Bouchon also (2009: 523) sees in Ὀλοσσόνων a hint at doom-laden words like ὀλοός and ὄλλυμι.

In the Homeric Catalogue, Τιταρήσιος is a river,

which flows into the Peneios without mingling with it (706 n.). The explanation of this avoidance is that the Peneios was itself a tributary of the Styx and so had abnormal waters (2. 751-5). So

Titaros was not straightforwardly ‘en lien avec les Enfers’, as argued by Bouchon 2009: 522. 905. Iros: presumably the place from which Th.’s ethnic Ypıns derived (3. 92. 2, where these people form one of the three constituent parts, μέρη, of Malis, together with the Παράλιοι and Τραχίνιοι, mentioned next by Kassandra). The

(Il. 2. 573). This cannot be disproved, but does not

907. Κασταναίαν: on the E. coast of Magnesia, and known from Hdt. as a place of shipwreck (7. 183. 3 and 188. 1 with Bouchon 2009: 521, ‘lieu du naufrage d'une partie de la flotte se Xerxés’);

see LACP: no. 450 and Barr. map 55 Dr; van Bremen 2013: 169 and n. 102 (‘place of chestnuts’). ἀκτέριστον (also at 1063 and 1155, the Lokrian Maidens): the word is Sophoclean, see Art. 1071

(ἄμοιρον,

ἀκτέριστον,

ἀνόσιον

νέκυν)

and

1207. κτερίσματα (Homeric κτέρεα) are graveofferings, the possessions of the dead: S. OC 1410 with Jebb; Rohde 1925: 47 n. 29 on the Homeric κτέρεα κτερείζειν at Od. τ. 291 and 2. 222. Lyk.’s

342

902—910

Philoktetes at Kroton; his cult there

which dined off the atonement, and of the Tymphrestian hills.

Some of these wretches pine for Aigoneia, their fatherland, some for Echinos, some for Titaros, or Iros, or Trachis, or Perrhaibian Gonnos, Phalanna and the meadows of the Olossonians, and Kastanaia; but lacerated on the rocks,

905

they will lament their eternally unburied state. A god shall set in motion one calamitous fate after another, allotting a miserable plight instead of a homecoming.

epic and tragic allusions seem often to be taken, as here, from specially appropriate sources. S. Anz. is the most famous text about the denial of funeral rites, and the revulsion and indignation so generated. S. Ajax is also relevant; and the topic is well attested in the historians and other prose

927-928). For returning Greeks (Phokians) in the

territory of Kroton, see further 1071 and n.; for Kroton cf. also 1002-1007.

‘The present section is long, at 21 lines—an index of its subject’s importance in the poem. Philoktetes matters for two reasons: (1) he killed Kassandra’s brother Paris (see 913 and n.), and (2)

authors; for failure to bury dead after battles, see

his situation resembles Kassandra’s own in interesting ways. His solitary confinement on Lemnos corresponds to Kassandra’ in her stone cell: out-

CT III: 7o2f. on Th. 7. 72. 2, with other ancient refs; also Th. 2. 52. 4 (neglect of rites at the time of

the plague). See also Lys. 12. 18 (cf: 36) for outrage at inadequate burial.

casts both (Philoktetes, like Kassandra, can thus

be seen as a kind of temporarily excluded initiation candidate; see Versnel 1990b: 48 and 80 n. 103 for the ‘ephebic’ Philoktetes, and 1126-1140

908. ἠλοκισμένοι: see 119n. for the rare verb ἀλοκίζω, and cf. 381n., a thematically similar passage: the Greeks shipwrecked off Euboia resemble tunny-fish which have been split open,

for Kassandra and premarital ritual at Daunia.)

They both enjoy posthumous cult in Italy (for

θύννων ἠλοκισμένων. For the three-word line,

Kassandra,

cf. goon. and 63n.

short

bridge

sections

of this

type,

see

1281-1282n.

910. λυγρὰν πρὸ νόστου: the concept of nostos, ‘return’ (from Troy) is at the heart of the poem, but this is the only time the Greek noun is used. See, however, 1088 for ἄνοστος τύχη, ‘destiny of no return’. 911-929. Philoktetes at Kroton; his cult there For the connection with the preceding section, see gıın. Philoktetes has already been alluded to indirectly at 56, where the bow of Herakles, or rather, the ‘arrows of Teutaros’, is/are one of

the three talismans which were prophesied (by Kassandra herself?) to be necessary for the fall of Troy, See 53-56n. As often (Sistakou 2009: 246), a tomb is the main structuring element (919,

see

1140). To

Philoktetes’ physical

wound corresponds the trauma of Kassandra’s assault by Ajax, which is the narrative key to the long central section of the Alexandra (365n.).

909-910. Pause and transition For

gio

Like the mantic maiden

Kassandra, Philoktetes

is ‘master of a superhuman art’: Wilson 1941: 294 (from Edmund Wilson's influential essay ‘The Wound and the Bow’, the final chapter in his essay-collection of the same title. The argument of the essay is that the Philoktetes myth is a signifier for the artist's creativity and insight which set him/her unhappily apart from society). Like Kassandra, Philoktetes is special, but each pays for it by alienation. See further Bowersock 1994: 55-76 (= ch. 3, "The Wounded Saviour’) for perceptive discussion of the post-Sophoclean treatment of the myth, and of changing attitudes, esp. in Latin authors, to Philoktetes’ suffering and cries of pain. At 62, Bowersock suggests that Philoktetes’ Italian activity ‘looks very much like

an effort to coopt Philoctetes for the cause of the

343

9II-79I5

Further nostoi

τὸν δ᾽ Alodpov Te ῥεῖθρα καὶ βραχύπτολις Οἰνωτρίας γῆς κεγχρίνῃ βεβρωμένον Κρίμισα φιτροῦ δέξεται μιαιφόνον.

αὐτὴ γὰρ ἄκραν ἄρδιν εὐθυνεῖ χεροῖν Σάλπιγξ ἀποψάλλουσα Μαιώτην πλόκον.

new Roman state’; if so, this will be equally true of the many other Italian cults in the Alexandra. Other modern explanations prefer to see the myth of Philoktetes-at-Kroton in more local terms, as a reflection of Krotoniate expansion at the expense either of Greek Sybaris or of indigenous groups; see ACP: p. 267. See also next para., and 928-9291. The cult at Kroton of the man with the famously incurable ulcerous foot surely has something to do with the city's high medical reputation, already commented on by Hdt. (3. 131. 2). Just as Kassandra's virginity prepares maidens for marríage by the ritual emphasizing of an opposite state to that being sought (see 1136-1140 and nn.),

so the man who for so many years could not be healed becomes the patron of a centre of healing. (Eventually Philoktetes was healed by Machaon or Podaleirios or both; see Tzetzes, Apollod. ep. 5. 8, and Jebb on S. Ph. 1333.) In Homer, Philoktetes returns home

satisfac-

torily to Thessaly (Nestor at O4. 3. 190), and the Epic Cycle appears to have agreed (West 20132: 264). Apart from Lyk., the earliest. surviving

authority to bring him to Italy is [Ar.] mir. ause. 107, which reports that he 'is said to be honoured at Sybaris', and that he founded Makalla in the territory of Kroton (cf. 927); there, in the temple

of Apollo Alaios (4Aalov in [Ar.] is Wesseling's correction of the MSS ἁλίου; cf. 920 and n.), he dedicated the bow which he had received from Herakles (above). He died (says [Ar.]) by the river Sybaris, helping the Rhodians under Triptolemos (cf. 922-923; for other traditions about Rhodians in Italy, see 736n. on Parthenope, and 1048 n. on Podaleirios; for Rhodians as joint founders, with Kretans, of Sicilian Gela, see Th. 6. 4. 3 and 7. 57. 9). There is plentiful overlap with Lyk. here, and Günther 1889: 49-51 and Geffcken 1892: 18 and 139 (also Jacoby on FGrHist 244 F 167, see below) were

right to see Timaios as the common source. There is, however, independent evidence for veneration

915

of Philoktetes in the West: for a statue of Philoktetes at Syracuse, see Pliny, NH 34. 59. Pindar (P. 1. 50-5) had already indicated a parallel between the sick Hiero, ruler of Sicilian Aitna, and Philoktetes. See also gi3n. (Philoktetes

of interest to the late archaic Sicilian poets Epicharmos and perhaps also Stesichoros). In the 2nd cent. sc, Apollodoros of Athens (cited by Strabo 6. 1. 3) treated Philoktetes’ west-

ern foundations in the course of his commentary on the Homeric Catalogue: see FGrHist 244 F 167, Philoktetes founded Krimis(s)a and Chone. (This

was perhaps taken in turn from the Catalogue commentary of Demetrios of Skepsis; cf. Strabo 8. 3. 6 for Apollodoros’ general indebtedness to Demetrios, with Gantz 1993: 701.) Strabo intro-

duces this by saying that it was because of στάσις that

IACP:

Philoktetes

left

Meliboia

no. 453) and founded

(in

Magnesia,

Petelia (perhaps

mod. Strongoli, between Kroton and Sybaris, see IACP: p. 257), but it is not clear whether these details too derive from Apollodoros/Demetrios (for Philoktetes and Petelia, see also V. A. 3. 401-

402). Justin (20. 1. 16) deviates a little: he connects Philoktetes with Thourioi, and says that it was there that Philoktetes dedicated the arrows of Herakles. Apollodoros adds (and cf. Strabo 6. 2. 5) that the Greek Philoktetes and the Trojan

Aigestos were joint founders of Egesta in W. Sicily. Schettino 2012: 38 and n. 19 seeks to explain this as a reflection of a historical sth-cent. entente between Kroton and Egesta: the myth provided justification for the shared struggle against Hiero I of Syracuse. On Egesta, see 964-977. For the extensive and roughly coherent literary traditions about Philoktetes in the West, see Türk

in Roscher 3. 2324-6; C. Robert 1926: 1499-1507; Giannelli 1963: 162-7, La Geniére 1991; and Gantz 1993: 700-1. It is no longer safe to believe that Euphorion’s Pätloktetes (for which see frags 48 and perhaps 191 A 15 Lightfoot, with Livrea

344

QII-9I5

Philoktetes at Kroton; his cult there

The streams of Aisaros, and a little city in the Oinotrian country called Krimisa, shall receive him whom the snake bit, the slayer of the firebrand: the Trumpeter herself, with her own hands, shall direct the arrow-head,

twinging the Maiotian bow-spring.

915

2002 and Sistakou 2008: 67 and 125~7) should be

Superiore, perhaps ancient Krimisa (91-929 n., at

included among such traditions: see gzon. It is much harder to say whether there is any support for the Italian cult of Philoktetes in archaeology. Dunbabin 1948: 12 knew of none. But it is now thought that remains at Cirö may represent the temple of Apollo Alaios at Krimisa (913 and 920 with nn.), while Burnett 1988: 141 and n. 116 speculated that a deposit of early Bronze Age axes at Cirö might have given rise to the story about the dedication of the arms of Herakles

end), by one Philon, dated by Kalliphaon's period

(actually bow and arrows, see above). For the statue at Syracuse, see above. See further Malkin

μαχήσας Ἀλεξάνδρῳ κτείνει, with West 20132:

1998b, Masciadri 2008, and Genovese 2009: 29-56, on the ‘territory of Philoktetes'. See also Skinner 2012: 190 and n. 163. C£. also 927n. for modern suggestions about the location of Makalla. 9r1. τὸν δ᾽. again (see 877n.) a transition is marked

of office as demiourgos. For the Krimisa promontory see Barr. map 46 F3. Italian Krimisa is to be distinguished from the Sicilian river Krimisos,

for which see 961 and n. φιτροῦ: for Paris as firebrand, and the reason for this description, see 86n. on the alternative noun γρυνόν. Philoktetes’ killing of Paris is first mentioned in the Epic Cycle, among surviving sources; see Little Iliad

arg. 2, ἰαθεὶς δὲ οὗτος ὑπὸ Μαχάονος καὶ μονο186-7 (but note also 165 for the depiction of the scene on Tabula Iliaca 1A, which might indicate

that it featured in Stesichoros. Certainly another Sicilian poet, Epicharmos, wrote a Philoktetas, see West 20132: 46). See also S. Ph. 1426-7 (prophecy by Herakles as deus ex machina), and Apollod. ep. 5.8; cf. Pi. P. 1. 54, Philoktetes ‘destroyed Priams

city, Πριάμου πόλιν πέρσεν, surely with his shooting of Paris in mind, and perhaps echoed by

by a brief and routine formula, and we must work

out for ourselves the connection of thought with the preceding section. The link is Thessaly, because Philoktetes commanded a Thessalian contingent of seven ships (J7. 2. 716-19). Ataápov ῥεῖθρα: for the river Aisaros near Kroton see Strabo 6. 1.12. βραχύπτολις: Virgil (A. 3. 402, see 911-929n.) calls Petelia ‘parva’, and although Kassandra is talking about Krimisa not Petelia, and Virgil is thought to be playing on the adjective peti/us, ‘thin’ or ‘smail’ (see R. D. Williams’ n.), it is tempting to

speculate that Lyk. was an influence here. 912. For Oinotria as 5. Italy from the straits of Messina to the Gulf of Taras, and the area round Paestum

(roughly Bruttium

and

Lucania),

see

Strabo 5. 1. 1; cf. Hdt. τ. 167. 3 with Asheri. 913. Kpizuoa: despite Lyk.’s βραχύπτολις, and Steph. Byz.'s description of Krimisa as a πόλις Ἰταλίας, it is denied polis status in L4CP. see p. 256, where it is listed among ‘Pre- Hellenistic Settlements not Attested as Poleis' See also IGDGG 2: no. 94 for a dedication from Cird

S. Ph. 1428, πέρσεις re Τροίαν (Herakles' prophecy again). West 2013a: 187 suggests that Paris’ death was originally regarded as the conclusion of the Trojan

War, but 'when

the killing of Paris

ceased to be pivotal, the prophecy about Heracles’ bow was modified to the effect that it was essential for the taking of Troy. But in fact it plays no particular role once Paris is felled.' 914. εὐθυνεῖ: that Athena (915n.) guided the arrow is not otherwise recorded, but is 'no doubt [said by Lyk.] on ancient authority’ (West 2013: 186 n. 29). 915. Σάλπιγξ: Paus. 2. 21. 3 says this for Athena was at home at Argos and complicated and implausible explanation name. It is most likely a simple military (so in effect Tzetzes).

See

further

epithet gives a for the epithet

986, where

it appears in the company of Aappla, ‘Goddess of Spoils’, see n. there and 356n. ἀποψάλλουσα: see 407n.

345

Further nostoi

916-923

Δύρα παρ᾽ ὄχθαις ὅς ποτε φλέξας θρασὺν λέοντα paißw χεῖρας ὥπλισε Σκύθῃ δράκοντ᾽ ἀφύκτων γομφίων λυροκτύπῳ.

Κρᾶθις δὲ τύμβους ὄψεται δεδουπότος, εὐρὰξ Adaiov Παταρέως ἀνακτόρων, Ναύαιθος ἔνθα πρὸς κλύδων᾽ ἐρεύγεται. κτενοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν Αὔσονες Πελλήνιοι

920

βοηδρομοῦντα Λινδίων στρατηλάταις,

916. This line means that Philoktetes set light to Herakles’ funeral pyre on Mt Oita; see 8. Ph, 801-3, where Philoktetes recalls it as an act of kindness which he had performed for the great hero; see also Dosiadas

Bomos

1 with

Hollis

2007: 283. For the river Dyras near Trachis see Hdt. 7. 198, who explains that it sprang up from the ground to help Herakles as he was burning.

Pi. P 5. 60 and ‘Th. 6. 3. 1. See 911-929n. for the virtually certain emendation AAaiov in [Ar.] mir. ausc. 107. Patara in W. Lykia was home to a celebrated sanctuary of Apollo (Hdt. r. 182, and esp. Strabo 14. 3. 6, μεγάλῃ πόλις λιμένα ἔχουσα καὶ ἱερὰ Ἀπόλλωνος), and his Homeric epithet Λυκηγένης (Il. 4. 101 etc.) was explained as referring to his birth at Patara (Eustath. 1. 708 van der

Valk). Acc. Servius on V. A. 4. 143, Apollo spent half the year at Patara, and half at Delos. See Usener 1896: 202-5. Patara became an Arsinoe

917. λέοντα: for Herakles as lion, see 33 n. 918. ἀφύκτων: cf. S. Ph. τος, ἰοὺς ἀφύκτους. γομφίων: here only in the poem, but cf. Hdt. 9. 83. 2, ὀδόντας καὶ γομφίους. As that passage implies, it really means ‘molars’ as opp. ordinary teeth, whereas the sense needed here is more ‘incisors’ or ‘canines’, for cutting and ripping flesh. Aupoκτύπῳ: a hapax word in this sense; it continues the grim musical metaphor of ἀποψάλλουσα ... πλόKOV at 9I5.

919. For the Italian river Krathis next to Sybaris, see Hdt. 1. 145 and 5. 45. 1. Since Kassandra's other indicators for the location of Philoktetes' temple

under

Ptolemy

II

Philadelphos

(Strabo,

as

above), but the two names appear to have coexisted; see Fraser 2009: 344-5. The location of the Italian temple was probably on the promontory of Punta Alice, at Cird Marina; see Edlund 1987b: 48; Giangiulio in BTCGI 5: 460-2; and Genovese 2009: 56-87; cf. also LACP: p. 256; IGDGG 2: p. 156. It seems from a correct reading of Tzetzes’ n. on gi that it was the grammarian Ores (for whom see Fraser 2009: 298-302) who drew on Lyk., or an ancient commentator on Lyk., for Philoktetes’ foundation of Krimis(s)a and the

and tomb are much closer to Kroton, she must

be placing it in a general ‘Oinotrian’ sense, as Holzinger charitably puts it. δεδουπότος: see 285n.

920. εὐράξ: a very rare word after Homer; but see IL 11, 251 (repeated at 15. 541), στῇ δ᾽ εὐρὰξ σὺν δουρὶ λαθών. Ἀλαίου IIarapews: both epithets

of Apollo. Ἀλαιεύς is said to mean "Wanderer, from the root ἀλάομαι; this epithet is said to derive from Philoktetes' founding of a temple to mark the end of his wanderings ('Euphorion frag. 209 Lightfoot, from 2 911; on the authorship of this, see below). But it might rather have something to do with Apollos well-known role in overseas colonization as Apollo Archegetes, cf.

temple of Apollo Alatos. This personal name was long read as ‘Euphorion’, and the content of the Tzetzean n. was accordingly taken to be a fragment of his Philoktetes (see Scheer: 2. 294 and Powell CA frag. 45, still accepted as authentic by Hurst/Kolde; and cf. 911-929n. for Euphorion’s Philoktetes), but Giangiulio 1993 argued convincingly that Εὐφορίων in Tzetzes was an error for ‘Qpos, which is the reading of Etym. Gen. B,

s.v. Ἀλαῖος, a 405 Lasserre and Livadaras. See Euphorion frag. 209 Lightfoot (she rightly assigns the frag. to the category of ‘spuria’. The attribution to Euphorion

by Napolitano

346

is, however, defended

2011, but without reference to

Philoktetes at Kroton; his cult there

916-923

On the banks of the Dyras he set fire to the fierce lion, and equipped his hands with the curved Skythian snake, the plucked lyre with the unerring teeth. When he has fallen, the Krathis will see his tomb

aslant the temple of Alaios, the god of Patara,

920

where Nauaithos belches its waters at the sea. Ausonians from Pellene will kill him,

as he goes to the help of Lindian commanders,

Lightfoot). ἀνακτόρων: etymologically an dvá-

details). But there is no particular evidence that

κτορον is the dwelling of a king or ἄναξ, but specially used of temples, as here and at 950; see

Pellene was specially prominent in the colonizing movement in the W., as distinct from the Pellenean foundation of Skione in the N. Aegean (Th. 4. 120. 1). So the name here presumably stands for Achaia as a whole (unless Th. 8. 3. 2—ten Pellenian ships the only Achaian representatives in the Spartan fleet assembled during winter 413/12 Bc—implies an outgoing role comparable to that of the Lindians on Rhodes, see 923n.).

E. Andr. 43, Θέτιδος εἰς ἀνάκτορον, and Hat. 9. 65. 2, τὸ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι dvákropov (temple of Demeter). Cf. Rougier-Blanc 2009: 555. 921. Nauaithos: for the river Nauaithos or Neaithos (Nn- or Ne-), see Theok. 4. 24 καὶ ποτὶ

τὸν Νήαιθον, ὅπᾳ καλὰ πάντα φύοντι, Euphorion frag. 49 Lightfoot (and her n. 81), and

923. Λινδίων: again (see 922n., and 9r1-929n., citing [Ar.] mir ausc, who speaks at 107 of Rhodians generally as receiving help from Philoktetes), a single po/is does duty for a larger

Strabo 6. 1. 12 (Νέαιθος), who relates that the

name derived from the story of the burning of the Greek ships by Trojan women.

Kassandra

holds back this story until 1075-1082 (Setaia near Sybaris); see nn. there. The story was

variously located (Fowler 2013: 567 n. 150 for a useful list of places and sources), but Sybaris and

Kroton are not as far apart from each other as either is from e.g. Rome, Sicily, and other places

where the story was placed. πρός... ἐρεύγεται: the verb is perhaps in tmesis, since it is evidently borrowed from IA 15. 621, κύματά Te τροφοέντα, τά Te προσερεύγεται αὐτήν, i.e. the waves belch against the rock of 15. 618. Cf. also Od. 5. 438

(Odysseus swimming in rough seas), τά τ᾽ ἐρεύyeraı ἤπειρόνδε. 922. Alaoves: see 44n. for the various words in Αὐσον-. Here ‘Ausonian’ means ‘of Magna Graecia, and is not much different from ‘Oinotrian’ at 912. Πελλήνιοι: Pellene, a little way inland from the Korinthian Gulf (ZACP: no. 240, Barr. map 58 Dr), was one of the main cities of

Achaia, and several of the cities in the region associated with Philoktetes were historically Achaian colonies, notably Kaulonia, Kroton, Metapontion, and Sybaris (see LACP: nos 55, 56, 61, and 70 for

grouping, this time the whole island of Rhodes,

with its three main poleis before the synoikism of 408 sc, viz. ‘Lindos, Ialysos and chalky Kameiros' (Il. 2. 656, LACP: nos 997, 995, and 996). But Kassandra’s singling out of Lindos is true to the tradition which persistently emphasized the Lindians’ special overseas adventurousness, as exemplified by their role in the foundation of Sicilian Gela; see Hdt. 7. 153. 2 and other evidence cited at CT I]: 290. For the Rhodians as the alleged founders of Sybaris, see Strabo 6. 1.14 and 14. 2. 10. The accounts in Lyk. and [Ar.] of hostility between Rhodian and Achaian settlers is a reflection of the discrepancy in the foundationstories of Sybaris—always a mixed zone of settlement, as can be seen from the turbulent history of its successor Thourioi (L4CP: no. 74). Philoktetes, a mythical talismanic signifier for Kroton, helps the Rhodians against the Krotoniates' traditional neighbours and enemies the Sybarites (cf. Hdt. 5. 44-5 for war between Sybaris and Kroton, late archaic period). See 63n. for the three-word line.

347

Further nostoi

9247929

οὗς τῆλε Θερμύδρου τε Καρπάθου τ᾽ ὀρῶν πλάνητας αἴθων Θρασκίας πέμψει κύων

925

ξένην ἐποικήσοντας ὀθνείους χθόνα. ev δ᾽ αὖ Μακάλλοις σηκὸν Eyxwpoı μέγαν ὑπὲρ τάφων δείμαντες, αἰανῆ θεὸν 4

2

>

3

/

^

>

/

[A

x

/

LÀ

id

λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσι καὶ θύσθλοις βοῶν. 926

ὀθνείους Scheer ὀθνείαν MSS

924. Thermydra (sic) was, acc. Steph. Byz., a harbour of one of the Rhodian cities, presumably the fine harbour of Lindos. For Karpathos, the main island between Rhodes and Krete, see ZACP: no.

489 and Ma 2009. By the Hellenistic period, of which Kassandra here betrays knowledge, the Καρπαθιοπολῖται formed a Rhodian deme. 925. Θρασκίας: the Thraskias (i.e. “Thracian’) was a NNW wind, so-called by Peripatetic writers (Ar. Meteor.363b 29, Theophr. Winds 42). The Rhodians, attempting to return from Troy, were driven S and off-course by this wind, then N. again to Italy.

κύων: ‘howling’, like a dog. For the riddling allusion here, see Sistakou 2009: 246 n. 23. 926. ößveiovs: this is Scheer's attractive emenda-

tion for the MSS ὀθνείαν (agreeing with χθόνα), which would merely repeat the sense of ξένην. For the thought and expression cf. 998. ἐποικήcovras: see ıoron. (future tenses of ‘settle’ verbs

are

much

favoured

by

Lyk. when

narrating

nostoi).

927. Makalla: the site cannot be precisely identified; see LACP: p. 256, Genovese 2009: 35, 91-2. [Ar.] mir. ausc. places it in the territory of Kroton; see g11-929n. Guzzo zorıb seeks speculatively to locate it at Torre Melissa N. of mod. Crotone (Kroton), because of fragments of Doric columns

found there in 2007 (and he suggests that the name derives from Phoenician and is linked to macellum, the Latin word for shops, market). The

name was supposed to derive, by metathesis, from the unmanly behaviour of Philoktetes, who groaned in pain (cf. Steph. Byz. μ 22 Bill., ἀπὸ

τοῦ μαλακισθῆναι ἐν αὐτῇ Φιλοκτήτην). See Bowersock 1994: 64 for Makallas role in the development of the Philoktetes myth among the Romans, who thought that suffering should be

endured undemonstratively (see again 911-929 n.). σηκὸν... μέγαν: see 871Nn.; of the passages there cited see esp. 959, σηκὸν μέγαν again, used of the temple of Aphrodite at Sicilian Eryx. 928-929: αἰανῆ θεὸν / λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσι Kai θύσθλοις βοῶν: for the close echo of 720-721 (cult of the Siren Parthenope, θύσθλοισι.... βοῶν / ἔτεια κυδανοῦσιν οἰωνὸν θεάν), see n. there.

In both places ‘god’ (θεόν, θεάν) is used loosely to

indicate

hero-cult

(see,

again,

720—721n.).

Kassandra presents herself as comparable to a Siren (653-654 n.), and also to Philoktetes (gır929n.), so a parallel between the Sirens and Philoktetes makes good sense. See also 1213n.

(cult of Kassandra’s beloved Hektor, again described in very similar language, λοιβαῖσι xvdavotaw

246 for the significant along with of the cult

ἀφθίτοις ἴσον), and Sistakou 2009:

present passage as one of a number of mentions of tomb-sites in the poem, the Siren and Hektor. On the location of Philoktetes, see 911-929 n.

928. δείμαντες: see 873n. for this verb. 929. κυδανοῦσι:

see

133-134n.

θύσθλοις:

see

459n. 930-950. Epeios in Lagaria (S. Italy) The Wooden Horse by which Troy was taken has already featured briefly; see 342-343 n. The 'horsebuilder is Epeios, son of Panopeus, son of Phokos, the eponym of the Phokians, who will receive a further nostos section at 1067-1074. Epeios is known from both Il and Od. Lyk. uses all the Homeric material (with a crucial addition, 931n.) and adds some from elsewhere about Panopeus (932n.), whose story takes up half the

entire section. In the funeral games for Patroklos in I} 23, Epeios entered the boxing event; made a

348

924-929

Epeios in Lagaria (S. Italy) whom the furious howling Thraskias shall send wandering far from Thermydron and the hills of Karpathos, to settle a foreign land as strangers. At Makalla, the local people will build a great temple

925

over his tomb, and honour him as a god forever, with libations and sacrifices of oxen. seated Agamemnon (all three labelled); see LIMC 3. 1: 798-9 ‘Epeios’ no. 7 (M. Robertson), also Robertson 1967: 6-8 and n. 15, and Finglass 2013b: 11; cf. also Chaniotis 1988: 92-3, T26 (on Chamaileon F34 Wehrli, from the same passage of Ath. as is cited above, a curious story about the poet Simonides calling his donkey Epeios, wth some baffling allusion to the island of Keos).

boastful speech, in which, however, he admitted to inferiority in real battle; soundly defeated

Euryalos; but then set his dazed opponent back

on his feet, and is called ‘great-hearted’ by the poet for this gesture, μεγάθυμος (23. 694); the passage, like much in bk 23, has comic potential.

But his performance in the discus-throwing was openly ludicrous, in a way not quite explained. See 1]. 23. 664-99 (esp. 690 for the admission of

martial inferiority, μάχης ἐπιδεύομαι) and 23. 839-40. After the Trojan War, Odysseus among the Phaiakians asked the bard Demodokos to sing of the Wooden Horse, ‘which Epeios made with the help of Athena’, τὸν Ἐπειὸς ἐποίησεν σὺν ᾿θήνῃ: Od. 8. 493. See also 11. 523, part of Odysseus’ narrative to Achilles in the Underworld; there Athena is apparently forgotten, and the horse is implied to have been made by Epeios only. The Little Iliad seems to imply that the horse was actually Athena’s idea: Ἐπειὸς κατ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας προαίρεσιν τὸν δουράτεον ἵππον κατασκεύαζει; see West 2013a: 193-5, who contrasts Apollod. ep. 5. 14 where it is Odysseus who thinks up the plan, as might have been expected (cf. Finglass 2013b: 8 for other authors who took this tempting line, which was also followed in the 2004 film Troy). Stes. appears to have given great prominence to Epeios, and even began his Jiou

persis with him; this has been argued convincingly by Finglass 2013b. In frag. 200 PMGF = 100 Fi. (from Ath. 456f457a), Stes. made Epeios a water-carrier for the Atreidai (i.e. Agamemnon and Menelaos), and said that Athena pitied him

for this; the papyrus frag. S89 PMGF overlaps with this at lines 14-15 (see Finglass 2013b: 3, giving the complicated history of this reading). The ‘water-carrier’ motif may have originated with Stes., but a menial, even female, role for Epeios

featured in epic even earlier, on the evidence of a relief. from Samothrace, c.550-525 Bc, which depicts Epeios and Talthybios waiting on a

Certainly, Stes. 589 lines 7-8 seem to refer to Athena and to the σοφία of Epeios, which probably means no more than ‘technical skill’ (West 20132: 194, cf. 945, τέχναις). Cf. E. Tro. το,

Φωκεὺς Ἐπειός, μηχαναῖσι Παλλάδος etc. For the iconography of the horse, which begins to be a subject in art as early as the 8th cent., see LIMC: 1. 1, 813-17, ‘equus Trojanus’, nos 22 (late 8th-cent. Boiotian fibula)-24 with West 20132: 194 and n. 38. See esp. LIMC no. 23 (famous Mykonos pithos depicting the Greeks looking out of portholes in the side of the horse, ¢.670 Bc).

For Epeios foundation of Lagaria near Thourioi, see 930n. His Italian phase, for which see Malkin 19982: 213 and Genovese 2009: 95-187, does not appear to have featured in the epic Nostoi. Not

until

Strabo

(6. 1. 14) do we

another author who agrees μετὰ δὲ Θουρίους Aayapía καὶ Φωκέων κτίσμα. (With 6. 2. 3, the earliest settlers of

find

with Lyk. exactly: φρούριον, Ἐπειοῦ this cf. perhaps Th. W. Sicily included

Φωκέων τινὲς τῶν ἀπὸ Τροίας. This is surprising, but the ethnic should not be emended to e.g. Φωκαιῶν, ‘men of Phokaia’ in W. Asia Minor. See CT III: 270.) Justin 20. 2 made Epeios the

founder of Metapontion (with this cf. FGrHist 70 Ephoros F 141, from Strabo 6. 1. 15, the oikist of Metapontion was Daulios, tyrant of Krisa in Phokis). See also [Ar.] mir. ausc. 108 (quoted and discussed at 948n.); see also, more puzzlingly, Servius on V. A. 10. 179 for Epeios as oikist of Pisa, far away to the N. in Etruria: ‘alii ab Epeo, Troiani equi fabricatore, conditum [sc. Pisam] tradunt".

349

Further nostoi

9307932

ὁ δ᾽ ἱπποτέκτων Aayapias ἐν ἀγκάλαις, ἔγχος πεφρικῶς καὶ φάλαγγα θουρίαν, t

*

€

ft

,

>

3

,

930

πατρῷον ὅρκον ἐκτίνων ψευδώμοτον, The connection with Philoktetes is perhaps more than geographical (both founded cities in the Kroton/Thourioi region): Epeios’ cowardice resumes the theme of unmanliness which the

19. 6. For the links between Epeios, Odysseus, and Hermes the god of cunning trickery, see Finglass 2013b: ro.) Surely Lyk. here derives from

name Makalla may have hinted at (927.).

not discussed by Hollis 2007, who is more interested in Lyk.’s echoes of the Hekale and Aitia, This is one of the clearer pieces of evidence for Lyk.’s post-Kallimachean date. For another possible echo of Kall. in this section, see 941n. on Τιτοῦς. Aayapias: the site is not securely identi-

Kall. (see further 931n.), though

930. ἱπποτέκτων: a fine word for Epeios (for whom see 930-95on.), and a very good fit for an iambic line, whether in the nom. or in oblique cases. As so often, the subject is never named,

but is identified by a ‘descriptive periphrasis’ of unmistakable specificity (Sistakou 2009: 244). The compound is rare in the extreme, and no other írm- compound is attested for Epeios in any author (but note τῇ ἱπποποιήτῳ knpiused of the Wooden Horse by the Σ to Ps.-Simias’ Πέλεκυς or ‘Axe’, Gow 1952: 175. The adjective is not registered in LSJ or Supp.). It is, however, possible that Epic. Adesp. 15 in M. West 2003: 295 (from Ammonios’comm. on Porphyry) applied the simple form of the noun to him, if ἐπεὶ σοφὸς ἤραρε τέκτων was said about Epeios, as is attractively suggested by M. West ad loc. and at 20132: 203;

and cf. Apollod. ep. 5. 14 for Epeios as an ἀρχιτέ«roy. But the far rarer ἱπποτέκτων was used, also about Epeios,by Kall. frag. 197 Pf. - Iamb. VII line 3 (for this poem see 628n. on the magical properties of the Daunian stelai). The usually reliable Lykophron lexicon (Ciani: 13) is thus wrong to give the noun ‘(h.)’ for hapax. Since the parallels with Kall. by no means end with this one word (see 931n.), the frag. may be quoted in full: Ἑρμᾶς ὁ ITeppepaios, Αἰνίων θεός, ἔμμι τῶ φ]υγαίχμα ἐκ Φωκίδος] πάρεργον ἱπποτέκτον[ος" δεξιὸς] γὰρ [ὠὡ]νήρ ... σἸκέπαρνον. T am the Ainian god Hermes Perpheraios [the *Carried-round Hermes’] a side-product of [the Phokian] who fled from the spear, the Horsebuilder. For the man was clever... . [at using the] adze (?)’ (Epeios was believed to have carved stat-

ues of Hermes and Aphrodite at Argos: Paus. 2.

the passage is

fied (Skinner 2012: 190 is too confident), but was

near Thourioi, on the evidence of Strabo 6. 1. 14 (quoted at 930-950 n.); see LACP. p. 256 (listing it

among ‘Pre-Hellenistic Settlements not Attested as Poleis’. Suggestions for the location include mod. Amendolara,

and

5. Maria

d’Anglona

in

the territory of Siris. See, for very full discussion of the ‘territory of Epeios’, Genovese 2009: 13473). For the personified Lagaria, mother of Epeios, see 933n. ἐν ἀγκάλαις: in this context, these ‘folds’ or ‘embraces’ presumably refer to harbours

i.e. indentations

in the coastline; the

metaphor may be taken from A. Cho. 587 πόντιαΐ τ᾽ ἀγκάλαι, though both there and at Archilochos frag. 213 W, ψυχῆς ἔχοντες κυμάτων ἐν ἀγκάλαις, the allusion may rather be to the enfolding waves of the deep. See La Geni£re 1991. There is no main verb until (οἴκους) νάσσεται

at 947, so it is necessary to supply one here— ‘arrived at’? ‘settled in’?—for the purposes of tr. There

is no need to resort to emendation

(see

White 2000: 128 against S. West 1983: 119, who thought a line had dropped out after 931).

931. ἔγχος πεφρικώς: both thought and expression here, esp. ‘spear’ used metonymically for ‘battle’, are close to Kall’s φυγαίχμα (930n.), itself surely indebted to A. Pers. 1025; see also 943, where φύξηAw contains the first component of φυγαίχμα, just as the spear-words ἔγχος here and δορός at 944

correspond

to the second component

αἰχμή.

Although both facts about Epeios (he built the Wooden Horse,he was no fighter) are in Homer, it

cannot be maintained that both Kall. and Lyk. merely drew independently on Homer as common

350

Epeios in Lagaria (S. Italy)

9307932

The Horse-builder will enter the embrace of Lagaria,

930

he who shuddered at the spear and the fierce phalanx, paying the penalty for his father’s perjury:

Apollod. 2. 4. 4-8, perhaps ultimately from Pherekydes or Stes.; cf. also Hes. Shield 15-27 for

source. In the first place, the two Hellenistic poets closely resemble each other, but not Homer, in

detailed mode of expression (see g30n. for the otherwise unattested noun émrorékra). In the second place, they both include a crucial element not in Homer: Epeios in 11 23 had admitted that he was inferior at fighting (see 930-950n. for

part of the story), concerns the mortal parents of

Herakles, Alkmene and Amphitryon. Alkmene, daughter of Elektryon, wished to avenge the death of her brothers at the hands of the Teleboian sons of Pterelaos, king of the Taphian islands. She promised herself in marriage as a reward to whoever did this for her. The task was not easy, because Pterelaos possessed a talisman of immortality, in the form of a golden lock of hair. But Amphitryon offered himself as her

ἐπιδεύομαι), not that he was actually cowardly, indeed the authorial commendation μεγάθυμος (930-950n.) might be thought to point the other way. That extra element was generated by the myth, unknown to or ignored by Homer, that Epeios’ cowardice was divine punishment for paternal perjury. (See next n. for this perjury.) The motif of Epeios’ unwarlike character and even cowardice may owe something to Greek aristocratic prejudice

champion,

Ἐπειοῦ δειλότερος was proverbial as early as the sth cent: see Com. Adesp. frag. 952 K/A. But it cannot securely be traced to Stes.; see 932 n.

of four allies,

25 for ‘great-hearted

Phokians’ accompanying

Amphitryon); he made them swear an oath not

to hide and appropriate any of the booty. Pterelaos’ treacherous daughter Komaitho fell in love with Amphitryon, and played the part of the biblical Delilah by cutting off the magic lock of Pterelaos/Samson (see M. West 1997: 440 for both the Delilah parallel, and the Greek parallel of Nisos’ daughter Skylla). Amphitryon and the rest of the Magnificent Five nevertheless won the war against the Teleboians, and Amphitryon killed the perfidious Komaitho. Panopeus broke

against banausic arts (so, acutely, Holzinger), If so, Homer in J/ may, as often, be aware in advance

of an element—here, Epeios as master-builder— which is not made explicit until Od., or which otherwise presupposes detail about the fall of Troy. (Compare the hostility of Athena to Lokrian Ajax at I/ 23. 774, where she trips him into some dung. This may display the poet’s advance knowledge of Ajax’s attempted rape of Kassandra at the time of the Trojan sack. At Od. 4. 502, this hostility is commented on explicitly.) The motif of Epeios’ cowardice was earlier than the Hellenistic period, therefore not invented by either Kall. or Lyk.:

and collected a team

including Panopeus the Phokian (cf. Hes. Shield

his oath, and was punished vicariously for this, by

the cowardice of his son. See 943 for this unusual type of punishment. For the theme of punishment for the stealing and concealing of booty see Joshua 7: after the fall of Jericho, Achan son of Carmi appropriated some valuable booty which was owed to God, but was found out and stoned.

932. πατρῷον ὅρκον ἐκτίνων ...: this may be an allusion to S. Ant. 856, πατρῷον δ᾽ ἐκτίνεις

It is tempting to suppose that Stes. referred to this perjury in the opening section of his I/iou

tw’ dOdov,a suggestion I owe to Patrick Finglass.

persis ($102. PMGF line 1, as reconstructed by

Knowledge of an elaborate mythical narrative, the prelude to the Herakles story, is presupposed in 931-938. In a nutshell, Panopeus’ perjury consisted in breaking an oath, sworn by Athena and

Barrett, 104 Fi.): Παλλ]άδ᾽ ἐπώμοσε σεμν[ὰν, cf. 936-937 for Epeios’ oath by Athena (and Ares). If so, that would push the motif of Epeios’

cowardice—which goes hand-in-hand with his father's perjury—back to at least the 6th cent. But M. West 1969: 139 preferred to see a reference to Sinon, and is followed, for reasons to do with the likely structure of Stes.' poem, by Davies and Finglass 2014: 427.

Ares, not to retain some booty (either the ‘spear-

won sheep’ of 933, or Epeios’ mother Lagaria, according to a tradition not followed by Lyk., unless the word for ‘sheep’ itself conceals a ref. to

Lagaria; see 933n.). The episode (for which see

351

Further nostoi

933-938

ὃν ἀμφὶ μήλων τῶν δορικτήτων τάλας πύργων Κομαιθοῦς συμπεφυρμένων στρατῷ στεργοξυνεύνων οὕνεκεν νυμφευμάτων Ἀλοῖτιν ἔτλη τὴν Κυδωνίαν Θρασὼ ὁρκωμοτῆσαι, τόν τε Κρηστώνης θεὸν Κανδάον᾽ ἢ Μάμερτον ὁπλίτην λύκον, 93;

στεργοξυνεύνων ABCD στεργοξυναίμων P. Oxy. 2094

933. ἀμφὶ μήλων: Lyk. seems to say that the illicitly retained booty was sheep (plural); but sec J Il, 23. 665a (= 5. 469. 64-70 Erbse) for the more dramatic and interesting alternative that the purloined piece of booty was none other than

935

Epeios

mother

Lagaria

(making

present line was human and female. ‘Spear-won

territory, δορίκτητος χώρα, was (Looijenga

Epeios

the ‘very offspring of perjury’, as Finglass 2013b: 10 n. 82 neatly puts it): ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν λαφύρων κεκλοφὼς Aayaplav ἴσχει υἱὸν Ἐπειόν, ὃς ὑδροφόρει τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς. Epeios would then have named his new city after his mother, like Aigestes the founder of Egesta (964n.). But an implied mention of a personified Lagaria is so appealing in the present context (the original Greek settlement of Lagaria) that one might wonder if Kassandra is using her habitually cryptic animal-language to denote a human being; although this would admittedly be easier if the Greek referred to one sheep rather than a plurality, and if human ‘sheep’ were elsewhere part of the poem's repertoire of allusion. Another approach might be to follow Tzetzes, who cites Hes. WD 163, ‘fighting for the sheep of Oidipous’, μαρναμένους μήλων Ever’ Οἰδιπόδαο, as an example of μῆλα used in the part-for-whole sense of ‘wealth’ or ‘kingdom’, see Cingano 1992: 7-9. cf. also κτήνη at A. Ag. 129 with Fraenkel, who admits the possibility that the word there means ‘possessions’ (I am grateful to Patrick Finglass for the ref. to this, and to Pi. P 4. 148-50 and Stes. frag. 222(b)=97 Fi. lines

2014: 237-8) a powerful concept which features insistently in the literary sources for the early Hellenistic period, and which has been claimed (on the basis of a word-count in Diod.) to be specific to that heroic age of massive territorial enlargement, when Homeric notions were revived. See Schmitthenner 1968. That is

not quite true (see e.g. Th. 4. 98. 8, ἐν ἡ δὲ δορὶ ἐκτήσαντο, with CT IL: 314, citing Mehl 1980/1981 and giving other modern refs); but the word was certainly a resonant one which evoked the heroic Age of the Diadochi of Alexander, of

which Hieronymos of Kardia was the historian. See J. Hornblower 1981:53, and for Lyk.’s awareness of Hieronymos, see 801-804n. (Herakles son of Barsine), also 1208 n. (the bones of Hektor taken to Thebes).

934- For the treacherous Teleboian girl Komaitho, see 932 n. πύργων... συμπεφυρμένων στρατῷ: the Greek is difficult. It is surely a gen. abs. construction. Most trs take the final word to mean that something bad was done to the towers ‘by the army’ ie. by Amphitryon troops, and that is probably right, on the analogy of 293; see n. there,

and for στρατός in this standard sense see 945. An alternative tr. here, taking συμφύρω

+ dative to

mean ‘J confound i.e. overthrow x together with γ᾽ (the verb’s usual sense in other authors), would be: ‘the towers were overthown together with, σύν, the

239-41 for μῆλωμᾶλα as a significant part of property). Lagaria might then be part of the ‘sheep i.e. wealth obtained in the war against the

people (i.e. the city’s inhabitants’. See Finglass on S. El. 1485 for metaphors of mixing people with

troubles etc.). For στρατός = ‘people’, cf. Pi. P 2.87

Teleboians, and smart readers/hearers would be

λάβρος στρατός, and see Finglass on S. Ei. 749 for other examples. But it seems that Lyk. uses the verb in an idiosyncratic way.

expected to pick this up. τῶν δορικτήτων: Sopikrnros was applied by Homer to women captured in war; see e.g. I} 9. 343 (cf. 1116, where Kassandra uses it of herself). This is relevant

935.

to the suggestion above that the booty in the

στεργοξυνεύνων

οὕνεκεν

νυμφευμάτων:

this three-word line (see 63.) has caused difficulty.

352

Epeios in Lagaria (S. Italy)

933-938

that wretch dared to swear an oath about the spear-won sheep, when Komaitho's towers were confounded by the army,

in the cause of loving marriage.

935

He brought himself to swear by Aloitis, the Kydonian, Thraso,

and by the god of Krestone, Kandaon or Mamertos, the hoplite wolf,

The first word, a hapax formation, has been thought

937. Tov re Κρηστώνης

(see Holzinger against Scheer) ambiguous as between the mutual love between Amphitryon and

Thracian god’, i.e. Ares; the connection is already

made at Od. 8. 362, and see Hdt. 5. 7 for the cult of Ares in Thrace. For the Thracian Krestonia and

Alkmene, and the unreturned love of Komaitho for Amphitryon. Double meanings can seldom be ruled out in Lyk., but the allusion to marriage in νυμφευμάτων seems decisive in favour of the first alternative. Publishing P. Oxy. 2094, which has the variant στεργοξυναίμων (but with the usual reading added

above

the word

θεόν: this means ‘the

the Krestonaioi, in the area due N. of the later "Thessalonike (Barr. map 50 C3), see Hdt. 5. 3. 2, 5;

7.124, also Th. 2. 99. 6 (Γρηστ-) and 4. 109. 4. The association between Ares and Athena was close, to the extent that Areia was one of

Athena’ epithets. See Parker 2005b for cult epithets formed in this way from the name of another god, and for the warlike Athena and her connection with Ares see esp. Deacy 2000.

in another hand), A. S.

Hunt observed that the variant would be ‘not without point’, given that Alkmene and Amphitryon were cousins. See further Marandino 2012: 47475.

938. KavBdov* see 328 n. Μάμερτον: also at 1410, and see 1417n. for Athena as Mdpepoa. Mamers

936. These are three epithets (one of them an ethnic) for Athena. Adoérw: this is thought

was the Oscan

form of Mars, the Roman

Ares

wickedness (as Patrick Finglass points out to me, citing Wilson 1971). Kußwvias: for Kydonia,

(Tzetzes and Diod. zr. 18. 1; cf. Berra 2009: 295). See Geffcken 1892: 19 for the possibly Timaian origin of this epithet. The name or epithet Μάμερτος is, as P. M. Fraser pointed out in one of his 1981 Oxford classes on Lyk., one of the poems clearest and most striking allusions to the non-Greek West, and a remarkable epithet to find in a Hellenistic Greek poet. Mápepros gave

mod. Chania on the coast of NW Krete, see IACP. no. 968; Barr. map 60 Bi. The head of

his name to the Mamertines, Campanian mercenaries, for whom see Diod. as above, and Pol. 1. 8.

Athena appears on the obverse of Kydonian coins (ACP. p. 1172), and a 3rd-cent. ac inscription, recently discovered at Athens, attests a kinship (συγγένεια) relationship between Kydonia and

1 (264 sc. They made a nuisance of themselves in Sicily and so precipitated the First Punic

to mean

Avenger, ‘sceleris vindex’ (Holzinger);

cf. θάνατον

ἀλοίτην

at DK

31 Empedokles

B τὸ (a Sicilian author, likely to be known to Lyk.), and for the root meaning ‘sin’ or ‘crime’,

see 136, ἀλοιτός. érAy: the verb emphasizes his

War). B. Caven, 75e Punic Wars (London, 1980), 9 calls them 'Martians'. See Lambin (n. 65), 26-9.

Athena's city par excellence. See Papazarkadas and

ὁπλίτην λύκον: ‘hoplite wolf’ is a lively figure of

Thonemann 2008 (= SEG 58. 137), and cf. ISE: no.

speech, perhaps linked to Mamers (Geffcken, as

2, Athenian honours to Eurylochos of Kydonia,

above, and for Mars and wolves see Roscher him-

c.320 BC. Pausanias

the temple of Athena Kydonia at Elis, and attributes the epiklesis to the founding activity of

self in Roscher 2: 1430, citing the present passage among much other evidence, including Livy 22. 1. 12 and Hor. Odes 1. 17. 9, on which see Nisbet and

a descendant of Herakles called Klymenos of

Hubbard). There

Kydonia. 8paoc presumably a warlike epithet, like Aagpéa at 356 etc., and specially appropriate here in view of the pairing with Ares; see next n.

that wolves were symbolically associated with young men at the initiatory stage of military life

(6. 21. 6) devotes a para. to

(Buxton

353

1987:

is an element of paradox here, in

71 and

2004:

89), in

fact with

Further nostoi

939-948

ὁ μητρὸς ἐντὸς δελφύος στυγνὴν μάχην στήσας ἀραγμοῖς πρὸς κασίγνητον χεροῖν, οὔπω τὸ Tıroüs λαμπρὸν αὐγάζων φάος, οὐδ᾽ ἐκφυγὼν ὠδῖνας ἀλγεινὰς τόκων" H»

A

^

x

>

,

940

La

τοιγὰρ πόποι φύξηλιν ἤνδρωσαν σπόρον, πύκτην μὲν ἐσθλόν, πτῶκα δ᾽ ἐν κλόνῳ δορός, καὶ πλεῖστα τέχναις ὠφελήσαντα στρατόν. ,

\

2

Fd

^

3.5

,

?

ὃς ἀμφὶ Kipw καὶ Κυλιστάρνου γάνος ἔπηλυς οἴκους τῆλε νάσσεται πάτρας. τὰ δ᾽ ἐργαλεῖα, τοῖσι τετρήνας βρέτας ephebes,

whose

behaviour

and

treatment

the Phokian

was

945

town despised by Pausanias the

clandestine and the opposite of that associated

Periegete for its lack of public amenities (Paus.

with hoplite status, for which the ephebeia was a preparation. For ὁπλίτης, see also ızıo, and for

10. 4. 2 and ZACP: no. 190 ‘Phanoteus, Panopeus’). For ‘intra-uterine cannibalism’ among sharks, google ‘shark cannibalism and early life’. I am grateful to Martin West for drawing this to my attention. μάχην / στήσας: a Homerism, cf. Od. 11. 314.

Ares as one of a double-figure number of ‘wolves’ in Lyk. (but the only actual Olympian in the category), see Sistakou 2009: 252. 939-940. For the fist-fight in the womb between Panopeus and Krisos, see Hes. frag. 58 M/W

940. dpaypois: ‘clash’ or ‘clattering’, a mainly poetic word, used of breast-beating at 5. OC 1609,

(from P. Oxy. 2495 frag. 16) esp. line 13: μαρνάσθην [ἔτι] unrplös ἐόντ᾽ ἐν γαστέρι κοίλῃ],

στέρνων ἀραγμούς. 941. Τιτοῦς: for Tito as equivalent of ‘Dawn’ see Kall. frag. 21 line 3 Pf., quoted by 2 on the present passage of Lyk; see also B.E. 2013: 449 no. 131 (C. Feyel). The name may be a hypocoristic form of Tıravis (Harder 2012: 2. 203). The ancient lexicographers, including 2, gloss the word as a

where Merkelbach actually suggested the alter-

native supplement δελφύι μητρὸς

ἐντὸς

δελφύος. The

κέδνης, cf. Lyk.’s epic poet Asios

(frag. 5 in both Davies and West) merely said that

they were the sons of Phokos. For the motif of two brothers fighting already in the womb, cf. Akrisios and Proitos (Apollod. 2. 2. 1), and esp. the biblical Esau and Jacob, Gen. 25:22 (with M.

West 1997: 440 f. and Bremmer 1997: children struggled together within wife Rebekah]; and she said, If it be thus? And she went to inquire of (Verse 23:) And the LORD

92): ‘and the her [Isaac's so, why am I the LORD.

said unto her, Two

nations are in thy womb...’ etc. Similarly, but without the helpful structuralist explanation provided by God in Rebekah's case, we can see the myth of the antenatal strife between Krisos and Panopeus son of Phokos as a signifier for the conflict between two Phokian cities for Delphi; that is,we have here an adumbration of the many historical Sacred Wars fought from 600 nc to the time of Philip II of Macedon; see Huxley 1969: 94. Krisos was eponym of Krisa (J/4CP: p. 405, cf. no. 183 ‘Kirrha’), and Panopeus was eponym of

synonym for ‘dawn’ (2, Hesych. τ 1001 Hansen/

Cunningham and Suda r 694 Adler), but may have had nothing more to go on than these two passages, where the approximate meaning is obvious, For Lyk.’s probable dependence on Kall. in this section, see 930n. A concealed allusion to Titus Flamininus has been hopefully detected here (Josifovic 1968: 928; Andreae 1988: 155). 943. πόποι: here, ‘the gods’, as 2 explains. This sense of the word may be a mere post-classical

misunderstanding of the Homeric exclamation ὦ πόποι (cf. mod. Gk. ποπόϊ!) as an actual invocation, ‘ye gods’, see D. Steiner 2010: 92 on Od. 17, 214, also citing Euphorion frag. 133 Lightfoot, ‘they

took their place among the gods’, ἐν δὲ πόποις ἔσσαντο (quoted by the grammarian Apollonios Sophistes, who was aware that it was really an angry interjection; on the parallel between Lyk. and

354

Epeios in Lagaria (S. Italy)

939-948

he, who had fought a hateful fist-fight inside the womb,

clashing against his brother,

940

before he had even seen the bright light of Tito,

or escaped the painful birth-pangs. ‘Therefore the gods made his son a coward, a good boxer, but afraid of the spear in battle, and of greatest use to the army through his technical skill. Near Kiris and the steam of Kylistarnos he shall make his home, far away from his fatherland.

945

And the tools, with which he constructed the image, Euphorion here, see Hollis 2007: 288 n. 55). But both Lyk. and Euphorion may rather be displaying antiquarian erudition, because the Dryopians, a mysterious pre-Hellenic people resembling the

at 1439. This is a Homeric (// only) and tragic (but not >

Pelasgians, supposedly called the gods πόποι (see eg. Plut. Mor. 22c, Δρύοπες de πόπους τοὺς

for the

tumult

of

M

L4

>

[4

allusions to Epeios’ technical skill, τέχνη, in the tabulae Iliacae. 946. These are two rivers which flow into the Gulf of Taranto near Siris and Herakleia in Lucania. ‘Kiris’ is the Akiris, for which see Strabo

are familiar from some of the best-known Greek myths. Less common is the punishment of a father

6. 1. 14, ποταμοὶ δύο πλωτοὶ Akıpıs καὶ ipis;

by the imposition of a specific and apparently unrelated negative quality upon the child. It might, however, be argued that if Panopeus still lived into Epeios’ adulthood, then the dishonour constituted by a cowardly son would indeed be a source of misery to the parent, who might reasonably expect to have someone to defend his father in old age. At Hdt. 6. 86, Glaukos is punished for perjury by the wiping out, in advance, of any potential progeny, but that story lacks the odd twist of the imposition of a special penalty on a particular child. ἤνδρωσαν:

For the name see Er. Magn. 209. 34-5 (entry for Bodatpis): Kipis, ὄνομα ποταμοῦ. See Barr. map 46 E4. The Kylistarnos or -staros river must have been not far away and was perhaps the mod. Raganello. See Et. Magn. 544. 30, KuAloravos, πόλις (sic) Ἰταλίας.

948. τὰ δ᾽ ἐργαλεῖα: cf. [Ar.] mir. ausc. 108, περὶ de τὴν Ἰταλίαν τὴν καλουμένην l'apyapíav (read “αγαρίαν, with Meineke, app. crit. to Steph. Byz. Aayapia n. 9, cf. Geffcken 1892: 139), ἐγγὺς Μεταποντίου, Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν εἶναι Εἰἱλενίας (ὃ), ἔνθα τὰ τοῦ Ἐπειοῦ λέγουσιν ἀνακεῖσθαι ὄργανα, ἃ εἰς τὸν δοῦριον ἵππον ἐποίησεν, ἐκείνου τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐπιθέντος, φανταζομένην γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον ἀξιοῦν ἀναθεῖναι τὰ ὄργανα. That is, Epeios dedicated to Athena at Lagaria the

the choice of verb is curious; at 176, dvöpwoas refers to metamorphosis (change info a man), but

that idea is surely not present here, any more than

it is present in the English equivalent ‘they [the gods] made his son a coward’. 944. This neatly balanced line alludes to Epeios’ success in the boxing event at I/. 23. 664-99. For

tools with which

he built the Wooden

Horse;

he did so as a result of an epiphany of Athena in a dream. The obvious immediate common source

see

930 N. πτῶκα: a cowering animal, as in the simile at I]. 16. 176, where it is a hare (also at e.g. Theok. 1. 110: perhaps interpolated; so Fritzsche, but Gow seems happy with it). It is used of Orestes at A. Eum. 326 (emended). Cf. 948 n. ἐν κλόνῳ: also

word

945. τέχναις: see Squire 2012: 102-10 for probable

δαίμονας sc. καλοῦσι). φύξηλιν: cf. Il 17.143 with Rengakos 1994: 121, and see gzın. for the echo of Kall’s φυγαίχμα. Family curses, like those set in motion by the crimes of Atreus or Laios,

the second half of the line (his cowardice)

Sophoclean)

battle; with the present passage cf. esp. I7. 5. 167, ἀνὰ κλόνον ἐγχειάων.

is Timaios,

see Günther

1889: 107f., Geffcken

1892: 18. But the tradition may be much older. It seems to be reflected in a pattern poem called Axe, Πέλεκυς, attributed to Simias (A.P 15. 22),

355

Further nostoi

949-951

τεύξει ποτ᾽ ἐγχώροισι μερμέραν βλάβην,

καθιερώσει Muvöias ἀνακτόροις. ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐνοικήσουσι Σικανῶν χθόνα, purporting to be a dedication to Athena by Epeios ofthe axe with which he built the Wooden Horse; for the best modern text see Gow 1952: 174, and for discussion Gow-Page HE 2: 511, rejecting the attribution to Simias, and claiming that the poem shows knowledge of Timaios. At any rate it may well owe something to Lyk., though the date of the Πέλεκυς is not certain; Kwapisz 2013: 21-3 puts it in the late 4th or early 3rd cents sc. For a possible verbal echo of Lyk., see 970 n. on ἠθαλωμένης. For possibly relevant archaeological finds of tools at Francavilla Marittima,

950

first iota, cf. A. Eum. 304; see LSJ suppl. Μυνδίας: here and at 1261, the ‘Myndian [goddess]' is Athena. (But Lloyd-Jones 2005b: 222 sought to connect Lyk.’s Athena Myndia with the mention of Pallas [Athena] at SEG 48. 1330 line 23, the and-cent. sc ‘Pride of Halikarnassos’ inscription.) Myndos was a Karian city at the end of the Halikarnassos peninsula. See Z4CEF. no. 914, discussing the probable move of site a short distance N. in the 4th cent., in the time of Mausolus, perhaps. See Barr. map 60 E3 for

see Zancani

the

relevant

sites,

marked

‘Myndos’

and

(its

Montuoro 1974-6, esp. 99 and fig. 20 (adze or akerapvov cf. 930n. for this word in the relevant frag. of Kall.) and 106 for the interpretative

predecessor) ‘Palaea Myndos’. But there is no way of telling which gods or goddesses were honoured

possibilities (an actual hero-shrine of Epeios? or a

Newton in the ıgth cent., and there is no evidence of any other sort for a Myndian cult of Athena.

in the temples

place where colonial Greeks found pre-existing dedicated weapons/tools and associated them with Epeios?); cf. LIMC 3. 1: 799; Burnett 1988:

seen, at the new

site, by C. T.

The ethnic has, however, some poetic resonance:

in Theok. 2. 29 and 96, ‘the Myndian’, 6 Μύνδιος,

140 n. 110; Genovese 2009: 185 (perhaps a local

is Delphis, the object of the sorceress’s frustrated

deity was

love. ἀνακτόροις: see 920n.

identified

with

Athena).

rerpyvas:

Terpaivw means ‘bore a hole’, ‘perforate’. When used, as here, of carpentry, the reference is presumably to nail-holes. βρέτας: this poetic noun for ‘image’ will recur at the important line 1135 (Daunian

maidens

will clasp

Kassandra’s

951-977. Trojans found Elymian cities in W. Sicily For Menelaos’ visit to W. Sicily, see 866-870 n. That passage anticipates some of the themes which Kassandra here develops. Only the first, and almost perfunctory, line-

own

statue); see n. there. At E. Tro. 13, ὀλέθριον βρέτας, if sound, denotes, as here, the Wooden Horse (Gigante Lanzara 2009: 11}, though

Diggle prefers the reading βάρος. See however, Barlow’s n. for cautious defence of Bpéras (adopted and discussed by K. Lee); the present passage, which she does not cite, might be thought to strengthen her case, given Kassandra's natural familiarity with, and fondness for, that most Trojan of surviving Euripidean plays.

949. μερμέραν βλάβην: cf. E. RA. 509, κακῷ δὲ μερμέρῳ, with Gigante Lanzara 2009: rif. The connotations of the word are usually bad, but see Dion. Perieg. 350 with Lightfoot 2014: 343. 950. See 63n. for the three-word line. καθιερώσει: also at 1350, about the deification of Herakles. For the metrically required lengthening of the

and-a-half of this long section is about Greek nostoi from Troy, the ostensible theme of the entire long narrative in which the section is embedded. With év@a at 952, Kassandra switches to an excursus which introduces the crucially important theme of Trojan settlement in the West, of which the most famous episode was Aineias’ foundation of Rome after the Trojan War: 1230-1280. Here, the Trojan founders of

Sicilian cities before the Trojan War (Galinsky 1969: 102 n. 98) are descended from Phoinodamas via one of his three daughters, sent across the Mediterranean to Sicily by order of Laomedon, father of Priam and Hesione. The theme of Trojans-in-the-West was obscurely and very briefly hinted at six hundred lines earlier, when Phoinodamas’ daughters featured in the context

356

Trojans found Elymian cities in W. Sicily

949-951

piercing it with nail-holes, to bring dire destruction on my countrymen,

he shall dedicate in the temple of the Myndian. Others shall settle in the territory of the Sikans,

of the Hesione story: see 470-472 and n. (Phoinodamas was not there named, as he is here, 953; nor was Laomedon, who is named here at 952, Λαυμέδων). In that passage, Phoinodamas was the 'babbler father' who urged that Hesione should be exposed to the monster, and Laomedon paid him back for this by exiling Phoinodamas' daughters to the West, cf. above. There are several connections between the present excursus and the Roman/Aineias material later on, above

all the notion

of the Egestaians was or resembled Greek religion; see Hdt. 5. 47. 2 for their heroization of Philippos of Kroton for his beauty (cf 2. 50. 3 for the implication that hero-cult was characteristically Greek), and Th. 6. 19. 1, where

men of Sicilian Leontinoi, and evidently know the correct Greek ritual procedures. In view of all this, and of Th.’s untroubled description of Eryx and Egesta as poleis (6. 2. 3), it is surprising that Egesta did not qualify for inclusion in Z4CP The Elymian language was probably Indo-European;

that Egesta, like

not a form of Greek, but written in the Greek

alphabet: see Marchesini 2012 for what is known. See also Fowler 2013: 509 (on Hellanikos frags 31 and 79). On 951-992, see Antonelli 2003.

basis whatever for this story of Trojan migration to Sicily, but conceded (91) that Elymian culture

might have contained some admixture from the E. Mediterranean. This connection is signalled by a detail, the near-repetition πάτρα and πατρίς, at 969 and 1230, both referring to Troy. (See 38n., for πάτρα as a favourite word of Kassandra, often referring to Troy.) Latin authors made Aineias

951. ἄλλοι δ᾽: these ‘others’ are Greeks, although most of what follows is about Trojans; see 951 9771. Their identity is not specified, but the mention of the Laistrygonians (956) implies that the

Greeks are the colonists of the fertile volcanic coast of eastern Sicily, which would be the main zone of Greck settlement in the historical period, beginning with the foundation of Naxos in 734 BC and Syracuse in 733; see 662-665n. for the location of the Laistrygonians in the plain of Leontinoi N. of Syracuse. ἐνοικήσουσι Σικανῶν

the actual (re-)founder of Egesta, Latin Segesta:

Cic. 2 Verr. 4. 33 (and in a Greek author, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.52. 4, Aineias builds the cities of Egesta and Elyma i.e. Eryx, see below, for Elymos and Aigestes). Early in the First Punic War (263

BC) the people of Segesta, despite their exposed

wider Greek diplomatic network (see the Athenian

decree ML 37, whose exact date is disputed as between the 450s and «418 Bc, but that is immaterial for the present purpose). The religion

they appear as

suppliants at Athens in 415 Bc together with some

Rome, was of Trojan origin: see the material cited at 968n. Galinsky 1969: 63-102, esp. 102 denied that there was any ‘scientific’ as opp. ‘imaginative’

position at the W. end of Sicily, threw off their attachment to Carthage and joined the Romans. For this see 968n. Hence the building up of Acestes by Virgil (Heinze 1993: 133-4), esp. in the games narrated in 4. 5. Elymian culture remains mysterious in some ways (neither Greek nor Punic), and the tradition of Trojan kinship perhaps reflects this uncertain identity. The famous sth-cent. Doric temple of Egesta displays obvious Greekness, and as early as the same century the Egestaians are part of the

950

χθόνα: for Σικανός see 870n. The Sikanoi dwelt in W. Sicily, acc. Th. 6. 2. 3, which says that the Elymian cities Eryx and Egesta (in the far W. of the island) were neighbours of the Sikanoi, καὶ

ὅμοροι τοῖς Σικανοῖς οἰκήσαντες. That is also the implication of 870 (already quoted by Z here) and 1029 (see n. there on Παχύνου Σικανός, and Z/ on the present passage says that Sikania was the area round Akragas (also in the W. of Sicily). Lyk.’s language here seems to echo that of Th., unless both authors were drawing on Antiochos of Syracuse, FGrHist 555, see CT III: 273 for the virtual certainty of Th.’s use of Antiochos in the Sikelika, 6. 2-5. (There is a similar problem about Kall.’s apparently Thucydidean material in bk 2 of

357

952-960

Further nostoi

πλαγκτοὶ μολόντες, ἔνθα Λαυμέδων τριπλᾶς ναύταις ἔδωκε Φοινοδάμαντος κόρας, ταῖς κητοδόρποις συμφοραῖς δεδηγμένος, τηλοῦ προθεῖναι θηρσὶν ὠμησταῖς βοράν,

955

μολόντας eis γῆν ἕσπερον Anıorpvyovwv, ὅπου συνοικεῖ δαψιλὴς ἐρημία. αἱ δ᾽ αὖ παλαιστοῦ μητέρος Ζηρυνθίας σηκὸν μέγαν δείμαντο, δωτίνην θεᾷ,

μόρον φυγοῦσαι καὶ μονοικήτους ἕδρας,

The naming of Laomedon and of Phoinodamas

the Aitia, which deals with the origins of the Sicilian cities. Since Antiochos was available for consultation by Strabo in the time of Augustus, he could have been drawn on direct by Hellenistic poets.)

But

here

‘Sikanian

land’ must

have

960

a

vaguer meaning, and is perhaps no more than a synonym for ‘Sicily’, because Kassandra is not talking about Greek settlement of W. Sicily. The idea is that Phoinodamas’ daughters arrived from Troy in E. Sicily, but their rescue from wild beasts involved them in travel to W. Sicily. So, rightly,

Holzinger.

can be explained by reference to Lyk.'s willingness to name secondary characters (Sistakou 2009: 249, mentioning Laomedon but not Phoinodamas); but the situation here is complicated because of the implied or periphrastic mentions of the two at 470—472 (where the ‘babbler’, βάβαξ, is Phoinodamas). Lyk. sometimes names characters only at their second appearance. 953. Φοινοδάμαντος: the scansion is unusual (the long first alpha), but is defended by White 2000:

128-9, citing Page, FGE : 571 on Ἀπαμείης. For Lyk.’s occasional liberties with the scansion of

952. πλαγκτοί: words for ‘wandering’, formed with the Aav- root, are (like words in ἀλ-, cf. 1010, ἄλῃ) naturally common in a poem which has so much about nosioi (see e.g. 1019 about Nireus and Thoas, πλανητὴν λυπρὸν ὄψονται βίον), but this particular variant is used elsewhere only about Malta, and in similar verbal company (1028, ... πλαγκτοὶ κατοικήσουσιν, cf. 951, ἐνοι-

names, compare 583 n. on Σιθῶνος. 954. κητοδόρποις: this hapax-word takes us back to the opening section of Kassandra's speech; see 34n. for the sea-monster to which Laomedon's

daughter Hesione was exposed, and from which Herakles rescued her; and 470-472 nn. and 951977n.for theclash between 'babbler' Phoinodamas and king Laomedon, which led to the girl's exposure. συμφοραῖς δεδηγμένος: for exactly this

κήσουσι). The descriptor Σικανός forms a further, thematic, link between the present passage and Malta (951, 1029), except that the meaning is

expression, but in Doric dialect, see Pi. P. 8.87 on

defeated athletes "bitten by disaster’, συμφορᾷ δεδαγμένοι, and cf. 257 n. Pfeijffer 1999: 587 notes other literary parallels for the Pi. passage, but not

different (at 1029, it has its more precise sense ‘W.

Sicily’, see 951n.). μολόντες: admittedly the verb is a favourite of Lyk. throughout (fourteen instances),

and is common in tragedy; but many poets would have avoided an almost exact repetition of so colourless a word only four lines later (956, poAdvras). No obvious purpose is served, unless this is a sophisticated device designed to suggest the clumsiness of Kassandra’s ‘improvised’ speech. “αυμέδων: the alpha of Laomedon is long (e.g. 77. 5. 269), so Lyk. allows himself resolution (cf. S. Ajax 1302) for the word to scan in regular iambics.

this one, which is far closer than those he cites.

956. μολόντας: see 952n. ἕσπερον: this means

that the girls’ journey from Troy took them west, not that the Laistrygonians were in the western part of Sicily (see 9s1n., and for the Laistrygonians 662—665n.). 957. συνοικεῖ δαψιλὴς ἐρημία: this is full of paradoxes: ‘cohabiting with a desert’, i.e. with solitude,

358

Trojans found Elymian cities in W. Sicily

952-960

arriving there as wanderers, in the land where Laomedon handed the three daughters of Phoinodamas over to sailors (he was goaded by the calamity which provided dinner for the monster) to expose them far away to be food for savage animals, after travelling west to the land of the Laistrygonians,

955

where dwells enormous solitude.

‘The girls built a great temple to Zerynthia, mother of the wrestler, as a gift to the goddess, after they had escaped death and a solitary dwelling-place.

960

is a contradictory notion, as is that of a ‘lavish

and fig. 542). In 217 Bc, after their catastrophic

ἐρημία", because the noun implies absence and negation, therefore parsimony. δαψιλής (also at

defeat

772) is a prose, and in particular a Herodotean, word (Hdt. 2. 1216 5,3. 130. 5, and cf. 5. 20. 4 ἐπιδαψιλευόμεθα, with my n.). The land of the Laistrygonians is called a desert because Herakles

Trasimene,

the

Romans

were

to Venus

Erycina

and

Mens,

and

the

(to us)

relevant part of this was duly done in 215, when Q. Fabius Maximus dedicated a new temple to Venus Erycina on the Capitol, thus constructing a concrete reminder of Roman pertinacity in the final phase of the First Punic War of 264-241 BC (Livy 22. 9. 7-10 and 23. 30. 13-14, with Gruen 1993: 46-7, C. P. Jones 1999: 48 and 86, and Erskine 2001: 198-205, esp. 202 on the motive: "Trojan kinship may have been a factor: it meant that the Romans had a better right to the goddess than the Carthaginians’, For Eryx in the First

had killed most of them, leaving only a remnant, λείψανον (662). For the root ἐρημ- cf. 960n. (on E. Hyps.).

958. παλαιστοῦ: for the wrestler Eryx, see 866-867 and nn. Ζηρυνθίας: for this epithet of Aphrodite, see 77n. and 449n. (but at 1178 it denotes Hekate). 959. σηκὸν μέγαν δείμαντο: this is the famous

and wealthy temple of Aphrodite at Eryx (Pol. 1.

Punic War, see Pol., as above, with Erskine 2001:

55. 8, ὁμολογουμένως ἐπιφανέστατόν ἐστι τῷ

201.). Lyk.'s evident interest in the ‘great temple’ in Sicily may well indicate knowledge of these dramatic events, and that in turn would indicate—like much other evidence—a composition date for the poem later than the Hannibalic

τε πλούτῳ καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ προστασίᾳ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν ἱερῶν, with Walbank). It was the subject of the anecdote at Th. 6. 46. 3-5: Athenian envoys in 415 BC were deceived by a display of the temple treasures into thinking that Egestaian resources were greater than the reality. Although Elymian rather than Punic, the temple became a centre of the Carthaginian cult of Astarte (i.e.

War. For σηκός as temple see 871n., 927 and n. (where the accompanying adjective is also μέγαν), and 1261, where the accompanying verb

is again δέμω.

Aphrodite), Virtually nothing remains of the temple (Galinsky 1969: 65 and 70; Holloway 2000: 120), which was situated on the city's highest point (Diod. 4. 83. 1), now reachable only by climbing a long corkscrew road. The temple is, however, depicted on a coin of C. Considius Nonianus, of ¢.60 Bc (Coarelli and Torelli 1984: 57 and C. P. Jones 1999: 86, describing the temple on the coin as ‘perched on a rocky summit and surrounded by massive walls’, and illustrating the coin as fig. 2 at 1999: 87; see also Schilling 1954: 235 and plate XXVII. 1 and Galinsky 1969: 71

at Lake

instructed by the Sibylline books to vow a temple

960. μονοικήτους ἕδρας: cf. E. Hyps. frag. 1 iv line 17 (at Collard, Cropp, and Gibert 2004: 194):

ἀγροὺς

ἐρήμους

καὶ povoucjrovs

(from

a

generalizing speech by Amphiaraos), with G. W. Bond, who

(1) notes that in both

E. and Lyk.

the word is unusual among compounds in -oíkrros in being active in sense, and (2) compares ‘Monaco, named after Herakles Monoikos (Strabo 4. 6. 3). There is a further echo of the line in this section, inasmuch as Lyk. has just (957)

used the ἐρημ- root.

359

961-967

Further nostoi

ὧν δὴ μίαν Κριμισός, ἰνδαλθεὶς κυνί, ἔζευξε λέκτροις ποταμός" ἡ δὲ δαίμονι τῷ θηρομίκτῳ σκύλακα γενναῖον τεκνοῖ, »

,

i

€

x

,

τρισσῶν συνοικιστῆρα καὶ κτίστην τόπων. ὃς δὴ ποδηγῶν πτόρθον Ἀγχίσου νόθον ἄξει Tpideıpov νῆσον eis AnKTnpiar, +

/

^

3

965

ta

τῶν Aapdavelwv ἐκ τόπων ναυσθλούμενον. 966

Ankrnpias Scheer

961. ὧν δὴ μίαν: the unnamed daughter is Aigeste, from whom the city will take the name it is given at 968, though Lyk. does not actually make the onomastic connection. Cf. Epeios’naming of Italian Lagaria after his mother; see 93on. Κριμισός: the Sicilian river Krimisos (which is

distinct from the S. Italian polis Κρίμισα at 913) was probably the mod. Belice near Selinus/ Selinunte in the W. of the island (Talbert 1974: 71). It was famous as the scene of Timoleons great

victory over the Carthaginians in summer 341 Bc (for the likely date see Talbert 1974: 44-51), as described in Plutarch’s Life (chs 25-9) and Diod.

16. 78-81; for the inscribed victory monument at Korinth see SEG 22. 218 and 28. 380. Timaios also discussed it (FGrHist 566 F 118). See generally Talbert 1974: 52-77. Any western Greek, hearing or reading Lyk.’s allusion to the river, would surely have been put in mind of this famous and decisive episode in Greek relations with their neighbours. Timoleon’s choice of Korinth for the site of the monument has a bearing on Philip II’s choice of Korinth a very few years later (337 sc) as the physical centre of his new Greek League, which was intended as the Graeco-Macedonian weapon to be launched against the Persian Empire (for the symbolic connection see CAH 6’: 879): a Greek success against barbarians in the west was to be the inspiration for a more ambitious campaign against barbarians in the east. These are large themes close to Lyk.’s heart, and they will be developed in the closing section of

the poem, beginning at 1282. ἰνδαλθεὶς κυνί: the story is given by Z, and more fully by Serv. on V. A. 1. 550 and s. 30. The river-god Krimisos turned

metamorphosis

see

176n.

no.

(24). Aigestes,

Virgil’s Acestes, was the result of this union. See LIMC 1. 1. 355-8, 'Aigeste' and ‘Aigestes’ (both C. Arnold-Biucchi); the illustrations are numismatic, see esp. 1. 2. 358 nos 1 and 4 for depiction of a dog accompanying a young man, perhaps Aigestes. For ἐνδαλθείς, see 254-256n. 963. θηρομίκτῳ: this newly minted compound neatly reverses the halves of the better-attested μιξόθηρ of 650; see n. there. But here the ‘mixture’ does not mean ‘half-beast half-human at the same time’, but refers rather to a metamorphic sequence: river-god, then beast. σκύλακα: the word, when used of ‘human’ (heroic/mythical) figures as opp. literal animals, can sometimes mean simply ‘offspring’, as at 99r, but here the canine metaphor is obviously appropriate in view of the father's metamorphosis (962n.), just as it is suitable for Hekabe at 315 in view of her eventual metamorphosis. See also 308n. on a«üpwe, used of Hekabe’s son Troilos. 964. τρισσῶν: Th. (6. 2. 1) mentioned

only two

Elymian places, Eryx and Egesta, and omitted Entella; Ephoros did mention Entella (FGrHist 70 F 68, in a late sth-cent. context). συνοικεστῆρα: the noun with this termination is poetic; see Pi. O.

6. 6 (Hagesias of Arkadian

Stymphalos

and

Syracuse is called ‘co-settler’ of Syracuse, because of the colonizing activity of his ancestors, the

mantic family of the Iamidai), and Kall. frag. 813 Pf. αὐτόν με πρώτιστα συνοικιστῆρα +yalas+

(listed by Pf. among ‘Dubia’, and at one time attributed to Pi. as frag. 186. It may rather be epic, ie. the last word is corrupt and should scan U-).

C£ Pi. O. 7. 30 for οἰκιστήρ, a form also found in

into a dog or bear (Servius on 5. 30 mentions dog

the oracle at Hdt. 4. 155. 3. For the prose form

only, and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 52 eliminates the metamorphosis altogether) and mated with

Kamarina

Aigeste, one of Phoinodamas’ daughters; for the

ignores or does not know the version which made

συνοικιστής see SEG 12. 379 (decree of Sicilian

360

about Kos, 242 Bc) line 9. Kassandra

Trojans found Elymian cities in W. Sicily

961-967

One of these the river-god Krimisos, in the likeness of a dog,

joined to himself in marriage, and to this god who was half a beast she bore a pup, a noble son,

the settler and founder of three places. He shall guide the bastard sprig of Anchises, and bring him to the furthest extremity of the three-necked

965

island,

after he has conveyed him by sea from Dardanian places. Aineias the founder of Egesta (951-977n.). «rt-

‘bastard sprig’ of Anchises is Elymos (the bastard

στην τόπων: the noun κτίστης is not quite a

status is in Servius on V. A. 5. 73, otherwise only in Lyk.). Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 52 says that Aigestes came to Troy from Sicily, fought the Greeks, and then went home in the company of Elymos. Aineias met them and built the cities of Egesta and ‘Elyma’

synonym for συνοικιστήρ (so rightly Holzinger), indeed, Kassandra reverses the natural order of

events, because founding should precede settlement, though οἰκιστής often covers both processes. For Th., the Elymian places were cities, πόλεις (LACP disagrees, cf. 951977 n., at end), but πόλεων would have involved Lyk. in a small metrical irregularity (synizesis) of a kind which E.

for them (this is a muddle; there was no such city,

and some have wanted to emend to ‘Eryx’. But 1. 52. 1 shows that, for Dion. Hal.'Elyma means ‘Eryx’, i.e. he ignored Entella, like Th., see 964 n.). Strabo 13. 1. 53 records a version of Aineias’ wanderings according to which he came to Egesta with Elymos, ‘a Trojan’, and occupied Eryx and Lilybaion.

permits himself (e.g. Andr. 16) but Lyk. does not. M. West zonb finds Elymian mountains (i.e. Eryx, he thinks, but why not Egesta—Mt Palizzo—and Entella also?) at Od. 5. 283, where

966. The three ‘necks’ are the promontories of Sicily, which is actually a quadrilateral not a tri-

the transmitted ex Σολύμων (i.e. the [land of the]

Pisidians, in S. Asia Minor) makes poor sense in the context. If this is right, it is the only passage in Homer which shows awareness of the Elymians. Entella: see V. A. 5. 387-422 for the boxing match against Dares, in which the eponymous

angle. (Ihe hapax word τρίδειρος borrows the ‘promontory’, "langue de terre’ sense of αὐχήν, acc. Guilleux 2009: 234, but at e.g. Hdt. 1. 72. 3 that noun really means ‘isthmus’; cf. 994n. on δειραίαν ἄκραν, where the notion of 'isthmus' seems to be present.) For this ‘simple periphrasis’ for Sicily, see Ciani 1973: 145 and Sistakou 2009: 245 n. 23. εἰς ληκτηρίαν: the noun means 'extrem-

Entellos produces (but does not in the end use)

the formidable gloves with which his kinsman Eryx had fought against Herakles. For the city of Entella (Barr. map 47 C3) see esp. SEG 30. 1117-23, important dossier of decrees passed by the city in the early 3rd cent. sc, the first two of

ity’, and appears to derive from Anyw (2). Here and at 1391 (the Triopian peninsula in Karia),

Scheer printed Anxr-, supposing the word to be an otherwise unattested epithet of Demeter (so

which honour those communities (the unlocated

Herbita, and Gela) which had helped the Entellans in their time of trouble during a war against the Carthaginians. See Chaniotis 2005: 226-7, NGSL no. 26 and comm. 965. πτόρθον Ἀγχίσου νόθον: for πτόρθος (also at 1097) see E. Hel. 20, with Gigante Lanzara 2009: nt

n. 59, cf. 12.18.56, ὁ δ᾽ ἀνέδραμεν ἔρνει laos, and for young ephebic men as plants, see 307n. (Troilos). Anchises is named in the poem, his more famous son Aineias never; at 1234 Aineias is designated as

son of his mother Aphrodite, ‘the Kastnian’. This

here ‘Demeter’s island’).

967. Δαρδανείων: see 970n., and for Dardanos see 69-85n. and 72—73n. ναυσθλούμενον: this favourite Euripidean verb can mean either 'convey by sea’ (transitive, in the active or middle voice), the sense required here and at the very similarly worded 1257, or 'travel by sea’ (intransitive, in the passive). Since it is here in the accusative, the person conveyed must be Elymos. (At 1415 the passive form means ‘be visited by ships’.)

361

968-978

Furtber nostoi

Aiyeora τλῆμον, σοὶ δὲ δαιμόνων φραδαῖς πένθος μέγιστον καὶ δι᾽ αἰῶνος πάτρας ἔσται πυρὸς ῥιπαῖσιν ἠθαλωμένης. L4

M

€

^

2

Z

970

μόνη δὲ πύργων δυστυχεῖς κατασκαφὰς νήπαυστον αἰάζουσα καὶ γοωμένη δαρὸν στενάξεις. πᾶς δὲ λυγαίαν λεὼς ἐσθῆτα προστρόπαιον ἐγχλαινούμενος αὐχμῷ πινώδης λυπρὸν ἀμπρεύσει βίον.

975

κρατὸς δ᾽ ἄκουρος νῶτα καλλυνεῖ φόβη, μνήμην παλαιῶν τημελοῦσ᾽ ὀδυρμάτων. πολλοὶ δὲ Lipw ἀμφὶ καὶ Aevrepvíav 9/8

AevrepviavB

Aevrapviav ACDE

968. Αἰγέστα τλῆμον: for the apostrophe of the city in the context of a lament, see zın. and sz n.

relationship of Egesta to Troy anticipates that of Rome to Troy, see 951-977 n. at end, 968 n., and 969n. With the ritual motive here described by

(in both of which passages the city is Troy, here

Kassandra, compare the ritual of the killing of the

represented as in effect the mother-city ofEgesta). As we have seen when discussing Egesta in the general context of the Elymian trio of cities (951-977n.), Egesta, Latin Segesta, was of great symbolic importance in Roman foreign policy. In 263 Βα the Egestaians expelled their Carthaginian garrison and joined Rome, claiming kinship with the Romans through their common descent from Aineias: Zon. 8. 9. 12 and Cic. 2 Verr. 4. 72. See Skutsch 1985: 514-15 (discussing Ennius Annals line 344) for this as the first political appearance

October horse at Rome (FGrHist 566 Timaios F 36, quoted by Pol. 12. 4b, a hostile and uncomprehending source). This was explicitly said by Timaios to be an institutional reminder of the taking of Troy by means of the Wooden Horse,

but it was also a military sacrifice to Mars, combined with an agricultural ritual; see Walbank’s

comm. on the Pol. passage (citing Festus p. 190. 11730 Lindsay), OCD* ‘Mars’, and Erskine 2001:

152; for the combined character of the ritual see Beard, North, and Price 1998: 1. 48.

of the theme of Roman descent from Troy; also Galinsky 1969: 173; Gruen 1990: 12-13 and 1993: 44-5, Erskine 2001: 178-84; Bömer on Ovid Met. 14. 83.

969. πάτρας: a frequent, important, and emotive word in the mouth of Kassandra; see 38n. and

951-977n. at end for the pre-echo here of πατρίς

968-969. δαιμόνων ppadais / πένθος μέγιστον καὶ Ot’ αἰῶνος . . .: several key themes are lightly hinted at in this section. These nostalgic settlers are Trojans, but 969 and 977 recall the nostalgia felt by the Greeks who settled on the islands of Diomedes east of Daunia, and there ‘remember

in sadness their former way of life’ (609); the notion of divinely ordained collective mourning recalls the women of Kroton, who will be subject to an eternal law to mourn Achilles forever, τεθμὸς ... dei / πενθεῖν (859-860); the gloomy

dress, ἐσθής, of the Egestaian people (974n.) anticipates the black Fury-dress, Ἐρινύων ἐσθῆτα, worn by the Daunian women of 1137 (see n. there: there is a Trojan link in that section too); and finally, and perhaps most important, the

at 1230, where the context is Roman. The notion of Roman descent from Troy is here (see 968 n.)

clearly adumbrated for the first time in the poem. It will be developed at 1230-1280, the main Aineias section.

970. ἠθαλωμένης: for the verb, see 141 and n. It is also used, again of the firing of Troy, in Ps.Simias’ Πέλεκυς (for which poem, and its possible thematic debt to Lyk. see 948n.). See lines 3-4 (in Gow 1952: 174): τᾶμος ἐπεὶ τὰν ἱερὰν κηρὶ πυρίπνῳ πόλιν ἠθάλωσεν / Δαρδανιδᾶν (cf. 967, τῶν Δαρδανείων ἐκ τόπων). 971. πύργων:

with

the

stress

on

towers, cf.

Antipater of Sidon’s lament for ‘Dorian Korinth’, HE 569 (epig. LIX line 2), where the vanished

362

968-978

Greek settlement on the bay of Taras

Unhappy Egesta! For you, by divine ordinance there shall be great and eternal mourning for my fatherland, fired by the flicker of flames. Desolate, you will long mourn for the calamitous destruction of your towers, with wailing and groaning in perpetuity. And all your people, clad in black suppliant dress,

979

shall drag out their sad lives in squalor and filth.

975

Their uncut hair will beautify their backs,

nursing the memory of old griefs. And many will settle near Siris and the Leuternian towers head the list of regrets, second only to the city’s much-admired beauty: ποῦ στεφάναι πύρ-

called squalor, and which might be assumed for political purposes (the arousing of indignation),

γῶν (for this epigram see 31n. on τάλαινα θηλα-

Lintott

pos); see also E. Ph. 1196 πύργων μὲν οὖν γῆς

immittere/summittere capillos, to let the hair grow

ἔσχομεν karackagás, with Gigante Lanzara 2009: II.

or dishevel it ...’. For the adjective, cf. Aristoph. Wasps 476 (about the imitation of the Spartan

972-973. νήπαυστον ... / dapdv:

(1968:

16) writes

‘its basic

forms

were

habit of not trimming the beard).

for νήπαυ-

στος, a hapax word formed by analogy with e.g.

977. In expression and content, this line resembles

νητρεκῶς at 1, see Guilleux 2009: 235. This lan-

609, Diomedes’ companions

guage of unremitting permanence is surely com-

amorphosed into birds, remembering in sadness

in the Adriatic, met-

patible with the celebration of regular, perhaps

their former way of life, τῆς πρὶν διαίτης τλή-

annual, festivals, like those celebrated by the peo-

μονως μεμνημένοι, though there are obvious differences: Diomedes’ men feel general nostalgia for the Greece they have left behind, whereas the Egestaians mourn for a specific loss, the fall of the fatherland Troy.

ple of Poseidonia, as described by Aristoxenos of Taras (609n.). See Mari 2009: 431 n. 60. 974: For mourning black as the proper dress for suppliants, see Naiden 2006: 58-60 (with sg for the explanation: mourning clothes ‘provide pub-

licity’). Lyk. goes round in a kind of circle: the Egestaians are in actual mourning for Troy, and their dress is compared to that of suppliants (which they are not), which is itself modelled on that of mourners. For the three-word line, see 63 n. 975. πινώδης: cf. E. Or. 225. The word means ‘greasy’, of hair, and thus ‘squalid’ more generally. For abstention from washing as part of mourning ritual, see ΠῚ 23. 41-4 and HHDem. 47-50, both with Richardson. ἀμπρεύσει: see 635n.

978-992.

Greek

settlement

on

the

bay

of

Tarentum (Taras)

Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 125-9, app. I, ‘Licofrone, Alexandra, 978-992, is a selective lemmatic commentary on this section. Lyk.’s reason for giving so much attention to Siris is revealed at 984, see n. there. 978. πολλοὶ δέ: these must be Achaian Greeks, not Trojans; see e.g. Holzinger on 985 and Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 125. See also 985n.

on the question whether these Achaians were

976. dxovpos φόβη: cutting the hair was some-

thought of as ‘returning from Troy’, sc. after the

times part of mourning ritual (see J/ 23. 46 and

Trojan War, in a nostos of regular sort (answer:

Hat. 6. 21.1, cf. 975n.). But growing it might also be

probably not). Lips ἀμφὶ kai Aevrepvíay: like W. Sicily (see 951-977 n., first para.), Siris has featured already and briefly in the poem because of a visit by Menelaos; see 856. Siris (L4CP: no. 69,

part of the general self-neglect characteristic of extremes of mourning. Discussing the dishevelled appearance which the Romans of the Republic

363

Further nostoi

979-981 »

Gpoupav

*

+

οἰκήσουσιν

N

ἔνθα

,

δύσμορος

Κάλχας ὀλύνθων Σισυφεὺς ἀνηρίθμων

980

κεῖται, κάρα μάστιγι γογγύλῃ τυπείς,

Ampolo, cf. also Moscati Castelnuovo 1989 on

985-990, with different detail. With this cf. [Ar.] mir. ausc. 106, Justin 20. 2. 3-8, and Ath. 523d,

the literary traditions) was destroyed or overrun

which speaks of Siris as first occupied by people

in mid-6th cent.—see below—and replaced in the 430s BC by the new foundation of Herakleia

coming from Troy, καὶ οἱ τὴν Zipw κατοικοῦντες, ἣν πρῶτοι κατέσχον ol ἀπὸ Τροίας ἐλθόντες

by T. Fischer-Hansen,

T. H.

Nielsen,

and

C.

in Lucania (ZACP. no. 52). For the joint founda-

(Greeks or Trojans? see 985n.), ὕστερον δ᾽ ὑπὸ

tion of Herakleia by the people of Thourioi and the Spartan colony Taras, see FGrHist 555 Antiochos of Syracuse F 11, from Strabo. Barr. map 46 Eı marks Siris and Herakleia separately

Κολοφωνίων

[lacuna], ὥς

φησι

Τίμαιος

καὶ

Ἀριστοτέλης, the sentence is, however, gravely

col. 1 disagrees, and puts both in the plain of mod. Policoro. For the relation between Siris and the excavated site of mod. Incoronata, which may have been the emporion or trading outlet of Siris, see Kowalzig 2007: 314, discussing the material finds. Siris has an unusually complicated history and mythical tradition of early settlement, beginning with the supposed Trojan replica-city of 984; see n. there (Z4CP: p. 294, treating this city as legendary and distinct from historical Siris—not a

corrupt (see Günther 1889 and Jacoby’s app., listing the many attempts to fill the lacuna, all of which inevitably assume what needs to be proved). Ath. continues with a citation from Timaios (and Aristotle, frag. 584 Rose), and Timaios looks likely to be the source for this sentence too; so Geffcken 1892: 138, followed by Jacoby, who prints it all as FGrHist 566 F 51, and whose comm. on the frag. is very helpful. (See, however, West 20132: 38 for the possibility that the author of the epic Nastoi came from Kolophon, and had a special interest in Kolophonian foundation legends. So Siris might have been dealt with there. This is not inconsistent with the Timaian theory; Timaios must have

distinction which Lyk. would have accepted). The

got his material from somewhere.) Hat. 8. 62. 2

city-name Siris was supposedly derived from a

made Themistokles utter a threat to the Spartan Eurybiades in 480 Bc that the Athenians would emigrate to Italian Siris, ‘which is ours of old’, 7

(Siris a few km. S. of Herakleia), but LACP: p. 293

woman of that name, as E. said in his Melanippe Desmotis (FGrHist 566 Timaios F 52 from Ath.;

see TrGF s. 1. frags 489-96 with Kowalzig 2007: 308-24. 'The play may be related to the sth-cent. Athenian alliance with Metapontion mentioned by Th. 7. 33. 5, because Siris was wife of that city's eponym Metapontos. For other ancient etymologies of the name, see Moscati Castelnuovo 1989:

43-4). It is therefore evidence for perceptions and assertions of ethnic identity in E.'s day rather than for the archaic realities. The next wave of colonists was supposedly made up of lonians from Kolophon in Asia Minor; see Strabo 6. τ. 14, who starts with a men-

tion of a πόλις ... ὁμώνυμος Τρωική, a Trojan city of the same name’ [sc. as the river Siris], and continues with a narrative of violent capture by lonians fleeing from Lydian rule (mid-zth cent.), who changed the name of the place from Siris to Polieion; the Trojan statue of Athena averted her gaze when suppliants were dragged away, see

περ ἡμετέρη ré ἐστι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔτι. This piece of rhetoric (which does not imply completely deserted at the dramatic ance) may reflect no more than the story, appropriated by the Athenians lonian state; so A. Bowie, and see

that Siris was time of utterKolophonian as the leading Macans long

and helpful n. Strabo (as above and 14. 2. 10) also

knows of a mysterious tradition of Rhodian settle-

ment at Siris; cf. 736n. for other such Rhodian traditions in Italy, and see Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 131-42, app. II, ‘La questione della colonizzazione rodia’, tracing the tradition back to

Timaios, and relating it to the Rhodian material in the Philoktetes section at 922-926. Strabo 6. 1. 15, reproducing Antiochos of Syracuse (FGrHist 555 F 12), has a complex history of a violent annexation of Siris by Achaians in perhaps the first half of the 6th

cent.

(for

archaeological

confirmation,

see

Adamsteanu 1975: 527, cf. LACP: p. 293 col. 2); the

364

Greek settlement on the bay of Taras

978-981

fields, where unlucky Kalchas lies, a Sisyphos of the countless figs,

980

his head split by the punch of a clenched fist, initiative was taken by the people of Sybaris, an Achaian colony, and the motive was hostility towards Dorian Taras. This fits what is known of Achaian colonial activity in the region, the Ttalian ‘instep’, but Beloch 1894 was too sceptical in his denial of an Jonian presence: there is hard evidence for it. See Dubois, /GDGG 1: 129-30 and esp. no. 46 at 131-2, 6th-cent. ac loom weight

inscribed in the Ionic dialect Ἰσοδίκης ἐμέ, ce qui corrobore

parfaitement

lorigine colophonienne

des habitants de Siris’ (Dubois 131). For the first, Trojan, phase, see 984n., and for the clashes between the Ionian and Achaian Greeks, and the city's fate after the (?) mid-7th-cent. Kolophonian

colonization, see 985n. Leuternia (the better spelling) is the area immediately NW of the tip of the Iapygian promontory, E. of Taras (see Barr. map 45 inset). See

Strabo 6. 3. 5, giving the aetiology of the name: some giants called the Leuternians were driven from Campanian Phlegra by Herakles and fled here. 'The ichor of their bodies affected the local fountain, which thereafter smelled foul. See also [Ar] mir. ausc. 97; also Geffcken 1892: 14-15 and 137. (Timaios the common source?)

980. Superficially, this story resembles the pair of riddles at 427—428, the competition between the two seers Mopsos and Kalchas, involving guessing as to the numbers of a sow's litter and of figs; see 426—430. But despite similarities of theme and language (ὄλυνθοι both times, and with σοφήν at 428 cf. Σισυφεύς here, a reduplication of cogós, cf. Xen. Hell. 3. 1. 8 for Sisyphos as a nickname of the wily Spartan Derkyllidas), the fig stories are different. There, the competition was between equal seers, and the challenge was

simply to guess the number of figs on a particular tree; Kalchas gets it right on this occasion but wrong on the earlier occasion. Here, both chal-

lenge and sequence of events are more elaborate; see &, Herakles was driving the oxen of Geryon and saw Kalchas sitting under a fig-tree, so he asked him how many figs were on the tree. Kalchas answered

'ten bushels (medimnoi)

and

one fig left over' (this resembles the answer given

by Mopsos to Kalchas in Hes. frag. 278, see 426430n.). Herakles measured out the figs and was unable to force the extra fig into the bushel. Kalchas laughed; Herakles punched him and killed him, then buried him under the fig-tree.

The mention of Geryon prompts thoughts of Stes.' Geryoneis as the source. Or Hesiod? We can stress either the similarities or the differences between the two accounts of Kalchas’ death. If we stress the differences, we can, with Holzinger, suppose that ‘Kalchas’, who is named here but was not at 426—430, is a generic name for

a seer, taken from the famous figure in the first book of the Iiad. (The naming is not, however, decisive in favour of this, because names are often

given at second

occurrences, see e.g. 953 for

Phoinodamas.) In this case we must suppose that

a fig story was attached to a local seer whom Lyk. teasingly calls Kalchas. Certainly (Holzinger again), Herakles is earlier than the Trojan War, whereas the tradition alluded to at 426-430 is part of a nostos from that war. If on the other hand we stress the similarities, we are faced with a doublet, and need to explain

why Lyk. should tell virtually the same story twice. The clue may lie in the origins of Siris: as we have seen at 978n., Siris was

a Kolophonian

colony, and the daughter-city has taken over and adapted a myth which was originally developed in the metropolis (Ciaceri at pp. 280-1, and see

Nafissi 1997: 53). This is the preferable solution. Cf. also Fowler 2013: 547. 981. κεῖται: for the tomb of Kalchas at Siris see Giannelli 1963: 97-100, Lightfoot 1999: 443f.; Hall 2002: 64 and nn. 45-6. (Siris); Russo and

Barbera 2009; cf. Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 126. Excavations by D. Adamesteaunu at Contrada Petrulla in the territory of Herakleia during the 1970s revealed what he thought might be the heroon of Kalchas (open-air sanctuary with

a wall round

the precinct or τέμενος); see

Adamesteaunu 1982 and Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 127. But the complex is now thought to have been associated with a Dionysiac cult of nymphs. See Battiloro, Bruscella, and Osanna 2010.

365

982-987

Furtber nostoi

ῥείθροισιν ὠκὺς ἔνθα μύρεται Lins, €

^

5

x

at

[4

,

ἄρδων βαθεῖαν Xwvias maykAnpiar. N

-

,

,

πόλιν δ᾽ ὁμοίαν Ἰλίῳ δυσδαίμονες δείμαντες ἀλγυνοῦσι Aappiav κόρην

985

Σάλπιγγα, δῃώσαντες ἐν ναῷ θεᾶς τοὺς πρόσθ᾽ ἔδεθλον Ξουθίδας φκηκότας. 98; 93)

δείμαντες MSS νείμαντες Ciaceri «Ξουθίδας A'BC' Ξουθίδος CE Ξουθίας A

rumeis: cf. Bion Adonis 7-8 with Reed. For Herakles’ killing of Kalchas see Nafissi 1997: 60 (the story should be somehow connected

length of the excursus. Siris, like Rome, which

will feature dominantly in some of the closing

stretches of the poem, is a new Troy.

with the foundation, on the Siris site, of a city

Traditions of Trojan settlement in this region

named after Herakles; see 978 n. for Herakleia in

of S. Italy are less firmly rooted than in W. Sicily

Lucania). Heroic tombs of this sort are a favour-

(see 951~977 for the Elymian foundations). The question arises, why cities like Siris should have developed them. One answer is that ethnically

ite narrative theme in Lyk.; see Sistakou 2009: 246. See also 1047.

mixed communities—and the evidence consid982. ἔνθα μύρεται Zivis: for the verb in the middle voice with this sense (as opp. ‘weep tears’), cf. Ap. Rh. 2. 372 (of the river Thermodon), with Livrea on 4. 605, showing that this extension of meaning

ered at 978n. shows that Siris certainly belonged in this category—could express in this way their sense that they were neither entirely Greek nor

was Hellenistic. The Sinis, with short first iota, is

good discussion. In a comparable way, it has been

entirely non-Greek; see Galinsky 1969: 92-102 for

presumed to be an alternative, but metrically more

shrewdly said that 'when the Romans decided

convenient, name for the river Siris, with long first iota (mod. Sinni in Basilicata), which flowed past

that they were ultimately Trojans, they were in effect saying that they were neither Greeks nor Etruscans’: Momigliano, CAH 7° 2: 56.

the city of Siris. With the whole expression, cf. 1008-1009 (the Okinaros), ἔνθα μυδαίνει ποτοῖς

/ ... yv, and for the general idea (‘where suchand-such a river flows’), 718 (the Glanis), 725-726 (the Is and the Laris), and 1033 (the Sicilian

985. δείμαντες: the subject of this must be the Achaians, the final group of settlers (983n.), who killed their Ionian fellow-Greeks (see 99on.

Heloros, with an &vda-formula again); also 1041

on ἔμφυλον); Z wrongly took it to refer to the

(the Ladon) and 1240 (Lingeus=Arno).

Trojans. But δέμω means ‘build’, and that ought to imply that the Achaians were the first occupants. Ciaceri therefore (followed by Mooney)

983. Χωνίας: see Strabo 6. 1. 2-3 for the Chones as occupying the hinterland of Kroton; their capital was Petelia. See Barr. map 45 DE 4. It seems (Holzinger) that Lyk., perhaps reflecting Timaios,

regarded the indigenous Chonians as the first occupants of Siris; after that the sequence was: Trojans, Ionian Greeks from Kolophon, Achaian

Greeks (see 985n. for J. Hall's suggestion that the Ionian and Achaian claimants were simultaneous and competing). But perhaps (Ciaceri) the Kolophonians took the Chonians to have come originally from Asia Minor (‘Trojans’). 984. πόλιν 8^ ὁμοίαν Ἰλίῳ; this remarkable description of Siris as Troy-like explains the

emended to νείμαντες, ‘taking possession of”, sc., from the Ionians; he compared Justin 20. 2. 3, ‘cum primum urbem Sirim cepissent’. Holzinger retained Seiuavres, but sought to extract from it the meaning ‘settled’, as if it were a synonym for κτίσαντες. Either way (and I hesitantly retain δείμαντες) the meaning is that Siris was now

taken

over by Achaian

Timaios

Greeks. The

frags of

(frag. 51) and Aristotle (frag. 584) dis-

cussed at 978n., refer to the first settlers as people returning from Troy. Hall 2002: 65 and n. 49 (and cf. Hall 2008: 393.) takes this combined evi-

dence to indicate a tradition of an Achaian nostos

366

Greek settlement on the bay of Taras

982-987

there where the Sinis flows with its swift current,

watering the abundantly fertile Chonian heritage.

Ill-fated men, they take over a city similar to Ilion, and cause pain to the Laphrian maiden, the Trumpeter, killing in the very sanctuary of the goddess

985

the Xouthians who formerly inhabited the place. terminating in Siris, long before the Kolophonian

Lydia, settled Italian Siris in the mid-7th cent.,

lonians arrived. But, says Hall, it is much likelier

replacing or assimilating an earlier population (indigenous but perhaps believed to originate from Asia Minor as "Trojans). In the first half of the

that the Ionian and Achaian claims were competing and simultaneous, and to be dated between 630 Βα (founding of Metapontion) and the sack of

6th cent., Achaians from Greece were invited over

Siris in perhaps the middle of the 6th cent. But, as we saw at 978n., the text of the Timaios and Aristotle frags is not reliable, and the passages may have referred to the tradition of Trojan settlement by refugees of the Aineias type. However, it is

by Achaian Sybaris, and took over the site, perhaps

surely very likely that the story of Achaian-Ionian fighting reflects tensions between groups of colonial settlers; as usual, the myth expresses matters in extreme and violent form, perhaps indicating some ritual practice (ggın.). ἀλγυνοῦσι Aappiay

κόρην: they will cause pain to the Laphrian maiden, i.e. Athena

(356n., and see 1416). Lyk.’s

and Justin's version of the slaughter, probably reflecting Timaios, clearly makes the Achaians the criminals, and the Ionian Kolophonians the victims: an internecine killing (990). For Strabo, by

contrast, drawing on Antiochos of Syracuse, the lonians are the perpetrators and the indigenous (Chonian or Trojan) inhabitants are the victims (see further 988 n., citing Kowalzig). See Moscati Castelnuovo 1989: 18-41, 1] sacrilegio", who plausibly concludes that the original Antiochan version was reworked with a view to absolving the Ionians of the guilt of sacrilege. The literary evidence is (as rightly observed by IACP. p. 293 col. 1) confusing and hard to correlate with the findings of archaeology. The literary sources are in any case not mutually consistent (see previous para.). The most helpful and detailed recent account is given by LACP: no. 69, but even that does not claim to surmount all difficulties. The work of Hall 2002 and Kowalzig 2007, cited above and at 978n., was unknown to the authors

of the

article

in Z4CP

(2004),

but

it

advances understanding of the creation of ethnic identities in the region. À summary might be:

the Kolophonian lonians, refugees from Gyges'

violently (there is a destruction level in the mid-

6th cent.). This was perhaps recalled in ritual, some of it enacted at Kroton, which was party to the attack on Siris (Justin 20. 2.7): the winking Athena, the (?) re-enacted slaying of the young priest, and the sacrificing of propitiatory cakes (justin); cf.

