Routledge Handbook of Sport in China [1 ed.] 9781003204015, 9781032068206, 9781032068220

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ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF SPORT IN CHINA

This is the first book to offer a comprehensive overview of the history and development of sport from the ancient to the contemporary era in China. It addresses the gap between the vibrant academic scholarship within China and the limited understanding of Chinese sport outside of the country. It opens different perspectives on Chinese sport and addresses a wide range of issues central to the development of sport in the context of Chinese culture, politics, economy, and society. It explores a diverse set of topics, including the history of Chinese traditional sport, the rise of modern sport and the Olympic movement, sport and nationhood, sport and politics and international relations, sport and physical education, sport and economy and commerce, sport and social stratification and diversity, and sport leisure and tourism. It offers critical insights into the multifaceted world of China, past and present—a contribution to our collective knowledge and understanding of Chinese sport and society—and is useful reading for students, researchers, and professionals with an interest in the field of China and Chinese sport. This Handbook has been contributed to by a team consisting of 88 leading Chinese and Asian experts and scholars with varied backgrounds of studying and working in European, North American, and Australian universities, as well as Western scholars with expertise in China and its sports system and practice. It is composed of ten parts classified by different subjects. It provides a wide lens through which to better contextualise the relationships between China and the world within the global sport community. The Routledge Handbook of Sport in China is a vital resource for students and scholars studying the history, politics, sociology, culture and policy of sport in China, as well as sport management, sport history, sport sociology, and sport policy and politics. It is also valuable reading for those who are working in international sport policy making and sport organisations. Fan Hong is a professor in sport studies and executive dean of the Institute of Olympic Studies and Research at Shanghai University of Sport, China. She has worked as a professor at De Montford University, University College Cork, University of Western Australia, and Bangor University from the 1990s to the 2020s. She was the editor of the International Journal of History of Sport (Asia) and is now the editor-in-chief of the Asian Journal of Sport History and Culture and an editorial board member of several academic journals. Liu Li obtained her PhD at The University of Western Australia in 2016 in Perth, Australia. She studied at University College Cork, Ireland, from 2011 to 2014. She is now an associate professor in the School of Sports History and Culture, College of Sports and Physical Education at Anhui Normal University. She is an editorial board member of the Asian Journal of Sport History and Culture (Routledge).

ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF SPORT IN CHINA

Edited by Fan Hong and Liu Li

Designed cover image: Visual China Group First published 2023 by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 and by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 selection and editorial matter, Fan Hong and Liu Li; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Fan Hong and Liu Li to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. ISBN: 978-1-032-06820-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-06822-0 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-20401-5 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015 Typeset in Bembo by MPS Limited, Dehradun

CONTENTS

List of Figures List of Tables Preface Acknowledgements About the Editors List of Contributors

xii xiv xv xvii xviii xix

Introduction Fan Hong and Liu Li

1

PART I

Sports History and Tradition in Ancient China Huang Fuhua 1 The Bodily Practice, Thoughts, and Beliefs in the Pre-Qin Period (before 221 B.C.) Ma Lianzhen

7

9

2 Sports Transformation in Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms Period Huang Fuhua and Wang Xiaoqi

15

3 Sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties Chen Xinhua

23

4 Sports, Physical Activity, and Health in Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period (581–979) Gong He v

35

Contents

5 Sports Development in Song and Yuan Dynasties (960–1368) Liu Xinran 6 The Transformation of Traditional Sports in the Ming and Qing Dynasties (1368–1840) Liu Hui and Qu Yingjie

43

49

PART II

The Rise of Modern Sports and Olympics Zhang Huijie

57

7 The Early Diffusion of Modern Western Sport to China Wan Shu

59

8 Physical Liberation and Feminism: Women’s Sports in the Republic of China Xiong Huan and Li Jiayu

65

9 Christianity and the Transformation of Physical Education and Sport in China Zhang Huijie

76

10 Sporting Events and Competitions in Modern China Wang Runbin, Wang Haiyan, and Liu Huaxuan 11 Going Global: China’s Participation in the Olympics During the Republic of China Zhao Guobing 12 China and the Far Eastern Championship Games Wang Yan