Kowalzig 2007: 316. But it is likely enough, given the strong Áchaian presence elsewhere in the region, that there were already tensions inside the city between cohabiting Jonians and Achaians (cf. 990 for this internecine aspect). Siris may have continued in existence thereafter but perhaps at a low level of activity, so that Themistokles in 480 could be plausibly made to speak of moving Athenians there en masse. The new city of Herakleia then replaced Siris in the 4305. 985-986. For these warlike cult epithets of Athena, appropriate to the violence from which the goddess herself recoils, see 356 and grsnn. 986. ἐν ναῷ: the sacrilege (cf. 985n.) compounds the offence, as also at 1224 (Idomeneus' family ἐν ναῷ again), and as with the rape of Kassandra

herself. 987. ξουθίδας: Canter's emendation (for codex Parisinus' Ξουθίδος) was owed to ‘Auratus’ (Jean Dorat); see Bachmann. It was confirmed when codex Marcianus 476 was collated in the 1870s. See Hesych. Eovdidar οἱ Ἴωνες. Ἴων yàp Ξούθου, cf. Headlam 398 on Herodas 8. 79. Xouthos is the eponym of the Ionians; see Hes. frag. 9 M/W, where he, Doros, and Aiolos are sons of Hellen; see M. West 1985: 57-60. E. in Jor adapts this myth, but retains the figure of Xouthos as Kreousas husband and the falsely

367

Further nostoi

988-994

γλήναις δ᾽ ἄγαλμα ταῖς ἀναιμάκτοις μύσει στυγνὴν Ἀχαιῶν eis Ἰάονας βλάβην λεῦσσον, φόνον τ᾽ ἔμφυλον ἀγραύλων λύκων, ὅταν θανὼν λήταρχος ἱερείας σκύλαξ H

>

x

^

x

3,

^

^

/

>

»»

>

/,

or^

,ὔ

[4

>

,

,

990

πρῶτος κελαινῷ βωμὸν αἱμάξῃ βρότῳ. ἄλλοι δὲ πρῶνας δυσβάτους Τυλησίους Aivov θ᾽ ἁλισμήκτοιο δειραίαν ἄκραν, 988

ἀναιμάκτοις MSS ἀναιμάτοις Holzinger ἀνικμάντοις Scheer

supposed father of Ion, whose real father is Apollo. See E. K[earns], OCD*, ‘Ion (1). At 989, the Ionians will be called that, Ἰάονες, without mystification. Here the Ionians in question are

The mytheme of Athena-closing-her-eyes-in horror is a common

the settlers from Kolophon, see above. ἔδεθλον: see Antimachos frag. 35 Wyss = 33 Matthews, with Wyss: XLIV. 988. yAnvaıs: this word (‘eyeballs’) occurs elsewhere in the poem only at 362, part of the important section on Kassandra’s violation by Lokrian Ajax; the parallel is significant because there too it is used of the horrified Athena averting her eyes from a deed of shame. See 361—362 n. ἀναιμάκτοις: whether we retain this reading or (with Holzinger) emend to ἀναιμάτοις, ‘anaemic’, as at A. Eum. 302, we surely want to extract the meaning ‘bloodless’ (because the gods have no blood,

only ichor, /7. 5. 340-2, esp. 5. 342, ἀναίμονές εἰσι). It is true that ἀναίμακτος usually means ‘without bloodshed’, e.g. at A. Supp. 196, but the context here determines the sense: this whole episode was one of shocking bloodshed, so Kassandra cannot be commenting on its absence. Scheer daringly suggested and printed ἀνικμάντοις, ‘without moisture’, ἰκμάς, because P has ἀδακρύτοις (cf. also 2), which I suppose would have to mean that Athena closed her eyes in order not to shed tears. The only attestation of ἀνίκμαντος in LSJ? is the present passage of Lyk.! μύσει: for the verb μύω in the sense ‘close the eyes’ see Z7. 24. 637 (Priam on his sleeplessness, as in the mod. Eng. idiom ‘have not slept a wink’); cf. also 24. 420 (in tmesis, of Hektor's wounds closing up,

one, noticed by Kall. (see

991n. on frag. 662). Strabo 6. 1. 14, discussing the Italian Siris example, notes the similarity to the original Trojan statue of Athena which averted its eyes from

Kassandra's

plight (above), and then

says that to assert that the goddess’s eyes can be seen closing is bold enough, ἰσαμόν, but it is even bolder to fabricate as many other wooden "Trojan Athenas' as historians say, τὸ τοσαῦτα ποιεῖν ἐξ Ἰλίου κεκομισμένα ξόανα, ὅσα φασιν ot avyγραφεῖς, and he then lists the places: Rome, Lavinium, Luceria. For the ritual importance of the winking Athena see 985n. (and see Kowalzig 2007: n. 126, also Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 461 for Strabo’s mirror-version at 6. 1. 14, in which the temple-slaughter is perpetrated by Ionians against Trojans). 989. 'Iáovas: for this spelling, cf. I7. 13. 685, Ἰάονες éAkexérowes, and Solon frag. 4a West, γαῖαν [Tlaovins; cf. Hes. frag. 10a. 23 M/W, where Ἰάονα is a certain restoration. The form may be very old indeed, see LSJ? Suppl. for Myc. i-ja wo-ne. 990. φόνον τ᾽ ἔμφυλον: Lyk. treats Greek-onGreek aggression, Achaians slaughtering Ionians, as a kind of civil strife; cf., for Th.’s Peloponnesian

War, Price 2001. At 1122, the adjective ἔμφυλον will describe the miasma of the kin-killing in the house of Atreus. 991. λήταρχος ἱερείας σκύλαξ: see G. D'Alessio on Kall. frag. 33 Pf. (and esp. on frag. 662, Lemnians killed by Spartans in temple of Athena, who averts her eyes); see also Harder on frag. 33, summarizing D’Alessio, and Massimilla on frag. 40 (his num-

σὺν δ᾽ ἔλκεα πάντα μέμυκεν); but it occurs nowhere else in Hom. From it derives mod. 'myopia’, the condition in which short sight leads you

bering of 33 P£). D'Alessio thinks that frag. 662

to contract, or screw up, your eyes.

and ingeniously suggests that there is a connection

may have belonged (with 33) in bk 1 of the Aitia,

368

Greek settlers in Bruttium; Klete, Thersites, and the Amazons

988-994

Ihe statue will close its bloodless eyes when it sees the harm done by Achaians to lonians, and the internecine bloodshed of fierce wolves,

990

when the priest, the whelp of the priestess, is the first to die, and stain the altar with his dark blood.

Others shall gain the impassable heights of Tylesos and the neck-like promontory of sea-anointed Linos, with Damasos of Siris, the suitor of Agariste of

Mediterranean myths to Magna Graecia. Cf. Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 462. On 993-1010 see de Luca 2006.

Sikyon (Hdt. 6. 127. 1, 6th cent. ac), Pf. had argued that the Siris of Kall. frag. 662, with its eye-closing statue of Athena, was the Siris (mod. Serres) in

Thrace, cf. FGrHist τὰς F 125, but D'Alessio relates it all to Italian Siris. Kall. frag. 33 mentions a

4-year-old child, with which D’Alessio compares the σκύλαξ of Lyk. (But the priest-whelp of the priestess mother is presumably an adult or adolescent, not a small child?) Tzetzes says that some people take Anrapxos to be a personal name. But this is wrong; it is a normal substantive and derives from Anırov, ‘town hall’; see Tzetzes and Hesych.

Anity ἱέρεια, οἱ δὲ λῃτή, i.e. public priestess’, For

priestesses as married women and mothers see Moscati Castelnuovo 198g: 129, citing Parker 1983: 86-94; cf. also Connelly 2007: 18, 41-3. This story of the murdered priest may reflect some now irretrievable ritual at Siris; see 988n. It has even

been suggested that the priest is supposed to be descended from, or even a son of, Kassandra her-

self (Braccesi 1998: 311-14 and Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 462). This is based on the curious statement at Paus. 2. τό. 6-7 that Kassandra and

Agamemnon had twin children called Teledamos and Pelops, who were murdered by Aigisthos, and on the remarkable plaque dedicated by Agathon at Dodona, claiming descent from Kassandra through thirty generations (for this inscription, see

Fraser 2003, and for Agathon son of Priam see J/. 24. 249). But for Lyk., Kassandra is the archetypal παρθένος, refuser of sex and marriage. 993-1010. Greek settlers in Bruttium; Klete, Thersites, and the Amazons

For the significance and interest of this tradition about pre-Greek female rule in S. Italy, see 996n. Kassandra, who refused sex to Apollo, is naturally represented as drawn to the topic of these marriage-shunning women; and the poet displays a habitual tendency to relocate familiar E.

993-994. ἄλλοι δέ... .: the settlers will turn out to be the Achaians who colonized Kaulonia and the mysterious vanished city Klete, which may in fact be identical with Kaulonia (996n.); but the theme of destroyed cities evokes Troy throughout the poem. As elsewhere in the long zostoi section (cf. e.g. the subsections which begin at 951 and 978), a brief introductory formula prompts a narrative which will be mainly about earlier events involving non-Greeks. TuAnaious / Alvov: these two place-names are obscure (nothing relevant in Steph. Byz.). Tzetzes makes the obvious suggestion that they were in Italy, respectively a mountain, city, and grove; and a promontory. The naming of Krotoniates at 1002, and the connection of Klete

with Kaulonia (996n.), make it clear that we are still in Bruttium. Holzinger, followed by Ciaceri and other commentators, ingeniously linked Aivos, a name suggestive of lamentation (see Edwards on I 18. 570 for the Linos-song as a dirge), with Cape Kokynthos/Kokytos (another ‘lament-name’) N. of Kaulonia: Plin. VH 3. 95; Barr. map 46 Es. It seems a long shot, but it is not easy to think of a better solution, unless (as is possible) Linos is simply a

genuine place-name, the details of which are lost to us. There must be many such small places across the Mediterranean and it would be arrogant to be surprised by unidentifiable toponyms. 994. ἁλισμήκτοιο:

this hapax-word

for ‘sea-

anointed’is formed ἁλι-σμήκτοιο, from dAs and σμάω. See Guilleux 2009: 230. δειραίαν ἄκραν: LSJ? glosses the adjective as ‘craggy’, but the idea of neck i.e. isthmus is surely present; cf. 966 n. on τρίδειρον. I have therefore kept ‘neck’ in the tr; Mooney has 'craggy neck of land', which is good and vigorous, but leaves me uncertain how exactly

he took the Greek.

369

995-1002

Further nostoi

Ἀμαζόνος σύγκληρον ἄρσονται πέδον,

δούλης γυναικὸς ζεῦγλαν ἐνδεδεγμένοι, ἣν χαλκομίτρου θῆσσαν Ὀτρήρης κόρης πλανῆτιν ἄξει κῦμα πρὸς ξένην χθόνα.

995

ἧς ἐκπνεούσης λοῖσθον ὀφθαλμὸς τυπεὶς

πιθηκομόρφῳ πότμον Αἰτωλῷ φθόρῳ τεύξει τράφηκι φοινίῳ τετμημένῳ. Κροτωνιᾶται δ᾽ ἄστυ πέρσουσίν ποτε 997

1000

1000

Ὀτρήρας Scheer, sed Ὀτρήρης malui, monente M. L. West drprjons BCDE ὀτρηρῆς AE’ φθόρῳ Scheer φθόρον MSS Sensi Sestito 2004 (defending and elaborating the link with the Amazons) and Guzzo 2o11a: 244-5.

995. σύγκληρον: the adjective means ‘belonging to as portion’ (LSJ, giving a ref. to this line of Lyk.

The Amazons were geographically associated with

under a separate subheading). ἄρσονται: the derivation is uncertain. It is either from aipw/deipw, whose Aiolic future is ἄρσω (‘win’, in middle), or else (Holzinger)

the Black Sea region; here, like the Trojan settlers in Siris and elsewhere, they may reflect vague memories of pre-Greek Anatolian immigrants. ζεῦγλαν: see 8170.

from dpapioxw, ‘I fasten, fur-

nish’, see first entry under LSJ ἀραρίσκω, ‘Med.’ The sense must be ‘shall arrive at’, ‘take control of”,

997. xaAxopuirpou:

however it is extracted from these verbs. 996. δούλης γυναικός: the ‘slave-woman’, nurse of Penthesileia, was Klete, who will be named at 1004. The story is given by Z and (more fully) Tzetzes, though without providing much more than could be reconstructed by an intelligent reader of Lyk. Klete set out to search for Penthesileia (1.6, her

corpse?) after hearing that she had died at Troy.

for this adjective, cf. Pi.

N. 10. 90, the final words of that poem about the brotherly love of the Dioskouroi: χαλκομίτρα Κάστορος. Ὀτρήρης κόρης: the adjective órpyρός is Homeric, suitable for a nimble servant (see Od. 4. 23 for Eteoneus, the ὀτρηρὸς θεράπων of Menelaos), and some modern texts of Lyk. spell with initial omicron, accent it oxytone, and take

the line to mean e.g. ‘Whom, as serf of swift bronze-girdled maid . . .' (so Mooney, who does,

But she was blown off course, ἐξωσθεῖσα δὲ dvépots, arrived in Italy, founded a city named after

however, note the alternative in a footnote). If

herself, and ruled the region. Her successors were

that is right, there is at least deliberate word-play

also called Kiete. Many generations later, the last

here. For Otrere (mother of Penthesileia by Ares)

Queen Klete was killed by the Krotionates, and the

see West 20132: 137, arguing that one version of the end of the I/iad and beginning of the Aithiopis (Fr) originally ran:

city was reduced to a ruin. From Servius on V. A. 3. 553 we learn that Klete was mother of Kaulon, the eponym of Kaulonia (L4CP- no. 55; Parra 2001 (2002)

and

2004.

Kaulonia

was

more

regarded as an Achaian (Strabo 6. 1.10), specifically a Krotoniate (Ps.-Skymn. 318-19), foundation). See 1004n. Such a tradition of female rule in S. Italy is very interesting, in view of the comparable and historically attested position at Hellenistic Epizephyrian Lokroi nearby; for Lokroi see Pol. r2. 5 with Walbank, and Redfield 2003, who does not, however, discuss the relevance of the Klete myth to his main topic (though see his 59-64 for good remarks about Amazons in Greek culture generally). For the Klete myth

ὡς ot γ᾽ ἀμφίεπον τάφον Ἕκτορος" ἦλθε δ᾽ Ἀμαζών, Ὀτρήρης (emended by Crönert from Ὀτρήρη)

usually

and Kaulonia, see De

θυγάτηρ μεγαλήτορος ἀνδροφόνοιο Ἄρηός «τε θεού», εὐειδὴς Πενθεσίλεια. See also M. West 2003: 115 and n. 21. In Lyk., the robust alternative is, with Scheer, actually to read Ὀτρήρας, paroxytone, as is more or less done in the present edn; but there is no reason (so Martin West tells me) why we should not restore the epic form Ὀτρήρης, so that Scheer's change would cease to be an emendation in the full sense and

370

Greek settlers in Bruttium; Klete, Thersites, and the Amazons 995-1002 and shall arrive at the plain which is the Amazons’ allotted portion,

995

accepting the yoke of the slave-woman, whom, as the bondswoman of the daughter of Otrere, the waves will bring as wanderer to a foreign land. As the young woman breathes her last, her pierced eye

will bring death to the monkey-shaped Aitolian pest, cut down by the bloody spear.

1000

Krotoniates shall one day sack the city become (Indeed sumably enough who in nymics,

boar-hunt,

a matter of orthography and accentuation. Mooney says ‘some read Orpnpns’, premeaning Scheer.) The name is obscure to qualify for unequivocating use by Lyk., any case often uses patronymics, metroor other types of genealogical periphrasis

surely closed

to all but

all this (Schmidt), because in the famous passage

in IL 2. 211777, where Thersites is scourged by Odysseus for his abusive outspokenness, the poet represents him as low-born; that is one of the clear connotations of αἴσχιστος at 2. 216. So perhaps there has been conflation of two distinct

(see e.g. 867, where the bull ‘whom Kolotis [ie. Aphrodite] bore’ is Eryx, or 467, where Teukros is referred to as “Trambelos’ brother’).

and very different characters (so West 20132: 142).

φθόρῳ is Scheer's emendation for MSS φθόρον,

998. πρὸς ξένην χθόνα: cf. 926 and n.

and is generally and rightly accepted. For such expressions cf. Plut. Eum. 18. 1 ‘plague from the

999-1000. The death of Thersites, killed in anger by Achilles for piercing the eye of the beautiful

Chersonese', Χερρονησίτης ὄλεθρος (the Greek Eumenes of Kardia taunted by his Macedonian troops), with J. Hornblower 1981: 157-8, giving

dead Amazon Penthesileia, was narrated in the Aithiopis (arg. 1 d-e, West 2003: 11) and depicted on the Tabulae lliacae (LIMC 8. 1. 1207-9 (K.

other examples of ὄλεθρος as a term of abuse.

Zimmermann) no. 4. See West 20132: 142 for vari-

1001. τράφηκι: a spear, acc. 2. The word was used at 641, where however it appears to have meant some kind of baker's board. Heather Watson suggests to me that the word might at 641 indicate a short metal rod from which hung the board—so that the sign could be seen by people coming from both directions in the street. Such rods often end in an ornamental point which resembles a spear. For an Apulian vase apparently depicting the decapitated Thersites, see LIMC “Thersites’

ant versions of the death of Thersites, citing (as a

possible source for the divergences) Chairemon's

tragedy Ἀχιλλεὺς Θερσιτοκτόνος, for which see TrGF 1. 71 frags 1-3, (See also Gantz 1993: 621 for the startling suggestion of Tzetzes (on 999) that Thersites’ real offence was to have accused Achilles of necrophilia with Penthesileia.) See also Fantuzzi

2012: 274 for this episode of ‘Achilles in love’. 1000. πιθηκομόρφῳ: for the proverbial ugliness of monkeys, see 691-692 and n., esp. Finglass, there cited. Homer's description of Thersites’ ugliness, a four de force, is at I7. 2. 217-19. Αἰτωλῷ φθόρῳ: Thersites was Aitolian because he was son of Agrios, son of Porthaon, king of Aitolia and thus descended from the ethnic eponym

an event

the swaggering elite. Homer is clearly unaware of

(999-1000n.)

no.

4 = ‘Achilles’ no.

794, with

Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 462 and 481 (noting the interesting presence of Aitolos, cf. 10000.) with 483 fig. 10. 1002.

Κροτωνιᾶται:

Kroton

(IACP:

no.

56)

is here, via its ethnic, named for the first time

Aitolos. See Apollod. 1. 7, with Roscher 5. 666 (J.

(see also 1071), but see 856 and n. for the temple

Schmidt), and cf. roorn. But this would make him an aristocratic kinsman of Diomedes: so Tzetzes, and see FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F 123 (and in Fowler) for his participation in the Kalydonian

of Hera

Lakinia

in the territory of Kroton,

and Kroton is at back of the Philoktetes section,

911-929. See also 1071n. Lyk. is exceptionally well-informed about and interested in this

371

1003-1015

Further nostoi

Apaldvos, φθέρσαντες ἄτρομον κόρην,

Κλήτην, ἄνασσαν τῆς ἐπωνύμου πάτρας. πολλοὶ δὲ πρόσθεν γαίαν ἐκ κείνης ὀδὰξ δάψουσι πρηνιχθέντες, οὐδ᾽ ἄτερ πόνων

1005

πύργους διαρραίσουσι Λαυρήτης γόνοι.

οἱ δ᾽ ad Τέρειναν, ἔνθα pvdaiver ποτοῖς t

D

,

,ὕ

7

[4

»

^

^

i

N

a

,ὕ

e

Ὠκίναρος γῆν, φοῖβον ἐκβράσσων ὕδωρ,

AAN κατοικήσουσι κάμνοντες πικρᾷ. d

^

IOIO

τὸν δ᾽ αὖ τὰ δευτερεῖα καλλιστευμάτων

λαβόντα, καὶ τὸν ἐκ Λυκορμαίων ποτῶν στρατηλάτην σῦν, καρτερὸν Γόργης τόκον,

τῇ μὲν Λίβυσσαν ψάμμον ἄξουσι πνοαὶ Θρῇσσαι ποδωτοῖς ἐμφορούμεναι λίνοις,

1015

1008. Τέρειναν: for Tereina (resting-place of

region. Kroton was one of the great cities of the archaic age, and its fame as a producer of athletic victors (Hdt. 8. 47 and much other evidence) was

the Siren Ligeia) and its coins, see 726n. It was a colony of Kroton, see Ps.-Skymn. 306-7,

remembered in Hellenistic poetry (Kall. frag. 616

Tépewav πρῶτον, ἣν ἀπῴκισαν

Pf.), when

πρότερον, also Plin. NH 3. 72, ‘Crotoniensium

its other claims to distinction were

forgotten, e.g. its one-time primacy in medicine

Terina’. ἔνθα μυδαίνει morois: see 982 n.

(Hdt. 3. 131. 3, if not interpolated). πέρσουσιν: the

1009. For the Okinaros river, see 729n.

epic, Pindaric, and tragic verb πέρθω is here (and at 1211) revived by Lyk. 1003. ἄτρομον κόρην: for ἄτρομος, cf. I]. 16. 163, where it describes the spirit, θυμός, of Achilles’ Myrmidons. After all, Penthesileia's father was Ares (997n.). If Klete was already mother of Kaulon (996 n.), she was not strictly a 'maiden at the time of the destruction of her city; cf. perhaps

τοῖο. dA: see 952 n. for Kassandra's favouring of such ‘wander-words’. κατοικήσουσι: future tenses of this verb, or variants, are naturally very common

in the zostoi sections. See e.g. 978-979, many will settle, οἰκήσουσιν, near Siris etc., or 1027-1028, others will settle, κατοικήσουσιν, near Malta; and see 926n. and 9§2n. πικρᾷ: cf. τοῖο (λυπρόν) for the idea of unhappy wanderings.

851n. (Helen).

1orr-1026. Illyria

1004. ἐπωνύμου πάτρας: for Lyk.'s fondness for words in -ὥνυμος, and interest in naming generally, see 164n. The eponymous city must be called Klete, but that city had no existence in historical time (nothing in L4CP), and may, in some now irrecoverable way, be part ofthe foundation myth

Κροτωνιᾶται

Nireus

and Thoas

in Libya

and

Even by Lyk.’s exacting standards, this is a difficult section, not because of the Greek (the construc-

tions are easy, and there is only one hapax-word, see 1015n.), but because it is full of exceptionally

problematic toponyms. In particular, Διζήρου at 1026 prompted one of Holzingers longest

of Kaulonia, named for Klete’s son.

1006. δάψουσι: see 259 n.

notes, at almost two pages. The subject-matter is

1007. Laurete or Laure was supposedly daughter

straightforward enough. Two

of Lakinios

Lakinia), and

outstanding in different ways, founded colonies in

wife of Kroton, the eponym of the city. See H. W.

Illyria, blown there by the south wind from Libya, where they had first been blown (from Troy, though this is not explicitly stated) by winds from the north. The Illyrian section is a further episode

(see 856n. for Hera

Stoll, Roscher 2. 2. col. 1917, entry for Aavpn, which, however, can cite no evidence other than

Tzetzes’ note on the present section of Lyk.

372

Homeric

Greeks,

1003-1015

Nireus and Thoas in Libya and Illyria

ofthe Amazon, killing the intrepid maiden Klete, queen ofthe country named after her. But before that, many shall bite the dust, felled by her hand; and not without trouble shall the descendants of Laurete overthrow the towers. And some shall settle in Tereina, where Okinaros wets the land with its streams, gushing out its pure waters; these people will be worn out by their bitter wanderings. He who took the second prize for beauty,

1005

IOIO

and that other, the boar-commander from the waters

of Lykormas, the mighty child of Gorge, will be led first to Libyan sands, as Thracian winds fill the taut sails,

1015

in what has been called 'Lycophron's Argonautica’

ἀλκήν. But what in Homer was a robust simile

(S. West z007: 208—9). Lyk. here displays—

is turned by Lyk. into a metaphor forming a component part of a riddle. Γόργης τόκον: for Gorge as mother of Thoas, see Hyg. Fad. 97, a long chapter forming a kind of Latin summary of

surely—awareness not only of Ap. Rh. 4. 303-8 and 507-91, but also of the Aitia of Kall.; see 1022 n. For the tradition (not noticed by Lyk.) that Thoas and his Aitolians founded Temes(s)a in S. Italy, see 1067 n. 1011-1012. δευτερεῖα καλλιστευμάτων “λαβόντα: this is Nireus, the most beautiful, κάλλιστος, man on the Greek side at Troy, after Achilles: I/ 2.671-5. He led the Greek contingent from the island of

Syme, N. of Rhodes, The celebrated pathos of the

Lykormas

"Ihoas Andraemonis et Gorgidis filius’. See also Paus. το. 38. 5. As a male historical name, Γόργος (from γοργός, ‘grim’, terrible") is not rare, and

there is a sprinkling of women called Γόργη (Marathon, 2nd cent. sc; Ionian Teos, Hellenistic;

and a l'ópya from Dorian Karpathos, 2nd cent. BC. See LGPN II, VA

repeated line-opener Nipeds in that Homeric passage perhaps helped to make him a suitable candidate for a sad noséos: cf. Avrrpöv at 1019. With δευτερεῖα cf. 170 and n. (Deiphobos). 1012. ἐκ Avxoppaiwy ποτῶν:

the Iliadic Catalogue, towards the end we have

and I

respectively). The

more usual female form is Γοργώ, spelt and accented like the snake-headed creature killed by Perseus (cf. 843). See further 1349n. 1014. τῇ μὲν Δίβυσσαν: answered by τῇ δέ at

was

1016; τῇ means ‘there’, so the sense is ‘first in one

another, older, name for the river Euenos (Strabo

direction ...then in another’, towards and away from Libya.

10. 2. 5, Εὔηνος ποταμός: ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Λυκόρμας πρότερον), which reached the sea a little way 8. of Kalydon in Aitolia; see Barr. map 55 B4. So these words put us on notice that the man about to be introduced will be an Aitolian.

1014-1015: mvoal / Θρῇσσαι: that is, northerly winds, cf. Thracian Boreas, the personified North Wind (see Hes. WD 506-8 and I 9. το).

IOI3. στρατηλάτην σῦν: the boar is Thoas, who was, like Nereus (rorr-112 n.), the subject of another Homeric superlative, Αἰτωλῶν dy’ ἄριστος, Il. 15. 282; he was leader of the Aitolian contingent at 2. 638, hence orparnAdrnv here. For Thoas, who flogged Odysseus so as to enable the Greek reconnoitring ruse at Troy, see 780n. With σῦν cf. IA 4. 253, Idomeneus cui εἴκελος

1015. ποδωτοῖς: a hapax-word; the whole expression (with Alvoıs) is defined by Z as the edges of

the sails, τοῖς ἀρμένοις ἐσχάτοις μέρεσι. Cf. LSJ? ‘tightened by the sheet’, of a sail’. ἐμφορούμεναι: the verb must here refer to the fi//ing of sails by the wind, although in Homer it means being tossed around by the waves, cf. Od. 12. 419, κύμαaw ἐμφορέοντο.

373

1016-1026

Further nostoi

τῇ δ᾽ ἐκ Λιβύσσης αὖθις ἐμπίπτων νότος

εἰς Ἀργυρίνους καὶ Κεραυνίων νάπας ἄξει βαρεῖ πρηστῆρι ποιμαίνων ἅλα, ἔνθα πλανήτην λυπρὸν ὄψονται βίον »

,

x

LÀ

,ὔ

Aarpwviov πίνοντες Αἴαντος ῥοάς. Κρᾶθις δὲ γείτων ἠδὲ Μυλάκων ὅροις χῶρος συνοίκους δέξεται Κόλχων Πόλαις, μαστῆρας ovs θυγατρὸς ἔστειλεν βαρὺς Αἴας Κορίνθου 7’ ἀρχός, Εἰδυίας πόσις, τὴν νυμφαγωγὸν ἐκκυνηγετῶν τρόπιν,

1020

1025

οἵ πρὸς βαθεῖ νάσσαντο Διζήρου πόρῳ. 1022

χώρας Scheer

1017. εἰς Ἀργυρίνους: an ‘Epeirote ethnos’, says

(Hekataios) with Hammond, as at 1017n., and for the Aoos in particular see further Hammond 1967: 218-37 and map ı5 at 614. For its lower course, see Barr. map 49 Bs.

Steph. Byz., citing as evidence Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 78), Theon (the main ancient commentator

on Lyk.), and the present line of Lyk., quoted in full. Cf. Ciaceri. Κεραυνίων νάπαις: cf. Ap. Rh. 4. 518-19. For the Keraunian mountains, named from their frequent thunderstorms (Serv. on V. A. 3. 506), see Strabo 7. 5. 8-9, drawing on Hekataios of Miletos (FGrHist 1 F 102 a-c, with Hammond 1967: 447). They are at Barr map 49 B3 (in mod. Albania), marking them as ‘Ceraunii’. They terminate in the promontory Akrokeraunia, at the narrowest point of the Adriatic, famous from Hor. Odes 1. 3. 19 (infamis scopulos Acroceraunia’), on

which see the interesting full n. in Nisbet and Hubbard; see also the commentaries of Mynors and R. F Thomas on V. G. τ. 332, ‘alta Ceraunia’ (Thomas

suggests that the 'neoteric' poet Cinna

was the first Greek or Latin author to use the full form 'Acroceraunia', but the formation is a natural one). 1018. πρηστῆρι:

see 27n. ποιμαίνων: P para-

phrases this metaphor (‘herding’) as ‘driving [sc., like a flock of sheep] towards the sea’, ἐλαύνων eis θάλασσαν. 1019. For the thought and expression cf. roro, and see 952 n. (the ‘wandering’ motif).

1020. Aakpwviou . . . Αἴαντος: for Mt Lakmon, in the hinterland of Epeiros, see Barr. map 54 Dz; cf. S. frag. 271 TrGF, from the Inachos, and see 1389n. For both Lakmon and the river Aias (=Aoos, mod. Albanian Vijose) see Strabo

1021. Κρᾶθις: this must be the name of an Illyrian

river. The best-known Krathis was in the Achaian colonial region of S. Italy (Hdt. 5. 45. 1), and took

its name from the Achaian river in old Greece (Barr. map 58 Cr); but the name (from the root for ‘mixing’) is said to allude to the confluence of two rivers, so there were probably several in the Greek world. Thus the historical Styx (706n.) was a tributary of the Achaian Krathis. There was a Mt Krathis in Achaia, but this could have taken its name

from the river, rather than vice

versa. Μυλάκων: this word or name is a mystery. It perhaps refers to the stones into which Kadmos and Harmonia were turned when they ended up in Illyria. But that explanation is so doubtful and conjectural that I have not included this passage in the list of metamorphoses at 176n.

Alternatively (so Holzinger), the word might conceivably allude to the ‘squinting’ Illyrians (this theory relies on an equation between μυλλός and

ἰλλός, ‘squinting’, and must win some kind of ingenuity award). 1022. χῶρος: ‘a surprisingly prosaic and banal word for [Lyk.]’,, acc. S. West 2007: 209 n. 18, citing Scheer' conjecture χώρας. But χῶρος is Homeric

and tragic, so I do not understand the problem. Κόλχων Πόλαις: there is a Kallimachean intertext here; see frags 10 and rr Pf. = 12 and 13 Massimilla.

374

Greek settlement on Malta

1016-1026

and then again the south wind will burst on them and drive them from Libya to the Argyrinian and Keraunian

groves, sweeping the sea with violent hurricane. ‘There they shall see a sad wandering life, drinking from the streams of Lakmonian Aias. Neighbour Krathis and the land of the Mylakoi will

1020

receive them

within their boundaries, to live with Polai of the Kolchians,

whom the angry lord of Korinth and Aia, husband of Eiduia, sent out to search for his daughter.

Hunting for the bride-carrying ship,

1025

they settle at the deep Dizeros river.

At frag. 11 Pf., Kall. explains that ‘Polai’ is an Illyrian name. He says that they [i.e. the Kolchians, in pursuit of Medea] rested on their oars by the

232-3 might have invoked this νυμφαγωγία in support of her theory that Lyk.'s handling of the mythical Laodike is intended to evoke the historical Laodike (see 316n.). τρόπιν: see 747.

Illyrian coast, near the stone of blonde Harmonia,

and founded a city which a Greek would call

1026. Διζήρου: another unidentified Illyrian river (cf. xo21 n. for the Krathis). It is tempting to relate the name to the verb for searching, δίζεσθαι,

‘Phygadon’, but which their language called ‘Polai’,

ἀτὰρ κείνων γλῶσσ᾽ ὀνόμηνε Πόλας, line 4. This Polai is probably (though this is not agreed) different from the well-known city Pola of Strabo 5.1.9, which is situated a long way to the N. in Histria at Barr. map 20 As; Lyk.’s Polai is certainly differ-

used at Ap. Rh. 4. 308 (and three times by Lyk., though not in the present context). Hekataios, in his ‘On Asia’, mentioned a Skythian people called the Dizeres.

ent from the well-known Pola: it ought to be at G7 of the same map, in the region marked ‘Enchelei’ (cf. Hdt. s. 61. 2 and Ap. Rh. 4. 518, ἀνδράσιν Ἐγχελέεσσιν ἐφέστιοι), see Harder 2012: 169 and Massimilla: 265. 1023. μαστῆρας: cf. Ap. Rh. 4. 303 μαστεύοντες,

and Kall. frag. 10, μαστύος ἀλλ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἔκαμνον ἀλητύι, which may itself (Harder 2012: 163) allude to Od. 20. 377, ἐπίμαστον ἀλήτην. He

is lord of Korinth

because

tribe.) It has been

he

migrated from there to Kolchis; see M. West 2003: 237 frag. 17 (and his n. on the Hes. passage). 1025. νυμφαγωγόν: cf. Pol. 25. 4. 8 and 10, describing a famous occasion, and using variants of this word (verb, abstract noun): the Rhodian navy magnificently escorted Laodike, the bride of king Perseus of Macedon, and daughter of Seleukos

particularly, he said

suggested

(Holzinger)

that

Lyk. transferred the names of various Black Sea or Skythian places to Illyria, and this might be one of them. But the Dizeres of Hekataios are not a river, so several further assumptions are needed for the suggestion to work. We lack sufficient hard evidence. The Illyrian Dizeros might be the Rhizon or the Drin.

1024. Aietes was husband of Eiduia or Iduia: Hes. Th. 958-60.

(More

Χοῖσι δ᾽ ὁμουρέουσι πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνισχόντα Ailnpes, FGrHist ı F 207, from Steph. Byz. Χοί ἔθνος Βεχείρων ἐγγύς. Ἑκαταῖος ἐν Ἀσίᾳ κτλ. This is the last of three quotations from Hekataios in that Steph. Byz. entry; according to the first of them, the Choi were neighbours of the Becheiroi. The latter receive an entry in turn, Bexeip, D 81 Bill., says that the Becheiroi were a Skythian

1027-1033. Greek settlement on Malta

The identity of this island called Melite has been

IV, in 178/7 sc (cf. Syl? 639). Did Lyk. know

much discussed, but the evident proximity to Cape Pachynos, the southern promontory of Sicily

of this event? But see already E. L4 610 with Gigante Lanzara 2009: m: n. sg. Stirpi 2001:

(1030 and n.), clearly indicates Malta. So most

375

1027-1033

Further nostoi

ἄλλοι δὲ MeAirnv νήσον Ὀθρωνοῦ πέλας πλαγκτοὶ κατοικήσουσιν, ἣν πέριξ κλύδων ἔμπλην Παχύνου Σικανὸς προσμάσσεται, τοῦ Σισυφείου παιδὸς ὀχθηρὰν ἄκραν ^

?

x

3

x

Μ

1030

ἐπώνυμόν ποθ᾽ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ γράφων κλεινόν θ᾽ ἵδρυμα παρθένου Aoyyarıdos, Ἔλωρος ἔνθα ψυχρὸν ἐκβάλλει ποτόν. commentators, and in greatest detail Bonanno 1980; see also S. West 19842: 142. The complication lies in another explicitly stated proximity, that of Othronos (1027). The entry in Steph. Byz. cites ‘some people’ for the view that Othronos was an island ‘to the south of Italy’. It runs Ὀθρωνός" πόλις,

of δὲ

νῆσον

πρὸς

νότον

Ἰταλίας,

and

then quotes the present line of Lyk. But 2 Lyk. explained Othronos as an island ‘between Epeiros and Italy’ (cf. Plin. ΝΗ 4. 52, listing Othronos

among places near Kerkyra, ‘ad Italiam vergens Othronos’), so Meineke in his app. crit., citing Z Lyk., concluded that Steph. was in error through not seeing that Lyk. was talking about Illyrian Melite (Barr. 20 Ey, mod. Mijet, off the Croatian coast) and see now Bill. Rather than convicting

Lyk. of crude muddle, we can follow Mascialino 1956: 46 (cf. Bonanno 1980: 276) and take Lyk. to be saying that after wandering as far as the neighbourhood of [Illyrian] Othronos, they settled on the island of Malta: ‘después de vagar hasta las cercanias de Otronos, se asentaran en la isla de Malta’. (Note: Hurst/Kolde attribute to Bonanno an identification of Othronos with Gozo, Malta's

smaller sister, but this attribution is wrong. That tentative identification is not to be found in Bonanno. It was made long ago, by Gargiulli in his Italian edn and tr. of 1812; see Abbreviations.)

Semeraro 2002). But neither the Phoenicians nor

the Carthaginians were exclusive in their attitudes,

and by the Hellenistic period, and certainly after the annexation of the islands to Roman Sicily, there was cohabitation and fraternization between

Greeks and the pre-existing population. Claridge remarks in passing on evidence of Maltese trade with Magna Graecia in the 3rd cent. sc., and a century ago Ashby (1915: 25) could even write ‘at

the end of the third century sc a Greek element predominated in Malta’. On the early and-cent. sc date for Lyk. adopted in the present comm., this is of great interest. Ashby’s evidence included two Greek inscriptions of the late 3rd cent. IG 14. 600 (bilingual Greek/Punic dedication to Herakles/Melkart by two Tyrians, Dionysios and Serapion, dated by letter-forms) and 953 (= Michel no. 554, JGUR no. 3), decree with the democratic preamble ἔδοξε τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Μελιταίων, honouring Demetrios son of Diodotos

of Syracuse as proxenos and euergetes, see Rhodes with Lewis 1997: 319, 321,506, and 557. (For the date, ‘aliquanto post’ 210 Bc, cf. the similar no. 952, decree

for the same man, passed by the polis of Akragas in

Sicily. These two inscriptions were found together at Rome.) For bronze coinage from Malta inscribed MEAITAIQN (218 sc to end of ist cent.

BC), also cited by Ashby, see HN”

: 883.

For Malta in the ancient world, see the articles

on ‘Melita’ by A. Claridge in PECS, and by T. W.

Plotter] and others in OCD*. It was a Phoenician trading post, taken over by the Carthaginians in the 6th cent. sc, and became part of the Roman province of Sicily in 218 sc. On the impact of the Phoenicians (who converted Malta ‘from a remote

offshore island to the hub of a great commercial enterprise’) see Trump and Trump 2002: 137. But Lyk. is talking about Greeks. Archaeology does not confirm classical Greek settlement in Malta or Gozo on any scale (for early Greek imports see

1027. ἄλλοι δὲ MeAérqv: the metrical resolution is unusual in this poem. For the topographical problems of this line, see introductory n. above. 1028, πλαγκτοὶ κατοικήσουσιν: for the recurrence of this type of formula in descriptions of Greek nostoi, see 1010n.

1029. ἔμπλην: IL 2. 526. Παχύνου: Cape [etc. as before] Pachynos, the SE corner of Sicily, 5. of

Syracuse and Heloros, is at Barr. map 47 Gs. See Strabo 6. 2.1 and Dionys. Perieg. 86, 469, and 471;

376

Elephenor in Illyria and Epeiros

1027-1033

Others, after wanderering near Othronos, shall settle on the island of Malta,

round which lap the Sikanian waves by Pachynos,

marking the hilly headland which will afterwards bear the name of the Sisypheian son; and the famous sanctuary of the maiden Longatis,

1030

where the Heloros pours out its cold waters. Gela against the Syracusans in the early sth cent. BC; see the comms of Bury and Braswell. The ‘Helorine road’, the coastal EAwpirms ὁδός, which ran S. from Syracuse, featured in Th.'s narrative of the Sicilian expedition, starting with

also 1182 and n. Staves: see 870 n. Here, in view of the position of Pachynos, it must have the general meaning ‘Sicilian’ (contrast 870 and 951, where it refers to the W. of the island). προσμάσσεται: the verb means ‘to apply x to y’, as at the charming Theok. 12. 32, where ὅς δέ xe προσμάξῃ γλυκεpwrepa χείλεσι χείλη describes a kissingcompetition. 5. Tr. 1053 is a more sinister use (the horrible corroding garment which sticks to Herakles’

6. 66. 3. For the polis of Heloron, see ZACP: no. 18

and CT III: 470-1. There are plentiful classical and Hellenistic remains. ἔνθα: see 982 n. 1034-1046. Elephenor in Illyria and Epeiros

flesh). Here it refers to the contact of waves with

Elephenor (not to be confused with the Elpenor of the last part of Od. 10 and the first part of 1) was the Euboian chief in the Iliadic Catalogue

the shore (usually gentle in the Mediterranean), so that ‘kissing’ would almost do as a tr. 1030. τοῦ Σισυφείου παιδός: for this designation of Odysseus, see 344 n. For the Ὀδυσσεία ἄκρα

(2. 540; for his later career—killed

hereabouts, see Ptol. 3. 4. 7 (it is listed just before

Pachynos itself, on an itinerary running W, to E.). ὀχθηράν: this rare word was used by Euphorion about Mt Geraneia, in Megarian territory (frag.

ontory which terminates in Akrokeraunia (Barr. map 49 B3, and see 1017n. for Akrokeraunia); for Euboians at Orikos see also Malkin 1998a: 78-80; cf. 1043n. for Kall. The most explicit literary support for this—apart from the present section

1031. ἐπώνυμον: see 164n. γράφων: the verb is found here only in Lyk., in any sense. At I/ 17. 599 it is used of a spear ‘scraping’ (M. Hammond's tr.) to the bone.

of Lyk.—is Ps.-Skymn. 411-13, which attributed

1032. ἵδρυμα: for this word for ‘temple’, see Hdt. famous speech by some Athenians,

discussing the ingredients of Greekness): θεῶν ἱδρύματά τε κοινά. For Longatis (epithet of Athena),

see

520n.

also

868n.

for

the

place

Longane and the river Longanos, both in Sicily. That suits the present context well. 1033. The river Heloros (Barr. map 47 Gs) was perhaps the mod. Tellaro, though the identification of the rivers in that region, esp. the notorious Assinaros

(see Th. 7. 84 for the final massacre

of 413 BC), is controversial. For the ‘deep-hanging, βαθύκρημνοι, banks of Heloros’, see Pi. N. 9. 40 (from an ode for Chromios

of Aitna), referring

to the battle fought there by Hippokrates of

or

ling heroes’ of Lane Fox 2008; see esp. his 130 for Euboians at Orikos (LACE: no. 103) on the prom-

157 Lightfoot).

8.144. 2 (froma

at Troy

not?^—see 1039n.). The present section of Lyk. is thus yet another document of early western colonizing activity by the Euboians, the ‘travel-

the foundation of maritime Orikos to Euboians blown off course when returning from Troy: Ἑλληνὶς Ὠρικός τε παράλιος πόλις / ἐξ Ἰλίου γὰρ ἐπανάγοντες Εὐβοεῖς / κτίζουσι, κατενε-

χθέντες

ὑπὸ

τῶν

πνευμάτων. This

is one

familiar mytbical explanation for a colony (cf. Th. 4. 120. 1, Protesilaos at Skione, and 1048n.

for Podaleirios); Lyk. seems here to think in terms

of another

familiar

motif,

the

polluted

close-kin homicide who must go abroad to seek a new home (Alkmaion in myth, Th. 2. 101. 5-6, and Timoleon in history, Diod. 16. 65. 2-3); but

they can be combined here, cf. 1039 n. See also Ps.-Skyl. 26-7 with Shipley, accepting most of Hammond's extensive textual changes to those

377

1034-1041

Further nostoi

παπποκτόνος δ᾽ Ὀθρωνὸν οἰκήσει λύκος τηλοῦ πατρῷα ῥεῖθρα Κοσκύνθου ποθῶν. ὃς ἐν θαλάσσῃ χοιράδων Beßws ἔπι ῥήτρας πολίταις τὰς στρατοπλώτους ἐρεῖ.

1035

χέρσου πατρῴας οὐ γὰρ àv porn ποσὶ ψαῦσαι, μέγαν πλειῶνα μὴ πεφευγότα,

δίκης ἐάσει τάρροθος Τελφουσία

1040

Λάδωνος ἀμφὶ ῥεῖθρα ναίουσα σκύλαξ.

included this section as a tribute to the author

unsatisfactory chs. On this region see Hammond 1967: 511-24, esp. 521-3, drawing on and explicating Lyk. on Elephenor, as also at 1967: 416. See detailed nn. below. A pre-Korinthian Euboian settlement at Kerkyra, not far to the S., went unmentioned by Th., but is well known from Plut. QG 11; and these ‘Kerkyraian’ Eretrians may also have occupied Bouthroton on the mainland opposite, so that they ‘controlled the Corfu channel’ (Hammond 1998: 398, cf.—simultaneously and independently—Malkin 19982: 79 n. 78).

whose name he took. It is, however, possible that

our poet drew on the Elephenor for detail of the

myth. λύκος: yet another human wolf, cf. Sistakou 2009: 252 for the list. 1035. ῥεῖθρα Κοσκύνθου:

the Koskynthos was

‘a river

&, but

of Euboia’,

acc.

corroborating

evidence is lacking. ποθῶν: see 6ogn. (colonial nostalgia generally) and 645n. (this verb in particular).

For Kall. frag. 12 Pf., from the Aitia, the coloniza-

1036. For the idea here cf., with Holzinger, the Athenian practice at Phreatto (Piraieus or Zea),

tion of Kerkyra and the Amantia region (1043 and n.) are part and parcel of the same process. A Euboian presence in Adriatic waters and on the mainland to E. of it is highly plausible. Fraser 2003 (Hellenistic Dodona plaque dedicated by an Agathon, claiming kinship with Kassandra, cf. 991 n.) showed that Kassandra herself was remembered in this region. See also Biffi 1985-6. On 1034-1046 see Antonelli 2006.

by which a person accused of e.g. unintentional homicide pleaded his case from a boat moored off-shore. See Dem. 23. 87 and [Ar.] Ath. Pol. 57.3 with Rhodes.

1034. παπποκτόνος: a hapax word, but formed by analogy with e.g. μητροκτόνον φίτυμα at A. Ag. 1281, Kassandra predicting the revenge which would be wrought by Orestes. The myth of Elephenor' killing of his grandfather Abas is known only from the present passage and the ancient commentaries on it. The Euboian tragic poet Lykophron wrote a play called Elephenor, acc. the Suda (TFGF1. 100 F 1d), but this tells us nothing about the authorship of the Alexandra, despite Geffcken 18872: 33-7. Elephenor's presence, in a poem full of nosfoi, is in no way surprising, and the attention devoted to him is not inordinate. Even if that were not so, our pseudonymous poet was (on the view taken in the present comm.) writing a century after the tragedian, and might have

1037. ῥήτρας . . . στρατοπλώτους: the reference is to the oaths exacted in advance, on Odysseus’ advice, by Helens mortal father Tyndareus from her suitors, that they would defend the successful bridegroom against any wrong concerning his marriage: Th. 1.9.1 and Apollod. 3. 10. 9. 1038. φονῇ: this form of the accusative of φονεύς is Doric; see K.-B. 451 (=section 128b).

1039. μέγαν πλειῶνα: Σ᾽ implies that this expression means a full year; this may be right, but see next para. For one year's banishment after the commission of involuntary homicide, see Plato Laws 865e, with Parker 1983: 118 for such exile as purification: the explicit reason given in Plato is that it is intolerable for the polluted murderer to frequent the haunts of the dead person. For Athens, cf. Meier and Schömann 1883-7: 380 and n. 522 (the one-year period a minimum, rather than standard. They cite inter alios Tzetzes

378

1034-1041

Elephenor in Illyria and Epeiros The wolf, the killer of his grandfather, shall dwell at Othronos,

yearning for the distant ancestral streams of Koskynthos. Standing on arock by the sea,

1035

he will shout to his citizens the orders for sailing. For because he is a murderer, for him to set foot on the

dry land of his ancestors before he has been in exile for a great period

will be forbidden by Telphousia who supports justice,

1040

the bitch who lives round the streams of Ladon.

on the present passage of Lyk. Tzetzes said that because of the murder it was not right for

(see n. there). But even if ‘five years’ is meant

there, Lyk. is not always internally consistent, and anyway we must reckon here with the addition of

Elephenor to set foot on his fatherland, od γὰρ

μέγας. So Ciaceri may have been right to take

θέμις αὐτῷ διὰ τὸν φόνον ἐπιβῆναι τῆς πατρίδος; but this was merely based on 2, οὐ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ θεμιτὸν ψαῦσαι τῆς γῆς). For other mythical examples of one-year banishments for

the whole expression here to mean a period much longer than a year; he noted that the Erinyes still threaten Elephenor after his arrival at Othronos,

homicide

more

(not

always

involuntary),

see

Parker

implied gloss ‘one full year’ (νόμος γὰρ ἦν τοῖς ἀρχαίοις τὸν ἐργασάμενον φόνον φεύγειν ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον) is strange because it does not do

justice to μέγας, which, when in combination with ἐνιαυτός, means a cycle of years. Much longer periods of exile than a year after the pollution of killing are certainly possible and attested (see Meier and Schömann, as above); and there are plenty of mythical examples of longer periods of exile, e.g. Orestes. The rare noun πλειών (NB accent) occurs at Hes. WD 617, where, however, see M. West’s comm.: it does not there

mean ‘year’, But nor does it necessarily do so at either Kall. H. τ. 89 or GP 249 (= Antipater of Thessalonike XXXII. 3), though it must do so

than a decade

later (including the entire

period of the Trojan War. Lyk. evidently does not follow the Homeric version according to which Elephenor was killed at Troy, J/ 4. 464). This longer chronology makes an important difference: Elephenor, still persecuted by the Erinyes, is thus a representative of the polluted homicidal type of oikist; but the blown-off-course-whenreturning from-Troy mytheme may still be simultaneously valid (see introductory n. for both types of colonial aetiology).

1983: 376 (Aiolos), 388 (Orestes, on one version), 391 (Theseus, also on one version). Parker does not discuss Elephenor, except at 390 (calling him ‘Elpenor’) as the purifier of another homicide, Poimandros of Boiotian Tanagra: Plut. QG 37. However, the Greek expression in Lyk. is obscure, and (as Mooney rightly observes), 2's

1040.

δίκης... τάρροθος: already Herakleitos

(DK 22 B 94) had called the Erinyes Δέκης ἐπί-

κουροι. There may be personification here too. Τελφουσία: that is, Erinys; see 152-153 n. for the Arkadian aspect (Demeter Erinys was worshipped there). For Thelpousa see L4CP: no. 300 (‘Thelphousa’). See Jost 2005: 395 n. 46. Hollis 2007: 280 detected here an indebtedness to Antim. F 33 Matthews (35 Wyss), but the connection is not necessary. Demeter Erinys was hardly as ‘obscure’a cult as Hollis seems to have thought.

in the epitaph of Mnaseas of Kerkyra, GI no. 1288, ist cent. Bc (cf. SEG 38. 433 for the date) 15-16, where he is said to have lived for 40

ro4r. For the river Ladon (W. Arkadia), on which Thelpousa was situated, see Barr. map 59 B2. σκύλαξ: the idea that the Erinyes, on the trail

mAeıwves,

for

of a sinner, resembled dogs on a scent, is familiar

Iphigeneia for five πλειῶνες) the obvious sense is ‘five years’, although that may well be too precise

from the opening of A. Eum., cf. esp. Κύων at 132 and 246.

and

at

201

(Achilles

searches

379

1042-1048

Further nostoi

ὅθεν, πεφευγὼς ἑρπετῶν δεινὴν μάχην δρακοντομόρφων, εἰς Ἀμαντίαν πόλιν

πλώσει. πέλας δὲ γῆς Ἀτιντάνων μολών, LA

4

,

IIpákrw

x

map’

5

3

a

b

αὐτὴν

5

LA

3

x

,

)

1045

/

αἰπὺ vaooeraı

λέπας,

τοῦ Xaovírov νᾶμα Πολυάνθου δρέπων. ὁ δ᾽ Αὐσονείων ἄγχι Κάλχαντος τάφων, Ly

3

>

,

L4

FA

,

δυοῖν ἀδελφοῖν ἅτερος, ψευδηρίων

1042-3. ἑρπετῶν...

/ δρακοντομόρφων:

the

614 map rs, and more clearly 1968: 3. (Barr. though citing Hammond with apparent approval in the map-by-map Directory, does not reflect

easiest way of taking this is a further (1041n.)

comparison of the Erinyes to animals, this time as snakes, cf. A. Eum. 126-7, where the ghost of Klytaimestra, seeking to awake the Frinyes, jeeringly complains that Sleep and Toil have

this complicated and confusing situation in its cartography.) 1045-1046. Xaovírov: for the Chaonians (Barr. map 49 B3) see Th. 2. 68. 9 and Hammond 1967: 678-9. See also 1320, where the ethnic Χαονιτικόν

deprived the dreadful serpent, δεινὴ δράκαινα, of its strength (cf. also E. 77286). For the Erinyes’ depiction as snakes, see Sommerstein 1989: 7 and n. 26; Ogden 2013. Holzinger sought to explain the snakes here as a highly recondite reference to a Libyan Othronos which was also called Ophioussa, snake-island, but this is not necessary

or attractive. 1043. Amantia

no.

86

(probably

to

Kall. frag. 12 Pf. (17 Massimilla): ἔκτισε Kepx[v] paiov ἐδέθλιον, évO[ev dv! αὖτις / στάντες Ἀμαντίνην ὥκισαν Ὠρικίην, where the subject of the sentence might be either the Korinthian Chersikrates

or a Kolchian,

see

Pf,

Massimilla, and Harder 2012: 171. The names Amantia, Amantine, ve/ sim., were thought to be corruptions of forms in Abant-, meaning ‘Euboia’ (from Abas), and hence further evidence for Euboian settlement in the region; see Steph. Byz. Ἀβαντίς, a 3 Bill., and Harder 2012: 174-5. 1044. The Atintanes (first mentioned at Th. 2. 80. 6,

bracketed

used,

loosely,

to

describe

Dodona

to

the

SE. The river Polyanthes has been identified with the mod. Shushice; so Hammond 1967: 525. Hammond thinks Praktis may be the Valona district, and that the settlement here described is

Thronion. Holzinger wanted to link the name to is ZACP.

be identified with ancient remains at Ploce). See

Bacchiad

is

with

the

Molossians)

occupied

the upper Drin valley, and lived inland to the E. of Orikos. See Hammond 1967: 522 on the present passage. A district ‘Atintanis’ is marked considerably further N., at Barr, map 49 C2, E. of Epidamnos / Dyrrhachium. These Illyrian Atintani were distinguished, probably rightly, by Hammond (1967: 599, 1968: 8 with n. 29, and most fully 1989), from the Epeirotic Atintanes of the Drin valley to the S. See maps at Hammond 1967:

the role of the Erinyes as θεαὶ Πραξίδικαι, goddesses who exact justice (Paus. 9. 33. 3, Boiotian Haliartos), and some such allusion is possible.

1047-1066.

Podaleirios’

incubatory

cult

in

Daunia; Diomedes in Daunia (2): the fate of the

Aitolian envoys sent to reclaim the inheritance of Diomedes From 2 and Tzetzes’ derivative comm. on 10501053, which begin with a sort of prose summary of 1050-1051,

we

learn

that Timaios

(this

is

FGrHist 566 F 56) derived the name Althainos (1053) from the healing properties of that river. 2 also said that the Daunians call on Podaleirios, καὶ τὸν Ποδαλείριον ἐπικαλεῖσθαι. (For the

verb ἀλθαίνω, ‘heal’, see 582, ἀλθανοῦσιν and 1122 and 1395.) From this evidence, and from Er. Magn. 63. 4 Ἄλθαινος, Wilamowitz 1886: so n. 15, Günther 1889: 36, and Geffcken 1892: 9 (with n. 2)

and 136 confidently ascribed Lyk.s Podaleirios material in its entirety to Timaios. Jacoby in his comm. on F 56 was slightly more cautious. He

insisted, correctly, that Timaios was cited by "Tzetzes only for the etymology of the Althainos,

380

Podaleirios’ Daunian

cult; Diomedes in Daunia (2)

1042-1048

From there, fleeing from a terrible battle with the creeping serpent-like enemies, he shall sail to the city of Amantia. Going near to the land ofthe Atintanians, he settles on a rock at Praktis,

1045

enjoying the waters of Chaonian Polyanthes. Of two brothers, one, near the Ausonian

tomb of Kalchas, the cenotaph,

but thought it scarcely doubtful, ‘kaum zweifel-

1048. δυοῖν ἀδελφοῖν ἅτερος:

haft’, that the whole account was Timaian. Baron

healing heroes, are Podaleirios and Machaon,

2013: 222 takes the whole of Tzetzes’ account to be from Timaios, and draws inferences about the

sons of Asklepios, for whom see F. G[raf], OCD*

Greek focalization of the material (thus he treats

implication of the Aithiopis frag. sa that they were

the invocation of Podaleirios as unequivocally Timaian). Strabo 6. 3. 9 resembles Lyk. in connecting the Daunian hero-shrines of Kalchas and

sons of Poseidon, see West 20132: 160. The text

"Machaon

and

Podalirius.

(On

these brothers,

the

startling

may well be corrupt.) In the Homeric Catalogue they lead the Thessalians from three places in

Podaleirios, but attaches the business with the

Histiaiotis (including Trikka, site of the oldest

ram-skin (1050 and n.) to that of Kalchas.

and

most famous—but

archaeologically unlo-

The story (1056-1066) of the Aitolian envoys

cated—sanctuary of Asklepios, Strabo. 9. 5. 17): I.

who came to demand the Daunian heritage of Diomedes resumes the narrative from 632 and esp. from 623: see 1056 n. and (for the burying alive) τούτη. For the splitting of the material in this way, see 592-632 n. The connection with Podaleirios is

2. 73172. The other two Homeric places (Ithome, Oichalie) are problematic because Oichalie, at least, was claimed as Messenian; see Kirk on IL 2. 594-600, but probably all three were Thessalian (cf. also Edelstein and Edelstein 1945: 1. 20-1). Supposedly, Machaon was the surgeon, Podaleirios the physician: Kirk on 12 4. 193-4, citing the Z on 4. 190. There is a link with the Philoktetes section (911-929) because Podaleirios healed his fellow-Thessalian Philoktetes from his wound (Apollod. ep. 5. 8; see West 20132: 185 n. 28. The Little Had had him healed by Machaon, but the latter had been killed by Penthesileia. S. Pj. 1333 has Herakles predict that both brothers heal

loose: both episodes are set in Daunia (cf. Mari

2009: 417 n. 29; also Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 459 and n. 14 for Lyk.’s marked interest in the region). The story (the Daunians 'give the land' to the Aitolian visitors, but not in the way they wanted) is also told by Justin (12. 2) in connection

with the founding of Brindisi/Brundisium in S. Apulia; it is there connected with the activities of Alexander of Molossia ín the 4th cent. See Lamboley 1996: 439, also Frisone 2006: 40 (tabu-

him, Asklepi(a)dai, in the dual).

lating the similarities and differences between

An Italian nosfos for Podaleirios is unexpected

Lyk. and Justin) and De Sensi Sestito 2013b: 100-1 with n. rr. It resembles the black humour of e.g. Hdt. 7. 133, Xerxes' heralds go to Athens and

because other sources, including Tzetzes on the present passage, take him to Karia, in fact to the

Sparta asking for earth and water as tokens of

West 20132: 256 (suggesting that the Karian tradition should be linked with the story that

Rhodian peraia; see C. Robert 1926: 1477f. and

submission; they are thrown down a pit (Athens)

Podaleirios accompanied Kalchas to Kolophon,

and a well (Sparta) and told to fetch earth and water from there. Hurst 2009: 196 calls the present passage brutal Baudelairean sarcasm. See further

see below). The evidence is collected at Edelstein

and Edelstein 1945: 1, testimonies (TT) nos 156-7 and 207-12 (see also Wilamowitz 1886: 50 n. 14).

1056n.

Of these TT, Steph. Byz. Zópva (= T 209) has

1047. For Kalchas' Italian tomb and nn.

see 980, 98:

him driven off course to Karia (for this colonial motif cf. 1034-1046n. on Elephenor). Tzetzes

381

1049-1053

Furtber nostoi

,ὔ

ξένην

>

>

ET

3

[4

OGTÉOLOUV

>

,

OYXNOEL

/

KOVLV,

δοραῖς δὲ μήλων τύμβον ἐγκοιμωμένοις χρήσει καθ᾽ ὕπνον πᾶσι νημερτὴ φάτιν'

1050

νόσων δ᾽ ἀκεστὴς Javvioıs κληθήσεται, ὅταν κατικμαίνοντες Ἀλθαίνου ῥοαῖς /

>»

3

4

7

7

1049. ὀγχήσει: see 64 n. for this form. Note the

(= Τ 207) accuses Lyk. of falsehood over Podaleirios, who did not (he says) die in Italy,

but

accompanied

buried

him

Kalchas

there, then

to

went

Kolophon to Karia

usual orientation of the narrative round a tomb (Sistakou 2009: 246).

and

on the

advice ofthe Delphic oracle. It may be (Edelstein and Edelstein 1945: 2. 20) that the Daunian and Karian/Rhodian traditions are compatible, if we recall the Rhodians at Parthenope in Campania (736 n.) and the help given by Philoktetes in Italy to Rhodians under Triptolemos (911-929n.). As for the connection of Karia and the Rhodian peraia with Podaleirios, it is possible (T. Scheer 1993: 181) that some pull was exerted by the medical traditions of Kos, since Syrnos was not far away

1050. For oracular incubation (i.e. sleeping overnight in a sanctuary in the hope of obtaining a helpful dream), see F. G[raf], OCD* ‘incubation’, and at greater length Graf 1990. It was particularly associated with sanctuaries of healing heroes

on

‘in Karia’, because he has a good Greek name, see

Lyk. here attributes to Asklepios’ son Podaleirios an incubation oracle in Daunia of this healing type (1052). Among sanctuaries of Asklepios, the most notable were those at Epidauros (see esp. R/O no. 102, later 4th cent. Bc), from where the cult spread to Athens; Pergamon (see below); and

Bresson 2001: 154 and n. 32, who nevertheless regards this as evidence for ‘osmose grécocarienne’, see Bresson 155). The connection

Lebena in southern Krete (see IC 4: 159-70, section XVII nos 8-20, and Melfi 2007). For Thessalian Trikka and Karian Syrna, see 1048n.

the

Asiatic

mainland

(Barr.

map

61

such as Asklepios

and Amphiaraos

(see below

for Oropos, and probably also Hdt. 8. 134 with Schachter 1981-94: 1. 22); in this aspect it is sometimes called temple medicine (see J. T. V[allance], OCD*

G4,

marked ‘Syrna’, not to be confused with the Aegean island of Syrnos, map 61 Ds. Syrna, acc. Steph. Byz., was the name of Podaleirios’ wife, daughter of Damathos king of Karia. Or rather

‘medicine’, section

2, ‘temple medicine’).

between Koan and Knidian medicine, on the one

δόραις δὲ μήλων: the practice of sleeping on the

hand, and Karian Syrnos and Asklepios’ sons, on the other, was made by Theopompos in the 4th cent. (FGrHist us F 103. 14 = Edelstein and Edelstein T 212). For Syrnos or Syma in the Rhodian peraia (mod. Bayir), on the Loryma

skin of a previously sacrificed ram in incubation sanctuaries is well attested; μῆλα is a general word (933n.), not confined to the female of the

peninsula, see Fraser and Bean 1954: 29, 57f., 66,

species. (Strabo 6. 3. 9, on the oracles of Kalchas and Podaleirios in Daunia, has this detail, but his account either derives from, or shares a source

and esp. 28 for inscription no. 16 (2nd cent. sc), mentioning a temple and Zemenos or precinct of,

with, the present passage of Lyk. See above,

and

See Paus. 1. 34. 5 for sleeping on ramskins as part of the ritual at the Amphiaraion at Oropos on

sacrifices for, Asklepios;

this clinched

the

introductory n. for FGrHist 566 Timaios F 56.)

identification. of the site. Podaleirios’ Italian aspect is not so easily glimpsed in non-literary sources; we have to rely on Timaios and Strabo for corroboration of Lyk. ψευδηρίων: Kalchas

μένοντες δήλωσιν ὀνείρατος), for the special

has a cenotaph here in Daunia, as also at Siris

status of skins there see R/O no, 27 (improved

(980). See Russo and Barbera 2009. For the invented hapax word, used also of Hekabe's monument at 1182, see Rougier- Blanc 2009: 546.

from the Amphiaraion, lines 29-30, which specify that the skins of all animals sacrificed in the

the Attic-Boiotian border (κριὸν θύσαντες καὶ

τὸ δέρμα ὑποστρωσάμενοι καθεύδουσιν dva-

text of Syi/? 1004), 386-374 BC, cult regulations

382

Podaleirios Daunia cult; Diomedes in Daunia (2)

shall endure foreign dust upon his bones. To all who sleep on ramskins on his tomb,

1049-1053 1050

he shall utter truthful prophecies; and he shall be called a curer of sickness by the Daunians, when they bathe in the streams of Althainos,

36, and

sanctuary are to be sacred i.e. to be the property of the sanctuary (rather than being given as perquisite to the priest in the usual way; see R/O comm. at pp. 132-3, discussing consultants sleeping on skins). For sleeping on skins depicted on Attic reliefs, see LIMC ‘Asklepios’ nos 105 (from

without

family

medical

backgrounds

might

acquire them too, cf. 1205 for Hektor at Thebes,

who will also be called apwyös, like Podaleirios at 1054. And cf. Theagenes at sth-cent. Bc Thasos, a fully historical figure and a star athlete (Sy//? 36, Pythian and Olympic contests), who was heroized and became a posthumous healer of illness

785-91, and Ovid Fast. 4. 654 (derivative from V.,

(Paus. 6. 11. 9); see Fontenrose 1968: 76 (with n. 4),

comparing him to Asklepios and Amphiaraos. For healing heroes see esp. Kearns 1989: 14-21 (this aspect is the positive pole, whose opposite is the malicious behaviour which was often to be feared from heroes). κληθήσεται: this future

passive verb is an alternative to αὐδηθήσεται, which is a favoured vehicle for the prediction of

cult (1140n.). With κληθήσεται, cf. esp. 124

tion; see also Kearns 1989: 15). This does not explain everything, e.g. the choice of rams. Rams evidently possessed special suitability for divination, perhaps (as Martin West

R/O

1052. That a son of Asklepios should have healing

city Asklepieion). Two Latin poets mention the skin detail in their accounts of incubation at the oracle of Faunus, somewhere in S. Italy: V. 4f.

Lykaion; this did not, however, involve incuba-

Oropos).

powers in death is natural; but other dead heroes

the Asklepieion at the Piraieus) and 112 (from the

who was surely in his turn aware of the present "Italian passage of Lyk.), with Bómer's comm. on 4. 650. For a partial explanation of the ritual, see Graf 1990: 188: sleeping on a fresh hide or skin established contact between sacrificer and sacrifice, almost identifying the two, and placing the human being in the realm of the sacred (cf. Burkert 19832: 113 on the similar reason for the wearing of ramskins in the Arkadian ritual at Mt

Paus., as above, both

no. 102 (Epidauros, see above), uses both verbs (lines 4, 9, etc.)

(Agamemnons cult at Sparta). 1053. κατικμάινοντες: Σ᾽ has ἀπολούεσθαι, and the old paraphrase gives Bpexovres, dvrAovres,

suggests to me)

animal was felt to be the

λονόμενοι. Cf. Kall. Hekale frag. 48 Hollis (=Suppi.

more potent. Pausanias (g. 39. 6) said that rams

Heil. 287B) line 5, τινθαλέοισι κατικμήναιντο Aoerpois, where the meaning is bathing in hot baths. (The line in question was already known from the Suda before the relevant Oxyrhynchos papyrus was published, and was correctly ascribed

because

the male

were sacrificed as part of the consultation-process at Boiotian Lebadeia (oracle of Trophonios), but

we are not told that the sacrificer wore the skin afterwards, or indeed that there was incubation there. The alternative kind of bed for oracular

to the Hekale by Pf., as his frag. 247.) In his comm.

kara- is found instead or in addition (Hdt. 8. 134. 1 and 2, κατεκοίμησε, ἐγκατακοιμηθῆναι), and

on the passage, Hollis: 196 remarks that the line was much imitated, but does not discuss Lyk. either there or in Hollis 2007, though it surely provides a further small piece of support for his overwhelmingly plausible view (Hollis 2007: 284) that Kall. wrote his Hekale before Lyk. AA@aivou: for the etymology see 1047-1066 n.; this detail was certainly in Timaios. The river is thought to have been on the Gargano peninsula, at Barr. map 45

ey/nadevdeıw is an alternative (R/O no. 27 line

C1. (Mod. Candelaro?)

incubation was one made of twigs, στιβάδες, as

at the Asklepieion at Pergamon; see Würrle 1969: 168 (= Habicht 1969: no. 161) line 15 (and cent. AD), with Graf 1990: 189 and n. 156. ἐγκοεμωμέvois: one of the standard verbs for incubation (cf. LSAM no. 14, Pergamon, 3rd cent. AD, line 8, and Habicht no. 16: line 14), though sometimes

383

1054-1067

Further nostoi

ἀρωγὸν αὐδήσωσιν Ἠπίου γόνον 3

a

$

,

»

H

f

ἀστοῖσι καὶ ποίμναισι πρευμενὴ μολεῖν. ἔσται ποτὲ πρεσβεῦσιν Αἰτωλῶν φάος ἐκεῖ γοηρὸν καὶ πανέχθιστον φανέν,

1055

ὅταν Σαλάγγων γαῖαν Ἀγγαίσων θ᾽ ἔδη μολόντες αἰτίζωσι κοιράνου γύας, ἐσθλῆς ἀρούρης πῖαρ ἔγκληρον χθονός.

1060

τοὺς δ᾽ eis ἐρεμνὸν ζῶντας ὠμησταὶ τάφον κρύψουσι κοίλης ἐν μυχοῖς διασφάγος.

τοῖς δ᾽ ἀκτέριστον σῆμα Δαυνῖται νεκρῶν στήσουσι χωστῷ τροχμάλῳ κατηρεφές, χώραν διδόντες ἥνπερ ἔχρῃζον λαβεῖν, τοῦ kparoßpwros παιδὸς ἀτρέστου κάπρου. τῶν Ναυβολείων δ᾽ eis Τέμεσσαν ἐγγόνων ^

1059

7

5

>

/

Hj

1065

/

αἰτήσωσι Scheer

1054. ἀρωγόν: see 1052 n. "Hrrios: for this epithet

1059. αἰτίζωσι: the verb is Homeric. It is not

of Asklepios

(‘gentle’, ‘kindly’) see Usener 1896:

found at all in 12, but several times in Od., almost

165 n. 49. (He is ἠπιόδωρος at Orphic hymn 67. 3.)

always about Odysseus’ mendicancy; see D. Steiner on 17. 222, These uses are imitated at Kall.

An intended play on the name Askl-epios is surely possible, since the derivation of the name from the adjective was commonly made in antiquity; see Edelstein and Edelstein 1945: TT [=testimonia] nos 266-76. Of these, the earliest in time is Plut.

H. 6. 115 see Hopkinson. Lyk. no doubt had both authors

in mind, and

also Aristoph.

Peace 120

Mor. 845b (=T no. 266): the orator Demosthenes

(Trygaios speaking in hexameters, again about begging for food). Although the Aitolians are presumably not behaving like wheedling beggars,

linked name and adjective. Fanciful attempts were

there is no need to emend to αἰτήσωσι, with

also made to explain the first part of the god's

Scheer, who relied on the old paraphrase, which

name, by reference to the curing of an Epidaurian man or tyrant called something like Askles or Askletos (of relevant ΤΊ, no. 271 is Tzetzes on the present passage of Lyk). The personal name AakÀás or Ἀσκλῆς is attested, to be sure (esp. in LGPN VA, Asia Minor N. of Miletos), but the etymologies are palpable fictions.

has αἰτοῦσι. 1060. πῖαρ: Homeric, cf. e.g. Od. 9. 135. 1061. ἐρεμνόν: elsewhere in the poem only at 681, an appropriate enough gloomy chime, because that passage is from Kassandras version of the Homeric

nekuia. ζῶντας: for an attempt to argue that this

see introductory

was human sacrifice of the catastrophe-averting

n., and for the curse on the land until an Aitolian

sort, as practised in Middle Republican Rome, see

should claim it, 623 and n. As noted there, the present mythical episode should be regarded as an early and unsuccessful claim to the land. The claim was finally made good by the Dasii in historical time.

Briquel 1976. This does not seem to be at all what

1056. πρεσβεῦσιν Αἰτωλῶν:

1058. The Salangoi were an Italian e£hnos, acc. Steph. Byz, perhaps merely relying on this passage. For the Angaisoi

cf. (with Holzinger)

Plin. NH 3. 103, ‘portus Aggasus’, in the relevant part of Italy (the Gargano peninsula).

Lyk. has in mind, whatever may be true of Justin,

who is anyway talking about Brundisium (see introductory n.). Justin’s details are anyway differ-

ent (e.g., as Briquel 67 rightly says, Brundisium is not quite in Daunia: too far south).

1062. This is a further example of the ‘strange closed place’ which Lambin 2009: 165-6 detects as a sinister motif throughout the poem. See above, introductory n., for the story-type.

384

1054-1067

Phokians will settle in Bruttium

and pray to the son of Epios to come as gracious

helper to the citizens and the flocks.

1055

One day a mournful and hateful dawn will appear for the envoys of the Aitolians,

when they come to the territory of the Salangoi and the seats of the Angaisoi, asking for the acres of their king, a hereditary treasure of plough-land. Savage men shall bury them alive in a black grave in the recesses of a hollow pit. With no obsequies, the Daunians will erect over their corpses a tomb with a roof of piled-up stones, so giving them the land which they asked to have,

1060

1065

the land of the son of the fearless brain-eating boar. The sailors of the descendants of Naubolos

1063. ἀκτέριστον: Lokrian Maidens.

see

go7n.,

and

3155,

the

(Tydeus),

1064. Perhaps an aetiology, stimulated by some impressive local monument. Cf. 1049 n.

1066. A fine line. It alludes to an episode in the myth of the Seven against Thebes. Diomedes’ father Tydeus in his dying moments ate the brains of his enemy Melanippos and was therefore refused his promised immortality by the disgusted Athena. See Apollod. 3. 6. 8; but the story goes much farther back, to the Thedaid frag.

effective

930-950. 1067. raw Ναυβολείων: in the Homeric Catalogue

one;

Hollis 2007: 283 compares Dosiadas Bomos 17 dvöpoßpwros, also about Tydeus. ärpeorov: this recalls ZZ 5.125-6, μένος ... ἄτρομον, referring to Tydeus. This makes it likely that this adjective goes with the genitive noun κάπρου, i.e. Tydeus, rather than with παιδός, i.e. his son Diomedes, though grammatically that too would be possible, and Athena's point in the ZZ passage is that she has given Diomedes his fathers unflinching spirit. κάπρου: this animal-metaphor is appropriate beyond what is usual in this menagerie of a poem, because of an oracle which predicted that one of Adrastos’ daughters would marry a boar

their

We have already had a section about the Phokians in Italy: see 930-950 and nn. (Epeios). For the unexpected and plausible, but textually uncertain, support provided by Th. (6. 2. 3) for a Phokian presence in the West, see introductory n. to

9 (M. West 2003: 51-3), and to Pherekydes, EGM a very

(Polyneikes);

1067-1074. Phokians will settle in Bruttium

frag. 97 with Fowler 2013: 412. κρατοβρῶτος: and

a lion

Apollod. 3. 6. 1. It is also relevant that the boar was a symbol of stupid ferocity (Skutsch 1985: 243 on Ennius Annals line 96). Tydeus’ dying action was certainly very stupid.

what they came for. See Introductory n.

formation,

other

with Mastronarde, and (for the shield-devices)

1065. χώραν διδόντες: so, in a grim way, they got

a hapax

the

shield devices corresponded to the two creatures. See (for the oracle) E. Supp. 140, and Ph. 411

(I. 2. 517-26), the Phokian

contingent was led

by Epistrophos and Schedios, sons of Iphitos, son of Naubolos. The name Epistrophos suggests ἐπιστρέφω, ‘return’, a very suitable name for a nostos narrative, and the onomastic connection

was perhaps made by Pausanias 10. 36. 10 (but even less overtly by Lyk, who names only the grandfather of the two men). Paus. says that one of Iphitos’ sons (unnamed, but evidently Epistrophos) returned home and died there, dva-

owbévra ἐξ Ἰλίου καὶ ἀποθανόντα ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ; the other, Schedios (named) died in the Troad,

but his bones were brought home.

385

1068-1074

Further nostoi

ναῦται καταβλώξουσιν, ἔνθα Aaumerns Ἱππωνίου πρηῶνος εἰς Τηθὺν κέρας σκληρὸν vévevkev. ἀντὶ de Kpions ὅρων *

/

3

M

x

/

"

1070

Κροτωνιᾶτιν ἀντίπορθμον αὔλακα βοῶν ἀροτρεύσουσιν ὁλκαίῳ πτερῷ, πάτραν Λίλαιαν κἀνεμωρείας πέδον ποθοῦντες, Ἄμφισσαν τε καὶ κλεινὰς Ἄβας.

Of Lyk’s five mainland Greek place-names,

revives in the Alexandrian era). The more usual,

three featured in the Catalague (Krisa, Lilaia, and

or earlier, future of βλώσκω is μολοῦμαι. Aapmérys: for the Lampetes promontory see Barr. map 46 D4. The city of Lampeteia (Latin

Anemoreia) 2.520, 523, 521. The other two, Abai and Amphissa, were not, nor were they in Homer at all;

nor was Amphissa strictly in Phokis, but in W.

Clampetia, mod. Amantea)

(Ozolian) Lokris. However, several of the place-

1067n.— mentioned by Polybius in his bk 13, acc, Steph. Byz. (the frag. is therefore printed as 13. 10.

names in Lyk. have, as will be seen, a religious tinge, and this may be why they were chosen by a poet so acutely aware of cult. On possible reasons for the mention of Amphissa, see 1074n. Conversely, Lyk.

2 in Büttner-Wobst's Teubner edn; see Walbank);

cf. also Livy 29. 38. 1 ‘in Bruttiis Clampetia’ and 30. 9. 10. See also 1069n., at end.

discards Homer's Kyparissos, Pytho (but see 1070n. on Krisa), Daulis, Panopeos (but see 930-950 n. on

Epeios) and Hyampolis. Τέμεσσαν: perhaps the

1069. Ἱππωνίου πρηῶνος: Hipponion (ACP: no.

53), a colony of Epizephyrian ie. Italian Lokroi (IACP. no. 59), and site of the later Roman colony

same as Homer's Τεμέση (Od. τ. 184, but see S. West's n., and cf. 854n. for Tamassos on Cyprus). Polybius (13. 10. 3, a fragmentary item from Steph. Byz.) spelt the Italian city Τεμέσεια; see Walbank

of Vibo Valentia, does not feature in Hdt., but was mentioned just once by Th. (s. s. 3, where the emen-

dation from Orphic cult; a gold leaf, 2007: no. 1).

on the Pol. frag. The site, somewhere near Tereina (726n.) has not been securely identified; see LACP:

no. 72. Lyk. rejects by implication the tradition (Strabo 6. 1. 5) that Temes(s)a was founded by retuming Aitolians under Thoas (for whom see

1012-1013). Temessa was a site of great religious interest. The ‘Hero of Temessa’ was an anonymous supernatural figure, originally one of Odysseus’ crew, with whom

the historical heroized athlete

Euthymos of Lokroi was supposed to have fought, see Paus. 6. 6. 4-11 with Currie 2002: 30-5 (the Hero perhaps a river-god associated with the prenuptial deflowering of virgins) and 2005: 131, 134,

166-7. The possible hint at prenuptial ritual might anticipate Kassandra's long section about the Daunian maidens, 1126-1140.

was—like Temessa,

1τ- is very probable). It was a centre of see the remarkable inscribed poem on SEG 26. 1139 (= Graf and Johnston See also SEG 11. 1211, joint dedication

at Olympia of spoils from the Krotoniates, by men from Hipponion, from nearby Medma (another colony of Epizephyrian Lokroi) and from metropolitan (mainland Greek) Lokroi itself. Kassandra's description of Hipponion is apt, because it was situated on a steep-sided plateau (see LACP: 262 col. 1). eis Τηθύν: Hunter 2006: 79 (first meto-

nymic use of Tethys); see also 145n. The expression

must (Holzinger) go with “αμπέτης (a genitive, presumably) in the previous line.

1070. véveuxev: for this verb cf. Th. 4. 100. 2 (from the description of the complicated siege-engine at Delion). ἀντὶ δὲ Kpions: Krisa (cf. LACP. no.

183 ‘Kirrha’) is given pride of place by Lyk. For 1068. καταβλώξουσιν: this poetic equivalent of κατέρχομαι is found here only in Lyk. but

cf. Od. 16. 466 ἄστυ καταβλώσκοντα and Ap. Rh. 1. 321-2, πολῆος / νόσφι καταβλώσκοντας (cf. 4. 227, where Livrea remarks that the word

Homer (J/. 2. 520), it is ‘very holy’, a8éy— surely more than ‘simply conventional’, as suggested by Kirk. The reference is obviously though indirectly to Apollo’s great sanctuary of Delphi (cf. ‘rocky Pytho' at 2. 519, ‘certainly the later Delphi’, acc.

386

1068-1074

Setaia

shall come to Temessa, where the harsh horn of cape Hipponion

hangs down towards Tethys of Lampete. Instead of the boundaries of Krisa they shall, on the other side of the sea, plough the Krotoniate

1070

furrow with a dragged blade coupled to the oxen. They will yearn for their fatherland Lilaia and the plain of Anemoreia, Amphissa and famous Abai. Kirk), of which Kirrha of ἀντί see 940. The makes it suitable for beloved homeland for

was the port. For the force strength of the negation the miserable exchange of colonial dwelling-place.

Epizephyrian Lokroi, but indirectly Hipponion (1069 and n.) and Medma, which were both colonies of Epizephyrian Lokroi, and so ‘grand-

daughter’ cities of mainland Greek Lokroi. (It was already debated in antiquity whether the founders of Epizephyrian Lokroi were the W. or the E. Lokrians of Old Greece; see ACP. p. 274. An indeterminate association between Italian and Greek Lokrians will have been good enough for Lyk.) Note also that the Amphissaians had designs on Krisa in the 4th cent. sc: Aischin. 3. 118-19. κλεινὰς Ἄβας: Phokian Abai (L4CP: no.

1071. A three-word line; see 63n. Κροτωνιᾶτιν: see 1002 n. for Lyk.'s frequently displayed interest

in the Kroton region. ἀντέπορθμον: this word (also

at 1368)

is rare, but

Euripidean;

see Jon

1585 (Athenas closing prophecy, describing the Hellespont, between Europe and Asia), and frag.

sis TrGF : Aitolian Kalydon is across the water (the Korinthian Gulf) from Peloponnesos. That passage was discussed by Aristotle (Rber. 1409b 10-12). See Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59.

169) was ‘famous’ above all for its oracle, one of

the very select group consulted by Kroisos at Hdt. 1. 46. 2. That is enough to explain Lyk.'s choice of adjective, though Sens 2009: 29 detects humour in the description of a place as ‘famous’ when it is not in Homer. The present line is quoted in the

1072. ὁλκαίῳ: see 216n. πτερῷ: ‘wing’ is a fine metaphor for the blade of a plough (but is not

listed by LSJ? among the many extended or meta-

course of the first entry, 4ßaı, in the surviving epitome of Steph. Byz., a 1 Bill. The dust jacket

phorical uses of the word). See Bouchon 2009: 519. 1073. For Lilaia (LACP: no. 185), ‘by the springs of Kephisos', see I7. 2. 523. It is surprisingly absent from Hdt. 8. 33 and 35 (enumeration of cities destroyed by the Persians in 480). Anemoreia is unlocated; see Z4CP: p. 404, severely listing it under the heading 'extrapolation or misinterpretation in late sources', and concluding that it was not a polis (despite Steph. Byz. a 314 Bill.) but a

mere place, Zoos. See Strabo 9.3. 15, giving an etymology from squalls of wind blowing down on it. 1074. ποθοῦντες: for this key nostos-word, see 645n. and 9o4n. As there noted, the structure there is similar: colonial Greeks will yearn for ... then list follows of homeland places, Boiotian and Thessalian there, Phokian here. Cf. Bouchon

2009:

518. Ἄμφισσαν: W.

Lokrian

Amphissa

of Fraser 2009 is illustrated by the handsome opening page of the Aldine ed. princeps of Steph. Byz., which contains that entry. 1075-1082. Setaia The story of Setaia, the Trojan prisoner who encouraged her fellow Trojan women to set fire to the Greek ships at a site near Sybaris, and was then punished by crucifixion on a rock which was

then named

after her, has been

hinted at

already (see gzın. on Nauaithos). Strabo alluded

very briefly to the 'bold act’, τόλμημα, of the Trojan women (plural), but added that the place

where it happened is variously given: 6. 1. 14. See also V. A. 5. 603-63; Steph. Byz. Σηταῖον. Strabo was quite right. Even the identity of

(LACP: no. 158) is strictly out of place in a Phokian

the fleet which was torched (Greek or Trojan?) is

catalogue. Perhaps one reason for smuggling it in here is Lyk.’s awareness of historically certain Lokrian colonizing activity in S. Italy: not only

differently given; Dion. Hal. 1. 72 (below) gave the two basic versions side by side, first Trojan fleet, then Greek. Lyk. follows the version in

387

1075-1084

Further nostoi

Σήταια τλῆμον, σοὶ δὲ πρὸς πέτραις μόρος μίμνει δυσαίων, ἔνθα γυιούχοις πέδαις H

^

,

x

,

^

μὲ

^

Hd

,

,

1075

id

οἴκτιστα χαλκείῃσιν ὠργυιωμένη θανῇ, πυρὶ φλέξασα

δεσποτῶν στόλον,

ἔκβλητον αἰάζουσα Κράθιδος πέλας τόργοισιν αἰώρημα φοινίοις δέμας.

1080

σπιλὰς δ᾽ ἐκείνη σῆς φερώνυμος τύχης πόντον προσαυγάζουσα φημισθήσεται. οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Πελασγῶν ἀμφὶ Μέμβλητος ῥοάς νῆσόν τε Κερνεᾶτιν ἐκπεπλωκότες ^

[4

^

2

,

age of women 1, Mor. 265b-e and 243e-2442). It is also in Polyain. 8. 25. 2. Fowler 2013: 568 concludes that the name of the woman who set fire to

which the fleet is Greek, and is set fire to by a captive Trojan woman or women. For Lyk., the woman is Setaia, for whom

see Höfer, ‘Setaia’ in

Roscher; Wathelet 2009: 341, Mari 2009: 424 n. 40, citing V. as above; Klein 2009: 568 n. 20. She is thus another of the poem's many female victims,

recalling

eg.

Hesione

and

Andromeda,

both exposed to ravening creatures. For this version see also Dion. Hal. 1. 72. 2-4, citing Aristotle, frag. 609 Rose. The name Setaia is, however, spe-

cific to Lyk., perhaps following Timaios. Steph. Byz. was surely derivative from Lyk. Tzetzes cites Apollodoros (= ep. 6. 15, reconstructed from Tzetzes) for a variant of this basic

version. According to this variant, the Greek ships were fired by the Trojan daughters of Laomedon:

Aithylla, Astyoche, and Medesikaste. Nothing is said about crucifixion on the rocks. However, Dion. Hal. (1. 72. 1-2) also reports a

very different version in which the fleet was Trojan, and this is his primary interest because it appeared to provide an explanation of the name of Rome. He attributes this version specifically though anonymously to Hellanikos (frag. 84, designated as ‘the man who compiled the list of priestesses of Argos and what happened in the tenure of each of them), Kephalon of Gergithion, Damastes of Sigeion (FGrHist 5 F 3), and others; see Fowler 2013: 561-8, esp. 567. Aineias (said Hellanikos)

came from Molossia to Italy with Odysseus, and there founded Rome, which was named after one

of the Ῥώμη vn» τῇ women also

Trojan women with them. This woman was irked at their wanderings, βαρυνομέπλάνῃ, and encouraged the other Trojan to set fire to the (Trojan) ships. Tzetzes

knows

this

version,

and

attributes

it to

Plutarch (Rom. 1, Roman Questions 6 and The cour-

the ships can have been Rhome, who is ‘simply the

eponym of the city’. For the development of the story (Aineias an addition by Hellanikos, ‘the mythological systematiser’, to a story in which he did not originally fit), see Wiseman 1995: 50-1. As Holzinger says in his n. on 921, the storytype recurs in the foundation legends of several ancient cities, including Skione (FGrHist 26 Konon F 1. XIII), Phlegra on the Pallene promontory in Chalkidike (Strabo 7 frag. 14. 12; here

the ships are Greek and the Trojan women are captives), and Egesta (Virgil, as above). For the various locations and sources see also Fowler 2013: 567 and n. 150: ‘a roving anecdote, variously localised, though it is always part of the Nostoi, and Trojan women are always the perpetrators, whether as free women or captives in a Greek fleet’. To Fowler's list of places and sources, add [Ar] mir. ausc. 109, locating the episode among the Daunians, and giving it as an aition for the wearing of black clothes. This has obvious relevance to 1137, the Daunian Maidens

are dressed

like the Erinyes, i.e. in black. See n. there. 1075. Ζήταια τλῆμον: as usual (gon.), Kassandra

apostrophizes a Trojan character. She has used τλῆμον to apostrophize Troy itself, and also Egesta, a kind of Trojan offshoot (52 and 968). 1076. γυιούχοις πέδαις: the adjective is a hapaxword,

from

Homeric

yvia, ‘limbs’. With

the

whole expression cf. A. Prom. 168-9 kparepais ev γυιοπέδαις and Pi. P 2. 41, ἐν δ᾽ ἀφύκτοισι γυιοπέδαις.

488

1075-1084

Other Greeks settle in Lucania

Unhappy Setaia, a miserable fate awaits you on the rocks, where you will die a pitiful death,

1075

in chains of bronze pinioning

your outstretched arms, because you set fire to the ships of your

masters.

Near the Krathis you will lament your body, thrown out to hang in mid-air for the bloody vultures. That crag which looks out over the sea will bear your name and be called after your fate.

1080

Others will sail out near the Pelasgian streams of Membles and the Kerneatid island;

Hipponion, historical colonies of Epizephyrian Lokroi (Th. s. 5. 3, cf. 1069n.). (). The case for Sardinia (Carthaginian i.e. Punic territory) rests on the similarity of the Phoenician name MeuBAidpews son of Kadmos at Hdt. 4. 147. 4 and 148. 3. The island-name Kepvedris is then explained by a loose association with the noun «épvos, an earthenware dish with

1077. For the three-word line, cf. 63n. (there is another at 1082). ὠργυιωμένη: ‘with arms stretched out’, from öpyvra, ‘the length of the outstretched arms’ (LSJ). The tongue-twisting long vowels of the line enact the crucifixion. 1080. αἰώρημα: Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59 compares E. Hel. 353 (φόνιον αἰώρημα, cf. φοινίots here) and

Or. 984 (so too Ciani), but the

small pots attached, and used for making offerings

meanings there are slightly different, nooses or chains for hanging, whereas here the meaning is that the woman herselfis suspended.

to the gods. This is then taken as an allusion to the nuraghi (granaries?) which

1081. φερώνυμος: see 164n. The characteristic preoccupation with naming is reinforced by the near-redundant φημισθήσεται in 1082. For the crag Setaion, see introductory n.

followed

of the

elsewhere,

was

interested

in

Sardinia

(FGrHist 566 F 63-4 with Brown 1958: 38-42). (2) Melos

1082. Another three-word line (1077n.). See also

is called ‘Mimbles’ by Pliny NH 4.

70, ‘Melos cum oppido, quam Aristides Mimblida appellat' this Aristides is hesitantly taken by

1081n.

1083-1086. Other Greeks settle in Lucania, after sailing via ‘Membles’ (Melos? Sardinia?)

are a feature

Sardinian landscape, and which might be described as ‘Pelasgian’ i.e. old but non-Greek. It may or may not be relevant that Timaios, whom Lyk. probably

Jacoby to be the author of a work on the foundation of Knidos

Hesych.

(see FGrHist 444 F6). See also

MeußAis:

MiAos

ἡ νῆσος

and

Kall.

This short near-final section of the Greek nostoi

frag. 582 Pf. (Mimallis or Memallis) with Pfeiffer's

narratives is the most obscure of the entire series.

comm. Perhaps there was a river Membles on Melos. Kepveär:s would then refer to Melian pot-

Only

the

final

destinations,

Lucania

and

the

‘plains of Lametos’ (1085n.) are secure. Y merely says that Membles was a river in Italy. But this has not been generally accepted by commentators, perhaps because the implication of the passage is that Membles and the ‘Kerneatid island’ are the points of departure for a voyage which ends up in S. Italy. The two main modern candidates for Membles are (1) Sardinia and (2) Melos, advocated by Holzinger and Ciaceri respectively, The places eventually settled might be Medma and

tery (cf. above). Apollodoros 6. 15b has Athenians,

retuming from Troy under Menestheus, going to Melos. Might this be an invention designed to

deny che Spartan colonial role at Melos? Ingenious though both these explanations are, it may be better to stick to the ancient explanation: the Membles an Italian river, perhaps the Lucanian Melpes; Kerneatis will then be some

off-shore island. See 18n. for a different island called Kerne.

389

Further nostoi

1085-1097

ὑπὲρ πόρον Τυρσηνὸν ev Aaumriaus €

x

/

x

>

,^

1085

δίναισιν οἰκήσουσι Μευκανῶν πλάκας. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλγη ποικίλαι τε συμφοραὶ ἄνοστον αἰάζοντας ἕξουσιν τύχην, ἐμῶν ἕκατι δυσγάμων ῥυσταγμάτων.

οὐδ᾽ οἱ χρόνῳ μολόντες ἀσπαστῶς δόμους εὐκταῖον ἐκλάμψουσι θυμάτων σέλας, χάριν τίνοντες Κερδύλᾳ Λαρυνθίῳ. 305

€

,

/

3

^

/

τοιαῖσδ᾽ ἐχῖνος μηχαναῖς οἰκοφθορῶν, παραιολίξει τὰς ἀλεκτόρων πικρὰς oreyavöuovs ὄρνιθας. οὐδὲ vaupayoı λήξουσι πένθους δυσμενεῖς φρυκτωρίαι, /

"

3

x

[4

1090

1095

πτόρθου διαρραισθέντος, ὃν νεοσκαφὲς

ery in Palamedes' tent and he was stoned by the

1085. ἐν Μαμητίαις: the river Lametos reached the sea just 5. of Tereina. See Barr. map 46 D4.

Greek army. See 384-386 n. Nauplios took revenge for this by (a) wrecking some of the Greek ships off

1086. Δευκανῶν πλάκας: Lyk.’s only explicit men-

Euboia (385-386, where Nauplios is the 'viperous

tion of Lucania, though the region is prominent. 1087-1089. Recapitulation

wrecker), and (b) causing the unfaithfulness of wives of some of the Greek heroes (Apollod. ep. 6.

For such short sections, see 1281~1282 n.

the section about Diomedes, who was one of the

1088. ävoorov ... τύχην: cf. Od. 24. 528, καί νύ -— Y + MF κε δὴ πάντας ὅλεσαν καὶ ἔθηκαν ἀνόστους. See

Greeks so punished; see 6rrn. on παραίτιον. We would have expected Odysseus to be the main target of Nauplios revenge, so that the famous fidelity

9). Revenge (b) was perhaps already hinted at in

910 n. for the nost- root.

of Penelope would be a puzzle on the standard tra-

1089. This line, whose thought echoes 365, closes the ring of the main nostoi narratives; but the idea (central to the poem) that Greek sufferings are in

requital for the violence offered by Lokrian Ajax to Kassandra, will recur, with pointed specificity of place, in the Lokrian Maidens section at 1151: ὑμεῖς ἐμῶν ἕκατι δυσσεβῶν γάμων. Övoydμων: cf. E. Ph. 1047-8, γάμους / δυσγάμους, or

Tro. 1114, δύσγαμον αἶσχος. ῥυσταγμάτων: on this hapax-word for (sexual) violence against a woman, see Guilleux 2009: 230; the root verb is

ῥυστάζω, as at Od. 16. 109, where it describes the treatment of the servant-girls on Ithaka; cf. 771n. 1090-1098. Nauplios will take revenge on those

who do find their way home Nauplios was father of Palamedes, who outwitted Odysseus by seeing through his feigned madness (815-819), and compelled him to join the war against Troy. Odysseus planted evidence of treach-

dition about her; but for Kassandra, she is a demurely fornicating vixen: 771-772. There is another echo of an earlier section of

the poem, the description of the beacons lit by Sinon to guide the Greek fleet back to Troy; see 1096 n. On 1090-1098 see Debiasi 2006. 1090. The long preceding section was devoted to those whose nzostos was denied them (cf. 1088, dvo-

στον.... τύχην). Now Kassandra tums to those

who came home, but unhappily, or rather not happily for long. Agamemnon, subject of the immediately following section, is the prime example. 1091. εὐκταῖον: ‘votive’, from εὐχή, εὔχομαι. In

this word, and in 1091-1092 generally, there is surely an ironic allusion here to Klytaimestra's claim that the third blow she struck against Agamemnon in his bath was a votive thankoffering to ‘Hades of the dead’ (i.e. Zeus) below

the earth, τοῦ κατὰ χθονὸς / Ἅιδου νεκρῶν

390

Nauplios will punish those who do get home they will settle beyond the Tyrrhenian strait, in the Leukanian plains by the swirling waters of Lametos. So griefs and various disasters shall grip them, as they mourn their destiny of no return, the requital for my ill-wedded violation. Not even those who joyfully arrive home at last will light votive flames of sacrifice, paying thanks to Kerdylas, the Larynthian. With such tricks the home-wrecking hedgehog will deceive the embittered house-bound hens

of the cockerels. But his hostile ship-destroying

see n. there). θυμάτων σέλας: the sacrifices are

thank-offerings for safe returns, χαριστήρια (cf. 1092, χάριν) Or σωτήρια. 1092. χάριν: see 1091 n. for the Aeschylean echo.

Κερδύλᾳ Λαρυνθίῳ: epithets for Zeus. The first ie. Apollo at

208, where, however, the reference was to 'cun-

1094. παραιολίξει: a hapax word, apart from

ning’ rather than ‘profit’. Here ‘profit’ makes better sense: the returning hero expected to bring back booty in one form or another. The suggestion that the second has to do with Roman or Etruscan Lares is daring.

1380

1103, στέγην). Behind these lines there are other

echoes of A. Ag., e.g. Kassandra’s contemptuous description of Aigisthos as a stay-at-home lion, Adovr’ ἄναλκιν ἐν λέχει στροφώμενον / oikovρόν (1224-5, cf. 1626). ναυφάγοι: a hapax-word, ‘ship-devouring’.

the hedgehog (and a famous line of Archilochos,

come not near our fairy queen’. But the sinister maritime activities of Nauplios (at 384—386 he

potter's

1095. areyavópovs ὄρνιθας: the adjective is very rare, possibly influenced by areyavóv δίκτυον at A. Ag. 358 (so Rougier-Blanc 2009: 546 and n. 52. The root-words will recur at 1098, στέγος, and

tures, said to be Britain’s most popular mammals, but cf. Aelian 6. 54 on the malicious cunning of

seen; / newts and blind-worms, do no wrong, /

of the Milesian

as at S. frag. 912 7rGF where verbal trickery is meant. Perhaps compare 4, αἰόλον στόμα, said of Kassandra herself.

erable tr. is ‘hedgehog’ (χερσαῖος ἐχῖνος or land-echinos, as opp. θαλάσσιος ἐχῖνος or sea-echinos). To us, hedgehogs are delightful crea-

fox knows many things, thing"), and more recently 2. gfl.: ‘you spotted snakes thorny hedgehogs, be not

(the deception

daughter). It is apparently formed from aloAitw,

1093. ἐχῖνος: see 386, also referring to Nauplios, where σίντης is a synonym for ἔχις, ‘viper’, see n. there (also discussing the Greek rather than Trojan focalization in both passages). The pref-

frag. 201 West, ‘the the hedgehog one big Shakespeare MND 2. with double tongue, /

1090

lures the Greek ships at night onto the rocks of Euboia) make ‘sea-urchin’ equally appropriate; as often with Lyk., both meanings may well be present. There is a possible extra pun on nearby Echinos in Malis, the place mentioned at 904; see n. there, For Palamedes and Nauplios see generally Gantz 1993: 603-8. See also 12161225 for Nauplios and the wives of the Greeks. οἰκοφθορῶν: a Herodotean word; see 5. 29. 1 (neglected Milesian estates).

ova: the verb must here be transitive, as at 345 (λάμψῃ, a passage which will be recalled at 1096;

superficially resembles Κερδῷος

1085

1095

beacons will not put an end to his grief for his murdered son, whom a newly-dug grave σωτῆρος εὐκταῖαν xapıv: A. Ag. 1386-7. éxAdp-

1085-1097

1096. κακὸν frame found

δυσμενεῖς φρυκτωρίαι: cf. 345, λάμψῃ φρύκτωρον (Sinon): deceptive beacon-fires the nostoi narrative. The noun φρυκτωρία is in good Attic prose (Th. 3. 22. 8).

1097. πτόρθου: see 965n.

391

1098-1106

Further nostoi

κρύψει ποτ᾽ ἐν κλήροισι Μηθύμνης στέγος.

ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀμφὶ χύτλα τὰς δυσεξόδους ζητῶν κελεύθους αὐχενιστῆρος βρόχου

IIGO

ἐν ἀμφιβλήστρῳ συντεταργανωμένος τυφλαῖς ματεύσει χερσὶ κροσσωτοὺς ῥαφάς. θερμὴν δ᾽ ὑπαὶ λουτρῶνος ἀρνεύων στέγην,

τιβῆνα καὶ κύπελλον ἐγκάρῳ ῥανεῖ, τυπεὶς σκεπάρνῳ κόγχον εὐθήκτῳ μέσον.

1105

οἰκτρὰ de πέμφιξ Ταίναρον πτερύξεται, 3

1102

x

x

/

/,

EA

κροσσωτοὺς D κροσωτοὺς B κορσωτοὺς CE κορφωτοὺς A

1098. Philostratos (Heroikos 33. 48) says that Achilles and Ajax buried Palamedes on the Aiolian mainland. Since the cities of Lesbos possessed Asiatic peraiat, this is compatible with Lyk. (See OCD*, ‘peraea’.) 1099-1107. foreseen

The

murder

of

For Aeschylus, Klytaimestra is the main or sole agent of Agamemnon’s murder, and boasts of it (Ag. 1380, οὕτω δ᾽ ἔπραξα, καὶ τάδ᾽ οὐκ ἀρνήσομαι). She kills him in his ‘silver-sided bath-tub’:

A. Ag. 1539-40 (the Chorus), ἀργυροτοίχου / δροίτας (for the noun see 1108), cf. also Cho. 491, Orestes urges his father's ghost to remember the bath, μέμνησο λουτρῶν; and see 1104 n. This is the version which Kassandra appears to follow, although Klytaimestra is dramatically saved up, and not actually alluded to until the final line of

Agamemnon

The violent death of Agamemnon is the paradigm of the unhappy homecoming, of the kind prepared for in general terms at 1090-1091. It can be seen as

one of a pair with the equally important death of Ajax at 387-407; see Durbec 20092: 394-8; Mari 2009: 407. The treatment is Aeschylean, as we shall see; cf. Durbec 2006b, also Kolde 2009: 48-55 (who

the Agamemnon section, where she is the ‘lioness

of the baleful house-keeping’, which his ghost will see as it flutters to Hades (1107; see Durbec 20092:

397-8). This does not quite amount to saying that Klytaimestra was the killer of her husband, but her agency is surely implied by the very Aeschylean prophecy of Orestes' revenge for the pollution of kin-killing (μίασμ᾽ ἔμφυλον, 1122). The main new element provided by Lyk.’s Kassandra is the important and historically verifiable prediction of the posthumous cult of

at 51 notes the absence in Lyk. of Aigisthos). In

Homer (04. 11. 387-464), the nostos of Agamemnon is offered as contrast to the ultimately happy return of Odysseus, but that contrast is naturally absent here, in a narrative in which Odysseus is a wretch

who would have done much better to stay at home (815-819). Further, though in Homer Klytaimestra is admittedly treated as equally guilty with Aigisthos (see e.g. Od. 3. 235 and 4. 92, with West 2013a: 268), the actual murder of Agamemnon

is

emphatically the work of Aigisthos, who feasted him, then killed him ‘like an ox at the manger’ (Od. 4. 535 and τι. 411); Homer’s Klytaimestra, the

cunning one, δολόμητις, kills Kassandra (rt. 422). In the opening scene of the Odyssey, Zeus speaks entirely in terms of Aigisthos, whom he uses to illustrate human folly in blaming the gods for their own errors (Od. 1. 29-43); Aigisthos is the killer of Agamemnon, and Klytaimestra (not named) is merely his stolen wife (1. 36).

both Ágamemnon and Kassandra (1123-1140).

1099. δυσεξόδους: for the idea that the net was hard/impossible for Agamemnon to extricate himself from, cf. ἄπειρον at A. Ag. 1382, quoted at HOIn. 1101. A suitable impressive and Aeschylean threeword line, cf. 63n. This whole section about the violent deaths of Agamemnon and Kassandra contains two more (1109, 1117). ἀμφιβλήστρῳ: this and δροίτης at 1108 are the most explicitly Aeschylean words of the whole section; the literal meaning of ἀμφίβληστρον is something

392

1098-1106

The murder of Agamemnon foreseen

will one day hide in the territory of Methymna.

One in his bath will seek a difficult way of escape from the noose round his neck; entangled in a net, he will search with blind hands among the tasselled stitches. He will leap towards the hot roof of the bath-chamber and sprinkle the tripod and basin with his brains, struck through the middle of his skull by the sharp axe. His sad ghost will flutter towards Tainaron,

him, from which there is no way out, as for fishes,

an evil wealth of clothing, ἄπειρον dupißAnotpov, ὥσπερ ἰχθύων / περιστιχίζω, πλοῦτον εἵματος κακόν, See also Cho. 492, Elektra (picking up Orestes’ invocation in the preceding line 491, See 1099-1107n.) urges her father's ghost to ‘remember the net', μέμνησο δ᾽ ἀμφίβληστρον.

must be ‘skull’, and be connected with κάρα, ‘head’; but for an ancient derivation cf. I} 9. 378

τίω δέ μιν ἐν καρὸς αἴσῃ (a problematic expression meaning ‘care nothing for’) with Rengakos 1994: 122; HE 20=ep. Il. 3 (Alkaios of Messene).

At Ag. 115-16, Kassandra refers prophetically

first Agamemmnon,

then his son Orestes, will

1105. σκεπάρνῳ: an axe, or rather adze. It is uncertain and disputed whether Aeschylus makes Kiytaimestra kill Agamemnon—and Kassandra?— with a sword (at Ag. 1262, Kassandra speaks of a

φάσγανον, cf, ξίφει at 1351, the Chorus) or with an

lead destructive invasions of Asia Minor. Orestes will there be called son of the man who was slain in a net, like a dumb fish (1375). evvrerap-

axe, as may be implied by the chopping-block, ἐπί€nvov, which Kassandra mentions at 1277, where she foresees her own death. Lyk.'s Kassandra has it

γανωμένος: this hapax word, which occupies the

both ways, or rather implies an axe for Agamemnon

whole second half of the iambic line (Durbec 2009: 397), enacts the sense of envelopment and inextricability. 1102. ruplais ... xepat: cf. E. Pb. 1699 τυφλὴν xeipa (of the blinded Oidipous), with Gigante Lanzara 2009: m1 and Durbec 20092: 396, also Craik on the E. passage, noting the transferred epithet. κροσσωτοὺς pagds: the adjective, ‘tasselled’, was used in the variant form κορσωτή at 291, where κροσσωτή was a v. l., see 290-292n., discussing the difficult Homeric word κρόσσαι. 1103. ἀρνεύων: a difficult verb, perhaps connected to dpveurnp,acrobat’,as at 11 12. 385; see Guilleux 2009: 227 n. 27. στέγην: the covered bath is another of the sinister ‘closed places'in the poem; see Lambin 2009: 166.

πος

1104. τιβῆνα καὶ κύπελλον: acc. 2, τιβήν is a tripod; the κύπελλον is the basin at the top of the tripod. Aeschylus’ Kassandra foresees Agamemnon falling in the bathtub full of water, and the death involving the murderous cauldron, δολοφόνου λέβητος τύχαν, Ag. 1129. ἐγκάρῳ: the meaning

cast around’. For the net-like garment in which Klytaimestra ensnared Agamemnon, see Ag. 1382-3, where she says she has staked a net round

to the net as a δίκτυον and an ἄρκυς, and Orestes uses both words at Che. 999-1000. ἀμφίβληστρον will recur in the present poem's final episode devoted to Agamemnon, namely 1369-1377:

1100

and a sword for herself, cf. 1109 n. on κνώδοντι.

1106. πέμφιξ: a ghost,cf. Kall. frag. 43. 41. Pf. with D'Alessio 2006 (see also 686, where the word was spelt differently), See also Euphorion frag. 131 Lightfoot, with her n. 173. Ταίναρον: Tainaron, at the 5. tip of the Peloponnese—the mod. Mani peninsula—was

alluded

to, but not

named,

at

90-91; see n. there. It was a place of access to the Underworld, and site of an oracle of the dead: Strabo 8.5.1 and Paus. 3. 25. 4, both mentioning a temple of Poseidon and a cave, and relating that this is where Herakles brought up Kerberos from Hades. Cf. Ogden 2001: 34-42; Ustinova 2009:

69-71; OCD* ‘Taenarum’. (LACP: 576 usefully collects the evidence about the historical location Tainaron, but says nothing about the Underworld

393

1107-1118

Further nostoi

λυπρὰν λεαίνης εἰσιδοῦσ᾽ οἰκουρίαν. ἐγὼ δὲ δροίτης ἄγχι κείσομαι πέδῳ, Χαλυβδικῷ κνώδοντι συντεθραυσμένη, >

M

A

7

» » ETTEL HE,

, TTEUKNS

L4

H

, πρέμνον

,

^ " ἢ OTUTOS

\ δρυὸς

IIO

ὅπως Tis ὑλοκουρὸς ἐργάτης ὀρεύς, ῥήξει πλατὺν τένοντα καὶ μετάφρενον, καὶ πᾶν λακίζουσ᾽ ἐν φοναῖς ψυχρὸν δέμας

δράκαινα διψάς, κἀπιβᾶσ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐχένος, πλήσει γέμοντα θυμὸν ἀγρίας χολῆς, ὡς κλεψίνυμφον, κοὐ δορίκτητον γέρας €

M

?

/,

IIIS

/

δύσζηλος ἀστέμβακτα τιμωρουμένη. βοῶσα δ᾽ οὐ κλύοντα δεσπότην πόσιν, 107

λυγρὰν Scheer

and the oracle.) Here Tainaron metonymically does duty for Hades. In both this line and 1119, Lyk. may have in mind the account of these events in Pi. P 11. 20-2: Klytaimestra, the pitiless woman, sent Kassandra, together with the soul of Agamemnon, to the shadowy shore of Acheron,

σὺν Ἀγαμεμνονίᾳ / ψυχᾷ πόρευ᾽ Ἀχέροντος ἀκτὰν παρ᾽ εὔσκιον / νηλὴς γυνά. πτερύξεται: the picture of the soul or ghost of the dead man leaving his body and flitting off to Hades is Homeric; cf. J/ 22. 362 (Hektor): ψυχὴ δ᾽ ἐκ ῥεθέων πταμένη Ἀιδόσδε βεβήκει.

A. Ag. and Pi. (tmosn. and ı106n.). At 1372, Kassandra repeats that she will die together with Agamemnon, σὺν & θανοῦμαι.

1108, ἐγὼ δέ: the first-person singular indicates that this is a key section of the narrative (cf. 348, ἐγὼ δὲ τλήμων); see Sistakou 2009: 250. For further examples in this section (ἐμός or ἐγώ),

see 1126, 1135, 1139. Opoérgs: Garvie 328f. on A. Cho. 999 (the word ambiguous); Pfeiffer 1960: 143 n. 38.

1109. For the three-word line, see 63n. and rrorn.

“Χαλυβδικῶ κνώδοντι: the Chalybes lived at the 1107. λυπρὰν λεαίνης... οἰκουρίαν: for οἰκου-

E. end of the Black Sea (Xen.

ρόν used οἵ Aigisthos, see A. Ag. 1226, quoted

were famous for steel-making. Cf A. Prom. 714-15, σιδηροτέκτονες ... XáAvBes, and E.

at 1095n., and with λυπρὰ olxoupia cf. οἰκουρὸς πικρά at E. Hek. 1277, also about Klytaimestra (cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: u2 and Collard on the E. passage, citing A. Ag. 606-8, where Klytaimestra treacherously calls herself a good

watchdog in the house, ἐν δόμοις ... κύνα ἐσθλήν). For Klytaimestra as 'two-footed lioness’, see A. Ag. 1258 (speech by Kassandra). She will be

a viper at 1114 and 1121 (for these nasty animal metaphors, see Sistakou 2009: 242). See 404 n. 1108-1122. Kassandra foresees her own murder by Klytaimestra Already at Od. 11. 423, Agamemnon had told Odysseus that Kassandra was killed with him, ἀμφ᾽ ἐμοί, and the theme was developed by

“παῤ. 4. 7. 15) and

frag. 472. 6 TrGF, Χαλύβῳ πελέκει, and Kall. frag. 110 Pf. line 48, denouncing the makers of the iron shears which removed the lock of hair from Berenike's head: Χαλύβων ὡς ἀπόλοιτο γένος. Strabo 12. 3. 19-20 connects the Chalybes with the Alybe region, where there were silver-mines (I. 2. 857). For κνώδων see 466n. συντεθραυσμένη: for the verb, see 436n. 1110. πρέμνον ἢ στύπος: two words for the trunk of a tree; for the first, see HHHerm.

238 (‘only

found here in early poetry’, acc. N. J. Richardson); for the second, cf. Ap. Rh. 1. 1117 (of a vine-stump). INI. ὅπως τις ὑλοκουρός .. .: the model for the simile is surely S. Ei. 97-9, Electra speaking in

394

1107-1118

Kassandra foresees her own murder by Klytaimestra

as it sees the baleful house-keeping of the lioness. And I shall lie on the ground close by the bathtub, shattered by a Chalybian blade, when, just as a pine-trunk or the bole of an oak-tree is split by a wood-cutting workman on the mountains, she splits my broad neck-muscles and my back, tearing my cold corpse all over with bloody wounds. ‘The thirst-viper will trample on my neck and sate her passion full of wild fury;

IIIO

IIIS

as if I were an adulteress, not a spear-won prize,

the jealous woman takes her revenge pitilessly. And I, crying out to my lord and husband, who does not hear me,

the adjective, see 933 n. There is a likely allusion,

lyrics: μήτηρ δ᾽ ἡμὴ χὡ kowodexns / Αἴγισθος ὅπως δρῦν ὑλοτόμοι / σχίζουσι κάρα φονίῳ

in the present emphatic denial, to Agamemnon’s

parison to Il. 13. 389-91 = 16. 482-4). But Lyk.’s

claim at A. Ag. 954-5 that Kassandra was a 'specially chosen flower, the gift of the army’, ἐξαίρε-

language is predictably more unusual: ὑλοκουρός is a hapax-word for ὑλοτόμος.

mere adulteress. See further 118n.

πελέκει (Finglass in his comm. traces the com-

τον / ἄνθος, στρατοῦ δώρημα, i.e. she was not a

rm. ῥήξει πλατὺν τένοντα: the expression is

1117. For the three-word line, cf. 63 n., 1101 n. δύσζηλος: a Homeric word; see Od. 7. 307 (Odysseus to Alkinoos). But it reappears in Hellenistic poetry; see also Ap. Rh. 4.1089. doreußaxra: for

superficially Homeric-sounding; cf. 77. 5. 307 (the wounding of Aineias by Diomedes): πρὸς δ᾽ ἄμφω ῥῆξε révovre; but there the reference is to the tendons of the legs, whereas here Kassandra

the thought (‘the pitiless woman) cf. vnAns γυνά

must mean the muscles of the neck; for τένων cf.

also HE 140 = Alkaios of Messene XXI. 7. 1114. δράκαινα διψάς: a very strong animalmetaphor, apparently made up of two substan-

at Pi. P rr. 22 (quoted in full at 1106 n.). For the

rare word (a variant of Homeric ἀστεμφής, lit. ‘without moving’, as at Od. 2. 344, of the sceptre

of Odysseus), cf. Euphorion frag. 121 Lightfoot.

tives. The διψάς was an extremely venomous snake which supposedly caused intense thirst; see Nik. 75. 334 and Aelian NA 6. 51. At A. Cho. 249 (cf. also 994), Orestes called his mother

Klytaimestra a dreadful viper, δεινὴ ἔχιδνα, and this word is picked up at 1121. There may also be an allusion here to the ancient belief that the female viper killed its mate after intercourse (so Z). The

δράκαινα

only other

in

the

female who

poem

is

Kirke

1118. βοῶσα δ᾽ οὐ κλύοντα: this both resembles and differs from the account given of his own last

moments by Homer’s Agamemnon, reporting to Odysseus in the Underworld (Od. 11. 421-2): he says that he did hear the pitiful screams of Priam's

daughter Kassandra, οἰκτροτάτην δ᾽ ἤκουσα ὅπα Πριάμοιο θυγατρός / Κασσάνδρης. The difference (did he hear her or not?) is a brilliant allusion to Kassandra’s gift of unbelieved prophecy, a theme absent from Homer, but prominent in both A. (4g. 1212) and Lyk. (1454). It was

is called a

(674n.).

κἀπιβᾶσ᾽....: this detail of Klytaimestra trampling on Kassandra’s neck may derive from the

Kassandra's fate not to be believed, and it is even

epic Nostoi (so West 2013a: 269).

more pathetic that at the end of her life she

1116. ὡς κλεψίνυμφον: a vivid and bitter hapaxword of obvious meaning; see Guilleux 2009: 234

should not even be heard. πόσιν: Kassandra’s description of Agamemnon as her husband

for other κλεπτ- formations (γυναικόκλωψ,, 771, λαμπτηροκλέπτης, 846). δορίκτητον γέρας: for

implies

that her

spear-won

ferred actual conjugal rights.

395

status

(1116)

con-

1119-1123

Further nostoi

θεύσω κατ᾽ ἴχνος ἠνεμωμένη πτεροῖς. σκύμνος δὲ πατρὸς κῆρα μαστεύων φόνου eis σπλάγχν᾽ ἐχίδνης αὐτόχειρ βάψει ξίφος, 3

/,

,5

é

3

,

[4

1120

/

κακὸν μίασμ᾽ ἔμφυλον ἀλθαίνων κακῷ. ἐμὸς δ᾽ ἀκοίτης, Suwidos νύμφης ἄναξ, +

M

3.3

/

/

,

=

1119. ἠνεμωμένη πτεροῖς: see r106n.

uniqueness helps to generate a specially imposing

1120. The prophecy of Orestes’ revenge owes a debt to Homer (Od. 1. 30 and 40, Zeus reminds the other gods that Aigisthos was warned by

common word κηλίς was used for the curse of

Hermes

that Orestes would

exact retribution),

but also and above all to a famous passage of A. Ag.

line at this climactic

moment;

at 165, the less

Agamemnons family, the house of Atreus; see n. there. For ἔμφυλον cf. 990, φόνον ἔμφυλον. 1123-1140. Cult of Agamemnon and Kassandra

(1280-1). There Kassandra predicts that one

day a mother-slaying avenger will come for us

The following two long sections, containing first

(ie. herself and Agamemnon): ἥξει yap ἡμῶν

the prophecies of the cult of Agamemnon and Kassandra, and then of the ritual of the Lokrian Maidens at 1141-1173, are of great importance for the understanding of the poem, in which religion and cult play a crucial role throughout. They are also important evidence for ancient Greek religion generally, especially in its female aspect. Nor does this evidence stand alone: much of what Kassandra describes is independently attested epigraphically, archaeologically, or by other literary evidence. The fate of the Lokrian Maidens, which in modern times has become a celebrated case-study of the relationship between myth and ritual, will be dealt with separately below, although in many ways the relevant section forms a pair with the Daunian section. Both episodes are best understood as describing Greek or

ἄλλος

αὖ τιμάορος, / μητροκτόνον

φίτυμα,

ποινάτωρ πατρός. (Imitated by Virgil’s Dido, prophesying the vengeance to be wrought by Hannibal: ‘exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor’,A. 4. 625. C£. also 453.) σκύμνος: see 308 n. Kassandra's favourite metaphor for a son or young man has a particular extra point here: Orestes is a tracking hound on the scent. In A. Eum. 132 the Erinyes were compared to a hound (cf. ro41n.). There, however, the implied or intended object of

the pursuit is Orestes himself. The oscillation of the metaphor between pursuer and pursued neatly makes the same point as 112 (ill cannot really be cured by ill). μαστεύων: for Orestes as pursuer, cf. Orestes’ own language at A. Cho. 273, μέτειμι, 988 μετῆλθον. 1121. See Garvie 332 on A. Cho. 1011, φᾶρος τόδ᾽, ὡς ἔβαψεν Αἰγίσθου ξίφος. ἐχίδνης: see 140. for the Aeschylean echo. The noun is found here only in the poem. αὐτόχειρ: for such formations, often used to suggest homicide, see 438. 1122. κακὸν μίασμα. ... ἀλθαίνων κακῷ: ‘healing ill with ill’, κακὸν κακῷ ἰᾶσθαι, was proverbial; see Hat. 3. 53. 4 and Th. 5. 65. 2 with CT Ill: 171. For dA@aivw see 582n. (and 10471066n.

on

the

river Althainos

in Italy),

but,

as A.’s Oresteia teaches, the ‘cure’ will not be completed by Klytaimestra's killing at Orestes’ hands, hence ‘ill pollution cured by ill’. μίασμ᾽ ἔμφυλον: the standard and powerful word for pollution, μίασμα, is found here only in the poem. Its

(in the case of Daunia)

Greek-influenced pre-

marital initiatory rituals, and both draw extensively on Timaios for detalls, although the artistic

decision to juxtapose Daunian

and Lokrian

rituals may well have been Lyk.’s own; and we cannot be sure how thoroughly Timaios examined the cults and what slant he gave them. The scepticism of S. West 2003 as to Lyk.'s use of Timaios in this section—as also of Schade 1999: 98, who had advance sight of West 2003—is excessive. Timaios characteristically— and rightly—approached cult via detail, witness his treatment of the Roman ritual of the October horse, F 36 (with 968-969 n.). His account of the Daunians was certainly female-focused no less than was Lyk.’s, see 1137n. (4avvíais, feminine

396

Cults of Agamemnon at Sparta, Kassandra in Daunia

1119-1123

will hurry on his tracks, floating aloft on wings. But the whelp who seeks out the bloody fate of his father shall as murderer bathe his sword in the innards of the viper, healing with ill the ill pollution of kin-killing.

1120

But my husband, lord of the slave girl,

sense of jarring asymmetry: Kassandra, as speaker, naturally finds her own predicament the more urgent and absorbing. Similarly, A.’s Kassandra

plural), and it was hardly confined to a descrip-

tion of the personal appearance of the girls; it also distinguished interestingly between what the Daunians did, and the way their behaviour struck

says she will go into the house to lament for her

the

own death and that of Agamemnon, in that order

Greeks

who

met

them.

That

is, Timaios

was, in his own way, exploring the relationship between Greeks and indigenous Hellenized Italian communities, and their mutual perceptions (cf. 605-606 and nn. for Diomedes and the

non-Greeks on the island/s named Nevertheless Giangiulio 2013: 743-6 Lyk. did not slavishly reproduce Kassandra’s cult in Daunia, but

after him). is right that Timaios on manipulated

inherited material and no doubt added to it. Agamemnon and Kassandra are represented as receiving hero/heroine cult, tied to particular places, as hero-cult often was. Here, Sparta is presented as the place for the worship of Agamemnon, and distant Daunia in SE Italy for Kassandra. But in fact the Spartan cult was shared between the

(4g. 1313-14). For Agamemnon as Zeus at Sparta, see 1124n. Kassandra’ cult is fixed by the poet at Daunia/ Puglia, which has already featured more than once in the poem, most notably in the two sections about Diomedes and his Aitolians (see 592—632 and 1052-1066). But the jump from Sparta is not as abrupt as superficially appears (1128n.). For this Daunian cult, see the valuable and very full discussion by Ciardiello 1997 (esp. 125-36), with some interpretative improvements by Mari 2009: 415727. The cult paid by Daunian women to the marriage-denying Kassandra purports to be a lifeline for nubile girls who wish to escape marriage (1132). But it is far more likely to be an example of

heroized couple (11224n.); and it will be argued (see 1128n.) that colonial ties indirectly linked Sparta and Daunia, which was neighbour to, and

a premarital ritual designed to prepare young women for marriage, by emphasizing the opposite state to that which the women are about to

influenced by, the Spartan colony of Taras. In nar-

enter. It is, in fact, initiatory, and exhibits

rative terms, the juxtaposition,

structure of many such rituals or rites of passage (cf. e.g. Versnel 199ob: 48). See Mari 2009 and esp. Biffis forthcoming. Ciardiello 1997: 132-3 sees that we have here a rite of passage, but seems implausibly to understand the girls to be genuinely resistant to marriage, so that on her interpretation the ritual is anti-marital. For a better view, see Mari 2009: 422-3 and n. 38. Seen in this light, the Daunian cult is complementary to the Lokrian cult which follows it. On Kassandra's Daunian cult see also Giangiulio 2013.

in this section,

of Agamemnon and Kassandra—in that order— is entirely natural, since it reproduces the structure of the ghastly murder-scenes which precede it (1108-1119). But at the same time it goes beyond

the strict and serial implication of the narrative (Sparta for the hero, then Daunia for the heroine) by hinting at a religious truth for which inscribed dedications and other artefacts provide corroboration: Agamemnon and Kassandra actually received hero-cult together at Sparta (see

the

r125n.). As will be seen, there is reason to think

that Kassandras Spartan cult was the older and more important of the two, and this is perhaps enacted by Kasssandras own distribution of attention: three lines for Agamemnon at Sparta, thirteen for Kassandra in Spartan-influenced Daunia. But again there is, in narrative terms, no

1123. ἐμὸς δ᾽: note again (cf. 1108 n.) the strongly emphasized first person. ἀκοίτης: Homeric and tragic, see e.g. 1, 15. 91 (Zeus

the husband

of

Hera), S. Tr. 525. öpwidos: this tragic word (e.g. A. T5. 363) was revived in Hellenistic poetry, see Ap. Rh. 1. 285.

397

1124-1129

Further nostoi

Ζεὺς Σπαρτιάταις αἱμύλοις κληθήσεται, τιμὰς μεγίστας Οἰβάλου τέκνοις λαχών. οὐ μὴν ἐμὸν νώνυμνον ἀνθρώποις σέβας Σ

A

bd

M

é

>

,

1125

/,

ἔσται, μαρανθὲν αὖθι ληθαίῳ σκότῳ. ναὸν δέ μοι τεύξουσι Δαυνίων ἄκροι M

x

7

7

H

Σάλπης παρ᾽ ὄχθαις, οἵ τε Δάρδανον πόλιν 1126

νώνυμνον Hermann

νώνυμον MSS

deception. The point may be that the cult of

1124. Ζεὺς ... κληθήσεται: Agamemnon as Zeus has already been alluded to at 335 (see n. there) and he will recur in this character at 1369-1370, where

Kassandra as well as Agamemnon was worshipped

Agamemnon will in historical time be of occasional advantage to the Spartans, as would be their 6th-cent. securing of the bones of his son Orestes (Hdt. 1. 67-8); cf. the Homerically phrased invocation of Agamemnon in 480 sc by the Spartan Syagros (Hdt. 7. 159). See Buxton 1994: 194 for periodical exploitation of Agamemnon by the Spartan state, although Parker 2011: 109-10 rightly remarks that for the many thousands of small people who

at Sparta. For Kassandras temple located at the site of Agamemnons tomb at Amyklai, see

at Amyklai, he was simply a powerful local helper.

he will be called Zeus Lapersios. For Agamemnon honoured as Zeus at Sparta see the (?) Hellenistic

historian Staphylos of Naukratis, FGrHist 269 F 8 (and in ΒΝ] with L. Pitcher's comm.), quoted by Clement of Alexandria: Ἀγαμέμνονα γοῦν τινα Ala ἐν Σπάρτῃ τιμᾶσθαι Στάφυλος ἱστορεῖ. But

Paus. 3. 19. 5 and (a temple of Kassandra

made dedications to Agamemnon (and Kassandra)

κληθήσεται: cf. the similar thought and expression at 1139-1140, Kassandra herself will be called an immortal god, ἄφθιτος θεά... αὐδηθήσεται, with n. there; for κληθήσεται see togan. (Podaleirios' cult as healing hero in Daunia).

alone

at Messenian Leuktron) 3. 26. 5; cf. Syll? 632 lines 14-15 (2nd or ıst cent. Bc). As remarked at zon., excavations at Amyklai near Sparta in the 1960s (Christou) and again in the late 1990s (Ihemos) revealed offerings to Agamemnon and Alex[andra] i.e. Kassandra. See Fig. 2. Cf. also Salapata

1125. Οἰβάλου τέκνοις: Oibalos was father of Tyndareus, who became king of Sparta: Hes. frag. 199 M/W (from the Catalogue of Women) line 8, Tivéapéov wlorli δῶμα δαίφρονος

2000 and 2009 (votive plaques from Amyklai, per-

haps with chthonic significance). [Ar.] mir. ausc. 106 attests cult for the Atreidai (i.e. Agamemnon and Menelaos, king of Sparta) at S. Italian Taras,

Οἰβαλίδαο, see also Paus. 3. 1. 3-4, Apollod.

at which women were forbidden to partake of the sacrifices, evidently because Agamemnon was murdered by a woman; see Parker 2011: 109 and 24 n. $9, calling this (with acknowledgement to Bremmer 1994: 62) 'a clear, if unusual, example of direct influence of myth on cult’, For the significance

of the Tarentine

connection,

see

1128n.

αἱμύλοις: used of the wheedling of a woman at Hes. WD 374. Spartan deception and trickery was a theme of Attic tragedy (cf. Andromache's denunciation at E. Andr. 446—7, Σπάρτης ἔνοικοι, δόλια βουλευτήρια / ψευδῶν ἄνακτες, μηχανορράφοι

3. 10. 4. In Latin poetry, the possessive form of the name provided a metrically serviceable word for ‘Spartan’; see OLD ‘Oebalius’, citing inter alia V. G. 4.125, where the adj. refers to Sparta's colony Tarentum, with the comms of Mynors and R. F. Thomas (‘the periphrasis is in the Alexandrian manner’); and Ovid Rem. 458, where Helen is "Oebalia paelex', i.e. Spartan concubine. 1126. oU μήν ...: this strong negating formula (otherwise only at 283) recalls both the language and thought of Kassandra at A. Ag. 1279 (from a section of the play which was certainly in Lyk.'s

κακῶν). But in the present context (cult paid to

mind

Kassandra’s lord Agamemnon) the meaning ought to be a little more favourable, hence Ciani’s

unavenged by the gods’, οὐ μὴν ἀτιμοί γ᾽ ἐκ θεῶν

‘callidus, lepidus’. That is, we should expect the emphasis to be on shrewdness rather than on

hereabouts, cf. m20n.):

‘we

shall not die

τεθνήξομεν. In both A. and Lyk., the double negative expresses an emphatic positive notion. Cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 108. ἐμὸν... σέβας: for

398

Cults of Agamemnon at Sparta, Kassandra in Daunia

shall be called Zeus by wily Spartans, and receive the greatest honours from the sons of Oibalos.

112471129 1125

Nor shall my own cult be at all obscure among men, or wither away in forgetful darkness.

The best of the Daunians shall build a temple for me by the banks of Salpe, they who dwell in the city of Dardanos,

the actual words are not picked up, unlike papavdev (cf. above).

Kassandras honour or glory taking the form of posthumous cult, see McNelis and Sens zoıra and esp. Biffis forthcoming; and see 1127 n. vavupwov: in its lengthened form this word (equivalent ofvavupos

ie. dv-wvuuos)

is epic; cf. esp.

Od

1128. ναὸν δέ μοι: this must allude to an actual physical temple or heroon, not yet identified on the ground (nothing in Edlund 1987b). Sistakou

1, 222,

Athena tells Telemachos that the gods have made

2009: 246-7 loosely calls it a mere ‘monument

his line ‘not inglorious (lit. 'nameless’) for the future’,

erected in honour of Cassandra’; it was surely a cult building. dawviwy ἄκροι: the ‘best of the Daunians’; for the adjective used of people cf. Hot. 5. 112. 1, Ionians ἄκροι γενόμενοι overcame the Phoenicians. Daunia was subject to influence

οὐ νώνυμνον ὀπίσσω; and see D. Kidd on νώνυμος at Arat. 370. For metrical reasons, νώνυμον must here be emended, as by Hermann; it is oddly

retained by Ciani. Hurst/Kolde inaccurately report the textual situation. Both forms are attested epigraphically, as metre required: νώνυμον at GVE no. 1965. 11, with Beloch 4° 2. 458-9 (epitaph for man

from Taras to the south (see OCD* ), so it is likely

that the cult of Kassandra was brought over from

Taras’ metropolis, Sparta, and then taken over by

who died at battle of Kouroupedion, 281 sc) and

the Daunians. Compare the cult of Zeus Messapios, which was evidently shared between Sparta and the Messapian region of S. Italy, in the hinterland of Taras: see SEG 39. 376 for ‘Zeus Messapeus’ inscribed on a 6th-cent. Lakonian

νώνυμνον at no. 1451. 1, with Fraser 1977: 103 n. 101 (Rhodes, «200 sc: another metrical epitaph). ἀνθρώποις: it may seem surprising that Kassandra

specifies Agamemnon's cult at Sparta and her own in Daunia, but not her joint cult with Agamemnon at Sparta. But ἀνθρώποις, ‘among men’, is very general, and can be taken to include the Spartan cult, which is anyway presupposed by her Lykophronic name Alexandra (see 3on.: this was her Spartan name), the literal meaning of which is

hinted at in 1132, νυμφίους ἀρνούμεναι; see n. there. It is an attractive guess that the Daunian cult

arrived from Sparta via Taras; see r28n. σέβας: this noun has a cultic tinge (cf. u174n.), cf. A. Cha. 644, the ‘whole majesty of Zeus’, τὸ πᾶν Διὸς σέβας, and HH 28 to Athena 6-7: the other gods themselves

bowl found near Sparta; cf. Herring 1996: 170. For cultural links between Daunia and Peucetia (N. of Taras), see Pouzadoux 2008.

1129. Σάλπης map’ ὄχθαις: for the ‘Salapina palus’ (Lucan 5. 377) or marsh of Sal(a)pia, see Barr. map 45 D2 (mod. Salina di Margherita di Savoi); Ciardiello 1997: 92-4; Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 459 n. 14. Salpi was the port of Argyrippa/Arpi (592 n.) acc. Strabo 6. 3. 9, and, like Argyrippa, was supposedly a foundation of

felt σέβας when they saw the birth of Athena.

Diomedes

1127. μαρανθέν: the idea of ‘fame not forgotten’ is used by Kassandra here at 1126-1127, then about Hekabe (1174-1175) and then about Troy

Hannibal' winter base in 214/13 (Livy. 24. 20. 15), and it continued to be controlled by him until its defection to the Roman side in 210 (Livy 26. 38.

itself in the great

6—14; in this episode, a leading member

Roman

section

(1230-1231),

where the repetition from here of μαρανθέν at 1231 makes the parallel between Kassandra and her fatherland unmistakable. ληθαίῳ σκότῳ: this idea corresponds to ζόφῳ at 1231, although

(Vitruv. 1. 4. 12, and see next n. on

"Dardanos city’). Salpi achieved brief celebrity as

of the

Dasii family played a vital if initially reluctant role; cf. 623n.

See de Sanctis

1968: 444 n. 26;

Toynbee 1965: 2. 27-8). The town was physically moved to a healthier site several km. inland in the

399

1130-1134

Further nostoi 1130

ναίουσι, λίμνης ἀγχιτέρμονες ποτῶν.

κοῦραι δὲ παρθένειον ἐκφυγεῖν ζυγὸν ὅταν θέλωσι, νυμφίους ἀρνούμεναι, τοὺς Ἑκτορείοις ἠγλαϊσμένους κόμαις, μορφῆς ἔχοντας σίφλον 1] μῶμαρ γένους,

early ıst cent. ΒΟ, after the Social War: Vitruv., as

above (with Toynbee 1965: 2. 566 and n. 4, citing Cic. de leg. ag. 2. 71, ‘in Salpinorum plenis pestilentiae finibus’, for the unhealthiness place); cf. OCD* ‘Salapia’.

Monaci, close to the Salapina palus, where Daunian settlement from as early as the mth cent. BC has been established archaeologically (Marin

1972). This site is believed to be the predecessor

of the

of Roman Salpia/Salapia vetus. For further spec-

We have already noticed (623n. on Arpi and

ulation (e.g. an identification with the Herdonea

the Dasii, who claimed descent from Diomedes)

of Livy 25. 21, 1) see Ciardiello 1997: 100-1. Giangiulio 2013: 742 suggests a local toponym

Lyk.’s remarkably good detailed knowledge of the behaviour of the local elites of this region in the Hannibalic War, and the support which

with a base *dard. 1130. dyxırepuoves: see 729n. As often (see e.g. 885 or 1008-1009), Lyk. defines a people in terms

this well-informed coverage—expressed in Lyk.’s usual veiled and unspecific language, to be sure—pives to a late (post-200 sc) dating for the

of the

nearest

waters,

whether

sea,

river,

or

whole poem.

marsh—as here, and as at 1275, where again we have λίμνης ποτά.

1129-1130. of re Δάρδανον πόλιν / ναίουσι; Pliny, in his section on Daunia/Puglia, says that Diomedes destroyed the races ofthe Monadi and

yoke’ may seem a paradoxical way of describing

Dardi,'gentes Monadorum Dardorumque delevit"

evidently thought of as the future state appropri-

(NH 3. 104). Since ‘Dardanian’ was another name for "Irojan, it seems that a mysterious and unlocated Italian city called something like

ate for maidens, cf. 2: τὸν ταῖς πρέποντα λέγει δὲ τὸν γάμον.

ur. παρθένειον marriage

and most famously Rome, to be a new Troy in the West. At J/ 20. 215316 (the genealogy of Aineias), Dardanos, grandfather of Tros, is said to have founded a pre-Trojan city called Dardanie. thought to have originated in Illyria, across the 20112: 58), so that

the Daunian Dardanos might have been founded directly from Illyria. It could still have claimed kinship with Troy. It has been speculated (Torelli 1984 and 1999: 95-7, cf. 172) that Lyk.’s ‘Dardanos city’ should be identified with Luceria on the Samnite/ Apulian border, where the Romans planted a Latin colony in 315/14 Bc (cf. Strabo 6. x. 14 for far away from the coastal Daunian region here implied; see Ciardiello 1997: 106-7, Russo and Barbera 2006. A likelier site is Torretta dei

‘maidenly

1907: 127), but marriage

is

παρθένοις

name ‘Alexandra’, ‘man-repeller’ (30 n.) expresses this aspect of the ritual; see Wathelet 2009: 335. For Kassandra’s

own

sexual refusal (of Apollo)

see 1457 and n. 1133. Exropeiois: the starting point for the understanding of this has to be Homer's description of the dead Hektor being tied to Achilles’

The Dardanians, if distinct from the Trojans, are

Lucerian claims to Trojan origin), but that is too

(Vürtheim

ζυγὸν:

1132. νυμφίους ἀρνούμεναι: Kassandra's Spartan

Dardanos claimed, like Egesta (968), Siris (984),

Adriatic from Daunia (M. West

ἐκφυγεῖν

chariot: ‘his dark hair streamed around’, ἀμφὶ δὲ χαῖται

/ κυάνεαι mírvavro (Il 22. 401-2).

Accordingly, a “Hektor-like hairstyle’ was long at the back, short at the front, acc. 2. Lyk.’s source here is surely Timaios, see FGrHist 566 F 54, from Pollux 2. 29; Hesychios' entry Ἑκτόρειοι κόμαι, which connects the Hektor-like hairstyle with Daunians and Peuketians specifically, and derives it from Troy, says it flowed onto the shoulders

(ὡς Δαύνιοι καὶ Πευκέτιοι, ἔχοντες τὴν dm’ Ἰλίου τοῖς ὥμοις περικεχυμένην τρίχα); this is

also likely to derive from Timaios. The link with

400

Cult of Kassandra in Daunia and live next to the waters ofthe marsh.

1130-1134 1130

And maidens, when they wish to escape the yoke

of marriage, refusing husbands who glory in their Hektor-like haircuts but have some stain of body or family disgrace,

the point must be that the ritual enacts the Kassandra myth: Lokrian Ajax had incurred a

Troy expressed by the name of Hektor reinforces the Trojan aspect already evoked by the name Dardanos at 1129. Surprisingly, there is only one relevant item of archaeological

evidence;

it came

to

stain by his violence against Kassandra, and this

blemish is thought of as attaching to all males, just as Kassandra stands for all nubile females. But there may be a particular Italian dimension. ‘The rejection of the suitors on grounds of unworthiness has (see Mari 2009: 425-7) been brought into connection with the marriage law or custom

scholarly

attention fairly recently. A remarkable hydria of 510 Bc from the circle of Euthymides, depicting the ransoming of Hektor, whose corpse lies on

the ground,

illustrates

the Hektor

hairstyle

perfectly. See Fig. 6. The connection with the present line of Lyk. was made by Austin 1972 soon after the vase appeared in a Swiss auction catalogue in 1967, the object is now in the Fogg

of the Samnites, not far away to the W. of Daunia,

as described by Strabo (s. 4. 12), partially confirmed by Nikolaos of Damascus (FGrHist go F 1030). Strabo says that Samnite marriageable girls could not be married off as the family pleased, but every year ten girls were bestowed on ten

Museum at Harvard, and is LIMC 1. 1 ‘Achilleus’

p. 150 no. 655, illustrated at 1. 2 p. 123. See also Schefold 1992: 264 fig. 318, with description of its ‘forceful expressionism’ at 263-4: the dead Hektor ‘a great tortured hulk, his skin spattered with

suitors (sc. by the community—ómpuooíg,

as

vous κόμαις: prowing the hair was a manifestation of young male aggression, sexual potency and general self-assertiveness; see Hdt. 5. 71.1 for the 7th-cent. Athenian Olympic victor Kylon,

Nikolaos explicitly says) according to excellence, the best girl to the best man, the second to the second, and so on. If a bridegroom changed and turned out bad, μεταβαλόμενος γένηται movnpos, they disgrace him, ἀτέμαζουσι, and take the woman away. See Salmon 1967: 57-8, accepting the essential historicity of all this. The two prose

who ‘grew his hair long for a tyranny’, ἐπὶ τυραν-

versions evidently derive from a common

vide ἐκόμησε, with my comm.; cf. generally Leitao 2003: 123 on the symbolism of hair-growing and hair-cutting. (But Versnel 1990b: 56 rightly cautions against seeing Hektor himself, a mature warrior, as some sort of ephebic figure

probably Timaios (cf. 1133n. and 1137 n.). There are obvious differences between Strabo/Nikolaos and the present passage (in Lyk., the bad qualities are imagined to be evident before the marriage takes place, and there is no suggestion that the community intervenes). But the basic notion of disqualification or degrading of husbands on grounds of personal unworthiness is common to both Strabo/Nikolaos and to Lyk. It may be that Lyk. describes a religious ritual in which young people of both sexes enacted the most salient elements of a social system designed to limit male choice and dominance. If so, it is tempting to compare the situation at female-friendly Italian Lokroi; see 1141-1173 n. But despite the enacted

blood and his hair in wild confusion’. ἠγλαισμέ-

merely because of his 'Exrópetos κόμη.) 1134. σίφλον: cf. Il. 14. 142, GAA’ ὁ μὲν ὡς ἀπόλοιτο, θεὸς δέ € σιφλώσειε, where the final verb is a Homeric hapax, see Rengakos 1994: 120. For

σίφλος as adjective, cf. Kall. at Suppl. Hell. no. 276 line 2, Ap. Rhod. 1. 204, and Opp. Hal. 3. 183. ἢ μῶμαρ γένους: the first noun is a poetic variant for μῶμος (2, cf. Guilleux 2009: 231). The specification of some sort of stain or family disgrace adhering to the rejected male suitors is intriguing: in the ritual, the Daunian girls do not refuse each and every man who offers himself. Part of

source,

rejection, it must be stressed that the object of the initiatory ritual was not to prevent marriage but to achieve it.

401

Further nostoi

113571137

ἐμὸν περιπτύξουσιν ὠλέναις βρέτας, ἄλκαρ μέγιστον κτώμεναι νυμφευμάτων, 2

A

7

>

A

!

1135

Ἐρινύων ἐσθῆτα καὶ ῥέθους βαφὰς

E

,

,

^

Δ,

\

1135. βρέτας: cf. A. Eum. 80, Apollo tells Orestes

3.1. 841 (H. Sarian); for black-dressed Erinyes, see

to clasp the ancient image, the παλαιὸν βρέτας,

no. 46 (mid-4th-cent. krater, depicting Orestes, the Pythia, and five black sleeping Furies, cf. A. Eum.), cf. also perhaps no. πο. It seems that in both Timaios and Lyk. the main point of resemblance of the Daunian women to the Erinyes is imagined as consisting in their black or dark clothing; and Lyk. does not spell out even the colour, leaving it to the audience or readers to supply the blackness from knowledge of Aeschylus. Again, in Timaios, the Greek focalization is explicit (Baron 2013: 223); not so in Lyk.— contrast the marked Greek/barbarian polarity

of Athena. See Naiden 2006: 49-50 (cf. 252-6) for this method of supplication, discussing the iconography of Kassandras own supplication of Athena. But, as we saw (360n.) Lyk. did not actually mention this physical aspect of Kassandra's appeal; she cried out for help, but the goddess turned away her eyes. 1136. ἄλκαρ: ἃ good Homeric noun generally (cf.

e.g. Il. 5. 644); for the genitive of the condition protected against, see FZFZ4p. 193, mortals have no ‘defence against old age’, γήραος ἄλκαρ.

in the Diomedes section, also about Daunia; see

1137. Ἐρινύων ἐσθῆτα: that is, black dress (2). See the remarkably apposite and detailed fragment of Timaios, FGrHist 566 Timaios F ss, quoted by Z and Tzetzes on the present passage: when Greeks meet Daunian women wearing dark dresses, broad breast-bands and boots, with rods in their

hands [cf. 1140, ῥαβδηφόροις] and faces anointed with red colouring, they are reminded of the "tragic Poinai’ Le. the Erinyes. For the name Poinai, ‘Avengers’, ‘Punishers’, see ἐρινῦς καὶ ποινάς at Pol. 23. 10. 2, a famous passage about Philip V of Macedon tragically pursued by the Furies, cf.

A. Eum. 323, from the ‘binding song’, the ὕμνος δέσμιος, of the Furies. For the Poinai, who represent one aspect of the Erinyes, see LIMC 7. 1.

604-605. But this discrepancy between Lyk. and Timaios should probably not be pressed. Pearson 1987: 74 says that ‘when Diomede arrives his men are horror-stricken at the sight of the Daunian women dressed like avenging goddesses’, etc., but

Diomedes is not mentioned explicitly by Timaios here, nor by Lyk. in this part of the poem. Poseidonios described the inhabitants of the ‘Tin Islands’ (Kassiterides, the Scilly Isles?)

in similar terms to those used by Timaios here, including the comparison to the ‘tragic Poinai’; but the description is not of women exclusively (the noun is ἄνθρωποι). See FGrHist 87 F τις, from Strabo 3. 5. 11; the passage has been interpreted as a reference to the weird costume and

422-3 (C. Lochin). The importance of the Timaios

appearance of the Druids. Cf. also Ath. 523b (the

fragment is so great that it must be quoted in full:

ὁ δὲ Τίμαιός φησιν ὅτι Ἕλληνες, ἐπειδὰν ἀπαντήσωσι [Scheers certain emendation for the MSS ἀπατήσωσι, ie. ‘meet’ not ‘deceive’] ταῖς

Iberians). Presumably we have here imitation of Timaios by later ethnographers; direct allusion to Lyk. is not so plausible. But the most important parallel text is the

davviaıs ὑπεσταλμέναις μὲν ἐσθῆτα φαιάν, ἐζωσμέναις δὲ ταινίαις πλατείαις, ὑποδεδεμέ-

noted briefly at 1075-1082 n. (the Setaia episode).

ναις δὲ τὰ κοῖλα τῶν ὑποδημάτων, ἐχούσαις δὲ

second

part of [Ar.]

mir. ausc. 109, as already

The first and shorter part was noted at 599n. and 605-606n. (Diomedes dedicating armour

ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ ῥάβδον, ὑπαληλιμμέναις δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον καθάπερ πυρρῷ τινι χρώματι, τῶν Ποινῶν ἔννοιαν λαμβάνουσι τῶν τραγικῶν. For the physical appearance of the Erinyes see Garvie 345 on A. Cho. 1049-50 (where they are described by Orestes as wearing dark clothes, φαιοχίτωνες;

was attached by Lyk. to just one particular Trojan

cf. Ag. 462-3, keAai-/val δ᾽ Ἐρινύες) and LIMC

woman, Setaia—as an aition for the wearing of

in the temple of Athena; the dogs who bark at barbarians). This second part narrates the story of the burning of the Trojan ships by a group of Trojan women—a

402

story which, as we have seen,

Cult of Kassandra in Daunia

shall clutch my statue in their arms, gaining a powerful defence against marriage. They will dress like the Erinyes and dye their faces

black by all the Daunians and their neighbours,

this allusive poem).

both men and women: πάντες δὲ οἱ Δαύνιοι

129-30.

καὶ ol πλησιόχωροι αὐτοῖς μελανειμονοῦσι, καὶ ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες, διὰ ταύτην, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν αἰτίαν. τὰς γὰρ Τρῳάδας τὰς ληφθείσας

Maidens

presumably Greek—men took them in marriage. But could the ships be Trojan, as in some versions of the ‘Setaia’ mytheme?). Timaios is probably the source for the present passage (Günther 1889: go and 135; Mari 2009: 424). It is very tempting to think that there must be some relationship between this Daunian aition and the Daunian ritual described by Lyk.: marriage, and the wearing of black, feature prominently in both, and both include cultic reminiscences of Troy (cf. 968-969n. for the mourning at Trojan-founded Egesta in W. Sicily). Perhaps (so Mari 2009: 423-4) the myth of the burning of the ships was the aition of the entire Daunian

ritual, as

described by Lyk.’s Kassandra; supplication at her statue would then be a re-enactment of the fall of Troy. Some explanation along these lines is attractive and may be right; but there are differences and difficulties: in [Ar.], the black clothes are specifically said to be worn by men as well as by women (but perhaps both sexes participated in the premarital ritual); and the Setaia story is far

1135

See also Ciardiello 1997:

The black i.e. mourning clothes of the Daunian (cf LSAM:

no. 16, Gambreion

near

Pergamon, 3rd cent. Bc, line 8 for dark mourning clothes, ἐσθῆτι φαιῇ) can be regarded as continuing and conforming to the motif of premarital ritual, if it is recalled that marriage and death are closely allied in the thought-world of Greek tragedy. So rightly Biffis, citing Rehm 1994. For marriage as a kind of symbolic female death, see also Seaford 1987 and Redfield 2003:

αἰχμαλώτους καὶ εἰς ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους ἀφικομένας, εὐλαβηθείσας μὴ πικρᾶς δουλείας τύχωσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν ταῖς πατρίσι προυπαρχουσῶν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς γυναικῶν, λέγεται τὰς ναῦς αὐτῶν ἐμπρῆσαι, iv’ ἅμα μὲν τὴν προσδοκωμένην δουλείαν ἐκφύγωσιν, ἅμα δ᾽ ὅπως μετ᾽ ἐκείνων μένειν ἀναγκασθέντων συναρμοσθεῖσαι κατάσχωσιν αὐτοὺς ἄνδρας (the last part of this is not an easy piece of Greek to translate or interpret. The motives of the Trojan women are: so as to escape their expected bitter enslavement at the hands of the wives of the Greeks, but also to ensure that the—

2135-1137

116 and n. 84. For the Erinyes (?) depicted on one

of the Daunian stelai, see Ferri 1971 and Nava 1988: 144; cf. 616-617 n., and Fig. s. ῥέθους Bapds: the dye was red, mvppóv, acc. Timaios; see above. For ῥέθος, LSJ? gives two main meanings, ‘limbs’ (Homeric, as at e.g. 77. 15. 356, and as at 862) and ‘face’ (tragic, as at e.g. S. Ant. 529), but then oddly gives the present passage as the only illustration of a third and separate sense ‘body’. However, Timaios’ πρόσωπον, quoted by 2 (see above), makes ‘face’ much likelier here. Ciani rightly gives 'facies' for the present passage and ‘membra for 862 (and ‘corpus’ for 173, not listed by LSJ). For female use of rouge as part of facial makeup, see Grillet 1975: 36-45 (and 30 with 70 n. 69, citing Philostratos Letters 22 for χειλέων Pagal as lipstick, for the Greek text of this see Grillet 167, app. II no. XXIX). Of the various raw materials used, wiAros (red ochre, ruddle, cf. R/O no. 40) is presumably ruled out because produced from a mineral, whereas Lyk. is evidently thinking in terms of vegetable juices. The other sources of rouge known to the Greeks were φῦκος, produced from sea-algae or lichen, and συκάμινος,

from mulberries. For φῦκος as red, πυρρόν, see Grillet 1975: 39 and 70 n. 69 with (for the Greek text) 167 no. XXVIII: Pollux 5. 102, wupcaiver

from unique to Daunia, as we saw at 1075-1082 n.

φύκει (an entry which goes on to talk of rosy

If there is a connection between the Setaia myth and the present passage, Lyk. does not make it explicit (but perhaps that is too much to ask from

cheeks flowering in the Lokrian manner, ἀπανθοῦν κατὰ τὸ Aokpóv, cf. 1429 for the Lokrian rose as a signifier for ephemerality); also

403

1138-1140

Further nostoi

πεπαμέναι θρόνοισι φαρμακτηρίοις. κείναις ἐγὼ δηναιὸν ἄφθιτος θεὰ

ῥαβδηφόροις γυναιξὶν αὐδηθήσομαι. Gawlinski 2012: 127 for rouge, φῦκος, in the sacred law from Andania: 864n. For the poor reputation of female make-up in the ancient Greek world, see Grillet 97-100: it was associated with the Orient; it is not mentioned in Homer; it aroused misogynistic male suspicions; and it was

associated with courtesans rather than respectable married women. This last feature made it, perhaps, suitable for a ritual of reversal: the married state is prepared for by its sexually transgressive opposite. It is a pity that Grillet, who discusses, and (in app. II) quotes in full, many literary texts

in his interesting book, has nothing to say about either Timaios or Lyk. See Ciardiello 1997: 127-33. Herring 1996: 171 and 179 n. 45 (cf. Mari 2009: 422 n. 38) notes Lyk/Timaios on Daunian facepainting, and although he is unable to find anything in the iconographic record to support the use of body painting in Daunia, he discusses some pintaderas found in S. Italy (stamps which might possibly have been used in body-painting, and so presumably face-painting as well). 1138. Two three-word lines in the course of as few as three lines; see 1140 n. and 63 n. πεπαμέναι: see 354n. for the verb. θρόνοισι: I. 22. 441 with Rengakos 1994: 127. See 674 n. 1139. ἐγώ: see 1108 n. ἄφθιτος θεά: Kassandra will describe her beloved brother Hektor's future cult in similar words: xAdos ... ἀφθίτοις ἴσον (12121213. See n. there for the other intertexts of that key passage). She will in fact receive hero-cult, but is called ‘goddess’; similarly the Sirens, with

whom Kassandra is presented as sharing many features (4n. and 653-654 n.) were described with

the word θεά, although they too were not divinized but heroized: 721 and 732, with 719 Y2ın. 1140. This sonorous three-word line, hard on the heels of another at 1138, marks the closure of the Daunian section and the transition to the Lokrian. ῥαβδηφόροις: cf. 1137n. for Timaios, whose language at this point is very close (ἐχούσαις δὲ ὧν ταῖς χερσὶ ῥάβδον). The compound adjective is frightening but vague, and frightening because

1140

vague. Part of the meaning must be ‘punishers’ (see 1137n.; cf. the umpires, ῥαβδοῦχοι, at the Olympic contests: Th. 5. 50. 4). Thus, on the Chest of

Kypselos, Justice strikes Injustice with a ῥάβδος: Paus. 5. 18. 2 with Waele 1927: 18 n. 2. But ῥάβδοι might also have magical functions, as at Od. 10. 238 (Kirke’s wand). It is not easy to find iconographic examples of the Erinyes brandishing actual rods, For whip-wielding Erinyes, see LIMC 3.1 and 2. no. 11 (mid-4th-cent. volute krater, one Erinys with whip), cf. no. 96; and 7. 1 and 2 no. 3 (volute krater,

€.340-330 BC) has a Poine (see 1137n.) who is threatening Sisyphos with a whip. (For some good iconographic suggestions see now Biffis 2014). αὐδηθήσομαι: a favourite word of Lyk., usually (as

here) in the metrically convenient third-pers. sing. of the future passive; cf. 192-193 n. (Achilles), 306,

and esp. 630 and n.: Diomedes shall be called a high god by many, θεὸς δὲ πολλοῖς αἰπὺς αὐδηθήσεται; the context there was Daunian, as it is also here. There is a further obvious chime between the present passage and the thematically linked 1124: Agamemnon will be called Zeus by the Spartans, Ζεύς ... κληθήσεται. 1141-1173. The Lokrian Maidens This is one of the most brilliant and vivid (esp.

lines 1161-1173) episodes in the poem, quite apart

from its importance

as a text about Greek

religion, and as one of the poem's mini-climaxes (see 1123-1140, introductory n.). It has been intensively studied, as we shall see. In addition to the standard complete comms, Mari 2000

provides a lemmatic comm. on this section, partly based on Mari 1997, a very full treatment. In what follows Lokri will be used, for convenience, to

mean Italian ('Epizephyrian) Lokri, while the Greek regions will be called W. and E. Lokris.

But the place-names

and ethnics are really

the same. The narrative transition from Daunia to Lokris is only superficially abrupt. As we shall see, there are important thematic similarities between the two rituals described; and Ajax from Greek (E.)

404

The Lokrian Maidens

1138-1140

with the juice of magic plants.

Among these rod-bearing women I shall be called an immortal god for ever.

specificity means that the date at which Delphi started in business as a prestigious international oracular sanctuary, thought to be about the mid8th cent. sc, is strictly irrelevant to the start-date

Lokris provides a connection to Italian Lokri: Paus. 3. 19. 12, with Beloch 1° r. 246 n. 2; and see r148n.

(at end

of n.) for Naryx

and

S. Italy.

Redfield 2003: 241-307 stresses rather the links between the Epizephyrian Lokrians and the

of the tribute (this argument was used by Huxley, as above). But even if we do insist that Delphi

Spartans, but accepts (e.g. at 263) that the links

between the old-and new-world Lokrians were important, at least in terms of perceived ethnicity. After all, it was not for nothing that the name ‘Lokrians’ described all of them, the ‘Italians’ and both sets of Greek Lokrians, for whom see further below. Finally, we shall see that the con-

nection between the two geographically separated Greek Lokrides may have been crucial to the mechanics of the ritual; cf. below, Where did

the Maidens really go? In this lengthy

extract (33 lines), Kassandra

describes how, as atonement for their compatriot Lokrian

Ajaxs

sin

(narrated

at 357-364),

1140

the

communities of E. Lokris in Greece will send unmarried girls to Athena's temple in Troy (I7 6. 297 with Wilamowitz 1916: 379-95), for a period of a thousand years. The Trojans will lie in wait for the girls and attack them homicidally; those who get past the cordon of danger will serve as temple-attendants. The tribute of the Maidens is presented as atonement paid both to Kassandra for her violation (for the exact nature of this violation see 1151.) and to Athena, whose sup-

pliant Kassandra was: 1151 and 1152. Aetiology. Lyk.’s Kassandra says nothing about the origin of the tribute. Other sources ascribed it to the authority of ‘an oracle’, which is nowhere

specified as Delphic. So rightly Fontenrose 1978: 131, who also notes that only Aelian, below no. 10, even mentions Apollo in this connection, and that Servius, below no. 11, thought that the god in

question was Athena. (Fontenrose is generally, characteristically and amusingly sceptical: ‘we are asked to believe that every year...’ etc.: 132). But the oracle is often assumed or even stated to have

must have beeen implied, the chronological argument has no force. Homer once refers anachronistically to an oracle from Delphi, given before the Trojan War (Od. 8. 79-80), and any Greek

would have taken this kind of thing as a licence to speak of Delphic oracles as having been given at any time after that. The oracle was consulted because the Lokrian fellow-citizens of Ajax were afflicted by a plague. This is a usual sort of Delphic appeal, but that proves nothing. Other oracles received such appeals. On the date of the institution of the ritual, see further below, Where did the Maidens really go? A modern theory (see C. Robert 1923: 1270 and Résler 1987: 5), has sought to find the mythi-

cal cause or aition of the Lokrian Maidens ritual in a mysterious oath sworn by Ajax, in the presence of Agamemnon and Menelaos, ‘about his outrage against Kassandra’ (ὀμνύμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ és Κάσσανδραν τολμήματος). This is mentioned at Pausanias (10. 26. 3) in his description

of a

sth-cent. painting at Delphi by Polygnotos; perhaps ultimately derived from Stesichoros? On this theory, Ajax swore to Athena that he would institute the tribute as requital for his offence against her. To this it has been objected that Athena's continuing wrath against Ajax and the whole Greek army (cf. 362, χώσεται στρατῷ) would then be hard to explain; see S. West 1990: 2. Certainly, Lyk. declines to exploit any such aition. S. Wests own solution is that Ajax swore that he had not had sexual intercourse with Kassandra; only such an oath (she argues) would

been Delphic, e.g. as by Schmitt (ST III: 123),

Huxley 1966: 155, and Graf 2000: 255. This lack of

have satisfied Agamemnon. But this brings its own difficulties: Ajax cannot have denied what he had done (so rightly M. West 20134: 236 and n. 17; see 1151n. for the meaning of γάμων, and for other evidence that Kassandra was raped). There

405

1141-1173

Kassandra’ speech

been intentional. This is the preferable solution.

homicide not rape. See Lykophron'’s Alexandra and the Hellenistic World for this problem). The Maidens have also been seen as ritually expelled

The oath does not, then, explain the origin of the

pharmakoi (for this concept see 1168n.), and this

remains a third possibility (again M. West): per-

haps Ajax denied that the injury to Athena had

certainly explains some details, but no more than

‘Lokrian Maidens tribute.

that (so rightly Graf 2000:

The meaning of the myth and the purpose of the ritual. The story bears some structural resemblance to the ritual pursuit described at Plut. QG 38: at Boiotian Orchomenos, the three daughters

of Minyas developed a craving for human flesh,

so they tore apart Hippasos, the child of one of them. The Orchomenians instituted an annual

flight and chase at the festival of the Agrionia, in which the priest of Dionysos pursued the female descendants of the mythical sisters with a sword, and was entitled to kill one if he caught her. In Plutarch’s own time, this actually happened, but the priest, whose name was Zoilos, died horribly, the community suffered, and the priesthood was taken away from his family. For the parallel, see Wilhelm ror: 178 [1984: 388], Halliday 1928: 166; Graf 2000: 256 and n. 31. "That the myth of the Lokrian Maidens related to an actual ritual practised in historical times was made likely by many converging literary sources, to be tabulated and considered below, but was made likelier by Adolf Wilhelm publication of the ‘Lokrian Maidens Inscription in 1911 (no. 4

below). This event generated a burst of scholarly discussion and speculation, as the discovery of such texts often does (Graf 2000: 250, also noting

the relevance of Schliemanns excavations at Troy). Apart from the two full-length editions, with lemmatic commentaries, of Wilhelm 1911 and Nikitskii 1913, note esp. Corssen 1913, which took account of both the editions and suggested

improvements. At first, the Maidens were interpreted in terms of simple atoning temple service, hierodoulia (Wilhelm 1911: 179 [1984: 389]) or else a ἱερὸς γάμος, a fertility ritual whose central element was the ‘sacred marriage’ of Kassandra to Ajax (Reinach 19142: 13 and 43-6, but for doubts about this interpretation see Famell 1921: 298, and cf. Mari 1997: 148. It would entail

Kassandra’s death at the hands of Ajax rather than of Klytaimestra later, and this goes startlingly against most of the tradition, except that in

the Lokrian Maidens inscription (no. 4 below), the words ἐφ᾽ αἵματι at line 3 ought to refer to

263). The currently

favoured consensus is that we have here a premarital initiatory ritual: nubile girls, probably two a year, were segregated from Lokrian society by being sent away (see below for just where they went) for a limited period, afterward to return to marriage and normality. (Two girls are appropriate atonement for the injury to the one Kassandra: see Wilhelm 1911: 184 [1984: 395] for such double penalties, citing Hdt. 1. 22. 4 and Th. 1. 134. 4, among other evidence. See also Johnston 1989/ go: 314-15 for the curious category of ‘two for

one’ dedications, dvri μιᾶς δύο. 1 am grateful to Robert Parker for this reference.) Contrast the

horrific picture in Lyk. The one is ritual, the other myth. It has been well said, albeit in another context, that 'the myth

carries, in fantasy, to the

extreme what, by ritual, is conducted into more innocent channels’ (Burkert 2000: 248, discussing

the myth of Hypsipyle on Lemnos). With regard to the Lokrian Maidens in particular, the relevant myth is nowhere expressed in more extreme and violent form than by Kassandra in Lyk. For this explanation of the Maidens as a premarital rite of passage see esp. Graf 2000 [originally 1978] and Redfield 2003: 85-150; Bremmer 1979: 19 and n. 47 got there independently. Intellectual fashions come and go, and it would be rashly optimistic to suppose that this initiatory explanation will be dominant for ever. (For the beginnings of impatience with the modern tendency to detect initiation everywhere, usually because segregation can be detected somewhere in the evidence, see Fowler 2000: 334; cf. also Green 2007: 213-14 for sceptical common-sense objections to Burkert 2000, some of them well grounded.) Juxtapositions in Lyk. are often meaningful,

and the juxtaposition of the much elaborated Daunian and Lokrian female material in Lyk. might be thought to favour explanations of both as premarital ritual. To be sure, there are structural parallels between the two episodes (see 1123-1140 n.); see Mari 2009 and Biffis forthcoming; Vürtheim 1907: 124-8 had already argued

406

1141-1173

The Lokrian Maidens for a relationship between the two rituals, A further and paradoxical strengthening of the analogy might be thought to be provided by the differences of detail and emphasis: in Daunia the oppositional aspect is stressed by making the girls feel positive repugnance to marriage, whereas the Lokrian ones are merely ‘deprived’

Perhaps the sanctuary was in decline by the Roman period. For the epiklesis ‘Ilias’, which could be taken to indicate both Troy and the patronym of (O)ilean Ajax, see 11g0n.

Graf 2000: 265-9 held to a belief that the human tribute was sent to the temple of Athena at the real Troy, but suggested (266 and 269) that originally Athena protected ‘the daughters of distinguished Locrian families during their period

of it, 1145; and the symbolic separation is far more pronounced in the Lokrian case (the E. Lokrian

girls regularly go to W. Lokris—see below—if not actually across the Aegean to Troy; rather than merely clutching a local statue like their Daunian counterparts), But the argument from analogous purpose would require us to suppose, very implausibly, that the poet was aware of underlying initiatory features which are not explicit in the text, and which have been identified only by modern inquirers. Where did the Maidens really go? A crucial question is, whether the Maidens (in the ritual as opp. the myth) were really ever sent from E. Lokris to

the temple of Athena at Troy/Ilion in Asia, rather than to “Troy’, meaning the important temple of Athena Ilias at Physkeis in W. Lokris; or to both.

Remarkably, this important federal sanctuary is attested only epigraphically: the main evidence is (a) IG 9. τ΄. 671-84, a set of Hellenistic manu-

missions, of which no. 672 (already known to Wilhelm in 191) is particularly important; and (b) a further and more

off Troy became the destination of the Maidens, always in ritual not myth. (Strabo thought, ‘under

the [Achaemenid] Persians’, no. 8 below, i.e. after the middle of the 6th cent. sc; Wilamowitz 1916: 394 thought, under the Lydians, predecessors of the Persians as lords of Asia Minor. Huxley 1966 pointed out that Troy was deserted until 750 Bc, and argued that this imposed a date after which

the tribute began. And so on.) But we might wish to go even further than Graf and take Asiatic Troy out of the ritual altogether (but see below). If the destination in the ritual was always ‘Troy’ in the sense of the temple of Athena Ilias in W. Lokris, there can be no chronological certainty about the ritual’s origin; the civic institution of

recently discovered set,

SEG 56. 570-8 (no. 569 republishes IG 9. τ΄. 671). ‘The temple is strangely not mentioned at LACP. p. 392, ‘Physkeis’, the right place for it, or anywhere else in the ch. on W. Lokris. It is much stranger that Strabo did not mention either the

the segregation of the Maidens could have begun at the time when the relevant poleis themselves began to develop their institutions, whatever we take the date of the rise of the po/is generally in the Greek world to be. To this idea, the obvious objection is that, of our earliest prose

temple of Athena or Physkeis itself—surely a classical polis, despite L4CP—anywhere

of initiation, perhaps in her sanctuary at the central town of Physkos’ (on which see Graf 2000: 268). That implies a radical change of practice at some point, and would leave us with the task of determining the date at which the real far-

in bk 9,

although Physkeis was the federal Lokrian capital in Hellenistic times and earlier (see Fraser 1954: 252-3 on the important short 4th-cent. inscription SEG 12. 280, originally Lerat 1952: 1. 133. For Physkeis, mod. Malandrino, see Lerat 1952: 1. 123-38). It must have been one of the Lokrian places which Strabo considered ‘not worth mentioning’ (o. 4. 5). He might also have mentioned it at e.g. 13. 1. 41 when listing cult-statues of Athena elsewhere than at Troy. Equally, Pausanias, despite his general attention to religion and cult, found no room for Physkeis or the sanctuary in bk 10.

authors, Aineias

(no. 1) and

Timaios (no. 2) evidently thought that Asiatic Troy was the destination; not to mention later and probably derivative writers. (The brief sentence

of Polybius,

no. 7, does

not

describe

a

contemporary ritual, but refers glancingly to the mythical oracle which supposedly generated the tribute, and conferred distinction on the Hundred

Houses.) We would have to suppose that in the mind of Aineias and others, the glamour of the

atonement myth led to a distortion of the reality, but that is not very satisfactory. So this radical solution (Physkeis not Troy) will not quite work.

But the above suggestion as to the approximate date of the introduction of the local ritual, namely

407

1141-1173

Kassandra’ speech

the age of the beginnings of the polis, might still hold good. Perhaps there was a double destination: the initiatory ritual was usually and regularly (annually?) enacted at Tlion’ in W. Lokris, but every

now and then a civic deputation, a kind of sacred embassy or fheoria, went to Asiatic Troy to take part in some kind of appropriately designed and symbolic festival. (It is hardly possible to deter-

connection, as Wilhelm saw a century ago (igi:

163 [1984: 373]; cf. Lerat 1952: 157). Further investigation is needed, and above all further new evidence, perhaps a sacred law from the Physkeis neighbourhood: those manumission documents take us only so far. The main texts relating to the Maidens. Often with Lyk., we suffer from a lack of other evidence—for

mine the date at which this might have begun.) After all, it is scarcely to be supposed that, in real life, unmarried aristocratic females from the

Hundred Houses would have been bundled off unaccompanied on a long sea-journey, like so many waifs. In support of this we may note that the surviving text of the inscription, no. 4, mentions ‘sending’ (verb restored, but very plausibly),

cult and ritual, at least (the poem is full of myths, often varied from the usual forms, but recogniz-

ably from the same family). Relevant inscriptions are more numerous to the Alexandra than is often thought, but they bear on the poem in indirect ways; for instance, they can provide hard and satisfying evidence for cult epithets otherwise used only by Lyk. (see Introduction section 11). Again, for the story of Hektor's bones (1189-1213)

but not the destination; and yet on Graf's account the ritual had by Hellenistic times—the date of the inscription—been transferred to Asiatic Troy. Note also that the inscription is much con-

there are multiple other attestations, as we shall see, although Lyk. is the first in time. But for the Lokrian Maidens we have, for once, an extraordi-

cerned with the maintenance of the Maidens, a

preoccupation which makes more sense if it be

supposed that the authorities responsible for the regular ritual (presumably the W. Lokrian polis of Physkeis, which no doubt had some responsibility for managing the affairs of the sanctuary) were anxious that the liturgy of maintenance should be undertaken out of E. Lokrian purses: enter the Aianteioi. It is an advantage of this suggestion—an occasional overseas theoria to Troy—that it easily accommodates the caesura of the suspension and

nary quantity and range of material—including one lengthy Hellenistic inscription in precise legal and administrative prose, which makes a disconcerting contrast with Lyk.’s horror story. There is almost too much evidence: the challenge is to interpret this section of the poem without subconsciously assuming that Lyk. knew, or rather wished it to be thought that Kassandra knew, everything that has come down to us from Timaios, Aelian, and the others, and from the inscription, no. 4. Here is a list, with summaries

and partial quotations; no attempt will be made, here or in the lemmatic comm., to iron out all the

then reinstatement of the tribute (assuming that

discrepancies between them, except insofar as is necessary for the understanding of Lyk. (For thematically arranged discussion of the variant statements in the ancient literary sources—e.g.

these were historical). The arrangement with Troy might have broken down for some reason, perhaps financial cost; but that would have been no

reason for terminating the more local,W. Lokrian, initiatory ritual, which had, no doubt, become a

routine institution and a civic necessity, and which cemented together the two separated Lokrides. This is all pure speculation. It may be complained that it magnifies excessively the role of the W. Lokrian sanctuary of Athena Ilias, about which our literary sources for the Maidens are silent (see Lerat 1952. 2: 156-8 for this cult), But after all, we would not have suspected from the

purely literary tradition that there was a temple of Athena Ilias in W. Lokris at all; and yet it was surely very relevant to the Lokrian-Trojan

‘when did the institution of the tribute begin?’,

‘how many maidens did the Lokrians send?—see Nikitskü 1913: 14-19, nos (a)-(i).) The following

list is set out in approx. chronological order of composition. (0) On the evidence of a short Giessen papyrus, the mythographers Akousilaos (frag. 45a EGM) and Hellanikos (frag. 1522 EGM) may have dealt with the Lokrian Maidens. It mentions the crime of Aias, the homeland of Aias, the goddess ive, Athena, and perhaps the people of Ilion; also a period of 53 years. The papyrus is extremely

408

1141-1173

The Lokrian Maidens

rate are still unable, after all this time and despite their utmost efforts, to prevent the entry of the

on IL. 13. 66]. The relevant modern commentators (P£, Harder, Massimilla, D'Alessio) reasonably doubt whether Kall. dealt with the Maidens in any detail. The frag. is not easy to assess, as a glance at the modern edns will show: edns print together, in small font, the lengthy ZZ on Homer and Lyk., most of which may not have been from Kall. at all; and the Homer & in particular is

Lokrian girls. No matter how devotedly they keep watch, they are smuggled in, over many years, by a handful of individuals bent on doing so.’ The passage has been suspected, unreasonably, of being inconsequential and thus an interpo-

dating between 300 and 250 sc and found in 1896 in W. ('Ozolian) Lokris in Greece, at the small village of Vitrinitsa (near ancient and modern

lation. Whitehead

fragmentary and difficult and I leave it out of account here, and merely refer to the excellent

discussion at Fowler 2013: 552-4. (1) Aineias Tacticus (c. 350 BC) 31. 24: ‘evidence suggests that thwarting plots to bring things into a city is difficult. The people of Ilion... at any

textually challenging. See 1148 n. on Naryx. (4) The ‘Lokrian Maidens’ inscription, probably

on the

Tolophon, for which see Th. 3. 101. 2; JACP: no.

passage) evidently saw no difficulty about Ain. 31. 24,but on the contrary regarded it as an'extremely

167, Barr. map 55 C4); for Vitrinitsa itself see Lerat

strong’ indication of the date of the treatise (see further below, Dating of the poem). Aineias' trea-

the place of origin of the inscription was the tem-

2002:

188-9

(comm.

tise is not structured artistically, and contains many loose transitions and anomalies; cf. Whitehead 2002: 18, the treatise ‘not a paragon of

internal organization and coherence’.

1952: 1. 109-14. It is an attractive assumption that ple of Athena Ilias at Physkeis (see above), some 15 km. to the N., though for (perhaps excessive)

doubts see Lerat 1952: 2. 157. It is an agreement between the city of Naryka and the Aianteioi, on the one hand, and the Lokrians, on the other;

the Maidens, at which

for Naryka or Naryx see 1148n. For the currently

Aineias marvelled, is a good indicator that he was describing a ritual practice or festival in which the violence was merely threatened i.e. simulated. So rightly Bremmer 1979: 19.

most authoritative Greek text see IG 9. 1° 706 (cf.

The ‘failure’ to catch

(2) FGrHist 566 Timaios Fı46a (quoted by J on Lyk.): Timaios is said to have recorded that the Maidens served as slaves in the temple at Ilion, being two in number. If one died, another

replaced her. But the dead maiden was not buried by the Trojans but burned on forest [lit. wild] wood and her bones thrown into the sea. A longer version quoted by Tzetzes, also from Timaios (F 146b), described Ajax’s shipwreck, and a famine at Lokris because of his outrage against Kassandra. The oracle said they should propitiate the goddess by sending two maidens for 1000 years. The girls were chosen by lot. The forest wood detail is given here also (see above).

The girls wore only one tunic and no shoes. The first were Periboia and Kleopatra. Then they sent babies with their nurses. After 1000 years, after the Phokian war [surely the Third Sacred War of 356-346], they stopped this sacrifice. [Then follows no. 3 below...] (3) ...‘Kallimachos also records this Aistoria’ [= frag. 35 P£., 42 Massimilla, also cited by a scholiast

also DGE no. 366 and Schmitt Sw7 III: no. 472, with detailed German summary; Buck 1955: 257-9 no. 6o, side A only, with tr. of the opening lines at

259). The ed. princeps by Wilhelm 1911 [reprinted 1984] provides an excellent comm., including a German tr. at 170-1; this is in effect a monograph of nearly 100 pp. See also Nikitskii 1913: exactly 100 pages of commentary, in Russian, with a Greek text at pp. 8-9 which Wilhelm himself immediately acknowledged to be an improvement on his own (Wilhelm 1913: 26. Nikitskii's lines are more consistently similar in length); Roussel 1913 (brief report of Wilhelms text, and giving French tr)

Reinach

1914a

and

:gi4b

(Wilhelms

text

followed by French tr. and extended discussion; note also Reinach 1914b: 40-2, ‘Addenda’, taking

account of Nikitskii 1913). Here are the most relevant sentences of the inscription, all from side A, with comments in square brackets: ‘Good fortune.

On the following terms the Aianteioi [presumably the clan descended from Ajax-Aias] and the city of Naryka undertook the duty of [?sending, verb restored, see below on line 27] the maidens. The Aianteioi are not to be liable to reprisals or

409

II41—1173

Kassandra’ speech

Krete, and cent. Bc, μηθὲν ἐ]] πικωλύεσθαι ἀλλὰ καθαρὸϊν ἦμεν, I-III lines 19-20] on a charge

1911: 169 and 220 [1984: 379 and 430], supplemented: évre κα [ἐν ἀνδρὸς ἔλθῃ or ἀποδόθῃ], “until she enters into the power of a man’ or ‘is given away’ 1.6, gets married; Nikitskii 1913: 8, with discussion at 61, preferred ἔντε xa [ἐπανέλ-

of bloodshed/because of their bloodguilt? [ἐφ᾽ aij.ar. is usually taken to refer to Ajax's sacrilege,

θωντι] i.e. ‘until they return’; Corssen 1913: 197 suggested évre κα [ζώῃ], for as long as she lives’

cf. Wilhelm 1911: 190 [ = 1984: 400], Schwyzer in DGE, Buck 1955: 259 (‘of course’). But this expres-

(Wilhelm 1911: 220 [1984: 430] had already sidered this). But this was the result of a felt to make the inscription conform with 1154 its mention of old age i.e. permanence. The

distraint both in war and peace, and nobody shall exclude them [sc. from sacrifices, for the verb in this special sense cf. LSS no. 112, from Lato in

sion usually means ‘(exile) because of homicide’ (ML 43 line 2, Miletos mid-sth cent.; A. Supp. 6;

conneed with myth

Dem. 21. 105 with MacDowell; Diod. 18. 56. 4 ἐφ᾽

is however

αἵματι ἢ ἀσεβείᾳ; Kall. frag. 104 Pf; Paus. 5.1.8),

conformity between poem and text on this point is not necessary or desirable. On the other hand, the reference to the 'previous pair of maidens' in line 23 is precious because it indicates a series of tributary maidens and surely implies regular replacement. And the duals

and Ajax is not usually supposed to have killed Kassandra. So there have been protests, starting with Nikitskii 1913: 41 and Reinach 19142: 44, and see Bravo 1977: 154. Nikitskii (1913: 42) wanted the

clause to mean that the Aianteioi would be free from legal penalties for any murder which they the main point. The implications of this are radiwith it vanishes the most explicit allusion in the inscription to the crime of Lokrian Ajax, and the only implied allusion to Kassandra. I shall return

to this problem in Lykophron's Alexandra and the Hellenistic World.] And if they are wronged in any way, priority of trial shall be given to them and to the city. And (an Aianteios) shall not be excluded from the rights of hospitality ... the cost of maintenance of the maidens is to be given to the parents of the maidens and to each of the two maidens [dual, κόραιν ἑκατέραι} fifteen

the stone; see below] . .. if there is any need to

pronounce a legal judgment, there shall be just exchange for the previous pairs of maidens as far as possible . . .' (line 23, κόραιν ἐπιδικῆσαι τοῖν πρόσθ εἰν κὰτ τὸ δυνατόν, where the first word

than

the ritual, and

for double

(5) Euphorion frag. 187 Lightfoot, quoted by

cal. If the usual interpretation of afja vanishes,

maidens .. . [here, at line 10, there is a gap in

extreme

(κόραιν) are important; see above restitution, and cf. Timaios (no. 2).

might commit in the future, and Bavo agreed on

minas for clothes and maintenance, until ? the

more

Plut. Mor. 557cd, On relevant section of which such a long time since sending Maidens to Troy hexameter lines:

Divine Vengeance, the began ‘Indeed it is not the Lokrians stopped .. and then gave three

Who, without cloaks, bare-foot, like slaves at

dawn Swept all around the altar of Áthena Unveiled, even to burdensome old age (tr. Lightfoot) "The attribution to Euphorion of the hexameters

is wholly conjectural; the lines 'could be by an imitator' (Lightfoot. Treves 1955: 39-47 was too confident that it was by Euphorion. Vidal-Naquet 1986b: 192 preferred to speak of 'the anonymous poet’.) So this item is not very helpful. (6) Lyk., the present passage.

is again in the dual, cf. above for line 10), At line

(7) Polybius

27 we have kopav ταν πεμφθεισαν [no accents because it could be feminine accusative singular or genitive plural. This participle justifies supple-

Hundred Houses were those distinguished by

(mid-and cent. Bc) 12. 5. 7: “The

the Lokrians, as the oracle ordered, were

menting line 2 with either πέμπειν or πέμψειν].

by lot the virgins they had to send to Troy’. Note

The gap in the stone after ‘until’, ἔντε, in line 10 is particularly annoying because the missing words would have helped with the question of the duration and nature of the girls’ stay and service (Wilhelm 1911: 220 [1984: 430]). Wilhelm

the possibility that the (exactly one hundred)

the Lokrians as the leading families from which to select

Lokrian hostages at Th. ı. 108. 3, mid-sth cent. Bc,

may have been representatives of these families; see HCP 2.334 and CT II: 173. For this passage see

above, Where did the Maidens really go?

410

II41-1173

The Lokrian Maidens

the decision as to which city should send tribute. Antigonos told them to settle it by lot’. See Ager 1996: 57-9 no. 11, opting for Antigonos Monophthalmos (Momigliano had thought Gonatas). Scholten 2000: 64 n. 18 seems confused: he writes of ‘the King Antigonos of this decree’, sc. the Lokrian Maidens Decree. No king Antigonos features anywhere in the decree, only in Aelian, whom Scholten does not mention.

(8) Strabo (time of Augustus/Tiberius, 31 Bc-AD

24) 13. 1. 40: ‘The modern people of Ilion [Troy] go on to assert that there never was in fact any complete destruction of the city by the Achaians [Greeks], and that it was never deserted. They quote in evidence the sending of the Lokrian Maidens, which began a little after the capture, and continued every year. But this again is not in agreement with Homer. For Homer knows nothing about the rape of Kassandra, and speaks of her as having been a virgin at about this time [cf. Z2. 13. 363-6, ‘Othryoneus suitor of Kassandra, loveliest of Priam's daughters’]. He says not a word about the outrage, and does not tell us that the fate of Aias/Ajax in the shipwreck was due to the wrath of Athena...The fact is that the Lokrian maidens were sent only when Persian power was established.’

(11) Servius (commentator on Virgil, on Aen. 1. 41) speaks of only one maiden being sent per year.

Dating of the poem. This section does not, despite an influential modem

poem as a whole. The first source to mention the tribute of the Maidens is a surprising one, Aineias Tacticus in the middle of the 4th cent. Bc (no. 1 above), in his treatise about how

(9) Apollodoros the mythographer (date uncer-

they received an oracle telling them to propitiate

Athena at Troy and to send two maidens as suppliants for 1000 years. The lot first fell on

Periboia and Kleopatra. And when they first arrived at Troy they were chased by the natives

and took refuge in the sanctuary. And they did

Aineias, esp. (a) the absence of strategems associ-

not approach the goddess but swept and sprinkled the sanctuary; and they did not go out of the temple, and their hair was cropped, and they

ated with Philip II or Alexander the Great or any of his Successors, and (b) the likelihood that the author is Aineias

wore single garments and no shoes. And when

Momigliano 1960d [originally 1945] tried to use the Lokrian Maidens section to date the poem to the early 3rd cent. sc, before the revival

they sent babies with their nurses. And when the 1000 years were passed, they stopped sending

of the tribute (after a suspension) under a King Antigonos (Aelian, no. 10), whom Momigliano

suppliants; that was after the Phokian war ’ (for

Domingo-Forasté: 'Apollo told the Lokrians that the disaster would not lighten unless they

of Stymphalos, the Arkadian

general who is mentioned at Xen. Hell. 7.3.1 under the year 366 Bc. See Whitehead 2002: 9-13.

the first maidens died, they sent others, and they entered into the city by night, to avoid being put to the sword if they were seen; but afterwards

(10) Aelian (2nd cent. Ap) frag. 47 Hercher, so

to withstand

sieges, and the Alexandra was composed many decades after that, even on the highest tenable dating. The date of Aineias' treatise is itself a matter for inference, and the Lokrian Maidens section has itself been used to date it to before the "Third Sacred War of 355-346 Bc i.e. the 'Phokian war' of Timaios (no. 2); see on 1 above. But there is no serious danger of circularity, because so much other evidence points to a mid-4th-cent. date for

tain) ep. 6. 20-2: ‘the Lokrians regained their own country with difficulty, and three years afterwards, when Lokris was visited by a plague,

this, see on no. 2).

view to be considered

shortly, help with the problem of the dating of the

took to be Gonatas rather than Monophthalmos, while admitting that even Doson later in the 3rd cent. Bc was not impossible. Lyk. (the argument goes) knew nothing about the revival, or

send two maidens every year to Athena at Troy, as a requital for Kassandra. They died at Troy because replacements did not arrive. When the tribute ceased, the Lokrian women gave birth to monstrous progeny Delphi ordered the

would have mentioned it. The argument is ingen-

resumption of the tribute. The Lokrians could not refuse, but they entrusted to a king Ántigonos

ing about them: the stupendous 'thousand-year period’ of 1153 is left vague as to both start and

ious and has been

influential, but is unsound.

Whatever Lyk. knew or did not know about the classical vicissitudes of the tribute, Kassandra is

naturally not here represented as knowing or car-

41I

Kassandras speech

II41—1148

πένθος δὲ πολλαῖς παρθένων τητωμέναις τεύξω γυναιξὶν αὖθις, al στρατηλάτην ,

*

^

a

,

ἀθεσμόλεκτρον, Κύπριδος λῃστὴν θεᾶς, δαρὸν στένουσαι κλῆρον εἰς ἀνάρσιον /

^

3

/

1145

FA

πέμψουσι παῖδας Eorepnpevas γάμων.

Adpupva, καὶ Σπερχειέ, καὶ Boaypıe, καὶ Küve, καὶ Skappeia, καὶ Dadwpids, καὶ Ναρύκειον ἄστυ, kai Opovirides /,

x

x x

^

id

x

4

M

/,

»

,

x

/

M

/,

Note finally that the Aelian fragment (no. 10), on which Momigliano relied heavily, was reconstructed by Hercher from seven separate entries

finish; see n. there. (It is most unlikely that the—

anyway partially corrupt—lines 1157-1159 allude to the suspension, see nn. there.) Momigliano's theory was rightly dismissed for the historicizing literalism of its presuppositions by Josifovic 1968:

in the Suda, not all of which name Aelian as their

source. (See Index of literary passages cited.) It may well be that they belong together, but it is unsafe to assume that they tell the whole story, as Aelian recorded it. See the warning of Leaf 1912:

col. 926: ‘eine Hypothese, die davon herrührt, daß

man glaubte, der Dichter habe bloß aktuelle Geschehnisse behandelt, was durchaus falsch ist’.

130 n. 2.

This is not to say that Lyk. invented the ritual (far from it, as we have seen), or was incapable of introducing coded allusion to historical events

1141. A heavily alliterative line, in initial plosive a

and facts (cf. 801 for the murder of Herakles, son

(and there are two more such words at 1145)

of Alexander and Barsine, or 623 for the political

1143. ἀθεσμόλεκτρον: the reference to ‘bed’ in the final component of this bitter hapax word supports the conclusion that Ajax forced sex on her. See further irs1n. For the compound, cf. the Aeschylean αἰνόλεκτρος at 820; see n. there. Κύπριδος λῃστὴν θεᾶς: the idea here, ‘thief of a goddess’ (i.e. man who had illicit sex by force),

leanings of the Dasii in the Hannibalic War), But

the Lokrian myth is handled in a distinctive, sombre, and poetic fashion, and nothing can be safely inferred from the poem's supposed ignorance of this or that historical detail about the corresponding ritual. Thus Huxley 1966: 160 remarked that even if Momigliano were correct, 'Lykophrons silence concerning the renewal does not prove him ignorant of it. His verses describe the rite in its most severe form. He was not always bound to drag references to contemporary events into his poem’ (Huxley did, however, go on to say that he found a 3rd-cent. date

attractive). For doubts about Momigliano's theory see also Jacoby, comm. on Timaios F 146, at p. 591. An unpublished opinion may also be mentioned. In 1981, in his two-term class on Lyk. in Oxford, P. M. Fraser (who by then had come to

believe in a 2nd-cent. date for the whole poem, see Fraser 1979) said that ‘Lycophron would not be concerned with a change which would destroy the basis of the cult practice. He was concerned with the legendary origin of the cult, as it issued from the mouth of Kassandra. It would have been an ineptitude to refer to the later practice.’ This is surely right.

recalls 658, where the reference was, however, to a

theft of a different sort, that of Athena in the form of the Palladion, perpetrated by Odysseus— another hate-figure for Kassandra. 1144. κλῆρον eis ἀνάρσιον: there is no need to give the noun a special sacred meaning; ‘territory’ will do. But there may well be a hint in κλῆρον at the lot by which the Maidens were chosen (1154);

so Wilhelm 1911: 176 [1984: 386]); indeed, Hurst/ Kolde actually translate ‘sort implacable’.

1145. ἐστερημένας γάμων: here the noun means ‘marriage’; contrast 1151, where it means sex. The ambiguity persists in modern Greek: obscene verb. See introductory n. to 1141-1173, The meaning of

the myth...

‚for the difference from the Daunian

girls, who will actively (if only temporarily and

symbolically) repudiate marriage. 1146-1150. For this sort of pathetic enumeration of bereft localities, a frequent device in the

412

The Lokrian Maidens

1141-1148

But I shall cause grief to many women in the future, bereft of their maiden daughters. They will long bewail the commander,

the breaker of sexual law, the thief of the Kyprian goddess; they shall send their girls to a hostile place, deprived of wedlock. O Larymna, Spercheios, Boagrios, Kynos, Skarpheia, and Phalorias, and the citadel of Naryx, and the streets of Lokrian

poem, see 645n. It has often been noticed that the Lokrian places listed (for which see map 2) are in E. = Epiknemidian and Opuntian Lokris, on which see now Pascual and Papakonstantinou 2013, whereas the Lokrian Maidens inscription was found in W. = Hesperian or Ozolian Lokris, on which see generally Lerat 1952 (for the anomaly of the river Spercheios see r146n.). But the two Greek Lokrides were closely attached sentimentally, and possessed institutions in common, such as the Hundred Houses (Beloch 1’ 1. 246 n. 2).

As often with these topographic lists (see e.g. 644—647 n.), the basis is the Homeric Catalogue. at I], 2.527-34, Lokrian (‘Oilean’) Ajax commands contingents from a list which includes Kynos

273 BC, is for a man

1145

called Eubios, ‘a Lokrian

from Larymna’, Aokpós ἐκ Λαρύμνης (SGDI: no. 2593). See LACP: no. 383, and for Eubios see already Wilhelm 1911: 192 [1984: 401] and Beloch 4". 2.432). Σπερχειέ: for the river Spercheios, see Hat. 7. 198. 2. It is not in Lokris at all, but in Malis; it flows into the Maliac gulf, part of whose shore is Lokrian. Boáypie: I}. 2. 533 says that Thronion was on the river Boagrios, cf. Strabo 9. 4. 4, with enough detail to show he was not simply recycling Homer.

1147. Küve: for the site of Kynos, rising from the gulf of Euboia, see esp. Pritchett 1985: 179-82 (sherds of various periods from Mycenaean on) and plates 74—78 (walls). It was the harbour of Opous and birthplace of Deukalions wife Pyrrha, acc. Strabo 9. 4. 2. Σκάρφεια: see I]. 2. 533, spelling it Σκάρφη. For the probable location

and Skarphe (1147 for both) and Thronion (1148) on the river Boagrios (1146); for the possibility

that Naryka was Homer's Tarphe (IZ 2. 533, the Catalogue again), see 1148n. A curious absentee

(close

from Lyk. is Opous (Il. 2. 531), the chief city of

to the

sea, N. of Thronion),

see Hope

Simpson and Lazenby 1970: 48 and now more precisely Pascual and Papakonstantinou 2013: 9-10 no. 4, putting it at Agios Charalambos, about one km. SSE of the mod. village of Molos. Φαλωριάς: unknown. Holzinger ingeniously

E. Lokris (L4CP: no. 386), celebrated by Pindar

(O. 9. 70) as the birthplace of Patroklos; perhaps this connection would have distracted attention

undesirably from Ajax? (Opous was not Ajax’s own home city, see 1148n. on Naryx/Naryka, which was.) The places are in the vocative. For such emotional apostrophe, here functioning as a kind of personification, cf. 373-376 (Euboian places); see generally zın.

related it to Παραλία, ‘coast’. 1148. Napókewv ἄστυ: Naryx or Naryka (LACP: no. 384, Pascual and Papakonstantinou 2013: 17 no. 22, locating it at mod. Paliokastra Renginiou, about 3. 5 km. NW of mod. Rengini) is specially important in this list because of its fame as the home city of Lokrian Ajax. See Diod. 14. 82. 8 and Strabo 9. 4. 2, both probably deriving from Ephoros (also Steph. Byz. Näpv£ with Vürtheim 1907: 84, deriving the name from a root meaning ‘fountain’); Ovid, Met. 14. 468; perhaps also Kall.

1146. Λάρυμνα: Paus. (9. 23. 7) regarded Larymna as Boiotian, as it certainly was from 330 to 270 Bc (Shipley 2orr: 135-6, comm. on Ps.-Skyl., as below). But Ps.-Skyl. (60) treats it as Lokrian, like Kynos, for which see 1147n.; and a Delphic grant of proxeny and other honours, dated to

frag. 35 Pf., 46 Massimilla, from the Aitia, but see

413

1149-1153

Kassandras speech

Aoxpay ἀγυιαί, καὶ Πυρωναῖαι νάπαι, καὶ πᾶς Ὁδοιδόκειος Ἰλέως δόμος,

1150

ὑμεῖς ἐμῶν ἕκατι δυσσεβῶν γάμων ποινὰς Γυγαῖᾳ river’ Ἀγρίσκᾳ θεᾷ, τὸν χιλίωρον τὰς ἀνυμφεύτους χρόνον x

^

,

>,

/,

^

above, on no. 3. Note that at Σ᾽ 11. 13. 66, which is part of the basis for the Kall. frag., the preferable reading for the name of Ajaxs home city is Ná[pv]«os not Ὀποῦντος, Naryx not Opous. See the Kall. edns of Harder and Massimilla, expanding and improving on Pf., with modern refs. It has been suggested that Naryka was the descendant of Homeric Tarphe (1146-1150 n.): Pritchett

1965-92: 5. 167771, emending Φαρύγαι at Strabo 9. 4. 6 to Ναρύκα; cf. Knoepfler 2006: 12 n. 27. Pritchett’s emendation is absent from the app. crit. to the text vol. of Radt's Strabo, his comm.

vol. merely says Tarphe is nicht lokalisiert’, with a bare ref. to Pritchett 4: 155-6, which was superseded by his vol. s. The suggestion gains support

Naryx at all; Ovid Mer. 8. 312 and 14. 468; Virgil, see below, By contrast, Jones 2006: 157 duly cites 1148, the present passage, though he gives most attention to Kall.). With a prophetic perceptiveness worthy of Kassandra herself, Marguerite Yourcenar, in her novel Memoirs of Hadrian (orig-

inally 1951), had the emperor reading Lykophron's Alexandra on the occasion when he first met Antinoos. See Yourcenar 1986: 135 (the opening page of 'Saeculum Aureum): ‘One late afternoon we were reading an abstruse work of Lycophron, whom I enjoy for his daring juxtaposition of sounds, figures and allusions ...’, etc.

Virgil (4. 3. 399) refers to the ‘Narycii’ as founders of ‘Locri’, ie. Italian (Epizephyrian)

from the absence of Naryx in the Homeric

Lokri. Since Naryx was in E. Lokris, this has a

Catalogue. Pritchett does not seem to have been aware that he had been partly anticipated by Bursian 1862—72: 1. 189-90, who had suggested that Naryka and Pharyga were identical; cf. Wilhelm 191r: 189 [1984: 399]. If Pritchett was right, Lyk.’s Kassandra naturally uses, not the Homeric place-name, but that which evoked her violator Ajax. But Pascual and Papakonstantinou 2013: 13-14 no. 13 prefer to locate ancient Tarphe at mod. Trikorfo/Trilofo Renginiou. A recently discovered letter of the emperor Hadrian to Naryx, inscribed on bronze, says that ‘some of the most famous Roman and Greek poets have mentioned you as Narykeioi, and they say that some of the heroes originated from your city’, an obvious reference to Ajax (though see Jones 2006: 158 for Ajax’s father Oileus and for Lelex, who might justify Hadrian's ‘heroes’, if we are being literal about this plural). See SEG 51.

bearing on the old problem, was Lokri founded by the W. or the E. Lokrians? (But the probable

641 (Chaniotis) lines 16-20, also Knoepfler 2006,

Jones 2006, and Chaniotis 2009: 269. The poets who are thus politely referred to by Hadrian surely included Lyk. above all, as well as those whom Chaniotis mentions (he cites only Kall. frag. 35, an elusive fragment, however, see above no. 3, and one which may not have mentioned

answer is: both.) Within the poem, this aspect

of Naryx provides a thematic link to 5. Italy, which has been so prominent in the nostoi section. Θρονίτιδες: for Thronion (ZACP. no. 388), N. of Naryka, see Pritchett 1965-92: 4. 152-4; Pascual and Papakonstantinou 2013: 12-13 no. 11, locating it at a site variously known as Palaikastro ta marmara, Pikraki, or Bzika, W, of the river Boagrios. 1149. Πυρωναῖαι νάπαι: unknown. 1150. Ὁδοιδόκειος: for Hodoidokos, son of Kynos, father of Oileus and so grandfather of Ajax, see 2, and FGrHist 4 Hellanikos Fı3 (with Jacoby's comm.) also Fı3 EGM; see also Vürtheim 1907: 83. The personal name is a curious one, and unsurprisingly not attested historically, because a ὁδοιδόκος was a highway robber, cf. Pol. 13. 8. 2. Ἰλέως: Cameron 2004: 242 n. 122 (‘a well-attested

byform of Oileus’), See Lerat 1952: 2. 158 and Graf 2000: 266 for the ambiguity of reference here (Ilion/Oileus);

‘de Oileo’.

414

cf. also

Vürtheim

1907:

128-32,

Ihe Lokrian Maidens

1149-1153

Thronion, and the valleys of Pyronai, and all the Hodoidokian house of Oileus! All of you, because of his impious sexual intercourse with me,

1150

will pay requital to Gygaia, the Agriskan goddess, for a thousand-year period, nurturing until old age comm. on Lyk.) only if we think that Lyk. was

ust. This line closely recalls 365 (perhaps the most

important line of the poem), ἑνὸς δὲ λώβης

not only aware of, but wished to be thought of

avri..., ‘because of the crime of one man’, etc. δυσσεβῶν γάμων: there is no doubt that Kassandra is here describing forced sex, in fact rape, as also at 360, γάμων. That is also the impli-

as following, some particular strand of the tradition. It is not enough to say that Lyk. took much detail about the Maidens from Timaios (this may well be true), therefore must also have put into

cation of ἀθεσμόλεκτρον at 1143, see n. there. Lyk.

Kassandra’s mind and mouth a Timaian chronol-

here follows and emphasizes the general literary

ogy for the fall of Troy. (On the view taken here,

tradition according to which Ajax had had sex

Lyk. shows no awareness of the suspension or resumption of the tribute, but nothing follows from that about the date of the composition of

with Kassandra (cf. e.g. Apollod. ep. 5. 22, βιάζεται). Sexual intercourse is also implied by the depiction in art of Kassandra as naked; see 365n. This conclusion is fatal to the attempt to argue that Ajax’s ‘oath’ could have consisted in a denial that he had had sex with Kassandra; see above, introductory n., under Aetiology. Myth is not a

Despite the above, it is worth asking any of the possible terminal dates might nificance in terms of the structure and network of the Alexandra. Therefore,

watertight system free of inconsistency, and we are

chronology for the fall of Troy might after all

not meant to ask whether Agamemnon was happy

be relevant, since he is the prose author whose shadow falls over so much of Lyk.’s narrative.

the poem. See above, Dating of the poem.)

with the idea that his ‘spear-won prize’ (1116) was not a virgin. Those passages in the poem

which explicitly or implicitly attribute virginity to

Kassandra (respectively, ‘I who rejected marriage’, ἡ γάμους ἀρνουμένη at 348, and the protecting role which she provided for Daunian girls who ‘refused husbands’, νυμφίους ἀρνούμεναι, 1132) must be references to her famous refusal to have sex with Apollo, for which see 1457 and n. Lyk. is, in a sense, having it both ways in the poem. 1152. Γυγαίᾳ: this must be Athena, but the epithet has not yet been explained (Josifovic 1968: 909). It is nothing to do with the Lydian Lake Gygaia (1353n.); so rightly Holzinger. The cult there was of Artemis. Aypioxa: this epithet for

Athena is thought to be agricultural. 1153. TOV χιλίωρον . . . χρόνον: a much discussed millennium. There are two separate questions: (i)

did Lyk. mean Kassandra to have a definite start

and end point in mind? (ii) what start and end

whether have sigthematic Timaios’

It is an old theory (see e.g. Busolt I 260 n. 1,

Nikitskii 1913: 17) that Timaios took the same approximate line as Douris of Samos, who put the fall of Troy at 1334 BC, an unusually early date: FGrHist 76 F 41 is explicit; see Burkert 1995: 143. The evidence for Timaios is much less clear, but since he dated the 8th-cent. sc foundation of Kerkyra 600 years after the return of the Herakleidai (which happened 60 years after the fall of Troy), he perhaps agreed with Douris (so Busolt and Wilhelm). See FGrHist 566 F 126, and for Kerkyra see further below. On this chronology, the millennium would end spectacularly in 334 BC with the crossing to Asia (and Troy) of Alexander the Great, who, it will be argued, is the

lion of 1441, and who saw himself as the new Achilles; for this point see e.g. Wilhelm 1911: 184 [1984: 394]. That might have atttracted Lyk. as a time-scheme. But Jacoby (comm. on Timaios F 126) refused to accept that Timaios agreed with

points are suggested by the rest of the literary

Douris, whose motive (he believed) was merely

tradition? (The inscription as we have it, no. 4, makes no mention of a thousand years.) These

to flatter Alexander. More recent scholars have not been so sure that Jacoby was right and Busolt wrong about Timaios (see Mari 1997: 165 π, 108,

questions will overlap (and be relevant to a

415

1154-1160

Kassandra’ speech

πάλου βραβείαις γηροβοσκοῦσαι κόρας. τ αἰς

2 ‘ QKTEDLGTOS

2 EV

4 ξένῃ

H ξέναις

H τάφος

1155

ψάμμῳ κλύδωνος λυπρὸς ἐκκλυσθήσεται, τότανε ἀκάρποις yvia συμφλέξας φυτοῖς Hoaıoros eis θάλασσαν ἐκβράσσῃ σποδὸν τῆς ἐκ λόφων Τράρωνος ἐφθιτωμένης. v

3

[4

3

[4

M

ἄλλαι δὲ νύκτωρ ταῖς θανουμέναις ἴσαι zs;

ὅταν BCDE

ὅταν

1160

δ᾽ ἀκάρποις Wilamowitz 1916: 387 βαιὰν Wilamowitz

ib. ἐπὴν Scheer

ὅτων 8. West 1983:120 ὅταν et φυτοῖς transposuit Hermann 1834: 246

with many modern

correctly interpreted as temporary and initiatory. Kassandra will be speaking of the mythical Maidens who escaped death by suicide (1159), stoning, clubbing to death, etc. (1168-1170).

refs). In any case, the fall

of Troy is not the date at which, in the myth,

the tribute was imposed: some time, perhaps years, must be allowed for the Lokrians to experience the hardships which drove them to consult an oracle. Nor is the date of the founding of Kerkyra secure within the 8th cent. (on one chronology it was synchronized with that of Syracuse, 733 BC, but there were earlier chronologies), There is, then, no compelling

thematic

or structural

reason to attribute a Timaian chronology to Lyk.’s Kassandra, because it is not possible to fix Timaios’ imagined end date at 334 sc exactly. Question (i) above should, then, be answered in

the negative: Lyk. did not intend Kassandra to imply anything more precise than that, some time after and because of events at the time of the fall of Troy (Kassandra’s rape by Ajax), the

Lokrians sent the Maidens as tribute for a thousand years. ἀνυμφεύτους: cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110) S. Ant. 980, E. El. 165.

1155. ἀκτέριστος: see 907n. 1157-1159. These lines allude to the fate of a Lokrian Maiden in the singular. This young woman may stand for a whole category (in which case ἄλλαι δέ in 1160 is not strongly adversative but refers to the whole succession of Maidens); or

else the reference may be to an archetypal early victim of Trojan anger. The lines are not, as is often said on poor ancient authority about to be considered, evidence for awareness by Lyk. of the suspension of the tribute as a result of the death of a Maiden at a late date (although such a suspension is certainly attested by other sources). Wilhelm 191: 177 [1984: 387] rightly declined to see the switch from plural to singular as problematic, or as requiring us to posit a lacuna after 1158, Z 1159 comments on these lines by narrating

that after one of the Maidens threw herself off

1154. maAov βραβείαις: as also in Timaios (no. 2, F 146b) and Apollodoros (no. 9). The lot was not

Traron, the Lokrians

necessarily democratic, but was, for instance, used

sending the tribute, although the stipulated period

to settle the allocation of consular provinces in

had not been completed. It goes too far, however,

the Rome of the Republic (sertitio provinciarum).

to say (with Mari 2000: 290, in ltalian) that 'according to the scholion on 1159, Lyk. alludes to a precise incident: the death of a Maiden ... and the subsequent decision to stop the tribute’. J

It was therefore perfectly suitable as a mechanism for choosing among the aristocratic Hundred Houses. This seems likelier than that the sortition was between the Lokrian communities which Lyk. has just enumerated (so Corssen 1913: 192-3),

though that cannot be excluded. γηροβοσκοῦσαι: the word recalls the maintenance which is so prominent a feature of the inscription, no. 4. But the similarity is delusive, if the ritual has been

buried her and stopped

is not so explicit; he is trying to make sense of what he found in the poem. And in fact he is making poor sense of it, and Wilamowitz t916:

389 was surely right to say that the extraction of a reference to the suspension is a mere false inference by Z from 1159 (‘das [die Abstellung des

416

1154-1160

The Lokrian Maidens

the unmarried maidens, chosen by the arbitrament of the lot. Foreigners in a foreign land, their sad grave, without obsequies, shall be washed away by the sandy breakers;

1155

then shall Hephaistos burn their limbs with logs from barren trees, and shall sprinkle into the sea the ashes of her who perished by leaping from Traron's peaks. Others, like women about to die, shall arrive by night Gebrauches] ist aus Lykophron falsch erschlossen). Note that

does not here cite Timaios but

is floundering on his own. The narrative runs on after this passage to provide further elaboration of the Maidens’ fate. "There is no closural implication in the present lines, as there might be if the learned poet Lyk. were

recounting,

for

antiquarian

reasons,

the

history of a ritual and explaining how it was (temporarily) stopped. The speaker is the mantic Kassandra, and she is not giving a history lesson (see above, Dating ...).

the second syllable of the first word is short where it should be long. Hermann 1834: 246-7 chided Bachmann for not noting the difficulty, and briefly suggested transposing ὅταν and φυτοῖς; this has been generally accepted. Scheer preferred (and printed) ἐπήν. Wilamowitz 1916: 387 despaired of the corruption, but himself printed the simple ὅταν δ᾽ ἀκάρποις (assuming a lacuna after 1159) but

then threw out the suggestion βαιάν for ὅταν ('little’, agreeing with σποδόν, ‘ashes’, fern.). 5, West's ὅτων, ‘of whom (1983: 120) is adopted by Hurst/

Kolde, and she now suggests to me that Lyk. might have used an innovative Doric form of this, ὁτᾶν.

Those who retain ὅταν and seek to use the passage as evidence for the suspension of the tribute (1157-1159 n.) are forced to take ὅταν to ‘until’. It cannot

(see 1168 n. for this term) see Graf 2000: 260 and

n.

57, citing

Nilsson

1906:

105-15

(on

the

Thargelia). We might think rather, or additionally, of the treatment of suicides, who were denied conventional burial (see e.g. Rohde 1925: 163).

1159. Tpapawos: Trachsel 2009: 536; for the probable location see Cook 1973: 86, the mod. Tek Top headland (Barr. map $6 Ci, between Aianteion

and Rhoiteion, N. of Troy). ἐφθιτωμένης: with this hapax word

cf. (with

Guilleux

2009:

226)

θανατόω at A. Prom. 1053. Jumping from a height was a recognized female method of suicide; see

1157. +6rav+ ἀκάρποις.... φυτοῖς: the line is translatable but unmetrical as transmitted because

mean

1160

mean

that;

the

word

means ‘wher’. Burning with barren wood can be paralleled from rituals in Greek and Roman religion for burning prodigies and portents. See Graf 2000: 260, citing Macrobius Sat. 3. 20. 2 for felices and

infelices arbores. But see next n. 1158. eis θάλασσαν: for burning and disposal at

sea as the appropriate treatment for pharmakoi

M. T. G[riffin], OCD* ‘suicide’, 1160. ταῖς θανουμέναις ἴσαι: this is ambiguous as

between "like women about to die' come moribonde’:

Fusillo/Hurst/Paduano)

and

‘equal

in

number to those who will die’, meaning in effect ‘those who have already died’, because the prophetic Kassandra imagines all these events as lying in the future. (Vidal-Naquet 1986b: 197 actually translates θανουμέναις ‘those who have died’ and at 202 n. 47 justifies this by citing 2 on the line: ὅσαι γὰρ ἀπέθνησκον, τοσαῦται ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐστέλλοντο ἐν Τρῳάδι). The line would then chime with Timaios’ statement (no. 2) that

‘if one died, another replaced her’, and perhaps with the inscription (no. 4) which speaks of the

‘previous pairs of maidens’ (line 23). Vidal-Naquet 1986b: 197 showed that the undertaking to replace a maiden who died (from old age, or from some

sinister cause) can be paralleled from contracts such as that at Xen. Poroi 4. 14-15, Nikias leased

slaves to Sosias on condition that their numbers were always kept at full strength, τὸν δ᾽ ἀριθμὸν ἴσους dei παρέχειν. But the ambiguity between the two meanings of ica: can and should be retained. The prosaic undertaking to provide replacements is accompanied by the tragic suggestion of doom conveyed by the first tr.