83

93

100

PART III

Sports, Politics, Diplomacy, and International Relations Zhang Muchun

109

13 International Sporting Bids, China, and Relations with Its Neighbours Marcus P. Chu

111

14 Sports Diplomacy and International Relations of China Ye Wen

118

vi

Contents PART IV

Sports Policy, Law, and Governance Shushu Chen

125

15 Professional Football in China: The Past, Present, and Future Qi Peng

127

16 The Systemic and Political Governance of Chinese Sports Xiaoqian Richard Hu and Wu Chuchu

135

17 Mass Sports and Its Role in Economic Development Xing Xiaoyan

143

18 School Sports and University Sports Club Development in China Chen Xuedong

152

19 Chinese Sports Lottery: Development and Regulations Chen Hongping

159

20 Sports Law in China Li Zhi, Qiao Yijuan, and Liu Yongping

165

PART V

Sports and Physical Education in Schools Patrick W.C. Lau

175

21 The Influence of Gender Identities and Development on Sports and Physical Education in China Bonnie Pang, Jessica Francombe-Webb, Bryan C. Clift, and Emma Rich

177

22 A Comparative Study on the Policies and Practices of Physical Education in Schools at the Compulsory Education Stage Between China and Japan Liu Chunyan and Zhang Donghao

185

23 Preschool Children’s Sports Policy Development and Health Since the Reform and Opening Up in China Patrick W.C. Lau, Song Huiqi, Li Yin, and Ava Xingmeng Huang

196

24 From the ‘Cooperation of Sports and Education’ to the ‘Integration of Sports and Education’: The Road of Training Elite Sport Talents in China Guo Zhen, Wang Song, and Chen Yiying

208

vii

Contents

25 A Critical Assessment of Physical Education Systems in Schools Jingxian Cecilia Zhang

213

PART VI

Sports and Physical Fitness for the Community and Society Feng Jing

223

26 Sports and Physical Fitness of Senior Citizens Cao Siyang

225

27 Sports and Social Stratification in Contemporary China: Migrant Workers, Citizenship, and Sports Rights Chen Jiaming

232

28 Sports Participation of Ethnic Minorities Daniel Lemus-Delgado

238

29 Sports Policy and Development for the Masses: A Historical Overview Feng Jing

245

30 China’s Selection System for Disabled Athletes and Its Advantages Guan Zhixun, Sheng Xinxin, and Wang Jing

252

31 Gender Politics and Women’s Sports Participation in the People’s Republic of China Xiong Huan 32 Sports Participation Among Children and Adolescents Zhan Enyan

261

268

PART VII

Elite Sports Development, Chinese Character, and Nationalism Zhang Ling

277

33 China at the Asian Games: Progress and Prospects Yuan Shuying

279

34 Athletes’ Development in China: The Success and Challenge Guan Zhixun, Cheng Xiaoxue, and Sheng Xinxin

287

viii

Contents

35 Flying the Flag at the Olympics: Representing Nation Through Elite Sports Space Zhang Ling 36 The Commercialisation and Professionalisation of High-Performance Sports Jin Hyunju 37 The Effects of Hosting the Olympic Games in China: From Host and Non-Host Cities’ Perspectives Meng Ting

294

301

309

38 Social Media Marketing in China Bo Li and Brody J. Ruihley

316

39 The Naturalization of Athletes in Mainland China Tobias Ross

322

40 Inheritance and Enrichment: The Cultural Heritage of Beijing Olympic Games Zhong Yuting

329

PART VIII

Sports Economy, Commerce, Business, and Management Min Ge

337

41 Sport Commerce and Event Management in the Global Commodity Chains Aurélien Boucher

339

42 The Promotion of Rural Revitalisation in China through Grassroots Sports Social Organizations Chen Congkan, Wang Sibei, and Liang Ming

345

43 Sport Economy and Urban Development Feng Jing

352

44 Leisure Sports in China: Policy and Practice Su Xiaoyan, Shi Qing, and Liu Yiwei

357

45 Generation Z Consumers and New Trends in the Chinese Sports Industry Xue Wei

364

46 “An Art of Regrets”: Creativity and Constraints in Olympic Documentary Making in China Liang Limin ix

371

Contents PART IX

Sports in Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan Guan Zhixun

383

47 A Review of Taiwan Sports Yang Haichen

385

48 Sports and Hong Kong’s Identity in Transition Since 1997 – Sports Played as a Binder or Not? Liu Huaxuan and Wang Runbin 49 The Development of Sports-for-All Culture in Post-Colonial Hong Kong Glos Ho and Edmond Yik Ming Yiu

392

402

50 The Development of Sporting Culture in Hong Kong: Hong Kong Gay Games 2023 Bonnie Pang and Siufung Law

409

51 The Collaborative Innovation of Taekwondo Halls in the Cross-Straits under the Background of Chinese Mainland’s Taiwan Policy Cheng ChiaChuan and Tu Chuanfei

416

52 Olympic Model: Consensus on Cross-Strait Sports Communication Since the Reform and Opening Up of the People’s Republic of China Cheng ChiaChuan and Tu Chuanfei