47

1161-1173

Kassandras speech

Σίθωνος eis θυγατρὸς ἵξονται γύας, λαθραῖα κἀκκέλευθα παπταλώμεναι, ἕως ἂν εἰσθρέξωσιν Ἀμφείρας δόμους λιταῖς Σθένειαν ἱκέτιδες γουνούμεναι. θεᾶς δ᾽ ὀφελτρεύσουσι κοσμοῦσαι πέδον,

1165

δρόσῳ τε φοιβάσουσιν, ἀστεργῆ χόλον ἀστῶν φυγοῦσαι. πᾶς γὰρ Ἰλιεὺς ἀνὴρ κόρας δοκεύσει, πέτρον ἐν χεροῖν ἔχων, ἢ φάσγανον κελαινόν, ἢ ταυροκτόνον στέρραν κύβηλιν, ἢ Φαλακραῖον κλάδον, μαιμῶν κορέσσαι χεῖρα διψῶσαν φόνου. δῆμος δ᾽ ἀνατεὶ τὸν κτανόντ᾽ ἐπαινέσει, τεθμῷ xapafas, τοὐπιλώβητον γένος.

1170

post 1173 versus 1214-25 inseruit Scheer 1161. Σιθῶνος eis θυγατρὸς... γύας: that is,

cf. Bremmer 1983; Graf 2000: 263—is to be avoided, for reasons given by Douglas 2003: 40-60,

Rhoiteion in the Troad; see 583 n.

an important discussion). The best evidence for

1162. παπταλώμεναι: Guilleux 2009: 226.

stoning in this sort of context is from Abdera in

1163. Ἀμφείρας: & and Tzetzes are silent about

Thrace; see Nilsson 1906: 108, to which add Kall.

the epiklesis, and there is no other evidence at the

frag. go Pf. with Harder's comm. (But that Kall.

present time, but this must be Athena.

wrote about this was already known to Nilsson

1164. Σθένειαν:

a military epithet

through the indirect tradition.) To be sure, stoning

(cf. σθένος,

was the paradigm of the collective punishment

‘strength’, might’) of Athena at Troizen: Paus. 2. 30. 6 and 32. 5. ἱκέτιδες: to avoid the metrical resolution, Hermann 1834: emended to ἵκτορες; Scheer preferred ἵκτιδες, But not every resolution needs to be got rid of; see 263 n.

(Fehling 1974: 63 n. 262). But there is a danger of over-interpretation here; stones are just one

of four different weapons listed by Kassandra. Moder scholars tend to ignore the other three as being less anthropologically interesting.

1165. ὀφελτρεύσουσι: this hapax word is probably related to öpeArpov, a broom (Guilleux 2009: 227). The temple service has been seen as an aspect of the ritual humiliation of the Maidens,

1169. φάσγανον κελαινόν: tragic language: for the adjective cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58) KeAawois ξίφεσιν (S. Ajax 231) and

keAawa Adyya (S. Tr. 856 with Easterling, who

and there is obvious truth in that, but Goff 2004:

cites Dodds on E. Ba. 628 for the overtone ‘sinis-

195 observes that normal priestesses (see Timaios,

ter’; cf. 7n.).

no. 2, for the Maidens as temporary ‘priestesses’)

might expect to have to perform menial domestic

1170. Phalakrai: see 24 and Kall. frag. 34 Pfeiffer

duties such as cleaning; cf. Connelly 2007: 9.

(cf. Nisetich’s tr. of Kall.). See also Harder 2012: 2.

287 on frag. 34.

1167. Ἰλιεὺς ἀνήρ: see Trachsel 2009: 535 and n. 25 for the ethnic.

1171. κορέσσαι:

for

the

metrically

necessary

lengthening of the second syllable, cf. Berra 2009: 292.

1168. πέτρον ἐν χεροῖν ἔχων: Wilhelm 1911: 177-8 [1984: 387-8] noted that the stoning recalls the ritual of the Thargelia, and other scholars have

1172. δῆμος δ᾽ ävarei... ἐπαινέσει: as in a real

developed the theme of the pharmakos or ritually

polis, the prehistoric decision-making people of Ilion (as it might be, Ἰλιέων ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος,

punished outcast (the biblical word 'scapegoat'—

418

The Lokrian Maidens

1161-1173

at the fields of the daughter of Sithon, peering round for secret out-of-the way paths,

until they are able to run into the house of Ampheira, and kneel in prayer as supplicants to Stheneia. ‘They shall sweep and decorate the goddess’s sacred ground

1165

with pure water, escaping the hateful anger of the citizens. For every man of Ilion will be watching out for the maidens, holding a stone in his hands,

or a black sword, or a hefty bull-killing axe, or a Phalakraian club, keen to satisfy his hand which thirsts for blood. The people shall, by an inscribed law, honour the slayer of that degraded race, and grant him immunity.

cf. OGIS 221 line 1) is imagined as having voted a decree promising immunity and honours to certain types of killer; see further 1173 n. This detail is found in no other source about the Maidens (Mari 2000: 294). dvarei, more usually ἀνατί, is

1170

would pass and inscribe laws granting immunity (see 1172. on the vocabulary for this) and civic honours for certain categories of killer deemed praiseworthy, usually tyrannicides, or killers of oligarchic leaders and other would-be subverters of democracy. One of the most celebrated and informative of these inscribed laws is from, precisely, Ilion, a long and elaborate early Hellenistic law guarding against the introduction of tyranny and other forms of anti-democratic change: I. Ilion no. 25 (OGIS no, 218), with the modern works cited at SEG 46. 1562. But there are relevant inscriptions from as early as the sth cent. ac: ML

an essentially poetic word (283 n.), although it has

been introduced by a clever and plausible conjecture at Th. 8. 67. 2, which reproduces an actual decree of 411 Bc; see CT III: 950-1 for the problem. To express the ideas of legal immunity, or freedom from the religious pollution which would normally attach to a homicide, inscriptions use expressions like ἀζήμιος, ‘unpunished’ (OGIS 218 line 48, Ilion), ὅσιος, ‘undefiled’ (R/O no. 79 line

43 (Miletos, killers of a particular exiled group)

i1, Athens) or καθαρός ... χεῖρας, ‘pure-handed’

and 85 (Athens, the assassins of Phrynichos), cf.

(SEG 51. πιος, Bu, Eretria). For these and other

also R/O no. 79 lines 10-11 (Athens, 337/6 ac,

inscriptions, see 1173n.

with Ostwald 1955) and SEG sr. 1105 (Euboian

1173. τεθμῷ xapd£as: for the verb cf. Salvo 2013: 134, discussing ἐγχαράσσω, ‘carve letters’ (a probable restoration at SEG 30. 1073. 29-39, the ‘Romulus and Remus’ inscription from Chios, for which see 1232-1233 n.). The Hellenistic poet here adds verisimilitude to a macabre and outré narrative, by drawing on knowledge of contemporary civic institutions (Mari 2000: 294 rightly calls this a note of dra-

Th. 6. 55. 1, ‘the stele about the injustice of the tyrants’, may also refer to a 6th-cent. decree of

Eretria, mid-4th cent. sc, with Knoepfler 2001b).

matic realism, ‘una nota di realismo drammatico’, without giving explanation or detail). Kassandra

was right to foresee that democratic Greek cities

this sort (cf. CT III: 448). For these and other epi-

graphic anti-tyranny laws, see Teegarden 2013. Inscriptions are not often mentioned in Greek tragedy, but see A. Ag. 577-9 (the herald anachronistically quotes from an imaginary dedicatory inscription), and Suppl. 946. The present passage of Lyk. is not anachronism: Kassandra is prophesying, and the prophecy here is offered as covering a thousand years of pre-literate and literate Greek history.

419

1174-1181

The fates of Kassandra’s Trojan kin

ὦ μῆτερ, ὦ δύσμητερ, οὐδὲ σὸν κλέος

ἄπυστον ἔσται, Περσέως δὲ παρθένος Βριμὼ Τρίμορφος θήσεταί σ᾽ ἑπωπίδα κλάγγαισι ταρμύσσουσαν ἐννύχοις βροτούς, ὅσοι μεδούσης Στρυμόνος Ζηρυνθίας δείκηλα μὴ σέβουσι λαμπαδουχίαις, θύσθλοις Φεραίαν ἐξακεύμενοι θεάν.

1175

1180

ψευδήριον δὲ νησιωτικὸς στόνυξ 176

“ἐποπίδα (sic) DE ἑποπίδα ABC

1174-1213. Hekabe and Hektor

Kassandra

passes

(1108-1122)

and

from

her

to the White Island, earlier in the poem (1204 n.);

own

final

its cultic consequences

and Achilles’ Black Sea cult matches Hektor's in

fate (1123-

1173) to those of her mother Hekabe and her favourite brother Hektor. The whole of this section balances and recalls the much earlier Trojan section (307-364), about various members of Priam’s family; but their number is now down to just two. (This thematic reminiscence is

sometimes enhanced by detailed echoes of lan-

guage and/or thought; cf. 1187n. on λευστῆρα,

1174-1188. Hekabe's fate

1189n. on σὺ δ᾽ ὦ ξύναιμε, and 1190n. on ἕρμα). "There, however, Kassandra's own assault by Ajax

was the culmination of the narrative. Here the order is reversed: her death at the hands of Klytaimestra precedes the accounts of Hekabe and Hektor. Between the two main Trojan biographical sections intervenes the very long

description of the ποιοὶ of the Greeks. The arrangement is thus ABCBA, where 'C' represents the nostoi. The present Hekabe and Hektor sections are themselves a matching pair, both introduced by pathetic apostrophe, and both predicting cult and future fame for their subjects. Detailed verbal echoes (cf. above) help to achieve this effect;

‘Thebes. There is no topographical inconsistency between the present Hekabe passage, located in SE Sicily, and the earlier Hekabe episode, 330334, where her stoning was located in Thrace: in the present passage, the funerary rites are explicitly said to be at a cenotaph (1181). But the agents of the stoning differ radically; see 1187 n.

1174. unrep...ÖvVaumrep: imitated from Od. 23. 97 μῆτερ ἐμή, δύσμητερ (but for the com-

pound word see also A. Suppl. 67, δνσμάτορος κότου).

The

device

is tragic

as well

as epic;

see Rutherford 2012: 75f. for such paradoxical combinations in tragedy of noun with opposite adjective. For the second-person address to a close Trojan, a feature of the whole

poem, see

280n. and 1189. 1174-1175. οὐδὲ σὸν κλέος / ἄπυστον ἔσται: see 1127: the present passage recalls what was said there about the survival of Kassandra’s own σέβας, and it anticipates both 1212 on Hektor's

compare e.g. 1188 θυμάτων ἀπάρξεται with

κλέος, and 1230-1231, about the κῦδος of Troy

1193 ἀπαρχὰς θυμάτων, and κλέος at 1174 and 1212. For the parallels between Hektor and Aineias,

itself. The three nouns amount to much the same thing, posthumous fame or glory, with a cultic

tinge to σέβας.

see 1236—1280n.

Finally, there is responsion between Hektor and his Greek counterpart Achilles. The ref. to Hektor as removed to the Islands of the Blest (where, however, there may be a specific Theban

nuance) is symmetrical with Achilles’ transference

1175: Περσέως δὲ παρθένος: Hekate's called Πέρσης, acc. Hes. Th. 409 with Hes. is duly cited by 2 here. Lyk.’s closer to HHDem. 24, where she is θυγάτηρ.

420

father was M. West; spelling is Περσαίου

Hekabe’s fate

1174-1181

O mother, wretched mother! Your fame, too will not be unknown. The daughter of Perses, Brimo, the Three-formed, will make you her follower,

1175

so that you will terrify mortals with your nightly howls, all those who do not pay torch-bearing reverence to the statues

of the queen of Strymon, the Zerynthian, placating the Pheraian goddess with sacrifices.

1180

Pachynos, the peninsular promontory,

1176. For the metamorphosis of Hekabe into a

been influenced by the Thracian death of her

bitch (a topic apparently avoided in art, like the

'follower' Hekabe (see 1176).

stoning), see 334 n. Βριμώ: see 698n.on Ὀβριμοῦς, and cf. Ap. Rh. 3.861; OCD* 'Brimo (K. C[linton]). Τρίμορφος: this epithet has to do with Hekate's

1179. δείκηλα: (again at 1259). A Herodotean word for a (theatrical) representation: 2. 171. 1. At

Ap. Rh. 1. 746 it is used for the depiction of

cult at crossroads; see A. H[enrichs], OCD* p. 651

Aphrodite on the cloak of Jason. Closest to the present sense is perhaps ZG 14. 1301 (Rome), but

col. 1, citing the comic poet Charikleides (frag. ı K/A)

for Hekate invoked as 'of the triple roads,

that is very late. λαμπαδουχέαις: torches are suit-

of the triple form, of the triple face’, τριοδῖτι, ἕπομαι. This is preferable

able for a chthonian deity, worshipped at night (but torches need not be chthonian, see 7341);

to the alternative reading ἐπ-. ‘watcher’ (Scheer, Mascialino, Hurst/Kolde). & does not comment,

torches on 4th-cent. sc coins of Pherai: HN’:

Tpinoppe, τριπρόσωπε. emwrrida [sic]: a hapax word, formed

from

and

1178. μεδούσης: the Homeric verb μέδω (‘prois

found

here

only

in

the

A@nvav

μεδέουσα

with

Nilsson 1967: 725 n. 2.) For the triple assimilation Artemis-Hekate-Ennodia, see, with special refer-

ence to Pherai, Decourt 2009: 383-4. ἐξακεύμενοι: for ἐξακέομαι (from ἄκος, ‘a cure’) in the sense ‘appease’, ‘placate’, see I/ 4. 36. Mari 2012: 150-6 argues that the present passage is evidence for a cult of Artemis Tauropolos at Amphipolis.

and μέδω) are often used of gods of both sexes. see esp. IG P 1454 lines 10-1

depicted

with the words χαῖρε Φεραίη. (For ‘Hekate’ as a kind of epiklesis of Artemis, see A. Suppl. 676 with

poem. In the participial form here used, it has cultic resonance (the Gorgon's by-name ‘Medusa’ is nothing more than the Latinized form of this word). In particular, the longer forms μεδέων, μεδέουσα (see LSJ under both μεδέων For Athena

is

the worship of Hekate, under the name E(n)nodia, ‘of the crossroads’, at Thessalian Pherai, see LACP: no. 414, to which add Morgan 2003: 9275,136—40. 2 aptly quotes Kall. (A. 3 fo Artemis 259), where Mounychian (sc. Athenian) Artemis is invoked

1177. ταρμύσσουσαν: a hapax word, but cf. ἀτάρμυκτος at Euphorion frag. 122 Lightfoot. over’)

1180n.)

1180. θύσθλοις: see 459n. Pepaiay . . . θεάν: for

rough.

‘rule

(see

307-8 (calling her Hekate); L4CP: p. 706.

but Tzetzes explains the different meanings with rough and smooth breathings, and prefers the

tect’,

Ennodia

in particular

(=Tod uo, from

Karpathos in the Dodecanese, now known to be sth cent., therefore not in R/O) with Parker 1996: 144, citing other imperial Athenian evidence. Στρυμόνος: for this river, see 417 and n. Ζηρυνθίας: for the epithet see 449 and n. (there it referred to Aphrodite). Both these expressions denote Thrace. See 77n.: the "Thracian aspect to

other funerary monument, see Sistakou 2009:

Hekate, who is really Karian by origin, has surely

247. στόνυξ: see 486n.

1181. ψευδήριον: see 1048n. The cenotaph may indicate that there was a strong tradition that the actual remains were elsewhere; cf. 1189-1213n. (Hektor, introductory n.). For Kassandra’s characteristic place-of-memory interest in a tomb or

421

1182-1188

The fates of Kassandra’ Trojan kin

Πάχυνος ἕξει σεμνὸν ἐξ ὀνειράτων

ταῖς δεσποτείαις ὠλέναις ὠγκωμένον ῥείθρων Ἑλώρου πρόσθεν ἐκτερισμένης" ὃς δὴ map’ ἀκταῖς τλήμονος ῥανεῖ χοάς, τριαὔχενος μήνιμα δειμαίνων θεᾶς, λευστῆρα πρῶτον οὕνεκεν ῥίψας πέτρον a

x

>

3

a

7

€

^

/

1185

Ἅιδῃ κελαινῶν θυμάτων ἀπάρξεται. Here the ‘pre-eminence’ consists in Odysseus’ leading role in the stoning, for which he seeks to make appeasement by establishing hero-cult. See also ἀπαρχὰς θυμάτων at 1193 and n. there (Z on the present passage actually uses the expression

1182. For Cape Pachynos, at the SE comer of Sicily, see 1029 n. ἐξ ὀνειράτων: for another Hellenistic text attesting the building of a cult place as a result of a dream, see Syll? 663 (Delos,

200 BC, not many years before Lyk. was writing): Serapis appeared to a priest called Apollonios in his sleep and told him to build a Serapeion.

ἀπαρχὰς θυμάτων as part of his gloss), and σκύλων ἀπαρχάς at 1450. See also 1409 and n. (Ares), and cf. 209 for κατάρξεται. See Jim 2014: 43 n. 60.

(There are obvious differences, to be sure: Serapis-

worship was not hero-cult, and Apollonios had

1189-1213. Hektor's cult at Thebes

committed no offence that we know of.)

1183. δεσποτείαις ὠλέναις: (master)

the reference

is to Odysseus, to whom

This section of the poem deals with the transfer

here

of Hektors

Hekabe was

allotted as slave (E. Tro. 277 is the first surviving source to say this; see Gantz 1993: 661). For the brief resumption in these lines (1183-1188)

of the earlier theme

from

Ophryneion

in the

Apolline oracle. This is the famous Hektor son of Priam (as said explicitly by the main literary sources, including Lyk.), not some unknown local Theban Hektor (e.g. L. Ziehen, R.-E. 5A: 1515), or the Hektor of Chios attested by Wade-Gery 1952: 8 and fig. 1, the inscribed Heropythos genealogy (Sakellariou 1958: 195-7). Dowden 1989: 51-3 and 212-13 n. 5 (who believes in a mainland Hektor antedating the Trojan War) notes the possible

of Odysseus-

in-E. Sicily, see 659-661n. 1184. ἐκτερισμένης: for the «rep- root and its

meaning, see go7n. on ἀκτέριστον. With the participle cf. Supp/. Hell. 977 line 14, epigram for Zenon's hunting-dog Tauron. For the Sicilian river Heloros, see 1033 n.

relevance of the Boiotian river Skamandros at Plut. QG 41 = Mor. 3012.

1186. TpLauxevos: see 1176 n.

Lyk. (A) is the fullest and earliest source for what

1187. Aevorüpa . . . ῥίψας πέτρον: for the derogatory Aevornp, see Hdt. 5. 67. 2 (Delphic oracle given to Kleisthenes of Sikyon) with Ogden 1993: 354. At 330-331, Hekabe was stoned by the

Parker 2010: 133 n. 17 has called ‘the bringing (unexplained) of Hector to Thebes’. The other sources, claimed and possible, are as follows:

B. Sophocles? SEG 37. 130 (reporting Ebert 1987) for a suggested restoration of an inscribed book catalogue from Piraieus; noted in ‘Addenda et Corrigenda’ to TrGF 4° (1999) at p. 766:

Dolonkoi, i.e, Thracians, after she cursed them;

not as here by Greeks led by Odysseus. This contradiction cannot be resolved. The stem Aevrecalls δημόλευ στον at 331.

1188. dmápfera«

bones

"Troad to Boiotian Thebes, on the orders of an

ZogokAé|[ovs-ca. 6-, Olppuvijs, Exrollp...

‘beginning’ a sacrifice was

ritually important, and an indicator of preeminence. Cf. esp. προκαταρχόμενοι at Th. 1. 25. 4. (the Korinthians complain at Athens that the Kerkyraians do not allow them the honour of beginning the sacrifice) with CT 1: 7o, citing Burkert 19832: 37 and n. 14; and add now Jim 2015.

See Ebert 74 n. 1 for Hektors grave at Ophryneion. Luppe 1987 (again see SEG 37. 130) had read Bpvcyes— EAe>vns, Exto[pos Λύτρα.

But even if a reference to the Ophrynes (plural of the ethnic) is right, the play might have dealt with Akamas’ founding of Ophryneion (below), not Hektor's bones; cf. S. Antenoridai.

422

Hektor’s cult at Thebes

1182-1188

will hold your majestic cenotaph, built by your master’s hands as a result of dreams,

after paying funerary rites to you by the streams of Heloros. He will sprinkle libations by its banks to you, the miserable one;

1185

he will be fearful of the anger of the three-headed goddess. Because he threw the first stone at you,

he will begin the black sacrifice to Hades. C. FGrHist 383 Aristodemos of Thebes F 7 (2E Hom. J/ 13. 1); not yet in BN. after the fall of

Θηβαῖοι Κάδμοιο πόλιν καταναιετάοντες, αἴ x’ ἐθέλητε πάτραν οἰκεῖν σὺν ἀμύμονι

Troy, Hektor son of Priam was honoured by

πλούτῳ, Ἕκτορος ὀστέα Πριαμίδου

the gods, even after his death. For the Boiotian Thebans, when oppressed by woes, consulted an oracle about deliverance from them. The oracle said that their troubles would cease if they brought Hektor’s bones from Ophryneion in the Troad to the Theban place called ‘Zeus’ Birthplace’. They

κομίσαντες ἐς

οἴκους ἐξ Ἀσίης Διὸς ἐννεσίῃσ᾽ ἥρωα σέβεσθαι. A rough paraphrase of this oracle would be “Thebans who dwell in Kadmos’ city! If you want glorious prosperity, bring Priamid Hektor's bones on Zeus' orders from Asia, and worship

did so and were delivered from their woes. So they held Hektor in honour, and in times of emergency they call on him to make an appearance (epiphany). The story is in Aristodemos. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰλίου πόρθησιν Ἕκτωρ ὁ Πριάμου καὶ μετὰ

him as hero’. (Note that there is no contradiction

between this and Lyk. who speaks at 1207 of an Apolline oracle. See 1191-1193 n.: all oracles derive their authority from Zeus, and Hektor is anyway

τὸν θάνατον τὴν ἀπὸ θεῶν εὐτύχησε τιμήν'οἱ γὰρ ἐν Βοιωτίαι Θηβαῖοι πιεζόμενοι κακοῖς

(see 1191) being honoured for his piety to Zeus.

ἐμαντεύοντο περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς" χρησμὸς δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐδόθη παύσεσθαι τὰ δεινά, ἐὰν ἐξ Ὀφρυνίου τῆς Τρωάδος τὰ Ἕκτορος ὀστᾶ διακομισθῶσιν εἰς τὸν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καλούμενον

F. [Aristotle] F 640 Rose (Peplos) 46: ἐπὶ Ἕκτορος κειμένου ἐν Θήβαις; 641. 60. This odd set of funerary epigrams for Homeric and other heroes may date from as late as the later 2nd cent.

τόπον Atos γονάς. οἱ δὲ τοῦτο ποιήσαντες καὶ τῶν κακῶν ἀπαλλαγέντες διὰ τιμῆς ἔσχον

BC, and is not here discussed further.

Ἕκτορα, κατά τε τοὺς ἐπείγοντας καιροὺς ἐπικαλοῦνται τῆν ἐπιφάνειαν αὐτοῦ. ἡ ἱστορία παρὰ Ἀριστοδήμου.

D. Strabo 13.1. 29: πλησίον δ᾽ ἐστὶ τὸ Ὀφρύνειον, ἐφ᾽ ὧι τὸ τοῦ Ἕκτορος ἄλσος ἐν περιφανεῖ τόπωι. Near it [Dardanos, in the Troad] is Ophryneion, on which is the grove of Hektor, in a conspicuous place. E. Pausanias 9. 18. 5, on the topography of Boiotian Thebes, locating the tomb of Hektor near the Fountain of Oidipous, and saying that ‘they say’ his bones were brought from Troy as

G. Finally, iconography. Coins of Ophryneion (4th cent. ac onwards)

are often said to depict

Hektor. See FIN”: 547. This is the only item in LIMC 4. 1. 482-98 ‘Hektor’ (O. Touchefeu) relevant to his cult. But none of the coins actually label the young man in question (see below). A

Malibu Iliou persis vase published by D. Williams in 1991 (SEG 55. 107) depicts among others Kassandra and an OGPYNOZ. It is not easy to make anything of this. As will be seen, the unexpected

description

(1195n.) of Thebes as a city ‘celebrated especially

καὶ Ἕκτορος Θηβαίοις τάφος τοῦ Πριάμου πρὸς Οἰδιποδίᾳ καλουμένῃ κρήνῃ κομίσαι

by the Greeks’ is probably an echo of Diod. 19. 53, from Hieronymos of Kardia. And see further below. There are two main problems about the

δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ ὀστᾶ ἐξ Ἰλίου φασὶν ἐπὶ τοιῷδε

story. The first main problem (the second will be

μαντεύματι'

Ophryneion) is this: you could not ask for a more

a result of the oracle then quoted: ἔστι δὲ

423

The fates of Kassandra’ Trojan kin

1189-1213

important mythical figure than Hektor, and ‘Thebes was one of the great cities of the ancient world. Yet there is no hint of this twist to the

possibility is Kallisthenes (FGrHist 124), who wrote both about the Theban hegemony (in the Hellenika) and about Alexander’s campaigns in the Troad (in the Deeds of Alexander). Strabo

myth in the Boiotian Hesiod, or sth-cent. Attic tragedy, or the poems

of the Theban

Pindar.

(Homer implied that Hektor was buried at Troy:

Il. 24. 804.) There are two possible or alleged exceptions to this post-Homeric silence. Federico 2008 has recently argued that Pindar did know about Hektor at Thebes. But the mention in I. 7. 32 is unspecific and easily explained in other ways.

The second is more interesting, a rereading in 1987 play the Ophrynians, juxtaposed to part of the Hektor. See (B) above. We

will return to

this later. But the conclusion will be that it has no relevance to Hektor's bones, so the argument will

proceed as if it did not. We may therefore ignore those modem suggestions which try to identify an archaic or even prehistoric date and explanation

for

Hektors

Theban

cult

(see

and Ophryneion did not feature there. There are no citations or mentions of Lyk. by name in any author earlier than Statius and Artemidoros’ Oneirocritika (4.63), and no unacknowledged but likely dependence before Virgil, so knowledge

by any of B~F of A (Lyk.) is improbable. And

of an inscribed book-list from the Athenian Piraieus so as to produce a new title of a Sophocles name

(D) used autopsy. To be sure, he drew heavily in bk 13 on Demetrios of Skepsis. But Demetrios’ work was about the Trojan Catalogue in Iliad 2

Schachter

1981-94: I. 233 for a good and succinct summary of

the positions up to 1981). Excavation has not turned up anything securely relevant at either

they sing slightly different songs, esp. about motivation for consulting the oracle (did it envisage a potential, or purport to deal with an actual, civic crisis?). So we can accept that the tradition about the transfer of bones was historical and variously attested, and must now ask, when and why it developed. This is an example of ‘cult of relics’. Such cults were often used to legitimate territorial or colonial claims; we may think of the bones of Orestes

and Kimon, and of Rhesos at Amphipolis (see A.

Theban Kadmeia might be the tomb (see Frazer

Schlachter], OCD* ‘relics’). So it is inviting to think of a suitable political context. In 1981 it was modestly but brilliantly suggested by Schachter (1981-94: 1. 233-4) that the moving of Hektor's

on E). But there were allegedly several other

bones should be linked to Kassandros’ refounda-

tombs (Alkmene, Tydeus) in that area too. There

tion of Thebes in 316 Bc, two decades after the city’s sack by Alexander the Great in 335. For the rebuilding see Diod. 19. 53 and the contributions

Thebes or Ophryneion, though in the 19th cent.,

Ulrichs thought that one of the mounds E of the

are supposedly relevant coins from Ophryneion (G), but their usual interpretation assumes what

in Syll? 337, as explained and supplemented by

needs to be proved: the identification of the young man on them as Hektor derives from the But the Ophryneion and Theban cults are attested in other surviving authors, all later than

Holleaux 1938: 1-40, who showed that the contributions went on being made for many years after 316. Schachter 234 ingeniously supplemented the inscription to give a reference to Ophryneion as

literary sources, A-F.

Lyk., as is the transfer of bones which the Theban

one of the contributing places, a contribution of

cult presupposes. Aristodemos (C) had acommon personal name, but was probably identical with

bones as well as money, thus: [Ὀφρουνεῖες τοὶ éx|oumep τᾶς Tplwias διακατίως, where the

the commentator on Pindar who wrote on Theban

Pausanias (E) no doubt used earlier sources such

last word means ‘two hundred’, surely drachmai not staters. (Holleaux 1938: 36 n. 1 had suggested Antigoneia in the Troad at that point.) Schachter thought that sacked Troy was making a gesture of sympathy to sacked Thebes. If Schachters attractive main suggestion is right, we should recall that Kassandros famously

as the mid-4th-cent. Ephoros, but we cannot

hated Alexander, and that Alexander emulated

prove this here (φασιν could mean several things,

Hektor’s killer Achilles. The refoundation of Thebes was an expression of this hatred, as has

affairs generally and was a pupil of Aristarchas of Samothrace (2 Pi. N. 7. 1); if so, he flourished about

150 BC, 1.6, later than

Lyk.

(Jacoby,

and

Susemihl 1891-2: 2. 158-9). A surprising absentee

from the list of sources is Boiotian Plutarch.

including what he was told on the spot); another

424

Hektor’s cult at Thebes

Ὀλυμπίασιν at Th. 1. 143. 1, locative of singular

often been noticed e.g. by Ed. Will: 1979-81: 1. 52. So it would have made excellent additional propaganda sense to invoke the more morally admirable Hektor as counterweight and talisman, Let us pursue this line of inquiry further, ignoring all the other modern suggestions tabulated helpfully by Schachter 1981-94: 1. 233. What will now be suggested does not need Schachter's Kassandros hypothesis, though it would work very well with it. Ifhe was right about Kassandros, there are large unanswered questions still remaining. We need first to ask, why Thebes? In particular, what connected Thebes with the Troad? And second, why little Ophryneion rather than anywhere else in the Troad?

Ὀλυμπία = the place Olympia, as opp. propar-

oxytone Ὀλύμπια, neuter plural = the Olympian festival.) Notoriously, Boiotian Thebes does not

appear in the Catalogue of Ships, instead we have at the expected point the ‘place beneath Thebes’, Hypothebai (Il. 2. 505), which is thought to be a way of dealing with the problem that Thebes supposedly did not exist at the time of the Trojan War, cf. Id. 4. 404. (See Strabo 9. 2. 32 for the zetema, did the Thebans join the Trojan War?)

Only Egyptian Thebes is plural for Homer. It is here

(no. 786), and with much more justification than Asiatic Thebe. This lively history will have a bearing on our problem. Ophryneion must have been covered in the lacuna in Steph. Byz. at p. 496 Meineke;

The Asiatic plain of Thebe still existed in the time covered by Polybius; first Philip V of Macedon in 201 sc and then the Seleukid Antiochos II] in 190 campaigned there, both campaigns close to the date at which I believe Lyk. was writing (Pol. 16. 1. 7 and 2x. ro. 13). The evidence for an actual classical polis of Hypoplakian Thebe is very slender—essentially, a handful of 4th-cent bronze coins with OHB or OHBA—and it was very lucky to have been listed as a polis in the

Boiotian Thebes is Θήβη, singular, as for Steph. Byz., so the parallel really is Thebe-Thebe. (There is a complication to do with the Homeric form

Θήβῃσιν, ‘at Thebes’. This behaves like a dative plural at IZ 6, 223, ἐν Θήβῃσιν, but as a locative

singular

at e.g. 22. 479

Θήβῃσιν,

compare

it is mentioned

later, under

Χρύση

(one ofthe places so called was an ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ πόλις μέση Oppvviov καὶ Ἀβύδου). The name

father Eetion (see e.g. I7. 6. 415-16).

This similarity of the two Aiolian place-names

link

small classical polis, it too makes it into ZACP

though not of course Troy itself. But he did sack cities in the Troad. The most conspicuous and (in the epic) frequently mentioned of the cities he sacked in this region was SE of Ophryneion: Hypoplakian Thebe, home city of Hektor's wife Andromache and kingdom of Andromache's

Thebes and Thebe is a curious coincidence. The parallel is more striking if we insist on the Greek forms. We talk of Thebes, but for Homer,

(symgeneia)

or exploited as justification for the transfer of the

in 335 (Arr. Anab. 1. 8-9 and many other sources).

to deny it po/is status. It was Strabo's time. But there was community of sorts on or site of Thebe.

that a kinship

bones. There was after all a tradition of Aiolian settlement in NW Asia Minor. We now turn to Ophryneion, a very interesting

Now Achilles was another famous sacker of cities,

Copenhagen inventory (ZACP: no. 834), and in fact

suggested

between the two places called Thebe was devised

First, Thebes. Alexander's soldiers sacked Thebes

we might well prefer certainly deserted by evidently a 4th-cent. near the old Homeric

1189-1213

refers to altitude, and means ‘place of the beetling brow’, as in Homeric ὀφρυόεσσα, although Ophryneion is not itself a Homeric site. It is an intriguing question, why Ophryneion was chosen as the location of Hektor’s bones, and when the

idea arose. In myth, the first mentions of the place are around the time of the Trojan War. The first in mythical sequence is preserved by Lysimachos of Alexandria FGrHist (and ΒΝ} 382 F 9, Hellenistic author of a prose Nostei. He cited Dionysios of Chalkis as saying that Ophrynion (sic) was one of the places in the Troad founded by Theseus’

son Akamas. Akamas was contemporary with the Trojan War, because he rescued his grandmother Aithra after Troy fell, and took her back to Greece. Now Akamas was a hyperactive colonizer, a role in which he features in Lyk.’s Cyprus section (494); he was exploited to justify Athenian territorial claims in many places. Nearby Sigeion received similar propaganda treatment in the poets (A. Eum. 399-401 with Erskine 2001: 108 and n. 68 and CT III: 452). Next, Aineias and fellow-refugees set out for Italy from Dardanos and Ophryneion; the

425

The fates of Kassandra Trojan kin

1189-1213 Hektoridai cf. FGrHist Hellanikos, sage about

also feature at Dion. Hal. ı. 46, 47; 4 F 31. The source is the Aiolian as at Dion. Hal. ı. 76, the main pasRome' founding by Aineias (1075-

1082 n.). But there is no mention of Hektor' cult,

or of bones or their transfer. The Hektoridai include Skamandrios, not killed by Neoptolemos but released by him.

was the site of Hektor’s burial). But the fact is, he

does not mention this landmark. The conclusion is unavoidable: the myth linking Hektor specifically to Ophryneion post-dated 399 and was of 4th-cent. manufacture.

(The

site

pointed

out

to

Strabo

as Hektor's grove could have taken on that status at any time in the three centuries between

In the archaic and classical periods, Ophryneion

is heard of very little; but it was assessed for tribute by the Athenians in 425 and 422, if two epigraphic

Kassandros and Strabo's own time.) There is one

restorations are correct (Gr γι III. 124, 131; 77 IV. 14, 20); and Jacoby explained the mention of Ophryneion in a fragment of the Atthidographer Androtion (FGrHist 324 F 14 as derived from the Tribute Lists and as part of a grand review of the cities of the Athenian

otherwise (thus perhaps he expected his Athenian readers to take it for granted that Ophrynion

Empire). Otherwise,

Ophryneion has a secure niche in epigraphic history as a place where one of the wealthy Athenian herm-mutilators owned land under the sth-cent. empire: IG τὸ 430. 1. We will return to this Athenian aspect later. Ophryneion features nowhere in Th., despite the military action in the region, narrated in bk 8 under 411 sc. Two mainstream classical literary authors do, however, mention Ophryneion. Both have a religious aspect: both involve sacrifices by famous individuals, one Persian one Greek. In the first, Herodotus has Xerxes in 480 sacrificing

other literary mention of Ophryneion, a private speech of Demosthenes from the late 340s: Dem. 33. 20. One Parmenon, a Byzantine national, went into exile at Ophryneion, presumably because he had friends or family there. The speech may imply that the three cities, Athens, Byzantion, and Ophryneion, had lively social and commercial contacts, despite the King’s Peace of 386 which gave Asia Minor to Persia. In view of all this evidence, it might be profitable to look at Hektor from an Athenian rather than an exclusively Theban point of view, and to ask whether politically minded myth-makers at Athens could, at any time in the 4th cent., have

generated the bones story as a way of being nice to their usual

enemies

the Thebans. After

ail,

to Athena Ilias, then setting out in the morning

everything so far connects Ophryneion with Athens not Thebes, though we might recall Pammenes the ‘Theban mercenary commander operating in Asia Minor in the 350s. This

past Ophryneion (7. 43. 2). Then Xenophon in 399 finds himself in religious perplexity in NW Asia

(Ophryneion evidently Athenian not Theban) is the second main problem about the bones story.

Minor, so consults the seer Eukleides, who tells him, sacrifice to Zeus Meilichios. He does so, by

Hektor was not the subject of, or prominent in, many sth-cent. Attic tragedies. Aeschylus

sacrificing a holocaust—at Ophrynion (sic no epsilon. Anad. 7. 8. 5). Arguments from silence are risky, but in neither passage is there any hint, despite their focus on religion and sacrifice, that Ophryneion was the site of Hektor's tomb. Xen.

wrote a Ransoming of Hektor, which

Hypoplakian

in his life had

and for the second, there are several possibilities,

shown

Zeus such piety. This is not too much to ask of an author who earlier in the same work had bothered to tell us the river Marsyas was where Apollo flayed Marsyas (Anab. 1. 2. 8; see also 1. 2. 13, Midas and 6. 2. 2 Herakles). A similar argu-

ment can be constructed about the silence of

Herodotus. To be sure, Xenophon silence can, as David Thomas points out to me, be explained

home

which we may now return. 1f we follow Ebert's restoration, we have an appealing juxtaposition of Ophryneians and Hektor. But the names are surely separate play-titles not plot-summaries,

might have been expected to mention that his of Hektor, who

mentioned

as Andromache’s

town (TrGF 3 F 267). For Sophocles see (B), to

sacrifice to a chthonian Zeus was precisely by the heroon

Thebes

such as Hektoros /ytra and (Ebert's own suggestion) Hektoridai. Or we could revert to the old

reading ἐκ r[oó or r[9s, as printed in TFGF vol. 1 p. 57. As for the content of the Ophryneians, it is surely far likelier that it reflected Athenian propaganda about Akamas’ foundation of Ophryneion—cf. S.'s Antenoridai on Patavium— than that it was about Hektor's bones.

426

Hektor5 cult at Thebes Apart from these, we have to wait until the 4th cent., when there are two relevant tragedies that we know of. The first is the Ransoming of Hektor by the Sicilian tyrant Dionysios 1, produced at the Athenian Lenaia of 368/7, see 2697270 n. But there is no reason to think that Dionysios’ play would have covered this aspect. The second is more prom-

1189-1213

of Sparta tried to fetch the bones of Herakles’ mother Alkmene from Boiotian Haliartos to Sparta (Plut. Mor. 577e-578a with Parker 2010, arguing convincingly for 382-379 nc). But the chain of reasoning is weak. This type

of argument works better for Aeschylus and the sth cent. than for the 4th. In particular, to make Astydamas a proselytizing political playwright goes beyond the evidence, and his Hektor is undated. Parthenopaios was one of the Seven

ising, the Hektor of Astydamas, his most famous

play, and ranked by Plutarch with the masterpieces of Aeschylus and Sophocles. Its date is uncertain. Now Astydamas wrote on a Theban topic in his Parthenopaios of 340; Parthenopaios was one of the

against Thebes, so it would have needed ingenuity

on Ástydamas' part to make the play pro-Theban. Thebe is not very close to Ophryneion, And so on. There is one other particular objection to consider. It arises from the four-line metrical oracle in Paus. (E), and the agreement in the sources, Lyk.

Seven against Thebes. For this play Astydamas was honoured by the Athenians with a bronze statue in the theatre, an unusual tribute. He wrote a boastful epigram for it which is why we know about the statue. See TrGF 1, 60 T8a; cf. ΕἸ (ἢ) = Plut. Mor.

included, that the transfer of the bones was the

349f. Perhaps this was for the play's purely literary merit, but 340 was a fraught time in Athenian politics, and we might wonder if Astydamas found a way to touch on the city’s contemporary preoccupations so as to earn him that remarkable statue. In 340, an alliance with the Thebans was very

result of an oracle. Even on the wild Astydamas hypothesis, four hexameters

much on the cards, and the battle of Chaironeia, in

which Thebans and Athenians for once in their history fought side by side, was only two years away. Perhaps the play hinted at these themes, in the manner of the advocacy of the Argive alliance in Aeschylus’ Eumenides of 458. If Ophryneion was regarded as ancestral Athenian property (recall Akamas), and if Astydamas’ Hektor dated from around

the same

time as the Parthenopaios, the

of this sort cannot

have featured in that or any tragedy. — So let us abandon Astydamas in particular and with him the general suggestion that the mytheme ‘bones-at-Ophryneion was the creation of Athenian pro-Iheban propaganda. It will be better to attribute the initiative to the Thebans themselves, and to look instead for a period, not of

rapprochement, but of rivalry and even hostility, between 4th-cent. Thebans and Athenians. The historical Thebans might have applied to an oracle in the 4th cent. because troubled by plague (like their mythical predecessors in S. OT) or because they wanted divine support in the military sphere. Having gone so far in guesswork, let us take it further and suggest that the main thrust of the oracle

play might have sought to justify the Athenian rapprochement with the Thebans in mythical terms. The play could have exploited the connection between Thebe in Asia Minor with Boiotian

detail. After

Thebes, and have alluded to a kinship tie between

(E) tells the Thebans vaguely to bring Hektor

the two places. Ophryneion could have entered the narrative because of its Athenian history, going back to the mythical foundation by Akamas. Lyk. explains the need for Hektors protection in military terms as well as insurance against plague. The military threat from Macedon to both Thebes

‘from Asia’, not from Ophryneion in particular,

and Athens was growing acute in these years, An alternative period might be the Theban-Athenian rapprochement in the early 370s, the time of the

liberation of the Theban

Kadmeia

from

the

should be detached in time from the Ophryneion all, the

oracle

as given

by

Paus.

though the toponym could easily have fitted into a hexameter with the spelling Ophrynion (as in Xenophon and other writers) not Ophryneion. (Paus,’ own comment that Hektor was brought

from Troy itself has no validity; perhaps he had the end of the J/iad vaguely in mind, see above.) Nor does the oracle in that version (as opp. Aristodemos' version) imply an application in time of trouble. It is the conditional sort of oracle;

Spartans with Athenian help, and the beginning of

in Pausanias’ version, the most explicit that we

the Second Athenian Confederacy. This is, after all, thought to be precisely the period when Agesilaos

have, it invites the Thebans to bring Hektor from

Asia if they wanted excellent πλοῦτος, prosperity.

427

1189-1193

The fates of Kassandras Trojan kin

σὺ δ᾽ ὦ ξύναιμε, πλεῖστον ἐξ ἐμῆς φρενὸς στερχθείς, μελάθρων ἕρμα καὶ πάτρας ὅλης, οὐκ εἰς κενὸν κρηπῖδα φοινίξεις φόνῳ ταύρων, ἄνακτι τῶν Ὀφίονος θρόνων πλείστας ἀπαρχὰς θυμάτων δωρούμενος.

Just when the Thebe-Thebe kinship tie was worked in, it is hard to say. It fits particularly well in 316 because of the parallel between Achilles

If we ask, when the Thebans might have looked

for prosperity by engaging in activity in that part of Asia Minor, there is an obvious

1190

answer: the

mid-360s. This was the time of the naval hegemony of Epaminondas, when the Thebans succeeded in detaching Byzantion from its Athenian alliance, as Diodorus tells us (15. 79), and when the Thebans were showing special interest in the most

and Alexander as Thebe-sackers, but it does not

actually require that parallel, and in its general form it could be earlier. Now a word about the religious relation between the two cites, Thebes and Ophryneion. Pfister 1909-12: 194-6, cited for this point by Parker 2010: 132 n. 16, argued that myths involving moving of bones may arise where the supposed site

prestigious oracle of all, Delphi (Sy? 176 and much other evidence). Ephoros or Kallisthenes could have recorded an oracle in this context, and

Paus. could have picked it up, although Diod. did not. But this naval phase of Theban history was short-lived—it did not survive the battle of Mantineia and Epaminondas’ death in 362 ac—

of burial lacks any visible relics. This might help

On this scenario, the Thebans, prompted by

with the Ophryneion problem, if it is right that the Hektor connection was developed relatively late. Finally we must ask, where did Lykophron get this Theban material from. Not from Timaios, to whom he was indebted for much of his cultic

their friend Pythian Apollo, were well aware of

material about the westem Mediterranean. The

the strongly Athenian character of Ophryneion,

obvious name is Timaios’ great contemporary Hieronymos of Kardia, historian of Alexander's successors, who lies behind the non-Agathoklean

and the bones stayed put; for the moment.

and sought to trump Akamas with Hektor, one

kinship relationship with another. The antiAthenian aspect to the Theban naval programme is attested by Aischines (2. 105), who said that Epaminondas wished to transfer the Theban Kadmeia to the acropolis of Athens. In this con-

narrative of bks 18-20 of Diod. (J. Hornblower 1981, not overturned by more recent work). We have

seen that the excursus in Diodorus about mythical Theban history, the so-called "Theban archaeology’, can be confidently assigned to Hieronymos; but it

nection, note the suggestion of Schachter 2014

that there was Boiotian cult of Tlepolemos of Rhodes, another place which was targeted by the Theban naval effort of the 360s (Diod. 15. 79. 1). So we may posit two stages: first, a general oracle to thalassocratically ambitious Thebes in 365 sc. Second, the bones were actually obtained and re-interred by Kassandros in 316 as an expression of hostility to the dead Alexander and the living Antigonos. (The refounding of Thebes

should be seen in the context not only of Alexander but of the contemporary struggles of the Diadochoi. In early 315, a coalition was formed between Kassandros, Lysimachos, and Ptolemy against Antigonos, who sought to restore the unity of Alexander's empire: Diod. 19. 57.1.)

is much abbreviated, so Hektor and his bones could

well have featured. (Probably not the transfer as a historical event, if it was one, but the myth and the

oracle.) Hieronymos had a close personal involvement with Thebes. He was appointed governor of the city in 293 Bc by Demetrios Poliorketes, as we know from Plutarchs Demetrios (FGrHist 154 T

8); he will surely have interested himself in its early history, and its rich repertoire of myths. Recall the similarity between the praise of Thebes at 1195 and Diod. 19. 53. There are indications elsewhere in Lyk. of awareness of Hieronymos’ History. Most striking, at 8or, there is an almost transparent reference

to the killing by Polyperchon of Herakles the son of Alexander the Great and Barsine in 309 Bc. This and Xerxes' invasion at 1413-1434 come closest

428

Hektor’s cult at Thebes

1189-1193

As for you, my brother, my heart’s most beloved,

pillar of the house and of our entire fatherland, it will not be in vain that you will make red the altar-base

1190

with the blood of bulls, giving many first-offerings of sacrifice to the king of the throne of Ophion. of any passage in Lykophron to a non-riddling

fices; for his sacrifices to Zeus in particular see 24.

mention of a real historical event; see n. there. (The account of this murder, in Diod. at least, probably derives from Hieronymos; see 801-804n. and

68-70, where Zeus himself concedes that Hektor was specially dear to him because he never failed

802n.) Returning to Hektor: might Hieronymos himself have transferred his bones?

with n.) and because his own altar never lacked

If all speculation

in gifts (24. 68 δώρων, cf. 1193, δωρούμενος burnt offerings. A secondary meaning has been detected by Durbec 20092: 399 (Hektor favoured by Zeus as son of Apollo; for this eccentric filiation, see 265n.). As we have seen (536—537 n.), all Apolline oracles were held to have Zeus’ authority behind them; see A. Eum. 19, Loxias the spokesman, προφήτης, of his father Zeus.

is discarded, the following

minimum remains and must be insisted on: a satisfactory answer to the problem ‘why Ophryneion? must somehow involve Athens as well as Thebes, By 316 sc itself, Athenian pretensions in the Troad were irrelevant to anything and anybody. So we need to go back earlier in the 4th cent, and the 360s is an exceptionally good time. The motif of relics was, after all, in the air in this approximate period; Agesilaos’ attempt to fetch Alkmene’s bones from Boiotia is thought to belong not many years earlier (above).

1189-1190. Kassandras special affection for Hektor is hinted at by Homer, when he makes

her climb to the top of Troy to watch out for the return of his corpse; her short speech there is really the first of the four female laments for him; the other three then follow at far greater length. For all this, see 254-256 n. 1189. σὺ δ᾽ ὦ ξύναιμε:

again

(1174n.), and

as

often, an emphatic apostrophe by Kassandra ofa Trojan (those apostrophized include personified Troy itself, and Troy's Sicilian offshoot Egesta; see 31 n. and 968n.). The echo of τὸ adv ξύναιμε (280, also part of a rhetorical address to Hektor)

1190. ἕρμα: for Hektor as supporting pillar of

1191-1193. The primary meaning of these lines is that Hektor’s piety in life, demonstrated in assiduity of sacrifice towards Zeus, will not go unrewarded. For that piety generally see I7 24. 33-4, Apollo reproaches the other gods by reminding them of Hektor's many animal sacri-

found in prose, but see Men. Monostichoi (‘maxims’, not all from Menander) line s: Meineke, 61

Jaekel, 61 Pernigorti: ἀνὴρ ἄβουλος eis κενὸν μοχθεῖ τρέχων. Peter Brown, to whom thanks for help with the Menander and its implications, writes: ‘I guess I'd prefer to call it “idiomatic” rather than “prosy”, the sort of expression that could well come in any kind of dramatic text without being high-flown.’ 1192. In Kassandra’s world-view, the current occupant of the throne of Ophion is Zeus. Ophion was one of the Titans or Ouraniones, married to Eurynome. See Ap. Rh. 1. 503 (on which cf. 1197n.), with Stephens 2003: 199 n. 67; Aston 2011: 66 f. and n. 68; also Kall, frag. 177 Pf. (= Suppl. Hell. 259, frag. 54c Harder), line 7 for Ophion as a figure comparable to Ouranos in some succession myths (see Harder’s comm.).

is very close. For ξύναιμος see 280 n. Troy (a Homeric and Pindaric play on his name), cf. 281 (κίονα) and 282 (ἔρεισμα), with discussion at 28ın.

1191. eis κενόν: this idiom for ‘in vain’ is mainly

1193. ἀπαρχὰς θυμάτων: see 1188n. For ἀπαρxai, often ‘first-fruits’, see R. Parker, ThesCRA 12.

2 D (2004) 275f. (cf. CT IL: 356): it was 'etymologically a "preliminary offering from" a greater whole’, and that primal sense is appropriate here. See now Jim 2014. δωρούμενος: see 1191-1193 n. That sacrifices were ‘gifts to the gods’ was not the whole story (Parker 2011: 136-7), but there is good

ancient authority for the notion: perhaps the most explicit expression is Pl. Euthphr. τάς, τὸ

θύειν δωρεῖσθαί ἐστι τοῖς θεοῖς.

429

The fates of Kassandra’ Trojan kin

II94-1204

ἀλλ᾽ ἄξεταί σε πρὸς γενεθλίαν πλάκα τὴν ἐξόχως Γραικοῖσιν ἐξυμνημένην, ὅπου σφε μήτηρ ἡ πάλης ἐμπείραμος τὴν πρόσθ᾽ ἄνασσαν ἐμβαλοῦσα Ταρτάρῳ A

H

2M

2

^

II95

[A

ὠδῖνας ἐξέλυσε λαθραίας γονῆς, 3

-

3

/

^

τὰς παιδοβρώτους ἐκφυγοῦσ᾽ ὁμευνέτου θοίνας ἀσέπτους, οὐδ᾽ ἐπίανεν βορᾷ

I200

νηδύν, τὸν dvrírowov ἐκλάψας πέτρον, ἐν γυιοκόλλοις σπαργάνοις εἰλημένον, τύμβος γεγὼς Κένταυρος ὠμόφρων σπορᾶς.

νήσοις δὲ μακάρων ἐγκατοικήσεις μέγας 1194. πρὸς γενεθλίαν πλάκα: for Thebes as Zeus’ birthplace,

see

FGrHist

383

Aristodemos

F 7,

place at Thebes called the Διὸς γοναί; also Paus.

certainly not a true claim in the century and a half after the disgrace incurred by Theban medism in 480 Bc. It is, however, a refreshing change from

the usual harping on Athens or Sparta. The refer-

9. 41. 3. For πλάξ see 98n.

ence here is surely to the richness of Theban

on

mythology, which massively trumped Athenian

‘Graikoi’ see 532 and n. There as here, and as at 891, the word surely has the extended meaning ‘Greeks’, not the original and more geographi-

cally restricted sense (it would be odd to say that

(cf. Parker 1987: 187: ‘in glamour and ancient renown, Athenian mythology can scarcely compete with several other regional mythologies of Greece’, where the mention of Oidipous lower

a Boiotian

the

down the page shows that Thebes was one of the

Boiotians). With ἐξόχως cf. 1233 and n. for €£o-

other regions he had in mind). The literary praise closest in time to Lyk. is that at Diod. 19. 53, in the

1195.

ἐξόχως

Γραικοῖσιν

city was

ἐξυμνημένην:

celebrated

among

xov (Rome). With ἐξυμνημένην (the verb is, acc. LSJ, a strengthened form of the simple dura) cf.

context of Kassandros’ refoundation of Thebes in

ὑμνηθεῖσαν at 1271 (Rome again) and ὑμνηθή-

316 BC after its sack by Alexander in 335; see below

σεται at 1449 (the ‘wrestler’, who is a Roman).

for the near-contemporary source of this. ‘The

‘These parallels put Thebes in a very big league.

excursus begins (para. 2) by calling Thebes ‘a city that had been widely known, διωνομασμένην,

"The claim that Boiotian Thebes was celebrated by the Greeks above all cities is at first sight surprising. (To be sure, the Theban Pindar speaks at

both for its achievements (πράξεις) and for the myths (μύθους) that had been handed down

frag. 198a 2-3 Maehler of ‘glorious Thebes’, κλυ-

about it’, and continues ‘it will not be out of place

ταὶ Θῆβαι, but such a compliment from a Theban is not too surprising. More apposite—as Enrico Prodi reminds me—is frag. 194. 4-6, where Pindar says he will make Thebes even more famous,

to provide a summary’. There follow rapid men-

πολυκλείταν, among the dwellings of gods and men than it already is. But even this may be felt to show merely partisan pride. A central Greek itinerary in prose from the Hellenistic period, ascribed

to Herakleides,

praised

the

men

and

esp. the women of Thebes with a splendid quotation from a lost play of Sophocles, frag. 773 TrGF: 'seven-mouthed Thebes, the only place

where mortal women give birth to gods’. See ‘Herakleides’ 1. 17 at Pfister 1951: 80). It was

tions of Kadmos; the Sown Men; Amphion and Zethos; the Seven; the Epigonoi; the prophecy of

the ravens which led to the refoundation of Thebes after the Pelasgian expulsion; then we jump to the Theban Hegemony of the 4th cent., and the sack by Alexander. Diod.’s immediate source here Hieronymos of Kardia, whom

is surely Demetrios

Poliorketes appointed 'governor and harmost', ἐπιμελητὴν καὶ ἁρμοστήν, of Thebes in 293 ΒΟ: FGrHist 156 'T 8 (Plut. Demetr. 39. 4); see J. Hornblower 1981: 140 and n. 147, noting that Diod. had followed a somewhat different tradi-

430

1194-1204

Hektor’s cult at Thebes

No, he will bring you to his birthplace, the city which is celebrated above all others by the Greeks. There his mother, the experienced wrestler,

1195

she who threw the previous queen down to Tartaros, ended the pains of his secret birth. So she averted the impious child-eating banquet of her spouse, who was therefore not able to satisfy his belly

I200

with food. Instead, he gulped down a stone, wrapped in limb-binding swaddling-clothes. The savage Centaur became the tomb of his own offspring. As a great hero, you will dwell on the Islands of the Blest, tion about early Thebes elsewhere (4. 64-7). Part

of the purpose of the Diodoran excursus is to

illustrate the vagaries of fortune. (The excursus at

ὁμευνέτου: Euripidean, see Med. 953, Jon 894, with Gigante Lanzara 2009: rm n. 59. For Öueuvis see 372.

Arr. Anab.1. 9—partly indebted to the Alexander-

1200. θοίνας ἀσέπτους: all banquets in Lyk. are

historian Aristoboulos, see Bosworth—also

grim, and θοίνη is the preferred word for them;

has

that purpose, but it avoids myth, and explains Thebes’ downfall by reference to the city’s medism:

see

above.)

Whatever

local

Theban

literary sources Hieronymos himself drew on, he

must be borne in mind when considering the problem of Hektor's bones. 1196. πάλης ἐμπείραμος: this alludes to Rhea's role in the overthrow of Eurynome; see 1197n.

For the frequency of wrestling, πάλη, literal and metaphorical, in the poem (right up to the culmi-

nating ‘peerless wrestler’, εἷς τις παλαιστής, at 1448, who is probably T. Quinctius Flamininus), see 41n. The rare adjective occurs, in hexametrically convenient form ἐμπέραμος, at Kall. H. 1 to

Zeus line 71. In the context of a narrative about Zeus, Lyk.'s choice of word may be an elegant tribute to the earlier poet.

1197. τὴν πρόσθ᾽ ἄνασσαν: the ‘former queen’ is Eurynome. In Hes. she is merely one of many Okeanids (7A. 358), but a more developed version

of her career is provided in Orpheus’ song at Ap. Rh. 1. 504-7, and this passage may be in Lyk.'s mind (cf. West 1971: 22 n.3): at first Ophion (11g2n.) and Eurynome ruled over snowy Olympos, but then the one yielded to the

strength of Kronos, the other to that of Rhea, and they fell into the waves of Ocean, after which the

other two ruled over the blessed Titans. 1199. παιδοβρώτους: for the frequency in the poem of hapaxwords in -Bpwros see 5o8n.

see 8o2n.

1203. After we have just been told that Rhea foiled Kronos' attempt to eat the baby Zeus, it is superficially odd to find Kronos denounced as a savage devourer of his own offspring. But we are meant to recall Hesiod, who recounted (75. 467)

that Kronos ate his children as they emerged from

their mother, until Zeus alone was saved

by the stone-trick. That is, offspring, σπορά, means the ober offspring. For the ‘living tomb’ motif see Skutsch 1985: 277 on Ennius Annals

line 126. Kévravpos: Kronos was a ‘Centaur’ as father of Cheiron (FGrHist 3 Pherekydes F so, and in EGM).

See Hurst 2012b (possible papyrus commentary on this passage, cf. 670n.). 1204. νήσοις δὲ μακάρων:

for the Islands of

the Blest, where heroes lived for ever in untrou-

bled felicity, see Hes. WD 172-3 and Pi. O. 2. 70-1. In the structure of the poem, Hektor thus

corresponds to Achilles, who was transported to the White Island: 172-179 n. But the acropolis of

Boiotian

'Ihebes

(ie.

the

Kadmeia)

was

once called Μακάρων νῆσος, acc. FGrHist 378 Antimenidas F 5, with Jacoby's comm. and Sens 2009: 21. There may also be a teasing allusion to (Egyptian) Thebes, near which there was also a district called the Islands of the Blest: Hdt. 3. 26. 1. C£. perhaps 1206 n. for ‘Ogygian’ as appropriate to both cities called Thebes.

431

1205-1213

The fates of Kassandras Trojan kin

ἥρως, ἀρωγὸς λοιμικῶν τοξευμάτων. ὅπου σε πεισθεὶς Ὠγύγου σπαρτὸς λεὼς ^ 5 ^ H "n χρησμοῖς Tarpoó Λεψίου Τερμινθέως ἐξ Ὀφρυνείων ἠρίων ἀνειρύσας

1205

ἄξει Καλύδνου τύρσιν Ἀόνων τε γῆν σωτῆρ᾽, ὅταν κάμνωσιν ὁπλίτῃ στρατῷ ^

/

^

1210

πέρθοντι χώραν Tnvepov τ᾽ ἀνάκτορα. ,

Hd

/

,5

/,

κλέος δὲ σὸν μέγιστον Ἐκτήνων πρόμοι λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσιν ἀφθίτοις ἴσον. This section may echo Kassandra about Hektor in E. Tro 395, δόξας ἀνὴρ ἄριστος οἴχεται θανών; cf. Gigante Lanzara 2009: 112. 1205. ἥρως: the only time the word is used in the poem, although there is plenty of hero-cult elsewhere in it, and there are many Homeric heroes. See Biffis forthcoming; Durbec 2009a: 399. This indicates Hektor's importance to Kassandra. From what follows immediately (Hektor as healer), and

from the description of Hektor's future cult at 1212-1213, it is clear that ‘hero’ is used in the religious sense, although Hektor was also one of those ‘heroes’, in the Homeric sense, whom Achilles killed: J/ 1. 3-4. In that passage of Homer, however,

Hektor is sent down to Hades, whereas here he resides on the Islands of the Blest. ἀρωγὸς Aoıμικῶν τοξευμάτων: for healing heroes (including unexpected medical powers attributed to historical figures such as Theagenes of Thasos), see 1052 n.

(about Podaleirios, who was a more obvious candidate for medical saviour, as son of Asklepios).

Kassandra does not make clear whether Hektor was brought over to help with an existing Theban plague, or whether, like Theagenes, he acquired his healing powers only after being heroized for some other reason. So too at 1210-1212, the guarantee of military help may refer to the vague future, or may refer to specific military danger. 1206. ‘Qyvyou: Ogygos, son of Boiotos (Korinna 671 PMG), an early king of Thebes, who gave his name to the Ogygian gates of the city: FGrHist 383 Aristodemos F 3 (from 2 on E. PA. 1113; cf. Mastronarde 1994: 650) and Paus. 9. 5. 1, calling him autochthonous king of the Ektenoi, for whom see 1212. Paus. (9. 8. 5) thought that the Ogygian gates were the city's oldest. See Schachter 1981-94: 2. 191. For ‘Ogygian Thebes’ at Ap. Rh. 3. 1178, see

Stephens 2003: 206 and n. 87, citing Dionys. Perieg. 249-50. (The adjective could be used of both

Egyptian and Boiotian Thebes.) σπαρτὸς λεὼς: see Apollod. 3. 4.1 for Kadmos and the Sown Men, who were born from the teeth of the dragon killed by Kadmos at the time of Thebes' foundation. 1207. χρησμοῖς: for oracular consultations and resulting action in the poem, see 133-134. n. All of the epithets which make up the rest of this line are Apolline. Two of them have a medical tinge, which is neatly appropriate, in view of Hektor's own future status as healer (see 1205). Ἰατροῦ: Apollo was the Doctor-god par excellence, though some think that there was a separate hero Tatros: see my comm. on Hdt. 5. 37. 1 (discussing the rare Milesian name /nrpayöpns). Aejíov: cf. Λεψιεύς at 1454; these epithets for Apollo are alternative ethnics of the small Aegean island of Lepsia, W. of Karia. An inscription found on the island very probably enables the identification of the sanctuary of Apollo Lepsieus. SEG 18. 386 line 6: [-------- Ἀπόλλωνι (?)] τῶι Aebielé etc.; the name of the god is made likelier by lines 8-9, [εἰς τὸ tJepov τοῦ A-| [πόλλωνος . . .]. See Bean and Cook 1957: 137 (republishing the inscription, whence the SEG ref. above), and 136 (the location of the sanctuary). For Lepsia see L4CP: p. 733. Τερμινθέως: for Apollo Termintheus at Myous, by that time absorbed into Miletos, see the Milesian inscription Syi/? 633 (c.180 Bc); and for the terebinth plant see HP 3955 (= Meleager I. 30). It was used medicinally, so the epithet is suitable company for Ἰατρός.

1208. ἐξ Ὀφρυνείων ἠρίων: for the only other occurrence in the poem of the Homeric word ἠρίον (sic, paroxytone) see 444 and n. (tombs of

Mopsos and Amphilochos). As often with less

432

1205-1213

Hektor’s cult at Thebes

a helper against the arrows of plague,

1205

when the Sown People of Ogygos, obedient to the oracles of the Doctor-god, the Lepsian, the Terminthian, lift him out of his grave at Ophryneion and bring him to the tower of Kalydnos and the Aonian land

to be a Saviour, when they are hard pressed by a hoplite army

1210

ravaging the land and the temples of Teneros.

The Ektenian chiefs will celebrate your great fame with libations, making it equal to the immortal gods. familiar names (586 n.), Lyk. says 'Ophryneion en clair, without periphrasis or other obfuscation.

Kassandra, who was another object of Apollo's lust. Teneros had an oracle at the Theban Ismenion: Z Pi. P τι. 5 (p. 255 Drachmann; cf. I. Rutherford 200: 196 and n. 22). See also Pi. frag. std = Paian 9, Ar Rutherford, and frag. gtk = Paian 7, D? Rutherford. His brother, parented in the same way, was Ismenos, eponym of the Theban river. The name Teneros survived in antiquity, and still survives today, in the “Teneric plain due NW of Thebes, some way below the

For Ophryneion in the Troad, see LACP. no. 786, Barr. map 56 1C; on the site, near mod. Erinkóy, see Cook 1973: 72-7. For discussion and attempted interpretation of the literary evidence for the

myth that Hektor's bones were removed from here, see 1189-1213 n. ἀνειρύσας: see 181n.

1209. Καλύδνου τύρσιν: Kalydnos was, like Ogygos (1206n.) an early king of Thebes, and indeed Ogygos’ predecessor, acc. 2. He gave his

Ptoion, for which Apolline sanctuary see 265n. It has been thought, partly from the location of the

name to Kalydna, an old name for Thebes, unless

eponymous plain, that Teneros must have been

the king was invented to explain the name. But Kalydnos did not inhabit a genealogical vacuum:

somehow

his father was Ouranos. See Steph. Byz. KáAv8va, νῆσος. kai πόλις Θήβης, ἀπὸ Καλύδνου παιδὸς Οὐρανοῦ. Ἀόνων Te γῆν: the Aones were a

1210. σωτῆρ᾽: the noun already had cultic reso-

(Dionysos), 512 (Zeus). ὅταν κάμνωσιν: this does

not necessarily mean that the Thebans consulted the oracle in a time of actual military distress (so "Tzetzes); the oracle promises future help if it is ever needed. Jacoby (n. 73 on Aristodemos) is right that Tzetzes misinterpreted Lyk. here.

with

the

Ptoion

(Strabo

and he is right to insist that hard linking evidence

Boiotian race, γένος, which replaced the Ektenoi (1211): Paus. 9. 5. 1. nance when Th. (5. 11. 1) used it about the heroization of the dead Brasidas at Amphipolis. For the Hellenistic period, see Habicht 1970: 456, citing e.g. OGIS 219 line 37 (Antiochos I). See also 206

connected

evidently thought so, 9. 2. 34, and cf. Schachter 1981-94: 1. 59, 3. 40, and many other scholars); but I. Rutherford 2001: 343-4 has challenged this, is in short supply. Actually, the plain is much closer to Thebes than to the Ptoion (Barr. map ss E4). In any case, the present context is firmly Theban,

and

neither 2 nor Tzetzes

make

any

allusion to the Ptoion here. So Kassandra can be safely taken to be thinking primarily or solely of Thebes. But ‘Aonians’ and ‘Ektenoi’ (1209 and 1212) signify ‘Boiotians’ more generally, so a similar wide extension is conceivable here too, if we decline to discard the speculative Ptoion connection altogether.

1212. Ἐκτήνων πρόμοι: for the Ektenoi as early Boiotians, see 433n. and 1206 n.

1211. πέρθοντι: for the verb, see 1002n. Τηνέρου 7’ ἀνάκτορα: this is hardly more than a flowery

1213. This closural line is very similar to the closure of the Philoktetes section, describing his S.

way of saying "Ihebes' (or just possibly ‘Boiotia’

Italian cult: αἰανῆ θεὸν / λοιβαῖσι κυδανοῦσι

generally; see below). Teneros was son of Apollo as a result of his rape of Melia, daughter of Ocean, a story with an obvious appeal for

killed by Achilles, who will be killed by Paris,

καὶ θύσθλοις βοῶν (928-929). Hektor will be who will be killed by Philoktetes.

433

The troubles of Idomeneus King of Krete

1214-1224

ἥξει δὲ Kvwooov κἀπὶ Γόρτυνος δόμους 3

x

id

^

^

»

3

7

1215

τοὐμὸν ταλαίνης πῆμα, πᾶς δ᾽ ἀνάστατος

ἔσται στρατηγῶν οἶκος. οὐ γὰρ ἥσυχος πορκεὺς δίκωπον σέλμα ναυστολῶν ἐλᾷ, Aeükov στροβήσων φύλακα τῆς μοναρχίας, ψυδραῖσιν ἔχθραν μηχαναῖς ἀναφλέγων. ὃς οὔτε τέκνων φείσετ᾽, οὔτε συγγάμου 4

la

[4

1220

Μήδας δάμαρτος, ἠγριώμενος φρένας, οὐ Κλεισιθήρας θυγατρός, ἧς πατὴρ λέχος θρεπτῷ δράκοντι συγκαταινέσει πικρόν. 2

7

,

x

/

πάντας δ᾽ ἀνάγνοις χερσὶν ἐν ναῷ κτενεῖ,

1214-1225. The troubles of Idomeneus King of Krete The connection with the preceding material is not spelt out, but it is provided by the avenging Nauplios, the ‘home-wrecking hedgehog’ of 1093, and the ‘fisherman’ of 1217. (For the structural importance and function of 1090-1098 on Nauplios, see Holzinger: 73-4). Agamemnon was

his first and most conspicuous victim (1099); in the poem's structure, Agamemnon)s fate led on

naturally to Kassandra’s own future, including cultic aspects; after which she naturally turned aside to speak of her mother and brother, Hekabe and Hektor. Nauplios now resurfaces, and distant Krete now concludes the great Greek nostoi section. We will soon turn to the westward journey of the Trojan Aineias, and the Roman dimension. The Iiad's pairing of Hektor and Aineias (1235n.)

facilitates this transition: only a short and dark intermezzo for Idomeneus separates the two great Trojan champions. Attempts have been made to reposition the Idomeneus section, but Holzinger was right to defend it in its present position, and Ziegler 1927: 2332 was right that the suggested alternatives are all worse (Wilamowitz

18832: 5 = 1935-72. 2: 15 wanted to move it to after 1122, Scheer to after 1173).

We have already been told that Idomeneus’

tomb was located at Kolophon in Ionia, and we noticed there that, despite this evident awareness of traditions about his travels, Lyk. surprisingly declined the opportunity to connect him with S. Italy, in the manner of Virgil: see 431 and n. Now we are given the story of the miseries

which (it must be assumed) were the Idomeneus left his Kretan home his return: he was another of the Nauplios' revenge against the Greek

had killed his son Palamedes

reason why again after victims of leaders who

(1217n.). Lyk.

ignores the well-known story of Idomeneus’ disastrous oath to sacrifice to Poseidon the first creature he met on his return, which turned out to be his son (as in Mozart's Idomeneo, but that has a happy ending), although this story could

have been used to explain why he left Krete again. See Gantz 1993: 698. The full story behind the present lines is given by Z and Tzetzes; also by Apollod. ep. 6. 9-1. When Idomeneus went to Ttoy, he left his kingdom in the charge of Leukos (son of Talos, the bronze man who patrolled Krete: Z and Tzetzes),

whom he had adopted and brought up; and he even

married

his daughter

Kleisithera

(spelt

-thyra in Apollod.) to him. But Leukos was corrupted by Nauplios, and killed both Idomeneus’ wife Meda, and his own wife and Idomeneus’ daughter, Kleisithera, although they had taken refuge in a temple. Leukos detached ten Kretan cities (or perhaps 'caused them to revolt"), When Idomeneus returned from Ttoy, he was driven out of Krete by Leukos. 2 and Tzetzes add that before he left, he blinded Leukos. It is possible (Gantz 1993: 698) that the ten cities were a way of solving the puzzle that Homer speaks of Krete as having both one hundred (77 2. 649) and of ninety (Od. 19. 174) cities. For Talos see rz18 n. 1214. In the Homeric Catalogue, Idomeneus leads Kretans from (in first position among the named

434

The troubles of Idomeneus King of Krete

1214-1224

My wretched calamity will penetrate to Knossos and the dwellings of Gortyn, and the whole house of their armyleaders

1215

shall be overthrown. For in no peaceful way will the fisherman row and steer his two-oared boat.

He will agitate Leukos, guardian of the kingdom, inflaming his hatred with lying tricks. He will not spare his children, nor his wedded

1220

wife Meda, in his wild anger,

nor his daughter Kleisithera, whose father will give her in bitter marriage to the snake whom he reared. He will kill them all with impure hands

cities,Z7. 2.646) those ‘who held Knosos and wellwalled Gortyn’, of Κνωσόν τ᾽ εἶχον Γόρτυνά Te τειχιόεσσαν. Those famous cities are, respec-

1218. στροβήσων: a verb noticeably favoured by Aeschylus: at Ag. 1216, Kassandra says she is whirled around by true prophecies; see also Cho. 1051-2 (the chorus about Orestes) and 203. φύλακα τῆς μοναρχίας: perhaps a hint at the

tively, ACP: nos 967 and 960, at Barr. map 60 D 2 and Cz. In Hellenistic times, that is Lyk.'s day, their mutual relations were often hostile (see e.g. Pol. 22. 15. 1, under 184 sc, with Walbank’s n. for other evidence) and at best uneasy.

island-guarding role of Leukos’ father Talos, for which and for whom see Ap. Rh. 4. 1643 and Buxton 2002. The four occurrences of μοναρχία in the poem (of which the most famous comes very soon, 1229, Rome) are all in this final and more political part of the poem. The others are at 1383 (the founding of Miletos) and 1445 (from the concluding and politically most important

1215. πῆμα: see 206n. 1216. οὐ γὰρ ἥσυχος: litotes: Nauplios was a formidable and vindictive meddler. For the exact Greek expression, see 3, and esp. E. Hek.

prophecy of all).

1109 (where the context is the blinding of Polymestor; for the blinding of Leukos, see

1219. ψυδραῖσιν: the adjective is a rare and otherwise archaic synonym for ψευδής; see Theog. 122 and Simonid. 20. 16W.

above, introductory n.).

1217. δίκωπον: the ‘two-oared boat’ rowed by Nauplios may be a subtle metapoetic signifier for his double strategy of (1) luring some Greeks onto

1221. As minor and little-known mythical characters, Meda and her daughter Kleisithera (1222) are named straightforwardly; see 586—587 n.

the rocks of Euboia and (2) making the wives of

other Greeks unfaithful. See 384-386 n. Nauplios was called μονόκωπος at E. Hel. 1128. Although that compound certainly means ‘rowing alone’

(see Allan’s comm. for the morphology; he might have added that a boat with one oar would not be much use because it would go round in circles), Lyk. surely echoes that Euripidean description here, but cleverly alters the word's prefix so as to produce the metaphorical sense suggested above. σέλμα: a part-for-whole expression for a boat; at HHDion. 47 it refers to the deck or planking of the ship.

1222. On the unusual non-enigmatic naming of Kleisithera, see r221n.

1223. The 'snake whom he reared' refers to Idomeneus’ adoption of Leukos; see above, introductory n. 1224. ἀνάγνοις χερσὶν ἐν ναῷ: the offence is naturally the more polluting because committed in a temple; see 986n. on ἐν ναῷ (Italian Siris).

435

1225-1229

The fates of Kassandra Trojan kin (continued)

λώβαισιν αἰκισθέντας Ὀγκαίου βόθρου. γενοῦς δὲ πάππων τῶν ἐμῶν αὖθις κλέος μέγιστον αὐξήσουσιν ἄμναμοί ποτε, αἰχμαῖς τὸ πρωτόλειον ἄραντες στέφος, γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης σκῆπτρα καὶ μοναρχίαν

1225

1225. Lit. ‘tortured by/in the mutilation of the

but also provides the right solution, provided

Onkaian pit’. Ὀγκαίου: this means ‘of Erinys’,

that ‘the poem’, τὸ ποίημα, is taken to mean ‘the

presumably a ref. to the gross impiety and family murder (policing the latter was a special function of the Erinyes), for which crimes Leukos will be blinded—though not in Lyk. (see introductory n.). Z says that at Onkai in Arkadia, Demeter is honoured as Erinys. For Demeter as Erinys in Arkadian Thelpousa in particular, see 152~153n. The sanctuary at Onkai or Onkeion is not identi-

poem as a whole’, not ‘the poem from this line

fied securely on the ground. Pausanias (8. 25. 4)

says that the ἱερὸν τῆς Δήμητρος... τὸ ἐν Ὀγκείῳ was near Thelpousa, continues by saying that the Thelpousians call Demeter Erinys, and

adds that Onkos was a son of Apollo who ruled over Onkion. For what is known about Onkai/ Onkeion (not much), see Jost 1985: 63, 67, 483. 1226-1235. Rome’s greatness foretold. Aineias; Romulus and Remus There is a connection with very recent material in that Aineias forms a pair with Hektor, the subject of 1189-1213; see 1235n. (shared martial prowess) and 1270 (piety, compare 1191-1193 n. for Hektor). The notion, crucial to the unfolding of the rest of the poem, that the Romans were descendants of the Trojans has already been briefly introduced at 968 and 969; see nn. there, and 951-977n. Aineias was not there named, but Anchises was (see 965n.).

That Rome is the subject of the present important section is obvious enough from what is said at 1226-1233 and 1271-1272, but the use for the only time in the poem of ῥώμη, ‘strength’ at 1233 shouts out the city's name; see n. there. 2 says in his note on 1226 that ‘from here the poet

speaks about the Romans, and the poem is to be considered the work of another Lykophron, not the tragedian. For the latter was a contemporary

on’ (or ‘the poem

to 1280"). That is, & was not

advocating any theory of interpolation or multiple authorship. All such theories are rejected in the present comm.

& went too far when he said that Lykophron the early 3rd-cent. tragedian could not have spoken about the Romans at all; we need think only of the researches of Timaios (Cornell 1975: 23-4, and Momigliano 1977b: 37-66); see also FGrHist 154 Hieronymos F 13 with J. Hornblower 1981: 248-50. The Greeks of late 4th-cent. S. Italy, in particular, were well aware of Roman military might, and Lyk. is conspicuously well informed about that large corner of Hellenism. But Z was surely right in his main point: a prediction of Roman

domination by land and sea (1229), i.e.

a Mediterranean empire, was not conceivable in the early 3rd cent., before the First Punic War of 262-246 Bc, which forced the Romans to become a naval power and gave them their first overseas province: Sicily. So rightly Beloch 4° 2. 569 (1927, and already in edn. 1 of 1904, see 3. 2. 480), who noted that even in 280 Bc, Roman sea-power was not a match for Tarentine; for awareness by Lyk. of the Mamertines and the First Punic War in particular, see 938n. on Mäpeprov. Against modern arguments that ‘land and sea’ was a

merely conventional expression, see 1229n. But even if—which is not admitted—it should be taken to mean, panegyrically, ‘universal empire’, the same arguments apply: the panegyric is easily imaginable in about 190 sc, wholly implausible a century earlier, The present passage (esp. 1226-1233) will be complemented, developed, and deepened by the final prophecy of all, at 1435-1450, again about a

of [Ptolemy] Philadelphos [sole ruler 282-246

kinsman of Kassandra, this time an actual Roman

Bc], so could not have spoken about the Romans’.

rather than Rome's Trojan archetype. This will resume the language and thought of the present

This not only puts the problem in a nutshell,

436

Rome’ greatness foretold. Aineias; Romulus and Remus tortured and mutilated in the Onkaian pit. ‘The glory of the race of my grandfathers will be greatly increased by their descendants.

1225-1229 1225

With their spears, they will win the victory-wreath and the first-spoils, taking sceptre and kingship over land and sea.

passage at three key moments in particular; see 1228 n. for the correspondence with 1450, and 1229n. for both 1445 and 1448. C£. Mahé-Simon 2009: 442. 1226. πάππων

τῶν

ἐμῶν:

Kassandra

for Flamininus and athletic contests see n. on that line. In the present passage, the reference

to victory need not be specific, as opp. a general tribute to Roman military pre-eminence. But

if she has any particular campaign in mind, it will surely be Kynoskephalai in 197 Bc, when

means

by this (see 12271.) the common ancestors of herself and of Aineias. These are: Zeus, Dardanos, Erichthonios, and Tros. After that the lines

Flamininus defeated Philip V of Macedon; see

(again) 1447. To the present line corresponds 1450, σκύλων ἀπαρχὰς (cf. πρωτόλειον here) τὰς δορικτή-

diverge, as follows: "Tros-Assarakos-KapysAnchises-Aineias, and Tros-Ilos-LaomedonPriam-Kassandra.

tous λαβών (cf. λαβόντες at 1230 here).

1229. This famous prophecy of Rome's Mediterranean domination occurs just five-sixths of the way through the poem (1474 x Y, = 1228.33

1227. ἄμναμοι: see 144n. for this rare and interesting word (strictly, it means ‘grandsons’).

Here

the descendants

referred to are those

of Kassandras third cousin Aineias, and the prophecy is a development of a Homeric hint. Both his and their future rule over the Trojans is prophesied in categorical terms by Poseidon at 77. 20. 307-8; there is a slightly weaker and vaguer formulation at HHAph. 196-7: there, Aineias will rule over the Trojans, and his line will continue in future generations. On the difference see Richardson 2010: 244-5, explaining the Hymn formulation contextually, rather than as a hint

that Aineias’ Trojan rule will end with himself, and observing that these prophecies can be reconciled with the tradition of emigration to Italy (as in Lyk.) by supposing that 'the Trojans' are those whom he took with him. For the shared ancestors of Kassandra and Aineias, see 1226 n.

For the earliest political uses of the story of Roman descent from Trojans, see 951-977n. and 968n. (on Rome and Segesta/Egesta in 263 BC). 1228. πρωτόλειον:

see 298n. ἄραντες στέφος:

the metaphor is athletic; the verb is ἀείρω, 'lift up’. Cf. B. 2. 5, [&]paro νίκην. If Kassandra has T. Quinctius Flamininus in mind as the ‘wrestler’ of 1447, the metaphor here is specially appropriate;

recurring). Such ‘milestones’ matter. For the significance of the exact half-way point, and of other

numbers of lines and multipliers of lines, see 7370. For the ‘sixth generation’ see 1446 and n.: six was a number with appealing possibilities. γῆς

καὶ θαλάσσης: for the historical implications of this resonant expression, see introductory n. To be sure, the linkage of, or opposition between, land and sea is an old and obvious one; see Momigliano

1960c [originally 1942] and Hardie 1986: 302-10.

The starting-point is OZ. 1.3-4 (with Hardie 1986: 302-3), Odysseus saw the cities of many men, πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ... ἄστεα, and suffered many griefs at sea, ἐν πόντῳ. But the grandest Homeric expression is actually one of partition and sharing: at I/. 15, 187-93, Poseidon was allotted the sea as his province, Hades the nether regions, Zeus heaven,

while earth and Olympus were to be common to all three brothers (cf. Hardie 1986: 294). In the historians, the pairing land/sea sometimes refers portentously to extent of rule, sometimes not. We find it already in Hde. (6. 18, the Milesians besieged by land and sea), and rather more frequently in Th. It occurs, with characteristic

variation of prepositions, in the form κατὰ γῆν... διὰ θαλάσσης, in the second chapter of

437

The fates of Kassandra) Trojan kin (continued)

1230-1233

λαβόντες. οὐδ᾽ ἄμνηστον,

1230

ἀθλία πατρίς,

κῦδος μαρανθὲν ἐγκατακρύψεις ζόφῳ. τοιούσδ᾽ ἐμός τις σύγγονος λείψει διπλοῦς ^

x

4

3.5

Fd

>

,

,

,

,

^

σκύμνους λέοντας, ἔξοχον ῥώμῃ γένος,

the whole Histories (1. 2. 2, authorial, discussing

not imperial. It alludes to Od. 1. 3-4, for which

primitive communications). Neither of these uses occurs in an imperial context, or conveys any special majesty. But Th.'s Perikles is made to combine

see above); cf. also the land/sea polarities at 1414-1416, about Xerxes, and again at 1436-1438, struggles after the Persian Wars. σκῆπτρα:

land and sea twice thereafter (2. 41. 4, the Funeral Speech and 2. 62. 2, Perikles' last speech), and these

cf. (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110) S. OC 425

two proud ‘Periklean’ uses are indeed about the ubiquity of Athenian power. The second puts the weight on sea- rather than land-power, without

σκῆπτρον καὶ δύναμις πᾶσα. For σκῆπτρον as the verse equivalent of prose βακτηρία, see TT: 258-60. μοναρχίαν: see ız18n., and for the whole expression σκῆπτρα καὶ p., See 1445 σκῆπτρ᾽ ὀρέξαι τῆς πάλαι μοναρχίας. An echo ofthis line has often been detected in the prophecy apparently given to Cassandra by Propertius (4. i A 87-8):

actually denying control of the land to Athens (c£. CT E: 335); this careful refinement is important

as showing

that, for Th., ‘land and

sea’ is

not merely a rhetorically amplified way of saying ‘everywhere’, ‘Land/sea’ is one of several significant polarities of this kind in ancient thought; others were east/west; Europe/Asia; and there are ‘distributions over three terms’ (e.g. heaven, earth, and sea) as well as over two: see Hardie

1986: 293-335, ‘universal expressions in the Aeneid’,

cf. above for J/ 15. 187-93 and its complicated partition scheme. (The Europe/Asia dichotomy will become important from 1283-1284.) Despite Momigliano and Hardie 1986: 309 (‘propaganda or encomium and reality are tenuously con-

nected’), none of the earlier and later comparative

σκῆπτρα καὶ θρόνους. Cf. also Hdt. 3. 142. 3,

dicam: "Troia cades, et Troica Roma, resurges’;

et maris et terrae candida regna canam (this is the text of Heyworth's new OCT, which

adopts Murgia's emendation for MSS /onga sepulchra. Housman 1972: 37 had offered regna superba; cf. Klein 2009: 565 n. 13). See further Heyworth 2007: 421, acknowledging that Lyk. is ‘generally agreed’ to be in Propertius’ mind here (so too

Murgia 1989: 265); see also rn. for dicam/Aé£c. Heyworth's

own

sceptra. secunda is (deliberately)

material which they collect can deprive the present passage of its force or meaning, nor is it plausible to reduce it to empty early 3rd-cent. flattery of Rome (the motive for which, in a tragic poet of the time of Philadelphos, is not easy to

even closer to Lyk. I am grateful to Stephen

see). The most that such modern studies can claim

breasts of the earth and of the grey sea (στέρνα

to have shown is that ‘rule over land and sea’ is not

to be taken in the literal geographical sense, but as meaning vaguely ‘universal empire’. After the defeats of Philip V (197 ac) and Antiochos III (190 Bc, the battle of Magnesia), Roman ‘kingship of land and sea’ was the plain truth, and it would not have been absurd to speak of Rome in such terms, or (if we prefer the vaguer concept)

in

Heyworth for advice on this passage of Propertius. There is a striking land/sea allusion in Melinnos hymn to Rhome/Rome, Suppl. Hell: no. 541. 10, Rome holds with its strong straps the γαίας καὶ πολίας θαλάσσας). But the date of

this poem is radically uncertain (see 1232-1233 n.: it may be 2nd cent. AD, i.e. much later than both Lyk. and Prop.). On the present passage of Lyk. in relation to Melinno, see Erskine 1995: 375-6. 1230. λαβόντες: cf. λαβών at 1450; see introduc-

tory n. ἀθλέα πατρίς: for the emotional apostro-

terms of universal empire. The present line will be picked up not only by πόντου re καὶ γῆς at 1448

phe, see 31 and n.; also 72, στενώ σε, πάτρα.

(the second great Roman prophecy) but also by ἁλός τε καὶ γῆς at 1245 (Odysseus’ wanderings;

1230-1231. οὐδ’ ἄμνηστον.... / κῦδος μαρανdev... ζόφῳ: see 1127n. (on Kassandra’s own

438

Rome: greatness foretold. Aineias; Romulus and Remus Nor, my miserable fatherland,

1230-1233 1230

will you hide your renown, withered away in darkness. My kinsman will leave behind him such twin lion-whelps—a race of outstanding strength— future glory, with refs. to other similar passages).

In that line, μαρανθέν anticipated will

survive

and ληθαίῳ

the

present

prediction

in

eternal

memory,

as lion-cubs, not as wolf-cubs after the she-wolf who suckled them, reflects hazy Greek knowledge

σκότῳ

that Troy rather

of the myth

‘withering in darkness’, for which the noun here is the evocative Homeric ζόφῳ, used nowhere else in the Alexandra. See Od. 20. 356 for ghosts

hurrying down

‘to the darkness

(Erskine

2001:

154), or is a piece

of typical Lykophronic teasing of expectations; the second explanation is likelier. For the present passage of Lyk. see Wiseman 1995: 1601 (translation), also 44, 51, and 181 n. 5. Lyk. does not men-

than

of Erebos’,

tion the antagonism between the twins; contrast

Ἔρεβόσδε ὑπὸ ζόφον.

939-940, and n. (Panopeus and Krisos fighting in the womb).

With διπλοῦς cf. perhaps A. Cho. 973, τὴν διπλῆν τυραννίδα (the joint rule of Aigisthos

1232-1233. σύγγονος λείψει: Lyk. makes Kassandra say that her kinsman Aineias (see 1226n. and 1227n. for this relationship) was ancestor of Romulus and Remus. The two stories of Rome’s origins (colonization by Trojan refugees in the 2nd millennium sc; foundation by Romulus

and

Menelaos as two lions, in the dual). For σκύμνος

plainly incompatible. Lyk. takes the line also taken by Eratosthenes earlier (FGrHist 241 F 5, with Cornell 1975: 3 and n. 6) which made the twins sons, grandsons,

or other

descendants

A. and Lyk.

see 308n. (Troilos), citing (among other passages) Hdt. 3. 32. 1, σκύμνους λέοντος. ἔξοχον ῥώμῃ γένος: in the Setaia section (see 1075-1082 n.), Lyk. avoided the Hellanikan version in which Rhome was merely the name of the woman who fired the Trojan ships. On ῥώμη (Greek ‘strength’, ‘might’) as a play on the name of Rome, see Erskine 1995, discussing esp. the poem ‘To Rhome’by Melinno, Suppl. Hell: no. 541 (perhaps and-cent. Bc, or at any rate Roman Republican, so Erskine 1995: 368; but judged Hadrianic in

in 814 BC, as in Timaios, or 753 Bc as in Varro, or whatever other date Lyk. followed) were

into

Klytaimestra); behind both

may be IA s. 554, λέοντε δύω (Agamemnon and

of

Aineias; cf. also FGrHist 560 Alkimos of Sicily F 4 with Cornell 1975: 6—7 (Romulus alone as son of Aineias and Tyrrhenia). Cornell upholds, against some recent sceptics, the traditional position that the story of foundation by Romulus was very old

Suppl. Hell., with rude remarks about its turgid

and of local origin, and that Aineias was added to

style and inane repetitions). Cf. 1229n. For the

it later by Greeks. διπλοῦς / σκύμνους λέοντας: these are Romulus and Remus. The story of the Roman twins (for which myth in all its aspects, esp. the Remus accretion, see now Wiseman 1995) was known in the Greek world by at least the late 3rd or early 2nd cents, depending on the—disputed—date of the remarkable inscription from Chios published by Derow and Forrest 1982 = SEG 30. 1073 (on which see Salvo 2013, who offers

play on the name Rhome see also Plut. Rom. 1.1 with Cornell 1975: 17 and nn. 2 and 3; Rochette 1997; and F. Cairns 2010. Macleod 1983: 218, followed by Mankin 1995: 246-7, detected an allusion to the ambiguity at Hor. Epode 16. 2,

a slightly adjusted text at 126-8). This inscription mentions the gift by the Chian honorand of an

‘suis et ipsa

Roma

viribus

ruit'; Macleod

246

n. 2 also cited Prop. 4. 10. 17, Romulus called ‘urbis virtutisque parens’. The ambiguity in the Greek cannot be captured in translation. With ἔξοχον cf. 1195, ἐξόχως (of Boiotian Thebes), the only other use of any form of the word in Lyk. The martial qualities here alluded to are not

engraved narrative text (Derow and Forrest) or artistic depiction (Salvo) of the birth of Romulus founder of Rome and his brother Remus, accord-

merely prophetic about Rome in the abstract. The

ing to which they were begotten by Ares. It is not clear whether Kassandra's description of the twins

seen as aggressively violent, if ‘latrones’ at Ennius

twins

439

themselves, and

their entourage, can be

1234-1235

The fates of Kassandra’ Trojan kin (continued)

ὁ Kaorvias τε τῆς τε Χοιράδος γόνος, βουλαῖς ἄριστος, οὐδ᾽ ὀνοστὸς Ev μάχαις. ^

1234.

LA

$05

5

^

3

1235

τῆς τε Χοιράδος Canter τῆς re Xeıpdöos ADE τῆς Ταχειράδος B

Annals line 57 refers to them; see Skutsch 1985:

207 and n. 33 for such ‘roving men’s organisations’, citing Alföldi. 1234. The sexual union between Aphrodite and Aineias’ father Anchises was the subject of HHApbh., in which Aineias’ glorious future is predicted (1227n.). See Richardson 2010. For Aphrodite Kastnia (also attested epigraphically, and in Kall.), see 403n. τῆς re Χοιράδος: again, see 403n. (for the connection with sacrifice of swine, χοῖροι); the epithet here is Canter's old (An

7

1566)

emendation

for

the

MSS

τῆς

borrowing is never indisputably clear outside the particular sentence in which the earlier writer is quoted. See, for example, 1259n. for the likely Timaian origin of more than what the cautious Jacoby printed as the actual fragment of Timaios in question. That Lyk. was also dependent on Timaios to some degree is likely enough, and Geffcken 1892: 39-51 (with 147-50) argued for a maximalist position; see (again) 1259n. But 'to some degree' is a crucial qualification. Thus Alföldi 1965: 271 and nn. 3 and 4 went to absurd lengths in his equation of Timaios and Lyk., even

τε

describing

the

latter

(in

1253-1260)

as

"Timaios 'excerptor'! (Thereafter he routinely says "Timaeus' when he means ‘Lycophron’.) In fact, caution is called for, and was constantly urged by Jacoby (see e.g. the notes vol. to IIIB, pp. 332-3 nn. 317, 324; Jacoby always tended to react against

Χειράδος or τῆς Taxeıpdöos. 1235. βουλαῖς ἄριστος: this picture of Aineias as conspicuously prudent and clear-headed is Homeric. Cf. 1.20. 267, δαίφρονος, with Galinsky 1969: 38. οὐδ᾽ ὀνοστὸς ἐν μάχαις: for Aineias as great warrior, beginning with the fight against Diomedes (47. 3.239-310), see Galinsky 1969: 11-34. At Ij. 6. 78-9, the seer Helenos tells Aineias and

Wilamowitz,

Hektor (in that order) that they ἄριστοι / πᾶσαν

and

Geffcken

was

very much

a

Wilamowitz pupil). See 1248 n. on the Mysian as opp. Lydian connections of the Etruscans: Timaios will be more obviously visible at 13511361, where Lydia is to the fore. That both Timaios and Lyk. owed a debt to

ἐπ᾽ ἰθύν ἐστε μάχεσθαί τε φρονέειν re. For Aineias’ ‘piety’, made famous by Virgil, see 1270 ἢ. Lyk.’s expression here is a litotes. For the negated adjective, see I/. 9. 164, δῶρα μὲν οὐκετ᾽ ὀνοστά; cf. also Pi. I. 4. 5o, the pankratiast Melissos of Thebes was contemptible to look at, ὀνοτὸς [sie]

treated the western voyage of Aineias, is likely. See IG 14. 1284 Αἰνήας σὺν τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀπαίρων eis

μὲν ἰδέσθαι (but he was a good fighter).

taining the sacred objects (τὰ ἱερά, i.e the di

1236-1280. Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations This section is of great importance as evidence for traditions about early Roman history (as was recognized by e.g. Beloch 1926, Alfóldi 1965, and Momigliano in 1989 (see 1259n.), see detailed nn. below), because it is the oldest primary (i.e. surviving, not fragmentary) literary source for much of what it says. That is true even on the early 2ndnot early 3rd-cent. date for Lyk. adopted in the present comm. All else is second-hand. Dion. Hal., to be sure, drew on Hellanikos (c.400 Bc) and on Timaios (c.300 Bc), but the extent of his

Stes., who (on the evidence of the Tabula Iliaca)

τὴν Ἑσπερίαν, and the artistic depiction, in which Aineias sets sail and Anchises hands a casket conPenates, see 1262n.) to a man on board (see Squire

2012: 153 fig. 56 for a drawing and 155 fig. 57 for a photo); every detail here is convincingly defended by Finglass 2013b (on Stes. frag. 105=205 Fi.) against doubters. See also 737n. for Misenos. In all this, it is too crude to speak of Lyk.’s ‘sources’. No doubt earlier prose and poetic writers provided factual and mythical material. But the Alexandra is a poem, with its own emphases and priorities (see next para.), and earlier literary texts have been creatively reworked, with a new

distribution of attention. Compare CT III: 298 for Th.’s relation to Antiochos of Syracuse in the

Sikelika.

440

Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations

he who is the offspring of the Kastnian and the Choiras, best in counsel, and far from contemptible in battle.

1234-1235 1235

Lyk. on early Rome should not, despite the

Lavinium, although Lyk. (who must have known

poems evidential importance (above), be treated

but in her

about it) does not actually mention the latter, concentrating instead on Aineias' pious activities towards the sow and piglets, and towards Athena: 1259-1262. (In Lyk., Aineias’ foundation of the Greck city of Aineia is in effect the only event on

Trojan kinsman Aineias, who is a sort of Trojan

his Troy-Italy itinerary. Kassandra might have

counterpart to the series of Greeks whose adventures were described in the nostoi section. His descendants will reverse the defeat of Troy at the

mentioned Samothrace for its cultic link with Aineias, but perhaps this tradition was not yet current, or not widely current, in the early 2nd cent. BC; see 1236n.) After the Roman victory over the Latins at the battle of Lake Regillus in the early 4905 (the precise date is not secure), in which they were helped by an epiphany of the Dioskouroi, the Romans negotiated peace and military alliance with the Latins by the foedus Cassianum of 493 Bc, for which see Dion. Hal. 6. 95 with Cornell 1995: 299-301; and see Cornell 1995: 294 and C. Smith 1996: 135 for epigraphic support for the cult of the Dioskouroi in the region (CIL 1° 4. 2833; see also 1262 n.). But the Latin League was finally dissolved as a political entity by the Romans in 338 nc. Some of the individual cities nevertheless continued in a lively social and religious existence.

as a mere source, to be mined for nuggets of fact or myth. Kassandra’s interest is not only in the beginnings of the state whose Mediterranean power

was

acknowledged

at 1229,

hands of Greeks, and thus achieve the revenge for

her rape by Ajax; that revenge is the dominant

theme of the poem and owes nothing to Timaios as far as we can see, whatever Lyk.'s indebtedness

on matters of detail. This parallel between Aineias and Greeks, esp. with Odysseus, is drawn in two ways: first, by the verbal chime between the

description of Aineias as παλιμπλανήτην Cwanderer here and there’) at 1239, and πλάναισι, ‘wanderings’, used about Odysseus five lines later (1244); second, by the information (1244-1245) that Odysseus will co-operate in Italy with his old enemy Aineias. This co-operation (for which

see Prinz 1979: 155) can be traced to Hellanikos. For the importance of the theme in the structure of the poem, see 1242 n. The historical kernel of this section is the

Latin League whose centre was at Alba Longa, next to the Alban Lake (Barr. map 43 C3). The

League was supposedly made up of thirty communities called populi (traditions varied as to whether

Rome

was

one

of the

number);

see

Dion. Hal. 5. 61. 3 and Plin. NH 3. 69 with Beloch 1926: 144-5; Cornell 1995: 293-8 denies that it had much of a political existence before the end of the 6th cent ac. These zriginta populi were symbolized by the thirty piglets of the sow who guided the original settlers to Alba Longa (see 1255-1256 n., for Lyk.'s treatment of this myth). But Lavinium, not Alba Longa (merely hinted at in 1256, see n.), is singled out for attention by Lyk., no doubt because of the strong cultic tradi-

tion associating it with Aineias; see 1259n. This

A further element in the story as told by Lyk., is the Etruscans, perhaps here introduced for the first time, though see below for Stes. See Wathelet 2009: 343 and n. 61, who notes that Hellanikos and Damastes (1242n.) placed

the meeting between Aineias and Odysseus in Latium, not Etruria. Lyk. makes the Etruscans Tarchon (founder of Tarquinii) and Tyrrhenos,

eponym of the Etruscans, into allies of Aineias: 1245-1249. This seems to have provided the basis for the Virgilian treatment of the relationship between Romans and Etruscans, two peoples more normally depicted as hostile. See 1248 n. It may be felt strange that, after the initial allusion at 1233, Lyk. allows Kassandra to say so little about Rome itself, as opp. the Latins and Etruscans. Thus the co-operation between Aineias and Odysseus, which in Hellanikos was part of the

of Italian counterpart to N.

story of the founding of Rome itself (1242.)

Aegean Aineia, for which see 1236n. Aineias

becomes in Lyk.a military alliance of an unspecific sort, and is attached to Etruscan material in the

made

it a kind

himself received cult in both places, Aineia and

441

The fates of Kassandra’s Trojan kin (continued)

1236-1242

ὃς πρῶτα μὲν Ῥαίκηλον οἰκήσει μολών, Κισσοῦ παρ᾽ αἰπὺν πρῶνα kai Aapvorias a

^

&

€

f

3

,F

?

κερασφόρους γυναῖκας. ἐκ δ᾽ Ἀλμωπίας παλιμπλανήτην δέξεται Τυρσηνία Λιγγεύς τε θερμῶν ῥεῖθρον ἐκβράσσων ποτῶν, /

4

7

1240

καὶ Πῖσ᾽ Ἀγύλλης θ᾽ αἱ πολύρρηνοι νάπαι. σὺν δέ σφι μίξει φίλιον ἐχθρὸς ὧν στρατόν, persons of Tarchon and Tyrrhenos. Part of the

and preceded by Kreousa carrying Ascanius: ‘this

reason for this choice is no doubt characteristic Lykophronic avoidance of the obvious, but the determining factor may have been cultic: Lyk.

remarkable coin ...affords the oldest representation of a Trojan myth’; see also LIMC1 'Aineias' no.

wished to emphasize Aineias’ piety at Lavinium

(with Briscoe’s comm. and Briscoe 2013: 124 for the

(above). The emphasis on Etruscans at 1245-1248,

likely Polybian origin of this item), who says under

where they are connected to Odysseus, perhaps arises from a desire to maintain the theme already touched on at 806 (Odysseus’ tomb at Etruscan Cortona); it may also be relevant that the Aineias myth was first imported to Etruria, as painted pottery appears to indicate (C. Smith 1996: 3 and n. 4). In any case, the reference to Rome's military prowess at 1271-1272 is plain enough; the remain-

the year 180 sc that there was an annual festival there to Aineias as city-founder (so that its existence cannot, as Dion. Hal. claimed, have been brought to an end by Kassandros’ late 4th-cent. synoikism which created Thessaloniki). πρῶτα μὲν

92; Erskine 2001: 93-8, esp. 94-5. Cf. Livy 40. 4.9

Ῥαίκηλον: Kassandra brings Aineias to the far western end of Thrace, with no hint at the tradition

which associated him with the NE Aegean island of Samothrace, from where (rather than direct from Troy) he supposedly brought the di Penates

ing lines of the section (1273-1280) are intended to

position Rome in its geographical and political context, as leading state in Latium.

(1262n.) to Rome. This tradition appears to have

originated with the annalist Cassius Hemina in the mid-2nd cent. ΒΟ, i.e. just after Lyk. See FRHist no. 6 frags 6 and 7 with Fraser 1960: 16-17 and nn. 66-71; Wescoat 2013: 53-4. Fraser plausibly explains the notably large numbers of Romans who—as is

1236. The place here obliquely referred to is certainly Aineia on the Thermaic Gulf, not far from Thessalonike, L4CP: no. 557, Barr. map 50 C4; see also Hammond 1972: 186-8. For its foundation by Aineias, see Dion. Hal. 1. 49. 4 (from Hellanikos?)

shown by inscriptions from as early as the mid-and cent. Bc—were initiated into the Mysteries on the

and Steph. Byz. a no. 132 Bill., quoting Theon's

island, by reference to this connection with Aineias.

comm. on the present passage of Lyk. for the

(Fraser and Wescoat 2013 should be added to the

variant spelling Aineiadai, and asserting the foundation by Aineias. (There is confusion

in some

ancient commentators—and

modern

authorities—between

in some

discussion and refs at Erskine 2001: rr and n. 80,

and again at 233 n. 39.) The proximity of Samothrace

to Ainos, as well as the similarity of the place-

this place and the better

names, may help to explain ancient muddles about

known Ainos in mod. Turkey, far away in eastern Thrace, LACP. no. 641, Barr. map 51 G3, Steph. Byz. no. 135 Bill; see further below. For one aspect of the ancient confusion, see the amusing discussion of Cameron 2004: πὶ and n. 100.) Though Aineia is hardly on the direct sea-route from Troy to Italy, Aineia was assertively sure about and proud of the connection. The city depicted Aineias on its coins from early dates: see HIN’: 214, esp. the first coin in

Aineia; see above. As for Rhaikelos, it was men-

tioned as a χωρίον or fortified place at 4th, Pol. τς. 1 (settled by Peisistratos); see Rhodes's comm. and IACP. p. 815. Here Lyk. uses the name merely to designate the approximate location of Aineia; so rightly Mari 2009: 432 n. 61.

the sequence, dated before 500 sc, with the legend

1237. Κισσοῦ: for Mt Kissos in Macedonia (in the district of Krousis, E. of Rhaikelos and Aineiea, Barr. map 50 D3) see Hammond 1972:

AINEAZ,

187; but the meaning of the noun

depicting Aineias carrying Anchises

442

κισσός,

Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations

1236-1242

He will first go to Rhaikelos and settle there, by the tall peak of Kissos and the horn-wearing Laphystian women. From Almopia, Tyrrhenia will receive the man of many wanderings, and the river Lingeus which gushes out its stream of warm waters;

1240

and Pisa, and the sheep-rich groves of Agylla. An enemy will join him with a friendly army, ‘ivy’, Dionysos’ plant (E. Ba. 81 etc.), should not be forgotten in the present context. Aaquorias: this is a female plural adjective formed from an epithet of Dionysos, Aapvorios. Y connected

the epithet with the Boiotian Mt Laphystion, but this is regarded sceptically by Schachter 1981-94: 1.177 and n. 2. At Hdt. 7. 197. ı it was an epithet of Zeus. Macans n. there suggested a link with Athena Aagpia (356); see also 835 for Hermes as Λάφριος. At 215, λαφύστιος is an adjective

meaning ‘voracious’ but at 791 it means ‘devoured’. Neither use is of obvious help here.

111 n. 59). This description refers to Dionysos as Ταῦρος, ‘the Bull’; see 209n., citing E. Ba. 920.

& on the present passage says that the maenads wear horns because they are imitating Dionysos, κερατοφοροῦσι γὰρ kai αὗται (or καὶ αὐταί,

‘they themselves’? So Griffiths) κατὰ μίμησιν Διονύσου; see Rohde 1925: 269 n. 19, and 258 with 272-3 nn. 33 and 35. On Lyk.’s interest in female Thracian devotees of Dionysos, as attested see

Sistakou

2009:

432. AAuwrias:

50 AB 2-3), see Hammond 1972: 166-7. Its position, athwart the upper tributaries of the Loudias river, is not close to Rhaikelos/Aineia, but some way inland to the NW. Either Lyk. implies that travelled

overland

at the same

time

it may

Holzinger). ποτῶν: see 149-150 n. for this favourite word for ‘river’. In this section, Kassandra’s omission of the Tiber, under any name, is remarkable, and no doubt to be ascribed to deliberate avoidance of the obvious (Phillips 1953: 61).

1241. καὶ io’ Ἀγύλλης θ᾽: the northem and southern limits of Etruria. For Pisa on the Arno (Barr. map 41 C2), see E. B[adian], OCD* ‘Pisae’. 1D), but Lyk. treats it as Etruscan (1359n.; see Walbank on Pol. 2. 16. το, the first attestation, under 225 BC; cf. also 2. 27. 1) and it should probably be so regarded, at least from the early 3rd cent. Agylla is Caere, mod. Cerveteri (Barr. map 43 Ar). See Steph. Byz. a 51 Bill., and further 1355; in that section, Timaios is more likely to

be in Lyk.’s mind and

to Italy (so Alföldi

1965: 279), or—more probably, in view of vav-

σθλώσεται at 1257—Almopia functions here as a part-for-whole expression meaning ‘Macedonia’. 1239. A three-word line, cf. 63. παλιμπλανήτην: this must (Holzinger) mean ‘wandering to and

fro’, not ‘wandering back’.

1240. Avyyevs: this must be the Arno, though it is not easy to say why, The name may be derived

1248n.).

For

than here (see n. there

modern

work

on

Caere

see

D. W. R. R[idgway], OCD* ‘Caere’,

Both Pisa (1359) and Agylla (1355) will recur

for

the Macedonian district of Almopia (Barr. map

Aineias

‘Ligurian’, and

It was said to be Ligurian by origin (Justin 20. 1.

1238. κερασφόρους γυναῖκας: for the word, see E. PA. 248 (about Io, with Gigante Lanzara 2009:

here,

from

be intended to suggest noisiness (‘Klingfluss’:

in the section about Lydian conquest of Etruria; for the difficulties of this see 1248n. 1242. φίλιον ἐχθρὸς ὧν στρατόν: the juxtaposi-

tion of the words for ‘friend’ and ‘hostile’ heightens the paradox. For the moment Lyk.’s audience

or readers are in the dark as to the identity of the enemy-turned-friend, unless they remember their Hellanikos. It is Odysseus, last heard of at 819; see n. there, See FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F 84 (from Dion. Hal. 1. 72. 2), according to which Aineias

is said to have founded Rome pet’ Ὀδυσσέως, ‘with Odysseus’ (the same passage of Dion. says that Damastes of Sigeion, another sth-cent. sc historian agreed with this: FGrHist 5 F 3). The

443

1243-1249

The fates of Kassandra’ Trojan kin (continued)

ὅρκοις κρατήσας Kai λιταῖς γουνασμάτων, νάνος, πλάναισι πάντ᾽ ἐρευνήσας μυχὸν

1245

ἁλός τε καὶ γῆς. σὺν δὲ δίπτυχοι τόκοι e

la

M

^

A

A

,ὔ

7

Μυσῶν ἄνακτος, οὗ ποτ᾽ Οἰκουρὸς δόρυ γνάμψει Θέοινος, γυῖα συνδήσας λύγοις, f

^

td

uH

Τάρχων τε καὶ Τυρσηνός, αἴθωνες λύκοι, τῶν Ἡρακλείων ἐκγεγῶτες αἱμάτων.

MSS of Dion. Hal. have per’ Ὀδυσσέα, ‘after Odysseus’, but the present passage of Lyk. provides support for the emendation; cf. Phillips 1953: 58. The temporary mystery of the enemy's identity will be solved by the emphatic vdvos, standing on its own at the start of 1244. Naturally, Odysseus is too famous to be named here or there, any more than he was at 658, his first

appearance. The alliance or reconciliation between Aineias and Odysseus, the Trojan and the Greek, anticipates the great theme of the next large section: the secular conflict of Asia/Europe, and their eventual reconciliation in the closing words of

name Aarivous at 1254 will be a reminder of the Hesiodic tradition that he fathered Latinos,

eponym of the Latins. For Odysseus in Italy see generally Phillips 1953.

1245. ἁλός re καὶ γῆς: for the echo of the opening of Od., see 1229n. Tennyson makes Ulysses says he has 'sufferd greatly... on shore, and when /

Thro’ scudding drifts the rainy Hyades / Vext the dim sea’: Ulysses lines 8-11. See Sistakou 2009: 244 for the whole description ‘wandering dwarf’ as suggesting Odysseus’ identity. 1246. Μυσῶν ἄνακτος: this is Telephos, who has

already

featured

at 206-215, where

Dionysos

Kassandra’s prophecy (1448). See Pouzadoux and

tripped him up when he was pursuing Achilles.

Prioux 2009: 462.

‘This incident is now reprised (1246-1247). See 206-207n. Unlike his sons, he is too famous to

be named anywhere: 1248n. Oixoupds: perhaps

1243. γουνασμάτων: one of many of the poems

Dionysos was so-called because, in the form of

hapax-words formed in -μα; see Guilleux 2009: 230. Clasping the knees was a standard mode of supplication; see Naiden 2006: 44—51. 1244. vávos: see 1242 n. for the postponed revelation, or as near a revelation as this poet will permit. The ‘dwarf’ is Odysseus, probably for no better reason than that in the Homeric Teichoskopia he was said to be shorter than Agamemnon: 77. 3. 193. But there may be another dimension. Nanas [sic] at Dion. Hal. ı. 28 (from Hellanikos,

FGrHis

4 F 4) was

a wandering

leader of some Pelasgians who left Italy and founded Tyrrhenia/Etruria, and this might explain why & and Tzetzes explain vdvos here as an Etruscan word for πλανήτης, ‘wanderer’. See Fowler 2003: 16 n. 34 (2013: 96 n. 31); Wiseman 1995: 51. For Nanos as a personal name, see IGDS II: no. 84 (Sicilian Entella). Odysseus has already been connected with Italy at 805-806 (he dies in Etruria), and the

wine, he lives at home in barrels. (?)

1247. @éowos: Dionysos again; the epithet is assumed to be composed of ‘god’, θεός, and ‘wine’, οἶνος (Deubner 1932: 148). Y quotes A. (TrGF3 frag. 382): πάτερ Θέοινε, μαινάδων Levκτήριε, and a mysterious and undatable Dionysios Σκυμναῖος (TrGF 1 no. 208, listed as ‘incertae aetatis’, Σκιωναῖος Tzetzes, Σινωπεύς Leone): μὰ τὰς Θεοίνου καὶ Kopwridas κόρας. See also FGrHist Istros 334 F 3 with Jacoby. At classical Athens, there was a minor and (to us) obscure Dionysiac festival called the Theoinia (see

Istros, as above, and the oath at [Dem.] 59. 78— probably genuine, acc. Carey 1992: 125—with Parker 20052: 474 and 483); and there was a related genos or family called the Theoinidai, now epigraphically attested by a late Hellenistic inscription (Vanderpool 1979 with Kearns 1989: 67 n. 15 and Parker 1996: 299). γυῖα συνδήσας

λύγοις: this is a verbal echo of the earlier passage

444

1243-1249

Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations

compelling him with oaths and prayers of supplication,

a dwarf, who had explored every nook of

1245

sea and land. With him the two sons

of the king of the Mysians, whose spear the Home-keeper, the Wine-god, will bend, after tying together his limbs with tendrils,

Tarchon and Tyrrhenos, fierce wolves, born from the blood of Herakles. about the tripping up of Telephos by Dionysos; see 213 and n.

1248. Τάρχων

re kai Tupanves:

these

the Etruscans from Mezentius, and subordinates

them militarily to Aineias: A. 10. 156. 1249. Telephos was son of Herakles by Auge: Apollod. 2. 7. 4.

are

secondary characters, therefore plainly named, unlike their better-known father Telephos (1244); see Sistakou 2009: 249. Tarchon was the eponymous founder of Etruscan Tarquinii: Strabo 5. 2. 2. Tyrsenos is similarly eponym of the Tyrsenoi or Tyrrhenoi, i.e. Etruscans: Hdt. 1. 94 and Strabo, as

1250-1252. This story of the ‘eating of tables’ (see 1250n.) by Aineias’ entourage, thus fulfilling

an earlier prophecy, would make little sense to us without Virgil's fuller version and Dion. Hal. 1. 55; see A. 3. 255-7 for the prophecy and 7. 107-34

above; but in that tradition, Tyrsenos is son of

for its fulfilment.

Atys of Lydia, and it is this familiar Lydian (not

of Mysian Pergamon (as argued by Kosmetatou

told that before they could found their promised city, famine would force them to eat their tables. Later on, they ate a meal laid out on flat cakes or ‘quarters’, and Ascanius/Iulus cried out jokingly, adludens, ‘hey, we are eating even our tables!’ The chance but inspired utterance— what Greeks would have called a κληδών--was seized on by Aineias as the fulfilment of the prophecy) Conversely, Virgilian scholars

2000); in that case, we would have expected out-

can, for once, trace an out-of-the-way myth to

right suppression of the Lydian motif. Perhaps

an extant and fully contextualized Hellenistic poetic source, rather than having to rely on poetic fragments, on reworkings by V.’s contemporaries

Mysian) connection which Lyk. will appear to accept at 1351-1361, where some use of Timaios is likelier than at 1242-1249. (See Jacoby’s comm. on FGrHist 566 F 62, at p. 566 [sic], where, however, ‘1251/61 is a confusing typo for ‘1351/61’.) The discrepancy cannot be explained by the hypothesis that Lyk. was writing in order to please the rulers

(Ciaceri) Mysians and Lydians were not sharply distinguished. Or we can insist that 1351 does not actually say that Tarchon and Tyrrhenos were Lydians, merely that they set out from Tmolos i.e. Lydian Sardis. In that case Lyk. would be teasing us by hinting at a Herodotean version not actually followed. Or we can simply say that Lyk. reproduced the emphasis of different sources in the different passages (see above on Timaios); Pearson

1987: 81 even suggested that Timaios himself may have ‘offered more than one version’. See further 1351-1361 n.

See Heinze 1993: 146 for Virgil’s use and adaptation

of this version, acc. to which

Etruscan

princes allied themselves with Aineias. In the more usual tradition, Aineias fights against the Etruscans under Mezentius, but Virgil separates

(In Virgil, the Trojans

were

(such as Dion. Hal), or on later learned com-

mentators like Servius. On the inconsistency between A. 3 and 7, see Heinze 1993: 72-3. (In bk 3 the prophecy is issued by the harpy Celaeno, whereas in bk 7 its author is Anchises. This has lent support to theories that bk 3 lacks the final finish, although Horsfall 2000: 112-13 seeks to smooth

the contradiction;

and see S. West

1983: 134-5 for the suggestion that V. originally thought of Kassandra as the source of the prophecy. See also Klein 2009: 567 n. 16 and 1252n.) That Lyk. got the story from Timaios is, as so often, an appealing but unprovable guess. For the 'table-eating'as a type of Greek colonial story,

see 1252 n.

445

The fates of Kassandra’ Trojan kin (continued)

1250-1258

ἔνθα τράπεζαν εἰδάτων πλήρη κιχών, μὰ

,

3o

)

d

cA

τὴν ὕστερον βρωθεῖσαν ἐξ ὁπαόνων, μνήμην παλαιῶν λήψεται θεσπισμάτων. κτίσει δὲ χώραν ἐν τόποις Βορειγόνων ὑπὲρ Λατίνους Δαυνίους T’ ὠκισμένην, πύργους τριάκοντ᾽ ἐξαριθμήσας γονὰς συὸς κελαινῆς, ἣν am’ Ἰδαίων λόφων καὶ Aapdaveiwv ἐκ τόπων ναυσθλώσεται, ἰσήριθμον θρέπτειραν ἐν τόκοις κάπρων' x

^

M

1254

a

/

>

>

»5

’

1250

1255

[4

/

EA

Δακῖνον Lambin Σαυνίους Holzinger Δαυνίου Ciaceri

1250. ἔνθα τράπεζαν: the story of the tables, Latin ‘mensae’, may have arisen as an aetiology for the use of ‘mensa’ in cult, some sort of platterlike object

made

of bread

(cf.

Z and Tzetzes,

ἄρτοις ἀντὶ τραπεζῶν ἐχρήσαντο); for the sacrificial sense of the word, see Festus 112. 6 Lindsay ‘mensa frugibusque iurato’, which is said to mean swearing ‘per mensam et fruges’. See Fordyce on V. A. 7.116, who makes the important point that the story works only in Latin; there is no such ambiguity in Greek τράπεζα. This means that Lyk. and Dion. Hal. (1. 55. 3) must have derived it from Italian sources. For another example of Lyk.’s awareness of a religious institution of the non-Greek West, see 938n. on Μάμερτος. 1251. ἐξ ὁπαόνων: the noun (Homeric and Herodotean) is found only here in the poem. In V., the only ὀπάων mentioned is Aineias’ son Iulus; see 1250-1252 n. It is not clear whether Lyk. means to refer to Iulus here; certainly he is not included in the children said at 1263 to have been abandoned by Aineias as he left Troy. 1252. παλαιῶν... θεσπισμάτων: as we have seen (1250-1252 n.), V. wobbles between two traditions about the source of the prophecy. There were other traditions as well: the prophecy came from the Marpessian sibyl (Dion. Hal. 1. 55), or from the oracle at Dodona (Dion. Hal. again, and

Servius on V. A. 3. 356, from Varro). See Parke 1988: 74-5 for the variants, and for the way in which Greek authors added Greek motifs to two folk-tales (the tables; the sow) which ‘both

appear to have been native to Latium‘. The Greek motif in the sow

story is, in Parke's view, the

guiding animal (cf. 125571256 n.); and the ‘tables , can be seen as a version of a typical Greek colonial foundation-story; for this interpretation see Horsfall 2000: 110 (n. on A. 7. 107-47), stressing the ‘driving force of hunger’. But Alföldi, as we shall see, preferred to see this feature as IndoEuropean—part of a wider general theory. Even if that is right (and Alfóldi's ‘nomadic’ model for early Roman history has not been entirely welcomed), Parke’s general point about creative

Greek reworking of local material is sound. 1253. Bopeiyövwv: the word in this form is hapax, but is an abbreviation of Aßopıyives, as found at Dion. Hal. 1. 9. 3 and Strabo 5. 3. 1 (Latinos the‘king of the Aborigines’, ABopıylvwr βασιλεύς). That word represents Latin aborigines,

‘indigenous people’, as at Cato FRHist 5 frag. 63, ‘primo Italiam tenuisse quosdam, qui appellabantur Aborigines’. There may also be a play here on Gk Bop-, ‘north’, implying that these people came from N. Italy. So Della Corte 1985: 59, comparing ‘Normans’, This idea was followed and developed by Briquel 1989: 109-11, who argued specifically for Liguria, and whose formulation is accepted by Lambin in his comm., and by Wathelet 2009: 343 n. 64). See also next n.

1254. ὑπὲρ Λατίνους Δαυνίους τ᾽: Latium and the Latins are mentioned here only in the poem by name; some of the the individual Latin communities and places will be designated at 1273-1280. The name Aarivos featured in a postHesiodic addition to the Theogony, 1013: Kirke bore Agrios and Latinos, ‘blameless and strong’, to Odysseus. (The Latinus of Virgil is son of

446

Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations There he will find a food-laden table,

1250-1258 1250

which will be eaten later by his companions; this will remind him of old oracles.

He will found a place in the regions of the Aborigines, beyond the settlements of the Latins and Daunians:

thirty towers, numbered after the offspring

1255

of the dark sow, which he will have brought by ship from the peaks of Ida and the Dardanian regions,

the nurse of that same number of piglets, all from one litter.

Faunus and gives his daughter Lavinia to Aineias in marriage; cf. Strabo 5. 3. 2 for a similar tradition.) See 1244n. on Odysseus. Ciaceri emended

Holzinger wished to emend MSS davvious to Zavvíovs, an unattested name for the Samnites, and thus a bold change, even allowing for Lyk.’s partiality for such adaptations: the usual Greek for Samnites was Σαυνῖται, as at Strabo 5.

and Alföldi 1965: 271-8, "The myth of the sow with the thirty piglets and its transformations’, esp. 275 for the powerful animal who helps or guides migrating tribes. For this motif see Parke 1988: 75; also Leigh 1998 (the founding of Patavium with the help of a bird). Alföldi gives Indo-European parallels. In Lyk., compare 29 and n. (Ilos and the cow). In art, the white sow of Lavinium is not found before the rst cent. Bc Capitoline marble relief, LIMC ı ‘Aineias’ no. 163 with p. 395 (F. Canciani). For other representa-

4. 12. The idea is ingenious but is not necessary,

tions, see nos 164—72. The Lavinium bronze sow,

to Aapivov Aavviou τε, which would produce an allusion

to Larinum

in the

territory of the

Frentani; and see below.

given Lyk.'s marked interest in Daunia. Ciaceri's

mentioned by Lyk., and seen by Varro (RR 2. 4.

Δαυνίου

17), does not survive. For the alternative tradition which explained the thirty piglets as symbolizing the thirty years which elapsed before the founda-

(above) would imply a town Aatvior.

There have been other suggestions (see D'Anna 1978 and Lambin 180 n. 508 for Aaxivov i.e. Λακίνιον, cf. 856). None of the emendations are entirely satisfactory. The difficulty with the text as it stands is that Kassandra is plainly describing Aineias’ foundational activity in Latium, so it is odd that she should say that he is establishing the thirty

tion of Alba Longa, see FRHist 1 Fabius Pictor F3 (from Diod. 7. 5. 5) and comm.

1256. συὸς κελαινῆς: ‘black’ sow is unexpected, given that the sow had to be white so as to explain the name Alba, ‘white’. So we must trans-

Latin places ‘beyond the Latins and Daunians’.

late the adjective, as often in Lyk., metaphori-

But if she imagined the Aboriginal people (1253) as living in the Apennine district E. of Latium

cally: ‘dark’ in the sense of ‘sinister’, ‘cruel’; see 7n.

Nevertheless, the defeat of our initial expectations—so typical of Lyk—is itself a subtle

and W. of Daunia (Puglia), then the main Latin

allusion to Alba Longa.

communities could perhaps be thought of as ‘beyond’ those territories, and planted in the ‘territory of the Aborigines’.

1257. ναυσθλώσεται: see 967 n. That line is almost identical to this. In the version here followed,

1255-1256. For the myth of the sow and thirty piglets (symbolizing the thirty Latin strongholds), and the bronze image of the sow, which guided the Latins to Alba Longa, see Beloch

shipboard; in the local version, it was a local crea-

1926: 179-80 (discussing the present passage of

1258. θρέπτειραν: for this rare word see E. Tro.

Lyk., and arguing that the image originally stood

195 (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111 n. 59) and HE 3832 (anon.) = 4. 6. 51 line ı.

at Alba Longa, and waslater moved to Lavinium)

Aineias brings the sow all the way from Troy on ture. See Alföldi 1965: 274-5.

447

1259-1270

The fates of Kassandra Trojan kin (continued)

ἧς καὶ χαλκῷ δείμας πατρῷ᾽

πόλει δείκηλον ἀνθήσει μιᾷ τυπώσας καὶ τέκνων γλαγοτρόφων. δὲ σηκὸν Μυνδίᾳ Παλληνίδι, ἀγάλματ᾽ ἐγκατοικιεῖ θεῶν.

1260

ἃ δή, παρώσας καὶ δάμαρτα καὶ τέκνα καὶ κτῆσιν ἄλλην ὀμπνίαν κειμηλίων,

σὺν τῷ γεραιῷ πατρὶ πρεσβείωσεται, πέπλοις περισχών, ἦμος αἰχμηταὶ κύνες, τὰ πάντα πάτρας συλλαφύξαντες πάλῳ,

1265

τούτῳ μόνῳ πόρωσιν αἵρεσιν, δόμων λαβεῖν ὃ χρήζει κἀπενέγκασθαι Ödvos. [4

/

-

Τῷ

^

Kat

«

à

Tap

,

,

a

3

*,5

/

i

^

ἐχθροῖς

2

La

,ὔ

εὐσεβέστατος

1259. ἧς: that is, of the sow. δεέίκηλον: see 1179 n. ἀνθήσει: by syncope from ἀναθήσει, ‘will dedicate’, as Z explains. The ‘one city’ here emphatically singled out is the Latin city of Lavinium (Barr. map 43 B3), where Aineias deposited objects brought from Troy, as Timaios was told by the locals: FGrHist 566 F 59, from Dion. Hal. 1. 67. 4, cf. para. 1—~also, surely, from Timaios—for the specific mention of Aineias’ role (cf. Geffcken 1892: 148); see 1262 n. These were the Penates Populi

Romani which the Roman consuls and praetors or dictators had to visit every year at Lavinium when they entered office: Macrob. 3. 4. 1. See Momigliano, CAH 7'. 2 (1989): 59, 61, who notes that Lyk. appears to be the first extant source to say that Aineias founded Lavinium, as the present line implied he did (Lyk.'s dependence on Timaios for this wider point cannot be proved, though it is an obvious guess). For a possible heroon of Aineias at Lavinium, see Momigliano (as above) 60-1, figs 172 and 17b; C. Smith 1996: 134. For early epigraphic evidence of the cult of Aineias from near Lavinium, see ILLRP: no. 1271 (4th cent. Bc): ‘Lare Aineia’, where ‘lar’ means ‘hero’ (for cult of Aineias, cf. Dion. Hal. 1. 64. 5).

This is one cult not mentioned by Lyk., who must, however, have known about it; see introductory n.

On Aineias and Lavinium see Cornell 1995: 66-8, and for Lavinium as conspicuously ‘open to foreign influence’, C, Smith 1996: 246, cf. 135. 1260. yAayorpdpwv: a hapax word; for yAdyos (neuter) as poetic synonym for γάλα, see I7 2. 471, the famous simile of the flies round the milk-pail.

,

κριθείς,

1270

1261. Muvdig Παλληνίδι: these are epithets of Athena, the protecting god of Troy. For Myndia, see 9so n. Athena Pallenis is well attested in classical and Hellenistic Attic cult. See JG τ 383 lines 121-2, cf. 328-30 (429/8 sc) and 369 lines 71 and 88 (423/2 Bc); Ath. 234f with Lewis 1997: 91 and 98. ‘The attention to Athena, patron goddess of Troy, is

important. Momigliano CAH 7’. 2: 70 remarks that ‘a sanctuary of Minerva in Lavinium was known to Lycophron’,a ref. to the present passage. 1262. Lit. ‘the ancestral statues of gods’. These ancestral images are the di Penates, brought from Troy, perhaps via Samothrace (see introductory n.. See Dubourdieu 1989 and briefly C. R. P[hillips], OCD*, "Penates, di’. Note that in one tradition they were equated at Lavinium with the Dioskouroi (Serv. on V. A. 3. 12), but according to

Timaios (cited at 1259n.) they were aniconic there. They featured already in Stes., on the evidence of the Tabula Iliaca (above, introductory n.); and the saving of the ‘sacred objects’, which is there depicted, features also on an Etruscan scarab of «500 BC: Galinsky 1969: 60 n. τις and fig. 44, and note also the Etruscan amphora at fig. 45; Finglass: 2013b: n. 35. 1263. παρώσας καὶ δάμαρτα καὶ τέκνα: the verb is παρωθῶ, ‘push aside’, thus ‘reject’, used here only in the poem. It is a strong word. The pathetic story of Aineias’ unintentional but divinely arranged loss of Creusa (Kreousa), a precondition

of Aineias’ destiny, is famous from V. A. 2. 735-40, but may have had some tragic precursor. Acc.

448

Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations

In one of those cities he will dedicate an image of her and her suckling brood, crafting it in bronze.

1259-1270 1260

He will build a temple to the Myndian and Pallenian goddess, where he will house the statues of his ancestral gods, to which, abandoning his wife and his children and all his wealthy store of treasure, he will give preference, and to his aged father,

1265

after wrapping hounds, distributing all will give to him from his house For this he will

1270

them in clothing. At that time the warlike the spoils of his fatherland by lot, alone the choice, so as to take and carry off whatever gift he pleases. be judged most pious even by his enemies,

Apollod. 3. 12. 5, Kreousa was daughter of Priam and Hekabe, i.e. she was Kassandra's full sister,

and his actual father, he won

a reputation

for

but the poet, if aware of that tradition, naturally

piety, δόξαν εὐσεβείας é£evéykaro, so that his enemies granted him alone immunity from

does not permit Kassandra to draw attention to

pillage. (For Greek εὐσέβεια as piety to parents

it. It is, however, likelier that Lyk. reckoned Aineias’ wife to be (not Kreousa, as & and modern commentators, but) Eurydike, as in the

as well as to the gods, see also Pl. Rep. 6isc; Lykourgos Againt Leokrates 94-7. On the other

hand, Moschion of Priene behaved εὐσ[εβῶς] to the gods but/and öloliws to his parents: 1.

Kypria and Little Iliad (F 28 and 19 respectively, both from Paus. 10. 26. 1; see West 20132: 127 and

Priene: no. 108 lines 15-16, after 129 sc.) For the

216).

36,

same motive see Apollod. ep. 5. 21 (mentioning

shows that Creusa is not attested before the Augustan age, and explains V.’s avoidance of the

Anchises but not the di Penates, though it is only

Skutsch

1985:

197, on

Ennius

Annals

name Eurydike (he had used it already in G. 4). "The children, who are here said to be abandoned,

do not include Ascanius/lulus. For the Greek concession to Aineias to take away whatever he wanted after the sack of Troy, see 1266-1269 n. 1264. ὀμπνίαν: see 621n.

1265. σὺν τῷ γεραιῷ πατρί: Aineias carrying Anchises on his shoulders was memorably described at V.A. 2. 721-3, and was a favourite subject in art; see LIMC ‘Aineias’ 1. nos 59-154, Squire 2012! 149-51. It goes back at least as far as S. Laokoon,

frag. 344 T*GF, quoted by Dion. Hal. τ. 48. 1266-1269. ἦμος αἰχμηταὶ κύνες... Savos: for the Pindaric use οὗ αἰχμητής as adjective, see 26on., and for κύνες

used

of the

Greeks, see

58in. on ὀθνείων κυνῶν. The Greek ‘gift’, ödvos

an epitome); see 1270n. for the nature of the piety. It was necessary to stress the piety motif, to allay suspicions that Aineias might have been spared and favoured because of partiality to the Greek cause, and thus treachery towards Troy. A suspicion of this sort hung over Antenor, founder of Patavium/Padua; see OCD* ‘Antenor’.

1270. εὐσεβέστατος κριθείς: see 1266-1269 n. It is impossible not to think of Virgil's ‘pius Aeneas’ at this point; see Gigante Lanzara 2009: 95 and Galinsky 1969: 44-5 (from a chapter called ‘Pius Aeneas’), also 42-3 on Il. 20. 298. The Iliad passage is, however, about piety as displayed in lavish

offerings to the gods; that is, piety as had also been displayed by Hektor (1191-1193 n.). Dutiful behaviour towards Anchises during and after the Trojan sack was an important ingredient in the famous Virgilian 'pietas' of Aineias, but is obvi-

(269-270n. for this word), whereby Aineias was

ously absent from

privileged by the Greek leaders for his piety, is already attested by Xen. Kyr. 1. 15: because Aineias saved his paternal and maternal gods,

stands. (When Ennius called Anchises himself ‘pius’, he was thinking of his attitude to the gods, not to his family. See Skutsch 1985: 187 on Annals

449

the Iliad, because Troy still

1271-1280

The fates of Kassandra Trojan kin (continued)

τὴν πλεῖστον ὑμνηθεῖσαν Ev χάρμαις πάτραν ἐν ὀψιτέκνοις ὀλβίαν δωμήσεται, 3

3

7

2

H

,

τύρσιν μακεδνάς τ᾽ ἀμφὲ Κιρκαίου νάπας Ἀργοῦς τε κλεινὸν ὅρμον Αἰήτην μέγαν,

λίμνης τε Φόρκης Μαρσιωνίδος ποτὰ Τιτώνιόν τε χεῦμα, τοῦ κατὰ χθονὸς δύνοντος εἰς ἄφαντα κευθμῶνος βάθη,

1275

Ζωστηρίου τε κλιτύν, ἔνθα παρθένου

στυγνὸν Σιβύλλης ἐστὶν οἰκητήριον, x

tA

>

*

3

/

γρώνῳ βερέθρῳ συγκατηρεφὲς στέγης. 1273

1280

T'add. Holzinger

line 187.) Like Xen., Kassandra here speaks of Aineias’ saving both of the household gods (1262) and of Anchises (1265). By Apollodoros’ time (1266-1269 n.), the Anchises motif seems to be

for the Etruscan aspect of the career of the eponymous Kirke. 1274. Ἀργοῦς: apart from the adjectival periphrasis Apy@ou δορός at 883 (see n. there), the Argo is named plainly only here in the poem, although the Argonautic myth is alluded to in many other and often more developed passages,

dominant, perhaps under V.'s influence. εὐσεβής is found here only in the poem; it is also Xen.'s word (1266—1:269n.).

discussed by S. West 2007. ὅρμον Αἰήτην μέγαν:

1271. τὴν πλεῖστον ὑμνηθεῖσαν: cf. 1195 and n. (Thebes). ἐν χάρμαις: see 563n.

IACP. nos 690, 553, and the Pamphylian site at p.

see Ap. Rh. 4. 661-3: after leaving Elba (871-876), the Árgonauts came to the famous harbour of Aiaia, where they found Kirke; the harbour was later called Caieta, supposedly after Aineias' nurse (V. A. 7. 1-4). In Timaios (FGrHist 566 F 85), the Argonauts landed at Formiae, E. of Circeii (both are at Barr. map 44 E3); Holzinger detected in Lyk.'s ὅρμον a neat hint at the name

1212; there was also a Hellenistic Olbia near Nice (Nikaia) in the S. of France, a fine excavated site:

foundation (!), was once called Hormiai because

1272. ἐν ὀφψιτέκνοις: this hapax word for 'posterity’ is probably modelled on Homer's ὀψίγονοι ἄνθρωποι, as at Il. 5. 353. ὀλβίαν: often used both to describe cities (see Pi. P 10. 1 for Sparta and O. 13. 4 for Korinth), and as an actual po/is-name, e.g.

Formiae, citing Strabo 5. 3. 6: Φορμίαι, a Spartan of its fine harbour, Ὁρμίαι λεγόμενον πρότερον διὰ ro εὔορμον.

Strabo 4.1.5.

1273. μακεδνάς τ᾽: this adopts Holzinger's addition of 7e, so that ἀμφί is to be taken with both τύρσιν and νάπας. All that follows is an amplification of 1271-1272 about Rome, and Latium is presented as the chief Latin city; no notice is taken of early conflicts between Romans and Latins (above, introductory n.). For μακεδνός see Od. 7.106, φύλλα μακεδνῆς alyeıpoio, ‘leaves of

a tall poplar’, with Garvie (‘does not appear again before Hellenistic poetry’. He cites Nik. 7h. 472

as well as the present passage). Κιρκαίου νάπας: for Mt Circeii and its town, see Theoph. HPs. 8, Strabo 5.3. 6, and Plin. NH 3.567. See 673-680n.

1275. λίμνης τε Φόρκης: the Fucine lake (Barr. map 44 DE 1-2), for which see Strabo 5.3. 13, call-

ing it λίμνη Φουκίνη. It was drained in the ıgth cent. It must be the same as the Φορκὶς λίμνη from which came the fish whose sting supplied the weapon which killed Odysseus (795-796 n.); see 2 Od. τι. 134 with West 20132: 303, following Holzinger. There may have been some felt connection with the sea-god Phorkys (376 and n.). See Servius on V. A. 10. 388, the people living by the lake claim descent from him, ‘a Phorco deo

marino originem ducunt’. Μαρσιωνέδος ποτά:

450

Aineias’ wanderings and his Italian foundations

1271-1280

and he will found a new fatherland, which will win much martial praise, and be prosperous in future generations:

atower and upland groves near Kirke, and great Aietes, famous harbour of the Argo, and the lake of Phorke, the Marsionic waters, and the Titonian river, where a cavern plunges beneath the earth

into the invisible depths, and the hill of Zosterios, the gloomy dwelling-place of the maiden Sibyl, roofed over by a hollow cave. the Fucine lake is here correctly located in the

Lokrians. See also Euphorion frag. 162 Lightfoot with Hollis 2007: 292 n. 67; Ypsilanti 2010: 79 n. 38.

1276. Τιτώνιόν τε χεῦμα: this is the river Pitonia, mod. Petogna or Pedogna (Barr. map 44 D2, with

παρθένου: on the virginity of the Sibyl (a precondition of her relationship with the god) see A.

a question mark): see Plin. NH 31. 41 for the ‘fons

Rzach, R.-E. ILA ‘Sibyilen’, cols 2079-80, cf. I. Erythrai no. 224, line 19.

Pitonia’, which ‘transit Marsos et Fucinum lacum’. Lyk. has perhaps altered the name so as to make it more

Greek

and

more

frightening

(so

1279. Σιβύλλης: the only mention in the poem of the Cumaean or any other Sibyl by the straightforward name or description 'Sibyl' but "Melankraira' at 1464 is the Cumaean Sibyl and "Neso's daughter’ at 1465 is the Marpessian one. See 1465n. for the much-discussed question of the Lykophronic Kassandra’s relation to the Sibyl and to the Sibylline Oracles.

Holzinger, presumably thinking of Titans). For the obvious but unnecessary suggestion that Lyk. be emended to Πιτ-, see Geffcken 1892: 40 n. 1. Pliny says that the Pitonia rose in Paelignian country (to the

NE),

went

through

the

Fucine

lake,

and

emerged near Sublaqueum as the agua Marcia near Rome (Rome's first important aqueduct, 144 BC,

not many years after Lyk. was writing), The alleged

1280. στέγης: the description of the enclosed space (perhaps from T'imaios, see [Ar.] mir. ausc.

miraculous disappearance of the river underground

was the subject of Philostephanos frag. 27 Badino

95 θάλαμος karayeıos Σιβύλλης with Geffcken 1892: 96, 145, cf. Diels 1890: 58, n. 1 to 57) recalls Kassandra’s own cell, cf. 350 and 1469 for στέγη (see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 553-4; Lambin 2009:

(quoted by & on the present passage); see Badino's

comm., and compare 1288n. for the Tanais slicing through the Sea of Azov (the ‘Maiotian lake’).

1276-1277. τοῦ... βάθη: not an easy clause to translate, but δύνοντος is a gen. abs. construction (so rightly Holzinger), and goes with κευθμῶνος,

166); the analogy between Kassandra herself and

a Sibyl will be spelled out by the Guard at 14641465. For the huge cave, antrum immane, of the

ie. it is the cavern not (as you might expect) the

Cumaian Sibyl, see V. A. 6. 6; V.'s description of

river which is said to plunge beneath the earth.

her as horrenda at 6. 5 may echo Lyk.’s στυγνόν. Parts of the visitable subterranean galleries displayed as the ‘Cave of the Sibyl’ date from the 6th-sth cents Bc; see ZACP: no. 57'Kyme'at p. 271, and Clark 1977.

1278. Zwornpiov: this is simply a way of saying Apollo, with no particularly Athenian slant; for Apollo Zoster in S. Attica see e.g. SEG 38.124 (c.265

Bc, epithet

restored,

but very

1280

from the excavated site at Halai Aixonides. See Graf 1985: 53 n. 33; Parker 2003: 177 (Zosterios as one of a group of epithets derived from headlands). Steph. Byz. Zwornp says that Athena Zosteria was worshipped by the Epiknemidian

country of the Marsi, whose name is imposingly lengthened from Μαρσικῆς, which would have fitted into an iambic line. For both Fucine lake and the Marsi see Letta 1972, and see OCD* ‘Fucinus lacus’ and ‘Marsi’.

sound

1275

probably),

451

1281-1283

Asia against Europe

τοσαῦτα μὲν δύστλητα πείσονται κακὰ οἱ τὴν ἐμὴν μέλλοντες αἰστώσειν πάτραν. τί γὰρ ταλαίνῃ μητρὶ τῇ Προμηθέως

1281-1282. Recapitulation The transition from the successes of the Trojan Aineias and of Rome, a new, hopeful, and uplift-

ing topic, to the old and familiar theme of the woes of the Greeks, has been felt intolerably bumpy, esp. in view of the recapitulatory τοσαῦτα. So Scheer printed a lacuna after 1280; and see 8. West 1983: 122-3 (this is one of the places where she thinks a hypothetical missing section about Achilles’ son Neoptolemos might have stood. He is not, however, entirely absent from the poem. See 183 and n.). The awkwardness (for which

see Holzinger: 38, discussing this passage and other such short transitional ‘Flickversen’ or patch-verses; 909-910 are another example) has been exaggerated. Kassandra has come to the end ofa very long section indeed (see 417-1282 n.), and intends us to cast our eyes (or minds) back

over the nostoi in their entirety. In any case, her

very recent mention of the activities of the hated 'dwarf' enough which lines in

ie. Odysseus (1242-1245) is a strong reminder of the longest nastos of all, that occupied 648-819. For a defence of the their present position, see Holzinger: 73-5.

1281. δύστλητα: used here only in the poem, and a very rare word anywhere—surprisingly so, since itis such an obvious formation; contrast the fairly

common

ärAnros. See A. Ag. 1571 (the only

certain occurrence in classical tragedy) with Fraenkel; also B. frag. 20 Dit, δυστλάτί . .], on which Maehler has no comment. GVT: no. 1678 (Rome) is and or 3rd cent. Ap; see line 5, σὸς δὲ

πόσις δύστλητα πανημέριος τολυπεύσει. 1283-1450. Asia against Europe "The last main section of the poem traces, with a mix of famous and more obscure examples, the clash between Europe and Asia, in palpable homage to Hdt. (see e.g. Holzinger on 1283 and 1291, S. West 2009: 81, and Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 454-5), from whom several of the examples are drawn. (For Lyk. as a ‘zealous user’, ‘eifriger

Benutzer’, of Hdt. generally, see Holzinger: 196 on

189.). For Lyk.'s Kassandra, as victim of actual or intended divine and human male sexual violence, there is a particular attraction in the sequence of Herodotean sexual abductions. But from the structural point of view, Hdt. is reversed: the series of mythical abductions and counter-abductions of women opened his Histories (1. 1-5), whereas for Lyk. they form an extended and virtuosic closure to Kassandra's prophecies. And for Hdt. there is no final reconciliation between Europe and Asia, whereas in Lyk. the 'wrestler' will bring exactly that (see 1448. on διαλλαγάς). "There is a further difference: for Hdt. there was a sharp methodological break between mythical and historical time. At 1. 5. 3, a famous and important passage, he concluded the account of the abductions by announcing that he was not going to say if all this happened like that or in some other way, but would indicate what he himself knew, τὸν δὲ οἶδα αὐτὸς πρῶτον, to have been the first to perpetrate unjust acts against the Greeks, Everything after that, including and especially the invasion of Europe by Xerxes, was narrated in historical mode. Kassandra, by contrast, narrates it all seamlessly, moving from a first set of mythical abductions (1291-1340) to the colonizing period of Greek prehistory (1351-1408, including the greatest of all abductions, that of Helen which led to the Trojan War, 1362-1368), to Xerxes (the ‘giant’ of 1415) and the Peloponnesian War and other such wars (1435), culminating

in the reconciliation

to be

effected by the one ‘peerless wrestler’, the victorious Roman Flamininus (on the view here taken).

For 1341-1350 see below, and for the bridge passage 1409-1411 see n. there: it is placed at the transition from hazy antiquity to Xerxes, to be sure, but it shows no Herodotean awareness of a

change in the nature of the subject-matter. Lyk. also departs from Hdt. on details, e.g. on the relationship between Asia and Prometheus

(1283 n.), an early and programmatic discrepancy and declaration of independence; see also 1294n. on the different handling of Io.

452

The clash between Europe and Asia: introduction

1281-1283

Such are the woes, hard to bear, which they will suffer, they who will destroy my fatherland. What has the wretched mother of Prometheus See also Apollod. ep. 3. 1: some say that Paris abducted Helen by the will of Zeus, so that his daughter might become famous through the war between

cent.) Isokrates, see above; (3rd cent.) Hieronymos

of Kardia at Diod. 18. 3. 2, the satrapies sorted between those in Europe and those in Asia, κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην and κατὰ τὴν Aaíav; (2nd cent.) Lyk. See further Nisbet and Rudd 318 on Hor. Odes 3. 27 (the Europa ode).

Europe and Asia. Holzinger (on 1283)

thought that this might be from the opening of the Kypria. But see West 20132: 65-6 on Kypria Fi: Zeus’ motive was there given as a desire to reduce the earth's population.

1283-1361. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 154-64 provides a detailed commentary on these lines.

Isokrates in the Helen (10. 51) claimed that the

Greeks and Trojans fought the Trojan War as

1283~1290. The clash between Europe and Asia: introduction

champions of the cause of Europe and Asia respectively; see Momigliano 1966b for this and other Isokratean passages, and Hardie 1986: 313 n. 30. For ‘Europe and Asia’as a universal expression of un-Homeric but Herodotean origin, and one

For the idea, here developed until 1290, of the waters which divide Europe from Asia, see esp. FGE ‘Simonides’ XLV (from Diod. 11. 62. 3) line 1, about an Athenian sea-battle in the 450s (either

which became a ‘fixed part of Greek ideology’,

Cyprus or the Eurymedon): ‘not since the sea separated Europe from Asia...’, ἐξ οὗ τ᾽ Εὐρώπην Ἀσίας δίχα πόντος ἔνειμεν, evidently a familiar concept because imitated by ML 93

see Hardie 1986: 311-13 and n. 29. Modern work on ‘Orientalism’ (see esp. but not only Said 1978) has ignored the present long section of

Lyk. entirely, although it shows how influential

line 1, from faraway Xanthos in Lykia towards the

Herodotean conceptions continued to be in the Hellenistic period, or at least in its elite poetry. Or some of it. It is surprising, in view of Lyk.’s emphatic insistence on the Europe/Asia dichotomy, and his narrative about the girl Europa very soon

after

it, that

Moschos’

Europa

end of the sth cent. See OCD* ‘Europe’; Rood

2010: 47. The two main ‘dividers’ for Kassandra are the Hellespont at the W. end of the Black Sea and the Tanais at the E. end. See Sens 2009: 23 for the present passage as illustrating Lyk.’s ‘concern with boundaries’.

(written

about 150 BC, i.e. after Lyk. on any acceptable dating of the Alexandra) does not address the identi-

1283-1284. ri yap . . ./ ξυνὸν πέφυκε: the immediate answer to the question, ‘what have Asia and Europe in common? is 'Nothing! because what follows is ostensibly negative: a catalogue of raids and reprisals, including the Trojan War itself at 1362-1368. But the eventual answer will be positive: the reconciliation of 1448. Kassandra here lays a long fuse. For personifications of the continent of Asia in

fication of Europa and Europe at all. The end of the Europe, which has been felt problematic, would have been the obvious place; see Bühler

1960: 201-4 and Campbell 1991: 129, and for ancient texts mentioning the identification see Bühler 1968: 39—41). On this problem, see Buxton 2009: 130-4, ‘Transformations of Europa’. But his own solution, that belonging to Europe was ‘of minuscule importance for most Greeks most of the time’ (132) is not satisfactory, in view of the

art, see LIMC 2. 1: 857-8 ‘Asia (I)’ (J. Ch. Balty),

tremendous stress laid on it by Lyk. The problem is a Moschan one, but the truth may simply be that the Europa is not a political poem, whereas the Alexandra emphatically is one. As for Greek attitudes, it is not true that the distinction was of

esp. no. 1, the ‘Dareios vase’ of c.350-330 Bc (illustrated as ‘Apate’ no. (1), and depicting Asia and Hellas), and no. 2 (one of the tabulae Dliacae, but one whose theme is not the Trojan War but the battle of Gaugamela in 331 Bc). For the continent of Europe—personification rare and late—see LIMC 4.1: 92 (C. M. Robertson).

slight importance. We have (from the sth cent.)

Hat. and the epigrams cited at 1283-1290 n.; (4th

453

Asia against Europe

1284-1292

ξυνὸν πέφυκε kai τροφῷ Σαρπηδόνος, M

f

M

^

,

ἃς πόντος Ἕλλης καὶ πέτραι Συμπληγάδες καὶ Σαλμυδησὸς καὶ κακόξεινος κλύδων Σκύθαισι γείτων καρτεροῖς εἴργει πάγοις, Λίμνην τε τέμνων Τάναϊς ἀκραιφνὴς μέσην

1285

ῥείθροις ὀρίζει, προσφιλεστάτην βροτοῖς χίμετλα Μαιώταισι θρηνοῦσιν ποδῶν; ὄλοιντο ναῦται πρῶτα Καρνῖται κύνες, of τὴν βοῶπιν ταυροπάρθενον κόρην

1283. For Asia as mother

of Prometheus

see

Apollod. 1. 2. 3. For Hdt., she was his wife (4. 45. 3), and for Hes., Prometheus’ parents were lapetos and Klymene (72. 507-10). See Fowler

2013: 114 n. 3. 1284.

Europe

1290

Greek. However, the derivation of the noun, from the very general verb πήγνυμι, ‘fix’, may be felt to justify what in the frozen context is the most attractive tr., so Mooney is here followed. 1288. λίμνην: the Maiotian ‘lake’ (see 1290 for the

as

mother

(here

τροφός,

see

name) is the mod. Sea of Azov, a large northern

Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 157) of Sarpedon: Hes. frags. 140 and 141 (and FGrHist 4 Hellanikos F 94) with M. West 1985: 84 and genealogical table at 178; see also Hdt. 1. 173. 2.

extension of the Black Sea; it occupies the central part of the left-hand page of Barr. map 84. Τάναις: for the Tanais (the mod. Russian river

1285. πόντος Ἕλλης: see 22n. for the first and more riddling mention of the Hellespont. πέτραι

ing Asia from Europe, see Strabo 11. 1. 1 (and see Hdt. 4. 45. 2); for its lower reaches see Barr. map

Συμπληγάδες: these are the ‘Plegades’ of Ap. Rh. 2. §96. For the word in full see E. Med. 2. See also Pi. P. 4. 208-9, συνδρόμων ... πετρᾶν with Braswell (on the problematic relationship to the Wandering Rocks, Πλαγκταὶ πέτραι of Od. 12. 61; cf. 649 n.). The Clashing Rocks referred to by Kassandra here were at the N. end of the Bosphoros; Barr. map 53 Bz gives their supposed location. 1286. For Salmydes(s)os, see 186n. The

‘inhos-

Don,

which flows into the Sea of Azov) as divid-

84 ΕἸ. ἀκραιφνής: here ‘pure’; the word is found in good Attic prose (Th. 1. 19 and 52. 2). The idea is that the river, which

does not mix with the

waters of the Azov (compare the Pitonion at 1276) slices a clean line through the lake’s middle and cuts the continents into two. Sens 2009: 23 n. 6 interestingly notes the chiastic arrangement of the line, in which λίμνην and μέσην are a gram-

matical pair but are separated and occupy the end positions, while Τάναϊς occupies the middle.

pitable sea’ is the apotropaically named Euxine

1289. προσφιλεστάτην: see 1290 N.

i.e. hospitable (mod. Black) Sea. Lyk. surely has

1290. χίμετλα.... θρηνοῦσιν ποδῶν: the Maiotians complaining of chilblains on their feet is perhaps the closest Kassandra gets to a joke anywhere. (Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 157 thought the remark sneering, 'hóhnisch' despite the painful drawback, the Maiotians prefer their country to any other: 1289 προσφιλεστάτην). Μαιώταισι:

in mind here A. Prom. 726-7: τραχεῖα πόντου Σαλμυδησσία γνάθος, / ἐχθρόξενος ναύταισι, and this is duly quoted by Tzetzes. See further 1291-1295n. The alliteration in 1286-1287 is harsh. 1287. πάγοις: either ‘rocks’ (as at 16, 1361, and elsewhere in the poem) or ‘frosts’ (as at A. Ag. 335), and

it is not easy to choose between these trs; Ciani gives all the Lykophronic uses under ‘collis, tumulus’, except 135 (‘sel’i.e. salt). The modern Gk sense ‘ice’ (as in mayakıa, ‘ice-cubes’) is adopted by Mooney, but cannot quite be paralleled in ancient

see 1288 n.

1291-1295. lo Io inaugurates the sequence of abductions, as she had done for Hdt. (1. 1. 1-1. 2. 1); the very obvious

454

Io

1284-1292

in common with the nurse of Sarpedon? The Hellespont and the Symplegades, and Salmydessos, separate them, and the inhospitable sea, neighbour to Skythia, with its hard ice;

1285

the Tanais river divides them, slicing its way with pure streams through the lake which is dear to the Maiotian people, who lament the chilblains on their feet.

1290

First of all, perish the Karnitan sailor-dogs! They abducted the ox-eyed bull-maiden, the virgin,

allusion to A. Prom. (1286n.), in which play Io is

Constantia: Barr. map 68 Aq. Strabo 16. 2. 12 says it was the harbour of Arados, and spells it Kápvos. See also Plin. ΝῊ 5. 79, where it is one of a list of places in the region. Steph. Byz. Κάρνη quotes the present line of Lyk., and also cites

prominent, provides a link between the introductory lines 1283-1290 and the present Io narrative. Kassandra, both here and in the Europa section to follow, shows her usual sympathy with an injured woman, victim of divine lust like herself. So the prominence accorded to Io and Europa by the adoption of the Herodotean order of presentation has a special point which was absent in Hdt. The parallelism between Io and Europa is

Istros (FGrHist 334 F 76) for the information that

Karnos was a son of Phoinix. Jacoby is no help on this. As Wilamowitz 1924: 1. 157 explained, the place-names Karne and Saraptia (1300) represent

Phoenicia, and there is nothing more behind them than that: 'Karne und Sarapta (beide bei Steph. Byz.) vertreten Phoenikien; weiter ist nichts dahinter", See further 1300 n.

underlined in small ways, such as the two compounds in ravpo-at 1292 and 1299; see also Buxton 2009: 128, who notes that Io features in Moschus’ Europa (44-52). For the myth of Io, see Gantz 1993: 198-202. The main ancient sources are B. 19, A. Prom. and

1292. βοῶπιν ταυροπάρθενον κόρην: here, the compound middle word repeats the approximate sense of the words which precede and follow it (cow-eyed; bovine-maiden; maiden). For the type of noun+noun formation to which

Suppl; S. Inachos (fragmentary, see TrGF 4. frags

2692-295a); and Apollod. 2. 1. 3. Moschos' Europa dealt with it briefly; see above. For the metamor-

the hapax-word

phosis in particular (no. 25 at 176 n.) see Buxton

2009: 53-6, mainly about A. Prom., and stressing that there is nothing ridiculous about it, or which reduces its ‘terrifying convincingness' (56). That was said about the play, but it is also true of Lyk.’s handling. The animal metamorphosis of Io perhaps marks her out as a female initiatory figure, of whom there are several in the Alexandra. For

this

view

of Io

(for which

compare

1291. ὄλοιντο: for the form ofthe curse, compare

Athena at Od. 1. 47, ὡς ἀπόλοιτο καὶ ἄλλος ὅτις τοιαῦτά ye ῥέζοι. Καρνῖται: Karne/Carne was a

Phoenician

city, a little

N.

a cow not a bull, ταῦρος, and if this is felt to be

fatal we can recall that Zeus turned into a bull in order to mate with her, so that the first half

of the word will be possessive not descriptive.

So Griffiths 1986: 473 translates 'bull's maid’, and sees an extra allusion to Isis (for whose identifica-

the

little temporary female ‘bears’ at Brauron near Athens) see Dowden 1989: 117-45 esp. 134, and in OCD* Io’.

of Antarados/

ταυροπάρθενος belongs, see

Guilleux 2009: 233. As Holzinger says, the sense here is really Bov-. (Tzetzes objected that she was

tion with Io see 1294n.) as mother of the bull Apis. But bulls have horns, no less than cows,

so Io resembled both the male and female animal. S. West 1984b: 153 ingeniously detected in raupoπάρθενος on allusion to the hermaphroditic procreation of Harpokrates by Isis, cf. Plut. Mor. 358d; but see Griffiths 1986: 476.). See further 1299n.

455

1293-1300

Asia against Europe

Δέρνης ἀνηρείψαντο, φορτηγοὶ λύκοι, πλᾶτιν πορεῦσαι κῆρα Μεμφίτη πρόμῳ,

ἔχθρας δὲ αὖθις γὰρ Κουρῆτες ζητοῦντες,

πυρσὸν ἦραν ἠπείροις διπλαῖς. ὕβριν τὴν βαρεῖαν ἁρπαγῆς ἀντίποινον Ἰδαῖοι κάπροι αἰχμάλωτον ἤμπρευσαν πόριν

1205

ἐν ταυρομόρφῳ τράμπιδος τυπώματι Σαραπτίαν Δικταῖον eis ἀνάκτορον 1295

1300

ἦραν Scheer; Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 155 ἦψαν Liberman 2009 ἦραν MSS

corrupt; see M. Griffiths comm. ἀνηρείψαντο: from ἀνερείπομαι; see IJ. 20. 234 (in Homer, the verb is found only in 3rd-person aorist middle,

with Griffiths 1970: 443: both had bovine horns, and the names were vaguely similar. If, as is possible, Lyk. was aware of both identifications, the ambiguity may be deliberate, as often. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 158 found it strange that Io is called a «np, ‘ruinous’ [lit. ‘bane’] for her husband. She is surely not a bane for him, but in the same general sense that the ships which abducted Helen were ‘beginners of evils’, dpxeaot (I7. 5. 63): both women were the ‘causes’ of

used

male aggression. So, in effect,

1293. Λέρνης: the important prehistoric site of Lerna in the Argolid (IZACP: p. 601; Barr. map 58 D2; O. T. P. K. D[ickinson], OCD* *Lerna: the "House of the Tiles”’) is coastal, and

is presumably meant to be the harbour of Argos. Kassandra here echoes A. Prom. 677, Λέρνης ve, where, however, the following noun is

as deponent). It is revived

in Hellenistic

poetry, as at Áp. Rh. 2. 503 and here. Note the past tense: these events (Io and Europa) are thought of as earlier than the Trojan War, so are not part of Kassandra’s prophecy. φορτηγοὲ λύκοι: a verbal and thematic echo of Hdt. 1. 1 1, the Phoenicians ἀπαγινέοντας rà pöprıa (and 1. 1. 4, τῶν φορτίων). But see 1294n.: Lyk. soon departs from Hdt. For men as 'wolves' see Sistakou 2009: 252. 1294. κῆρα Μεμφίτῃ πρόμῳ: lo ended up in Egypt, acc. B. 19. 39-43; A. Prom. 846-52 and

Supp. 3i (specifying Memphis), with M. West 1997: 445; FGrHist 70 Ephoros F 156; Apollod., as above. The stress on her wedding is an unHerodotean feature, see S. West 1984b: 151 and 2009: 87. 'The 'Memphian lord', los Egyptian husband, is called Telegonos by Apollod. 3. 1. 4. (For Telegonos as son of Proteus see 115-116 n. and Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 158.) The alternative (Tzetzes) is that he is to be thought of as Osiris

(perhaps amalgamated with Ptah/Hephaistos; see Griffiths 1986: 476). This identification came

See also marriage.

ızoın.

for

Y and Tzetzes.

Europa’s

symmetrical

1295. The vivid and frightening metaphor of this closing line picks up the ‘two-continent’ theme of the opening pair, 1283-1284. For ἤπειρος, used here only in the poem, see 1296-1311 n. Instead of Wilamowitz's ἦραν, Liberman 2009 conjectures ἧἦψαν, comparing Pi. I. 4. 47, ἅψαι πύρσον ὕμνων. 1296-1311. The abduction of Europa, and other hostile acts by Kretans In the usual myth, Europa was abducted from Phoenicia and taken to Krete by Zeus in the shape of a bull, with whom the girl falls in love. The model for Lyk. is Hdt. 1. 2.1, where Europa occupies second place in the sequence to Io, as here, and where the abductors are human beings (Kretans), also as here, but where the scene of the

abduction is Tyre. It has been thought that Lyk. deviates from this location. See, however, 1291n.: Zaparrria (1300) is Europa’s ethnic and means in

about because of Io's own identification with Isis, for which see Hdt. 2. 41. 2, Apollod. 2. 1. 3 (at end)

effect ‘Phoenician’, and tells us nothing about the place from which she was taken. (Biihler 1968: 10 wrongly says that Lyk. makes Sarepta the actual

and Plut. Mor. 365e (= On Isis and Osiris 37)

scene of the abduction.)

456

Abduction of Europa, other hostile acts by Kretans

1293-1300

from Lerna, merchant-wolves that they were,

to lead her off as a ruinous wife for the Memphian lord:

they lifted up a torch of enmity for the two continents.

1295

For next, the Kouretes, the boars of Ida, seeking

reprisals, dragged off a Saraptian girl as prisoner, in a ship with a bull-shaped ensign, to the Diktaian palace,

On the metamorphosis, see Buxton 2009: 12634, mostly about Moschos’ Europa. Lyk. is neatly ambiguous about Zeus’ metamorphosis into a bull. 1299 seems to imply a rationalizing version according to which the ship which abducted her had a bull ensign, perhaps a prow-figure, as suggested in the n. there. But at 1298 Lyk. teases us with a word for ‘girl’ which literally means ‘heifer’, and this immediately puts us in mind of the standard version of the myth; and ἠπείροις διπλαῖς at 1295 reminds us forcibly of the divide between Asia and Europe. Lyk. is by no means averse to metamorphoses (for the complete list see 176n.) and the coyness about this one demands an explanation. It must be that Lyk. was committed to the Herodotean version according to which Europa was abducted by men not by

(‘young heifer’, see 184 n.) should not be forgotten in the present bovine context. 1299. Almost a three-word line (63 n.) and a highly alliterative one in τ. For the rationalizing explanation (the bull a mere piece of naval decoration), see

Bühler 1968: 35-6, and for the reason for this choice by Lyk., see 1296-1311. ταυρομόρφῳ: compare E. Jon 1261 (the river Kephisos), with Gigante Lanzara 2009: n n. 59, and for the significant chime with 1292 (lo), see 1291-1295n. τράμπιδος: see 97n. τυπώματι: perhaps a prow-figure? For the rare word see E. Ph. 162, where Mastronarde’s n.

(τύπωμα occurs in classical Greek only here and in S. Ei. 54’, on which Finglass says virtually the same thing mutato mutando) presumably relegates the present passage to the post-classical category, although it is obviously imitative of Attic tragic

a god (above), and that this version was needed

for Lyk.’s own view of the Asia-Europe clash; but the metamorphosis was too appealing to be dispensed with entirely by a poet who had a definite fondness for animal symbolism. Hence the elegant compromise.

1296. ὕβριν: ‘intentionally dishonouring behaviour’, often taking a violent form; see N. R. E. Flisher], OCD* ‘hubris (whence the definition), with exten-

sive bibliog. It is surprising, since it would so well describe Ajax’s treatment of Kassandra—to mention no other episode—that this is the only occurrence of this word (or any of its derivatives) in

the poem. 1297. Κουρῆτες: the godlings who brought up Zeus on Krete (OCD*

‘Curetes’), but here not

much more than a periphrasis for ‘Kretans’. The word is actually related to κοῦροι, ‘young men’, not to Κρήτη. See further 1300 n. 1298. ἤμπρευσαν: see 635n. for the verb, and 1293n. for the tense. πόριν: the literal sense

1300

diction. Jebb

(on

$.)

says

it means

‘anything

formed or moulded (so too LSJ’—which unusually omits to cite Lyk.—and Finglass). Mastronarde suggests it was 'coined as a high-style variation

on rumos’. 1300. Zaparrriav: Holzinger ingeniously argued that this obscure place was chosen because halfway between Tyre (which Hdt. gave as the site of the abduction) and Sidon to the N. (as in Hellanikos, FGrHist 4 F 51). This idea was impli-

citly rejected by Wilamowitz (1291.); rightly. See also 1296-1311 n. By a slip, Holzinger attributed the ‘half-way’ location to Steph. Byz. Holzinger meant X, which is followed by Tzetzes on 1299: Lapertia γὰρ πόλις Φοινίκης μεταξὺ Σιδῶνος

καὶ Τύρου. Note that 2 merely says ‘between’, not ‘half-way’; Sarepta is in fact closer to Sidon, see

Barr. map 69 B3,'Sarepta', relying on Feissel 1982: 340-1 (on the location of ‘Makra Kome’, the later name for Sarepta). See also Plin. NH s. 76. For the

'god of Sarepta' (sic ), epigraphically attested at

457

1301-1306

Asia against Europe

δάμαρτα Κρήτης Ἀστέρῳ orparndarn. ,

[4

3,

f

[4

οὐδ᾽ ot γ᾽ ἀπηρκέσθησαν ἀντ᾽ ἴσων ἴσα 393

a

3,2

/

>

3»

»

λαβόντες, ἀλλὰ κλῶπα σὺν Τεύκρῳ στρατὸν καὶ σὺν Σκαμάνδρῳ Ῥαυκίῳ φυτοσπόρῳ eis Βεβρύκων ἔστειλαν οἰκητήριον, 2

4,

»

΄

3

t

σμίνθοισι Önpioovras,

T?

7

?

κα

^

1305

ὧν ἀπὸ σπορᾶς

Ῥαυκίῳ Hoeck 1823-9: 1. 433 δραυκίῳ ACDE Apaxeiw B

1304

Zeus (Furley/Bremer: no. 1. 1) which urges Zeus to come to Dikta, and describes his reception as

& gives the background, in a form very close (at least in its opening sentences) to Kallinos F 7 W, from Strabo 13. 1. 48. Teukros (not the more famous son of Telamon, half-brother of Ajax and oikist of Cypriot Salamis, for whom see 450n.) was father of Skamandros, the eponym of the river of Troy, previously called Xanthos. Teukros

a baby by the Kouretes. ἀνάκτορον: here only

himself (for whom

'palace', dwelling of the

name with band place

Italian

Puteoli,

see

now

Lombardi

2011,

esp. 424 for Lyk. Aucratov: for Mt Dikte/a, at the far E. end

of Krete

near Itanos, see Barr.

map 60 F2. The word picks up the ‘Kouretes’

theme of 1297, because of the ‘Diktaian hymn to

Wanax; elsewhere

(e.g.

920) a temple. 1301. Ἀστέρῳ: note again (see 1294 for her marriage). more usual but metrically cf. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 158) see [Hes]. frag. 140 M/W

the symmetry with Io For king Asterios (the inconvenient spelling, as husband of Europa, (with Hunter 2005b:

see further 1303.) gave his

to the Teukroi i.e. Trojans, see Hdt. 5. 13. 2 my n. An oracle instructed them and their of Kretan would-be colonists to settle in the where they were attacked by γηγενεῖς,

'earth-born [creatures]. This duly happened in the Troad (Kallinos specified Hamaxitos, Z4CP:

no. 778), when mice ate their shield-straps and bow-strings overnight; for the story-type, compare Hdt. 2. 14, the destruction of the army of Sennacherib. Here the story functions as an aetiology for the epithet of Apollo Smintheus,

254) and Apollod. (3.1. 2), who says he brought up her children by Zeus, i.e. Minos, Sarpedon, and

Rhadamanthys (3. 1. 1). For a Kretan instance of

the ‘Mouse-god’ of I7. 1. 39, who was worshipped

the name (Ἀ στέρῳ), see [Ci p. 97, no. 1, Aster son

at Hamaxitos, and later at Alexandria Troas, into which Hamaxitos was absorbed; see Strabo

92): see Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 159. See also Fowler 2013: 395 n. 1. The cult epithet Asterios, ‘Starry’, is attested for Zeus the sky-god, but only in very

13. I. 47 and 48, and 1306n. on σμίνθοισι, For colonization stories involving animals, see 176n.

late authors (Schwabl 1978: col. 281).

(Aigina and the ants), although here there is no

1302-1308. Kretan settlement on the site of Troy

metamorphosis. The cow which guided llos to Troy later (29 and n.), and the Latin sow of

The implication of this brief slice of narrative is unexpected: the Trojans are in a way Dorian

Alba Longa (1256) are closer: the type of animal

Greeks from Krete, by descent on the female line;

although the Trojan mice are guides only in the

see say 852 1.7. i.e.

loose sense that they indicated the divinely intended spot. In 2, the new arrivals founded ‘the Sminthion and a temple of Apollo Smintheus, the excavated remains of which indicate a con-

Prinz 1979: 72-5 for Lyk. as the first source to this explicitly. (For an analogous myth, see n.: Kretans in Messapia, and note that at Hdt. 1. the Lydian kings were said to be Herakleidai Greeks.) V. A. 3. 104-35 developed the story of

Teukros

or bird which guides colonists to the right place,

struction date in the first half of the 2nd cent. Bc, around the time of Lyk. (for the excavated tem-

and the Kretans. In Lyk., the remote

blood-tie between Greeks and Trojans may be preparatory to the reconciliation motif of 1448.

ple, see Rumscheid 1995; I. Alexandreia Troas: p. 6;

and briefly L4CP: p. 1002. ‘Sminthion’, See also

458

Kretan settlement on the site of Troy

1301-1306

to be a bride for Asteros the Kretan commander.

Nor were they satisfied with taking like for like,

but they sent a plundering army with Teukros, and Skamandros, his Rhaukian father,

to found a Bebrykian settlement and fight against mice. From their offspring

1305

Prinz 1979: 62-6). Strabo is vaguer about what

Da. For the very rare φυτοσπόρος see S. Tr. 359

place the Kretans actually founded. He adds, that

and SEG 23. 220 line 8 (statue base for girl named Mego, with epitaph in iambics, erected by her

Trojan Mt Ida was named after the Kretan Ida,

parents, φυτοσπόροι: Messene, ıst cent. AD).

this may not be from Kallinos, Finally, a scrappy papyrus which mentions Kretans, Smintheus,

1305. Βεβρύκων: i.e. Trojan; see 515-516 n. οἰκητήριον: see 376n. Scheer emended the present line to οἰκιστήριον, but see Rougier-Blanc 2009: 543 and n. 24.

and Hellanikos (FGrHist F 160A EGM) may indicate that Hellanikos (of Lesbos) treated this

myth in connection with the Aiolian migration; for discussion, see Fowler 2013: 601-2, and for the Aiolian migration (under Orestes, acc. Lyk.) see

1306. σμίνθοισι: the noun means ‘mice’ or possibly ‘rats’, and is said by Z on the present passage to be the Kretan word for mice. Z I} 1. 39 (see

1374-1377. 1302. ἀντ᾽ ἴσων ἴσα: in the Herodotean context, and with the meaning of tit-for-tat reprisals, this

below for this passage) says it was

a Mysian word.

is surely meant to evoke Hdt. 1 2. 1 (straight after

It is a good Greek (originally pre-Greek) word;

the Europa section): ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἴσα πρὸς ἴσα

see A. frag. 227 TrGF, ἀλλ᾽ dpoupaids τίς ἐστι σμίνθος ὧδ᾽ ὑπερφυής. So Z Lyk. is nearer the

σφι

γένεσθαι.

Such

expressions

are, however,

common enough, in verse and prose; see the pas-

truth than Z 7. if ‘Mysian’ is taken to mean 'nonGreek’. For reasons explained at 1302-1308n., mice provided the aetiology for the Apolline epithet Σμινθεύς, first attested in the prayer of the Trojan priest Chryses at 1 1. 37-42: he calls on the silver-bowed one, protector of Chryse and

sages at LS]? ἴσος I. 2, ‘repeated to denote equal relations’, esp.

S. Ant.

142

(the

Seven

against

Thebes) ταχθέντες ἴσοι πρὸς ἴσους, and Pl. Laws 774c ἴσα ἀντὶ ἴσων. See also Rood 2010: 58 and n. 39, citing Hdt. o. 48. 4, ἴσοι πρὸς ἴσους. 1303. Teukros is here implied to be Kretan; see further 1465n. on his daughter Neso, mother of a Sibyl. Strabo 13. 1. 48 cites other unnamed and surprising sources which made Teukros an Athenian, perhaps part of the same kind of propaganda tradition which traced the foundation of places like Ophryneion and Sigeion to Theseus’ son Akamas (see 1189-1213 n.).

1304. Ῥαυκίῳ φυτοσπόρῳ: the ethnic is a way of saying, in effect, ‘Kretan’: Apaukiw is the reading of most MSS, and Tzetzes said that Drauke was

a city in Krete, 4padi γὰρ πόλις ev Κρήτῃ. But no such place or ethnic is known, and ῬῬΡαυκίῳ is an old and plausible emendation; for the Kretan

holy Killa, ruler over Tenedos, Smintheus’. Then

‘Phoibos Apollo’ hears him (line 43). By this use of the very unusual word σμένθοι, Lyk. here certainly indicates knowledge of the cult-epithet and its aetiology. Apollo Smintheus is epigraphically attested in the region; see I. Alexandria Troas 53 nos 43 (formerly assigned to Methymna on Lesbos as JG 12. 2. 519), and 63-8; see also no.

5; for the temple, sec 1302-1308n. But Apollo Smintheus is also found elsewhere in the E. Aegean. (Strabo says the cult spread to Rhodes, and indeed Philomnestos wrote a work περὲ τῶν ἐν Ῥόδῳ Σμινθείων, see FGrHist 527 FF 1

and 2). Strabo connects it in particular with

city Rhaukos, between Gortyn and Knossos (eth-

Chryses' home place Chryse, as in the Homeric prayer cited above (see 14CP: p. 1001, 'Chrysa' and

nic Ῥαύκιος), see LACP: no. 986, Barr. map 60

1 Alexandreia Troas: p. 6).

459

1307-1312

Asia against Europe

ἐμοὺς yevapxas ἐξέφυσε Δάρδανος, γήμας Ἀρίσβαν Κρῆσσαν εὐγενῆ κόρην. καὶ δευτέρους ἔπεμψαν Ἄτρακας λύκους ταγῷ μονοκρήπιδι kAéjovras νάκην, a

/

,

,

1310

δρακοντοφρούροις ἐσκεπασμένην σκοπαῖς. ὃς ἐς Κύταιαν τὴν AigvoTuciv μολών, LU

1212

3

,

\

\

cA

Λιβυστικὴν Holzinger Außvoriwnv Steph. Byz. Λιγυστικὴν MSS

1307. Δάρδανος: see 69-85n. and 72-73n. for his perilous solo sea voyage from Samothrace. But there he was designated periphrastically, as grand-

Kolde): (1) the single sandal, 1310; (2) the quest for the fleece, 1310 and 1316; (3) the arrival in Kolchis,

son of Atlas (via Elektra). Here, in accordance

and 1313; (5) the yoking of the fire-breathing bulls,

with a common pattern of postponed naming, he is called Dardanos straightforwardly for the first

1314; (6) the rejuvenation of Jason by boiling his limbs, 1315, a non-Apollonian motif, (7) the

1312; (4) the drugging of the guardian dragon, 1311

time, although we have met the adjectival form

departure of Medea with the Argonauts, 1317; (8)

Dardaneios at 967 and 1257. (For the Apulian

Medea’s murder of her brother Apsyrtos, 1318; (9)

place Dardanos at 1129, see 1129-1130.)

the talking ship Argo, 1319-1321. But there has been some splicing and reversal of the standard and logical sequence. The arrival

1308. Arisbe (wife of Dardanos, not the Arisbe of

224-225 n.) was the eponym of a small polis in

the Troad, ZACP: no. 768. Lyk.’s version of her name was that given by Kephalon (FGrHist 45 F 4). The more usual name of the daughter of Teukros was Bateia (see J/ 2. 813 for the Trojan mound called Batieia, cf. 243 n.). This version can be traced back at least as far as Hellanikos,

FGrHist 4 F 24. See Fowler 2013: 523-4. 1309-1321. Jason and the Argonauts take Medea away from Kolchis ‘Abduct’ would not be the right verb here, because Medea left Kolchis voluntarily, as Kassandra emphasizes at 1317, αὐτόκλητον. This is the third appearance of Medea in the poem: see 174-175 (Achilles’ marriage

to her) and (a very indirect

and riddling reference to the same connection) 798. By contrast with those earlier mentions, the present narrative is clear and virtually transparent. Apart from the inescapable influence of Hat. (1283-1450n.), the narrative follows Ap. Rh.— naturally—to some extent, but Pi. P. 4 is also much in evidence. There may also have been a debt

to Antimachos,

Argonauts

(frags

Matthews.)

The

56-65

who

wrote

Wyss,

about

67-73,

the

75-6

at Kytaia (1312) separates the two lines about the

dragon, 1311 and 1314. And Lyk. then reverses Ap. Rh.’s order of narration, which was (4) then (3),

the test of the bulls, and only after that the climactic dragon (see 1313 and 1314nn. for Ap.

Rh, refs); or rather, Lyk. has spliced the taking of the fleece in two (the drugging of 1313 was a necessary preliminary to the seizure of 1316, and the bulls come in between). Lyk. saves the motif

of the talking ship Argo to the end, when Jason put her on board. In Ap. Rh. it is introduced early on (1. 524-6). The past tenses continue (1293n.): the Argonautic legend was old and familiar even for Homer (Od. 12. 70, Ἀργὼ πασιμέλουσα), certainly earlier than the Trojan War and Kassandra. 1309. Arpaxas λύκους: for Thessalian Atrax (Barr. map 55 Cr), see LACP: no. 395, and 1310 n. for rayoi there. Many of the Argonauts were from Thessaly (874 n.), but Atrax does not feature among their home-cities, in Ap. Rh. τ at least, so Atrax here does duty for ‘Thessaly’ generally. For the wolves, see 147n.

the

1310. ταγῷ: for tagoi, local rather than federal

Argonautic saga are (partial tabulation in Hurst/

Thessalian rulers (despite what is said at Xen.

themes

or episodes

from

460

Jason and the Argonauts take Medea away from Kolchis Dardanos fathered my ancestors, after marrying Arisba, the noble-born Kretan. Second, they sent out the Atrakian wolves under their one-sandalled zagos, to steal the fleece, which was protected by the watchfulness of the dragon-guard. He came to Libystikan Kytaia,

Hell. 6.1.18 and 6. 4.28 about the ambitious Jason of Pherai in the 370s Bc, Θετταλῶν Tayds): see Helly 1995 and briefly in OCD*, ‘tagos’. They are now attested at, precisely, Atrax (1309 n.): SEG 27.

183

(and

see

45. 553), dedication

to Themis

Agoraia, θέμιστι Ayopaiat, | of rayol ὀνέθεκεν (sic), | of ἀμφὶ Kóppov | καὶ Favveiav | καὶ Ὀμφαλίονα. A long-known sth-cent. inscription from Thetonion, some 30 km. S. of Atrax (ACP. no. 416, Barr. map 55 Ca) speaks of xév rayü xev drayiaı, ie. when there is or is not a zagos: Syl]? 55 lines 6-7. The noun rayös is also occasionally found in poetic, non-Ihessalian contexts: A. Prom. 96, Zeus as the ‘new (or “young”) ταγός of the blessed ones’. See also 1399, where Hades is Lord of the Dead, vexpórayos. μονοκρήπιδι: the choice of word is a clear gesture of homage towards Pindar on Jason (Holzinger; also 5. West 2007: 210); see P. 4. 75, τὸν μονοκρήπιδα, part of the oracular (Delphic) warning to Pelias to avoid the one-sandalled man, and the fuller description

at 4. 95-6, πέδιλον / δεξιτέρῳ μόνον ἀμφὶ ποδί. For the oracle, see Fontenrose 1978: 360-1 no. L 12, noting that it belongs to a story-type in which a man receives a prophetic warning about doom from his son, which he tries (unsuccessfully, of

1307-1312

1310

the escaping Plataians who had one foot bared) Edmonds 1982; cf. Vidal-Naquet 1986c: 64. For a good balanced discussion of Jason's monosandalism in particular, and of the wider phenomenon, see Fowler 2013: 205-8. Artemidoros, Oneirokritika 4. 63 (a textually difficult passage) has a story about a sick man who was told ‘sacrifice to the one-sandalled one’, μονοκρήπιδι, which turned out to be Hermes, because the god had given one of his shoes to Perseus. Oddly enough, the author ends the para. by saying that if you want to know more about this sort of strange tale, there are plenty in Lykophron's Alexandra (and Herakleides Pontikos

and Parthenios). This is that rare thing, an allusion to Lyk. in a classical author. See Deonna 1935: 60-1; Berra 2009: 282-4 and n. 78; Harris-McKoy

2012: 545. κλέψοντας: Pi. (as Holzinger notes) says of Jason that he κλέψεν τε Μήδειαν, but Lyk.

applies the verb to the fleece, because Medea was not ‘stolen’: 1309-1321 n. νάκην: cf. Od. 14. 530 with Rengakos 1994: 124. 1311. A tremendous

three-word line, see 63n.

With the hapax-word δρακοντόφρουρος compare 1043, δρακοντομόρφων. ἐσκεπασμένην: the verb, which means ‘cover’, seems not quite

course) to avoid; other examples are Laios and Oidipous (no. L 17) and Akrisios and Perseus (no. L 23). Ap. Rh. (1. 10-11) explains how Jason's ‘mono-

right here, but is chosen for the chime with σκο-

sandalism arose: when crossing the river Anauros, he rescued one sandal from the mud but left the

2013: 204 n. 28. Διβυστικήν: this emendation

other behind, ἄλλο δ᾽ ἔνερθεν / κάλλιπεν αὖθι πέδιλον. On the much-studied topic of mono-

Byz. Κύτα, πόλις Κολχική, πάτρις Μηδείας,

παῖς (Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 159). 1312. Kytaia/Aia: see 174. (Medea) and Fowler

for the MSS

ΛΔιγυστικήν is based on Steph.

where the present line of Lyk. is quoted with

the spelling Λιβυστινήν. (On the confusion between ß and y in this word, see also Steph. Byz.

sandalism, see Deonna 1935: 58 and 66 (the baring of one foot regarded as having special chthonic significance) and esp. Brelich 19557, Robertson 1972, and Vidal-Naquet 1986c: 70 for the ephebic or initiatory aspect of Jason's mono-

based on Hdt. 2. 104-5, where the Kolchians are argued to be Egyptian by origin. See S. West

sandalism; and see (with special ref. to Th. 3. 22. 2,

2009: 89.

Aißvs.) The

461

Libyan

connection

appears

to be

Asia against Europe

1313-1321

καὶ τὸν τετράπνην Döpov εὐνάσας θρόνοις, καὶ γυρὰ ταύρων βαστάσας πυριπνόων ἄροτρα, καὶ λέβητι δαιτρευθεὶς δέμας. M

x

[4

er

>

[4

H

1315

οὐκ ἀσμένως ἔμαρψεν ἐρράου σκύλος, 3

3

GAN’

>

3

H

3

»

!

,

t

,

,

,

/

αὐτόκλητον ἁρπάσας kepaíóa,

τὴν γνωτοφόντιν καὶ τέκνων ἀλάστορα,

eis τὴν λάληθρον κίσσαν ἡρματίξατο, φθογγὴν ἑδώλων Χαονιτικῶν ἄπο 2

b

,

4

€

4

1320

Bpornoiav ἱεῖσαν, ἔμπαιον δρόμων.

1313. τετράπνην: ‘with four nostrils’ = ‘twoheaded’, δικέφαλον (2), perhaps (so S. West 2009: 89) an ‘amphisbaena, capable of attacking with either end’. This feature is not in Ap. Rh.’s account of the dragon (4. 123~64), where it appears to have only one head (4. 154, σμερδαλέην κεφαλήν). Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 159 suspected corruption; LSJ? suggest τετράπνουν. BSpov: really a water-snake; one species stands for a whole category (Wilamowitz, as above). εὐνάσας: as in Ap. Rh., the snake is put to sleep temporarily, not killed. That was done later, by

not Jason is meant; see Gantz, below). It is an

attractive suggestion (Holzinger) that Lyk. has in mind Medes's anointing of Jason to make him invulnerable: Ap. Rh. 3. 344-850, 1047-9, 1246-8. Or we might suppose (with Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 160 and Meyer 1980: 105-9, both of whom argued from the positioning of the rejuvenation between the bulls and the fleece) that Jason needed rejuvenation after the encounter with the serpent (see Gantz 1993: 367 and boad n. 30). But Lyk.’s order of events is dislocated in several other ways

(1309-1321 n.). The rejuvenation may be an initia-

Diomedes (632 and n.). θρόνοις: see 674n.

tion motif; see Fowler 2013: 229.

1314. yupd: perhaps borrowed from Od. 19. 246,

1316. οὐκ ἀσμένως: this may just refer to Jason's feelings of fear, cf. Ap. Rh. 4. 149, πεφοβημένος

yupos ἐν ὦμοισιν, i.e. ‘round-shouldered’; see Rengakos 1994: 116. ταύρων .. . πυριπνόων: for this precise form of the adjective cf. HE 4038 (= Meleager VII. 1), the πυρίπνοα τόξα of Eros (and cf. 970 n.). But as Page notes in his comm. on the Meleager passage, πύρπνοος is ‘quite common in tragedy’. Particularly relevant, because of the identical subject-matter, is E. Med.

(Holzinger

cites

C.

G. Müller

for this, but I

cannot find it in his edn of Tzetzes). éppáov: see

Kall. frag. 653 Pf. (cited by 2 on the present passage), defining it as a ram, and linking it to ὀρούω, 'rush forward’: τοῦ κριοῦ, ὁ δὲ Καλλίμαχος τοῦ

κάπρου παρὰ τὸ ὀρούω τὸ dpud. σκύλος: for the noun in this sense, see Kall. frag. 677 Pf., of a

478, ταύρων πυρπνόων. In Ap. Rh. (3. 1278-345),

lion-skin (τὸ δὲ σκύλος ἀνδρὶ καλύπτρη), and

the closest is λάβρον ἐπιπνείοντε πυρὸς σέλας.

similarly [Theok.] 25. 142 (σκύλος ... λέοντος).

1315. δαιτρευθείς: for the verb, see ı6on. For Medea’s rejuvenation of Jason by boiling his limbs in a cauldron, see Pherekydes (FGrHist 3 F 113ab) and Simonides frag. 548 PMG; also Dosiadas Bomos 2 and 5 with Hollis 2007: 283. Of these, Pherekydes 113a and Simonides are from the

1317. αὐτόκλητος: see 496 (Laodike) and n.: Medea and Laodike were two women who

hypothesis (ancient introduction) to E. Med. But

tos this is an oxymoron (Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 160; S. West 2009: 89).

Lyk.’s apparent sequence of events is a puzzle, because this rejuvenation was thought of as having happened later, at Korinth, as the context in hypoth. E. Med. makes clear, so this item is a puz-

zle (we cannot escape by supposing that Aison

sought sex willingly, unlike Kassandra. That (496)

is the only other use of the word in the poem. For another reminiscence of that passage, see 1322-

1323. ἁρπάσας: in conjunction with αὐτόκλη-

1318. γνωτοφόντιν: a hapax-word. For the murder of Apsyrtos, Medea'h brother, by herself and Jason, see Ap. Rh. 4. 450-79. ἀλάστορα: see 529 n.

462

Theseus and Herakles abduct Antiope; the Amazons retaliate and put the four-nostrilled serpent to sleep with drugs. He it was who held the curved plough of the fire-breathing bulls; and his body was chopped up in a cauldron.

1313-1321

1315

Reluctantly he grabbed the the fleece of the ram; but he snatched up the self-invited crow, the brother-killer and child-murderer,

and put her as ballast onto the talking jay, which uttered a human cry from the Chaonian ship-timbers, and itself knew the route. Medez’s killing of her own children was the sub-

Appropriate, therefore, in the mouth of prophetic

ject of E. Med.

Kassandra.

1319. AdAnOpov: see HE 3938 (Meleager I. 13), where it is applied to Alkaios of Messene. The Argo was a talking ship (see already A. frag. 20 and 20a TYGF) because the keel was made of oak from Dodona (Ap. Rh. 1. 524-8, and 1320), and Odysseus

went god’s 1967: fancy

to Dodona to hear the will of Zeus from the towering oak-tree (Od 14. 327-8). Parke 13 defends this plain notion against such interpretations as, that the tree issued ora-

cles by the rustling of its leaves. κίσσαν: a jay; cf. HE 362 (Antipater of Sidon XXVIII. 2) with

Gow-Page. npuari£aro: the verb is formed from ἕρμα, ballast (for the metrically necessary lengthened ‘Doric’ future in -(£« see Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 160, comparing παραιολίξας at 1380). Cf. E. frag. 402 line 8 TFGF (metaphorical: people take wives into their houses like unchecked bal-

1320

See also Pi. Pa.

6 (D6

Rutherford)

79-80, where it refers to Apollo taking the form of Paris. ἔμπαιον: see Od. 20. 379 and with Rengakos 1994: 117. Kassandra here to introduce an extra idea—the ship the way without being told—from Od. 8. the magic rudderless and pilotless ships

mortal 21. 400 seems knows 557-62, of the

Phaiakians; so Holzinger. The Argo advised Kastor

and Polydeukes to pray to the gods to let them go to the Ausonian sea (Ap. Rh. 4. 588-90), and that was guidance of a sort, but not quite what is here implied. 1322-1340. Theseus and Herakles abduct Antiope; the Amazons retaliate by invading Attica The main subject of 1322-1331 is Theseus, who

has already featured several times. The first, brief

last, ἑρματίζονται). At E. Tro. 1049-50, Hekabe

and undeveloped occurrence was as the first of

warns Menelaos not to take Helen on board his ship, and Menelaos replies ‘why? Is she heavier than she was?’, μεῖζον Bpidos ἢ πάροιθ᾽ ἔχει; The apparent joke has puzzled commentators.

Helens husbands (143). Then he featured as father

1320. φθογγήν: words in φθεγγ- or φθογγ- are specially appropriate to inarticulate animal noises,

but that is contradicted by βροτησίαν in the next line. ἐδώλων: this hapax-word is a shortened form of ἐδώλιον (Guilleux 2009: 232), for which see 296. Χαονιτικῶν: i.e. from Dodona see 1045-1046 n. for the geographical looseness of this. 1321. βροτησίαν: see Hes. WD 773, βροτήσια ἔργα, with M. West (who compares Alkman frag. 106

PMGF):

‘an

anomalous

formation...

modelled on φιλοτήσια ...it gives the sentence an oracular tone, as if a god were

speaking’.

of Akamas, the third of the oikists of Cyprus (494-495: that anticipated the present passage, see 1322-1323n.). The abduction by Theseus and

Peirithoos of the young Helen was hinted at in 504-505: interestingly, Kassandra chooses to ignore this action in the present passage when enumerating Greek female-focused raids against

Asia, preferring to concentrate on Antiope/ Hippolyte; Helen's later abduction by Paris will be implied at 1362. This, the final appearance of Theseus, is much fuller than the earlier ones,

including 494-495, and this fullness, and the implied back-reference to 494-495, make the reference to Theseus easier to understand. The pattern of progressive revelation and simplification of earlier obscurity is familiar in the poem.

463

1322-1329

Asia against Europe

πάλιν δ᾽ ὁ πέτρας ἀσκέρας ἀνειρύσας ,

>»

/

3

f

3

,

καὶ φασγάνου ζωστῆρα καὶ ξίφος πατρός, ὁ Φημίου παῖς, Σκῦρος ᾧ λυγροὺς τάφους κρημνῶν ἔνερθεν αἰγίλιψ ῥοιζουμένων

πάλαι δοκεύει τὰς ἀταρχύτους ῥιφάς, ,

,

M

3

,

€

1325

,

σὺν θηρὶ βλώξας τῷ σπάσαντι δηίας Μύστῃ Τροπαίας μαστὸν εὔθηλον θεᾶς, ζωστηροκλέπτης, νεῖκος wpıvev διπλοῦν, *

2290

x

,

^

,

/

ζωστηροκλέπτῃ Ciaceri

1322-1323:

the

near-repetition

of 494-495

is

unusual (there, Theseus took the giant's i.e. Aigeus’

1324. Φημίου παῖς: Phemios is much more likely to be Poseidon than an otherwise unknown father of Aigeus and grandfather of Theseus (so

weapons, ὅπλα, from the hollow rock, ἐκ κοίλης πέτρας). This is hardly likely to be inadvertence, in view of the—surely significant—repetition of αὐτόκλητος from the same passage (see 1317n.). The earlier passage broke away from Theseus immediately and turned instead to his son Akarnas; the present passage picks up the sandals-under-the stone motif and then provides further tableaux:

Holzinger has been generally and rightly accepted, although if there were any other evidence for Phemios the grandfather, one might have wanted to say that the meaning of the name, and the identity of its bearer, are left ambiguous. The epithet Φήμιος is used of Zeus and Athena

the death on Skyros, the companionship with

(in the form Φημία) at LSAM: no. 25 lines 26-7

Herakles, the theft of the war-belt of Hippolyte, and the abduction of Antiope—but those two Amazons are probably to be identified, or at least are not clearly distinguished by Lyk., who charac-

wise attested for Poseidon. It is probably related to Εὔφημος and Εὐφάμιος, and suggestive of

(Ionian Erythrai, 4th cent. sc), but is not other-

φήμη, κληδών and such words, i.e. it is oracular:

teristically does not name the Amazon(s) directly,

but refers to the abducted Amazon as Ὀρθωσία (1331),

a cult-epithet

of the

Amazons’

patron

Artemis. See further 1329n. 1322. πάλιν: this little word is worth stopping over. It occurs only twice in the poem. The other occurrence (1398) implies ‘in turn’ i.e. reciprocity:

the easterner Midas’ reprisals for Greek settlement of Asia Minor. For this use see Jebb on S. El. 1434, cf. 371 with Finglass. But here πάλιν introduces another Greek action on top of the preceding one (Jason, then Theseus). So the sense must be ‘again’ in the sense of ‘next’, which is

harder to parallel, although πάλιν αὖ means ‘one more time’ (see LSJ? II, ‘again, once doxépas: see 855n. ἀνειρύσας: see 181n.

more’).

1323. The ὅπλα of 495 are now specified. ζωστῆρα: here, no less than at 1329, the meaning is ‘war-belt’, see n. there. πατρός: Aigeus; see 1324n. and 494-495 n.

2), that grandfather was Pandion. On this point

Schwabl 1978: col. 312 and Graf 1985: 203-4 (Holzinger compared Φημονόη, the first Pythia, Strabo 9. 3. 5); but Usener 1896: 266, explained Εὔφημος as indicative of solemn religious silence. If the meaning of Φήμιος is oracular, it might have to do with Poseidon’s original possession of Delphi. Unfortunately, the present passage is not considered in any of the above modern discussions; Graf says of the Erythraian attesta-

tion that the epiklesis is found nowhere else, ‘nur hier belegt’. For the alternative version of Theseus’ birth implied here (Poseidon not Aigeus), see FGrHist

4 Hellanikos F 134=168c EGM 1 and B. rz. 33-8. The contradiction here with the previous line 1323 (where Aigeus is the father) is startling, but not unique. For the problem, see Gantz 1993: 248: children of gods were sometimes known by the names of their mortal stepfathers, and Poseidon may have been added to the original version when it was thought that Theseus’ importance called for

464

Theseus and Herakles abduct Antiope; the Amazons retaliate 1322-1329 Next, he who extracted from under the rock

his father’s shoes and dagger-belt and sword—

the son of Phemios, whose sad grave below the roaring precipices, the site of his unburied fall, will long be watched over by Skyros, the place too steep even for goats—

1325

he came with the lion, the initiate, who was suckled

by the plump breast of his enemy Tropaia. He, the thief of the war-belt, stirred up a double quarrel:

a more illustrious father. Σκῦρος: Theseus left Athens and went to the Aegean island of Skyros (ACP: no. 521, Barr. map 57 C3) for reasons which are variously given. Lykomedes, the local king, threw him off a cliff because he suspected that he

operation, here alluded to, between Theseus and

Herakles against the Amazons, see FGrHist 328 Philochoros F

wanted to take over the island. See Ar. frag. 611. 1 Rose (also printed at the end of the OCT Ara. Pol. as ‘epitoma Heraclidis’ i.e. Herakleides Ponticus);

1328. Μύστῃ: for Herakles’ initiation at Eleusis in Attica, after being purified by Eumolpos for the killing of the Centaurs, see Apollod. 2. 5.

Plut. Kim. 8. 5. The story may have been generated at Athens, in the early days of the sth-cent. naval empire, in order to justify the eventual take-over by Kimon; see 1326n. λυγροὺς τάφους: see 43n. (tombs as gloomy and atmospheric).

12 (at Diod.

‘rocky’, citing Lithuanian /iprt, ‘climbs’. (So the J/. the

traditional

view,

Sommerstein’s

Loeb

edn

(2008) translates the word at A. Supp. 794 as ‘where no goat climbs’. ῥοιζουμένων: for the

verb see also 1426, and cf. 66n. on ῥοιζηδόν.

4. 14. 3, Demeter

is the purifier,

after founding the Lesser Mysteries for the pur-

pose). The implications of the myth have been

1325. alyiAub: this rare and charming word for ‘steep’ is said (LSJ) to mean ‘destitute even of goats’; see κατ᾽ αἰγίλιπος πέτρης at Il. 9. 15 with 2 on the line. But Hainsworth’s n. dismisses this as a ‘pleasing fantasy’, and prefers the neutral passage will mean ‘rocky rock’.) Reassuringly for

110, cited by Plut. Thes. 26.1; and

for the stages of the sth-cent. development of this tradition about and entwining of the two heroes, see 1329n. on ζωστηροκλέπτης.

elucidated by reference to Peisistratos' religious policies at 6th-cent. Athens, and his construction work at Eleusis; see Boardman 1975 and very briefly in CAH 4° : 422 (all mainly iconographic, but see also Lloyd-Jones 1967 [= 1990: 167-87], a discussion of papyrus frags of a ?sth-cent. and Pindaric-looking poem which evidently mentioned Herakles’ initiation by Eumolpos). Tporaias: the goddess who suckled Herakles was Hera (see 39n.). The epithet is obviously warlike, and related to τρέπω (‘rout’), τροπαῖον

(‘trophy’); compare her epithet Ὁπλοσμία at 614 and 858.

1326. πάλαι: the Skyros for a long mid-470s Bc they Kimon and taken

bones of Theseus will be on time; but not for ever. In the were removed by the Athenian back to Athens for ceremonial

reburial. See Plut. Kim. 8 with Blamire, and 75e:.

36.1; also [Ar.] Ath. Pol. frag. 4. For such cults of relics see 1208 (Hektor) and discussion at 11891213 1. τὰς ἀταρχύτους pupds: for the root of the adjective, see 369 n. on ταρχυθείσαν. 1327. σὺν Onpi: the ‘beast’ is Herakles, probably because of his lion-skin. For the military co-

1329. ζωστηροκλέπτης:

this hapax

word

in

effect means the same as στόρνην τ᾽ ἀμέρσας in the following line, 1330. Ciaceri wished to

emend to the dative, ζωστηροκλέπτῃ, because it was Herakles, not Theseus, who played the main

part in the acquisition of the belt of Hippolyte/ Antiope. But this does not work because of στόρνην T' ἀμέρσας, which has to refer to Theseus. For ζωστήρ (a masculine-type warbelt, not a female ‘girdle’, as it is usually and misleadingly translated), see 1323n., and Gantz

465

Asia against Europe

1330-1336 /

+

3

,

M

^

»

στόρνην τ᾽ ἀμέρσας καὶ Θεμισκύρας ἀπο

1330

τὴν τοξόδαμνον νοσφίσας Ὀρθωσίαν. ἧς al ξύναιμοι, παρθένοι Nerouvidos, Ἔριν λιποῦσαι, Aaypov, ἠδὲ Τήλαμον, καὶ χεῦμα Θερμώδοντος Ἀκταῖόν τ᾽ ὄρος, ποινὰς ἀθέλκτους θ᾽ ἁρπαγὰς διζήμεναι,

1335

M

,

ε

+

4

,

7

/

ὑπὲρ κελαινὸν Ἴστρον ἤλασαν Σκύθας 122

Νεπουνίδος BD Νεπτουνίδος AE

1993: 398; also Bond on E. Her. 408-18, comparing Hdt. 4. 9-310 on Herakles and the mysterious

Skythian female creature, where a ζωστήρ features as a powerful ‘symbol of kingship’. This story, which has Herakles leaving his bow and belt to form a test for future sons, resembles that of

Aigeus and Theseus, and both have ephebic and initiatory implications. The acquisition of the war-belt of the Amazon, whatever she was called (Hippolyte seems to have been the later version,

Xerxes’ invasion, see 1332-1340 n.

1330. στόρνην: a very rare word, but used also by

see below) was the ninth of Herakles’ labours. See

Kall. at frag. 260. 15 P£.= frag. 69 Hollis (who notes

Gantz 1993: 397-400, esp. 399, discussing Lyk.’s ‘slight exaggeration of Theseus’ role’, and noting that this aspect was already found in E. Aka. 215717: Iolaos says he sailed with Theseus to fetch

the war-belt which had caused many deaths; on this passage see also Boardman 1982: 9. The text immediately following is unfortunately corrupt, but it may have developed the claim; see Wilkins n. For the gradual development of the story, see Boardman 1982: 8, 27-8 (the war-belt not attested before E. Her.). Boardman 1982 provides the best, if sometimes politically speculative, unravelling of the complicated interrelationship of Herakles, "Theseus, and the Ámazons Antiope/Hippolyte: it seems that the story of Theseus’ abduction of Antiope was originally independent, and that gradually, perhaps under the influence of contemporary events such as the Jonian Revolt of 499-494 BC, this grew into a formal expedition conducted alongside Herakles, whose initiation at Eleusis (1328n. on ύστῃ)

had already become

part of Athenian mythology. Herakles' acquisition of the war-belt of an Amazon called Hippolyte had been one of the Labours, but this was attached to Theseus also, in the course of the sth cent., and

Simonides in the early sth cent. as saying that the Amazon whom Theseus abducted was called Hippolyte not Antiope—or Melanippe, another variant.) The distinction certainly did not matter for Lyk. (1322-1323n.). For the Amazonian reprisals—their invasion of Attica—as signifiers for the Marathon campaign and perhaps also

that Theseus is common to both passages); see already Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 161. Θεμισκύρας ἄπο: for Themiskyra, on the S. coast of the Black Sea between Sinope and Trapezous, see Barr. map 87 B3. It qualifies for inclusion in IACP (no. 732) on the frail evidence of Ps.-Skyl. 89, who calls it a Greek polis (Shipley 201: 159 cites LACP, but adds ‘Hellenic status doubted’. The doubt seems to be

his own, not that of LACP. The place's polis status is at least as doubtful as its ethnicity). It was situated on the river Thermodon (Hdt. 4. 86. 3), for which

see 1334 and n. The connection with the Amazons was made by Ap. Rh. 2. 995 (Θεμισκύρειαι Ἀμάζονες) and Strabo (12. 3. 14, Θεμέσκυραν τὸ

τῶν Ἀμαζόνων οἰκητήριον). 1331. τοξόδαμνον: sec E. Hipp. 1451, where the word is used of Artemis. Ὀρθωσίαν: this is an epithet

of

Artemis

(2),

the

patron

of

the

Amazons, but is here applied (like τοξόδαμνον) to the Amazon herself. For the epithet, see Pi. O.

3.29 and e.g. IG ı? 1083 (sth cent, sc, Athens), 12 (5) 913 (and cent. nc, Rhodes). It must

(Wide

1893: 98-100) be equivalent to Orthia, the title under which Artemis was famously worshipped

the distinction between Äntiope and Hippolyte

at Sparta. Arkadian Orthasia (sic) seems to have

became

been different; see Jost 1985: 91 and 415.

blurred.

(Thus

Apollod.

ep. 1. 16 cites

466

Theseus and Herakles abduct Antiope; the Amazons retaliate 1330-1336 he took away the baldric, and he stole Orthosia from Themiskyra, she who subdued with the bow. Her sisters, the virgins of Nepounis,

1330

left Eris, Lagmos, and Telamos, and the river Thermodon, and the Aktaian mountain,

seeking implacable vengeance and pillage.

1335

They drove their Skythian horses across the dark Danube, 1332-1340. The Amazons invade Attica For this section, see the Athenian speech against

the Tegeans at Hdt. 9. 27. 4 (‘we fought a good campaign against the Amazons from the river Thermodon who invaded Attica’), and more fully Diod. 4. 28, treating it (as does Lyk.) as a campaign of reprisal, esp. para. τ, ἀμύνασθαι; see also

Arr. Anab. 7. 13. 5. The episode has been seen as a mythical prototype of the Persian invasions of 490 and 480-479 sc. For this theory, partly based on the frequency with which the theme is treated in art, see Boardman 1982: 12-15 (slightly

preferring 490 over 480-479, but allowing the possibility of a double reference), If that is right, these lines anticipate 1413-1416, where Xerxes is the giant. 1332. ξύναιμοι: the Amazons are represented as virgin warrior sisters on horseback, like so many Valkyries. Νεπουνίδος: obscure (for the spelling see below), but the best explanation is that this is a central Italian epithet of Artemis (Diana), for whose patronage of the Amazons see 1331n. Z and Tzetzes are of little help here, except that they surely provide a clue by making the defeated Amazons go from Attica zo Italy, eis Ἰταλίαν

(wrongly changed by Sebastiani to Σκυθίαν). This means that the word is more likely to be related to Nepe or Nepet, mod. Nepi, in Etruria

by Holzinger, who however curiously did not invoke 2 in support of his argument. For cult at Nepet of Diana Compotens i.e. she who is able to grant a prayer, see CIL 11. 1. 3198, with OLD for the rare epithet. 1333. "Epıw ...: all these names (Eris, Lagmos, Telamos,

Thermodon)

are

said

by

Z

to

be

Skythian rivers (ποταμοὶ περὲ Σκυθίαν). Only Thermodon (1334n.) is securely identified. The Eris is perhaps the Iris (Barr. map 87 A4; Dion.

Perieg. 783). Holzinger speculated that Τήλαμος meant 'wide river' ie. the Don; a long shot. Nothing at all convincing has been suggested for Lagmos. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 161 cynically suggested that Lyk. took such obscure place-names from a collection resembling Wentzel 1890 for

cult epithets. 'The idea is not necessary either for the epithets or the place-names. 1334. For the Pontic river Thermodon (Barr. map 87 K3), on which lay Themiskyra (133on.), see Hdt. and Diod., as cited 1332-1340n. Both say that it was the Amazons’ homeland, as does Dion. Perieg. 773-4. Axraióv τ᾽ ὄρος: if (Holzinger) this is Mt Athos, as at Th. 4. 109. 1,

the idea is presumably that Chalkidike was on the Amazons’ overland route towards Attica from northern regions. 1335. ἀθέλκτους: for this very rare word cf. A. Supp. 1055 σὺ de θέλγοις dv ἄθελκτον.

(Barr. map 42 C4, Strabo 9. s. 1 and OCD* ‘Nepet(e)’) than to Neptune i.e. Poseidon, god of horses or Ἵππιος; that was the explanation of Ciaceri, who adopted the alternative MS reading Nenr-, and postulated an exactly transliterated

1336. Ἴστρον: the Danube, more obscurely desig-

Greek form of the Latin name. Note, however,

region, from which the Amazons originated; or it

that the Etruscan form is Nedunos or Neßuns (Arnaldi 1997: 83-6), so that the ‘Neptune’ theory

nated at 189; see n. there, Σκύθας: ‘Skythian’ may be a loose way of designating the Black Sea may pick up the Danube, just mentioned and

would be compatible with either of the two read-

allude to their itinerary towards central Greece; or it may hint at the tradition (Diod. 4. 28. 2)

ings in Lyk. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 161 was right to reject the theory. The case for Nepet was first put

by which the Skythians joined forces with the Amazons.

467

Asia against Europe

133771345

ἵππους, ὁμοκλήτειραν ἱεῖσαι βοὴν

tt

t

/

δα

\

Γραικοῖσιν ἀμνάμοις τε τοῖς Ἐρεχθέως. καὶ πᾶσαν Ἀκτὴν ἐξεπόρθησαν δορί, τοὺς Μοψοπείους αἰθαλώσασαι γύας. πάππος δὲ Θρήκης οὑμὸς alorwoas πλάκα χώραν τ᾽ Eopddv καὶ Γαλαδραίων πέδον, x

^

3,

[4

\

x

3

!

,

i

ε

x

3

,

1340

[A

ὅρους ἔπηξεν ἀμφὶ Πηνειοῦ ποτοῖς,

στερρὰν τραχήλῳ ζεῦγλαν ἀμφιθεὶς πέδαις, ‘

[4

^

3

M

/

ἀλκῇ véavdpos, ἐκπρεπέστατος γένους. 3

1337. line as a vant

^

!

3

/

,

1341. πάππος: this is surely llos, Kassandra's great-grandfather (not grandfather, the strict

ὁμοκλήτειραν: see I]. 12. 273 for the mascuform, ὁμοκλητῆρος ἀκούσας. For ὁμοκλή threatening war-cry, see 17 16. 147. Also relein the present context is HH Dem. 88, where

meaning of πάππος), so rightly "Tzetzes. The alternative, for which tancing himself from

the ὁμοκλή is addressed to horses (N. Richardson there defends the smooth breathing).

20102: 31-2 and n. 11. But the reign of the treacherous Laomedon was a catalogue of disasters, and there is nothing (except perhaps the foundation of Lampsakos,

Erechtheus’,

see

Pi.

P

7. 8,

Epexdeos ἀστῶν.

1342. For the Eordoi see Hdt. 7. 185. 2, where they are listed between Paionians and Bottiaians, and

Th. 2. 99. 5 (the Eordoi displaced from ‘what is

1339. Ἀκτήν: Attica, see 110-111 n,

now Eordiz by the Temenid kings of Macedon).

1340. For Mopsops (sic, not Mopsos, as Mooney) see 733n.: he was an early mythical king of Athens, 1341-1350. Ilos devastates Thrace and Macedon, and Herakles sacks Troy The first half of this section (1341-1345) is similar to material scattered in Hdt. and is surely indebted to him, although other mythographers will also have mentioned this supposed early Trojan penetration of Europe. For instance, the presence

on the Trojan side of the Paionians, dwellers on the W, Thracian

see Jones) to compare with the

successes of Ilos, for which see 1345 n., discussing Kassandra's enthusiastic praise of him in that line.

Ἐρεχθέως: for the Athenians as ‘citizens (i.c. of

see again Tzetzes (disit with ‘some say’), is

Laomedon, and this is accepted by C. P. Jones

1338. Γραικοῖσιν: this may mean ‘Greeks’, as at 1195, or it may here have the more restricted sense Boiotia/Thessaly (s32n.), in view of Plut. Thes. 27. 8, which implies that the Amazons penetrated Boiotia. ἀμνάμοις: see 144n. τοῖς descendants)

1345

river Axios, cried

out for an

explanation: I/ 2. 848-50. See also 1342n. for Hekataios and the Eordoi. Hdt. relates (7. 20. 2 and 7. 75. 2, also 5. 13. 2 for the Paionians) that before the Trojan War, the ‘Mysians and Teukrians’ (i.e. Trojans, see 1303-1308 n.) crossed over into

See Hammond 1972: 106-8; Barr. map 5o A 3-4, ‘Eordaia’, An obscure frag. of Hekataios of Miletos (FGrHist 1 F 372 = EGM™ 18A, from Steph. Byz.