421

53 The Transition of Hong Kong Elite Sports Policy Before and After 1997 Lau Wing-chung Patrick, Zhen Cheng, and Wu Wen

426

PART X

Research Structure, Funding, and Management: Institutes, Projects, Journals, Publications on Sports, PE, and Leisure Zhang Jie

437

54 A Review of Major Publications on Chinese Sport within Western Scholarship in the Twenty-First Century Wang Yongshun and Lin Qisen

439

55 Management of Chinese Sports Science Research: Sport Science Institutes, Societies, and Organizations Ren Huitao, Wei Taisen, and Zhao Yao

444

x

Contents

56 A Review of Chinese Journals, Conference Proceedings, and Publications in Sports Social Science Yang Haichen

451

57 A Bibliometric Review on the Publications of Exercise and Sports Science in the Major Chinese Sports-Related Journals in the Last Decade Liu Hongyou, Zhong Shisheng, and Xu Huahua

457

58 Evaluation of Public Finance of Sports Science Research Projects in China—Taking the Sports Project of National Social Science Funds as an Example Liu Wei Index

466

472

xi

FIGURES

2.1 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 16.1 16.2

A restoration of the Painting of Daoyin, unearthed in a tomb of Western Han in Hunan Province Horse Archery wall painting in the Jin Dynasty (Relics unearthed from Wei and Jin tombs at Gansu Province) Shaolin school fist Wushu Manual The various formations of Touhu in Sima Guang’s New Style of Throwing a Pot (part) Go pieces made of stone in the Western Jin Dynasty Six Museum mural tiles in the Wei and Jin Dynasties The Shadow of Embracing Puzi A Chinese woman with her feet bound Girls in southeast physical education school Members of Shanghai Lize women’s tennis club in 1919 Women’s team (volleyball) competition in the sixth far east games (the Chinese team with its back to the camera) A Chinese woman is preparing to swing the golf club A Chinese woman is waving a tennis racket A traditional dressed Chinese woman is hunting with a rifle and dog Pan Deming on the journey ‘Travel of a Strong Man’ inscribed by Zhang Xueliang Sun Yat-sen’s handwritten banner in 1912-Struggle A poster welcoming the visit of the South China Football Team The Relationship between Stakeholders from the public and voluntary sector of the governance of Chinese sport at national level Sources of income for the Chinese sports system

xii

19 25 26 27 28 29 29 31 66 69 70 70 71 72 73 103 104 104 106 136 138

Figures

41.1 Evolution of sporting goods export from 1999 to 2012 in China 45.1 The total tcale of China’s sports industry (total output) in 2012–2019 (billion yuan) 48.1 Hong Kong sports structure before 1997 48.2 Hong Kong sports structure after 1997 57.1 Articles published per year in the area of exercise and sports science in the last decade 57.2 Average number of authors of the publications in each year of 2011–2020

xiii

340 365 393 394 459 459

TABLES

10.1 10.2 23.1 23.2 23.3 29.1 32.1 43.1 43.2 45.1 45.2 46.1 55.1 55.2 56.1 57.1 57.2 57.3 57.4 57.5

An overview of the National Games, 1910–1948 Revenue and expenditure of East China Committee of the National Games for Participating in the third National Games Preschool children’s sports policies at formation stage (1979–1999) Preschool children’s sports policies at development stage (2000–2015) Preschool children’s sports policies at improvement stage (2016–present) Policies released between 2016 and 2019 on promoting mass sports Policies related to sports participation among children and adolescents List of national economic status of the country and representative cities (Unit: 100 million) Document of world sports city construction Sports policies launched by the Chinese government in 1995–2021 Financing events in China’s sports and fitness market in 2018–2021 Episode titles before-and-after (script vs. actual production) Think tanks of sports social organizations in China List of research organization in Chinese universities Sports science CSSCI source journals and extended edition catalogue (2021–2022) The major Chinese sports-related journals included in this chapter The published journals and the types of the publications in the fields of exercise and sports science The list of the most active authors in the areas of exercise and sports science in the last decade The list of the most active institutions in the areas of exercise and sports science in the last decade The list of the most active key words in the last decade