Ἄμυρος, a 287 Bill.) connected the Eordoi with ‘Thessaly, and this may indicate that their mention in the present context may be more than just Lyk.'s ‘inventive supplement’, as Fowler 2013: 100 puts it. There is a further possible reason for singling out Eordia: Hellenistic topicality. It was famous to Lyk.’s readers or audience as the home Macedonian canton of Ptolemy Lagou, founder of the ruling dynasty of Egypt, and historian of Alexander's campaigns (Arr. Anab. 6, 28. 4). Γαλαδραίων πέδον: the Macedonian town Galadra will recur at the climactic line 1444. Steph. Byz. (y 20 Bill., quoting both Lyk. passages) said that Galadra was both a ‘city of Pieria’, and a mountain, and that the

name derived either from a mythical Galadros son

reached the lonian Sea; to the S., they reached the

of Emathios or from a founder Galadras. Steph. Byz. then cites Polybius for the ktetic Γαλαδρικόν,

river Peneios in Thessaly (cf. 1343).

but with an obviously corrupt book no. ‘y’, i.e. 3;

Europe by the Bosporos, subdued all Thrace and

468

Jlos devastates Thrace and Macedon; Herakles sacks Troy

1337-1345

uttering their threatening war-cries against the Graikoi and the descendants of Erechtheus; they devastated all Akte with the spear,

and set fire to the land of Mopsops. Then my ancestor, after devastating the level lands of Thrace, and the territory of the Eordoi and the plain of the Galadraioi,

1340

fixed his boundaries at the waters of the Peneios,

placing a firm yoke on their necks, securing it with fetters; he was young, strong, and the outstanding man of all his line. this has been emended to ty (13) or κγ (23); Ay (33) is presumably considered unlikely because the events covered in that book are later than the

1345

1343. ὅρους ἔπηξεν: for the remarkable idea that the Peneios could be regarded as (briefly)

forming the boundary between Asia and Europe,

Macedonian places to be relevant. Bill. prefers «y, and see Billerbeck 2005: 414 on Steph. Byz.5 trivial

see Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 463; Bouchon 2009: stt. IImveiou: see 1341-1350n. For the great Thessalian river Peneios, see esp. Hat. 7.

variant Γαλαδραῖον πέδον. The Pol. frag. (missing

128-30.

from the new Loeb edn) is printed by BüttnerWobst in the app. crit. to 23. 18. 5; see Walbanks comm. (3. 253) on ‘Fragments’ at the end of that book, suggesting that this one belonged to the narrative of Philips winter campaign of 183 sc, but

1344. ζεῦγλαν: see 817n. Perhaps the yoke is somehow to be thought of as secured by fetters; but really there are here two distinct metaphors for subjection.

battle of Pydna in 168 sc, and therefore too late for

leaving open the possibility that the correct book no. was 13, which included geographical frags, which are printed in modern edns as 13. 10, and include several pertaining to Thrace (though not actually Macedon). Despite these uncertainties, the important implication remains: Pol. is inde-

pendent supporting evidence for the existence of a Macedonian place called Galadra. ‘The Pierian site of Galadra has not yet been identified precisely (for the lower Macedonian canton of Pieria see Barr. 50 Bc 4), and Barr. does not mark it on map 5o, ‘Macedonia’. (The Barr. map-by-map Directory to map 50, under Unlocated Toponyms’, sends us at p. 768 to Papazoglou 1988: 120, but this discussion is no help; it merely cites Lyk. and Pol) It has also been suggested (see

Walbank, as above, citing Geyer in R.-E.) that Galadra should be identified with the wellknown Chalastra (town and lake), for which see

1441n. This theory is not at all likely, and not only because Chalastra, W. of Thessaloniki, was in Bottiaia rather than Pieria. The decisive consideration is Lykophronic: the ethnic XaAaorpaios will be used at 1441, three lines before the second occurrence of Galadra at 1444. Therefore, the two places must be distinct.

1345. Kassandra rates Ilos’ manly achievernents very high (and by implication higher than her father Priams). These included expelling Tantalos,

father of Pelops, from Paphlagonia: Diod. 4. 74. 4; and for Ilos’wrestling victory at games in Phrygia, see 29n. véavdpos: surprisingly, this compound for a man in the vigour of youth is a hapax word;

but it is of obvious derivation (νέος, ‘young’, ἀνήρ, ‘man’). It has been suggested (Holzinger) that there is a play on the name Ilos and the noun

ἴλη, a group or squadron of young men, νέοι ἄνδρες. This seems complicated and overingenious. A better explanation is to be sought, with Geffcken 1887b: 568-9, in the name of the polis of Neandreia in the Troad (IACP: no. 785, and add Schwertheim 1994 for an account which takes in the Hellenistic as well as earlier periods).

Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 162 could not see the point of a ref. to Neandreia, but the location in the Troad makes it a suitable provider of

an epithet for Ilos (the place was just 25 km. S. of Troy, Barr. map 56 C2); and Neandria suppos-

edly had a connection with Kassandra's family. Malalas (99) said that Neandria was ruled by Kyknos, a relative of Priam, 'cognatus Priami"; see

Schwertheim 1994: 22 n. 6.

469

Asia against Europe

1346-1357

ἡ δ᾽ ἀντὶ τούτων τάρροθον BonAdrnv τὸν ἑξάπρυμνον, στέρφος ἐγχλαινούμενον, στείλασα, λίστροις αἰπὺν ἤρειψεν πάγον, τὸν ἡ παλίμφρων Γοργὰς ἐν κλήροις θεῶν καθιέρωσε, πημάτων ἀρχηγέτις. x

t

/,

A

3

/

^

1350

αὖθις δὲ κίρκοι, Τμῶλον ἐκλελοιπότες Κίμψον τε καὶ χρυσεργὰ Πακτωλοῦ ποτά, καὶ νᾶμα λίμνης, ἔνθα Τυφῶνος δάμαρ κευθμῶνος αἰνόλεκτρον ἐνδαύει μυχόν, Ἄγυλλαν Αὐσονῖτιν εἰσεκώμασαν,

1355

δεινὴν Λιγυστίνοισι τοῖς τ᾽ ἀφ᾽ αἵματος ῥίζαν γιγάντων Σιθόνων κεκτημένοις 1350 1354

καθιέρωσε Scheer καθιερώσει MSS αἰνόλεκτρος ἐνδαύει μυχῷ Liberman 2009

mother-city Megara. We cannot expect to have

1346-1350. Herakles sacks Troy

heard of absolutely every ancient writer. l'opyds:

For this episode see 31-51 and esp. 32 n. and 34n.

evidently Hera, from all that has been said so far,

and another warlike epithet (1328n.), although one more usually applied to Athena, Names in

1346. βοηλάτην: Herakles was ‘herdsman’ of the cattle of Geryon.

yopy- indicate fierceness; see Bechtel 1917: 564

1347. τὸν ἐξάπρυμνον: for the six ships with

and my n. on the royal Spartan name Gorgo at

which Herakles came to Troy, see Tlepolemos’

Hat. 5. 48. See also 1013 n.

reviling speech to Sarpedon at IA. 5. 641, ἕξ oins

1350. καθιέρωσε: for the verb see 950 n., but that referred to the consecration of a temple. For the

σὺν ναυσί (already quoted by 2). His point was that this was a small force. 1348. Alarpoıs: see Od. 22. 455 (the rare word is

used of the tools used by Telemachos and his companions to clean the blood of the suitors off the

the

and Swrds

are not uncommon,

War,

Kassandra

uses

past

tenses,

the gods as not subject to mortal chronology. For the grant of immortality to Herakles, see Apollod., as at 1349n. In the opinion of Hdt. (2. 44. 5), the Greeks were right to worship Herakles

both as an immortal Olympian and also as a hero. 1351-1361. Lydian conquests in central Italy For the apparent contradiction of 1245-1249, where Tarchon and Tyrrhenos were said to be sons of Telephos of Mysia, well to the N. of

not

Lydia, see 1248 n., discussing Timaios (FGrHist

or its

566 F 62, from Tertullian, which says that the

although

actually attested at either Byzantium

Trojan

switching to futures only from 1367, ἀντιτίσεται; the future here could be justified only if we regard

1349. ἡ παλίμφρων: for Heras change of heart towards Herakles, after her long persecution of

authority, Sotas of Byzantium, says that she relented after he had saved her from attempted rape by a Giant called Pronomos (whose name is given by Apollod. 1. 6.1 as Porphyrion). Sebastiani, cited by Müller, suggested emending Tzetzes to Sota«de»s of Byzantion, but the names Σώτας

to

aorist of the MSS καθιερώσει is accepted: until

floor) with Rengakos 1994: 118. aisróv . . . πάγον: cf. τό αἰπύν... Φηγίου πάγον. For Homer, Troy was αἰπεινή (IL. 9. 419 etc.).

him, see Apollod. 2. 7.7 (she gave him her daughter Hebe in marriage). Tzetzes, citing an obscure

sense ‘deification’, the closest parallel seems

be Plut. Mor. 380d = On Isis and Osiris 73. In the present passage, Scheer's emendation to the

470

Herakles sacks Troy; Lydian conquests in central Italy

1346-1357

Then Europe, in reprisal for this, sent the herdsman as helper, leading his six ships, and clad in the animal's hide. He overthrew our high citadel with his mattocks; Gorgas, author of all his troubles, relented

and deified him in the dwelling-place of the gods.

1350

Next the falcons, leaving Tmolos and Kimpsos and the gold-producing streams of Paktolos, and the waters of the lake, where the wife of Typhon sleeps in the grim recess of her cave,

came bursting in on Ausonian Agylla. They joined in the dreadful wrestling of the spear-fight,

1355

with Ligustinians and those who took their roots

Lydians from Asia settled Etruria under the leadership of Tyrrhenos). The Lydian colonization of Etruria, under the leadership of the eponymous Tyrrhenos son of Atys, was already described by Hdt. at 1. 94.

see Robert 1962: 287-313 and 1987: 335; his starting-point was Z/. 2. 781-3 (the region blasted

by Typhon). For other locations of this myth, see 825n.

1354. evöaveı: this hapax word is thought to be formed from δαύω (for which see Sappho frag. 126 Lobel/Page and Voigt), itself a variant of ἰαύω, for which see 430n. Guilleux 2009: 232-3 compares S. Ph. 1457, ἐνδόμυχον.

1351. κίρκοι: see 169n. for the metaphor. The

two ‘falcons’ here are Tarchon and Tyrrhenos. A special appropriateness has been detected in the present use of the bird, because Capys is both Etruscan for a falcon (Serv. on V. A. 10. 145)

mountain above Sardis; see 77. 2. 866; Hdt. 1. 84. 3

1355. See 63n. for such three-word lines. Ἄγυλλαν: see 1241n. Αὐσονῖτιν: see 44n. eiaeκώμασαν: a striking metaphor for a military

and 93. 1; 5. 100 and ror. 2; Barr. map 56 FG 5.

invasion,

1352. Kipapov: this river was in the region N. of Sardis and Tmolos; see Robert 1962: 314 and 1987: 396, citing Nonn. D. r3. 465 for 'shingly

1356. Λιγυστίνοισι:

Kimpsos' in Lydia, Κίμψον εὐψηφίδα. χρυσεργὰ

of Liguria; for the form Διγυστική, see Strabo 2.

Πακτωλοῦ ποτά: see 272 n.

5. 19. blood other these 2007:

rois 7’ ἀφ᾽ αἵματος: for the idea that the of dreadful gods can send up not only monsters but also marginal beings like innocuous Ligurians, see Grafand Johnston 201 n. 60 (citing e.g. the Phaiakians,

sent

up by the

and the name of a famous Campanian city. See Massa-Pairault 2009: 500 and n. 64. Tu@Aov: the

1353. καὶ νᾶμα λίμνης: this is Lake Gygaia (Barr. map 56 4 FG), for which see I 2. 865-6; Hdt. 1. 93. 5; Strabo 13. 4. 5-6, explaining that its name was later changed to Koloe and that it had a cult of Artemis Koloene, For extended discussion, including summaries of accounts by early modern travellers, see Robert 1987: 296-335, esp. 296—321, ‘Lycophron et le marais d'Echidna,

Strabon et le lac de Koloé’ [originally BCH 106 (1982) 334773, esp. 334-59]. Τυφῶνος δάμαρ: this is Echidna, wife of Typhon (Hes. 75. 295-307 with M. West). For the location of the myth of

Typhon in Lydia Katakekaumene (‘Burnt Lydia’),

the

root-word

is κῶμος,

a drunken

mobile revel of the sort made famous by Plato's Symposium. these are the

blood

of Ouranos,

inhabitants

FGrHist

2

Akousilaos F 4). 1357. ῥίζαν: this (blood at 1357, roots at 1356) may seem to us a bad mix of metaphors, but perhaps

ῥίζα as the origin of a family (LSJ? II) was so familiar a notion as to be hardly felt as a metaphor. Σιθόνων: for the Giants and Chalkidike, see 127 n. Note the different spelling and scansion from Σιθῶνος at 583,

47

Asia against Europe

1358-1370

λόγχης ἐν ὑσμίναισι μίξαντες πάλην. εἷλον δὲ Πῖσαν καὶ δορίκτητον χθόνα πᾶσαν κατειργάσαντο τὴν Ὄμβρων πέλας

1360

kai Σαλπίων βεβῶσαν ὀχθηρῶν πάγων. λοῖσθος δ᾽ ἐγείρει γρυνὸς ἀρχαίαν ἔριν, x

H

^

5

^

/,

= ” oer πῦρ^ εὗδον ἤδη τὸ n πρὶνV ἐξάπτων φλογί,"n ἐπεὶ Πελασγοὺς εἶδε Ῥυνδακοῦ ποτῶν κρωσσοῖσιν ὀθνείοισι βάψαντας γάνος. ἡ δ᾽ αὖθις οἰστρήσασα τιμωρουμένη

1365

τριπλᾶς τετραπλᾶς avrırioeraı βλάβας, ^

^

>

H

,

πορθοῦσα χώρας ἀντίπορθμον ἠόνα. πρῶτος μὲν ἥξει Ζηνὶ τῷ Aatepotw ὁμώνυμος Ζεύς, ὃς καταιβάτης μολὼν €

,

,

1358. λόγχης . .. πάλην:

^

cf

/

(with

Gigante

1364. ἐπεὶ Πελασγοὺς

(again)

1241n.

Salpe in Daunia/Puglia (as at 1129) is startling geographically, however low a view we take of Lyk.’s accuracy in such matters. The obvious can-

for the initial sigma. Holzinger suggested the Σάλνες (Strabo 4. 6. 3), Latin Salvii or Salluvii,

former inhabitants of Liguria. But none of those

spellings is very close to Salp-. Perhaps we should stick to the Daunian region, despite the difficul-

ties, in which case Etruria will be defined very vaguely as the region between Umbria and Apulia. So, hesitantly, Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 459; see also Massa-Pairault 2009: 502. βεβῶσαν: see

LSJ? βαίνω A. 2, ‘stand or be in a place’, 1362-1365. Paris rekindles the flame of conflict 1362. ypuvös: the ‘firebrand’ is Paris, as at 86; see n. there for the reason for calling him this.

1363. In this heavily alliterative line in 7, the action signified, namely Paris’ theft of Helen, is left unspecified. It was not necessary to specify it: the theft was described at 86-89, and ypvvós

(1362 n.) is an adequate signpost.

Pelasgians

Kassandra as Thessalians to a man; see 874.n. on

1361. καὶ Σαλπίων: this name is a problem. Any connection between these mountains and Lake

AAmea, od XdAma), but there is no justification

these

Mwvaw. (Pelasgiotis was one of the main divi-

δορίκτητον

didate mountain range is the Alps (so Tzetzes:

εἶδε:

must be the Argonauts, who are treated by

Lanzara 2009: 112) E. Held. 159-60, ἐς πάλην καθίσταται / δορὸς τὸ πρᾶγμα. 1359. Πῖσαν: see χθόνα: see 933 n.

1370

A

sions of Thessaly, Barr. map 55 1-2 CD. For the Pelasgians as Thessalians, see Fowler 2013: 90.) ‘Puvdaxoé ποτῶν: the mouth of the river Rhyndakos, about 15 km. W. of Daskyleion (Barr. map 56 C4),was mentioned by Ap. Rh. (1.1165) in the prelude to the episode narrating the loss of

Herakles’ squire Hylas, who was pulled by an amorous nymph into the waters of the stream called Pegai when dipping his bronze pitcher into them (1. 1234-9). But a chronological difficulty has been felt here, if εἶδε, ‘saw’, is taken to mean anything like autopsy, because the Argonautic expedition took place a full generation before the Trojan War which was precipitated by Paris. (In Lyk.'s model

Hdt., Paris is merely said to have heard, ἀκηκοdra, of the abduction of Medea—an aspect of the Argonautic story—in the ‘next generation’, δευτέρῃ γενέῃ: 1.3.1.) Rather than e.g. taking the subject of the verb to be Asia (so Holzinger), we should accept, with S. West 2009: go (and already Ciaceri), that εἶδε is not to be taken literally.

The foreign ums or pitchers of the ‘Pelasgian’ Argonauts are signifiers for Greek commercial or colonial infiltration of the Black Sea region, as perceived from Asiatic Troy, 1365. κρωσσοῖσιν: see 369 n. ὀθνείοισι: this word for ‘strange’ in the sense of ‘foreign’ is noticeably

472

Greek aggressions: (1) The Trojan War

1358-1370

from the blood of Sithonian giants. They captured Pisa, and subjected all the spear-won territory which stands as neighbour to the Umbrians

1360

and the craggy hills of the Salpians. Last, the firebrand wakens the old quarrel, setting light with his flame to the previously sleeping fire,

when he saw the Pelasgians with their foreign urns drawing water from the streams of Rhyndakos. Then Europe, in furious revenge, shall exact threefold, fourfold damage as requital, devastating the shore of the land over the sea. The first to come will be the Zeus who has the same name as Zeus Lapersios, who will descend like a thunderbolt frequent in the present section; of the seven occurrences in the whole poem, three are from hereabouts (the other two are 1376 and 1396). The opposition between Greeks and barbarians, Europe and Asia, is being sharpened all the time; see also 1387 for καρβάνων i.e. βαρβάρων.

1366-1368.

Four

acts of Greek

1365

1370

335 and 1124 and nn. (The identification is strengthened by the thunderbolt metaphor which follows at 1370-1371; see Sistakou 2009: 243-4). For Aamépotos see sıın. (the Spartan Dioskouroi). It must denote ‘Spartan’, despite 2

on the present passage, which says that Aamdpoa was a deme of Attica, δῆμος τῆς Ἀττικῆς. There is no such deme. Wilamowitz apparently sug-

aggression

introduced

gested emending to Aaxwvix7s, and this is

1366. τιμωρουμένη: answered by τιμωρούμενος at 1397. Compare E. Hipp., where Aphrodite's τιμωρήσομαι at 21 (her intended punishment of Hippolytos) is exactly answered at the end of the play by Artemis’ τιμωρήσομαι at 1422 (her

actually printed by Leone. The emendation was attributed to Wilamowitz by Wide 1893: 6 and 337, but with no detail or further ref. The attribu-

intended punishment of Adonis). See 823 n.

(2002), by Kock in R.-E. ‘Lapersai (1)' (1924), and by every Lyk. comm. which deals with the point,

1367. τριπλᾶς τετραπλᾶς: such asyndeton is exceedingly rare in Lyk.; see 683 n. The expression might seem vacuous rhetoric for ‘many times

over’, but in fact Kassandra does indeed proceed to give four acts of aggression between here and 1396, punctiliously numbered as such. 1368. ropÜoóaa . . . ἀντίπορθμον: the chime (in

tion has then been repeated, and the emendation

approved, by Scheer vol. 2 (1908) and Leone

up to Hurst/Kolde (2008); but nobody indicates

where exactly Wilamowitz is supposed to have said it. (Holzinger in 1895 mentioned neither Wilamowitz nor Wide at this point.) I have been unable to trace the emendation in any of Wilamowitz’s pre-1893 publications.

It is possible that Aaméparos is the same as

ropÜ-) must surely be deliberate, although the

Λάπριος, attested by FGrHist 63 Euhemeros F 23, see Schwabl 1978: col. 329.

words are unrelated; note also 1398 for ἀντιπορθήσει. For ἀντίπορθμον see 1o7rn. Here it

agrees with ἠόνα and takes the genitive of the

1370. καταιβάτης μολών:

place opposite, here χώρας.

regarded as a cult epithet—and though editors do not capitalize, and the word can be an adjective of normal type (cf. 91 and 382, and E. Ba.

1369-1373. (1) The Trojan War 1369-1370. Ζηνὶ τῷ “απερσίῳ / ὁμώνυμος Ζεύς: for Zeus as Agamemnon and vice versa, see

if karußdrns

is

1361), it is a broad hint, since the passage is about

thunderbolts, σκηπτῷ at 1371—then ‘Zeus who

473

Asia against Europe

137171373

σκηπτῷ πυρώσει πάντα δυσμενῶν σταθμά. ^ "n σὺν\ à> θανοῦμαι, Kav> νεκροῖς^ στροφωμένη τὰ λοίπ᾽ ἀκούσω ταῦθ᾽, ἃ νῦν μέλλω Opoeiv. x

733

,

an?

κι

^

,

^

descends’ ie. as thunderbolt is well attested epigraphically: Schwabl 1978: 322 and Parker 2003,

transition

180. At Plut. Demetr. 10.5 (Athenian flattery of Demetrios Poliorketes) the original sense is lost,

only), and then the Dorian area of settlement in Karia, But there is also a chronological principle at work, because Strabo (13. 1. 3) reports what he implies to be a general opinion, that the Aiolian colonization preceded the Ionian, but was subject

and the epithet assimilates him to Zeus. 1371. σκηπτῷ: see 1370n. σκηπτός see 382-383.

For

καταιβάτης

destruction

in

to delays and took longer (see below). For the

mythographic evidence, see the outstanding discussion of Fowler 2013: 569-602," Ihe Migrations’. It is noticeable that several of the foundation myths told by the female narrator/prophetess Kassandra involve the use and abuse of women. Both of the stories about Miletos involve women (no. 3), as does the Mestra story (no. 4). Only

1372. σὺν ᾧ θανοῦμαι: see 1108-1122 n. 1373. τὰ Aoim’ ἀκούσω: Kassandra is careful to explain how it is possible for her to know about events still in the future at the time of her death: she will hear about them when among the dead. It is a little surprising, given that her utterances have been called ‘oracles’, χρησμοί, as early as 4, and that she is treated as possessing prophetic powers as late as 1468, that she feels the need to justify her foreknowledge in this way. 1374-1396. Aggressive Asia Minor

after Agamemnon'

the Troad), then Ionia (represented by Miletos

Greek

settlements

the Orestes section (no. 2) does not. There may

be special reasons for the prominence of women

in the Milesian story, and indeed for the singling out of Miletos, where the Greek colonial takeo-

ver was remembered

in

as unusually violent; see

1378~1387n.

‘The migrations here described are presented in

mythical terms, which is the way all Greeks

Partly for reasons to do with the structure of reprisals),

thought of them. They are, however, fully histori-

Kassandra treats the colonization of Asia Minor as, for the most part, a series of acts of deliberate aggression and conquest carried out against the locals. (The exception is the Erysichthon story, 1391-1396.) On the alternative ancient view, it was part of a slow process, which took place when Greece was settling down after a long period of upheaval (the view succintly put by Th. 1. 12. 4, μόλις τε ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ ἡσυχάσασα ἡ Ἑλλὰς

cal, as proved above all by dialect (Colvin 2007: 15).

this

part

βεβαίως

of the

καὶ

poem

οὐκέτι

(reciprocal

ἀνισταμένη

ἀποικίας

ἐξέπεμπε etc.). It is possible that Kassandras account—a violent, racist land-grab—was closer to the historical truth, and might retain some grains of local memory transmitted by e.g. Hellanikos;

although

in the long earlier nostoi

section of the Alexandra, this violent aspect was not to the fore. See further below on Miletos. Nos.

(2)-(à)

Kassandra

are Greek

proceeds

down

colonial

enterprises.

the coast of Asia

Minor from N. to S.: first the Aiolid (a natural

The Aiolid was settled from Thessaly and Boiotia, Tonia from Athens and Attica, the coast 5. of Tonia (coastal Karia) and the 5. Aegean islands

from the Dorian Peloponnese. A glance at a map will show that the routes of migration across the

Aegean form three roughly parallel lines. 1374-1377. (2) Orestes colonizes the Aiolid (NW Asia Minor)

For present purposes—the struggle between Europe and Asia—Kassandra forgets that Pelops, the founder of Orestes’ family (and of course Agamemnon’), originally came from Asia (either Lydia or Phrygia, see Fowler 2013: 426-7), the ‘for-

eign land’ which Orestes incinerates at 1376. See 150n. on the ancestry of Orestes’ uncle Menelaos, who is there called a barbarian. Lyk. betrays no knowledge of the traditions which brought Orestes to the West; for these see Intrieri 2008.

474

(2) Orestes colonizes the Aiolid (NW Asia Minor)

1371-1373

and burn all the dwellings of the enemy. I will die with him, and then, tossed around among the dead,

I will hear everything that I am now about to narrate. possessions

It is surprising to find the Pelopid Orestes, son of the king of Argos or Mykenai, treated as the main agent of Aiolian migration to NW Asia Minor. For suggestions as to the reason, see 1377n. The tradition is, however, very wellattested, although there are importantly divergent strands within it. The usual story had the

helped

the talk

(main-)land in a single blitzkrieg (καταιθαλώGet) was a simplification. Strabo (13. 1. 3, as above) narrates a far more

complex and long-drawn-out process. Orestes (he says) began the expedition, but died in Arkadia (this detail was necessary in view of Hdt. 1. 66-8, the Spartan acquisition of Orestes' bones

(Lesbos, Tenedos) colonized by descendants of Orestes (see below) rather than by Orestes himself. But Pindar (N. 11. 33-5, for Aristagoras

says

of islands,

of Orestes himself as conqueror of the foreign

Aiolid mainland and the neighbouring islands

of Tenedos)

to blur

distinction at all periods. So Kassandras

from Arkadian Tegea, and cf. Apollod. ep. 6. 28

that Aristagoras’ ancestor

for his death by snake-bite at Arkadian Orest(h) eion or Oresthasion, for which see L4CP

Peisandros came to Tenedos with Orestes, σὺν

‘Opéora, from Amyklai [near Sparta] leading

no. 287. He had migrated to Arkadia in obedience to a Delphic oracle, for which see Paus. 8. 5. 4 = Fontenrose 1978: 367 no. L30; for Orestes and Arkadia see Fowler 2015: 441 and $98, citing,

a bronze-clad army of Aiolians. A 2 on this passage quotes the ‘first book of Hellanikos’ Aiolika’ for Orestes’ colonization of the (main-

land) Aiolid, περὶ δὲ τῆς Ὀρέστου eis τὴν Αἰολίδα ἀποικίας Ἑλλάνικος ἐν τῶι πρώτωι

among other evidence, Hdt. 1. 67-8 for the dis-

covery of Orestes’ bones there). His son Penthilos got as far as Thrace; then Penthilos’son Archelaos (ruler of the people’) reached the territory of Kyzikos on the mainland; and finally Gras, youngest son of Archelaos, crossed over to Lesbos and occupied it. Similarly but more briefly Paus. 3.2.1. Some of this may derive from the 4th-cent.

[περὶ] Αἰολικῶν ἱστόρηκεν (FGrHist 4 F 32). No other frags of this work have come down to us. See Fowler 2013: 597-602 (the best discussion of the myths about the Aiolian migration; see also Egan 1983). So Hellanikos went further than Pindar, who for obvious reasons (the home place of his honorand was Tenedos) refers to an island

Bc Ephoros, who came from Kyme in the Aiolid; but the tradition about Penthilos as (bastard)

only. Lyk.—again for obvious poetic reasons, to do with the theme of the present section, Europe

son of Orestes is much older: acc. the early epic

against Asia—refers to the mainland only (γαῖαν ὀθνείαν at 1376. For the quite different story

poet Kinaithon, Penthilos was born to Erigone, daughter of Aigisthos (M. West 2003: 255 frag. 4, from Paus. 2. 18. 6, with C. Robert 1926: 1303 and Huxley 1969: 88. Nearer Lyk.’s own day,

of the foundation of Tenedos by Tennes see 231—242n.) That demarcation line (E. Greek islands/Asiatic mainland) existed de facto during the two centuries of the Achaemenid empire, and was crystallized at the time of the King's Peace of 386 Bc, which for over fifty years gave ‘the

Kall. knew that Orestes’ descendants had settled Lesbos. See the diegesis to Kall. frag. 91 Pf. at p.1 98 (= frag. 92a Harder) line 11: of ἀπὸ Olpeorov] Ad[of]ov ὥικησαν, with Harder 2012: 2. 730.

cities in Asia’ but not the islands (except Cyprus and Klazomenai) to Artaxerxes II and his

For the Penthilidai (supposedly descendants of

satraps: Xen. Hell. 5. 1. 31; and it seems natural to us now because it is the frontier between Greece and Turkey (except that Tenedos is a Turkish possession). But at most periods of Greek history the Aiolian islands and mainland

see Page 1955: 149-50 (for the historical family see Sappho F 71. 3 Voigt and Alkaios F 70. 6, 75. το, and 302 Ὁ 1 Voigt); see further 1377n. for oracles given to Penthilos and Komotes. These various stories about different sons and grandsons, including younger brothers, may (so Fowler 2013: 601) reflect the competing claims of clans

were a social, cultural, and linguistic unit. The phenomenon of peraiai, mainland territorial

Penthilos)

475

as

rulers

of Mytilene

on

Lesbos,

Asia against Europe

137471377

ὁ δεύτερος δέ, τοῦ πεφασμένου κέλωρ Lj

,

,

^

^

Ei

ἐν ἀμφιβλήστροις, ἔλλοπος μυνδοῦ δίκην,

1375

καταιθαλώσει γαῖαν ὀθνείαν, μολὼν χρησμοῖς Ἰατροῦ σὺν πολυγλώσσῳ στρατῷ. in the Aiolid;

if so, compare

the implications

(FGrHist 327 F 17, from 2 E. RA 251) gave the details: in a time of plague and famine in Greece,

of the contest between the seers Mopsos and Amphilochos at Kilikian Mallos in S. Asia Minor: 439—446n. On Orestes and the Penthilidai see also M. West 1985: 158 and n. 73,

Pythian Apollo decreed that there would be an end of the troubles only when some of Agamemnons

who further notes the intriguingly named early king Agamemnon of Kyme in the Aiolid (Pollux

and restored the worship (τιμάς) of the gods. The same source attests a further oracle, given

descendants sailed to Troy and founded cities there,

beautiful

to Penthilos and Kometes, another descendant of

daughter of Midas king of Phrygia (Ar. frag.

Agamemnon (son of Orestes son Teisamenos, acc.

611. 37; for Midas, see 1397-1408n.). For this

Paus.), ordering the settlement of Mysia, but Lyk.,

Agamemnon

as we have seen, is not concerned with this later phase. See Fontenrose 1978: 122 for discussion (comparing the story of Battos and the repeated oracles leading to the settlement of Kyrene at 283-4, nos. Q45-9), and for the detail of the present

9. 83); he married

the conspicuously

and his marriage, see Wade-Gery

1952: 7 and 65 n. 21, putting him about 700 Bc; also

M. Mellink, CAH3^ 3 (1991): 624. Finally, for a Tenedian claiming descent from the Atreidai see GVI 902 (Paphos, 3rd cent. sc).

On the central Greek migration to the Aiolid see (in addition to Fowler, as above) Hall 2002: 72

oracle 382-3 no. L3. σὺν πολυγλώσσῳ στρατῷ:

and n. 80; but he inaccurately reports Th. 7. 57. 5,

aióAos, character of the settlers in Orestes’ ‘army’ of settlers. Kassandra’s insight is correct; for the various Aiolic dialects as to an unusual extent a ‘fusion of disparate elements’ see Colvin 2007: 40. The connection with the Aiolos of genealogical myth is here forgotten.

which says nothing whatever about Penthilos, merely that Methymna, Tenedos, and Ainos were

‘founded’ by Boiotians. 1374. πεφασμένου: see 269—270n. κέλωρ: see 72-73n. (E. Andr. 1033, there cited, is a specially appropriate echo here, because it too refers to Orestes).

the allusion here

is to the linguistically varied,

1378-1387. (3) The Athenian Kodros founds Miletos

Neileos son

of

(For the genealogical link between Neileos son

1375. ἐν ἀμφιβλήστροις: as at 1101; see n. there. ἔλλοπος: see 598 n. μυνδοῦ: cf. S. frag. 1072 Tr GF, μυνδὸς ἰχθῦς (with Gigante Lanzara 2009: 110 n. 58). 1376. καταιθαλώσει:

Orestes does not merely

colonize the Aiolid; he incinerates it. The extreme

verb (cf. the simple αἰθβαλώσασαι at 1340 and ἠθαλωμένοι at 1417) is perhaps dictated by a wish to balance the actions of Agamemnon at 1371 (mupwoeı) with those of his son a little to the S.; but Agamemnon

actions were presented

as part of the Trojan War, and so his burning of the terrain was less surprising. ὀθνείαν: see 1365.n. 1377. χρησμοῖς Ἰατροῦ: for Apollo as the Doctorgod see 1207 and n. For this oracle see Fontenrose 1978: 382 no. Lzz. The Atthidographer Demon

of Kodros—for whom as Milesian oikist see Hdt. 9. 97—and his ancestor Neleus [sic] son of Poseidon, see my n. on Hdt. 5.65. 3, also discussing the onomastic relationship between the two names.) Miletos here does duty for all the Ionian cities, if Kassandra is thought of as covering the Asia

Minor

seaboard

as a whole.

(For Ionian

Kolophon, obliquely dealt with early in the nostoi narrative, see 424-438 n.) This may reflect in part the bias of Athenian sources, since the colonist

Neileos was son of the Athenian king Kodros, Miletos was an acknowledged Athenian colony (Hdt. 5. 97. 1), and Milesian myth and religion had much in common with Athenian; for Neileos see Prinz 1979: 325-30. But Miletos was singular in another respect also: the Greek colonization process at Miletos was more of a break and a

476

(3) The Athenian Neileos son of Kodros founds Miletos The second will be the son of the man who was killed in the nets, like a dumb fish.

He will incinerate a foreign land, coming with a polyglot army in accordance with the oracles of the Doctor-god.

complete

neither Sourvinou-Inwood nor Prinz 1979: 325339 nor Mac Sweeney 2013: 44-79 discuss Lyk.’s two Miletos stories—Neileos encounter with the

potter’s daughter and the κληδών provided by his own sexually voracious daughter; though Mac Sweeney brings out well the element of violence entailed by the settlement of Miletos).

1375

this conforms to the pattern of the discontented younger brother who seeks a new life overseas; for the Brothers' Quarrel motif as an explanation

and violent takeover than elsewhere

in Ionia; see Sourvinou-Inwood 2005: 268-309, "Ihe foundation myths of Miletos’, esp. 281, 303 (and cf. 313), and Fowler 2013: 580 (but

137471377

of colonial departures, see Burnett 1988: 149-50 (noting the underlying historical reality: younger brothers did not inherit and had to make their own way. A well-known example from Greek history is the Spartan Dorieus, King Kleomenes’ younger brother, who Jed colonizing ventures in the late 6th cent. ac; he failed to consult Delphi

initially, but he was careful to do so before mak-

So we have here an emphatic statement of Greek

ing his second attempt: Hdt. c. 41-8). The Pythia

superiority over local culture (Fowler 2013: 580,

told Neileos to sail to the ‘golden men’ or pos-

as above); note that Miletos, although treated as Ionian by Hdt. (1. 141-3) continued to have a vigorous Karian element (for this reason it is not

sibly ‘golden sheep’, ἄνδρας or ἄρνας. This meant

the Karians (see J/ 2. 872 and 875). At this point the oracle and the story become highly distinctive. The Pythia added that ‘his daughter would

included in LGPN VA; see preface at xiii). It suits Kassandra's general characterization and female

show him’. When

perspective (Biffis forthcoming) that she is made

daughter ‘shows the place in a rather lewd

to focus on the city in the region which was specially associated with the violence against women which must often have been part of the coloniz-

way’, as Fontenrose puts it, with an unhelpful coyness which seems to have prevented him from attempting any sort of analysis. Neileos heard his

ing process. Thus Hdt. (1. 146. 3) says that the

naked daughter hitting her genitals (this sounds like self-harm rather than masturbation, though

women of Miletos would not eat their meals in the company of their husbands or call them by

their names, because it was by murdering their

he returns to Athens, Neileos

see ἢ, 2: the verb in Z is the violent τύπτω and the noun ἐπείσιον, as at 1385, see n. there. £i.

fathers and husbands and children that they had become their husbands. There are two distinct foundation myths here,

Magn. 153. 1, see below, has ἐπικροτούσης τὸ

placed side by side, although Fontenrose (1978: 38:

tals, uttering a pair of hexameters: δίζεο σεῦ μάλα εὖ (or és) θαλερὸν πόσιν ἢ és ἄθηνας / ἢ ἐς Μίλητον κατάξω or κατὰ ἔξω (in AD 1556,

on no. L7) thought they had a common origin. Both

involve

women,

as we

have

seen

(1374-

1396n.), and both have an oracular background. The first story is a classic ‘earth and water gained by deception! story (1380 n.). The distinctive feature

here is the female aspect, the potter's daughter. The second story (told by Z 1378, and see

Fontenrose 1978: no. L 70 for a tidying-up of all the data) is much odder. It begins normally enough. Neileos, son of Kodros king of Athens, consulted Delphi for advice after his brother Medon had become king instead of him. So far,

αἰδοῖον, ‘beating her genitals’). As she does so,

she apparently (but see n. 2) addresses her geni-

Canter: 224, Annotationes’, emended this metrically impossible expression to καὶ τάξον, and

Griffiths has now improved this to καὶ τεῦξον, see n. 2) πήματα Kapai. This would mean something like 'Seek for a very lusty husband either at Athens or at Miletos, and inflict (reó£ov) woes on the Karians' (rendered by Canter 225 as follows: quaere tibi validus coniux qui fiat Athenias, / vel qui Mileti, quo clades Caribus addat). There is

certainly some textual corruption here, but we

477

1378-1379

Asia against Europe

τρίτος δ᾽, ἄνακτος τοῦ δρυηκόπου γόνος, τὴν τευχοπλάστιν παρθένον Βραγχησίαν

can see roughly what is going on (see next para. for the interpretation of the oracle).”

With δίζεο, imp. middle of δίζω, compare φράCeo and then χάζεο at Il s. 440 (Apollo to Diomedes)

? "These hexameters are not part of the Alexandra, so I banish detailed discussion to a footnote. The Greek as it stands is hard to translate or understand, and has been much emended. See Scheer's long n. in his app. crit., vol. 2 p. 382, and (less fully) Leone. The version in Er. Magn. (152.47-153.3, 5.v. ἀσελγαίνειν, cf. Et. Gen. a. 1263), printed by Scheer in his text and by Leone in his app. crit. at p. 249 (as ‘schol. 1378d’), is badly incomplete; but its

opening anadiplosis δίζεο δέζεο may well be right; see below. Meineke's emendation θαλερὸν πόσθωνα (‘lusty penis’) is amusing but improbable. Scheer's own conjec-

ture is δίζεό μ᾽ ὦ βασιλεῦ θαλερὸν πόσιν ἔκτοθ᾽ Ἀθήνης

/ ὅς ῥ᾽ ἐς Μιλήτου με κατάξει παίγματα Καρῶν. This takes the girl τὸ be addressing her father, and the sense (παίγματα = 'play) is a long way from the paradosis. More important, it ignores the military implication of 1384. Wilamowitz 1889 [= 1907]: 58 n. 18 conjectured δίζεο, δίζεό σοι μάλα δὴ μέγαν ἄνδρ᾽ ἀπ’ ᾿Αθηνῶν' ἢ ἐς Μίλητον σε κατάξω πήματα Καραίν. Alan Griffiths, whom I am indebted for a fine note on the problem (Country matters in Lykophron: the case of Neileos’ daughter’, sent 23. 6.13), suggests δίζεο δέζεό μοι θαλερὸν

πόσιν ἢ ἐς Ἀθήνας, ἣ ἐς Μίλητον, καὶ τεῦξον πήματα Καρσί: Find me, just find me a horny husband, either in

but

the

verb

itself

recalls

the

language of the oracle at Hdt. 1. 65. 3, δίζω ἢ σε

θεὸν

μαντεύσομαι

etc, where,

however,

it means 'I doubt, am at a loss'; and it is curious

that the girl expresses herself in hexameters, as if imitating the Pythia. With QaAepóv compare Od. 6. 66, Nausikaa was embarrassed to mention

lusty marriage, θαλερὸν γάμον, to her father. The Neileos story is continued at Z 1385: the

daughter became promiscuous, ἀσελγής, and was

debauched,

φθαρῆναι,

by

one

of

the

barbarians (i.e. Karians). At Miletos, she opened

her

legs

(lit. 'exposed/undressed

ἀνασυραμένην

τοὺς μήρους)

her

thighs’,

and said ‘who

wants to have sex with me?', τίς θέλει μοι συνουσιάσαι, Her father understood the meaning of this and settled there. The 2 continues, by way of explanation of 1387, that she began to frequent the local barbarian i.e. Karian brothels.

We are also told (Ez. Magn. 327. 11-14, Edeynis) that her name was originally Πειρώ, but this was changed to EAeynis, from ἐλεγαίνω, ‘behave wantonly’. But the original name

to the

Πειρώ, ifthat is the right spelling, is also sexually

Karians!’ Like Scheer, he thinks that the girl is addressing

suggestive, because the root can mean ‘make a pass at’, as at Th. 6. 54. 3; Wilamowitz 1889 [= 1907]: 58 n. 18 preferred to emend to the ‘genuinely Neleid name Πηρώ᾽ (for which see

Athens / or in Miletos, and do some

damage

her father (perhaps he caught her masturbating, and this is her reply; so A. G.); that she and her father are some-

where on the road (Athens is now unsafe because controlled by Medon); and that she means ‘get me a husband for Athens,or, if that’s impossible, Miletos, i.e. ‘from the end of

the world’. This satirical mention of the Asiatic town ‘will

be the key to N.’s action, the κληδών he has been waiting for’. Details (all supplied by A.G.): for the anadiplosis of δίζεο compare Kall. H7. 4. 214, yetveo yetveo, κοῦρε with Mineur; also Dodds on E. Ba. 107 βρύετε Bodere—for δίζεό μοι, Mousaios Hero and Leander 24—for ἢ ἐς...ἢ és, Od. 24. 430-1—for τεύχω as the right word for the

infliction of suffering: Oinomaos frag. 13 Κύψελος, ὃς δὴ πολλὰ Κορίνθῳ πήματα τεύξει and Or. Sib. 6. 25,76 σοι κακὰ πήματα τεύξει.

Od. 11. 287).

This is an extraordinary story, but it contains some features familiar from other foundation legends. The role of the daughter corresponds in a way to that of the guiding creature, more usually an animal or bird, discussed at 29n. The girl's apparently unrelated utterance (κληδών), which turns out to hold the key to the colonial location, is comparable to such motifs as the ‘eating of the tables’, which provoked Ascanius/lulus’ facetious

478

(3) The Athenian Neileos son of Kodros founds Miletos

1378-1379

The third, son of the woodcutting king who deceived the Branchesian maiden

κληδών: 1250-1252 n. The novelties are the female aspect, the obscenity and the element of uncon-

a paradigm of self-sacrificing patriotism (e.g.

trollable sexual appetite. With the last of these,

see Prinz 1979: 352-3. It is a familiar ‘king must

one might be tempted to draw a parallel with the

die’ story, of the kind discussed by Fontenrose

Lykourgos Against Leokrates 86-7, Polyain. 1. 18);

immediately following story of Erysichthon, where the appetite is for food not sex. With the first, compare FGrHist Pherekydes F 103 (and in EGM): the daughter of Athamas provides the κληδών for the foundation of Ionian Teos. (I am

indebted to Giambattista D’Alessio for this com-

1978: 77-8. Tzetzes compares Decius Mus from Roman history; another example is Leonidas of

Sparta. See further Hesk 2000: 89-102 (‘Tricky Codrus: son of the Black Hunter’), for whom the

story of Kodros’ disguise illustrates the positive value of ‘military apate', deception.

parison.) As for the obscenity, it is not, perhaps, accidental that the story should have been attached to Miletos, given the erotic character of the genre known as ‘Milesian Tales’. But if we try to give the story a deeper significance by relat-

1379. τευχοπλάστιν: this hapax word means ‘pot-

ter’ (a τεῦχος is any kind of vessel or container); cf. 2: τὴν τοῦ κεραμέως λέγει θυγατέρα. παρθένον

Βραγχησίαν: the reference in the ethnic is to the temple at Didyma, known to Hdt. as Branchidai

ing it to the subordination and sexual exploita-

(see esp. 1. 46. 2, putting it in Milesian territory, also 1. 92. 2, and 5. 36. 3 with my n.); only in the verse oracle at 6. 19. 2 does Hdt. call it Didyma.

tion of the indigenous Karian women (see above

on Hdt.), there is a difficulty in that the depraved woman

is not Karian

but

Greek,

and

indeed

daughter of the oikist. We should not, however, forget the final words of her utterance: she wants a husband who will not only be vigorous in bed, but who will bring trouble to the Karians, i.c.

smash them militarily. It has been famously said that ‘marriage is for the girl what war is to the boy’ (Vernant 1990: 34). One main point of the story, then, is not sexual but military. The daughter, on this view, is a kind of talisman to enable her father to destroy the Karian army (1384). Beyond that, we might wonder if the story hints at interbreeding at Miletos between

Greek women and wealthy Karian men, as well

1380-1381. An oracle (2, whence Fontenrose 1978: L 70) told Neileos to settle where a girl gave him earth shaken together (βεβρασμένην) i.e. mixed with water. He went to Miletos, and asked the

daughter of a potter to give him clay, πηλόν, with which to make a seal. She eagerly did so. Neileos gained control of Miletos and founded three cities (we are not told which three are meant, apart from Miletos itself. Myous might be one; see LACP: no. 856). This is a well-attested story-

type involving the obtaining of earth and water, tokens of territorial possession, by guile. See esp. Griffiths at Kuhrt 1988: 87-8 n. 2 (see also and

as the more usual converse. But see 1387n.: the prostitution may be of the ritual sort.

independently S. West 2011). Of the stories he lists, note in particular Plut. QG no. 13: Temon, a

the ‘woodcutter’

distinguished man of the Ainianes, disguised as

is Kodros, early king of Athens. An oracle

beggar, is given a clod of earth as a mocking insult no. 22: the Ionians Kothos and Aiklos, sons of Xouthos, trick some children into handing over soil, so displacing the Aiolians from Euboia. Such stories usually involve oracles, which are

1378. τοῦ δρυηκόπου γόνος:

(Fontenrose 1978: L49) told the invading Peloponnesians that the city could not be taken if the king were killed, so Kodros disguised himself as a woodcutter, went to the enemy camp, picked a quarrel, and got himself killed. Z is no help, but Tzetzes gives the story. It was in Hellanikos (FGrHist 4 F 125 = 323a F 23 = Prinz 1979: testimonium no. 208) and was often told thereafter as

fulfilled—as here—by the deceitful acquisition of the token. See also Gottesman 2010 on the clods of earth motif, and for the oracle see (again) Fontenrose 1978: no. L 7o.

479

1380-1387

Asia against Europe

παραιολίξας βῶλον ἐμπεφυρμένην

1380

νασμοῖς ὀρέξαι τῷ κεχρημένῳ Ödvos, σφραγῖδα δέλτῳ δακτύλων ἐφαρμόσαι, Φθειρῶν ὀρείαν νάσσεται μοναρχίαν, τὸν πρωτόμισθον Κᾶρα δῃώσας στρατόν, ὅταν κόρῃ κασωρίς, εἰς ἐπείσιον

1385

χλεύην ὑλακτήσασα, κηκάσῃ γάμους νυμφεῖα πρὸς κηλωστὰ καρβάνων τελεῖν. ^

x

x

,

-^

See also Kall. frag. 21 line 9 Pf. and Ap. Rh. 4.1726 (both about Anaphe; G.-B. D'Alessio plans a

1380. A three-word line; see 63n. παραιολέξας: see 1094 n., and for the long penultimate syllable see Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 160 (cf. 1319n. on Yppaτίξατο). ἐμπεφυρμένην: cf. A. frag. 38 TrGF: ἵπποι δ᾽ ep’ ἵπποις ἦσαν ἐμπεφυρμένοι. a

9»

3/03

0f

T

3

study of all these passages). κηκάσῃ γάμους: she reviles marriage and instead seeks a substitute (νυμφεῖα, 1387) in prostitution. She is thus a grotesque and extreme version of Kassandra herself,

La

1382. Φθειρῶν dpeiay... μοναρχίαν: for the Φθειρῶν or Φθιρῶν ὄρος in Karia, see I7. 2. 868.

who denied marriage (γάμους ἀρνουμένη, 348) but as Ágamemnons captive ended up being treated by Klytaimestra as an adulterer (κλεψί-

It was identified with Mt Latmos (Barr. map 61

2-3 EF) by Hekataios: Strabo 14.1. 8 = FGrHist 1 F 239 with Jacoby 1956: 201, col. 1. Page 1959: 142-3 thought the name was a prehistoric survival, but see Kirk on the I/. passage.

vuppos, 1116). For the prostitution, see 1387n. 1387. KnAword: a hapax word, glossed by 2 as public places frequented by prostitutes, κοινοὶ τόποι, ἐν οἷς ai ἑταιρίδες τρίβουσι. καρβάνων: see 605 n., citing A. Ag. 1061. The king's daughter

1384. τὸν πρωτόμισθον Κᾶρα: for Karians as early mercenaries, see Hornblower 1982: 16 n. 81,

debases

citing e.g. Hdt. 2. 152. 4 and Archilochos F 216

herself by

prostitution,

and

to

non-

Greeks. It is not easy to make sense of this. Ritual prostitution of the one-off premarital sort

West.

1385. κασωρίς: a hapax word (Guilleux 2009: 227), but see r31n. on κάσσα, and cf. κασωρεύ-

described at Hdt. 1.199 (Babylon) comes to mind;

ovoa at 772. ἐπείσιον: metrically lengthened

Greek world (as in the present passage); see S. G. P[embroke], OCD*, 'prostitution, sacred', who

it is asssociated with places on the margins of the

from ἐπίσιον, a word for the female pubic region attested in biological and medical contexts (Ar. Hist. An. 4932 20; several times in the Hippokratic γυναικεῖα), But the most relevant parallel in the iambist Archilochos. See frag. 40W, πάρδακον δ᾽

ἐπείσιον, also frag. 67 W line 11, where the word in the dative was plausibly restored by Lobel. I am grateful to Giambattista D'Alessio for this parallel; he observes that the behaviour of Neileos daughter resembles that of Iambe/Baube in the Demeter myth. 1386. χλεύην:

see

HHDem.

202

with

N. J.

Richardson (‘not elsewhere before the Hellenistic period’, although other xAev- words are classical. He cites HE 4 = Aischrion I. 4, on which GowPage remark that the noun indicates contempt. Aischrion seems undatable with any certainty).

gives parallels from other ancient cultures; by contrast, the prostitution at Hdt. r. 93. 4 (Lydia) is supposedly financially motivated, and this motive is taken seriously by Pembroke (as above).

1388-1396. (4) Greek settlement of Dorian Asia Minor The Dorian cities of SW Asia Minor formed a group of six, a hexapolis, which met at a common sanctuary on the mainland, the Triopion (Hdct. 1. 144. I; Theok. 17. 68-9). The members were: the three island cities of Rhodes before the synoikism of 408 sc (Lindos, Jalysos, and Kamiros), the island of Kos, and mainland Knidos; the

sixth city was mainland Halikarnassos until its expulsion, after which the hexapolis became a

480

(4) Greek settlement of Dorian Asia Minor into handing him a piece of earth the gift which he desired, so as to put the seal of his ring on he will establish his mountainous after slaughtering the army of the

1380-1387

mixed with water—

1380

a tablet— monarchy over Phtheiroi, Karians, the first mercenaries.

At that time his lewd daughter, snarling mockery

1385

at her own genitals, will revile marriage,

saying she will have a wedding in the brothels of the barbarians.

pentapolis (Hdt.). Kassandra here describes how

1985: 68.) His gift was her reward for having had

Dorians settled Karia, which is denoted in three

sex with him; compare

ways: two named but obscure places are followed by a riddling reference to ‘the peninsula of the

who received a supernatural gift from Apollo, but

man whom Demeter loathed’. This is Erysichthon

as far as the hunger, is the central myth of Kall. Z7. 6. But the story of Erysichthon, his hunger, and

son of Triopas, the eponym

and contrast Kassandra,

did not have sex with him.) The story, taken only

of the Triopian

probably also the sale of his daughter Mestra, was told with some fullness in the Hesiodic Catalogue

peninsula, on which lay Knidos (ZACP- no. 903);

see Diod. 5. 57. 6 with Wiemer 2013: 291 n. 51 (the whole of Diod. 5. 55-9 is printed by Jacoby as FGrHist 523 Zenon of Rhodes F 1). Knidos itself was supposedly founded from Sparta, Hdt. 1. 174.

(frag. 43a M/W = 69 Most, and see already the brief citation of Z on the present passage), which is therefore our earliest and most important source; see Hopkinson 1984: 18—19; for the sale (cf. 1395, ἀλθαίνεσκεν) see frag. 43a M/W (69 Most) line το, vepv[ , and with παντομόρφου at 1393

2, so we have the anomaly that the Triopian sanctuary, which probably lay in Knidian territory, was in a sense Spartan, whereas Lyk. implies that the peninsula as a whole was settled from ‘Thessaly, either by Triopas or his son Erysichthon. If these are not simply two different and incompatible traditions, the strong mythical connec-

compare perhaps [Hes.] frag. 69 lines 54-5 Most

tions between Kos and Thessaly may help to

(fuller restoration than at frag. M/W): kai ἐκ[δύσειε]ν ἑωυτῆς detail that Erysichthon was also (1396) was certainly already in

explain the anomaly; on the literary evidence for

probably restored: [τὸν δ᾽ Αἴθων᾽ ἐκάλεσσαν ἐπὶ

the Thessalian origin of the Koans see Busolt: 1°

ὠν[ὑἹ]Ἱμ[ο]ν εἵνεκα λίμου, line 5 (see also Z on the present passage). This detail was also in Hellanikos: FGrHist 4 V 7, see Fowler 2013: 158-9, discussing this frag, in which Erysichthon was son of Myrmidon, and frag. 122, in which he was, inconsistently, made son of Triop(a)s, as also in [Hes.]. It is evidently this latter tradition which Lyk. follows, because the link with Triopas and the Triopian peninsula in Karia is crucial: it is the justification for the inclusion of the present section, which in other respects does not much resemble a foundation legend in the way that the two Milesian stories do, But Lyk.’s ‘man whom Demeter loathed’ is slightly inaccurate; it should be ‘son of the mar’ etc., i.e. son of Triopas. Note

358 n. 1; Wilamowitz 1886: 51; Sherwin-White 1978: 17-18 and (for onomastic evidence) n. 36, also 307; for Hellenistic epigraphic expressions of this relationship, see Rigsby 2004: 13. The myth of which Lyk. here presupposes

knowledge

went

as follows. The

Thessalian

Erysichthon cut down some trees sacred to Demeter, and was punished for this with ravening

hunger. (For such prohibitions, epigraphically attested, see NGSL: pp. 26-7, and add Hdt. 6. 75. 3, Kleomenes at Eleusis, and Th. 3. 70. 2, Kerkyra; see also P. Hardie on V. A. 9.89). He went to Karia

where he prostituted his daughter Mestra to buy food, but she had been given by Poseidon the gift of metamorphosis, and escaped from the buyers. (For Poseidon? role, see Ovid Met. 8. 851, cf. [Hes.] frag. 43a M/W line 55 = 69 line 79 Most; M. West

that the above parallels between

43a lines 30—2 / μορφ[ήν. The named Aithon [Hes.], as very

1388-1396

and

[Hes.] frag. 43a are relevant to the problem of the presence or absence of the Hesiodic Catalogue of

481

Asia against Europe

1388-1393

οἱ δ᾽ αὖ τέταρτοι τῆς Δυμαντείου σπορᾶς, “ακμώνιοί τε καὶ Κυτιναῖοι κόδροι, t

3

7

/

^

id

^

ot Θίγρον οἰκήσουσι Σάτνιόν τ᾽ ὄρος a

HU

2

/

/

,

1390

?

kai Χερσόνησον τοῦ πάλαι ληκτηρίαν x

H

^

/

H

θεᾷ Κυρίτᾳ πάμπαν ἐστυγημένου,

τῆς παντομόρφου βασσάρας λαμπούριδος 1391

Δηκτηρίᾳ Scheer Ankyrpig Schwyzer “ικμητρίᾳ Robertson

1388. τῆς Δυμαντείου σπορᾶς: Dymas, son of Aigimios, was mythical eponym of the Dymanes, one of the three Dorian tribes (442 n.). See [Hes.]

Women in Hellenistic poetry. Hunter 2005b: 256-7

rightly finds little in common between Kall. 1.6 (in which Mestra is conspicuous by her absence) and the Catalogue. It will be seen, from the above, that an altogether more promising Hellenistic poet, from this point of view, may be Lyk. See e.g. 176n. (for Lyk. and [Hes.] on the ants of Aigina). More generally, the enormous number of mythical women whose—usually unhappy—fates are

frag. τοῦ M/W

such as 'are' or 'shall come' (see White 2000: 130,

arguing against S. West 1983: 123, who suggested that a line had dropped out before or after 1389).

described in the Alexandra may well owe a debt to the Hesiodic Catalogue, but Lyk.’s principle of organization is not genealogical but subordinated to an ambitious Herodotean conception of

revenge and reciprocity. The Hesiodic Catalogue is anyway not the only source on whom Lyk. could have drawn in the present passage. Hellanikos may have covered this and other myths more fully than we can see. And D'Alessio 2013: 647 f. has made it likely that Antimachos frag. 118 Wyss = 154 Matthews talked

about the Dorian Pentapolis, which included Knidos and Kos, and perhaps gave the later story of the Triopion and which made up the Pentapolis. Note gestion of Sherwin-White 1978: 309 Koan

poem

details about of the cities also the sugthat Philetas'

Demeter (frags 1-8 Lightfoot) may

have referred to Mestra; see also 1. Petrovic 2007: 99 and n. 221 (Mestra as ‘witch’, φαρμακίς). Iconographically, there is not much to go on. Erysichthon’s crime against Demeter's trees, his ‘Baumfrevel’, was depicted on sth-cent Bc pots, but that is all; see U. Kron, ‘Erysichthon I’, LIMC

4. I: 14721, NOS 174. For a partial Indo-European parallel to the Mestra story, see M. West 2007: 416 n. 19 on princess Madhavi in the Mahabharata. The Erysichthon myth has been connected to begging rituals; see Robertson 1984 and I. Rutherford 2005: 112, and for such rituals see Burkert 1985: 101-2, Zfgermos'.

and Most line 7 Aunäve re]

Πάμφυλόν re; Apollod. 2. 8. 3 (Dymas was brother of Pamphylos, another of the tribal eponyms); Prinz 1979: 198. We need to supply a verb

1389. Λακμώνιοι: for Mt Lakmon in Paroraia (part of the Pindos range), see FGrHist 1 Hekataios F 102 a-c; Barr. map 54 D 2. Cf. 1020 n. Κυτιναῖοι: for Kytinion, the most important polis in central Greek Doris (ZACP. no. 392, Barr. map 55 CD 3), see Th. 1. 107. 2 and SEG 38. 1476

(206 Bc, appeal for help to Lykian Xanthos by the people of Dorian Kytinion in virtue of their kinship, συγγένεια, which is elaborately traced back

to Apollo and Artemis. See CT II: 79-80). Doris was known as the ‘metropolis of the Spartans’ (Th., as above), because it was a staging-post in the Dorian invasion, what Greeks called the ‘Return of the Herakleidai’. So ‘Dorian Kytinion’ (as it is called at Th. 3. 95. 1 and 102. 1) is here an appropriate signifier for the Dorians generally. Theon, in his commentary

on Lyk., errone-

ously took this ethnic to indicate an otherwise unattested Thessalian place (cited by Steph. Byz., Körwa); but against this see Stählin 1924: 227 n. 15 and LACP. p. 678 (the very long n. 4 in tiny font, near the top of col. 2).

κόδροι:

best left uncapitalized,

because

it

means ‘ancient’; see e.g. Hesych. xööpovs (x 3208 Latte, who does capitalize). 1390. Θίγρον: an unknown Karian place. Σάτνιόν τ᾽ ὄρος: also unknown, but might it be identical with the Karian Σάνδιος λόφος of Th.3. το. 2? (on

482

(4) Greek settlement of Dorian Asia Minor

1388-1393

The fourth are the descendants of Dymas, Lakmonians and Kytinaians, 'kodrians' all, who will occupy Thigros and Mount Satnion, and the tip of the peninsula of him whom Kyrita altogether hated: parent of the cunning vixen

be absurd for her to say ‘Erysichthon occupied Kos’. It is true that the Mestra papyrus of [Hes.] says that Poseidon carried Mestra across the sea to Kos, where she bore Eurypylos (frag. 43a lines 56-8 M/W, 69 line 80-2 Most; cf. Apollod. 2. 7. 1); see Sherwin-White 1978: 306-11, M. West 1985: 161 n. 815 I. Rutherford 2005; 107 n. 31. But that is merely part of the familiar mythical Kos—Thessaly link (1388-1396 n.) and Kos does not here suit Kassandra's arguments, for the reasons just given. We should, then, retain the adjectival sense of ληκτηρία (‘at the tip, extremity’), and the line then becomes relevant to a long-running argument about the position of the post-classical polis

which see CT I: 404-5, citing L. Robert for mod-

ern attempts at identification). 1391. ληκτηρίαν: see 966n. Scheer emended to

Ankrnpig, which would make the word an epithet

(otherwise

unattested)

of Demeter.

This

appears to have been based on the Old Paraphrase (P), which speaks of τὴν Δήμητραν τὴν παύσασαν kai λῆξαι ποιήσασαν. But P evidently struggled to make sense of this whole passage, and the paraphrase offered is inconsistent with

that at 966 (Sicilian Eryx), where P (rightly) took eis Ankrnplav to mean a piece of land which ended by being completely surrounded by sea, eis τὴν πανταχόθεν ὑπὸ θαλάσσης repuaτουμένην (similarly ‘9, the ‘recent paraphrase’,

of Knidos, and of the Triopian sanctuary at all periods: at the tip of the peninsula at mod. Tekir,

which includes the phrase Anyovoav νῆσον). Robertson 1984: 375 n. 12 suggested Aıkunrpia, ‘winnowing’, which he considered ‘a good epithet

or half-way down it at mod. Datca? Lyk. (who has been ignored until recently in this connection) provides support for the former location. For the history of the debate up to about 2000, see LACP. p. 1123, and for more recent contribu-

for Demeter’. Wilamowitz 1924: 2. 39 n. 2 said that Lekteria was unknown, ‘An«rypéa ist unbekannt’; but he

seems merely to have followed Scheer. Schwyzer 1926: 448, evidently stimulated by the recent publication of Wilamowitz 1924 (whose ‘unbekannt’

tions (both favouring a location at or near the tip) see Bresson 2010: esp. 438 n. 19 and CT III: 852. Further

Δακητήρ, the 5. tip of Kos (Strabo 14. 2. 19; Plut. QG 58 = Mor. 304c; Schwyzer cited an inscription from Kalymnos, c.200 5c, SGDI 3586a = Syll? 567a, line 13 = T. Cal. 64A line 12 , κατὰ τὸν Aakntjpa). This was clearly wrong, though it has been adopted by some modern eds. It ignores not only the immediate mythical and aetiological context (Erysichthon -> Triopas -> Triopian peninsula), but also Kassandra’s line of argument in 1366-1396 as a whole, which enumerates and elaborates a series of four Greek actions against the Asiatic mainland. For this purpose it would

excavation

is needed, however, to

settle conclusively the location of the sanctuary.

remark he quoted), briefly emended to An«nrpig, thus explicitly eliminating all reference to Knidos and the Triopion in favour of a supposed ref. to

1390

1392.

θεᾷ

Kupira:

clearly

Demeter

(cf.

Wilamowitz, as at 1391n.); supposedly derived from κυρία i.e. Δέσποινα. 1393. τῆς παντομόρφου: for this metamorphosis, the last in the poem (depending on how we classify Midas’ ears, 1401-1403 n.), see 176n. where it is no. 27, and for Poseidons role in it, see 1388-

1396 n. For the disturbing and disorderly implica-

tions of Mestra's shape-shifting in the Hesiodic Catalogue, a notion which Lyk. may have inherited (see again 1388-1396 n.), cf. Osborne 2005:

19-20.

βασσάρας:

see

771n.

Aeschylean for ‘fox’; see 344 n.

483

λαμπούριδος:

1394-1401

Asia against Europe

τοκῆος, IT’ ἀλφαῖσι ταῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν βούπειναν ἀλθαίνεσκεν ἀκμαίαν πατρός, ὀθνεῖα γατομοῦντος Αἴθωνος πτερῷ. a

v"

7

55 3

^

^

Hu

ec

3

/

HM

ld

1395

ὁ Φρὺξ δ᾽, ἀδελφὸν αἷμα τιμωρούμενος πάλιν τιθηνὸν ἀντιπορθήσει χθόνα τοῦ νεκροτάγου, τὰς ἀθωπεύτους δίκας φθιτοῖσι ῥητρεύοντος ἀστεργεῖ τρόπῳ.

1400

ὃς δή ποτ᾽ ἀμφώδοντος ἐξ ἄκρων λοβῶν 396

πτερῷ Scheer πτερά MSS

1394. ἀλφαῖσι: ἃ hapax

word, but related to

ἀλφάνω, ‘bring in, yield’ and ἀλφηστής, an obscure

word

which

seems

to

mean

‘hard-

working, enterprising’ (cf. Od. 17. 250 and 13. 261). It became a bad word: see Mair's Loeb Oppian, introd. pp. I-li on the supposedly licentious fish

called ἀλφηστής. Cf. Opp. Hal. 1. 126-7. 1395. βούπειναν: see s81n. ἀλθαίνεσκεν: see 582 and n.; there too it is combined with βούπεινα. 1396. ὀθνεῖα: see 1365n. γατομοῦντος: see 268n. for this word, Here there may be a play on the name Ἐρυσίςχθων, ‘which/who tears up the earth’; see Hopkinson 1984: 21 (the word is an alternative reading in the comic poet Straton, as

quoted by Ath. 382d, but a papyrus has ῥησίχθων, see K/A frag. 1 line το. The reference seems

to be to a pig). Αἴθωνος: the alternative name for Erysichthon as early as [Hes.]; see 1388-1396 n. It means ‘burning;’ and is a common poetic word for ravening hunger; see Hopkinson on Kall. A. 6. 66 and Fowler 2013: 158 and n. 21, both citing e.g. line 3 of the epigram quoted at Aischin 3. 184; and cf. Hes. WD 363, αἴθοπα λῖμον. See also Irwin 2005: 72, citing Od. 19. 183 (Odysseus the

pretend-beggar calls himself Aithon). πτερῷ: this is Scheer's emendation for MSS πτερά. That is, the word means ‘with a ploughshare’; cf. 1072. "The supposed meaning ‘lands’, ‘acres’, for the acc.

pl. πτερά is unattested, and not recognized by LSJ’. Holzinger compared E. IA 120, τὰν koAπώδη πτέρυγ᾽ Εὐβοίας, but this parallel is unconvincing; E. is talking in a geographically specific way about how Aulis juts out towards Euboia.

1397-1408. Midas of Phrygia invades Thrace and Macedonia The migrations described in the preceding section were historical, but attached to figures of myth. With Midas we have something like the converse, because we now move to an individual who is, probably, in the full sense historical, but to

whom myths were attached. An analogy is provided by the Lydian king Kroisos, a real ruler, who is everywhere in Hdt. bk 1, and is attested epigraphically at Ephesos (Sy//? no. 6 for his dedications there in Greek), but who in Greek poetry (see B. 3) was rescued from the funeral

pyre by Apollo and taken to the land of the Hyperboreans; cf. Hdt. 1.14. 2 for dedications by Midas at Delphi. For Midas, whose traditional dates were 738-696/5 Bc, see OCD* ‘Midas’ (1), ‘legendary king of Phrygia’ and (2), ‘historical’ ditto, But, as both entries make clear (see esp.

no. (1) by A. H. G[riffiths]), '[b]ehind the character of legend there probably lies the historical king (of ‘Mushki’)

whom

the Assyrians

knew

as Mita’. For Mita/Midas, see CAH 3° ı (1982) 417-20 (J. D. Hawkins) and 3° 2 (1991) 622-34 (M. Mellink, "The Phrygian kingdom’, drawing esp. on excavations at Gordion in 1950-73; see Barr. map 62 Hz) For his marriage to the beautiful daughter of Agamemnon of Kyme, see 1374-1377n. On present evidence, Midas’ ageressions are more clearly attested in an easterly direction, than in Europe (where Lyk. puts them), but that may merely reflect the interests of our Assyrian sources. See, however, Hammond

1972: 302-11 for the arrival of the Phrygians or ‘Briges’ in Macedonia (including much relevant

484

Midas of Phrygia invades Thrace and Macedonia

who took every shape, and by her daily wages eased the mighty hunger of her father Aithon, who tilled foreign lands with his ploughshare.

1394-1401 1395

After that the Phrygian, in revenge for fraternal blood,

shall in reprisal sack the land which had nursed

the lord of the dead, who pronounces incorruptible judgments over the dead, inexorably. One day he will slice off at the roots the ears of the ass

archaeological evidence), and the ‘gardens which are said to be under Mt Bermion (Ft. 8. 138. Gow and Scholfield lines 11-12;

Minos as ruler (not only judge) is suggested by the first half of Od. τι. 569, 'holding his golden sceptre’, χρύσεον σκῆπτρον ἔχοντα. For the second half of the line, see 1400 n. τὰς ἀθωπεύτους δίκας. For the adjective see E. Andr. 459 with (again) Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111.

esp. 303-4 for those of Midas’, 2-3; Nik. frag. 74 and see Strabo 7

frag. 14. Both Hdt. and Strabo were perhaps drawing

on Hekataios).

For Mt

Bermion,

see

Barr. map 49 D3. See further Massa-Pairault 2009: 490-1. 1397. 6 pof: Midas; see 1397-1408n. After the migrations narrative, and in a sequence which is clearly unfolding through time, the one-syllable ethnic would be enough to put the attentive reader or listener on the right track. ἀδελφὸν αἷμα: the ref. in ‘fraternal blood’ seems to be to the Trojans, whom Agamemnon had

1400

1400. φθιτοῖσι ῥητρεύοντας: the verb is a hapaxword, but of obvious formation, from

ῥήτρα

(decree, ordinance’: LSJ? (2) ); see Guilleux 2009:

227. Minos as judge of the dead: Od. 11. 569, θεμιστεύοντα νέκυσσιν, of which Lyk.’s two words

are a paraphrase. See 1399n.

1401. ὃς δή ποτ᾽ ἀμφώδοντος . . .: the story of Midas and his ass’s ears is familiar above all from

as

Ovid, Met. τι. 173-94 (and see Hyg. 191), but it

‘Phrygians’, see e.g. E. Hek. 827, ‘she whom the

was already known to Aristophanes in the 390s

attacked Phrygians

(see (ie.

1369-1373); Trojans)

for call

the

Trojans

Kassandra,

ἣν

καλοῦσι Κασσάνδραν Φρύγες. τιμωρούμενος: see 1366 n.

1398. πάλιν: see 1322 n. τιθηνόν: put simply, the idea is that Midas will sack part of Europe. This is arrived at because Europa was the mother (nurse) of Minos, who was judge in the Underworld (for this role see 1399—1400, and for Europa as his mother see [Hes.] frags 140-1 with M. West 1985: 84 and 147, with the genealogical tree at 178). For τιθηνόν see Jones 2009: 147. ἀντιπορθήσει: cf. E. Tro. 359, Kassandra speaks: T will kill him (Agamemnon)

and devastate his house

in revenge’, κτενῶ yap αὐτὸν κἀντιπορθήσω δόμους (on which see K. Lee's n.: she means that she will be the cause of his death). See Gigante Lanzara 2009: 111. 1399. τοῦ verpordyov: a resonant hapax-word; for rayós on its own, see 1310n. The idea of

BC (Wealth 287 with Sommerstein's two valuable

nn. on the line), and Midas has the ears on pots from the mid-sth cent.; see LIMC 8. 1. 846-51 (M. C. Miller), esp. nos. 38-40, Attic red figure, all c.440

Bc; plates

of all in vol. 8. 2). From

Hellenistic poetry, see the passing allusion at HE 1470 (= Dioskorides 1 line 8). Midas’ partial metamorphosis (see 176n., where it is hesitantly

included as no. 28) was a punishment for judging

Pan's music to be superior to Apollo's. In Ovid, the king hides his shameful ears with a tiara (turban); but the always darker Lyk. seems to make

him actually slice them off and conceal the wound with the turban (1402n.). The recherché word ἀμφώδων, for ‘donkey’, ‘ass’, is a technical term taken from zoology, and means ‘having incisor teeth on both jaws’, as opp. ruminants. (See LSJ? and Ar. Hist. An. 5o1a 11.)

2 seems to run out of steam hereabouts: nothing between 1401 and 1409.

485

1402-1409

Asia against Europe

φθέρσας κύφελλα καλλυνεῖ mapwridas δαπταῖς τιτύσκων αἱμοπώτῃσιν φόβον. τῷ πᾶσα Φλεγρὰς ala δουλωθήσεται Θραμβουσία τε δειρὰς ἥ τ᾽ ἐπάκτιος στόρθυγξ Τίτωνος αἵ τε Σιθόνων πλάκες Παλληνία τ᾽ ἄρουρα, τὴν 6 βούκερως

1405

Βρύχων λιπαίνει, γηγενῶν ὑπηρέτης.

πολλῶν δ᾽ ἐναλλὰξ πημάτων ἀπάρξεται

1402. φθέρσας: from φθείρω, ‘destroy’, it is taken by Z to mean that Midas ‘cut off’, ἀπέκοψε, the disfiguring ears. Holzinger wanted to extract a meaning ‘mix’ as of paints, comparing Ovid Met. 11.180 for Midas wearing a purple turban over his temples: ‘tempora purpureis tentat velare tiaris’. κύφελλα: this extremely rare word is used twice by Lyk, in rapid succession, and in different senses, ‘ears’ here, ‘clouds’ at 1426. At Kall. frag. 20

Pf. (22 Massimilla) it again means ‘clouds’; the context is thought to be the Argonautic legend. See also, for the same sense, Hesych. « 4751 Latte,

123. 1, the Θραμβηΐς of Ps.-Skyl. 66, the Θράμβος, ἀκρωτήριον Μακεδονίας of Steph. Byz. 0 58 Bill. (and is perhaps also Steph. Byz.’s Στράμβαι, πόλις Θράκης), and its taxpayers are the Θραμβαῖοι of the ‘tribute lists’: IG f 62. 6, 259. IL 10 (partially restored), 266. II. 32, 282. II. 8 (par-

tially restored). Zahrnt 1971: IACE: no. 616 Massa-Pairault

See ATL: 1.464 (under Alydvrıoı); 187-8, 'OepáuBws, OpapPaior’, "Iherambos (Thrambaios); and 2009: 491.

1406. arópÜvy£: see 492n. Tirawvos: probably a

Thracian mountain. The entry Tirwveds, ὄρος in

which, however, probably has little independent

Steph. Byz. is corrupt (probably read Tirwv) and incomplete, but must have contained relevant information. Holzinger suggested adding ὄρος «Θράκης». The entry continues by saying that ‘the oikist was Titoneus, as is said by Dionysios in

value. καλλυνεῖ παρωτίδας: Midas decorates his ear-lobes (with the tiara; see Ovid, as above).

1403. δαπταῖς: the word describes, or actually means, flies, from δάπτω, ‘feed on, as at 259

and 1006. See Kall. frag. 523 Pf., τὸ δ᾽ ἐκ μέλαν

the

efap ἔδαπτεν, where efap means blood; see also Antimachos frag. 46 Wyss (52 Matthews). αἱμοπώτῃσιν: cf. Aristoph. Knights 198, αἵματο-

author, but one who evidently wrote about the Giants. Certainly this is Giant country; see 127 and n. Σιθόνων: see 583n.

πώτην (from a comic, mock-elevated, oracle). For

1407. Bovxepws: for river-gods depicted and thought of as horned, and the reasons for it, see 73on.

another αἷμ- compound close by see 1411. φόβον: acc. Z, the blood and wounds scared away the flies. But, on the contrary, you would expect them to be

of his

Gigantias,

an unknown

1408. Bpuxwv . . . γηγενῶν ὑπηρέτης: Brychon

attracted by such things. Holzinger, followed by Mooney, suggested that it was the flapping of the bands of the turban that scared the flies. 1404. BAeypas: 115-116 n.

first book

helped the Giants in the Gigantomachy, and he is probably depicted on the south frieze of the great altar of Pergamon; see Massa-Pairault 2009: 492-3.

see Steph. Byz. SAdypa, and

But Brychon was also a river (unlocated) in the

Pallene peninsula; see Hesych. Βρύχων' ποταμὸς

περὶ Παλλήνην (B 1271 Latte). γηγενῶν: see gan.

1405. Θραμβουσία: near Skione, on the Pallene promontory of Chalkidike (Barr. map 51 Cs, ‘Th(e)rambos’), and assessed for tribute by the sth-cent. Athenians together with Skione in the 450s BC; then on its own from 446/5. This onomastically confusing place is the Θεράμβως of Hdt. 7.

1409-1411. Struggles between Europe and Asía from Midas to Xerxes From now until the end of Kassandra's prophecy, she deals with events which are fully historical

486

Struggles between Europe and Asia from Midas to Xerxes 1402-1409 and will adorn his own ear-lobes,

so instilling fear into the blood-sucking feasters. All the land of Phlegra will be enslaved by him,

and the ridge of Thrambous and the coastal

1405

rock of Titon, and the fields of the Sithonians,

and the ploughed land of Pallene, which ox-horned Brychon fertilizes, the Giants’ helper. Many woes, dealt by each side in turn, will be taken as first-offerings

1972), all this would have been familiar to Lyk.'s

in the sense that they are parts of the routine narrative of the Greek prose historians. Hdt.,

readers or hearers.

Th., Xen., Ephoros, Theopompos, Kallisthenes’ Hellenika, the Alexander-historians, Douris of Samos and Hieronymos of Kardia, were all avail-

be allowed to scamper through these two centuries so rapidly, and not give more space to any

able to Lyk. Polybius was not, but the relevant events he described were recent enough to be the objects of common educated knowledge. These three lines are more than, and different

from, the sort of short recapitulatory bridgepassages which we discussed at 1281-1282 n. citing Holzinger: 38. The present three lines may

It is therefore surprising that Kassandra should

of those well-documented struggles; she certainly

passes up some good opportunities for elaborating on what is, after all, her main theme in this part of the poem: requital. The burning of Sardis would have fitted nicely into a section in which the burning of territory is prominent (1371, 1376, 1417); and Hdt. had expressly said (s. 102. 1) that it

be brief, but they are full of implied matter. The reciprocated πήματα, woes, include all the rele-

was in reprisal for the burning of Sardis and its

vant Europe/Asia conflicts between Midas in c.700 sc and Xerxes in 480. Strictly, they cannot

‘counter-burned’, ἀντενεπίμπρασαν, the temples in Greece, i.e. above all those on the acropolis at Athens. This would have fitted excellently

include such Greek/barbarian clashes as Kroisos’ and Kyros’ subjection of the Greek cities of Asia Minor, as narrated in Hdt. 1, because those cities

were not geographically part of Europe. They do, however, include the Samian Polykrates’ ambitions in Ionia in the 520s BC and his death on Asiatic soil at the hands of the Persian Oroites

(Hdt. 3. 120-6); the Greek Miltiades" aggressions against Asiatic Lampsakos (Hdt. 6. 37-8); and Dareios' expedition against the Skythians (Hdt.

bk 4). Above all, they include the Ionian revolt of 500-494 Bc (including the Greek burning of

temple of Kybebe (Kybele) that the Persians

into, and indeed may have helped to suggest, Kassandra’s ambitious presentational scheme of vengeful reciprocity (and the shortened form ἀντεπίμπρασαν would have gone neatly into an iambic line; cf. ἀντιπορθήσει at 1398). Instead,

she fastens on the single person of Xerxes; see further, 1412-1434 n. For the similar elision of the conflicts between Europe and Asia in the century and a half after the main Persian Wars, see 1435n. (‘many struggles and much slaughter’ covers the lot).

Sardis at Hdt. 5. 101-2, near the beginning of the revolt), because

the Ionians

were

aided by

the mainland European Athenians and by the Eretrians of Euboia (Hdt. 5. 97. 3 and 99. 1); and they certainly include the Marathon campaign of 490, when Datis the Mede fought the Athenians and allies in Attica (these last two episodes were fully narrated in Hdt. ; and 6). In view of Hdt.'s

popularity

in the Hellenistic period

(Murray

1409. ἀπάρξεται: the verb is difficult, if taken as at 1188, where it must mean ‘offer sacrificial firstfruits to (Hades)’. Here the subject of the sentence is a god, so the sense we want is ‘Ares will

take as first-fruits’, and the verb will govern the gen. noun πημάτων (see LSJ? ἀπάρχομαι IL3, citing Pl. Laws 767c where it takes the acc.; but the simple ἄρχομαι is often used with a gen.).

487

1410-1420

Asia against Europe

Kav8aios ἢ Μάμερτος, ἢ τί χρὴ καλεῖν

τὸν αἱμοφύρτοις ἑστιώμενον μάχαις; οὐ μὰν ὑπείξει γ᾽ ἡ ᾽πιμηθέως τοκάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντὶ πάντων Περσέως Eva σπορᾶς στελεῖ γίγαντα, τῷ θάλασσα μὲν βατὴ πεζῷ ποτ᾽ ἔσται, γῆ δὲ ναυσθλωθήσεται ῥήσσοντι πηδοῖς χέρσον. οἱ δὲ Λαφρίας 3

3.

3

x

/

,

JA

^

οἶκοι Μαμέρσας, ἠθαλωμένοι φλογὶ T

/

3

Li

H

,

3

[4

,

[4

,

i

of the Roman Empire: Spawforth 1994. For the Hellenistic age, see briefly A. J. S. S[pawforth], "Persian-Wars tradition’ in OCD*. On Lyk. in particular and the Persian Wars theme, see TT': γος n. 60, seeking to explain the poem's focus (in this section) on the Persian Wars in terms of the limitless popularity of the theme in later Greek thinking and propaganda (TT : 317-22. The battle and oath of Plataia, not mentioned by

about what to call the god (not felt by Kassandra

at 938), see A. Ag. 161-2 with S. West 2009: go and Durbec 2006b; cf. Introduction section 11 n. 196. 1411. αἱμοφύρτοις: a prose word; see Pol. 15. 14. 2 and the revolting FGrHist 87 Poseidonios F 5 (frag. 57 Edelstein and Kidd). ἑστιώμενον: with the macabre feasting metaphor, compare Tomyris to Kyros at Hdt. 1. 212. 2 (with 214. 5), 'Kyros, insatiable for blood!’, ἄπληστε αἵματος Κῦρε. Xerxes’

invasion

of Greece;

Lyk., played a special role in this afterlife).

Kassandra mentions, in her customary indirect

fashion, the progress of Xerxes through the N.

its

humiliating failure As

we

have

seen

(1409-1411n.),

Lyk.

1420

importance which continued well into the period

1410. Kavdaios ἢ Μάμερτος: see 938n. (names for Ares). ἢ τί χρὴ καλεῖν: for the uncertainty

1412-1434.

1415

*

σὺν καλίνοισι τειχέων προβλήμασι, τὸν χρησμολέσχην αἰτιάσονται βλάβης, ψαίνυνθα θεσπίζοντα Πλούτωνος λάτριν. x

1410

Aegean, the burning of the acropolis of Athens, the wooden wall oracle, and Xerxes’ retreat and the sufferings of his returning troops. Naturally Greek

makes

Kassandra summarize briefly everything between 700 and 480 Bc, and she will do the same for the period 479 8c onwards (1435-1438). By contrast, Xerxes and his invasion is treated at relative length, and the dependence on, Hdt. 7 and 8 is

success, including the battle of Salamis itself, is

absent. The land battle of Thermopylai features at 1426-1428, the ‘clouds’ of arrows; see nn. there. On this section, see Priestley 2014: 183-3.

extensive, although A. Pers. is also a presence (but was surely known to, and an influence on Hadt., so

1412. ἡ rıundews roxds: see 1283 and n., where Asia was mother of Epimetheus’ brother

that up to a point we are dealing with one tradi-

Prometheus (see Hes. 75. 510-11).

tion not two). Part of the reason for the concen-

tration on 480 BC is the fascination, inherited from Hdt., with the commanding and complex personality of Xerxes, whose physical stature is hinted at in 1414, see n. there. It is also relevant that Xerxes is central to A. Pers., which is one of

Lyk.5 models and influences here (esp. for the general picture of disaster after grandiose plans). But another part of the explanation must be the importance which the Persian Wars theme possessed for Greeks of all periods in antiquity, an

1413. ἀντὶ πάντων: that is, as reprisal or in requital for all the damage done by Europe to Asia so far. But insofar as Xerxes' invasion was reciprocity and revenge, it was revenge for Marathon in 490 ac (cf. A. Pers. 476 dvrimowa), and for the burning of Sardis and its temples (1409-1411n.), neither of which Kassandra has

mentioned. Περσέως ἕνα σπορᾶς: for the idea that the Persians were descended from Perseus,

see Hat. 7. 61. 3 and 150; cf. S. West 2009: go-1.

488

Xerxes’ invasion of Greece; its humiliating failure by Kandaios or Mamertos, or whatever one should call him,

the one who gorges on bloody battles.

1410-1420 1410

But the mother of Epimetheus will not yield.

In reprisal for everything, she will send a single giant of the seed of Perseus, who will walk on foot over the sea, and will sail over the land,

1415

breaking the dry land with oars. And the temple of Laphria, who is also Mamersa, burnt down in flames,

together with the wooden bulwarks of the walls, will blame the seer for the damage, because he, the servant of Plouton, falsely uttered prophecy.

1420

1414. γίγαντα: the magnificent picture of Xerxes as a striding giant is surely developed from Hdt.

cf. 5. 77. 2). Its column drums are still visible, built into the side of the acropolis.

7.187. 2: among all the myriads in Xerxes’ invasion force, there was nobody more deserving than

1418-1420. See Hdt. 8. 51. 2 for the Athenians who continued to believe that the ‘wooden wall’ of the oracle (1419n.) was the barricades they had erected on the acropolis. Kassandra extends this

Xerxes himself to hold the supreme command, because of his good looks and his height, κάλ-

λεός re εἵνεκα καὶ μεγάθεος.

notion a little further, making these Athenians

express ‘slander’ against the Delphic oracle (S.

1414-1415. τῷ θάλασσα μὲν Bary / πεζῷ ποτ᾽ €orat...: these two paradoxes (Xerxes will

West 2009: 91).

cross the sea on foot and the dry land as if by sea)

1418. καλίνοισι: cf. Ap. Rh. 2. 381a and R/O no. 97

surely allude to the piercing of the Mt Athos

(sacred law from Kyrene, late 4th cent.) line 118.

peninsula with a canal (Hdt. 7. 22-3 and 122) and

προβλήμασι: 291, with 290-292 n.

the bridging of the Hellespont (Hdt. 7. 33-6 and 55); see also A. Pers. 721-6 for the crossing of the

The ref. in these lines is to the famous Delphic

1419. τὸν χρησμολέσχην: a hapax word; see 1432 n.

Hellespont. But there is also present the idea of a supernatural element-defying marvel, achievable only by a god. That had been the reaction of the unnamed Hellespontine man at Hdt. 7. 56, who compared Xerxes to Zeus. On the other hand, in

Aeschylus’ play, Dareios’ ghost and Atossa think that the very same action, the bridging of the Hellespont, was evidence that some god had taken away Xerxes’ wits; see Pers. 724-5. With these lines cf. Or. Sid. 4. 76-9.

oracle which told the Athenians that only their “wooden wall’, τεῖχος ξύλινον, would remain inviolate, ἀπόρθητον. See Hat. 7. 141. 3 (this was the second and less discouraging oracle; for the whole sequence see 7. 139. 6- 144. 1 with Fontenrose 1978: 124-8, discussing Q_nos 147-8, Evans 1982 [2006],

and Bowden 2005: 100-8). Opinion at Athens was divided as to whether this advice should be taken

literally (trust to the stockade round the acropolis, or perhaps it was just an old thorn-hedge, see Bowden 2005: 103 n. 19) or as a riddling allusion to

1415. ναυσθλωθήσεται: see 967n.

the fleet: Hdt. 7. 142. 2. Kassandra refers it to the walls, but the other sense is silently present.

1416. mmöois: see Od. 14. 78, with Rengakos 1994: π4 Λαφρίας: Athena; see 356n. οἶκοι Mapépaas: Mamersa is, like Laphria, another military epithet for Athena. It is the feminine form of Mamertos i.e. Ares; see 938n. The epithet

1420. ψαίνυνθα: another hapax-word (see 1419n.), formed like μίνυνθα (so Bachmann and others).

“Πλούτωνος λάτριν: it is unexpected to find the Delphic oracle called the servant of Hades rather than of Apollo. explained it as a reference to the

was used again of Ares as recently as 1410. The ‘house’ of Athena is above all the predecessor temple of the Periclean Parthenon, burnt down in the Persian sack of the acropolis (Hat. 8. 53. 2,

dark chasm (xdos) under the Delphic tripod; Holzinger preferred to think of the oracle as a messenger of death.

489

1421-1434

Asia against Europe

στρατῷ δ᾽ ἀμίκτῳ πᾶσα μὲν βρωθήσεται φλοιῶτιν ἐκδύνουσα δίπλακα σκέπην, καρποτρόφος δρῦς ἀγριάς T’ ὀρειθαλής. ^

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καὶ πάντα φλέξας, ὥστε κάγκανον στάχυν, αὖθις παλιμπλώτοιο γεύσεται φυγῆς, μόσσυνα φηγότευκτον, ὡς λυκοψίαν

1430

κόρη κνεφαίαν, ἄγχι παμφαλώμενος, χαλκηλάτῳ κνώδοντι δειματουμένη. 1421. στρατῷ δ’ ἀμέκτῳ: cf. S. Tr. 1095. πᾶσα μὲν βρωθήσεται: see Hdt. 8. 115. 2 for Xerxes’ retreating and starving troops eating the bark (φλοῖον) and leaves off the trees. The hunger and thirst of these troops is also stressed by the messenger at A. Pers. 489-91; and cf. Dareios’ ghost at 794. 1422. φλοιῶτιν:

a clear Herodotean

echo;

see

1421n. δίπλακα σκέπην: explained by Z as a ref. to the double covering of the acorn, βάλανος (its lower half forming a cup, its upper half protected by a hard shell). 1423. See again Hdt. 8. 115. 2 (1421n.): the desper-

‘gloom’, or as a two-termination adjective agreeing with oxéa in 1428. See Sens 2009: 36-7. 1428. πέρραν: the sun. (But S. West 2009: 92 n. 27 questions the old view, which goes back to Potter: p.174, that the word is Coptic or Egyptian.) 1429. Aoxpdv . . . pddov: see 1137n. on ῥέθους βαφάς, for Pollux on rosy i.e. rouged cheeks flowering ‘in the Lokrian manner’. ὁποῖα: used adverbially, as at 74 and 182. See Hurst 2009: 205 and n. 20. If, as is likely, this is Epizephyrian Lokroi, it is

further evidence for the poem's S. Italian slant. 1430. κάγκανον: Homeric (e.g. IZ 21. 364, ξύλα

ate Persians ate the bark and leaves of both cultivated and wild trees, ὁμοίως τῶν τε ἡμέρων καὶ τῶν ἀγρίων (cf. Lyk.’s dypıds).

κάγκανα), but revived in Hellenistic poetry, on the evidence of the present passage and Theok. 24. 89.

1424-1425. The rivers on the invading route drunk dry: Hdt. 7. 43. 1, 58. 3, 108. 2 and 109. 1, 196. "Ihessalian Anauros is here used for rivers generally, like Acheloos.

1431. The idea of flight is here expressed in three ways, with a redundancy which expresses the insistent urgency of the retreat (αὖθις, παλιμ-,

1425. κελαινήν: this use of the colour-word to describe ‘thirst’ is an extreme case of Lyk.’s tendency to use it as a mere designation of unpleasantness; see 7n.

A. Pers. 469, ἀκόσμῳ ξὺν φυγῇ. The implication of naval flight adopts a version rejected by Hdt. (8. 117-19).

1426. κύφελλα: see 1402 n. ἰῶν: for the idea that the ‘clouds’ of Persian arrows would block out the sun (1428), enabling the Greeks to fight in the shade, see Hdt. 7. 226. This was said by the Spartan Dienekes before the battle of Thermopylai. 1427. Κίμμερός θ᾽ ὅπως: the meaning is obvious (see 695n.), but we must either take it as a noun,

φυγή). C£. Hdt. 8. 97. 1, δρησμὸν ἐβούλευε, and

1432. μόσσυνα φηγότευκτον: the ‘oaken barricade’ is the fleet; see 1419n. For μόσσυν see 433 with 433-4341. φηγότευκτον is a hapax word. There are plenty of them in this section, perhaps to ‘compensate’ for the familiar subject-matter. 1432-1434. The image here is both intricate and indistinct. The comparison is to a girl out alone in the twilight, afraid of being mugged. But the

490

Kassandras final prophecy: the victorious kinsman-wrestler 1421-1434 Everything will be eaten by that savage army, shedding its double coating of bark:

both the fruit-bearing oak and the wild mountain-growing tree. ‘The waters of every torrent will be dried up, as the troops quench their black thirst with gaping mouths. ‘They will raise clouds of whizzing arrows from afar

1425

over their heads; and like Kimmerian gloom,

the shadow will hide the sun, and dim its brightness. Like a Lokrian rose, he will bloom for a brief moment;

and then, burning everything like dry corn, he will taste of flight as he sails back home,

1430

dreading the wooden wall of oak, peering at it from near at hand, as a girl dreads the dusky twilight, terrified by a sword of bronze. possessor of the bronze weapon of 1434 is not precisely stated; this enhances the sinister mood of the image. For Xerxes’ fear after the defeat at Salamis, see Hdt. 8. 97. 1.

Doson in probably 227 Bc, for which see Pol. 22. 5. 11, Trogus Prol. 28, and esp. I. Labraunda:

1434. A three-word line; see 63n. Cf. A. Cho. 290 (the terrified Orestes): χαλκηλάτῳ πλάστιγγι.

is, the Western Mediterranean power is conceived

of by Kassandra as ‘Asiatic’, whereas the East Mediterranean power is ‘European’. So Kassandra

1435-1450. Kassandra's final prophecy: the victorious kinsman-wrestler who will bring about reconciliation between the two sides and

is self-consistent

In this final part of the prophecy, Kassandra reveals that the bloody wrestling contest, πάλη (1436), between Asia and Europe will—after a period of mutual weakening and exhaustion, 1436—be resolved in two stages: first, the victories of Alexander will put it temporarily to sleep (1439), then it will be ended in one climactic bout. This to at 1441 and 1443) and Rome (clearly alluded to at 1446, ‘my kinsman’ i.e. a man of Trojan descent, as all Romans claimed to be). There is a paradox here, because the representative of Asia is Rome as inheritor of the Trojan legacy, and the European power is Macedon, meaning the original Balkan kingdom of Macedon ruled by Philip V, not the Asiatic possessions of Alexander and his Macedonian

successors, Antigonos, Lysimachos,

and the Seleukids. All these rulers are for the present purpose ignored, as are (1) the Karian campaign

of the Macedonian

king Antigonos

(and

indeed

consistent

with

Ht.) in not speaking of East versus West but of Europe versus Asia, both as defined in her own

bring an end to the conflict

will be fought between Macedon (clearly alluded

no. 5

with J. Crampa’s comm. and ch. VII at pp. 123-31, and (2) Philip’s own Karian operations in 201, for which see Pol. 16. 1-12 with Crampa p. 130). That

eccentric way. The secular conflict was, in Kassandra's conception, ended by the battle of Kynoskephalai in 197 BC, in which Philip V of Macedon was defeated in Thessaly by T. Quinctius Flamininus, and by the ensuing political settlement and reconciliation; see Pol. bk 18. There is no awareness here or

anywhere else in the poem of the defeat of Philip's son Perseus at Pydna in 168 sc and the consequent enforced break-up of the old Macedonian kingdom. The poem was therefore composed between those dates. And in my opinion there is no specific awareness of the struggle between Rome and Antiochos III, such as to impose a date later than 190 Bc. See above, p. 14 (Annex) on Jones 2014. But a date around 190 would suit 1229 and the present passage very well. ‘The identity of the human ‘animals’ is as usual

concealed, and the periods of time are left vague. But unlike the mythical figures in the rest of the poem, whose identity can often be inferred from

491

Asia against Europe

1435-1436

πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἀγῶνες καὶ φόνοι μεταίχμιοι x

>

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1435

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1436

,

Alyaiaıs Kaibel ap. Wilamowitz 1935~72: 2.18 ἐν γαίᾳ ABCE Αἰγαίας Holzinger ἐν vavoiv Scheer πάλας ΑΒΕ πέλας CD ἁλὸς Holzinger

the context, or from information provided by 2, these are historical figures, and the context alone is insufficient to produce certainty, as the number of modern suggestions and permutations shows;

and the modern suggestions often differ from the tentative guesses of Z and Tzetzes. We cannot know for sure what was in the poet’s mind, or indeed whether some residual ambiguity of refer-

that Beloch had not reprinted the edn τ discussion in edn 2—as if Beloch had withdrawn his opin-

ence was intended; but choices have to be made

by the commentator, and what follows is asserted in that spirit. If there can be no absolute certainty, no theory can be disproved. Detail will be given

ion—but that was because Ziegler was unaware that there was still one fascicle of Beloch still to come. Ziegler’s slip seems to have misled many, who continue to cite Beloch 1904). Wilamowitz

in individual notes, but

an introductory summary of conclusions (and assumptions) will be in order. The struggles and slaughter of 1435 begin with the end of the Persian Wars (479 Bc), and the ‘interval’ which those struggles occupy, and which is implied by μεταίχμιοι, is here taken to be the period from Xerxes to the first overseas conquests of Alexander the Great (334 Bc). That is, the greater parts of the sth and 4th cents sc. Alexander is the ‘fierce lion’ of 1439.

thought the lion was Alexander (surely right) but that the kinsman was the 4th-cent, Persian

Artabazos (surely too obscure and withdrawn at 1924: 2.146); similarly Ciaceri agreed that the lion was Alexander, but he identified the wolf with Antipatros. Holzinger saw the lion as Pyrrhos, the ‘wolf’ as Demetrios Poliorketes, and the ‘kinsman’ as C. Fabricius. But for the ‘kinsman’, a

famous, flamboyant, and outstandingly charis-

His ‘brothers’ (1442) are the Persians, by shared descent from Perseus (1413n.). The ‘Argive leaders’

who are compelled to fawn on Macedon i.e. Alexander (1443) are the leading Greeks generally. The

‘wolf-commander

of Galadra’ (1444)

‘The above is essentially the view of Beloch 4° 2. 566-74 (1927; slightly updated from edn τ of 1904: 3. 2. 47-486, but with no change of mind on the main points). Ziegler 1927: col. 2359 concurred (he was naturally aware of the discussion in Beloch's edn 1, and cited it, but his own R.-E. article appeared in exactly the same year as Beloch's edn 2, so he could not use it. Unfortunately he said

is the

matic Roman soldier and Fabricius, Pyrrhos’ famously ally upright opponent, fits very poorly, because he was

diplomat is needed. austere and personthe job-description primarily a diplomat,

king of Macedon at any given moment. The king is

at least in his dealings with Pyrrhos. Thus it is far

Alexander until 1445, but naturally changes identity six generations after Alexander, and then becomes

from certain, as Holzinger thought (see p. 384,

Philip V. Kassandra’s kinsman (1446), who is also

Pyrrhos at Ausculum

the unique wrestler of 1447, is the Roman commander Titus Quinctius Flamininus. The spearfight of 1447 is the battle of Kynoskephalai in 197 BC, and the reconciliation-agreement of 1448 is the settlement after the battle and the Roman senatus consultum of 196 sc, and the reconciliation between Asia and Europe which this implied. Events later than the 1908, which would have been inconsistent with this picture (the overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom in 168), are beyond

R.-E. 6 Fabricius (9), col. 1935, doubting the unrewounded there). Mooney’s nn. at pp. 156-8 and Mair: 309-13 summarize opinions before 1922. The chart of modern views at Lévéque 1955: 43 is reproduced at Fusillo/Hurst/Paduano: 25. Recent identifications of Kassandra’s Roman ‘kinsman’ include P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who

Kassandra’s powers of vision.

Aemilius Paullus, conqueror of the Macedonian

'sicher) even that he fought as /egatus against in 279 BC; see E. Münzer,

liable statement of Orosius 4. 1. 21 that he was

defeated Hannibal at Zama in 202 sc (Gigante Lanzara 2000: 18-19 and Jones 2014) and L.

492

Kassandra: final prophecy: the victorious &insman-wrestler 1435-1436 Many struggles, and much slaughter in the interval,

1435

shall loosen the wrestling-hold of those who compete for hegemony,

king Perseus in 168 Bc (see 1436-1437 n. for White 1997). Add that S. West 19842: 1337 finds so many difficulties and contradictions in the whole section 1435-1450 that she believes it to be an interpolation, a view not here followed (she goes so far as to suggest, at 146 n. 93, that the ‘kinsman’ of

for the whole of the first half of the 4th cent.; this was initially made possible through Spartan help

Kassandra is the emperor Augustus, and that the

their satraps exploited this; see esp. the advice which Alkibiades is said by Th. to have given to

to the rebels; see CAH 6°: 66—7. But it would be

more true to say that the Greeks had worn each other out in the struggles for hegemony of the classical period, and that the Persian kings and

‘six generations’ could cover three centuries). All the above has been stated dogmatically, and

the Persian Tissaphernes in 411 BC, to ‘wear out’

(not 3rd-)

the Greeks, τοὺς Ἕλληνας κατατρῖψαι, 8. 46. 2.

cent. Bc date for the poem argued for at 1229n., discussing γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης etc.

The historical reality is, however, less important

assumes

the correctness of the 2nd-

than the sort of panhellenic rhetoric which has come down to us in literary sources, above all the orations of Isokrates. He persistently exaggerated both Persian weakness (see e.g. 4. 160-2, from the

1435. πολλοὶ 8’ ἀγῶνες: remarkably, given the frequency in the whole poem of the agonistic metaphor of *wrestling' (41n.), and of the idea of

conflict in the Europe/Asia section which began at 1283, this is the first and only use of the word ἀγών or any related form of it. Kassandra saves it for this climactic closure. μεταίχμιοι: the only other use in the poem is at 443, see n. there). Tt means ‘in the middle’, whether of space (as at

443) ot of time (as here), that is, 'in the interval' between two events. But acc. LSJ?, the word in

the present passage means ‘between two armies’, and the literal meaning of αἰχμή, 'spear' (see, again, 443n.) is surely also present here, given the

Panegyrikos of 438 BC) and the damage which had

been done to Persian interests by such episodes as the raids of Derkyllidas, Thibron, and Agesilaos

in the 3gos

the

expedition

of the Ten

of the 4th cent. (Isok. 4. 144—9). 1436-1437. οἱ μὲν Alyalaıs πάλας / δίναισιν ἀρχῆς ...: the MSS ἐν γαίᾳ πάλας / δειναῖσιν ἀρχαῖς have been much emended (see app. crit.). The problem is that instead of the expected opposition ‘on sea...on

land’, we

have ‘on land...

on land’. Kaibel’s brilliant conjecture, reported by Wilamowitz and here adopted, produces an

combination with φόνοι. As we saw (see n. there),

that was also true, although less obviously, at 443, where the context was one of hostility in life between two dead individuals.

and

"Thousand against Artaxerxes II at the beginning

opposition ‘on the eddies, δίναισιν, of the Aegean

Kassandra here alludes (with great concision)

sea...on land’; see Wilamowitz 1883a: 7 = 193572: 2. 18. In which case, note the hyperbaton or

to the conflicts between Greeks and Persians in

dislocated word-order. (Hurst 1988 [= 2012: 111-

the years 479

Bc

to Alexander

(succeeded

his

father in 336 sc), including the escalating involvement of the Persians in the Peloponnesian War

(see esp. Th. bk 8) and then the 4th cent. up to the King's Peace of 386 sc. 1436. λύσουσιν: the mutual exhaustion of the fighting in the sth and 4th cents will, Kassandra predicts, loosen the strength of both sides in the struggle. It is certainly true that the Persians were much weakened by the revolt and consequent loss of the economically valuable resources of Egypt

20] offered the converse remedy; his ἁλός for χθονός at 1438 gives the opposition ‘on land ...on sea’). The change of ἀρχαῖς to ἀρχῆς finds some support in Hdt.; see 1437n. White 1997 (and 2000: 130) retained the transmitted text without

discussion of the difficulties which others have felt, and asserted that Kassandra is distinguishing between battles fought on uncultivated land with those to be fought on cultivated land; this is most improbable. (In her view, the kinsman

is ‘obvi-

ously’ Aemilius Paullus, who defeated Perseus at the battle of Pydna in 168 Bc).

493

1437-1446

Asia against Europe

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1440

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1445

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1443

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1440. This line refers in its entirety to the maternal

intertext; and the attractiveness of the intertext

Olympias traced her ancestry both to the Aiakid

may perhaps be allowed to support the emendation. The reference here is surely to Hdt. 6. 98. 2, an authorial remark in the context of the portent of the Delian earthquake: the 1115, κακά, which were experienced by Greece in the three genera-

Pyrrhos/Neoptolemos, and also to Helenos, son of Priam and descendant of Dardanos (2, citing

tions of Dareios, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes I were

greater than in all the previous twenty generations, some brought about by the Persians, some by the leading states making war on each other for hegemony, τὰ δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν κορυφαίων περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πολεμούντων, Hdt. was, however, referring to the two opposing Greek blocs, the Athenians and their allies, and the Spartans and theirs, whereas Lyk. is referring to the struggle between Greeks and Persians.

For the precise verb ἀμφιδηριάομαι, and for the shape of the iambic line in three words (cf.

63n.), see Semonides 7. 118 West: γυναικὸς εἵνεκ᾽ ἀμφιδηριωμένους. But note ἀμφιδήριτος νίκη at Th. 4. 134. 1, a ‘disputed victory’ in a battle between Tegeans and Mantineians. 1438. ἐν μεταφρένοισι;: see 688n. βουστρόφοις: for this hapax word, see Guilleux 2009: 234. 1439. αἴθων: see 27n. εὐνάσῃ: Alexander's victories will not end the conflict between Europe and Asia definitively (that is left for Rome to do),

but will put it to sleep; for this sense of the word see 1313 n. κλόνον: see 944 N.

descent of Alexander the Great, whose

mother

FGrHist 115 Theopompos F 355, and Pyrandros, see FGrHist 776 F 2). For the striking similarity with 803 (the genealogy of another Macedonian prince, Herakles, son of Alexander by Barsine), see n.

there. That line and its content anticipate this. See Mahé-Simon 2009: 443; Pouzadoux and Prioux 2009: 463.

This line is intriguing because it makes Alexander the Great not only a Macedonian (1441) but also a kind of Greek (as an Aiakid) and a kind of Trojan (as a Dardanid). This genealogi-

cal mix means that he foreshadows the reconciliation to be achieved by Flamininus. 1441. Χαλαστραῖος: i.e. Macedonian; this line refers in its entirety to Alexander’s paternal descent from the line of Macedonian kings. For Chalastra, a town and lake in Bottiaia, see Hdt. 7.

123. 3, Strabo 7 frag. 13. 6 and Plut. Alex. 49. 2, with Hammond 1972: 151 and 150 map 16; Barr. map 50 C3. (Note also that there was a Chaladros or Charadros in Seleukeia Pieria, an area which adopted Macedonian place-names; for refs see

SEG

42.

1263,

a Justinianic

boundary-stone,

which does not however, use the name.)

1442. ὁμαίμων:

the

'blood-brothers

are

the

Persians (cf. 1413n., and for the descent of the

494

Kassandra’ final prophecy: the victorious kinsman-wrestler 1437-1446 both on the eddying waves of the Aegean and on the ox-turned ridges of the land, until a fierce lion put to sleep the prave conflict— one born from Aiakos and from Dardanos,

1440

both a Thesprotian and a Chalastraian. He will overturn and lay low the house of his brothers,

and force the trembling Argive leaders to fawn on the wolf-commander of Galadra,

1445

and hand over the sceptre of the ancient kingship. With him, after six generations, my kinsman, Macedonian kings from Perseus, see Arr. “παῤ. 3. 3. 2). The overthrow of the ‘house’ (Rougier-Blanc 2009: 542) of Persia is a ref. to Alexander's victories

at

Granikos,

Issos,

and

Gaugamela,

as

described in Arr. Anad. bks 1-3, and perhaps more literally to the destruction of Persepolis. κυπώcas: a very rare word, but no longer hapax (as Ciani): see Kall. at Suppl. Hell. 257. 8, κυπωθείς, with Hollis 2007: 281 n. 22. 1443-1444. Ἠργείων πρόμους / σῆναι: the reference is to Greek (so Ciaceri; or perhaps just Athenian, reading Ἀκταίων, cf. ırın.) flattery of Alexander, and perhaps includes an allusion to his

συμβαλὼν ἀλκὴν δορός, where he detects an alusion to Ptolemy: Πτολεμαῖος βασιλεὺς

ὧν τῆς AAekavöp

7

,

3

A

,

,

/

1450. σκύλων ἀπαρχάς: see 1188 n. δορικτήτους: see 933n. The 'spear-won spoils' may be no more than a loose and flowery ref. to the triumph over Philip and the Macedonians which Flamininus celebrated in 194 &c (MRR 2. 344). The material aspect of a Roman triumph should not be forgotten; for the fabulous quantities of gold bullion and gold and silver coins carried in that of Flamininus, see Beard 2007: 150 and 171-2; see also Gruen 1993: 104-5 and Eckstein 2008: 284 for the physical transfer of Jupiter/Zeus from Macedon to Rome (Cic. Verr. 2. 4.129). But at the same time there is a likely reference to the general situation of the Romans, for whom Flamininus was a signifier. The settlement after Kynoskephalai substantiated 'the Roman claim to organize the affairs of Greece’, and ‘established Rome as the decisive influence in the peninsula (Walbank 1940: 179 and 183). 1451-1460. Kassandra’s farewell Kassandra’s envoi, in which reminiscences of the

will receive her due of praise from

posterity

(1460). Similiarly, the Sibyl closes her prophecy by lamenting that she will be regarded as a liar: φήσουσι Σίβυλλαν / μαινομένην ψεύστειραν (Or. Sid. 3. 815-16). 1451.

τλήμων:

so

too

at

348,

Kassandra

apostrophized herself with the words ἐγὼ δὲ τλήμων. With the despairing question, compare Kassandra at A. Ag. 1285: τί δῆτ᾽ ἐγὼ δύστηνος ὧδ᾽ ἀναστένω; 1452. εἰς κῦμα κωφόν: cf. Il. 14.16, κύματι κωφῷ. For the idiom here, cf. the house-slave at A. Cho. 882, κωφοῖς ἀυτῶ. δασπλήτιδας: a sinister word. See Od. 15. 234 (and Hes. frag. 280. 9 M/W), θεὰ δασπλῆτις Ἐρινύς, with Rengakos 1994: 116-17, who notes its popularity with the Hellenistic poets; see Theok. 2. 14, where itis used

in an invocation of Hekate; Kall. frag. 30 Pf. (32

Massimilla) with Harder; and Euphorion frag. 101. 1 Lightfoot (the Eumenides).

1453. βαύζω:

see A. Ag. 449 with

Fraenkel.

Aeschylean Oresteia are a feature, takes the form of a lament, comparable in emotional power to Kreousa’s monody at E. Jon 859-922, but with an opposite message: whereas Kreousa had described an Apolline rape and its consequences, Kassandra describes the consequences of a refusal of sex with Apollo. She prophesies that she will first be dis-

1207n. on Aéjuos. Apollo gave Kassandra the gift of prophecy; but when she refused him sex (352-353), he cursed her with an inability to make anyone believe her. This was an idea made

believed (1454), then vindicated (1458), and finally

famous by Aeschylus; see Ag. 1212, ἔπειθον οὐδέν᾽

μάστακος: 686-687n. 1454. Λεψιεύς: for this epithet of Apollo, see

498

Epilogue: the guards final report to King Priam

taking the first offerings of the spear-won spoils. But why, wretch that I am, do I cry at such length to the unhearing rocks, and the dumb waves, and the frightful woods,

1450-1463 1450

twanging my mouth's empty noise? The Lepsian robbed me of my credibility, smearing with untrue libels my utterances and the true prophetic skill of my oracles, because he was deprived of my bed which he so desired.

1455

But he will make it all true: after they have learnt through suffering, at a time when there is no remedy to help my fatherland,

men will praise the inspired swallow."

1460

“That is what she said; then off she went on foot,

back into her prison. In her heart she moaned the last song of the Siren,

οὐδέν, ws τάδ᾽ ἤμπλακον. Kassandra saves this powerful notion until almost the end of her

1461-1474. Epilogue: the guard's final report to King Priam.

prophecy.

This closural section naturally picks up several themes and words both from the first half ofthe guard’s own prologue (see ın.), and also from Kassandra's own description of her cell (348-351; see Cusset 2009: 129). See Looijenga 2009 and Kossaifi 2009. The Aeschylean echoes continue to reverberate; see 1463 n. and 1472 n.

1456. φρόνιν: the first attested post-Homeric use of the word;

see

Od. 3. 244

and

4. 258, with

Rengakos 1994: 127. 1457. λέκτρων

ἐκβαλοῦσα

orepmdeis:

Ödeuviwv.

On

cf. 353,

ἀλέκτρων

Kassandra’s

great

refusal (A. Ag. 1208), see Redfield 2003: 138: ‘to refuse the god is... to refuse marriage in gen-

eral’. Kassandra's refusal of Apollo is explained by Cole 2004: 129 as designed, like other such stories of refusal by young girls of a god’s advances, to ‘account for the ritual anomaly of a female who subverts her social role of wife and mother for a ritual end’. 1458-60. See B. 3. 94-8, where at the end of the ode the poet compares himself to a honey-

tongued nightingale, μελίγλωσσος

ἀηδών (I

owe this comparison to Giambattista D'Alessio).

1460. φοιβόληπτον: for the Apolline adjective, see Bolton 1962: 134-5, and S. West 2009: 81; cf. 6n. αἰνέσει: Kassandra's fame will survive her; cf. n26n., with Biffis 2015 on Kassandra’s κλέος. χελιδόνα: for Kassandra as swallow, see A. Ag. 1050-1, Klytaimestra about Kassandra.

1462. εἱρκτῆς ἐντός: see 351, εἱρκτῆς ... Avyaias, and 350-351n.; also Rougier-Blanc 2009: 552. 1463. Zeipfjvos: for the structural and symbolic importance of the musical, death-dealing Siren or Sirens, with whom

Kassandra

is identified

or compared, explicitly or implicitly, at several points in the poem, see 4 n., 653-654n., and 737n.

(the exact middle point of the poem). Compare also (with

D'Alessio)

Pi. frag. 94b

13-15 for

sirens in partheneia, ‘maidens’ songs’. Aotodıov μέλος: there is surely a hint here of the 'swansong’, a notion whose first mention in literature is at A. Ag. 1444-5 with Fraenkel (Klytaimestra about, precisely, Kassandra; cf. 1460n.). See the discussions in the NB pages of the Times Literary Supplement for 17. 8. 2007 and 24-31. 8.

2007.

499

1464-1474

Epilogue: the guard s final report to King Priam

Κλάρου Μιμαλλών, 7 Μελαγκραίρας κόπις

Νησοῦς θυγατρός, ἤ τι Φίκιον τέρας ἑλικτὰ κωτίλλουσα δύσφράστως ἔπη. ἐγὼ δὲ λοξὸν ἦλθον ἀγγέλλων, ἀναξ,

1465

σοὶ τόνδε μῦθον παρθένου φοιβαστρίας, M

,

^

4

,

ἐπεί μ᾽ ἔταξας φύλακα λαΐνου στέγης καὶ πάντα φράζειν κἀναπεμπάζειν λόγον x

7

7

3

7

1470

/

ἐτητύμως ἄψορρον wrpuvas τρόχιν. δαίμων δὲ φήμας εἰς τὸ λῷον ἐκδραμεῖν τεύξειεν, ὅσπερ σῶν προκήδεται θρόνων, σώζων παλαιὰν Βεβρύκων παγκληρίαν. ’

A]

,

,

1464. Κλάρου Μιμαλλών: for the oracular site of Klaros (Barr. map 61 Er), a little N. of Kolophon,

see Parke 1985: 112-70 and apps I and II; L. and J. Robert 1989: 3 and n. 10; D. S. Plotter], OCD* 'Claros. Μιμαλλόνες are listed by Strabo (το. 3.

was given the non-riddling designation See nn. there.

Alex. 2. 7 implies that the name was Macedonian.

1465. Nnooös: for (NW Asia Minor Parke 1988: 108 and kinship connection

For

the

10)

among

different

Mimallones

and

sorts

of Bacchants;

(Dionysiac)

Plut.

fawn-skins,

veßpeıa, mentioned together, see Euphorion frag. 19 Lightfoot (Suppl. Hell. 418) line 37. See further Nilsson 1967: 567. The implied allusion to Dionysos in ‘Mimallon is puzzling (Looijenga 2009: 68 thinks it deliberately confusing); the oracle was actually Apolline, and the method of consultation did not involve female frenzy: a man called a thespiodos drank of a spring in an underground building and chanted his prophecies,

which were edited by a prophetes. See Tac. Ann. 2. 54. 3 with Goodyear; Iamblichus 3. 11; Parke 1985: 219; and esp. the Roberts (as above). The under-

tradition

Sibyl.

Neso as the mother of the ie. Marpessian) Sibyl, see 122 n. 14: there was an indirect with Kassandra because of

(FGrHist

156 Arrian

F 9s, from

the largely lost Bithyniaka) that Dardanos, after fleeing from Samothrace (73-85), married two daughters of the Kretan Teukros (1303 n.), namely Bateia (from whom the line of the Trojan kings descended)

and

also Neso,

by whom

he was

father of Sibylla. This comparison drawn by the guard raises the question of the relationship between the Alexandra and Sibylline oracular literature, a topic to which 1 shall retum in my monograph Lykophrons Alexandra and the Hellenistic World. It

ground building (specus, οἶκος) mentioned by

will there be argued that the differences (esp. the Alexandra's positive attitude to Rome and Romans)

the literary sources, and revealed by archaeology, seems to be the point of the comparison with Kassandra and her cell. MeAayxpaipas: for this

are more important than the striking but superficial similarities of style and presentation. For texts of and commentaries on the Greek hexameter

(‘black-haired’)

Sibylline oracles, see Geffcken 1902 (with Geffcken 1903), Camassa 2006, and Lightfoot 2007 (unfor-

as an alternative name

for the

Cumaean Sibyl, see [Ar.] mir. ausc. 95 with Parke 1988: 78 and 96 n. 17 (the passage begins by speaking about the Cumaean Sibyl, then says she is an extremely aged Sibyl, then that she was

Erythraian (ie. came from Erythrai in Asia Minor originally?), and finally that she was ‘also called Melankraira by some’. That Timaios lies behind both this and Lyk. is a possible guess.

κόπις: see 763 n. The Cumaean Sibyl and her dwelling, στέγη, have already featured at 1279-1280, where she

tunately not providing text or commentary on the Third, the earliest and most important, for which,

and its mainly Jewish milieu, see Fraser 1972: 1. 708-13, and cf. Lightfoot 2007: 3-109 for general discussion;

for tr. and

comm.

but

no

text, see

Buitenwerf 2003, who dates it to the first half of the rst cent. Bc, between 80 and 40 sc. But the dating of this text is exceptionally difficult, some sections may go back as far as the mid-2nd cent. Bc.

500

Gruen

1998:

271-2

accepts

that

there

are

1464-1474

Epilogue: the guard s final report to King Priam as a Mimallon of Klaros, or the interpreter of Melanchraira,

daughter of Neso, or the Phikian monster,

1465

warbling her difficult and convoluted utterances. O king, I have come to report to you the crooked utterances of the prophetic maiden, because you posted me as guard of her stone cell, and ordered me to tell and repeat every word truthfully,

1470

as a faithful messenger. But may the god bring her prophecies to a happier outcome—the god who protects your throne— and keep safe this ancient Bebrykian heritage!’ allusions to 2nd-cent events, but declines to assign composition to any specific era.). For the Lykophronic Kassandra’s relation to the Sibyl and Sibylline oracles in Greek—a much discussed topic latterly—see above all Ziegler 1927: cols 2379-85, and more recently Lévéque 1955: 52-5; Parke 1988: 16-17, Lincoln 1999: 168 (structural parallel between Kassandra and the Sibyl in Phlegon: both undone by Apollo); S. West 2000 (esp. 161-2 on the Egyptian

five hexameters which are comparable to Lyk.’s Kassandra (and for one about Chaironeia, 338 Bc, see Plut. Demosth. 19. 1). Despite all the above,

the prime literary influences on the Alexandra are earlier Greek tragedy and epic, with some debt to Hellenistic predecessors such as Kall., Euphorion,

and Ap. Rh. Φίκιον τέρας: the Sphinx, see Hes. 72. 326, Dix’ ὀλοήν, which destroyed the Kadmeians i.e. Thebans. Cf. 7n. for the Sphinx in the guard's prologue.

Oracle of the Potter,

an apocalyptic text preserved in Greek, for which see Koenen 1968, 1974, and 1984; Austin’ no. 326; also Fraser 1972: 1. 683-5); Amiotti 2001; Mazzoldi 2001: 251-2 and n. 465; Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004: 440; Cusset 2004; Lightfoot 2007: 8-9 with n. 33;

1467. λοξόν: see 14 and n.; also Berra 2009: 312. 1470. κἀναπεμπάζειν: see 9 and n. 1471. ἐτητύμως: cf. τ, νητρέκως.

and Biffis forthcoming. Like the Sibyl, with

1472. εἰς τὸ λῷον: cf. Headlam 212 on Herodas 4. 80 and Bühler on Moschos Europa line 27. With

one manifestation of whom she shares a homeland in NW Asia Minor, Kassandra is immured in a dark enclosed place (cave/cell); and she treats,

the sentiment, compare A. Ag. 121 and 138, ‘cry sorrow, sorrow, but let good αἴλινον εἰπέ, τό δ᾽ εὖ νικάτω.

unprompted and unconsulted (contrast the Pythia) themes which are also prominent in the Sibylline Oracles, esp. the Third: the clash between Asia and Europe, the fall of Troy (see esp. Or. 3. 401-32 with Buitenwerf 2003: 229-32 for the fall of Troy and

Ν'

2

H

[4

>

T

prevail’, αἵλινον

,

1474. σώζων... παγκληρίαν: compare the closure of Kall.H. 5 On the bath of Pallas 142, Δαναῶν

κλᾶρον ἅπαντα σάω, ‘protect the whole Danaan

the role of the ‘Aineadai’), the coming of Rome, all

[i.e. Argive] estate’, but see Bulloch 1985: 245-6

in a huge temporal sweep of ostensible prophecy.

(75. 140-2n.), citing also the closural appeal to

(For

Demeter to ‘save this city’at Kall. 1. 6.134 (χαῖρε, θεά, καὶ τάνδε σάω πόλιν, which is copied exactly from HH 13 £o Demeter 3), and concluding (246 n. 1) that the 'slight similarity of wording' between Kall. and Lyk. is 'due to the formulaic

further

discussion

see

my

monograph,

as

above.) See also 1446n. for the Sibylline aspect to Kassandra's reckoning of dynasties in generational terms. For good remarks on shared stylistic habits, such as the apostrophe of cities (with e.g. Or. 3. 303, address to Babylon, compare Kassandra at 52 and 968, Troy and Egesta; and cf. 31 n.; and already Hdt.

6. 19. 2, Miletos)

see Biffis. For Sibylline

oracles about Kynoskephalai specifically, see Paus. 7. 8. 8-9 with Ziegler 1927: col. 2381; para. 9 quotes

nature of both passages’. Not, therefore, cogent

evidence of borrowing, one way or the other. But it is interesting that, in one final cross-generic fling, Lyk. should use a hymnal device. Βεβρύκων: i.e. Trojan; see 515-516 n. παγκληρίαν: 592n.

501

APPENDIX:

THE

ANAPAESTIC

POEM,

P. BEROL.

KASSANDRA

9775

ed. princeps: Schubart and Wilamowitz 1907: no. XXI, at 131-9; photo: Schubart 191:

no.

11B;

later

eds:

CA:

Lyrica

adespota

no.

1;

Page

1941

(=

GLP):

no. 93b. discussions: Powell and Barber 1921: 57; Davreux 1942: 55-6; Eitrem 1953: 109 (no. 115); Nebling 1997: 98-104; Mazzoldi 2001: 280-3. (a) Praise of Homer (see esp. line 10) «T€ tLo]x[d]v [Δ ]1θην[ἃ] s $ Αἰτωλῶν τε Ἠλ[εῖον] ἔθνος Δύμης τε κλυδών, γλαυκῆς τε πέλ[ ας] τό τε Κρισαίων 4 Λοκρίδες ἀκταί,

strength . Athena and Eleian race of Aitolians and wave of Dyme; near the grey sea

ζάθεον τριπόδων

ἔξοχα θνητῶ[ν] ἀνέγραψεν,

tripods the sacred hill of song, the desert peaks of Teumesos, men that grow in Erichthonios’ fields whom queen Pallas above mortals has recorded among the brave and

[oö]v πάντες Ὅμηρε φύσιν [ἡρ]ῴων

αἰνετὸν ὕμνων

wise: all these, Homer, inherit and exalt

λογάσιν μερόπων

the nature of your heroic song,

12 παραδεξάμενοι

μεγαλύνουσιν

by the chosen among men; [and praise]

τὴν τ᾿ ἀπὸ Μουσῶν

ἄφθιτον αὐδήν,

your deathless voice, gift of the

ἣν σὺ μερίμναις

ταῖσιν ἀτρύτοις

which with such unwearying labour

καθυφηνάμενος 16 ἔπτυσας ἄλ[ λο]ις φωσὶν én’ ἀκτάς. .. [pp?]éves οὐκ ἄσοφον, eV πυρσῷ

πόντος τις ὅπως [o]? [μυθητοῖϊς σῆς... λῆμα δέ... τῷ Oi Ὀλύμπου

Τευμησιάδ[ες] τό τ᾽ Ἐριχθονίου 8 ots Παλλὰς ἄνασσα

δορὶ κἀν σοφίαις

ὑ[μ]νῳωδὸν ὄρος, ς

4

N

T€ ἄνετοι σκοπιαΐί,

βλάστ[ημἾ ἀρότων

the Lokrian shores, at Krisa’s

praised /

Muses a

x

,

[θν]ητῶν ὁπόσοις τὴν γὰρ ἐκείνων

503

you wove to a pattern; then like the sea you spewed it out, for unpoetic men, on the shore .. . of your ...

your wise counsel [e.g. is displayed] ?like a torch which through Olympus ...to those mortals who... ordinances... for their...

Appendix: the Anapaestic Kassandra poem Wil.= Wilamowitz, ed. princ. (also reporting Schubart); Pw. = J. U. Powell; Pa.= D. L. Page; Schm.= K. Schmidt, Woch. Kl. Phil. 1908, 461; Eitrem = S. Eitrem 1953 (cf. below, p. 509); Gr. = A. H. Griffiths

ἰσ]χ[ὺ]ν Wil; Ἰτειχιν Pw.

I

(b) Kassandra’s oracular utterances Wenn

Pwept deren

χομεν...

νον

WÄOT «νονcee

flat? adorned

8... ee ee

[see app. crit.] tassle

[ὡ]ρᾳζομένη...

TO τε...

cee T€...

shaggy mane of hair ...

ισα..

unse

OUS

Ba...

blessed [?noun]of oaths came beneath the very yoke

πρ]όσπολον οἰκτρᾶς

of necessity, wailing with her

μετὰ παρθενικ[ῶν

παίδων

maiden daughters a song that went hand in hand with cries of

τό μέλος οἰμώξασα, [συνμ]υρομένας σκήπίτρων ἀρχ]ός, ἐπίσημ[ο]ς. 20 ὁ πα[λ]αιὸς ἰὼν Tó[cov ὠ]δίνων

τίς δ᾽ ἤροσ᾽ [ἐμὴν

ier’ ἐ[πἾ ἀκτὰς δεσπότις ἡ mpli]v δούλη Δαναῶν olns] γὰρ γενεᾶς θεαμὸς ἐ[λέγ]χει σχῆμα λοχευθέν. φύ]σιν, 7 rivlı δὴ]

of the Danaans. For your house's ancient doom has found out in its course all the fair children of your travail-pains. Who ploughed the fields that grew

τὸν [ὑπὸ ζώνης

δεσμ[ὸν] ἔλυσεν

for whom did lady Eilethyia, another

24 πότίνι᾽ Εἰλ]ηθυί᾽, [και]ρὸς ἀνοίγειν β[ὑἸβλοισι λόγον

Ἄτροπος veapd;

loose the bond under the girdle? The time has come to reveal the word

ζεῦγλαν ἀνάγκης,

Me]; ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν a ἰ]αχῆς

woe, she

sped to the shores that moaned in unison with her, once a sceptred queen and ruler, now illustrious slave

?me, Doom,

πρὸς [φ]ῶς μ᾽ ἄ[σαι.] 28 πύστιν θνητοῖς ῥίζίωσ]εν ἄναξ [εὐώ]δινος εὗρεν ἀοιδ[ὴν 22 [κτ]ύπον ἀλγούσῃ [στυγνὸν à]yóp8Bov

μυστίϊδα δ᾽ ὀμφὴν

[τὸν ὑϊπὸ σκοτίαις κρυπἶτόν], ἀνάγκη παρ᾽ ἔμοιγε πάτερ

hidden in the darkness of the Book,

[πᾶσι βε]βαίαν

In me alone of your fruitful race, father,

σῆς ἀπ[ὸ φύτλης]

the Lord planted sure belief for all mortals, A dismal incantation he found for me, when I was in pain before the ?sacred gates at the clash of the din of bronze, the hateful song of stringless symphony: he who sang on

[μούνῃ. λυγρ]ὰν πρὸ πυλῶν [ἱερῶν] χαλ[κῆς] κανα[χῆς]

μέλος ἁ[ρμονίας,] ὁ] λύρᾳ συνετὴν

504

now I must sing it to the sunlight.

Appendix: the Anapaestic Kassandra poem [μοῦσαν] ἀείσας

θεσμ[ῴδησεν].

36 κείνων de y[év]o[vs] [π]ρόσχημα, πα[ρἾ ofs [μοῦνον] ἀνήκ[ει]

μέσον EBAao[rev]] τῶν eis ἀρετ[ὴν] τοὔνομ᾽, ἑκάστου

the lyre a hymn of wisdom, a mystic oracle, In the middle of the [Priamid]race grew ἃ pretence, among those who attained to the name only of virtue,

δ᾽ ἔργου [Aeli[movd. 40 λόγος [to]ropías

ο]ὺς δ᾽ ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνων [σῆς] ὑποβάλλει,

but all reality fell short. But of those whom the Jogos of your history

viv tpavol[répws]

6ὃ... vee ee

suggests to me, now [I shall speak?] more clearly...

2. --kAavoa or ἀπόΪλαυσα (‘I enjoyed’) Wil.

8. νύφη (= νύμφῃ) Pw.; [πα]νυφῆ or [συ]νυφῆ (i.e. from ὑφαίνω, weave") Wil. 14. CevyAa, poetic for ζεύγλη, cf. E. frag. 285.10; Lyk. Alex. 817, 996, 1344; AP 9. 19 (Archias) 17. [ὀλοφ]υρομένας Eitrem 19. ἐπίσημ[ ο]ς Schubart, followed by Pa.; ἐπὶ onu[ailas (‘flag’) Wil., followed by Pw.

22. [ἐμὴν or σὴν pöclırWil. Gr. suggests [ἔμον κάσ]ιν ‘my brother’, i.e. Paris! Cf E. Tro. 767ff. for such speculations; for Paris’ birth as dodgy Pi. Pa. 8a; Lyk. Alex. 86 etc.; Apollod.

3.12.5. 27. [πάτ]ερ Wil. and Pa.; [7v7]ep Schm. and Pw. 28. πύστιν θνητοῖς [πᾶσι Be]Baiav Wil; πύστιν θνητοῖσ[ι βε]βαίαν Pw.; πίστιν θνητοῖς [πᾶσι βε]βαίαν Pa. (who translates ‘planted Anow/edge that all men should zrusZ, which seems to have it both ways, πύστις from πυνθάνομαι as well as πίστις from πιστεύω), πίστιν [τὴν ἀβε]βαίαν Eitrem, cf. Mazzoldi (2001), 282 n. 556 (misquoting Eitren as reading πύστιν). But the negative form is two-termination, so surely would have been ἀβέβαιον (?), NB the papyrus seems clearly to have πύστιν,

Colometry: example to show the different modern arrangements of (b) (A) ζεῦγλαν ἀνάγκης μετὰ παρθενικῶν (B) πρόσπολον οἰκτρᾶς

πρόσπολον οἰκτρᾶς (Wil. and Pw.) ζεῦγλαν ἀνάγκης, μετὰ παρθενικῶν (Pa.)

This poem or pair of poems is preserved on a papyrus in Berlin published in 1907

and bought on the open market (so we do not know its provenance). There is no colometry at all, except for a clear dicolon after βεβαίαν. Because of this continuous layout, modern editions differ in presentation of what are clearly dimeters: the basic unit is UU-, or metrical equivalent, as at line 15 μετὰ παρθενικῶν, compare Aeschylus’ δέκατον μὲν Eros (Ag. 40); and there are two of these units per line. 595

Appendix: the Anapaestic Kassandra poem

We can arrange the pairs as a (where a is the second unit of the line and the first is missing), and then continue 4c and then de, or we can arrange ad, then cd then ef

and so on. The version above draws on but adapts Page's translation. But he printed and translated only the best preserved central passage. Discussion

We have here a short anapaestic eulogy of Homer on col. 1, and on col. 2 another and perhaps related anapaestic poem. The language of both is agreed to be Hellenistic, but we cannot be more precise than that. Poem 2 is a lament usually assumed to be delivered by Kassandra and addressed to Priam (πάτερ, if that is right). This last

feature alone invites comparison with the Alexandra, in which the guard addresses Priam directly; but two lines in particular might allude to that more famous poem. The anapaestic Kassandra announces [και]ρὸς ἀνοίγειν [τὸν ὑἹπὸ σκοτίαις Bv] βλοισι λόγον κρυπίτόν], ἀνάγκη πρὸς [φ]ῶς μ᾽ d[ca:],the time has come to reveal the word hidden in the darkness of the Book, now I must sing it to the light’,

257. Similarly Lyk.’s guard begins by emphasizing the riddling, confused nature of

Kassandra’s utterances, and he uses the metaphor of darkness to describe it, rav σκότῳ (12). In antiquity the poet of the Alexandra was called σκοτεινός (see 12 n.), Latin ater, and it may be that dark books hints at Lykophron, especially if (as has been suggested) the 'books' in the anapaestic poem are the Sibylline books. For the general parallel between the Sibylline oracles and the Alexandra, see 1465n. A further similarity between these anapaests and the Alexandra of Lyk. is the extent to which modern scholars have felt the need to be rude about both poems,

and the stylistic reasons for this rudeness. Here is Page on the anapaestic poem: "we observe in it monotony of metre; lack of taste in phraseology, and of imagina-

tion in sentiment and description. On lines 25ff. he comments testily 1 do not know why she should be in doubt about the identity of her parents’. But Alan

Griffiths' new supplement dissolves this problem. Powell and Barber called the pair of poems a ‘strange fragment’, and described the Homer eulogy as ‘turgid’, and the Kassandra poem as ‘crabbed and artificial in style’.To illustrate this, they quoted only the lines about revealing what was hidden in dark books and singing to the light, and commented ‘one naturally thinks of Lycophron’s Alexandra as a parallel to this part’. By contrast, Wilamowitz wrote of the anapaestic poem ‘the whole thing is strange in the highest degree. One looks in vain for analogies, in vain for echoes. Lykophron fails to provide any, and that is no less true of tragedy and all Latin poetry.’ It is untrue that there are no lexical echoes of Lyk.: the rare word CedyAa occurs three times in Lyk., otherwise in Euripides’ Bellerophon and in the 1st-cent. Bc epigrammatist Archias; see 817n. But particular chimes matter less than the generally recondite vocabulary used by both poets. And there is other, if less striking, shared language. Is the papyrus poem helpful for the understanding of Lykophron? ‘The late

P. M. Fraser thought so, and he was surely right. It is to him that I owe my first awareness of this strange fragment.

The anapaestic poem has not received much scholarly attention at all, as may be seen from the bibliography above. After the first publication, and then the 506

Appendix: the Anapaestic Kassandra poem

reprintings in Coll, Alex. in 1925 and Page's 1941 Loeb volume, it has tended to feature only in books about the Kassandra myth in literature, most recently Mazzoldi 2001. Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004 do not mention it, although they do mention another Kassandra fragment from Oxyrhynchos, apparently tragic (see Introduction, n. 123). Let us start with the papyrus hand. It is obviously ancient. The hand, said to date perhaps from the time of Augustus, is not elegant (see for example the letter phi), but it does seem to be the same in both columns, and Homer is an obvious

thematic link if we wish to think in terms of a single poem. Presumably it was quite a /ong poem, given the disjunction in subject-matter within the basic Homeric structure. We may turn to the anapaestic metre. Another literary papyrus in anapaests provides a parallel, as Page noted (1941: no. 30): it too concerns Hekabe. Anapaests (as

Wilamowitz and Page both observed) remained in fashion for tragedy after other metrical forms had been discarded; a story in Cassius Dio links them with S. Italian Taras (frag. 39). Laments, ¢hrenoi, were often composed in anapaests and that suits col, 2; but not col. 1, the eulogy. Alan Griffiths (personal communication) wrote of the anapaests ‘perhaps if Lykophron can take the iambic messenger speech and balloon it up into a whole poem, someone else could do the same with anapaests. After all theyre not much more than big-endian dactyls. Could this be a grotesquely

swollen parodos? He also noted the parallel with Hekabe’s ‘bravura anapaestic sequence’ at E. Tro. 98 ff., which like our anapaestic poem takes place after the fall of

Troy; so also Nebling 1997. Griffiths sees Tra, as the main inspiration for the poem. The eulogy to Homer need not detain us long; but we should note the recondite, even riddling, way in which places are referred to. Let us take the most extreme example. ‘Desert peaks of Teumesos’ simply means ‘Boiotia’, by synecdoche (part for whole) of a type familiar from Lyk., thus Golgoi (589) does duty for Cyprus as a whole. Teumesos was a tiny place in Theban territory. It was not a polis but belongs to the category of 'pre-Hellenistic settlements not attested as poleis’ (LACP: p. 436, spelling it Teumesses, and listing literary refs).

Strabo (9. 2.24=F 2 Wyss) said that the poet Antimachos ‘adorned it with praise in many verses’, and it turns up unexpectedly in Euripides’ Phoenissai (1100). The “Teumesian fox’ is said by the mythographers to have ravaged the Kadmeia. The oldest attestation of the place is in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (line 224),

which calls it λεχεποίην, meadowy. This sort of synecdoche is familiar from Lyk., but it may be objected that other Hellenistic poets also went in for learned topographical periphrasis in a general sort of way—as indeed did Aeschylus, in

the second half of Klytaimestras beacon-speech. Thus Apollonios, Theokritos, and others call Thessaly Haimonia, Samos Parthenia, Korinth Ephyra, and so on. Occasionally a poet may helpfully use both the usual, and the more obscure and supposedly older name; thus Kallimachos in the Hymn to Artemis (lines 47-8) says of one of the Aiolian islands ‘Lipari, but then it was called Meligounis’. The particular device of synecdoche is, however, a special favourite of Lyk., though the basic idea here is Homeric, as in the best-known example, Argos standing for Greece as a whole.

507

Appendix: the Anapaestic Kassandra poem The listing of places also recalls a mannerism of the Alexandra. The ‘Lokrian shores, Krisaian tripods and desert peaks of Teumesos’ (col. a, 4-6) evoke central Greece rather in the manner of the Lykophronic Kassandra’s catalogues at 644—647 and 1146-1150 (Boiotian and Lokrian places respectively). Let us move on to the other anapaestic poem, the Kassandra poem. But though it is surely safe to call it that, there is no personal name anywhere; they are all results

of modern inference. Even Apollo is not that but ἀναξ, the lord. The poem as we have it begins by saying that someone ‘came beneath the very yoke of necessity’, but

the sex of the person described will not be completely clear until line 16 οἰμώξασα, though the shriek, ἰαχή, is a clue. Initially, we recall Aeschylus’ ἀνάγκας ἔδυ λέπαδνον (Ag, 218), and think of Agamemnon. But instead of the male Greek we expected from this very obvious intertext, it dawns on us that we have a female Trojan. We start, in fact, with a third-person description of someone who is surely Hekabe,

‘once ruler of the sceptres, now slave of the Danaans’. Lyk.'s Kassandra devotes two separate sections to Hekabe, ‘mother, wretched mother’, as she calls her (1174). The contrast between former glories and present misery is a standard ingredient of

laments for both individuals and cities, as in Antipater of Sidon’s lament for Korinth

after the Roman sack in 146 ac (31 n.). The combination σκήπτρων ἀρχός, ‘queen

of sceptres’ (for ‘sceptred queer’), is bold. Is it fanciful to detect an echo of the most famous line of Lykophron, that which as we saw predicted for Rome γῆς kat θαλάσσης σκῆπτρα καὶ uovapxíav,'sceptre and monarchy of land and sea’? (1229) Evidently Wilamowitz, who as we saw looked in vain for echoes of Lykophron, and knew that line very well, thought not. And it is true that the roots skeptr- and arch- are not rare: the anapaests may be echoing Hekabe in Troades 150, ‘sceptre of Priam’.

Then there is a change of narratorial manner: if in line 19 [σῆς] γενεᾶς is right and means ‘your birth-pangs’, Hekabe (hitherto described in the third person) is now apparently addressed in the second person by the narrator; unless we are to

suppose that Kassandra starts speaking here rather than in line 25. But if not, and

we keep Page’s indentation and start a new section ‘who was ploughman etc., we seem, half-way through line 22, to switch to a new voice, Kassandra’s, who begins with the question about parentage which so irritated Page. But again questions are traditional elements in laments. We have already looked at the section about the

word hidden in the darkness of the book, but now to be brought to light.

‘Then comes a further feature which is both indicative of Kassandra and not, or superficially not. Line 28, ‘in me alone of your noble race, father, did the dvaf

Apollo plant sure belief’, reading πίστις with Page (whose translation, however, I have changed, see app.); this is easier Greek but palaeographically harder than πύστις, information. If mioris is right, there is a problem. Apollo notoriously gave

the adult Kassandra the gift of foreknowledge, but with strings attached, namely general disbelief; this was punishment because she refused him sex at the last moment. This tradition goes back at least to Aeschylus in the Agamemnon and is found in Euripides’ Alexandros (above, Introduction p. 47); and it is definitely retained by Lyk. (1454), the Lepsian god (Apollo, see 1207n. ) deprived me of

credence, πίστιν yap ἡμῶν Λεψιεὺς ἐνόσφισε. The use of πίστις in the papyrus 508

Appendix: the Anapaestic Kassandra poem poem is almost defiant in its disagreement with Lykophron. The disagreement is less sharp if we read not πίστις but πύστις, not belief but information, with most

other editors, but there is still the reference to mortals in whom Kassandra plants

sure information. One way out is to challenge βεβαίαν. Eitrem, worried by the tradition about general non-belief in Kassandra, suggested πίστιν θνητοῖς τὴν ἀ[βε]βαίαν. Instead of ‘firm belief’, we would have ‘unreliable belief”, but adjective is two-termination so ought to be ἀβέβαιον. One can get round problem another way, by noting that Aeschylus and Lykophron make clear Kassandra will eventually be believed. And the chorus in Aeschylus does in become reluctantly convinced that Kassandra is right and Agamemnon is to

this the that fact die;

they do, however, retain an incredulous doubt about the gender of the killer, and

this may be a compromise. There is, however, a radically alternative tradition, by which Kassandra and her brother Helenos acquired prophetic powers though having their ears licked in childhood by serpents. This story is first attested in the Alexander-historian Antikleides of Athens; see above, Introduction section 2. Perhaps the author of the

anapaestic poem is following this tradition, in opposition to the version found in Aeschylus, in the Alexandros of Euripides (frag. 11), and in Lykophron, but is at the same time signalling awareness of that version. Did Homer know of Kassandra’s prophetic powers? It is usually said that he did not. But the matter was controversial (see again, Introduction section 2, discussing the possible implication of I/ 24. 700, where she climbs to the top of Troy's citadel to watch out for Priam's return

with Hector's body, and cries in anguish to the other Trojans to come and see). There is more one could say about the papyrus poem - the dismal incantation and so on; and note that Page omits the last six lines. It would seem that, against the more tragically influenced Alexandra, the author seeks to reassert epic (this is not meant to imply that Homer and post-Homeric epic are absent from Lykophron; not at all, as we have seen in section 3 (ii) of the Introduction. But the metre is tragic, and tragic handling and diction predominate). Hence the praise of Homer by name in col 1. of the anapaests: this is very different from Lykophron, who, true to tragic convention, names no poet or other author. Hence too, perhaps, the reversion, in col 2, to a version of Kassandra's

foreknowledge which is certainly at variance with that given by Aeschylus, Euripides, and Lykophron.

509

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West, S. 2000: ‘Lycophron’s Alexandra: Hindsight as Foresight Makes No Sense’, in M. Depew and D. Obbink (eds), Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons and Society, Cambridge, Mass.: 153-66. West, S. 2003: ‘Lycophron’s Alexandra: Something Old and Something New’, in J. A. Löpez Férez (ed.), Mitos en la literatura griega hellenistica e imperial, Madrid: 79-95. West, S. 2007: ‘Lycophron’s Argonautica’, in The Argonautica and World Culture (1) = Phasis 10: 204-14.

West, S. 2009: ‘Herodotus in Lycophron, in Eclats: 80-93.

West, S. 2011: ‘A Diplomatic Fiasco: The First Athenian Embassy to Sardis (Hdt. 5.73), Rb. Mus. 154: 9-21. White, H. 1997: ‘An Interpretative Problem in Lycophron’s Alexandra’, Habis 28:

49-51.

White, H. 2000: “Textual Problems in Lycophron’, QUCC 66. 3: 125-31. Whitehead, D. 2002: Aineias the Tactician: How to Survive Under Siege’, Bristol.

Wide, S. 1893: Lakonische Kulte, Leipzig. Wiemer, H.-U. 2013: ‘Zeno of Rhodes and the Rhodian View of the Past’, in Gibson and Harrison 2013: 279-306. Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff], U. von 1880: Aus Kydathen (= Philologische Untersuchungen 1), Berlin.

Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff], U. von 1883a: ‘De commentatiuncula’, Greifswald [= 1935772: 2. 12729]. Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff],

Lycophronis

U. von 1883b: ‘Die beiden

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Elektren‘, Hermes 18:

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Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff], U. von 1924: Hellenistische Dichtung in der Zeit des Kallimachos, 2 vols, Berlin.

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Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff], U. von 1931-2: Der Glaube der Hellenen, 2 vols, Berlin. Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff], U. von 1935772: Kleine Schriften, 6 vols, Berlin. Wilamowitz[-Moellendorff], U. von, and Schubart: see under Schubart Wilhelm, A. 191: "Die lokrische Madcheninschrift’, Jahresh. Ost. Arch. Inst. 14: 163-256 [= Abhandlungen und Beiträge zur griechischen Inschriftenkundet, Leipzig,

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551

INDEX

OF LITERARY

PASSAGES

Note: for fragmentary Greek historians and mythographers, see under FGrHist A. D see Anthologia Palatina AELIAN NA 4.56

1129 393 1160-1 143 1206 17 n. 47, 132, 496 1208 499 I212 498-9 I216 435

142

6. 51 395

6.54 391

11.5 261 Fragments (H[ercher]; D[omingo]-F[orasté]) 47H, 50 D-F 411-12; see SUDA

1224-5 391 1226 394 1236 132

AESCHYLUS

1258 394

Ag. 40-263

1262 393 1273 263

165

40 505

1277 393

120 165

1279 398

129 352

1280-1

137 165

1285 495

161-2

71 n. 196, 488

223, 378, 396

1351 393 1380 392

199 250 218 508 268 150

1382-3 39273

276 267

144475 212,499 1539-40 392 1571 452 1618 337 1626 391

281-4

1386-7 391

173

302-3 52 335 454

358 391 383-4 153 384 308

Cho. 191 196

249 395

449 498 577-9 419 606-8

273 396

394

657 167

717 251

290 214, 491 486 258 491 302

798 495

§06 305

814 175

524 173

825 194

587 350

835

600

196

206

1050-1 499

644 399 792 139 853 285

1050 128 1061 261, 480

882 498 910 265

1076 128

973 439

95475 395 1050-2

6.n.15

553

CITED

Index of Literary Passages Cited AESCHYLUS (cont.)

661

Cho. (cont.)

677 456

988 396 999

714715 394

726-7 454

394

839-41 268

1011 396 1049-50 Eum,

846-52 456

402

1024 276 1053 417 Sept. 18 317 130 157 355 ἴδ:

I9 245, 429

59 183 80 402 126-7 380

132 379.396 170

120,121

380

233

151

Suppl. 67 420

246 379 292-3 238 292 274

31 456

676 421

302 368

304 356

Fragments (TrGF)

323 402

20 and 20a 463

326 355

38 480 81 223

399401 425 410 189 416 215 616-18 243

174 330 180 210 210-15 148

227 459 249757 135

736 77 τι. 215,197 737 77» 197 787 159 Pers.

267 426 2732 284

277 353 382 433

303 301 304 170 au 337 421 201 424 202

292 235 444 194

AINEIAS TACTICUS

469 490 476 488 483 177 489-91 490 660 329 718 145

31.24 409, 411, cf. 24 AISCHINES 2.105 428 3. 118-19 387

ALKAIOS OF LESBOS (Voigt; Liberman)

721-6 489

IO 41

72475 489

70.6 475 75.10 475

794 490 IO25 350 Prom. 96 461

298

68-9 388 209-10

13

302b.1 475 306ah 204 72 n.200

364 163

354 13 n. 32,160

379 270 ALKAIOS OF MESSENE (HE)

588 296 609-12 120

18-27 314

20 393 3477 497 140 395

614 135 615 146

554

Index of Literary Passages Cited ALKMAN (PMG and PMGF) 3.82

ANTIPATER OF THESSALONIKE (GP)

225

249 379

14b 255 23 142

ANTONINUS LIBERALIS (Martini)

ΧΧΙ 297

XXIX 325 XXXIV 321 XXXVIII 341

26 203 30 296 106 463

ANTHOLOGIA PALATINA

ANYTE (HE) 664 246

5.138 43 n. 125

708-713 204

6. 51 447 9.151

128

APOLLODOROS THE MYTHOGRAPHER

9.429 43 5.127

(for A. of Athens see FGrHist 244) 1.1. 292

15,22 355

ANTIGONOS OF KARYSTOS (Keller) Hist. mir. CLII 291 CLXXII 261 ANTIMACHOS (Wlyss]; M[atthews]) Testimonia 31W τ Fragments 2W and M 507 19W and M 231 20W and M 231 23W, 21M 231 27-28W and M. 255

204 454 293 205 292,470 286

L 6.2 287 1.6.3

287,319

17 371 1.7.7-10 153 1.7.8 248 1.8.2 237 1.9.8 295 1.9.16 230, 237 2.1.3 445,456

46W, 52M. 486

55W, 49M. 144

56-65W, 67-73M 460

2.2.1 354 2.4.1 324

57W, 68M 124 63W, 73M 268 mW, 132M 158 72W, 85M. 207, 210 84W, 136M 177 93 M, 191 West 267

2.4.2 324-6

2.4.3 323 2. 4. 4-8. 351 2.4.8 129 2.5.9

101W, 97M. 153

130, 148

2.5.12 465 2.6.4 193 2.7.1 483

usW, ısoM 153 u8W, 154M 482 124W, 159M 208

2.7.4 445 2.7.7 470

154W, [206]M 309

2.8.3

224, 266

191M, 154M 267 ANTIPATER OF SIDON (HE) 314 271

482

3.1.4 456 3.4.1 432

3.5.5-6 261 3.6.1 385 3.6.7 285 3.6.8 385 3.9.1 228

362 463 480

205

1.2.1 1.2.3 1.3.4 1.4.1 1. 6.1

1.6.1-2

34-5W, 33M. 156,368, 379

183W, 108M

11.6

231

488 315

496 194

3.10.2 152

568-75 30,128, cf. 508

569 362

3.10.3

5745 330

245-6

3.10. 475 312

555

Index of Literary Passages Cited APOLLONIOS RHODIOS

80-1 337

HH HR BOB Bop

3.13. 8 182,209

eR BOB

3.14.4 320-2 3.14.7 192 3.15.7 233 Ep(itome)

BOB op

1.16 466 2.6 158

D OH

3.172 144 3.1 453

M MOM

3.778 202 3.15-17 168 3.16 283

M OM MOM

3.17 168 3.23 174 176

M B B M M BOB

3.29 241 3.30 241 3.31 175 3.32

187

5.23

189

US M BOB

135 172, 349750 194 449 415

BOB

5.3 163 5.8 34475, 381 5.10 5.14. 5.17 5.21 5.22

32 n. 91,461

54 321.91, 341

65-6 337 96-7 32 n. 91, 204 105-6 339

3.12.7 147,222 3.13. 5 125

3.29-30

IO-H

nn

3.10.4 398 3.10.7 143 3.10.8 341 3.10.9 378 3.11.1 145 3.11.2 247 3.12.1 138-9 3.12.1-3 139 3.12.3 126,199 3.12.5 142, 153, 172, 188, 449, 505 3.12. 6 136

HH

APOLLODOROS THE MYTHOGRAPHER (cont)

6.5 204-5 6.9-11 434 6.9 390

146 153 164 320.91 185-9 230

233 32 N. 91,335

285 32 n. 91,397 322 32n.91,386

503 32 n.91,429 50477 32 N. 91,431 524-8 32 n. 91,463 746 32 N. 91, 421

915-6 139 957 279 972 32 n.91 1117 32 n.91, 394 I165 32 n.91, 472 1209 32 n. 91, 262 1283 32 n. 91, 244 .I-163 32 n.91, 230

. 188ff. 32 n. 91, 276 .215 180

.240 251

«346 32 n. 91, 275 .372 32 n. 91,366 381a 32 n. ΟἹ, 489

381b 214 403

160

503 32 n. 91, 456

515 32 n.91 531 32 n. 91,294 586

164

596 32 n. 91,454 898 339 995 32 n. 91,466 1005 32 n. 91, 180

1016-7 214 1147 32 n. 91,65 n. 169, 184 12-13 282

6.12 208

3.222 32n.91,267

6.15 228,388 6. 15b 389 6.15c-16 232

3.444—850 462 3.656 32n.91,271 3.803 32 n. gt, 240 3.861 32 n. 91,421

6.20-2

411,416

3.1000 32n, 91 3.1047-9 462

6.28 475 7.18

293

3.1178 32 n. 91,432

7.24 302

556

Index of Literary Passages Cited

BOROROR ROBO BOR BO ROB BOR ROB ROB ROB OBORO BOR BOB OB BOR EDEL

3.1246-8 462 3.1260 145 1278-1345 462 83 32 n. 91

428 37 916 324 ARCHIAS (HE)

3709 317

πο 65 ἢ. 170

APPIAN

123-64, esp. 154 462

BC

149 462 156-66 32 n. 91, 268 232 339 257-62 166

Hann. 31 38, 266

2.71 270

ARCHILOCHOS (West; and see P. Oxy. 4708)

269 32 n.91, 149

40 480

303-8 32 n. 91,373 303 32 n. 91, 375 371 32 n.91

107 204 178 144

201 391 213 350

381 32 n. 91, 317

216 480

507-91 32 N. 91, 373

518-9 374,375

297 227 ARISTOPHANES Ach.

588-90 463 575 302 607 204

814 283

654-8 32,334

Frogs 34273 171 Knights

660 133, 282 661—752 281 661-3 32n.91, 450

806

786 275

974-5 87 n. 255, 214

813 32 n. 91 815 32 n. 91,161

Peace 120 384

868ff. 32 n. 91, 163 982 32 n. 91, 307 989 32 n. 91,265

634 283 1056

1089 32 n. 91, 395 268

4. 1227-1610 4.1242 32 n. 91, 273

4.1299

146

ARISTOTLE AND PSEUDO-ARISTOTLE Ath.Pol. Frag. 4 465 15.1 442

1095 32 n. 91, 157 1141-3

283

Lys. 2 333

73i 225

19.3

32 n. 91, 164

128

57-3 378

4.1309 336

De mir.ausc.

4.1550 340 4. 1551 340

79 22,261

4. 1613714. 340

88 270

4.1643 435 4.1673 32 n. 91, 235

95 451,500

82 156

97 365

4.1679 32 n. 91, 230 4.1726 480

102 289-90

105 33475

4.1753 274 4.1770 32, 92,294

106

23, 91 n. 271, 329, 364

4.1776 124

107 23,344, 346, 347, 348 108 23, 349, 355

4-6 31

109

Fragments

ARATOS, Phainomena 3790 399

IOg-IIO 259

22-3, 261, 388, 402-3

De mundo 400b 4 287

557

Index of Literary Passages Cited ARISTOTLE AND PSEUDO-ARISTOTLE (cont.)

EN

1134b 23 294

ATHENAIOS 95f-96a 206 207€

89

234} 83, 448

Hist. An.

2962-2974 305 327. 204

493a 20 480 5014 II 485

501a 14 130 sorb 25 323

3316 218

363b 229 382d 484

593b 14 141

456f-457a 349

6204 13 324

Meteor.

523b 402

363b 29 348

523d 364

Poetics 1449b 8 123

g72f 322 632a

262

Politics

6392 48

1329b 20 133 Rhetoric

665 et seq. 158

1365a10

BACCHYLIDES (Maehler) Odes

272

1396b 18 175 1409b 10-12 387 14152 39. 303

2.5 17 n. 48, 437

3 484

3.94-8 499

Fragments (Rose)

508 92,313 536 246

17.33-8 464 I9 455

5A 230

19. 39-43 456

584 364,366 598 313

20 248

Dithyrambs

1. 47ff. 277

609 388

23 17, 135

611.1 465 61.37 476 640 423 ARRIAN (and see

FGrHist 156)

Anabasis 1.8-9 425 1.9 431 2.5.9

Fragments 9 195 15 277 20D 137-8, 452 BION (Reed) Adonis 1 128

215-16

374 321

2.22.2 220 3.3.2 495 3.20.1 201

7-8 366

7 230, 322 Fragments XITI.1 146

6.28.4. 468

7.13.5 467 ARTEMIDOROS THE DREAMS EXPERT Oneirokritika 4.63 461

CA see Collectanea Alexandrina CEG 872 220

ARTEMIDOROS OF EPHESOS THE GEOGRAPHER (Stiehle)

Cassius Dio

24 268 Asıos (West 2003)

CATULLUS

36.14 87 60.2 275 64.1 129

5 354 7 300 ASTYDAMAS (ΤΥΟΕῚ T8a and Fi(h) 427

Frag. 39 507

no. 60)

64. 96 87,255 95.5 221

Index of Literary Passages Cited CHAIREMON (TrGF 1. no. 71)

5.83. 475 174 7.5.5 447

173 371

CHARIKLEIDES (K/A)

11. I1. 13. 14.

I 421

CICERO De leg. Ag. 2.71 400 2 Ferr.

62.3 453 88. 475 334 102. I. 24. n. 65 82.8 413

15.40.2 171

15.79 428 15.81.2 273 16.18.1 299 16. 62. 4763.1 329

4.33 357 4.72 362

4.129 498 Collectanea Alexandrina

16.65. 2-3 377

(and see ISYLLOS) p. 85 223

16. 78-81 360

PP. 133-4

17.17. 2 176 17.57.32 314

16. 88.3 329

65 n. 170

frag. 45 346

lyricaadespota no. 11 503 Comica adespota (K/A)

18.3.2 453 18.7.1 25,62, 262 18. 56. 4. 410

952 351

19.53 42374, 428, 430 DEMOokRIToSs (DK 68)

19. 62. 6 221 I9. 94-100 24 n. 66

Β 171 201-2

20.20 314 20.28 76,314 20.104-5 329 20.104.3 310

DEMOSTHENES

18. 242

242

21.105 410 23.87 378 33.20

426

20.104.4 268 21.2.1 268 21.18.12 90 n. 267, 353

DIODORUS SICULUS 1.12.8

238

3723 207 4.9.2 129

4.14.3 465 4.22.2

289

423.2 4.24.7 4.28.2 4.39.2 4.49.3

332 330 467 132 131

24.6 333

37.30.2 231 Dionysios OF HALIKARNASSOS Ant. Rom. (i.e. Roman History) 1.9.3 446 1.28 444

1.467 426 1.48 449 1.49.4 442

4.56.5 334

1.52 226, 360-1

4.70.3 244

1.52.4. 357

4.74.4. 469

1.55 445-6

4.83.1 359

1.64.5 448 1.67.1-3 387 L 67.4 448 1. 68. 4. τῆς 1.72. 2-4. 388

5.3.2

156

5.17 269 5.17.1 270 5.18.4

271

1.72.2 443-4 1.76 426

5: 47-2 139 5.48 140 5.48.1 141 5.57.6 481 5.61.1 207 5.62.1-2 251

8.61.3 441

6. 95 441 On literary composition I9 218

559

Index of Literary Passages Cited il 248

DiONYSIOS PERIEGETES (and see EUSTATHIOS)

16 237,246 17 237 22 241

327 149

350 356 483 257, 263

25 187 26 250

773-4 467

783 467

27 202

850 244 DIOSKORIDES (HE) 1465 198

28 449 Hiou Persis (Sack of Troy) Arg. 3 198 Arg. 4 190, 232 427

1479 485 1471-4 43 1. 125 1661 184

DosiADAS Bomos (Altar’)

6 232

Little Iliad

2 462 3 161, 251

Arg. 2. 159, 345 Arg. 4. 277

5 225, 462

8 211

16 277

H 277 17 232

17-18 137, 385

19 449

II 129, 346

DvMas OF Iasos (TrGF 1 no. 130) T (not numbered)

140

EMPEDOKLES (DK 31)

Bro 353

B 115 201-2 P. Strasb. gr. inv. 165-66 264 ENNIUS

Annals (Skutsch)

36 449 57 449750

96 385 126

97. 431

344 362 384 97,178 Alexander (Jocelyn)

72 194 EPIC CYCLE (West 2003); ‘Arg.’= summaries by

Proklos. See also ASIOS; KINAITHON Aithiopis Arg.1 10,371 Arg.3 310 Arg. 4 160 1 370

5 381

Kypria

Arg.2 237,243

Arg. 5b Arg.7 Arg. το Arg. I1

24. 256

West 2003: 135 194. Nostoi Arg.2 210 Arg.3 204-5 Arg. 4c 9,208 9 212 Telegony Arg. 3 312 5 312 Thebaid Ir 248 adespota

15 350

ERATOSTHENES, geographical frags. (Berger); see FGrHist 241 for historical frags.; also P. Oxy. 3000 (poem) IB, 6 298 ILA, 9 124

IIIB, 57 274

IIIB, 91 219, 230 ETYMOLOGICUM GENUINUM B (Lasserre and Livadaras) a 405 (AAaios) 346 a 598 (Apavres) 102 a 1263 (ἀσελγαίνειν) 477

ETYMOLOGICUM MAGNUM (Gaisford) 63. 4 (Ἄλθαινος) 380

316 168 176, 241 143,187

76.54

(Ἄμαντες)

τοῦ

27. 20 (Alas) 127 152. 47-153.3 (ἀσελγαίνειν) 477-8 209. 34-5 (Βούσιρις) 355

1 453 560

Index of. Literary Passages Cited 257. 31-2 (δέρτρον) 336 327. 11-14 (Edeynis) 478 544. 30 (KuAioravos) 355 709. 51-3 (σεμνῶς) 310

132 133 157 162 165

EUBOULOS (K/A) 7579 243

34 n. 99, 34,354 34. 99, 34 n. 99, 34 n. 99,

167 377 451 327

186 34,190, 232

EUPHORION (Lightfoot)

187 34,410 191 33-4 209 34n.99,135 346

Testimonia 1 33, 298 Fragments 4 33, 250

EURIPIDES AIR. 353 147 Andr. 43 347

6 34 n. 99, 236

11.7 34 n. 99, 290 IL. Hl. 65 12-13 34 n. 99, 138 15C 34 n. 99, 161

44677 398 459 485

I9 500

793 337 886 71

19. 28 34 n. 99, 172 19.36 34 n. 99, 267

1034 140, 233, 476

19.37 500

1138 131 1259-62 160

26 34 n. 99, 227, 289

Ba.

32 34 n. 99, 222 34.2 34n.99 37-40 33,298 44 34 D. 99, 127, 184, 23

81 443 107 478

486 ı71

45 34 n. 99, 225

535 278 595 184

46 34 and n. 99, 180, 225, 338

48 3374

628 418 699 188

49 34 1.99, 347 75 341.99,237 79 172

920 169-70, 443 982 157

80 34 n. 99, 180

1034 169 1280 135 1361 81 n. 233, 473

81 34 n. 99,252 83 272

86 34 n. 99, 145

El.

97 34 n. 99, 189

1140 153 Hek. 17 339

87 34 n. 99, 276-7

165 416

98 34 n. 99, 232 99 34 n. 99, 201 IOO 271 100.5 34 n.99

41 190

94f. 190

103 34 n. 99, 217

132 307 205-6 190

104 34 n. 99, 209 107 34 n. 99, 146

337 189 827 485

101.1 34 n. 99, 498

107.4 179

gioff. 128 1109 435

108 34 n. 99, 210 iU 89 n. 266

1265 192

121 34 n. 99, 395 I22 34 n. 99, 421

1273 193 1277 394 Hel.

124. 34 n. 99, 146

20 361

131 34 n. 99, 285, 393

561

Index of Literary Passages Cited EURIPIDES (cont.)

43577 160, 166-7

Hel. (cont.)

1193

213-4

Kyk.

245 168

330 223 401 230 429 237

189

258 143, 226 353 389 370-1 200

Mea.

1171

605-6 318 810 223 1122-9 199 1128 435 1204 287

2 275,454 4 129 159 318 478 462

1136 176

1673 147 Her. 408-18

1198-9 185 1245 17, 123, 184 1269 215

466

883 325 Hipp. 12-13

134273 275 Or.

263

225 363

21 319, 473 653 291

382 185 1114 201

1422 319, 322, 473 1451 466 Hid.

137071 329 1569 214 1631 236

159-60 472

Ph.

215-7 466

Hyps. 1. IV. ı7 359 IA

89 196

162 457 248 443 411 385

98-105 164 120 484

742 287

1047-8 390

610 375

1100 507 1113 432 1142 271

1051 29I 1506

299

lon 159 180 228-9

152

1384 199

29 144 167-9 276 167 293

1181 214 1196 363

169

1699 343

589-790 137 859-922 498

Rh

1161 275

57 τ7ι

1173 200

426

1261 457

450 289

296

1267 248

509 356

1458 226

Supp. 140 385 Tro.

1484

209

1585 387

IT 243 176

10 349 13 356

286 380

98ff. 507

427-8 330

142 922 162 296

625-6 167

562

Index of Literary Passages Cited 195 447

Fragments of the Greek Historians (Jacoby;

277 422

ΒΝ} EGM ὃ), fragments in left col., except

303 310 324 199

thatT = testimonium No. 1 (Hekataios of Miletos)

359 485

59 334

376-9

200

1024-C 374,482

395 432 427-44 14715, 273

132 342 207 375

457 280 541 186

239 480 284 192

571 251

330 337

716 136

372 ("18A EGM 1) 468

767ff. 505 1049-50 453

No. 2 (Akousilaos of Argos) 4 471

1156 290

42 201

1197 280 1288-9 71

45a (EGM 1) 408 No. 3 (and 333: Pherekydes of Athens)

Fragments (TrGF)

9 153

62f 47 114-56 323 125.3 196

II 326 10-12 323 36 230

190 166 223.127-8 261 285.10 317, 505-6

45 292 50 431 77 286

370.55-6 204

113a-b 462

402.8

119

463

472.6 394 489-96 364

161

123 371 138 145

515 387

140 250

530 230

No. 4 (and 323a: Hellanikos of Lesbos)

790 287 842 287 968 192

4 444 7 τὸ ἢ. 24,481 13 414

play no. 66 175 ed. 2 p. 766 422

19b 152 23 (EGM 1: p.163). 139, 140, 158, cf. 76

24 (EGM 1: pp. 164) 139, 460 25a (EGM τ: pp. 164-5) 126 26b (EGM 1: pp. 166-7) 130 29 137 31 426

EUSTATHIOS

On Diog.Perieg. 327 149

483 257,263 On Hom. 77. (relevant J/. refs. given in left col.)

32 475

1.423 243 2.25 70n. 190 2.507 272

gt (sra EGM 1) 457 77 268, 306

4.101

84 443

78 273

346

94 454

24.251 159 On Hom.Oa.

IOI 140 104 82 n. 240, 279

p. 1385. 60-4 243 p. 1796. 52. 210 p. 1796. 45 212 EZEKIEL, BIBLICAL BOOK OF 38.6 288

125 (2323a F 23) 479 134 (168c EGM 1) 464

152a (EGM 1) 408

154 320 563

Index of Literary Passages Cited No. 4 (cont.)

No. 115 (Theopompos)

160A EGM 1 459 168b 235 201 341 No. 5 (Damastes of Sigeion)

12 369 51 208-9 103.14 382

103.15 211

225 279 354 315 355 494

T7 (ya EGM 1) 298

3 388, 443 8 298

No. 15 (Dionysios of Samos)

No. 124 (Kallisthenes)

Il 273

3 136 No. 26 (Konon)

LIV 23 1, XIII. 241, 388 1 XXIII 136 1, XXVIII 174 1, XXXIX. 308

54 238 No. 131 (Menaichmos of Sikyon)

10 9I n. 272 No. 137 (Kleitarchos)

3 320 No. 139 (Aristoboulos)

6 227

No. 31 (Herodoros)

17 136

No. 140 (Antikleides)

No. 32 (Dionysios Skytobrachion) 14 131

17 6 and n. 18 No. 154 (Hieronymos of Kardia)

T8 428,430

No. 45 (Kephalon)

4 460 No. 53 (Aristonikos)

1 317 No. 62 (Theodoros) 1 229 No. 63 (Euhemeros)

23 473 No. 70 (Ephoros)

34 289

53 155

68 360

75 277 122 281

13 24,436 No. 156 (Arrian)

IO para. 6 220

95 500 No. 184 (Demetrios of Skepsis) 17 289 No. 239 (Marmor Parium) 6 242 No. 240 (Xenagoras) 26a 221 28 286 No. 241 (Eratosthenes) 3 218

5 439 43 255

127 155

141 349

150 265 156 456

No. 244 (Apollodoros of Athens) 100 228

102 70 n. 190, 290, 291

172 124 No. 76 (Douris of Samos) 21 310

17-53 89 167 344

354 123

34 188

4i 415 44 326 88

164

No. 87 (Poseidonios) 5 (= 57 Edelstein and Kidd) 488 τις 402 No. go (Nikolaos)

No. 262 (Charon of Lampsakos) 12a-b 228

No. 269 (Staphylos of Naukratis) 6 251 8 οἱ n. 271, 398

No. 299 (Pythainetos of Aigina) 2 161

16 21

Sr 259

103C 401

No. 319 (Harmodios of Lepreon) I 171

564

Index of Literary Passages Cited No. 320 (Euanthes cited) I 229

No. 555 (Antiochos of Syracuse)

11 364

No. 327 (Demon)

12 364

17 476

13 329 No. 556 (Philistos) 38 333

No. 328 (Philochoros) 7 126,169 14 426

No. 566 (Timaios)

22 a-b 76 and n. 212, 283

21 334

HO

36 362

465

175 68n.177 No. 334 (Istros) Tı 218

40 27 45 331

51 364 52 364

3 444

57 227

53 257, 264

58 312

54 400 55 24, 402

76 455

No. 354 (Timosthenes) I 292 No. 378 (Antimenidas)

56 23, 380, 382

57 291 58 286

5 43

59 448

2 239

62 445, 47071 63-4 389

9 232, 425

65 269 66 269

No. 379 (Aristophanes of Boiotia)

No. 382 (Lysimachos of Alexandria)

78 374 79 306 85 334, 450

15 281, 315

16 195 No. 383 (Aristodemos of Thebes)

3 432

87 89 98 118

5a 239

7 423,430

No. 384 (Menelaos of Aigai)

I 272 No. 391 (Hegesippos) 9 232

268 289 23,92 n. 278, 298-9 360

126 154, 415 132 308 146a 409

No. 396 (Semos of Delos)

No. 560 (Alkimos)

6 251 No, 444 (Aristeides)

No. 570 (Lykos of Rhegion)

4 439

T3 264 3 264 6 261

6 389 Nos. 491-2 (Maiandrios or Leandrios of Miletos)

5 173 No. 498 (Philteas)

No. 751 (Androkles)

I 270 No. 523 (Zenon of Rhodes)

No. 758 (Kypros, Anhang)

1 481 No. 527 (Philomnestos)

No. 765 (Xanthos of Lydia)

I 219-20 5 (from Lyk.) 217 17 2H 776 (Macedon, Anhang)

1-2 459

No. 1 No. I No. 7

539 (Alexis of Samos) 322 545 (Samos, Anhang) 300 554 (Hippys of Rheion) 229

2 494

No. 777 (Demetrios of Pamphylia) I 216 No. 825 (Parthax)

1 295 565

Index of Literary Passages Cited FRHist 1 (Fabius) T7

289

1 F3 447

4 (Cato) F63 446 6 (Cassius Hemina) FF6 and 7 442

L

84.3 471

1.

93.1

I.

93.4 480 93.5 471 94 445 11.4 235 119.5 314

I. I.

nn

GENESIS, BIBLICAL BOOK OF 10.2 288

25.22 354

GREEK LITERARY PAPYRI (D.L. Page)

181, 471

144.1 480

145 346 149.1 210 163. 2-3

hr

30 42n.22,507

167 259

nn

HELLANIKOS see FGrHist 4

167.3 345

171.2 155 173.2 454

nn

*HERAKLEIDES' (Pfister 1951) 1.17 430 1.2374 305

m

HERAKLEITOS (DK 22)

PP

B81 308

FPP

B94 379 HERMESIANAX (Lightfoot) 10 322

NN

HERODAS

1.57 206

DH

NN

DS

4.13 262 4.80 501 8.11 191 8.42 225

272

165. 3 181

173.3 226 174.2 481 182 346

199 480 212.2 488

14 458 28.5

202

33.3 166 41.2 296, 456 43-3 275

96.5 303

104-5 461 . 112.2 70 n. 189, 323 115-16 12 115.4-6 150 118.3 318

NDP

8.79 367 HERODIAN and PS.-HERODIAN (Lentz)

NNN

περὶ μονήρους λέξεως

BPN

27.13 127 De prosodia catholica p.57 lines 20-21 201 Partitiones

120.2 159 1218 359

2.

152.4 480 181.4 250

1.1.1 456

3.

5.3 320

1.2.1 456, 459

3.

1.7.1 458

3.

1.7.2 60

256

183

HERODOTUS

3.

26.1 431 32.1 188, 439 48.2 32

1.14.2 484 1.16.1 288

3.

53-4 396

3.

1.19.1 70 1.22.2 497

3.

1.22.4 497

3.

1.22.4

406

3.

1.46.2 387

3.

57.4 194 120-6 487 124.2 120 130.5 359 131.2 344 131.3 372

1.65.3

478

3.

142.3 338

1. 66-8 475

3

154. 27155. 3. 311

1.66.2

3.

3.156.3 3. 157.1 4. 9-10 4. 9.1

229

1. 67-8 398, 475 1. 67.4 178 1.72.3 361

566

311 3II 466 280,340

Index of Literary Passages Cited 445.3 454

5.97.3 487 5.99.1 487

4.86.3 466 4.103.1-2 165 4.109.2

270

4.140.3

144, 252

5.100 471

5.101-2 487 5.101.2 181, 471 §. 102.1 20, 487

4.147.4 389 4.148.3 389 4.151.2

250

4.152.2

272

5. 112.1 399 5.113 232 6.19.2

501

4.155.3 360 4.170 346

6.34-6 192, 209, cf. 242 6.37-8 487

4.175.2 99

6.52.2

4.179 336, 338, 340

6.74 283 6.75.3 481 6.77.1 216

4.181.3

177

5.3.2 353 3.3.5 353 5.7 353 5.9.3 247

6.77.2 324 6.86 355

6.86 y 2 267

5.13.2 458

6.98.1 6.98.2

5. 20.4 359 5.22.1 215 5.30.2 195

6. 112.1 216 6.114 185

6. 116 165, 293 6.127.1 369 6.131.2 142

327 61

5.42.3 99 5.43 332 5.4475 347

7.223 489 7.33-6 489 7.33.9 242 7.43.1 490

5.45.1 70 n. 189, 346, 374 5.471 274 5. 47. 2 357 5.48 470 5.49. 3 155 5.56.2 5.57.1 5. 61.2 5. 62.2 5. 63.2 5. 64.2

7.43.2 426

7.51.3 231

7.56 489 7.58.3 490

129 272 375 128 240 219

7.61.2 495

7.61.3 488 7.67.1 270 7.90 55,222,228 7.108. 2 490

7.109.1 490 7.110 209

5. 65.3 476 5. 67.2 422 5.71

7.113.1 208 7.122 489 7.123. 1. 148, 289, 486

401

8.77.2 489 5. 86. 3 32

7.123. 3 151, 494 7324. 353 7.128-30 469 7.133 381

5.92 53 5.9201

205 494

6.105.3 295,299

5.37.1 432 5.41-8 477 $.42-8 5.42.2

44

142

8:92 ἢ 284 5.92 ἢ 274 315 5 5 5

7.139. 6—144.1

7.141.3 489 7.142. 2 489 7.150 488

567

489

Index of Literary Passages Cited HERODOTUS (cont.)

179 306

7.153.2 347

233

7.159 398 7.169-70 213 7.170.2 328

237 201 244 205 270-3 326

7.183.2 7.185.2

280-1 325 287 325

336 468

201,228

7.187.2 489

2957307 471

7.196 490

326 soi

7.197.1 443

337-45 293

7.198 346

340 293

8.33 387 8.35 387

409 420 467 431

8. 46 161 8.47 207,372 8.51.2 489 8.53.2 489 8.62.2 364 8.96.2 323

485 205 510-11 488 776-806 291 800 280 895 238 901-5 153

8.97.1 490-1

930-3 338

8. 115.2 490 8. 117-19 490

958-60 1011-13

7.198.2 413 7.226 490

346-61 73 n. 205 392ff. 292

8.134 382-3

375 281

WD

8. 137.1 315 8.138.273 485

I48 251 163 352

8.139 315

172-3 431

8.144.2 377 9.15.2 273

jor 260 327 260

9.27.4 9. 43.2 9.48.4 9.53.2 9.65.2

467 273 459 194 347

342 324 374 398 363 484 469 317 506-8 379

9.82.3

314

572 278

9.83.2 346 9.93.4 240

617 379 773 463

9.73 12,234

9.96.1 322

9.96.3 164 9.97 240,476 9.101.3 318

512 307

Shield

15-27 351 25 351

Fragments (Merkelbach and West)

9.107.1 310 9.116.2 242 9.120. 2 242 9.120. 4. 242

9 367 103.7 482 103.23 368 23b 167

HESIOD and Ps.-HESIOD Th.

27 11,293 438 10, 19, 112, 481-3

133 174

58 11,354

135 151,174 151 251

65 207 139 321

173-206 307

140 358

568

Index of Literary Passages Cited 175 10,145 177 140

T 188 (rapydvat) 303 7T 1001 (rıTW)

HOMER

182 260 183 261-2 198 311

Iliad

1.2 129 1.374 432 1.14 271

199 398 205

161

250 223 275 284 276 284

1.28

185

1.37742 459

1.39 458-9

1. 69-72 210-11 1.314 152

278 9, 11,212, 365 280.9 498 300 163 Fragments (G.Most) 69 10,19, 112, 481-3 145 161

1.399-406 1.437 166

1.575 244

1545 31

1.598 201 2 216 2.147 178

157.2 254 212 284

2. 21177 371 2.217-9 371

HESYCHIOS (Latte, Hansen and Cunningham) a 6960 (ἀράντισιν) 323

2.471 448

B πόᾳ(βριμός) 289

2.267 311

B 1271 (Βρύχων) 486

2. 305-32

B y y ε € ε

2.342 250 2.505 425

1368 (Βώκαρος) 222 50 (Γαιήοχος) 69 n. 182, 304 1084 (Γυράς) 204 813 (εἰκαῖον) 303 1745 (Ἐκτόρειοι κόμαι) 400 2168 (ἔλλοπες) 259

168

2.507 269,272

2.509 269 2.5H 335 2.517-26 385

€ 3255 (ἐνόρχης) 170

2.519-21 386 2.523 386,387

€ 5763 (Epexdevs) 157 € 5931 ('Epicóvia) 156 0 484 (θηλαστρία) 129 0 642 (Θοράτης) 77 n. 218, 196 θ 972 (Ovorades) 146 1154 (Ἴχνα!) 151 K 745 (καπροφάγος) 68, x 980 (Kaocavöpa) gt and n. 273 K 2755 (κινώπετα) 282

2.526 376 2. 527-34 413 2.531 413 2.533 413 2.540 377

2.548 147

2.594600 381 2. 603-14. 228 2. 615-9 155 2. 631-2 309

κ 2769 (Kipis) 322 κ 3208 (Kööpovs)

205

1.423 243

482

κ 4681 (Κύρις) 322 κ 4751 (κύφελλα) 486

2.646 435

A 224 (Λακεδαίμων) 327 A 841 (ληίτη) 369

2.631 312 2. 631-44. 311

2.649 434

u 791 (Μέμβλις) 389

2.638 373

£ 89 (Eouiéar) 367 1486 (πτελέα) 323 π 2151 (πηγός) 193

2. 695-702 241

a 1244 (σμήριγγες) 1244

2.698

2.656 347 2. 67175 373 176

2.701 241 2.702 242

c 1967 (στράτιος) 70 n. 190 7 116 (rdvaypa) 191

569

354

Index of Literary Passages Cited HOMER (cont.)

5.539 340 5.554 439

Iliad (cont.) 2.715 189

5.586 138 5. 640-2 130 5.641 470 5.642 129 5.644 402

2. 716-9 345 2. 731-2 381 2. 736 341

2. 739 342 2.744 314

5.845 289 5.873 180 6.24 234 6.78-9 440 6.134 224

2.748 341 2.753 342

2.756 341 2. 781-3 471 .813 460 . 813-14. 176 843 290 .848-50 468

6.168 307

p ppp

6.201 284 6.223 425 6.2346 264

6.268 231

857 394

Epp

6.297 405

bP Pp

865-6 471 .868 480

6.298-9 277 6.306 277

872 477

6.344 142 6.415-6 425 6.421 163

. 875 477

Eee

28 152 44 260

6.474 225 7.62 178

54 153 -193 5 444

PPLE

7.85

200

7.147 287 7.30375 225 7. 348-53 193 7.452-3 130,204

4

8. 402 154 8. 556 178

4.19374. 381 4.251 129 4.253 373

9.10 373

4. 282 178

9.124. 193

4.371 133

9.164 440 9.24173 185

9.15 465

*

404 425 4- 464. 379

9.343 352

4.492 230

9.378 393

4.515 238 5. 62—3 125, 127, 145, 456

9. 413 τοῦ

9.419 470

5.125-6 385

9.446 209 9.447-80 209 9. 485 209

5.167 355

5.239-10 440

9.562 70 n.188 9.557 248 9.559 249

5.269 358 5.307 395

5.336 263 5.340-2

9.560 248 9.563 203

368

5.353 450 5.39274 132 5. 406-9

9.593 141 IO. 242-5 256 11.166 190 11.251 346

256

5.417 252 5. 440 470

57°

Index of. Literary Passages Cited TI.

270 321

16. 643

II.

536 159

16.742 225

II.

560

II.

632-7 286

16. 745-50 185 16. 852-4 315

171

. 690-3

132

+27 204 37 214 . 258 185 .259 184

17.135 147 17.143 355 17.599 377 18.40 205

18.56 361 18. 96 176

.273 468 .371 223

+385 393

18. 318-9 188 18.570 369

.28 189 .66 409

19.130 126 19.394 144 19.527 331

.12 141

.156ff. 159 . 289 340

20.64 249 20.145-8 130

.363f-66 41

20. 215-16 400

365-6

- 389-91 395

20. 216-18 138 20.234 456

- 798-9 165

20.237 124 20.267 440

5

. 685 368 . 837 178

20.298

.16 498

20.3078 437

.142 401 . 281-3

.62

21. 441-5 130

21.446 335 21.495 164

225

22.62-4 6 Π.17 22.139-40 179

- 9I 397

. 187-93 437-8 282 373

356 403 535-6 138 541 346 596-600

Bar 347

449

21.362 131 21.364 490

173

.294 122 14. 494 278 15. 37-8 291

15. 15. 15. 15. 15. 15. 15. 15. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16. 16.

291

22.359-60 310 22.362 394 22.371-4 183 22.395-405 180

22.401-2 400 184

716 185 718ff. 184 34 98 n. 289, 125

147 468 163 372 176 332 187 321 221 176

22.441 282, 404 22.469 305

22.479 425 22.506 70 n. 188

23. 41-4 363 23.46 363 23. 9I-2

181

23.126 217 23.396

230

23. 473-81 199

233 71

23.561 273

259-97 164

23. 664-99 349,355 23.694 349

456 489 572 617

200 144 197 177

23.758

123

23-774 351

23. 773-84. 199

Index of Literary Passages Cited 4.81-2

HOMER (cont.) Iliad (cont.) 23.821 223

319

4.8374. 318 4.84 320

23. 839-40 349

4.92 392

24,14-18 180 24.26-30 144

4.242-64

24.3374 429 24.162 154 24.210 153

3n

4-258 499 4.276 159 4.317 318

24.249 369

4.342 172 4.349570

24.251

4- 435-53 326

159

24.257 186

4-445-6

24. 316-7 179, 324 24.482 235

24.700

41

24.748 44 24.804 424 Odyssey

1.3-4 437-8 1.29743

204

5.102 178

6,187, 509

24.703775

4.502 198, 351 4.535 392 5.1-2 123

24.637 368 24.699—703

392

326

4.500-IO 9,204 4.506

24.4957 272 24.496 44 24.530 249

206

5.130 303 5.152-3 302 5.185-6 201 5.234-62 302

5.248 303 5.260 145 5.283 361

5.291-315 302 5.292-8

1.40

396

5.310 310

47 455 52 302

5.318 304

oP

B op b mon

1.30 396

184 329, 386 187 309 222 399 291 342 327 198

PPPS

PP

381 245 159 295 .222 342

PEE

Yee

YP

+ 344 395 + 355 252 419 185 424 139 190 ΙΘῚ

304 203 344 213

235 392 244 499 274 328 276-80 319

d

277 194 3.333751 305 4.23 370 4.40 144

148

305

5.32375 302 5.333751 305

5.33475 146 5.351 305

5.37273 306

5.426 306 5.430 305 5.438 347

5.43475 306 5.446 295 5.470 290 6.66 478 6.129 307 6.230

6

7.57 189 7.104 157 7.106

450

7.197 153 7.245 302 7.307 395 8.79-80 45 8. 362-3

319

8.362 353 8. 481 122

OS O D P CO DO P 9 DO Ὁ Ὁ Ὁ Ὁ Ὁ Ὁ 9 9 9o ge go po co

Index of Literary Passages Cited IO. 517 285

49374 172 498 338, 349 499-520 9

10.535

285

10. 552ff. 377

516 129

11.14719 288 11.25 126,285 11.36 285 11.48 285

534 308 540 308

557-62 463

1. 5ıfl. 377 11.52 293 11.77 337 11, 90ff. 284 11. 121-37 312 11.122-3 313 1.13577 313 IL. 240-2 295 11.259 186

I9 306

22 309 29-30 302

39-61 274 77 164 82-104 274 105-566 278

122 223 135 384 184 213

τ. 260-5

196-215 278

11. 287 478

197-8 278 208-11 278 234 262 239 262

IL, 299-304

345-74. 278 347 278

11.410-20 314 11.411 392

260

11. 387-464 392 11.409726

390 278

Ir. 423 394 11.523 349

9. 528

11.569 485

o

9. 526-35 303 69 n. 184, 303-4

9. 536 303

11.579 336

II. 605-6 285 12.1415 337

278,301

10.19 301 10.20 165, 301 10.80-132 278 10.108 279 10.121-3 280 10.124 280 10.132 287 10.136 281 10. 15374. 281 10.153 143 10.220 281 10.236 282 10.238 282, 404 10. 242 282-3

12. 39-54. 276 12.39

276

12.52 293 I2. 61 275, 454.

12. 70 31 n. 87,460 12. 73-110 133 12.85 134 12. 86 133, 275 12.89-100 275

12. 9I 275 12.95 134 12.98-9

275

12.165-200 276 12.167 293 12.235 274

10.286 282 10.293 10.305 IO. 319 10.493 10. 509 10.513 10.514

10

II. 421-3 284, 395

.427 171

IO. 1779

236

11.314 354

281 283 281 284 289 289 29I

I2. 261-425 302 12. 387-8 302

12.415 302 12.419 373 12. 426-47

12.432 302

573

302

Index of Literary Passages Cited HOMER (conz.) Odyssey (cont.)

24.5 285 24. 6-7 285

12.433 302 12. 447-9 302

24.60 98, 181 24. 73-5 181

13.96 201

24.222 330

13.106 266 13.261 484

24.242 267 24. 430-1 478

13.351 309

24.528 390

14.78 489 14. 278-g1 88 14. 288ff. 277

Homeric HYMNS To Demeter (Hymn 2) 17 276,290

14. 327-8 463

24 420

14.433 158

47-50 363

14.530 461 15.234 498 15.289 304 15.479 210 16.109-10 309,390

47 265 88 468 202 480 237-40 163 430 276

16.163 262

To Apollo (Hymn 3)

16.218 228 16.403 172 16.466 386 17.178-9 251

40 210 94 181 193 402 239-76 248

17.214 354

375-87 248

17.219 310

To Hermes (Hymn 4)

17.222 384

238 394

17.250 484

To Aphrodite (Hymn 5)

17.296 244 17.302

196-7 437

495

218-38

18.17 189

18.33 245

18.67 307

47 435

To Demeter (Hymn 13)

18.97 287

3 501

19.174 434

To Athena (Hymn 28)

1g. 178-84 213

6-7 399

19.183 484 19.246

To the Dioskouroi (Hymn 33)

462

19.538 180 20. 287-302 310 20. 307 144 20.356 439 20.377 375 20.379 463

passim

235

HORACE Odes 1.3.19 374 1.17.9 359 3.3.9710 235 Epodes

21.54 224

21. 293-304. 244 21.390 124

123

To Dionysos (Hymn 7)

16.2 439

HycInus Fab.

21.400 463 22.10-21 231

58.1 320 64.1 323

22. 37 309

84 159

23.76 285

97 373

23.97 420

135 194

22.455 470

95 316

574

Index of Literary Passages Cited 157 174 I91 485

252-3 30 n. 83, 288 259 30 n. 83, 421

Hymn 4 (to Delos) Invkos 291 294 295

(PMG, 161 267 180

PMGF

and SLG)

7 30 n. 102 30 193 30 206-8

[S166 196, 234; but see

83, 182 n. 83, 255 n. 83, 202 30 n. 83, 251

214 478

STESICHOROS]

275 30 n. 83

S224. 187 ISOKRATES 4.144 493 10.51 453 IsvLLOS OF EPIDAUROS (CA) PP. 133-4 ὅς n. 170

Hymn 5 (Bath of Pallas) 142 30 n. 83, 501 Hymn 6 (to Demeter) 1-23 301 24-115 301 24 30 n.83,207 30 30n.83, 156

JosEPHUS

51 30 n. 83, 172

Bj

66 484 3. 420 324 5.19 128

115 30 n. 83, 384 116-38 301

JOSHUA, BIBLICAL BOOK OF 7 351 Justn 12.2 15.2.3 314 20.1.11 315,443 20.1.16

134 30 n. 83, sor Epigrams 14 HE(V Pf.) 65 n.170 17.3 HE (XXXVII P£) 249 19 HE (XXXIX Pf.) 65 n. 170 28.2 HE (XLVII P£) 180

344

45 HE (XVII P£)

20.2 349

200

Hekale (Hollis)

20.2. 3-8. 364 20.2.3 366 20.2.7 367

3 13,282 9 233 48 383

JUVENAL

60 290

10. 194-5 287

62 29, 333

74.5 262

KALLIMACHOS

74.11

29,312

Hymn 1 (to Zeus) 25 30 n. 83, 282 32 30 n. 83, 273 7 431 89 30 n. 83, 379 Hymn 2 (to Apollo) 48 30 n. 83, 341 69-70 72 π. 199 76 326

131 244 Iambi I 229 1.6 29 n.82,324 l.56 29 n.82, 229 VII 29, 112, 267, 350 X 29,206 XII 154 XIII 27

Hymn 3 (to Artemis)

Fragments (Massimilla)

53 30 n. 85, 278

12 374

84 30 n. 83, 308 90 30 n. 83,193

17 380 22 486

57 86

13 374

I7I 30 n. 83, 251

26 252

177 30 n. 83, 154

32 498

178 30 n. 83, 314

40 368

575

Index of Literary Passages Cited KALLIMACHOS (cont.)

228. 4755 30 n. 84, 149 235 233 245 290

Fragments (Massimilla) (cont.) 41 125 42 125,409 46 413 50 27,307, 271 32 272 259

260.23 147 260. 46 262 260.52 312

272 271 274. 30 n. 84,32 n. 91, 146

Fragments (Pfeiffer) 1.10

303 30 n. 84, 317 325 244

265

7.25 161 IO 37475 H 374

328 29,332 364 13

12 268,378, 380

384.6

17.9 339

384. 24 30 n. 84, 99, 338

20 486

407 30 n.84 426 30 n.84,257 428 30 n. 84, 236

383 146

21 354 21.9

480

326

24 252 30 33 n- 94, 498

522 210

33 368-9

523 486

34 125,418

553 30 n. 84

35 28,125,409, 413-14

582 30 n. 84,389

37.1 326

584. 30 n. 84,337 593 30 n. 84

484 30 n. 84, 336

43 27-8

616 641 645 646

43-41 285, 393

43. 68-72 307 43.70 307 43.71 307 45.75 141 79 137 75.23 124 75. 33-4

30 30 30 30

n. n. n. n.

84, 372 84,132 84, 196 84, 207

647 30 n. 84, 259 648 30 n. 84, 273 650 30 n. 84 652 30 ἢ. 84, 156

οἱ τι. 276

75.63 251

653 30 n. 84, 462

90 418

656 30 n. 84, 245 662 30 n. 84, 368-9

9172 173 ΟἹ 475 100 65n.170 101 65n.170 104 410

677 462 685 30 n. 84, 188 692 30 n. 84,136

694 30 n. 84, 335

701 30 n. 84, 267

IIO 30n.84 110. 44 154 110. 48 394

706 30 n.84,337 709 30 n. 84, 298 711 30 n. 84, 191, 272 753 30 n. 84, 161

ΠΟ.57 65n.170 177 429 I9I 229, 314 194.68

197 112, 267, 350 200a 65 n.170, 206 202 154 203 27 220a 65 n.170 228.43

755 30 n. 84, 134

147

813 30 n. 84, 360

KaLLINOS (West) 7 458-9 8 (doubtful) 21: KERKIDAS (CA pp. 201-19) 4. 20 198

156

18.34. 243

576

Index of Literary Passages Cited LYKOURGOS

KINAITHON (West 2003)

4 475

Against Leokrates

KoRINNA (PMG)

86-7 479

671 432

9477 449

KRINAGORAS (GP) 1777-80 43 0. 127

LysIas

LEONIDAS OF TARAS

MACROBIUS

12.18 and 36

(HE) 1970

Sat. 3.20.2

278

Livy

343

417

MALALAS

8.22.5 299 8.22.6 286

99 469 MANILIUS

5.538-630 323

9.13 257 21. 48.9

MELEAGER (HE)

266

22.1.12 353 22. 9. 7-1ο 359 22.10.10 332 23. 30. 13-14 359 24. 20.15 399

MENANDER

24.45. 1 266

Samia

25.21.1 400

474 123 Monostichoi

3938 463 3955 432 4038 462 4252 150

25.23. 9 38 n. 109

26. 38. 6 266

51 Meineke, 61 Jäkel 429 MIMNERMOS (West)

28. 38. 6-14 399 29. 38.1 386

22 (doubtful)

34. 45. 3 266

MoscHos Europa 27 501

3737 n4 40. 4.9 442

Mousalos

33.1.4 497

4.96

44. 6.15 181 45. 27 156 Per.

60 268, 270 LUCAN 5.377 399 LUCIAN Alex.

NIKANDROS (and see Suppl. Hell. 562) Alex. 81 296

58 234

Th

390 206 393 331 27 282

180 34 n. 99, 167 197 337

321

de domo 30 316 LYKOPHRON

267

Hero and Leander 24 478 n.1

de dea Syria 6-8

263

218 210 268 144

OF CHALKIS

(TrGF 1. 100)

334 395

"Testimonia

401

1 48n. 133, 123

266

447 323 472 450

31n.4 Fragments IC 323 τὰ 378 2-4 39 n.IM

493 282

499 282 520 282 623 203

577

Index of Literary Passages Cited NIKANDROS (cont.) Th. (cont.) 822 206

4. 670-1 323

5.552-63 293 6.661

153

835-6 313

7.42273 233

936

8.312 414 8. 851 481

282

Fragments (Schneider and Gow/ Scholfield) 74. 11-12 104 35 n.102

9.323 325 10. 215-16

NONNOS

Dionysiaka 13. 458-60

128

IO. 220-3 220 10, 225-37 220 10. 298-514 320 10. 715-16 230

221

13.465 471

11. 173-94 485

18.237 207 21. 289 149

11.180 486

IL 346-409 341

48.103 333

12.103 175

13. 632774. 252 14. 83 362 14. 456-511 258

OINOMAOS 13 478 n.1

OPPIAN AND Ps.-OPPIAN

14. 508-9 259

Hal. 1.126—7 484 2.658 259 3.183 401

Rem. 458 398

Kyn.

P. Berol.

14. 468 414

9775 42, 503-9, cf. 47 PMG (anonymous poems) 837 336

1.3 133 3.5 130

3. 262}. 130

866 123

4.235 197 ORACLES, SIBYLLINE 3.487 128 3.815-16 498

871 894 907 925

4.76-9 489

1037 79 Π. 223 P. Oxy. 1359 fr.2 140

6.25 478 Oros Vocum Atticarum ollectio 25 218

2094 100, 258, 352 2226 301 2463 101

ORosIus 4.1.21

170 256 128 276

492

ORPHICA

2490 207

2495 fr. τό 354

Hymns (Quandt) 1 (to Hekate) 72 12 (to Herakles) 279 67 (to Asklepios) 384 Fragments (Kern)

154 306

OvID

2506

148, 318

2508 2528 2637 2688

fr. go 287 89 n. 266 fr. 12.187 270

2694 334

2735 fr. 1 196, 234

Ex Ponto

3.2.7374 167

2746 42n.123 2812 195 3000 25, 218-19

Fast.

4.654 383

3445 100, 308

Met.

4. 663-752 323

3446

578

100

Index of Literary Passages Cited 4428

5.14.7 214

100

4429 100 4708 168 4808

5.18. 2 404

5.22.6 159 5.26.7 269 6. 6. 4-11 386 6.11.9 383

24.n.65

P. Rylands 22 256

PSI

6. 20. 15-19

V1724 303

6.22.8 136

27 320-1

7.4.1-2 300

PANYASSIS (Bernabé)

132

6.23.3 95,331

PARTHENIOS (Lightfoot)

7.8.8-9

IV 136 XVI 232-3 XXVI 227 XXXIV 136-7 Frag. 40 209

7.17.6 197 7.17. 9-10 322 7.21.7 70 n. 187

7.27.3 171 8.2.6 229 8.4. 5-6 228

PAUSANIAS

1.1.4. 294 1.3.4 214

8. 4. 8 253 8.5.2

1.5.3 198 27.8 233 28.9 257 32.2 80 n. 232, 157

P P M BB

Hon

B n

-

8.23.3 8. 25. 4. 8.25.5 8.35. 5 8.39. 6

4.1 and 5 197

9.22.6

PSB PP B. BS YYY

305

9. 22.7 305 9.26.5 9.30.8

273 181

9.33.3 380 9.34.4 98, 182 9. 39. 2-3 156 9. 39. 6 383

21.3 345 22.7 145 32.3and7 263

9.40. 5 272 9. 41.3 430 10.4.2 354

32.5 418

1.374 398

YY OY YY

246 156 205 248 171

9.5.1 214, 432-3 9.7.2 314 9.20.2 272

239 251 6-7 6,369 6 475

.19.6 350 .30.6 418 21.2 184

PELE

228

8.5.4 475

34.5 382 43.1 167

47 5.3 16. .18.

501

2.1475 15.10 222

10.4.3

146

IO. 14.174 174

15. II 70 n. 187, 222 18.4 246

10. 24. 4. 265 10. 26.1 449 10. 26.3 405

19.5 398 19.9 255 19.12 405

IO. 27.1 256

20. 2 69 n. 182, 304

IO. 32. 6. 221

20.7 254 22.1 147 25.4 393

10. 34.2

IO. 33. 1 68 n. 177 228

10. 38.5 373 PHILETAS (Lightfoot)

3.36.2 142 5.1.8 410

1-8 482

5.7.10 132 5.13. 4. 135

30 271 48 265

579

Index of Literary Passages Cited PHILOSTEPHANOS (Badino)

9. 86 249 10 132,136

Testimonia

12.19 333 H 123,197 Pythians

1 218

Fragments 5 219

I 16

9 218 19 218,253 21 265

L5 179 1.16 319

117-20 286 1.21 251 1.24 145 1.5075 344 1.54 345

PHILOSTRATOS

Heroikos (de Lannoy)

33.48 392 53.15 331 54. 8 160 Letters (Kayser vol. 2 p. 236 line 21)

2.41 388 2.80 305 2. 86-8 328 2.87 227, 352,358

22 403 PINDAR

Isthmians

4.47 456

4 328,460 4. 20-42 339 4.75 461

6 τό 6. 47-8 223 6. 50 225 6.53 225

4. 95-6 461

7.32 424

5.60 346

4.50 440 5.39 175

8. 63-4

4. 148-50 352 4.2089 4.214

7.8 157,468

181

Nemeans

8.87 178

10.1 450

4. 46-8 222 4.46 161 4.49 160

10.36 317 10. 47-8 325

IL. 20-22 394-5 11.39 122

9.39749 273 9.40 377 10 33, 234 10.7 267 10. 55-90 236 10. 60-3 238, 246

11. 61-4 236 12. 5-8 311

Pa. 2.4 670.172

10. 67-8 247 10, 90 370 11. 3375 174, 475 Olympians

2.5 216 6. 79-80 (D6 Rutherford)

7 (D; Rutherford) 433 8a (B3 Rutherford)

142, 505

9 (Ar Rutherford) 433

I 155, 158

1.42 157 2.70-1 431

275,454

188

Frags. (Snell/Maehler)

sıd 433 stk 433

2.81-2 183 2.82 175 3.30 466 6.6 360 7.48 131 8.31-6 204, 239 9 138

94b. 13-15 499 100 310

122 277 123 174 140b 48, 133 169a

289

194.476 430

9.47 431 9.79 413

198a 2-3 430

580

463

Index of Literary Passages Cited PLATO (PHILOSOPHER) Euthyphr.

PLUTARCH Lives

I4C 429

Agis

Laws 677a-b 138

3.3 329 Alex.

682b 138 702a 138

2.7 500 49-2 494

724b 122

Caes.

767c 487 774€ 459 865e 378

63.5-6 230 Crass. 25.12 151

Phd. 1142

Demetr. 289

1.6 311

Philebos

10.5 81 ἢ. 233, 474

66c 496

39.4 430

Rep.

3284

Demosth.

299

19 501

565d 229 621a 290 615C 449 Soph. 220C

Eum. 18.1 371 Flam. 12 112,496 16 496-7

140

Tim.

Kim.

228 138

8 465

PLATO COMICUS (Kassel and Austin)

Lykourgos

188, 12 243

6 246

PLINY THE ELDER, Natural History

Marc.

2.205 123 3. 56- 450 3.62

20.4 292 Pelop.

294

16 273

3.69 441 3.72 372

17.13 246 Phok.

3.95 133,369 3.103

13.7 201

384

Rom.

3.104 400 3. 141 260

1.1 439 Sulla

3.151 4-49

17.6-8 Thes.

259 242

4.52 376

3.7 233

4. 67 206 4.70

77 n. 218, 156, 196

26.1 465

389

27.8

5.28 337

31 235

5.41 274

33-1 235

5.76 457 5.79 455

33.2 236 Tim.

6.199 124 8.81 229

25-9 360 Moralia

31.41 451

22€ 355

34.59 344 PLINYTHE YOUNGER

193€ 177 217C 139

Letters

243672442 (On the virtues of women 1) 388

6. 16. 4. 294.

265b—e (QR 6) 388

581

Index of Literary Passages Cited 12.5.7 410, Cf. 407 12.15 154

PLUTARCH (cont.) Moralia (cont.) 2god (QR ri)

141

13.8.2 414 13.10 469 13.10.3 386 15.14.2 488

293a—b (QG 11) 378

2948 (QG 13) 479 294c-d (QG 14) 313

297d-f(QG 28) 174, 176

16.1.7 425

299b (QG 35) 170

16. 11-12 491 18.2.4 112 18.44.2 112,497 18.44.6 112

299c-3002 (QG 37) 170, 379

301a (QG 41) 422

3o4c (06 58) 483 349f 427

358d (On Isis and Osirisıg) 455 365€ (On Isis and Osiris 37) 456 380d (On Isis and Osiris 73) 470

21.10.13 22.5.11 22.15.1 23.10.2

389c

23. 18. 5 (B-W. app. crit.) 469; see also

126,169

STEPH. Byz. TaAdöpaı 25.4.8 375 25.5.4 37 1. 105 34.1.3 20 34.15.9. 124 PROPERTIUS 4.iA 87 120-1, 438 4.10.17 439 PS.-SKYLAX see [SKYLAX]

3914 496

300€ 314

557cd 410 5778-5782 427 658b 204

843b 157 845b 384 98sb 277 POLLUX

1.82

140

2.22 2.29 5.102 6.107

131 400 403 158

6.109

158

QUINTUS OF SMYRNA IO. 486-9

217

13. 544-53 189 SAPPHO (Voigt); and see Yatromanolakis 2009: 219

7.85 329 7.180

425 491 435 402

214

I 13, 282 16 13

9. 83 476 IO. 165 191

44 13 71.3 475 126 471 SCHOLIA (2) TO APOLLONIOS RHODIOS

POLYAINOS 1.18 479

5. 22.3 297,299 8. 25. 2. 388

(Wendel) 1.146 153

POLYBIUS (B[üttner]-W [obst]) 1.8.1 gon, 267 L 48.9 247

2. 476-834 228 2.1147 65n. 16g 3. 846-7a 292

1. 55.8 359

2. 9-11 268 2.16.10 443

3. 1242-3b 265 4. 257-62. 166

2.27.1 443 3.110.9 290

4. 264. 220 4. 814-15 161

3. 118. 3 266 5. 89. 1 129

4. 892 293

8.9.13 279

4.1776 124

8. 28. 2 330

12. 4b 362 12.5 370

4. 982-92g

306

SCHOLIA (2) TO EURIPIDES (Schwartz) Hek. 132 308

582

Index of Literary Passages Cited 3.401 213

Rh.

346 322

3.506 374

SCHOLIA (2) TO HOMER; and see

3.552 330 3.553 370

EUSTATHIOS

Iliad

4.143 346 5.30

1.39 459 1.180 161 3.314 180 4. 282 178 5.64 152 5.422 71 ἢ. 195

10.145 471 10.179 349 10.388 450

Eclogues

6.153 161

10,18 320

SIBYLLINE ORACLES see ORACLES SiLIUs ITALICUS

13.1 423 13.66 414 23.6653 352

Punica

Odyssey

12. 1I6-17 291 I2. 120-1 291 SIMIAS Pelekys (Axe)

9.84 274 10.20 274 11.48 285 11.134 450 12.39 276 SCHOLIA (2) TO LYKOPHRON (Kinkel; Scheer; Leone): these are cited ad loc., as is Tzetzes comm.

3-4 362

SIMONIDES (Wf[est]; PMG; FGE) and Ps.-SIMONIDES

34W 283

SCHOLIA (2) TO PINDAR (Drachmann) 6. 31 161

7.1 424 127

Ρ

247 462

12 296

10.7 267 1.404

518 PMG

548 PMG

558 PMG 161 Epig. XLV FGE 453 [SKYLAX]

N.

9.30

130, 226, 360

5.73 361

26-7 377 60 62 66 81 89

157

13.748 163

Π.5. 433 SCHOLIA (2) TO PLATO (Hermann) Tim. 22a 138 SCHOLIA (2) To THEOKRITOS (Wendel)

413 342 486 161 466

111.5 287 SOLON (West) 4a 368

SOPHOCLES Ajax 27 223 42 223 53 223

15.97 44. and n. 128 SEMONIDES (West)

3ib 270 SERVIUS (comm. on Virgil; left-hand col.

gives relevant lines nos. in V.) 1.41 AIL, cf. 405

63 223 184 223 231 418

1.201 1.474 1.550

274 187 130,226

234 223 431-2 127 573 3n

1.570

332

3.12 448

633 226 661-2 225 664-5 225

3.356 446

728 186

Aeneid

2.81 316

583

Index of Literary Passages Cited SOPHOCLES Ajax (cont.)

Tr.

833 223 834 223

7 317 52 270 137 242 144ff. 187

977 223 1006-21

222

1013 223

316

1025

359 459 392 233

226

1033 226 1071 342 1281

420

223

609 134

1286 223 1296 223,225 1302 358 Ant. 36 192

856 418 1046-1111 1085

144

1093 251 1095 490 Fragments (TrGF)

223ff. 122 264 181

IOC 198 89 231 98 129 126-36 323

529 403

595 178 650 147

757 310 856 351 980 416

137 277

1071 and 1207 342

176-1802 180 215

1079

134

1053 377

142 459

143 167, 303

285

1134 169 1144-5 290

232

2694-2952 455 271 314 344 368

Εἰ 9779 394 749 227, 352

1434 464 1485 352

374 144,324 449 277

384 296

462-7 316 465 130

I$0-1

189

500 175 530 240

335 159 349 271

576-579b 222

425 438

579 222

1609 354

619 187 760 241 773 430

1410 342

OT

186

525 397 531-87 134

1286-7 226

OC

186

618-35

1139. 185

Ph.

787-803 135

105 346 801-3

186

832 202

346

912 391

1333 314, 381 14267 345

957 236

1025 175 1072 476

1428 345

1430 249 283

1085 144 1087 242

1457 471

1093 145

1446

584

Index of Literary Passages Cited Σάραπτα 455 Σηταῖον 388 Σικανία 333 Σκιάς 248 Σπαλέθρη 341 Στράμβαι 486 Σύρνα 381

SoPHRON (K/A) 4 14I STEPHANOS OF BYZANTIUM Billerbeck refs., as far as available, given thus: (a 1)

Aa: (a 1) 387 Afavrís (a 3) 380 Alyvas (a 113) 326

Σφήκεια 218

Αἰγώνεια (a114) 342 Αἰθάλη (a 120) 334 Aiveıa (a 132) 442 Αἶνος (a 135) 442 Ἀμφρυσος (a 299) 341 Ἀνεμώρεια (a 314) 387 Ἀνθηδῶν (a 329) 305 Ἀργυρῖνοι (a 404) 374 Ἀργύριππα (a 405) 256, 258 Apxadia (a 428) 228 Ἀρσινόη (a 120) 334 Αὐσιγδα (a 544) 337 AxeAwos (a 567) 281 Βούδεια (B 136) 83 and n. 345, 197-8 Γαλάδραι (γ 20) 468-9 Γλάνις (γ 81) 294 Γραῖα (γ 106) 167 Γύθειον (γ 116) 145 Δρεπάνη (y 127) 307 Εὐρυτᾶνες (€ 169) 313 Ζωστήρ (ζ 34) 80 n. 228, 451 Θέρμυδρα (θ 30) 348

Távaypa 191 Ταύχειρα 336 Τεμέσεια 386

Tepıva 296 Tırwveus Τορώνη Τραμπύα Τροιζήν

486 149 313 263

Τύμφη 314 Τύφρηστος

209

Φάληρον 294 Φάραι 246 Φλέγρα 486 Χαιρώνεια 272

Χόι 375

Χρύση 425 Ὠρωπός 272 STESICHOROS (PMG, PMGF and Filnglass]) 184 (9 Fi.) 271 191 (86 Fi.) 145 192 (gıa Fi.) 148-9

Θήβη (θ 40) 425

Θράμβος (θ 58) 488

193 (go Fi.) 147, 318

200 (100 Fi.) 349 205 (105 Fi.) 440 222b (97 Fi.) 352 223 (85 Fi.) 327 224 (108 Fi.) 180 225 (290a Fi.) 276-7

Ἴχναι (ι 123} 151

Κάλυδνα (κ 37) 433

Κάρνη (x 90) 455

Κάστνιον (x 121) 206 Κρίμισα (x 220) 345 Kóra (x 298) 161, 461 Κύτινα (x 300) 482

Sio (13 Fi.) 325

Aayapia (A 7) 355

511 (τς Fi.) 325 880 (100 Fi.) 349 Sio2 (104 Fi.) 351 ‘Ibykos’ $166 234

Λακεδαίμων (A 19) 254

Aayumereia (A 29) 386 Λίβυς (A 56) 461 Aoyydivy (A 82) 333 Máyapaos (u 1) 216 Μάκαλλα (u 22) 348 Μέλινα (u 129) 206 Μοψοπία (μ 224) 298 Nápv£ (v 18) 413 Ὀθρωνός (o 17) 376

STRABO (Radt) 1.2.18 300

L.2.31-5 320 1.3.1

298

1.3.2 124 1.3.7 216

1.3.19 2.5.19 3.2.11 3.2.13

Παρθενόπη 300 Πλυνός τὸς Σάλαγγος 384

585

172 471 272 272

Index of Literary Passages Cited STRABO (cont.) 3.5.1 268, 271

8.7.4

3.5.11 402 4.1.15 450

4.6.3 359, 463 511345 519 375 5.2.2 445

5.3.6 450

147 272 272 507 98, 182 248

9.3.5 464 9.3.15 387

5.3.13 450 5.4 22 5.4.5 289-91 5.4.5-6 288

9.4.2 413 9.4.4 413 9.4.6 414 9.4.14 208

288, 300

9.5.1467

5.4.7 294,297 5.4.9

298

9.1.22 9.2.3 9.2.10 9.2.24

9.2.32 425 9.2.40 335

446

5.3.2 447

5.4.6

9.1.18

9.2.25 9.2.27

5.2.6 334 5.3.1

255

9.1.9 222

286

9.5.9 209 9.5.12 314 9.5.14 151

5.4.12 447 5.4.13 295 5.6.4 289

9.5.17 206, 381

5.6.5 289 6.1.1 293,295 6.1.2-3 366

9.5.19 342 9.5.22

207, 210, 298

10.2.5 373

6.1.3 344

10.2.19 296 10.3.2 281

6.1.5 329, 386 6.1.10 370

10.3.10 500 10.5.2 251 H.LI 454

6.1.12 345,347 6.1.14 349-50, 355, 364, 368, 387, 400 6.1.15 349, 364

12. 2. 4. 216 12. 3. 14. 466

6.2.1 376

6.2.5 344

12. 3. 19-20 394 12. 8. 6 176 13.1.3 47475 13.1.12 243 13.1.29 423 13. 1. 4O 199, 411 13.1.42 253

6.3.5 328, 365 6.3.9 259, 266, 382, 399 6.5.5 288 6.5.6 289

7.5.8-9 374 7.7.11 172 7 frag. 10.1 182 7 frag. 13.6 494 7 frag. 14.1 485 7 frag. 14.12 388 7 frag. 14.16 150 7 frag, 18.10 274 7 frag. 20.19 138 7 frag. 21.16 242

13. 1.46 125

13.1.47-8 458 13.1.53 361

13.4.56 471 14.1.8 480

14.1.27 212 14.2.7 300 14. 2.19 483

14. 2,10 269, 270, 347, 364

8.3.6 344 8.3.21 275

14.3.5 14.3.6 14. 4.2 14.4.3

8.5.1 144,393 8.6.14 265 8.6.21 177,324

586

244 346 206 211,215

Index of Literary Passages Cited 14.5.16

TACITUS Annals 2.54.3 500 THEOKRITOS 1,24 274 I. HO. 33 N. 94, 355 1. 134ff. 142 2.14 33 0.94, 498

215

14. 5.17 216 14.5.19 211 14.6.3

228, 294

14. 6.5 219, 230 16.2.12 455 16. 2.16 321 16. 2. 18 221

16.4.27 320 STRATTON (K/A)

2.29 33n.94,356 2.59

SUDA or SUIDAS (Adler)

3-5 33 245 274

4.24 33 1. 94, 347

T 3092 ἘΚ 908* € 1015+ K 2162+ 7 2918 + a

2417 + € 3852 (= the Suda entries making up Aelian frag. 47 Hercher and 5o DomingiForasté, on the Lokrian Maidens tribute) 412 € 3801 (Εὐφορίων) 298 ζ 86 (Ζηρυνθία) 141 n 715 (Ἡράκλεια) 269 1706 (Ἴστρος) 218 A 827 (Λυκόφρων) 1, 123, 378 0 275 (ὁμολώιος) 239

4.51 33n. 94, 146

7.6 33n. 94,177 8.56 334 9. 25-7 33n. 94, 178

12.14 34 N. 94, 225 12. 20 225

12.32 13.13 13.22 13.36 15.45

m 34 (Παλλάδιον) 277 T 248 (Πανύασσις)

251

33 N. 944 377 33 n. 94, 337 33n. 94, 275 33n. 94, 262 33n. 94, 161

15.967 43-4

Tr 1967 (πολυφάρμακος) 13, 282 079 (Σαμοθράκη)

282

2.96 33n.94,356

1 484a

15.100-44 322

141

15.100 33n. 94, 87, 255 15. 137-42. 44

0 1095 (Στησίχορος) 90 n. 267 τ 641 (τινθαλέοισι) 383 T 694 (τιτώ) 354 Supplementum Hellenisticum

15.146 44 16.44 121

17. 68-9 33 n.94, 480

3 286 79 181

18.52 33n. 94, 196

20.14-15 33N. 94, 336

254 146 254.5—6

20.35-6 33n.94,322 22.24 72

150

257 IgI

22.136 72 22. 137-213 237 22.141 243

257.8 30 n. 84, 495

259 429

22.167 251 22.202-3 247

276 30 n. 84, 401

287B 383

339A. 2 237

22.207-9 247 22.208 237 22, 211 33n. 94, 184, 247,

339A. 5-8 131 397 25, 218-9 415 227 418 500

302 24.89 33 N. 94, 490

432 89 541 438-9 562 35, 125-6, τος

25.142 462 29.12 33n. 94, 260 30.28 341

970. 22-3 230 977.14 422

993.7 182 1066

Syrinx 12 τι. 92 THEOPHRASTOS Char.

244

5.9

587

287

Index of Literary Passages Cited THEOPHRASTOS (cont.) HP 57.1773 129

4.10.1 149 4.120.1 241, 347,377 4- 134.1 494

5.8 450

5.5.3 389

THUCYDIDES

5.1L. 1 294-5

1.3.2 70 n. 188 1.9.1 378 1.10.4 269

5. 50. 4 404 5.65.2 396 5.65.4 228

1.12.3 272 112.4 474

6.2.2 20.57, 333 6.2.3 221, 332, 349, 357

1.19 454 1.25.4 268,422 1.45. 2 298 1.46.2 207 1. 46. 4. 143 I. 52.2 454 I. 97. 2 I8 n. 54. 1. 98. 1 208 1.134. 4. 406 1.138. 3 243 1.143.1 425 2.8.3 205 2.28.3 242 2.30.2 312

6.3.1 286, 346 6.4.3 344 6.4.5 27,307 6.19.1 357 6.27.3 295 6.31.6 235 6.43 270 6. 46. 3—5 359 6.54.3 478 6. 55.1 419 6.66.3 377 6.104. 2. 328 7.33-4 328 7.33.5 364

2.52.4 343

7.50.2 274,338

2.68.9 380

7.57.5 476

2.99.5 468

7.579 344

2.99. 6 353 2.101.5-6

7.59.2 122 61, 377

7.75.5

3.3.3 65n. 170

128

7.72.2 343

3.19. 2 482

7.84 377

3.22.2 461

7.87.6 159

3. 22. 8 3.70.2 3. 88. 1 3.02.1

391 481 301 342

8.3.2 347 8.20 299 8.67.2 419 8.102.3 242

3.92.2 342

8.104. 5 193

3.94.5 313

8. 107.1

126

4.95.1 482 3.101.2 409

TIMAIOS see FGrHist 566 TIMOTHEOS OF MILETOS

3.102.1 482 4.10.5 202

Persai (Hordern) 76 18,139

4. IL.4 129, 337 4. 24.5 20 n. 57,133 4.52.3 125

88 274 129 18,139 Nauplios (PMG)

4.54.4 146 4.62.3

785 203

227

TrGF2 (adespota)

4-76. 3 335 339

129 231

4. 98.8 352

4.100.2 386 4.102.3

664

208

4. 109.1 467 4. 109. 4 353

120

TRYPHIODOROS 660-1

189

TZETZES: comm. on Lyk. is cited ad /oc.

588

Index of Literary Passages Cited VIRGIL

Eclogues

Aeneid

4.32

1.41 98, 199, 411 1.201 274

4: 3475 5.11 99

1.475 187 1.550 130, 226, 360 1.570 332 2. 54-198 194

7.21 182 7.26 99 10.18 320 10.66 99

2. 81 316

Georgics

2. 246-7

194

1.183

2.343 256 2.403-6 2. 721-3

98 and n. 289, 125

150

1.332 374 198

1.502

240

449

2.142

178

2.225 294

2.735-40 448

3.12 448

3.2 341

3.82

3.198

250

3.104735 458

100 n. 299, 145

3.312 338

3.25577 445

3.336 240 98 n. 290

4.29

3.399 414

3. 400-01 213

4.125 398

3.40172. 344

4. 388-9 149

3. 401 213 3.402 345

4. 390-1 100 n. 299, 150 VITRUVIUS

3.424-8 275 3.506 374

1.4.12 399 2.8.11 260

3.532 328

XENOPHON

3.356 446 3.552 330

Anab.

3.553. 370

16.9 US

4.143 346 5.30 226,360

4.7.15 394 5.4.26 214

5.73 361

6.1, ς-1Ά 177

5.5.303763 387-422 387 361

7.3.33 78.4 71177

5.772 33?

7.8.5 426

6.102 97 n. 286, 121

6.6 4st

Hell 8

6. 162-78 300 6.260 285

3.1} 305 5.1.31 6.3.6 475 236

6.516

194

6. 518-9 146 7. 174 450

7.85-91 383

6.5.32

1.15 449

Kyrop.

9. 641 235

Mem.

T» pa

145

7.3.1 4n Kyn.

7. 10747 574456 7.116 446

16

74.1247

10.145 471

au ues er

II. 259-60 202 IL. 271-7 258

ZONARAS 8. 9.12 362

589

INDEX

OF INSCRIPTIONS

Arena 1996 (inscriptions of Sicily and Magna Graecia)

IG P 62 486

P71 426

85 330,cf. 63, 96

BCH 88 (1964)

177 426

569-76 497

1 259 486

I 266 486

Bruneau 1970 (Delos) 260 309

7430

426

P 383 83 n.245, 448

CEG 872

CITED

i! 873 80 n.231, 157 P 1083 81 n.235, 466

220

P1454 421

2/1426 271

Chaniotis 1988 (historians in inscriptions) E16 89 n.263 E56 40 n.116 E60 140 E68 140 'Tr3 89 n.263

2' 3538 69 n.183, 304 2' 5519 82 n.241

4'1.95 296 41.531 279 5.1.62

214

5.1.213 69 n. 182, 304, 323

T26 349

5.2. 261 291 7.553 78 n.221, 238 7.1787 170

Chaniotis 1996 (Kretan treaties) 6 71n.198

CIL

7.2456 81 n.234, 239

11.1.3198 467 12.4.2833 441

7. 2463 78 n.221, 238 7.2874. 84 n.247, 280

GE

7.3416

366

82 n.240, 279

9. 1. 226-30 80 n.225, 240

409-10

GVI

9. ' 609

145

902 476

9. 1! 671-84. 83 n.245, 407

1965 399

9. I 706 ν, 62, 409 10. 1.259 87 n.256

1288 379

10.1. 435 214 Il, 2.135 220

1678 452 2013

200

11.2.165 251 IL. 4.746 250-1 12. 2. 284. 65 n.170

Habicht 1969 (Pergamon inscriptions: the Asklepieion)

12. 2. 5109 459 12. 5. 1101 309

161 383

I. Alexandreia Troas 43; 63-8

12. 6. 604. 72 n.199

82 η. 238

12. 7.123 293 12. 7. 447 332 12. 9.931 497 14.600 376 14.1284 300, 440

C 1.98 154

4-159770 382 I. Erythrai

224 451 591

Index of Inscriptions Cited IG (cont.) 14.1293

95 65n.170, 206 112 410 ML I 286 29 292

148

14.1301 421 IGDGGi

46 365

IDGGG 2

37 357 43 410, 419 61 63, 298

18 81 n.237, 263 83-5 82 1.238, 330

94 345 IGDSII 18 242

84 444 IGUR

93 453

Masson 1983 (Cypriot syllabic inscriptions) 3 83 n.241, 221 85-6 83 n.241, 221 184-9 83 n.241, 221

3 376

I. lasos 632

86 n.251, 224

I. Ilion 25 419 I. Labraunda 5 491 43 86 n.254, 225 63 86 n.251

250 and 250a 221 Michel

554 376 Mitford 1971 (Kourion inscriptions) 49-50 83 n. 242, 221 105-26 83 n. 242, 221

Mitford and Masson 1983 (Cypriot

ILLRP

inscriptions of Paphos)

30 254

1271 448 I. Priene 108 449 169 214

403 and 405 140 ISE 2 353 37 497 64 81 n.234, 239

98 497 I. Stratonikeia

203 224 205 224 1002

OGIS 53 221 218 419 219 433 221 419

RDGE 33 497 Rehm 1914 (Miletos, the Delphinion inscriptions) 31 80 n. 227

86 n.254, 225

133 139 178 89 n. 263

1230 200 1256

200

1267 200 Jameson and co. 1993 (Selinus lex sacra) B1 241-2 B 9 215, 241-2

Robert 1983 (Amyzon inscriptions) 3-6 86 n. 254, 225

R/O I 330

4 497

22 312 27 38273

B 12 241-2

LSAM

40 403

14 383 16 331,403

55 62 A 79

25 464 LSCG

65 331:

155 71n.194 242 419

82 260

LSS 33 331

88 187 97 215,489

68 331

102 382-3

592

Index of Inscriptions Cited 44.678 251

SEG 2.874

45.776 69 n. 184, 304 46.1552 419

148

3.354 270 7.14 72 n.199

47.918 § 1.12 47. 2358 200 48. 692bis-694 48. 1218 154

7.894 65 n. 169, 184 8.548 72n.199

9.272 215 11.923 497

59, 62, 260

48. 1330 224, 322, 356

11.1211 386 12.280 407

48. 2059 154 49. 1013 279

12,379 360

51. 461 414

12.411 334

51.II05 410

15.652

53.490 84 n. 246

225

17. 251 279 17.641 65 n. 170, 206

53. 491

18.336

55.107 5n.11, 423

83 n. 244, 432

19.335 39 n. 112 19.399 84 n. 246, 169 22.218

26.585 26.1123 26.1139 27.183 27.283 27.439

55. 581 243 56. 569 407 56. 570-8 83 n. 245, 407

330

22.219 240 23.220 459 26.457-9 91 τι. 275 81 n. 234, 239 89 n. 265, 289 386 461 182 80 n. 225

57.1745 221 57 2007 154 58.137 353

SGDI

255 65 n. 170

2593 413

35862 483

Syll?

6 484 36 385 55 461

27.933 72 n. 201 28.232 28.380 28.407 30. 622.

80 n. 225, 240

54.787 41

82 n. 240, 279 330 91 n. 275 87 n. 256, 214

145 170 176 428

247 265

30. 1073 57, 419, 439

337 93 n. 280, 424 452 34

30.1 117-23 361 30.1121 9o n. 267

490

30.1459 148

81n.236,263

543 83 n. 242,169

30. 1571 220

567a 483

31.497 32.552 32.1077 32.1318 34. 282 36.116

585 257 592 497

78 n. 221, 238 84 n. 246, 170 85 220 206 83 n. 245, 198

632 663

900 224 978 80 n. 230 1004 382

37.736 332 80 n. 228, 451

38.443 379 38.1476

482

39.376 399 42.1263 494 43. 630 215,242

422

639 375

37.130 422 38.124

91 n. 273, 127, 398

633 83 n. 244, 432

Tod ΠΟ 421 Wade-Gery 1952 p.8 and fig.1 422

593

INDEX

OF NOTABLE

GREEK

WORDS

Note: the Alexandra is full of rare words and hapax legomena, including and especially audacious compounds. A full list would come close to replicating Maria Gracia Ciani’s indispensable Lexikon

zu Lykophron. The present index is confined to a selection of key words and concepts, some of them expressed by ordinary Greek words, and some of interest precisely because they are so unexpectedly rare in the poem (e.g. ἥρως).

ἀγών 17, 492-3 ἀλάστωρ 241-2 ἄμναμος 154 ἄνοστος see νόστος ἀπαρχή 422

μίασμα 396

μοναρχία 435 νόστος (and dvoaros) 1 1.3, 198, 343, 390

νυμφαγωγός 375

αὐδάω, esp. αὐδηθήσομαι 404 αὐτοφόντης 215

ὅμηρος 209

βαλβίς 17,184

παγκληρία 258, 366, sor πάλη, παλαιστής 14 0.34, 17, 37,132, 150, 158, 332,

γάμος 137,198, 207,412 γῆ καὶ θάλασσα 437-8 Γραικοί 242

πάτρα 131-2, 357 πῆμα 169

γρυνός 142, 472

πλαγκτός, πλανητής and cognates 358

„430,431, 472, 491, 495-6

πλάξ 100,145 πλειών 11,168, 378-9 πόθος, ποθῶ 25, 62,160, 166, 244, 262-3, 272, 318, 342, 378, 387 ποτόν 155,443 πρόμος 260

δορίκτητος 352 δουπέω, esp. δεδουπότος 184

éxBpdoow and cognates 202

Npws 432

“

σκῆπτρον, σκῆπτρα 438

σκοπή 182

θοίνη 171,310

σκύμνος 188 σπορά 186

κελαινὸς 1 n.4, 122, 418, 447, 490 κληδών 318 and see General Index under kledonomancy

τύμβος 188

κλέος 404, 420, 499 λυμεών

ὕβρις 457

131

φερώνυμος μάντις 312-13 μεδέουσα, μέδω 421

595

158

GENERAL

INDEX

Notes: (i) cult epithets are listed beneath the entry for the relevant god; (ii) if literary figures are fully discussed in the Introduction (section 3), this index usually gives a reference to that discussion only

Abai 386-7 Abas 378, 380 Abdera 17, 66, 67, 216, 418

Acestes 357, 360 Achaia 56, 255-6, 347 Acheloos 281, 292-3, 296, 300, 490 Acheron 143, 207, 289, 291, 394 Achilles 8-9, 13, 15, 18, 31 n. 89,32 n. 91, 44, 63, 67,

71, 93 N. 280, 95, 98, 125, 147, 153, 159, 160-5, 167-8, 174, 176-7, 179-82, 186-91, 197, 208-9, 223, 227, 237, 241, 252, 256, 262, 310, 313, 315716,

327, 330-1, 341, 349, 362, 371, 372-3, 379, 392, 400, 404, 415, 420, 424-5, 428, 431-2, 433, 444, 452, 460 and see cults; Race-course; White Island heel of 163 acOrmns 143, 229, 283, 490 address, forms of 121, 128, 139, 186, 420, 429, sor

and see apostrophe Adonis 11,33 and n. 94, 230, 319, 320-2, 331, 473 adynaton 142 Aelian 405, 408, 411-12 Aemilius Paullus, L. 37 n. 105, 492-3 Aerope 155 Aeschylus 14 aetiologies 32, 33, 64, 82, 92, 96, 257, 294, 330, 332,

Agylla 133, 443, 471

Aianteioi 408-10 Aias see Ajax Aietes (father of Medea) 28 n. 78, 32 n. 91, 160,

313, 316, 375 Aietes (harbour) 450

Aigeste 360 and see Acestes; Egesta Aigeus 233, 240, 464-6 Aigina 10, 56, 93, 161, 219, 458, 482

Aigisthos 327, 328, 369, 391, 392, 394, 396, 439, 475

Aigys 326-7 Aikos 479 Aineia 441-3

Aineias 4, 12, 15, 24, 37, 51, 57, 61, 177, 194, 208, 290,

301, 317, 332, 356, 357, 361-2, 367, 388, 395, 400, 420, 425, 434, 436-454, 496

Aineias Tacticus 29, 407, 409, 411 Ainianes 479 Ainos 267, 442, 476

Aiolian islands (off Sicily) 278, 507

Aiolians, Aiolid (Asia Minor) 19, 174, 210, 242,

269, 392, 425-6, 459, 47476

Aiolos (god of winds) 165, 278, 301 Aiolos (eponym of Aiolians) 367, 379 Aisakos 172 Aithon (= Erisychthon) 481, 484-5

334, 341, 365, 379, 385, 405, 446, 458-9

Aithon (= Odysseus) 213, 475, 484

90-3, 95, 126-7, 145, 148, 169770, 180-1, 189,

Aitolia, Aitolians 38-9, 41, 59-60, 77, 97, 197, 248, 257-9, 266-8, 281, 311, 371, 373, 380-1, 384-5, 386, 397, 503

Agamemnon 2, 10, 12, 14, 16, 74, 81 n. 233, 84-5, 191-3, 199-200, 202-3, 228, 232, 236, 247, 252,

256, 284, 285, 314, 316, 327, 349, 369, 383, 390,

392-9, 4045, 415, 434, 439, 473-4, 476, 480, 508-9 Agamemnon of Kyme 476, 484-5 Agapenor 55, 228-31, 254 Agariste 369 Agathon, kinsman of Kassandra 6, 369, 378 Agrionia (festival) 406 Agrios (Aitolian, father of Thersites) 371 Agrios (son of Kirke and Odysseus) 281, 446

Aithra 232-5, 425

Ajax, Lokrian or Oilean 1-3, 48, 198-9, 203-7, 404-15 and passim

Ajax, Telamonian 15, 55, 85, 126-8, 160, 208, 222~7 Akamas

13, 54, 55, 190, 217, 23274, 250, 254, 294,

422, 425-8, 459, 463-4 Akiris see Kiris

Akragas 274, 333, 357, 376

Akraiphnion 180 Akrisios 354, 461

597

General Index Andromeda 7, 11, 19, 131, 228, 253, 320, 323-5, 388 Anemoreia 386 animals helpful or guiding 56, 153, 126—7, 175, 441, 458, 478 metaphors from/comparisons with 33, 245,

Akrokeraunia 374 Akte (= Attica) 147, 234, 469 Alainos 258, 265 Al Mina 286, 320

Alba Longa 64 n. 63, 57, 61, 127, 267, 441, 447, 458

Ales (river) 333 Alexander of Aitolia (poet) 35, 145

247 and see ants; bitches; boars; bulls; crabs; dogs; hedgehogs; heifers; lions; moles; rams; sows; wasps; whelps; wolves;

Alexander the Great 7, 24, 37, 50, 66, 76, 88, 93, 126, 176, 211, 215-16, 220, 262, 314, 321, 352,

of also fish

411712, 415, 42475, 428, 430, 468, 491-6

Alexander of Molossia 381

Anios and his daughters 9, 19, 28 n. 78, 33, 55, 63 and n. 161, 94 n. 283, 145, 162, 176, 229,

Alexandra (as Spartan name of Kassandra) 91,

250-3

127, 400 Alexandria (by Egypt), Alexandrian 27, 32, 49, 66, 86, 88, 89, 99, 102, 124, 148-9, 217, 398 and

Ankaios (son of Lykourgos) 230 Ankaios (son of Poseidon) 230

see Ptolemies Alexandria Troas 458-9

Antenor and Antenoridai 126, 128, 152, 193, 194, 277, 426, 449 Anthedon 305, 322 Anthela 208 Antheus 152-3 Antigone 15 and n. 40, 120 Antikleides (Alexander-historian) 6, 509 Antimachos 18, 507

Alexandros ruler of Wilisa (Ilion) 174

Alexandros (Paris) 5 Alkaios 13 Alkmaion (matricide) 377 Alkman 13 n. 30 Alkmene 76, 129, 353, 424 bones of 427

Antiochos of Syracuse (historian) 20, 27, 307,

357-8: 364, 367, 440 Antiochos I (Seleukid king) 433

altars 9, 80 n. 232, 169, 188-9, 193, 214, 250, 258,

263, 286, 288, 294, 325, 369, 410, 429, 486

Altar (Bomos) of Dosiades 35, 129 Althainos (river) 23, 380, 383, 396 Amantia 380 Amathous 220-1

Amazons 75, 81,176, 371, 464, 466 and see

Antiochos II] ‘The Great’ 4 n. 105, 114, 425,

438, 491 Antiochos IV 211 Antigonos (unspecified Macedonian king) 411 Antigonos Doson 491

Antigonos Gonatas 411

Antiope; Hippolyte; Myrina; Penthesileia

Antigonos Monophthalmos 411, 428 Antigonos of Karystos 203, 334 Antiope (Amazon) 75, 76, 81, 463-7

Ambryssos 243

Amphipolis 295, 421, 424, 433

Amphitryon 136, 351, 352 Amphryssos 341 Ammon 130 amphiktiony, Delphic see Delphi Amphion 55, 236, 239, 260, 430 Amphissa 386—7 Amyklai 90-2, 127, 246—7, 254, 398, 475 Amykos 237 Anakes 70, 236 and see Dioskouroi

anagrams 133, 495, of 135

analepsis, analeptic references 139, 182, 336 anapaests 507 anaphora see repetition Anauros 490 Anchises 250, 361, 436, 437, 440, 442, 445, 449-50 Andania 331, 404 Androkles 25, 219721 Andromache 13, 163, 178, 199, 305, 398, 425-6

Antiope (mother of Amphion and Zethos) 260-1 Antipater of Sidon 30, 128, 194, 231, 271, 315, 330, 362, 463

Antipater of Thessalonike 379 Antipatros (Macedonian leader) 492 ants 10, 56, 219, 458, 482

Aonians 433 Aornos 284, 290-1 apes 287

Apharetidai 16, 33, 54, 78, 234-50 Aphrodite 5, 440 Alentia 210, 333 Arenta 82, 279, 322-3 Choiras 206, 440

Golgoi's queen 87, 255 Ekbateria (?) 237

598

General Index Kastnia, Kastnietis 29, 65, 75, 82, 112, 2067, 361, 440-1

Kypris 75, 147, 322 Kolotis 82 n. 241, 332-3, 371 Longouros, mistress of 238-9, 333 Melinaia 78 n. 222, 206

Morpho 70 n. 187, 222 Schoineis 322 Troizenia 64, 67, 262-3

Xene 322-3 Zephyritis 65 n. 170 Zerynthia 141, 222, 359 Apolline oracles derive authority from Zeus

243,429 Apollo 6,40 Alaios 344-6 Delphinios 80, 169, 180 Derainos 17, 67, 87, 91, 21617 Drimios, Drymas 79-80, 239, 243

Archidamos II] of Sparta 329 Ares 372 Kandaios, Kandaon 191, 353, 488 and see Hephaistos Mamertos 48 n. 133, 191, 353, 489

Argo 23,124, 303, 334s 337, 339» 450, 451, 460, 463 Argonauts, Argonautic myth 14, 17, 18, 19, 23, 28, 31-2, 58, 99, 131, 139, 162, 173, 210, 230, 237, 268, 279, 3349, 450, 460-1, 472, 486 Argos (city), Argives 65 n. 169, 92, 184, 206, 215,

256-8, 264, 345, 350, 388, 456, 497, 507

Argos (dog) 244, 495 Ariadne 122

Arisbe (wife of Dardanos; polis in Troad) 460

Arisbe (first wife of Priam) 172, 460 Aristagoras of Tenedos 475 Aristodemos of Thebes 239, 423-4, 427, 430,

432, 433 Arkadia, Arkadians 18, 29 n. 82,55, 74 n. 207, 76,

80 and n. 231, 81 n. 236, 94, 170, 205, 213,

Hylates 79, 83, 87, 221, latros 64, 68, 432

228-30, 248, 253, 263, 283, 284, 291, 331, 335, 360, 379, 411, 436, 466, 475

Kerdoos 82, 169, 180

Koitos 212 Kypeus 212

Arkas 228

Lepsieus, Lepsios 49, 83, 86, 225, 43273, 499, 508

Argyrippa 30, 38, 48, 57-8, 60, 256-9, 266, 268, 399

Loxias 84, 123, 429 Maloeis 65 n. 170 Molossos 212-3 Orchieus 248 Orites 77,196 Patareus 346 Phoibos 75, 121 Ptoos 70 n. 190, 73 n. 204, 75, 77,196 Pythios 428, 476 Skiastes 248 Smintheus 82, 459 Telphousios 248

Aristoboulos 227, 431 Aristodama 40 Aristoxenos of Taras 62, 262, 363

Termintheus 77, 83, 432 Thoraios vel sim. 77,196

Thymbraios 187-8 Zosterios 80, 450-1

Argyrinoi 23, 374

Arne (Boiotia) 269, 272-3 Arno (river) 443

Arpi see Argyrippa; Dasii Arsinoe (queen) 65 n. 170, 148, 336 Arsinoe (cities) 336, 346 Artabazos 492 Artaxerxes I 494 Artaxerxes II 475, 493 Artemidoros (dreams expert) 424, 461 Artemidoros of Ephesos (geographer) 268-9, 272 Artemis 75, 322-3 (low profile in the Alexandra) Brauronia 40

Kaprophagos 68, 206 Koloene 474

Apollodoros (mythographer) 411

Apollonios Rhodios 31-2 apostrophe, apostrophizing 74, 128-9, 135, 139, 143,

183, 186, 190, 201, 223, 316—17, 388, 413, 420,

429, 438, 498, 501 Apsyrtos 316-7, 460, 462 Apulia 21, 256-7, 260, 266, 328, 400 Aratos of Sikyon 220 Aratos (poet) 84 n. 30, 101, 317, 324, 399 Archelaos of Cappadocia (king and historian) 220 Archelaos (son of Penthilos) 475

Laphria 77, 197 Neptounis 467 Orthia, Orthosia 76, 81, 235, 323, 467 Tauropolis 421 Ascanius 57, 61, 442, 445, 449, 478-9 Ashvins 71 Asia and Europe 7, 19, 452-3, 492-7 as mother of Epimetheus 488 as mother of Prometheus 454

599

General Index

Asteria 162, 205

Athos 30 n. 84, 149, 467, 489 Atintanes, Atintani, Átintanis 380 Atlantis (= Elektra or Kalypso) 139-40, 302 Atlas 155, 162, 172, 302-3, 336 and see Elektra Atrax 460-1 Atreus 155, 158, 159, 191, 355, 368, 396 Atropos 153 Attalids 48, 169, 286 Attica 234-5, 298, 467-8 and see Akte

Aster(i)os 458

Auge 445

Asia Minor, Greek settlements in 474-84 Asios of Samos 230, 300, 354 Asklepios 58, 68, 94, 381-4, 432 Epios 382 Asopos (river-god with many daughters) 161, 222, 260

Assarakos 437

Astarte 323, 332,359 Aspendos 65, 206 Asterios 10, 458 Astyanax 6 n. 17, 225 Astydamas 15, 427 asyndeton 63, 65, 67, 71-3, 136, 156, 197, 238, 285, 473 Athena 2, 4, 6, 72, 73, 75, 98, 130, 144, 195, 198-9,

238, 261, 277, 349, 351, 368, 402 Achaia 259 Agriska 415 Aithuia 75, 197-8 Aloitis 353 Ampheira 418 Bia 78, 238-9

Ausigda 28 n. 77, 30 n. 84, 337-8

Ausonian 58, 133, 259, 290-1, 347, 381, 463, 471 autochthony 80 n. 231, 137, 213, 432 Avernus see Aornos

AXES 175, 356, 393, 419

Axe (pattern poem) 350, 355 Axios (river) 233, 468

Bombyleia 311

Babyka/e 246 Babylon, Babylonian 70, 236, 260, 311, 480, 501 Bacchylides 16-17 Baku 167 Balearic Islands 22, 57, 62, 66, 268-73 Balearicus see Metellus Baios 288-9, 300-01

Boudeia 83, 198

Bargylia 85 n. 250, 86 and n. 251, 224

Boarmia 78, 238

Gygaia 415

Bateia 176, 460

Hephaistia 64 Homolois 78, 238-9

Bebrykian 34 n. 99, 128, 237, 459, 501

Tlias 53, 96, 407-9, 426 Kore 75, 198 Kydonia 353

Laphria 77, 196-7, 324, 353, 366-7, 443, 488-9

Lindia 89 n. 263 Loggatis 78, 90 n. 267, 238, 333 Mamersa go n. 267, 353, 488-9

begging rituals 482 Bellerophon 123, 175, 284 belts, war 148, 225, 465-6

Benghazi/Berenike 274, 336 Bible, biblical parallels 54, 164, 271, 288, 351, 354, of 418

Myndia 356, 448

birds 2, 93, 162, 258, 290 (Aornos) and see corncrakes; doves; eagles; falcons; geese; nightingales; swans; vultures,

Pallas 75, 77, 196, 205, 356, 503 Pallenis 83, 4.48

woodpeckers Bisaltian Thracians 209

Parthenos 196, 198

bitches 133, 142-3, 189-90, 192-3, 252, 263, 280-1,

Phoinike 52, 87, 276-7

326-7, 421 and see Maira black 193, 447 dress for mourning 24, 363, 402 blinding 209, 262, 303, 435 as appropriate punishment for sexual deviation 209

Pylatis 77,197

Salpinx 3445, 366-7

Stheneia 239, 418 Thraso 352-3 Trigennetos 75, 79 n. 223, 236-8 Zosteria 80 n. 228, 451 Athens, Athenians 54 n. 150, 99, 232, 235, 257, 294, 488, 495 and Kydonia 353

and founding of Miletos 476-80 and Ophryneion 426-9

blood 128, 180, 285, 337, 368-9, 401, 410, 471,

486-7, 488

Boagria see Athena Boagrios (river) 413 boars 68, 171, 206, 230-1, 237, 322-3, 337, 371,

373, 385 600

General Index Boiotia, Boiotians 22, 57, 62, 72, 73, 75, 78, 81 n. 234, 84, 136, 156-7, 171, 173, 177, 180, 191, 196, 197, 209, 225, 238-9, 242, 248-9, 261, 268-73,

280, 311-12, 342, 38273, 413, 422, 424, 427, 428,

430, 433, 468, 474, 476, 507 Bokaros 222 bones see Hektor, cult of at Thebes; relics; Rhesos

of Pelops 155 of Theseus 55, 465 booty 351-2 Boudion 161 Boura 25, 218, 253, 255 Brauron 40, 165, 455 bream 204

Briareus 205 Brindisi see Brundisium ‘Brothers’ Quarrel’ motif 60-1, 477 Brundisium 257, 381, 384 Brychon (Giant and river) 486

Bruttium 20, 58, 329, 345, 369771,385

Cheiron 19, 209, 431 Chimaira 244

Chios 57, 63, 87, 222, 243, 419, 422, 439 and see Romulus and Remus Chones 366 Chrysaor 11,325

Chryse 459 Chryses 459

Chrysopeleia 228 chthonian cults, deities, rituals and roles 75, 76, 91, 134, 141, 283, 299, 421, 426 Circeii, Circeo 282, 450

Clanius 99, 294 and see Glanis Clashing Rocks 275 closure, narrative 32, 326, 404, 433, 452, 493, O1 coins, coinage 498 Abdera 216 Aineia 442 Arpi 38, 267 Aspendos 65, 206 (Byblos 321)

bulls 93, 134~5, 162-3, 167, 181, 225, 247, 297,

Enna 156

300, 332-3, 371, 419, 455, 456-7 and see

Eryx 353

Dionysos (Tauros) burial rites 200, 330-1

Kydonia 353 Mallos 216 Malta 376 Naples/Neapolis 296-300

Byblos 66, 320-1

Byne 34 n. 99, 146~7, 305 Caecilius Metellus Balearicus, Ὁ, see Metellus Caieta 450 Cain 139 Caere 443

Ophryneion 423-4

Pherai 421 Rubi 267

Sal(a)pia 267 Samos 230 Seleukeia on the Pyramos 21 Skione 241 Terina 296, 372

Campania 12, 22, 59, 90 n. 267, 133, 134, 143, 148, 150, 207, 286, 287, 288—301, 319, 353, 365, 382, 471

cannibalism 54, 153, 165, 167, 354 and see Tydeus Carthage, Carthaginians 37, 38, 60, 266, 268, 357,

359, 36072, 376, 389

Cassius Hemina, L. (Roman annalist) 442 castration myths 3, 54, 307 catalogue form 10-11 catasterism 6—7, 162 Cattle of the Sun 302 Celaeno 445

centaurs 134, 244, 281, 431,465 Cerveteri see Caere

Chaironeia 77 n. 218, 82, 156, 196, 272 battle of 329, 427

Thebe (Asia Minor) 425

Thelpousa 156, 248 Colchis see Kolchis colonization 1, 7, 53-62 and see Brothers’ Quarrel; earth and water

comedy 15-16 Considius Nonianus, C. 259 copper, copper-mining 25, 219, 229-30 corncrakes 236 Cornelius see Scipio Cortona (Etruria) 57, 315, 442

Chalastra 469, 494—5

cows see cattle; heifers; Io

Chalkis 15, 27, 39, 124, 149, 286

crabs 209 Creusa see Kreousa

Chalybes 30 n. 84, 394 Chaonians 380 Chariboia see Porkes Charybdis 20 n. 57, 133, 274-5, 278, 280-1, 302

cults see aetiologies; chthonian; ephebes; epithets; hero-cult; initiation; premarital cults; relics

601

General Index cults (conz.)

Daunia, Daunians 21, 22-4, 40, 48, 58-9, 60, 90-2,

of Achilles 160, 256, 331, 420

94-6, 95, 133, 162, 198, 256-67, 279, 294, 330,

of Agamemnon 91, 93, 247, 383, 392, 398

343; 348, 356, 362, 380-5, 386, 388, 396-406,

of of of of of of of of of of of

Aiakidai 329 Aineias 441, 448 Amphion and Zethos 260 Anios 63, 251 Atreidai 23, 91 n. 271, 329 Brasidas 294—5, 433 Diomedes 92, 160, 256, 259-60, 294 Dioskouroi 441 Flamininus 497 gods see individual god: Hekabe 44, 92, 422

of Hektor 55, 77, 92-3 and n. 280, 94, 294, 348, 420, 422733

of Ligeia 57

of Kassandra 40, 90-92, 95-6, 247, 265, 294,

392, 396-404

of Odysseus 92 of Palaimon 173 of Parthenope 92, 294, 348 of Philoktetes 92, 135, 294, 3445, 348 of Podaleirios 23, 58, 63, 94, 294, 398 of Sirens 294, 404 of Taraxippos 132-3 female 94-6 Cumae see Kyme (Italian); Sibyl curses 38, 71 n. 196, 132, 154, 158, 162, 193, 207, 259, 265-7, 281, 301, 355, 384, 396, 422,

455 Cyprus 3,11, 25, 48-9, 54-6, 62, 82 n. 241, 83, 86-9, 93, 162, 218-56, 269, 320-2, 329, 386, 425, 453,

463, 475, 507

412, 415, 447, 472 stelai from 59, 259, 265, 279, 329, 350, 403,

and see fig 3 dawn 76, 123 and see Eos; Tito dedications 29, 59, 62, 63 n. 161, 65 n. 170, 79 n. 223, 80 n. 232, 81 n. 234, 83, 84, 87, 91 n. 275,

157, 169, 174, 206, 220-1, 238, 239, 250, 259,

265, 288, 292, 304, 328-30, 332, 345, 356, 376, 386, 397, 398, 406, 461, 484, 496

Deianeira 134 Deidameia 147, 164, 182 Deino 326

Deiphobos 152, 153, 159, 327, 373

Delilah 351 Delion 272, 386

Delos 55, 63, 75, 85, 149, 204-5, 220-1, 250-3, 265, 309, 346, 422, and see Anios Delphi, Delphic Oracle 61, 75, 79 and n. 224, 84, 126, 168, 169-70, 174, 239-40, 248, 265, 299,

330, 339, 354, 386, 405, 411, 428, 464, 477, 484, 489, 496 amphiktiony 65 n. 170, 79, 170, 197, 240, 265 Demeter Deo 264-5 Ennaia 63, 154-6 Erynus 63, 156 Herkynna 63, 156 Kyrita 482-3 Pylaie 65 n. 170 Thouria 63, 156 Xiphephoros 156-7 Demetrios of Skepsis 424

Daeira (Persephone) 292-3 Damasos of Siris 369

democracy, democratic institutions 227, 273, 298,

Damathos (Karian king) 382

Demophon 232-3, 257 denomination 52, 77 Derainos 216 Deukalion 138, 213, 413 Dikte 458 dinner see feasts

Danae 324-5 Dante 256 Danube 19 ἢ. 56, 160, 166, 467 Daphne 93, 121 Dardanos 55, 126, 135, 138741, 172, 199, 361, 400,

437, 460-1, 494-5, 500

328, 334, 376, 416, 419

Diomedes 2, 3, 4, 22, 29, 38, 46,55, 56, 58, 59-60,

Dardanos (city) 399-400, 423, 425, 437, 460 Dareios 158

62, 92, 93, 94, 95, 160, 162, 167, 193, 199, 202,

208, 219, 232-3, 256-69, 277, 294: 335; 362-3, 371, 380-1, 385, 390, 395, 397, 399, 402, 404, 440, 462, 478

dark, darkness 1 n. 4, 122, 234, 418, 447, 490, 506

and see black

Dasii 22, 38, 48, 259, 266, 399-400, 412, 497

date of Alexandra 36-39, 114, 266-267, 491 Datis the Mede 487 Daulios 349

Islands of 59, 259-60 and see Palagruza, Tremiti Dione 252, 256 Dionysios I of Syracuse 15, 181, 190, 257, 427

602

General Index Dionysos 146, 4423, 500 Akratophoros 171 Bakchos 74, 126, 168-9, 180-1, 312 Enorches 74, 170 Lampter 171 Laphystios 443 Oikouros 444 Phausterios 74, 170 Phigaleus 74, 170 Phosphoros 171 Problastos 250-1 Soter 168, 433 Sphaltes 74, 84, 168 Tauros 84, 169-70, 443 Theoinos 84, 444 Dioskorides 43, 184 Dioskouroi 12, 16, 33, 48, 54, 65, 70, 78, 142, 143, 144, 162,176, 183, 208, 232, 234-50, 251, 268,

370, 441, 448, 473

eagles 53, 144, 154, 179, 225, 244, 246

‘earth and water’ motif 60, 61 n. 159, 381, 477, 479

earthquakes 69, 205, 255, 304, 494 ‘eating of the tables’ 57, 61, 445, 478 Echidna (wife of Typhon) 79 n. 224, 318, 319, 471 Edonian Thracians 209 Egesta 23, 58, 62 n. 160, 94, 96, 129, 135, 226, 332,

344, 352, 357, 359, 360-3, 388, 400, 403, 429,

437, 501

eggs 143, 235

Egypt, Egyptians 12, 53, 89, 93 n. 280, 108, 147-50, 221, 232, 251, 252, 286, 303; 318, 320, 323, 326,

425, 431-2, 456, 461, 468, 490, 493 and see Alexandria; Isis, Memphis; Nile; Osiris;

Ptolemies Eidothea 326 Eion on the Strymon 9, 208-9 Ektenoi 214-15, 433 Elaious 242

Diotimos son of Strombichos 20, 23, 63, 92,

Elateia 228

297-9 Dirphys 34 n. 99, 201

Elektra (daughter of Agamemnon and

divination see dreams; incubation; kledonomancy;

nekyomanteion, prophecies; oracles Dizeros 375 Dodona vi n. 2, 6, 32 n. 91, 71, 172, 212, 369,

378 dogs 22, 130-1, 141, 162, 192-3, 253, 261, 262, 275,

379, 402, 455, 495 and see Argos; bitches; puppies; whelps Dolonkoi 192-3, 209, 242, 422 dolphin, dolphin-sign 12, 143, 169, 204—5,

227, 276-7 Dorian, Dorians 28, 213, 258, 269, 362, 365, 373;

458, 482 in Asia Minor 19, 480—84 Invasion 99, 482 arid see Herakleidai, Return of Pentapolis 482 Dorieus 58, 61, 327-8, 332, 477 doves 142-3, 151, 179, 197, 209

Drauke 459 dreams 129, 147, 160—1, 172-3, 278, 355, 382,

422-3 and see Artemidoros, incubation

Elba 23, 3172, 58, 3345, 350

Klytaimestra) 393 Elektra (daughter of Atlas) 139, 140, 172, 199,

302, 495

Elephenor 61, 377-9 Eleusis, Eleusinian Mysteries 236, 465, 466, 481,

Elis, Eleians 81, 95, 136, 155, 157, 170, 263, 331, 353,

503

mourning for Achilles 331

Elpenor 337, 377

Elymians 20 n. 57, 58, 226, 332, 3567, 359-62, 366 Elymos 357, 361 Empedokles 264, 353 enactment, stylistic 210, 214, 389 Enna 12, 22, 156 En(n)odia 421

Entella 20 n. 57, 58, 90 n. 267, 226, 332, 360-1, 444 Enyo (Gorgon) 326

Enyo (war-god) 78, 91, 225, 237-8 Eordaia, Eordoi 468-9 Eos 123-4 Epaminondas 428 Epeios 13, 23, 29, 58, 59, 112, 135, 172, 194, 267,

dress 96, 183, 265, 331, 362-3, 402-3

348-56, 360, 385, 386

drugs 29 n. 81,35, 240, 282-3, 463

Epeiros 23, 149, 312715; 374, 377-9

Drepanon 27-8, 307, 333 dwarf, Odysseus as 5, 444, 452

ephebes, ephebic cults, rituals and transitions 84,

Dymas (eponym of Dorian Dymanes) 483

Ephoros 20

Dymas of Iasos 140 Dyme (Achaia) 255-6, 503 Dyras (river) 346

Ephyra (=Korinth) 507

187, 229, 261, 283, 343, 354, 361, 401, 461, 466 Epic Cycle 8-10 epigrammatists 35, 43

603

General Index epigraphy 62-93, 419 and see separate Index of

Eurypylos (son of Euaimon, Thessalian leader)

inscriptions

epikleseis, epiklesis 62-93

314, 335, 341

eyeballs 198, 368

Epimetheus 488-9

epinikian poetry 16-17

epiphany 40, 89 n. 263, 283, 355, 423, 441 Epistrophos 385

epithets, cult 62-93

Fabius Maximus, Q. 359 Fabricius, C. 37 n. 106, 492

falcons 53, 159, 179, 243 famine 132, 252, 409, 445, 476 and see hunger

Eratosthenes 25 Erechtheus 147, 157, 213, 468-9 and see Poseidon; Zeus Eremboi 318, 320-1

Fates, the 153, 231, 253, 293 feasts 147, 155, 171, 228, 244-5, 310, 314-5 festivals 16, 45-6, 69, 85-6, 95-6, 160, 171, 206, 224,

Eretria, Eretrians 16, 39, 204, 283, 286, 378, 419,

figs 210-14, 365

487 and see Menedemos Erichthonios (Trojan) 126, 437

262, 304, 330-1, 406, 408, 409, 442, 444, 496 firebrand i.e. Paris 142-3, 345, 472 fireless sacrifice 131

Erigone (daughter of Aigisthos) 475

fish 140, 202-4, 280, 313, 343, 450, 477, 484

Erigone (daughter of Ikarios) 192

Flamininus, Titus Quinctius 4, 17, 26, 37, 50, 97,

Erinyes 24, 206, 207, 215, 265, 279, 281, 323, 379-80, 388, 396, 402-4, 436, 498 and see Demeter (Erinys) Eris (river) 467

fleece, golden 31 and n. 89, 125, 173, 264, 268, 460-3 floods 138-41, 228, 294, 326 flutes 311

Erysichthon 8, 10, 19, 30, 112, 309, 474, 479, 481-4 Erythrai (lonia), Erythraian 331, 451,464, 500

Eryx (Sicilian place and eponymous hero) 20 n.

57 29, 58, 226, 332, 335, 348, 359-61, 371, 483

114, 132, 431, 437, 452, 491-2, 494, 496-8

focalization 22, 40, 172, 175, 203, 381, 391, 402

food 147, 228-9, 251-2, 271, 282, 447, 479 Lyk. often mentions unusual food 229, 252 Formiae 450

foundation myths 53-62

Esau 354 Ethiopia 123, 243, 253, 318, 323-4 Eteokles and Polyneikes 214-15, 216

Fucine lake 450

ethnics 44, 64, 71, 75, 83, 90, 102, 142, 197, 299, 356, 371, 404, 418, 456, 459, 482, 485

Galadra 468-9, 492, 495

Etruscans, Etruria 20, 24, 57, 58, 90, 133, 168, 262,

281, 287, 313, 315, 334, 349, 366, 44075, 467, 47172 Euboia, Euboians 39, 43, 59, 73, 124, 129, 178, 20I-3, 207, 242, 252, 253, 269, 272, 286-7, 305,

343, 377-8, 380, 390-1, 413, 419, 435, 479, 484,

487, 497

Euesperides see Benghazi Euhippe 258

foxes 83, 169, 194-5, 309, 391, 483, 507 and see vixen fratricide 61, 139

Galadros 468 Gaugamela, battle of 314, 453, 495 Ge 151 geese 142, 143, 162 genealogies to n. 25, 54, 60, 126, 213, 300, 371, 400,

422, 433, 454» 476, 485, 494

geometry, internal (of the poem) 49-51 Geryon 12, 134, 275, 279, 288, 289, 32, 330, 365, 470 giants, Giants 16, 150, 163, 240, 241, 245, 2857,

289, 292-3, 365, 471; 473, 486

Eumaios 143

Eumenes of Kardia 371 Eumenides see Erinyes Euphorion 33-4 Euripides 14-15

‘girdles’ 465-6

Europa 10, 19, 34, 93, 163, 165, 453, 455-9, 485

Glaukos (son of Minos and Pasiphae) 316 Glaukos (Spartan in Herodotus) 355 goats 33, 52, 99, 247, 465 and see scapegoat ‘goat islands’ in Mediterranean 259-60, 333 "Wander-goat Mountain’ 52 gods 354-5 and see particular gods golden fleece see fleece

mother of Sarpedon and thus = Europe 454 Europe 1, 7, 19-20, 37, 60, 438, 452-97, 501 Eurydike (wife of Aineias) 449

Eurynome 32, 429, 431

Eurypylos (son of Poseidon; king of Kos; Triton in disguise) 339-40, 483

Glanis 99, 29475, 366 Glaukos (mythical Boiotian) 146, 161, 201, 264, 305-6

604

General Index Golgoi 33 n. 94, 255, 507 and see Aphrodite (Golgoi’s queen) Gonousa 333 Gonnoi 151, 341-2 goose see geese

Hektor (Trojan) 5 n. 1, 6, 8, 12, 15, 20 n. 58, 24,

25,34 N. 99, 44, 55,73 N. 204, 77, 92, 93 n. 280, 94, 135, 145, 150, 153, 159, 164, 176, 178, 180, 184-8, 190, 192, 208, 217, 225, 226, 240-2, 273,

290, 294, 310, 314, 348, 352, 368, 383, 394,

Gorgon 324, 337

400-1, 404, 408, 420, 422-34, 436, 440,

Gortyn (Krete) 435, 459

449, 465

as ‘hero’ 432 as son of Apollo 188 as Soter (Saviour) 433 cult at Thebes 422-33 tragedies about 426-7 Helen 10-13, 91 n. 275, 95 n. 284, 125, 136-7, 142-9,

Gortynaia (Etruria) see Cortona

Gouneus 151, 335, 341 Graiai 11, 19, 201, 323, 326

Graikoi 242 Granikos, battle of the 495 Gras 475 Gygaia (lake) 79 n. 224, 415, 471 'Gyges fragment of tragedy 121

151-60, 232, 234-6, 268, 311—2, 318, 326-7, 341,

378, 398, 452-3, 456, 463, 472

Helenos 6, 135, 440, 494, 509 Helikon 181, 272 Helios 302, 316, 320 Hellanikos 19-20, 408-9 Helle 98, 125

gymnasia 332, 333, 335, 496

Gyrai (rocks near Mykonos) 201, 204 Gytheion 497 Hades 70 nn. 190 and 192, 74, 132, 134-5, 156, 406-7, 217, 22475, 232-3, 236, 241, 249, 276-7, 289, 290, 291-2, 316-17, 326, 390, 392, 393,

Hellespont 52, 98, 124, 387, 453-5, 489 Hephaistos 64, 69, 76, 173, 181, 191, 197, 225, 301,

304, 417

394, 42273, 432, 437, 461, 487, 489

Pandokeus 276, 290 Plouton 488-9 Polydegmon or Polydektes 70 n. 190, 290 Hadrian 18, 414 Hagesias 360 hair, cutting/growing of 362 Hektor's haircut 24, 400-1 and fig 6 Halikarnassos 82, 85-6, 224, 260, 322, 356, 480 Halitherses 295 Halyke, mother of Kyknos 174 Hamadryads 228 Hamaxitos 458

Kandaon? 76, 191 Hera, Heraia 86, 224

Aigophagos 68 Alexandros (?) 127

Gorgas 470 Hoplosmia 81, 262, 330, 465 Lakinia 81, 82, 95, 329731, 371-2 Tropaia 465 Herakleidai 458 Return of 415, 482 Herakles (mythical hero) 12, 35, 53, 66, 74, 76,

82, 84, 85, 129-35, 136, 144, 148, 153, 174, 182,

Hannibal 37n. 105, 38, 266, 396, 492

193, 212, 223-5, 226, 229, 236, 241, 262, 270, 275, 279-80, 281, 283, 285-6, 289, 314-15,

Harmonia 140, 374-5

Harpe 333

323, 324, 330, 335: 337: 338, 343: 344» 345» 346,

Harpin(n)a 159

351, 352, 353, 356, 358, 359, 361, 365-6, 376, 377 381, 393, 426, 427, 435, 463-6, 468-70, 472, 494, 496

Harpies 159, 276~7, 445 Harpocrates 455

Alexikakos 279 Boagidas 275 Keramyntes 82, 279, 323 Mekisteus 274-5 Mystes 465-6 Palaimon 84, 279

hedgehogs 43, 203, 342, 391, 434 heifers 71 (i.e. girls) 145-6, 165, 190-1, 233, 330-1, 457 Hekate 11, 72, 75, 88, 126, 134, 141, 163, 167, 192-3,

201, 275, 289, 359, 420-1, 498

Brimo 75, 289, 421 Pheraia 75, 420-1 Triauchen 422 Trimorphos 75, 420-1 Zerinthia 421 Hektor of Chios 422

Peukeus 66, 280

Skapaneus 275 Triesperos 76, 128-9 Herakles (son of Alexander the Great and

Barsine) 7, 24, 76, 314, 352, 412, 428, 494

605

General Index Hermes Kadmilos 76, 85, 158-9 Kadmos 76, 171 Ktaros 282-3 Laphrios 324 Nonakriates 282 Perpheraios 65 n. 170, 267, 350 Phaidros theos 84, 282-3 Trikephalos 282 hero-cult, heroization 94 and n. 283, 235, 254, 262,

294-5, 298, 338, 348, 357, 397, 404, 422, 432-3 Herodotus 1n. 5, 2, 19-20

mother Rhoio hinted at 251 heroines 67 n. 173, 94-6, 336 and see hero-cult, heroization Heropythos 422 Hesiod and Ps.-Hesiod 7-8, 10-11

Hylas 262, 337, 472

hymns 29, 44, 65, 72, 79 n. 223, 92, 438, 458, 501 hyperbaton 287, 493 Hypsipyle 406

Talysos 347, 480 Jamidai 360

lapygia, lapygians 58, 59, 213, 328-9, 365

Ibiza 268 Ibykos 12, 161, 180, 187, 196, 234, 267 Ichnai (Thessalian or Macedonian?) 151 Ida, Mt. (Kretan) 459 Ida, Mt. (Trojan) 125, 172-3, 447, 457, 459 Idalion 56, 254

Idas see Apharetidai

Hestia 76, of 211 (Mopsouhestia)

Idmon 337 Idomeneus 210-13, 367, 373, 434-5 Iliad 8 Illyria, Ilyrians 59, 258, 261, 372-7, 400 Ilion 96, 112, 408, 411, 414, 419 and see Troy

Hiero 1 344 Hiero II 49, 89

immunity, legal 419

Hesione ri, 130-1, 163, 193, 222, 226-8, 256, 320,

323-4, 338, 356-8, 388

Hieronymos of Kardia 7, 24-5, 62, 76, 262, 314,

352, 423, 428-31, 436, 453, 487

Hilaeira 245 Hipp- names as initiatory 245 Hippasos 406 Hippodameia 155, 244 Hippolyte 148, 463-6

Hippolytos 245, 263, 291, 319, 322, 473

Hipponax 13 n. 30 Hipponion 296, 307, 386-7, 389 Hippothoos 290 Hittites 211 Hodoidokos 414 homecoming see nostos Homer 8

homicide 61, 162, 197, 215, 281, 341, 377-9, 396, 406,

410, 419

Horace 235, 301, 374

Ilos 55, 56, 126, 139, 190, 199, 437, 447, 458, 468-9

imprisonment 120, 189, 196—7, 499 incest 217, 260, 320-1

incubation 23, 63, 382-3

‘influence’ as treacherous concept 8 initiation, initiatory cults and rituals 86, 94, 182,

224, 245, 343, 4067, 462, 465-6

Ino/Leukothea 146, 161, 173, 305 Inopos 30 n. 83, 251 inscriptions 62-93, 419 and see separate Index of inscriptions invulnerability 16, 34 n. 99, 223-4

Io 19, 94, 162, 268, 275, 296, 324, 443: 452, 454-8 lonia, Ionians 198, 210, 214, 367-8 and see Kolophon; Miletos Greek settlements in 60, 476-84

Revolt of, from Persia 20, 466, 487 Iphigeneia 12, 75, 145, 162, 163-7, 189-92, 233, 279 Iphitos 385

horns 25, 84, 219721, 249, 443, 456

Iris (river) 467 Iros (Thessaly) 342

296 horses 85, 123, 130, 132, 158, 159, 177, 186-7, 193,

Is 295 Ischenos 132 Isis 72 n. 199, 296, 455-6 Islands of the Blest 161, 256, 420, 43172 Ismenion 433 Ismenos 433 Issos, battle of 495 Islands of Diomedes see Diomedes

symbols of strength, noisiness, and fertility

205, 248, 309, 316, 325, 330, 467, 468 and see

October Horse; Wooden Horse

talking 159 hospitality 152-3, 193, 220, 229, 236, 243, 256,

314, 410

Hundred Houses 408, 410 hunger 55 61, 252, 446, 481, 484-5, 490

Hyakinthos 128, 152, 330

Istros 166, 467 and see Danube

Ithaka 88, 309-17, 390

606

General Index Ithome (Thessaly) 381 Isthmian festival and contest 37, 173-4, 240, 496 Italy 3, 41, 47-8 and n. 132, 133, 257, 285-301, 327-335, 34374» 353, 490 and see Daunia; Lokrian maidens; and particular cities and regions Iulus see Ascanius

ivy 224, 443 Jacob 354 Jason (leader of Argonauts) 18, 19, 35, 161, 188, 268, 281, 335, 338-9, 421, 460—2, 464. Jason of Pherai 461 joke, Kassandra’s only 254 Joshua 351 Judgment of Paris 144 Kabeiroi 141 Kadmos 55, 126-7, 140, 146, 158, 171, 196, 272, 374,

389, 423, 430,432 as Hermes 76, 171 Kalchas 9, 11, 54 n. 151, 94 n. 283, 168, 182, 210-12, 215, 365-6, 381-2

Kallimachos 10, 27-31 Kallisthenes 211, 215, 238, 272, 424, 428 Kalydnai islands 35, 125, 194

Kassandros 5, 424-5, 442 Kassiepeia 6, 253, 323 Kassiphone 315-6 Kastanaia 342 Katreus 155 Kaulonia 58, 369-70, 372-3 Kaunos 31 Kebren 137 Kekrops 147 Kephallenia 312 Kepheus 25, 55, 56, 217-19, 253-5, 288, 323 Kerastia (Cyprus) 25, 219-221 Keraunian mountains 374 Kerkaphos 35 n. 103, 210, 213 Kerkopes 162, 285—7 Kerkyon 29, 332 Kerkyra 20, 22, 27-8, 264—5, 268, 297-8, 3067, 333, 376, 378, 379: 415716, 422, 481 Kerne 124, cf. 389 Kikones 274 Kilikia 54, 87, 201, 211-12, 215, 217—18, 287, 298,

318-19, 476

Killa 172, 190

Kimmerians 20 n. 58, 285, 288—9, 490

Kimon 424 Kimpsos (river) 79 n. 224, 471

Kalydnos (early king of Thebes) 433

King' Peace (386 BC) 475

Kalypso 139, 198, 273, 302, 306 Kameiros 347, 480 Kanastraion 150, 241 Kapaneus 214

kinship between cities and communities 20, 93 n.

Kapys 437

Kiris 355

Karia, Karians 19, 49, 60, 80, 85-8, 155, 186, 224-5, 226, 356, 361, 381-2, 421, 432, 474,

477-82, 491

Podaleirios in 381

Karne 455

Karnos 455

Karpathos 348-9, 373, 421 Kasios, Mt. 319-20

Kassandra passim artistic representations of 5 n. 11 ‘barbarian’ 6 beauty of, not mentioned by Lyk. 5-6 children of? 6, 369

cult of 40, 90-92, 95-6, 247, 265, 294, 392,

280, 140, 155, 250, 269, 353, 357, 359, 362, 400, 425, 427-8, 482

Kinyps 30 n. 84, 99, 338 Kirke 11, 133, 162, 227, 229, 252, 275, 280—5, 289, 312,

313, 315, 316, 395, 404, 446, 450 Kissos 442-3 Klaros 210, 212-13, 215, 500-1 kledonomancy 57, 60-1, 318, 4.45, 464, 477-9 Kleisithera 46, 434-5 Kleisthenes of Sikyon 422 Kleitarchos 260, 320-1 KleomenesI of Sparta 61, 247, 477, 481

Kleonymos (Spartan) 329

Klete 58, 369-70, 372-3 Klotho 153, 293

Klytaimestra 2, 6 n. 15, 10, 16, 52, 92, 94, 128, 145, 195, 235, 256, 261, 263, 276, 282, 327,

396-404 murder of 395-6 nakedness of 6, 199 name 5 and see Alexandra prophetic powers of 6 rape of 195-200

380, 390, 392-6, 406, 420, 439, 480,

499, 507

Knakion or Knekion 246 Knidos 17, 31, 60, 80, 480-3

Knossos 80, 155, 156, 435, 459 Kodros 54 n. 150, 99, 240, 476-7, 479

607

General Index Kypselos, Chest of 404

Kokytos 291, 369 Kolchis 25, 160-1, 375, 460-1 Koloe (lake), Koloene 471 Kolophon 18, 34 n. 100, 36, 54 n. 151, 210-13, 333,

Kyrene 28 and n. 77, 66, 69, 82, 154, 195, 215, 218,

274, 30374, 326, 476, 489

nymph 195

Kyros the Great 488

364, 366, 368, 381-2, 434, 476, 500 and Epic Cycle 364 Komaitho 351-3 Kometes (grandson of Orestes) 476

Kyta, Kytaia 160-1, 460-1

Kythera 146 Kytinion 483

Kometes (son of Sthenelos) 26, 258 Korinth, Korinthians 61, 87, 123, 161, 177, 197, 239,

Labyadai 330 Lachesis 153 Ladon (river) 366, 379 Laertes as gardener 267, 330

240, 360, 375, 450, 462, 497, 507 lament for (Antipater of Sidon) 6, 128, 362

Koroibos 256 Korythos 136-7, 145

Lagaria 58, 348-52, 355, 360

Kos 41, 71, 360, 382, 480-3

Lagmos (river) 467

Koskynthos 378 Kothos 479 Kouretes 224-5, 281, 457-8 Kouroupedion, battle of 399

Laios 355, 461 Laistrygonians 12, 20, 134, 226, 278-9, 327, 333,

personified 350, 360

357-9

Lakinios 330, 372

Krathis (Achaia) 374

Lakmon, Mt. 374, 482

Krathis (Illyria) 375

lamentation, laments 30, 44, 128, 139, 189, 201, 207,

Krathis (Italy) 346-7, 374, 389

262, 309, 331, 337, 343, 362, 369, 389, 455, 498,

Kreousa (mother of Ion) 195, 367, 498 Kreousa (wife of Aineias) 442, 448-9 Krestonia 233, 353

506, 508

Krete, Kretans 20 n. 58, 71, 80, 141, 146, 154-6, 213, 269, 328, 335, 344, 348, 353, 382, 410,

434, 456-9, 461, 500

Krimisa 12, 345

Krimisos (river and battle) 23, 162, 188, 226, 275,

345, 360-1

Krinagoras 43 Krisa 386

Krisos 11, 54, 354, 439 Kronos 19, 132-3, 168-9, 213, 289, 306-7, 333, 431 Kroton 23, 48, 58, 59, 63, 81, 95—6, 160, 262, 266, 296, 300, 32932, 348—50, 357, 362, 366, 367,

369, 370-2, 3867

Kychreus 34 n. 99, 147, 222-3

‘land and sea’ 437-8 Laodike (sister of Kassandra) 5 n.14, 53, 146, 162,

165, 188-91, 232-3, 318, 462 Laodike (wife of Macedonian king Perseus) 37

1.105, 375

Laokoon 35, 125, 162, 194-5 Laomedon 55, 124, 126, 129-31, 139, 190, 193, 204,

226, 239740, 356-8, 388, 437, 468 Laophonft)e 158 Lapersian 236, 398, 473 and see Dioskouroi; Zeus Lapetheia, Lapethos 254 Lapithos (on Cyprus) 253-4 Lapiths 210, 244 Laris 295 Larisa (Aiolid) 290

Kydonia 353 Kyklops 237, 262, 274, 278-9, 303 Kylistarnos 355 Kyme (Aiolian) 475-6, 484

Larymna 413 Las 144-5, 236 Latin League 441

Kyme (Italian) 27, 286, 292, 319, 451 Kyknos (killed by Achilles) 163, 174-5, 188

Latmos, Mt. 480 Laura or Laurete 372-3

Kyknos (ruler of Neandria) 469 Kynos 413 Kynoskephalai, battle of 4, 37, 97, 114, 437,

Lavinium 12, 24, 57, 267, 368, 441-2, 447-8 laws, sacred see sacred laws

491-2, 497-8

Sibylline oracles about 5or Kybebe, Kybele 487

Latins, Latium 227, 441, 444, 446-7, 450

Leda 143, 153 Leibethr(i)a/Leibethron 34 n. 99, 98, 182-3, 207 Lelantine plain 272, 286 Lemnos 17, 135, 173, 179, 225, 343, 406

608

General Index Leontarne 272-3 Leontinoi 20, 134, 279, 357 Lepsia 432 and see Apollo Leptunis 134 Lerna 456

Lysimachos (Successor of Alexander) 128, 428, 491

Lysimachos of Alexandria (author of Nostoi) 195, 232, 281, 315, 425 Macedon, Macedonians 5 n. ın. 12, 179, 182, 215,

Lesbos 3, 19, 54, 88, 172, 269, 392, 459, 475

314, 315, 427, 442, 468-9, 48475, 491-8, 500

Lethe 290

and see Alexander the Great; Chalastra;

Lethos 290 Letrina 1367 Leukippidai 244, 245, 252

Galadra; Lysimachos; Philip II and V;

Leukos 434

Leukosia 57, 59, 293, 295

Leukothea 305 and see Ino Leuktra (Boiotia), battle of 273 Leuktra or Leuktron (Peloponnese) 127

Libya 19, 32, 117, 226, 238, 274, 326, 335-9, 372-3 Ligeia 57, 293, 296-7, 372

Liguria 443, 446, 471

Lilaia 386 Lindos, Lindians 347-8, 348 Lingeus (river Arno) 443 lions 53, 76, 85, 126, 129, 142, 168, 171, 179, 188, 190, 191, 223-5, 229, 241, 247, 272, 275, 289, 335, 347,

385, 391, 415, 439, 462, 465, 492, 495 Lokrian Maidens 2, 12, 23, 24, 28, 34, 38, 48, 62, 73,

90, 96, 125, 152, 195, 229, 253, 390, 396, 404-22 Lokris, Lokroi (Greece, Ozolian and Epiknemidian), Lokrians 80 n. 228, 199, 387, 405, 408, 414 and see Ajax; Lokrian

Perseus Machaon 344, 381 madness 120, 130, 202, 223, 316—17, 39 maenads, maenadism 84, 153, 234-5, 443 Magarsos 216-18 Maiotians 454

Maira 162, 192-3 Majorca 268-9

Makalla 344-5, 348-50

make-up, female 403-4 Malis (Thessaly) 342

Mallos 54, 98, 210, 212, 215717, 476

Malta 58, 358, 372, 375-7

Mamertines 90 n. 267, 353, 436 Manto 210, 215 Marathon 373 battle of 185, 216, 466, 487-8 Marpessa 16, 237, 248 Marpessian Sibyl 446, 451, 500 marriage 11, 40, 75, 77; 78, 92, 96, 137, 151, 159,

160-1, 190-1, 195, 197-9, 207, 236-8, 245, 256, 268, 319, 344, 351, 353, 361, 369, 378, 397,

Maidens

400-3, 406-12, 415, 447, 458, 470, 476, 478-81,

Lokroi (Italy, 'Epizephyrian), Lokrians 40, 47-9,

lot, use of 416 Lotophagoi, Lotus-eaters 274

484, 499 and see weddings levirate 159 Marsi 451 masturbation 477 matricide 61

Lucania 23, 58, 328, 345, 355, 364, 389-90

Mazousia 242

Luceria 257, 368, 400 Lucrine Lake 12, 134, 289

Meda 46, 43475

73: 90, 133-4, 321, 370, 386-7, 389, 401, 405,

414, 490

Lokrian rose 490

Medea 15, 14, 18, 19, 35, 160, 161, 163, 188, 233, 268,

281, 282, 313, 338, 339, 460-3, 472

lycanthropy 94, 229

Lydia, Lydians 24, 58, 60, 79 n. 224, 135, 155, 181, 182, 211, 287, 288, 319, 364, 367, 407, 415, 440,

443, 445, 458, 470-1, 474, 480, 484 Katakekaumene 471 Lykaon 162, 220, 229,

Lykia 72, 226, 244, 284, 346, 453, 482 Lykophron, name not uncommon 36 n. 105 authorship of the Alexandra 39742, 47-9 Lykos and Chamaireus (mythical Spartans) 151-2 Lykos of Rhegion (historian) 22, 48n. 133, 257, 261, 264-5, 268, 288

Lynkeus see Apharetidai

Medma 386-7, 389 Medon 61, 477-8 Medusa 123, 162, 257, 324-5, 421

Megara 198, 273, 377, 470

Melanippos 9 n. 22, 267, 385 Melankraira 500 Melia (daughter of Ocean) 433 Meliboia 344 Melinnos Hymn to Rome 438-9 "Melite' see Malta Melkart 174, 376 Melos 260, 389

609

General Index ‘Membles’ 388-9 Memnon 123 Memphis 89, 456 Menedemos of Eretria 16, 39, 46 Menelaion (near Sparta) 255 Menelaos 8, 12, 23, 32, 50, 58-9, 91 πη, 271 and

275, 95, 143, 145, 148, 151-5, 159, 189, 193, 204, 24374» 268, 275 278-80, 282, 284, 316735, 349,

356, 363, 370, 398, 405, 439, 463, 474 Dorieus as 58, 328, 334 Mens, cult of 359 mercenaries 305, 480-1 and see Mamertines Messapia, Messapians 97, 213, 258, 328-9, 399, 458

and see Zeus (Messapeus) Messene, Messenians (Peloponnese) 54, 78, 237,

Mopsos (seer, son of Manto) 9, 11, 28 n. 78, 54, 87, 206, 21077, 365, 432, 476

Mopsos (Lapith, Argonautic seer) 31 n. 89, 210,

337 339» 342

Moschos (poet) 34, 453 Mopsouhestia 211 Mossynoikoi 214 Mounippos 34, 172, 190 Mounitos 34 n. 99, 190, 232-4 Mounychia 421

mourning, mourning rituals 30, 63, 95, 146, 160, 179, 181, 321, 330-2, 362-3, 403 and

see lamentation Mozart’s Idomeneo 434 Muses 98, 179, 181-2, 276, 281, 293, 321, 322, 323, 503

metaphors 231 and see animal

Mykonos 204-5 “Wooden Horse’ pithos from 349 Mylakoi 379 Myndos (Karia) 33 n. 94, 356 Myous 83 n. 2n. 244, 432, 479

240, 246, 248, 331, 381, 398 Messene (Sicily, mod. Messina) 274

Mestra 19, 30, 112, 309, 474; 479, 481-4 metamorphosis 2, 93-4, 161-163

Metapontion 63, 95-6, 268, 330, 347, 349s 364, 367

Myrrha 11, 66, 93, 131, 162, 320-3

Metellus, Q, Caecilius Balearicus 268 Methydrion 263

Myrmidons 161, 219, 372 Myrtilos 158-9

metonymy 98 n. 289, 125, 129, 154, 159, 165, 207

Mysia 210, 459, 468 and see Telephos

metre 2 n. 7 and see anapaests; resolution

mysteries, mystery cults 74 n. 207, 86, 139, 140, 141, 171, 224, 331, 442, 465 and see Eleusis

metrical lengthening 463 mice 81, 458, 459 Midas 162, 426, 464, 476, 483-6 Miletos, Milesians 20 n. 58, 54 n. 1n. 150, 60-1,

75: 79, 80, 83 n. 244, 89 n. 263, 155, 157, 175, 227, 239740, 257, 295, 339, 419, 435» 473» 476-80, 501

Miltiades the Elder 192, 209, 242, 487 Milton 288, 291 Mimallones 500 Mimnermos 263

nakedness 6, 199-200, 270, 415, 477 names, naming 56, 72, 210, 253, 254, 314, 360, 460 Lyk.’s interest in 56 n. 153, 164, 167, 389 postponed naming 358, 365, 372, 460 Nanas 444

Naples 20, 2273, 57, 63, 92, 29374, 296-301 narrative techniques see analepsis; denomination; enactment; focalization; negation; prolepsis Naryka, Naryx 20 n. 58, 28 n. 78, 405, 409, 413-14

Minerva 57, 448 Minorca 268

Nauaithos 34 n. 99, 347, 387

Minos 155, 213, 316, 328, 458, 485

Nauplios 18, 43, 201-3, 213, 263, 310, 316, 342,

Misenos, Misenus, Cape Misenum 12, 288, 294,

Neandre(i)a 469

300-1, 440 Mnemon 176 Moirai see Fates moles 150 moly 282-3 Mollpis 157 Molpos 175 Monaco 359

Naxos (Aegean island) 270

monkeys 56 n. 155, 162, 245, 286—9, 371

Nekuia 284-5

Mopsops (early king of Athens) 20, 30 n. 84, 33, 298-9, 468-9

Neleus 476

nauarchos 298-9

390-1, 43475

Minyas 335-6, 406

Naxos (Sicilian city) 270, 286, 357 Neapolis see Naples necrophilia 371 Nedon 201 negation, presentation by 121, 144, 227, 253,

324, 387 Neileos 54 n. 150, 60-1 and n. 158, 476-80 nekyomanteion 143, 207, 284.

610

General Index Nemea festival and contest 37, 496 lion 129, 224, 229, 241, 275 Neoptolemos (son of Achilles) 129, 135, 164, 177,

Oichalie 381

Oidipous 184, 189, 214, 352, 393, 423, 430, 461 oikists 11, 20, 25, 27, 55, 56, 218-19, 229, 232,

253, 463

Oinomaos 157-9 Oinone 136-8, 217 as name of Aigina 161 Oinopion 220 Oinotropoi 9, 162, 250-2 Okinaros 296-7, 366, 372-3 Olbia, name of various cities 450 Olenos 255-6 oligarchy 227, 328, 419, 497 Oloosson 269, 341-2 Olympia, Olympian festival and contest 132, 136,

190-1, 208, 256, 315, 426, 452, 494

Neoptolemos (father of Olympias) 314 Nepet 467 Nepounis 467 Nereids 145, 205, 330, 341 Neriton 309, 312-13 Neso 500 Nessos 134 nightingales 189, 281, 499 Nikandros 34-5 Nikias 417 Nikostratos 10, 145 Nile 30 n. 83,32 n. 91, 149, 251-2, 320, 326, 338

157, 187, 214, 292, 386

Olympian gods 74-5, 78, 141, 254, 470 and see chthonian

Nireus 32 n. 91, 159, 358, 37273

Olympias 314, 494

Nisyros 290 Nossis 40, 48 nostalgia, colonial 2, 23, 25, 62, 94, 262, 272,

Olynthos 233 Onchestos 269, 272-3 Onkai, Onkrion 435 onomastics see ethnics; names Opheltas 201 Ophion 28 n. 78, 32 n. 91, 429,431

362-3, 378 nostoi, nostos (homecoming, returns, return) 1

D. 5, 3, 6 n. 18, 20, 47, 51, 57-60, 93, 195, 200, 203, 204, 208, 212, 216—17, 241, 256, 269, 272,

Ophryneion 55, 314, 422-9, 433

276, 288, 302, 343, 348, 356, 358, 363, 365, 369, 372-3, 376, 378, 381, 385, 387, 389-91, 392, 414,

Opous 138, 413-14. oracles 33, 53, 61, 121, 123, 126, 151-2, 211, 213, 250-1,

420, 434, 441, 452, 474, 476 Nostoi (title of literary works, including poem

299, 313, 382, 405, 423, 427, 429, 433, 437, 463,

in Epic Cycle) 6 n. 18, 9-10, 203-5, 208,

474, 475-6, 477, 479, 499 and see Ammon,

210, 212-13, 232, 281, 327, 329, 349, 364, 388,

Delos; Delphi; Dodona; Ismenion; Klaros;

nekyomanteion; Sibylline Oracles

395, 425

Notion 21 numismatic evidence see coins Nyktimos 229

Orchomenos (Boiotia) 272, 335, 406 Orestes 17, 19, 28 n. 78, 54, 60, 164, 174, 176, 215,

oaths 12, 71, 154, 168, 181, 187, 267, 291, 302, 351, 353, of Ajax 195, 200, 405-6, 415 October horse (ritual) 21, 362, 396

Oresthasion 475 ‘Orientalism’ 1 Orikos 377, 380 Orion 76, 192, 222, 243

Odysseus 3, 5, 8-9, 12, 15, 20, 29, 47, 50, 52, 57, 76, 87, 92,130, 133, 135, 140, 143, 146, 162, 164, 168,

Oropos 81 n. 2n. 234, 242, 272, 382-3

223, 263, 305, 355, 378-9, 379, 392-3, 396, 398, 402, 424, 435, 459, 474-6

378, 434, 444: 445, 488, 504

Orion (grammarian) 227 Oros (grammarian) 1-2-3, 135, 218, 346 Orpheus 182, 231, 322, 339, 431 Orphism 22, 71 n. 196, 72, 231, 306, 386, 496 Orthages or Orthanes 73, 243 Ortygia 205 Osiris 89, 456 Ossa (Italy) 289 Othronos 376-80

172, 182, 192-4, 198-9, 202, 208, 213, 231, 233, 24475, 256, 260, 262, 269, 270, 273—317, 319, 327, 333, 335: 342, 347, 349750, 371, 373, 377 378»

384, 386, 388, 390, 392, 39475, 412, 422, 43778, 441-4, 446, 450, 452, 463, 484

Odyssey (of Homer) 8

‘Odyssey’, Lyk.’s 273-317 Ogygos, Ogygian 32 n. 91, 431-3 Oibalos 10, 398-9 Oibares 158

Otrere 370-1 Ouranos 151, 174, 307, 429, 433, 471 611

General Index Pachynos, Cape 44, 37577, 421-2

Padua see Patavium Paestum 295 and see Poseidonia Paionia, Paionians 468 Paktolos (river) 181, 471 Palagruza 59, 62, 160, 208, 257, 260

Palamedes 130, 182, 202, 252, 263, 310, 316,

390-2, 434 Palaimon 28 n. 78, 84 n. 2n. 247, 17374 and see Herakles (Palaimon as cult epithet)

Palaiopolis 299-300

Palaipaphos 228 Palauthra 341 Palinurus, not mentioned by Kassandra 288 Palladion 4, 52, 73, 87, 135-6, 193, 198-9,

256-7, 277, 412 Pallene (Chalkidike) 78 n. zn. 28, 100 n. 2n. 299,

148-51, 241, 289, 388, 486-7

Penthilidai 3, 54, 475-6 Pephredo see Pemphredo peraia, peraiai 381-2, 392, 475

performance (of the Alexandra) 427 Pergamos 6, 178 Periandros 207, 284 Perikles 142, 438 Persephone 12, 22, 48, 75, 90-1, 134, 155, 156, 198, 289, 292, 293, 321

as Leptunis 134 Persepolis 495 Perses (father of Hekate) 420 Perseus (mythical hero) 19, 123, 162, 228, 315,

323-6, 336, 373, 461, 488, 489, 492, 495 Perseus (Macedonian king) 37 n. 105, 375, 407,

491-3 Persia, Persians 298, 488, 492-3, 495 and see Artaxerxes; Dareios; Kyros; Xerxes;

Zopyros

Pallene (Attic deme) 83, 448

Persian Wars 438, 467, 488-91 and see Datis;

Pamphylos, Pamphyloi 216, 482 Panamara 85, 224

Panopeus 11, 13, 19, 29, 54, 348, 351, 35475, 439

Paphos 25, 83, 217-19, 221-2, 228, 254-5, 319-20 paradoxography 21, 221, 270, 334.

Paris 5, 9, 73, 91, 123, 127, 129, 135-8, 142-8, 151-4, 159, 161, 163, 171, 173, 179, 181, 192, 236, 243,

245, 318, 327, 343, 345 433: 453» 463» 472, 505 and see firebrand

Judgment of 144 Pasiphae 316 Patara 346-7 Patavium 277, 426, 447, 449 Patroklos 98 n. 2n. 289, 125, 143, 180—1, 185, 197, 198, 217, 348, 413

pattern-poems 35, 355 and see technopaignia Pegai 472 Pegasos 123-4, 177, 324-5 Peirithoos 154, 234, 244, 463 Peisandros (companion of Orestes) 475 Pelasgians 67 n. 183, 71, 163, 176-7, 219, 355, 389, 430; 444, 472-3

Argonauts as 31 n. 89, 472 Pelasgiotis 163, 472 Peleus 135, 161, 162, 163, 182, 191, 197, 208-9, 341 Pellene (Achaia) 347

Ionian Revolt; Marathon; Plataia; Salamis; Sardis; Thermopylai; Xerxes

‘Persian Wars theme’ 488 Petelia 344-5, 366 Peuketians 328, 400 Phaiakia, Phaiakians 20, 264, 299, 302-4, 306,

308, 337, 349, 463, 471

Phalakrai 28 n. 78, 125, 418 Phalanna 342 Phaleron 165, 257, 293-4 Phaleros (Argonaut) 297 Phaloria 413 Pharai 246 Pharos 30 n. 84, 148-9 Phemios 464 Pherai (Thessaly) 30 n. 83, 75, 421 and see Jason Pherai (Peloponnese) see Pharai

Phereklos 145 Pherekydes 19 Phigaleia 64,170 ‘Phikian’ (of Sphinx) 501 Philip II of Macedon 208, 354, 360, 411 Philip V of Macedon 4, 26, 37, 51,169, 314, 402,

425, 437-8, 491-2, 495, 497, 498 Philoktetes 12, 17, 23, 34s 35, 58, 59, 92, 94, 95; 135, 136, 137, 138, 142, 143, 184, 213, 283,

Pelops (son of Tantalos) 135-6, 155, 157-9, 191,

294, 295, 300, 335 343-8, 350, 364, 371, 381,

469, 474.

Pelops (alleged child of Kassandra) 369 Pemphredo 326 Penates 267, 440, 442,

448-9

Peneios (river) 291, 342, 468-9 Penthesileia 370-1, 381

382, 433

Philomela 93 Philostephanos 25 Philteas of Naxos 270 Phlegethon see Pyriphlegethon

612

General Index

polyonymy 72

Phlegra (location in Campania and Chalkidike)

Polyperchon 24, 76, 314, 428 polyptoton 178, 332 Polyxena 9, 53, 146, 162, 187-92, 339

148, 289, 365, Phoenicia, Phoenicians 52, 66, 87, 89, 171, 173-4,

211, 254, 261, 270, 272, 277, 318, 320-1, 323,

332-3, 348, 376, 389, 455-6

Porkes and Chariboia (names of serpents) 195 Porphyrion (Giant) 470

Phoibe 245

Poseidon Aigaion 76, 152 Amoibeus 264-5

Phoinix (teacher of Achilles) 9, 208, 208-9

Phoinix (eponym of Phoenicians) 321, 455 Phoinodamas 52, 130-1, 226-7, 256, 278, 332-3, 356-8, 360, 365

Amphibaios 68, 302-3 Enipeus 294-5

Phokaia 66, 181, 259, 271, 349

(Erechtheus 80 and n. 231, 157, 213) Gaiaochos/Gaieochos 68 n. 181, 303-4 Hippegetes 85, 308-9 Kromna, lord of 238-40 Melanthos 308-9

Phokis, Phokians 20, 58, 68 n. 177, 342-3, 348, 349,

351, 385-6 Phokos 54, 135, 161, 341, 348, 354 Phorkos see Phorkys Phorkys 134, 201, 228, 275, 326, 450

Phreatto 378 Phrixos 125 Phrygia, Phrygians 126, 155, 469, 484 and see Midas Phtheiron, Mt. 480 Physkeis 83 n. 2n. 245, 407-9 Picenum 228 Picus 227-8 Pieria 468-9, cf. 494 piety 423, 429, 436, 449 pigs, piglets 22 n. 63, 162, 206, 211, 229, 252, 282-3,

(naumedon 156)

Phemios 464 Prophantos go n. 2n. 267, 238 Poseidonia 262, 263, 295 mourning festival at 62, 262, 363 Prax- names on Cyprus 254 Praxandros 25, 46, 52, 55, 56, 62, 217-19, 253-6, 288, 320

premarital cults and rituals 40, 92, 96, 195, 343, 396-7, 403, 406, 480 Priam 5, 6, 12, 34, 44, 46, 120, 121, 123-4, 126, 130,

286, 441, 447, 484 and see Sows

Pimpleia 30 n. 83, 182-3 Pindar 3, 16-17 seems unaware of Theban cult of Hektor 424 piracy 258

153, 154, 158, 159, 172, 173, 178, 179, 181, 186, 187,

189, 190, 192, 193, 202, 226, 272, 356, 437, 449,

469, 506

Priapos 126, 243

Pisa (Italy) 349, 443, 473

Priene 140, 169

Plataia 48, 273, 318 Plegades see Symplegades Pleuron 153, 248

prison 120, 189, 196-7, 499 Proitos 354 Prokne 93 prolepsis, proleptic references 127, 157, 337 Prometheus 72, 229, 243, 452-4, 488 Pronnoi 312

Podaleirios 23, 58, 92, 94, 294, 344, 377, 380-3,

Pronomos (Giant) 470

Pithekoussai 16, 22, 59, 285-9 Pitonia, Pitonion (river) 451, 454

plague 77, 152, 329, 343, 371, 405, 411, 427, 432-3, 476

398, 432

Propertius 97, 120-1, 438, 439 prophecy, prophets 2, 24, 26, 47, 126, 135, 176, 194,

Podarkes (earlier name of Priam) 193

215, 223, 251, 305, 310, 313, 340, 345, 387, 392,

Poimandros 379 Pola 375 Polai 375

419, 430, 445-6, 489, 501 and see divination; Helenos; Kalchas; Kassandra; Mopsos; oracles; Prylis; Pythia; Sibyl; Sibylline Oracles; Teiresias

pollution 61, 159, 281, 291, 331, 379, 392, 396-7, 419 Polybius 20, 124, 258, 266, 268, 272, 290, 370, 386,

Protesilaos 159, 176, 241-2, 377

407, 410, 425, 435, 468-9, 487 Polyeidos (poet) 336 Polygnotos 12, 405 Polygonos 148 Polymestor 189, 192, 435

Proteus 28 n. 78, 76, 100, 147-51, 163, 201, 252,

326, 456

proxeny 34-5 and n. 101, 155, 257, 413 Prylis 171-3 pseudonymity 39-40

Polyneikes see Eteokles

613

General Index Pterelaos 351

Rome 1, 4, 23, 24, 36-9, 47, 51, 97, 114, 262, 436-40,

496-501, 508

Ptolemies 27, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37 1.105, 39, 49, 86-8,

Aineias section has surprisingly little about 441 Delos and 250-1 Egesta and 357, 362 name of 436, 439 Samothrace and 442

107 N1.312, 148-9, 217, 220-1, 225, 257, 336, 338, 346, 428, 436, 468, 495

Publilius Philo 300 Punic Wars and see Carthage

First 37, 38, go n. zn. 267, 353, 357, 359; 436, 496 Second 38, 266, 497 and see Hannibal

puppies 133, 275 purification 152, 214, 242, 297-8, 378-9, 465

Pyriphlegethon 289 Pyrrha 138, 413 Pyrrhos (mythical figure) see Neoptolemos Pyrrhos (3rd-cent king of Epeiros) 220, 329, 492 Pythia 121, 402, 464,477-8, 501 and see Apollo, Delphi

Pythian festival and contest 383 and see Apollo; Delphi Quinctius see Flamininus

Troy and 51, 97, 139, 362, 400, 442, 491

Romulus 139 and Remus 188, 436, 439 inscription from Chios 57, 63, 419 rouge 403, 490

sacred laws 63, 68, 79 n. 2n. 223, 95, 215, 331, 404,

408, 489 sacrifice 28 n. 78, 67, 68, 71, 84-5, 130-2, 141, 145-6, 157, 163-7, 169-71, 173-4, 190-2, 206, 215-16, 220, 224-6, 236, 242, 251, 283, 285, 295, 323,

327) 332, 349, 362, 382-4, 391, 398, 409-10, 421, 422-3, 426, 429, 434, 440, 461

Race-course of Achilles 160, 167

rams 125, 173, 247, 462-3 ram-skins and incubation 381-2 rape 1, 3; 199-200, 415 rats 81, 150, 459 relics, cult of 55, 424, 429, 465 religion see cults; dedications; festivals; herocult; mysteries; relics; rituals; sacred laws;

sacrifice; and individual gods

repetition 18, 122, 139, 243, 249, 250, 296, 303, 326, 333» 357, 358, 399, 464 resolution, metrical 2 n. 7, 143, 180, 206, 307, 334, 358, 376, 418

Rhadamanthys 458 Rhaikelos 442 Rhaukos 459 Rhea 205, 213, 431 Rheneia 206 Rhesos 322, 424 Rhodes, Rhodians 37 n. 105, 81, 87, 89, 131, 221,

260, 264, 269, 270, 300, 344, 347, 348, 364, 375, 382, 399, 428, 459, 466, 480 peraia 381-2 Rhoiteia, Rhoiteion 252-3, 417-18 rites of passage 397, 406 and see initiation;

premarital cults and rituals rituals 40, 50, 58, 62, 63, 95-6, 139, 229, 245, 262,

265, 344; 357 362, 363, 397, 401, 404, 482 and see begging; incubation; initiation; October Horse; Lokrian Maidens; mourning;

premarital cults and rituals; purification, sacrifice

Sagra River, battle of 48 Salamis, battle of 17-18 Salamis, on Cyprus 55, 222, 458 Salmydessos 454 Salpi 266, 399-400, 472 Salsios 257 salt 152-3, 316 salt-water 204-5 Samnites 257, 401, 447

Samos, Samians 68, 88, 89 n. 263, 121, 141, 170,

206, 230-1, 272, 300, 322, 487,507 Samothrace 37 n. 105, 49, 88, 126, 138-41, 158, 349, 441-2, 448, 460, 500

Samson 351

Sandios lophos (Karia) 482-3

Sappho 13 Sardinia 23, 313, 389 Sardis 181, 211, 445, 471, 488 burning of, in Ionian Revolt 20, 487-8 Sarapta or Sarepta 455-7 sarcophagi 200

Sarpedon 155, 454, 458, 470 Satnion (Karia) 482

Satrachos 221 satyr-plays 16 Scaliger, Joseph 16 n. 44, 103 n. 3n. 305, 108 and n.

3n. 314, 109, 140, 166, 174775, 191, 199, 230, 315 scapegoat, term best avoided 418 Scipio, Lucius Cornelius 114 Scipio, Publius Cornelius (Africanus) 37 n. 105,

114, 492 614

General Index Schedios 385 seers see prophecies, prophets Segesta see Egesta Seleukeia on the Pyramos zr Seleukids 33, 36, 88, 114, 210, 221, 375, 425, 491 and see Antiochos; Laodike

Skylla (daughter of Nisos) 275, 351 Skylla (sea-monster) 131, 133, 134, 162, 182, 221, 274-6, 278, 280

Skyros 55, 165, 182, 200, 464-5 slaves 121, 182, 230-1, 311, 370-1, 396-7, 409-10,

422, 417, 498, 504, 508

slingers, slings 270-1

serpents 6, 35, 125, 147, 162, 168, 171, 189, 194-5, 253,

Smintheus see Apollo

380-1, 462-3, 509

Soklees the Korinthian 142

Setaia 347, 387-9, 402-3, 439 Seuthes 177

Soloi 55, 232, 294

SEX I n. 2, 6,14 n. 3n. 34, 61, 73 n. 203, 77, 91, 95-6, 127, 137, 147, 152-4, 167, 195-200, 205, 209, 233, 243, 245, 248, 252, 256, 263, 285, 310, 323,

Solon 232, 368 Sophocles 15 Soter (Saviour) see Dionysos, Hektor, Zeus SOWS 57, 61, 127, 211-12, 441, 446-7, 458

326-7, 331, 369, 390, 400, 405, 412-13, 415, 440, 452, 462, 477-81, 496, 498, 508

Spalauthra see Palauthra

with Apollo 195 Sextion 102-3 Shakespeare 45, 196, 230, 234, 391

Sparta, Spartans 2, 48, 54, 56, 58, 60, 69, 70 n. 187, 78, 82, 85, 90-2, 95, 123, 142, 151-2, 222, 229,

234-7, 243, 246~7, 248, 249, 255-6, 268, 273,

sharks 54, 354

299, 304, 312, 327-9, 330, 332, 334, 338, 363,

sheep 147, 162, 223, 285, 341, 351-3, 443, 477

364, 381, 389, 397-400, 403-5, 466, 470, 473,

475,477, 479, 481, 482, 490, 493, 494, 497

sheerwaters 259

Cyprus and 56, 218, 253 and see Praxandros Spercheios 209, 413

Sibyl 121, 307, 446, 451, 459, 498, 500-1 Sibylline oracles v, 26, 36, 128, 478, 489, 498,

500-1, 506

Sphekeia (Cyprus) 25, 56, 218-19

Sphinx 120, 122-3, 280, 501

Sicily 66, 134, 156, 274, 278, 286, 333, 361, 376, 436 and see Sikanians; Sikels; and under

stars 235-6, 245 and see catasterism

Statilii Tauri 170

particular cities and places Menelaos in 322-4 Sigeion 232, 425 Sikanians, Sikans 333 Sikels 298, 307 Simias 350, 355-6, 362

and see Palladion; supplication Stesichoros 12-13

Simonides 44, 121, 161, 147, 270, 283, 349, 453, 462, 466

Sthenelos 210, 214, 258 sting-ray 35 n. 105, 312-13

statues 22, 28 n. 78, 96, 106, 157, 186, 195, 198-9,

214, 220, 247, 26475, 267, 327, 344, 350, 356, 364, 368, 369, 403, 407, 420-1, 427, 448-9, 459

Sinis 366

stoning 120, 192-3, 202, 278, 416, 418, 420-2

Sinon 9, 194, 351, 390-1

sfrategos 298-9

Sipontum 266

stylistic enactment see enactment Stymphaia see Tymphaia Stymphalos 360, 41

Sirens 11, 50, 51, 73, 122, 161, 182, 275, 276-7, 280,

292-301, 348, 404, 499 and see Leukosia; Ligeia; Parthenope Siris 12, 23, 58, 198, 212, 300, 329, 350, 355, 363-70,

Styx 76, 163, 283, 29172, 342, 374

Sublaqueum 451

372, 382, 400, 435

sun, Sun-god 123, 151, 204, 238, 243, 245, 302, 331, 490-1 and see Cattle; Helios supplication 198, 200, 402-3, 444-5 SWANS 143, 175, 212713

Sirte 274 Sisyphos. Sisypheian 194, 365, 377, 404 Sithon 252-3, 418-19 Sithonia 99, 148, 151, 252, 471, 486 Skaian gates 310-11 Skandeia 146 Skarpheia 413 Skione 241, 347, 377, 388, 486 Skolos 269, 272-3

suicide 128, 138, 222, 233, 292-3, 416-17

Sybaris 133, 255, 344» 3467, 365, 367, 387

Symplegades 32 n. 91, 454-5 and see Clashing Rocks symposium, sympotic performance 39 and n. 114,

42, 46, 158, 314

Skotoussa (Thessaly) 497

synecdoche 311, 507

615

General Index synoikism 255, 341, 347, 442, 480

Syracuse 27, 43, 89, 328, 357, 360, 416 Syrna 382 Syrnos 382 Syrtis 18, 274-5

Tereus 93, 153, 183, 229 testicles 254 Tethys 153-4, 174, 292-3, 386-7

Teukros (figure of Kretan and Trojan myth) 458-60, 500

Teukros (son of Telamon) 55, 193, 218, 222-3, tables, eating of see ‘eating of the tables’ Tabulae Iliacae 12, 57, 300, 355, 371, 453 tagoi 460-1 Tainaron 143, 265, 393-4 talismans, talismanic objects 55, 136, 194, 199, 323,

325,343» 347, 351, 425, 479 and see Palladion; relics

Talos 434-5

‘Taman peninsula 167 "Tamassos 329

226-7, 254, 371 "Teumesos 507 Teuta, Queen 258 "Teutaros 136-7, 224, 343 Thargelia 417-18 "Theagenes of Thasos 94, 383, 432 theatre-shaped places 260 Thebe (Asia Minor city) 93 n. 280, 425, 427-8 Thebe (nymph, daughter of Asopos) 260

Thebes (Boiotian city), Thebans 25, 55, 56, 77 n. 218, 93 n. 280, 94, 126, 139, 171, 196, 214, 239, 256, 260, 261, 269, 271, 273, 311, 314, 383, 385,

Tanagra 39, 78 n. 221, 84, 191, 238, 242, 269, 272,

283,379

420, 422-33

Tantalos 137, 469 Taras, Tarentum

23, 48, 60, 90, 92, 213, 256, 327-9,

330, 364, 365, 397-9, 496, 507 Taraxippos 30 n. 84, 94 n. 283, 167

Tarchon and Tyrrhenos/Tyrsenos 58, 159, 168, 176, 44172, 445, 47071 Tarphe 413-14 Tarquinii 168, 441, 445 Tartessos 12, 13 n. 29, 271-2 Taucheira 28 n. 77, 30 n. 84, 336-8 technopaignia 35, cf. 355 Tegyra 246, 273 Teiresias 11, 162, 210, 212, 248, 284-5, 312-13, 319 Teisamenos 164, 476

Telamon 129, 135, 193, 222, 2257, 241, 341, 458 Telamos (river) 467 Teledamos (alleged son of Kassandra) 369 Telegonos (son of Kirke by Odysseus) 312-13, 315 Telegonos (son of Proteus) 148, 456

Hektor’s cult at 422-33 literary praise of 423-4, 430 Thebes (Egyptian city) 93 n. 280, 425, 431 Thelpousa see Telphousa Themis 72, 151, 153, 461 Themiskyra 466 Themistokles 364, 367 Theoinidai 444 Theokritos 32-3 Theon 88, 102-3, 269, 374, 482 theoroi 257 "Iherapnai 91 n. 275, 255 "Ihermodon (Black Sea region) 366, 467 Thermodon (Boiotia) 273 Thermopylai 208, 342, 488, 490 Thermydron 348 "Thersites 10, 287, 311, 371

“Theseus 12, 13, 29, 54, 55, 122, 145, 153, 154-5, 164, 232-6, 257, 294, 327,379, 425; 459, 463-7

Telemachos 164, 245, 276-7, 315-16, 318, 399, 470

Telephos 48, 74, 84, 168-71, 231, 44475, 470

Telphousa 80, 248-9 Temenos 315 Temes(s)a 384, 386 Temmikioi 310-11 Temon 479 Tenedos 17, 54, 125, 131, 173-5, 194; 269, 459,

475-6

Thespiai 170, 272

Thesprotia 143, 207, 291 Thessaly, Thessalians 65, 73, 75, 81, 82, 83, 136, 151, 163, 169, 173, 176, 184, 197, 207, 209, 210, 214,

225, 242, 269, 274, 281, 295, 314, 331, 335-7, 339742, 344-5, 381-2, 421, 460-1, 468-9, 472,

474, 481-3, 497, 507

Thestios 153

Teneros 433 Tennes 9, 54, 174-6, 475 Tennyson 444, 495

Thetis 9, 32 n. 91, 35, 76, 81, 93, 95-6, 98 and n.

Tenos 68, 204

Thetonion 461 Thigron (Karia) 482

terebinth 83, 322, 432 Tereina 57, 162, 296-7, 37273, 386, 390

289, 125, 145, 160, 162-3, 176, 181-2, 188, 205,

241, 330-2, 341 Thoas 32 n. 91, 311, 358, 372-3, 386

616

General Index foundation myths of 53, 56, 126, 138-9, 239,

Thourioi go n. 267, 156, 240, 268, 328, 344, 347, 349,

350, 364

458, cf. 476

laments for 128, 139, 429

Thrace 28 n. 78, 141, 148-50, 162, 232, 252, 274, 353, 369, 420-1, 442, 468-9, 484-5 and see Abdera; Dolonkoi; Kikones; Krestonia

Lavinium and 24, 441-2, 448

Lokrian Maidens and 96, 407-8, 411 Rome as new Troy 51, 97, 139, 362, 400,

three-word lines 137 Thronion 413-14 Thucydides 20

442, 491 Samothrace and 139-40, 442, 448 Siris and 366 walls of 139, 259 trumpets 300

Thyiades (ve sim.) 146

Tiber 290 ignored by Kassandra 443

Tilphousa see Telphousa

Tydeus 9 n. 22, 35, 41, 256-7, 267, 385, 424

Timaios 21~4

Tymphaia 314

Timoleon 61, 139, 360, 377

Tyndareus 10, 13 n. 29, 154, 168, 327, 378, 398

Timotheos of Miletos 17-18 Tiphys 28, 31 n. 89, 339

Tyndaridai 70 and see Dioskouroi Typhon 67 n. 173, 163, 286-7, 319-20, 471 tyrannicide 419 and see Timoleon tyranny 142, 401 laws against 419 Tyrrhenians see Etruscans Tyrrhenos or Tyrsenos see Tarchon

Titans 14, 175, 205, 265, 292-3, 336, 429, 431, 451

Titaros 342-3 Tithonos 13, 46, 76, 123-5 Tito 354 Titon, Rock of 486-7 Tlepolemos 129, 428, 470 Tocra see Taucheira

tombs, Kassandra’ preoccupation with 97, 133, 140, 151, 158, 200, 242, 288, 292, 343, 348, 366,

Tzetzes, Ioannes 2, 100-8

Tzetzes, Isaac 105-6 Underworld see Hades; Odysseus’ visit to

421, 431

284-5

Tomyris 488 torches, torch-races 20, 22, 63, 74, 92, 171, 294, 299, 421, 503

Vedius Pollio 290 Venus Erycina 359

Torone 67, 100 n. 299, 148-51, 252 tragedy 14-15 "Trambelos 34 n. 99, 227, 321 "Trapani see Drepanon Traron 416-17

virginity 91, 127, 195—200, 276, 344, 369, 415, 451

Tremiti islands 59, 208, 267

vultures 142-3, 336

victims see women

vipers 35 n. 103, 203, 233, 391, 394-5, 397

vixens 309, 390, 483 voice, narrative 52-3

Trikka 381-2 Triopas, Triopian peninsula (Karia) 481

Triptolemos 300, 344, 382

walls 139 Wandering Rocks 275

Triton 19, 93, 125, 130, 149, 162-3, 238, 251, 300, 338-40

wasps 56 n. 154, 93, 161-2, 164-5, 185, 218-19

Troilos 9, 186-8, 190, 360-1, 439

earth and water; salt-water water-carrier motif 349

triumphs (at Rome) 498

Tros 55, 126, 190, 400, 437 Troy passim and see Dardanos; Helen; Hektor; Ilos; Kassandra; Palladion; Priam; Wooden

Horse built by Apollo and Poseidon 239 date of main fall 415-16 Egesta as daughter-city of 135, 362-3, 388,

403, 429

water, water supplies 18, 33 n. 94, 125, 141, 163, 165, 167, 177, 228, 251-2, 290, 291, 419, 473 and see

weddings 54, 147, 156, 191, 235, 244-5, 270, 256, 481 and see marriage violence at 54, 244-5 whelps 188, 190-1, 225, 369, 397

whips 215, 303, 311, 404 White Island 13 n. 3n. 32, 160, 165, 167, 420, 431

wolves 94, 162, 177, 188, 191, 229, 335, 341, 353,

first destruction of Troy (by Herakles)

378-9, 439, 492, 495-6

and initiation 229, 353

128-135, 153, 470-1

617

women see laments; Lokrian Maidens;

Zankle 27-8, 141, 307

marriage; premarital cults; rape; sex;

Zarax, Zarex 201, 252

Sibyl; Sirens; virginity, and under

Zethos 55, 236, 239, 260, 430

individual names

Zeus 74, 857, 455

abuse of, (sexual) violence against 11, 60,

390, 474

burial rites, role in 329730 cults of and performed by 94-6 poets 40-1, 45 priestesses 369, 388, 418

prophetesses 239, 323, 474 rulers 58, 370 speech-patterns of 53 victims 11, 131, 143 (Nemesis), 189, 292, 388

Wooden Horse 23, 29, 43, 58, 135, 172, 193-4,

267, 308, 348, 350, 355, 362 and see Epeios woodpeckers 227 wrestlers, wrestling motif 17, 37, 84, 126, 132-3,

148, 150-1, 280, 311, 332, 333, 359, 431, 452, 469, 471, 491-6 Xanthos of Lydia (historian) 211

Xanthos (Lykian city) 244, 453, 482 Xanthos (Trojan river) 458 Xenophon 71, 175, 177, 214, 236, 394, 411, 417, 426-7,

449, 460-1 Xerxes 2, 7, 19, 38, 48, 208, 228, 231, 240, 314, 342,

381, 426, 428, 438, 452, 466-7, 486-92, 494, 497 Xouthides 366-7 Xouthos 367-8, 479

Agamemnon 70 n. 190, 91, 193, 398, 404 Aithiops 87, 242-3

Alalaxios 65 n. 170 Asterios 458 Boulaios 80-1, 214 Goggylates 87, 214 Gyrapsios 87, 242-3 Diskos 204

Drymnios 82, 87, 242-3, 249 Erechtheus 80 and n. 231, 81, 157, 213 Kataibates 81 n. 233, 382, 472-4 Keraunios 214

Kerdylas 390-1 Komyr(i)os 49, 72, 8577 91, 22475 Kragos 244 Kynaitheus 204-5 Lapersios 81 n. 23, 398

Larynthios 390-1 Meilichios 71, 244, 426 Messapeus 399 Myleus 214 Ombrios 74, 80 n. 232, 156-8 (palaistes 132) Phyxios 65, 184 Promantheus 87, 242-3 Soter 236 Termieus 290-1 Zoilos 406

Zopyros 311