xiv

86 87 199 200 202 249 269 353 354 365 368 373 447 448 452 458 460 461 462 463

PREFACE

Following the Routledge Handbook of Sport in Asia, ambitious people like us (Fan Hong and Liu Li) proposed to Simon Whitemore, editor of Routledge, who assisted us in completing the Handbook of Sport in Asia, to produce a Handbook of Sport in China, since we felt that we would like to explore more about China and Chinese sport on this international academic stage. Since the 1980s, the country has transformed its geopolitical status within the global economy, and has become the second-largest economy in the world. China has promoted its sporting identity through participating in global sports organisations and successfully hosting international sport mega-events including the Olympics, world championships, and the Asian Games. Sport has served both as a tool for cultivating a better image of China to present to the outside world, and as a significant form of ‘soft power’ on the global diplomatic stage. The Chinese elite athletes who have won Olympic gold medals or have broken world records have become household names through their exposure by the media, fashion industry, and corporate world. Meanwhile, scholars from across disciplines have researched and published on the history, culture, and political economy of Chinese sport from diverse perspectives in the past four decades, from 1980s to 2010s. Every year, the Chinese government releases national funds (e.g., Science and Social Science) and awards grants to support research on the sports domain. The vast majority of papers, research reports, and books are written in the Chinese language and within Chinese academic discourses—very little of which is published in English. Nevertheless, during the past two decades, there has been an increasing interest in Chinese sport among Western academics—with greater frequency of international collaborations and communications—and a burgeoning, multi-faceted literature on sport within Chinese history and culture. However, very few publications that have attempted to offer insights into Chinese sport from a macro perspective have been published to date. As such, the pace of insight into Chinese sports is relatively insufficient compared with the rapid, unfolding development of sport in today’s China. In other words, the phenomenon of the history and contemporary development of Chinese sport is nonetheless insufficiently understood in the outside world. This is the first book to offer a comprehensive overview of the history and development of sport from the ancient to the contemporary era in China. It addresses the gap between the vibrant academic scholarship within China and the limited understanding of Chinese sport outside of the country. It opens different perspectives on Chinese sport and addresses a wide range of issues central to the development of sport in the context of Chinese culture, politics, economy, and society. It explores a diverse set of topics including the history of Chinese traditional sport, the rise of modern sport and the Olympic Movement, xv

Preface

sport and nationhood, sport and politics and international relations, sport and physical education, sport and economy and commerce, sport and social stratification and diversity, and sport leisure and tourism. It offers critical insights into the multifaceted world of Chinese past and present—a contribution to our collective knowledge and understanding of Chinese sport and society—useful reading for students, researchers, and professionals with an interest in the field of China and Chinese sport. This Handbook has been contributed to by a team consisting of 88 leading Chinese and Asian experts and scholars with varied backgrounds of studying and working in European, North American, and Australian universities, as well as Western scholars with expertise of China and its sports system. It is composed of ten parts/sections classified by different subjects. It provides a wide lens through which to better contextualise the relationships between China and the world within the global sport community. The Routledge Handbook of Sport in China is a vital resource for students and scholars studying the history, politics, sociology, culture, and policy of sport in China, as well as sport management, sport history, sport sociology, and sport policy and politics. It is also valuable reading for those who are working in international sport policy making and sport organisations. Chinese names: In this book, Chinese family name (‘Deng’) appears before given name (‘Xiaoping’) and are listed in book chapters, notes, bibliographies and index in this order.

xvi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book would not be readable without the proofreaders. For the majority of the authors, English is not their native language. The proofreaders not only try to make the English of the chapters commensurate with the standard requirement of publication, but they also undertake a lot of copy-editing work to make sure the sentences and arguments make sense. Proofreaders here are not just dealing with language matters but they also try to understand what the authors’ intended meaning and then consider this meaning as expressed in English. We would particularly like to thank the following people: Steven Pope, Arbi Sarkissian, Craig Gill, and Angus Gill for their professional work and enthusiastic efforts to accept and undertake the proofreading work. In addition, we would like, especially, to thank Liu Li, for her efforts and patience to correct almost all of the reference styling for each chapter in this book. This book was divided into ten parts. Each part is supported by academics with expertise to manage their respective parts. This includes managing the selection of authors, keeping eyes on the progress of the part and communicating with authors, answering questions, and providing effective support to the authors. Without their efforts, we would not have this book in front of us. We express our gratitude to them. They are: Huang Fuhua for Part I; Zhang Huijie for Part II; Zhang Muchun for Part III; Shushu Chen for Part IV; Patrick W.C. Lau for Part V; Feng Jing for Part VI; Zhang Ling for Part VII; Min Ge for Part VIII; Guan Zhixun for Part IX; and Zhang Jie for Part X. We thank Editor Simon Whitmore for his trust in us in the first instance. We thank Megan A. Smith for her generous and efficient assistance to this project. We also thank Lu Zhouxiang for his expertise advice and wonderful assistance to this project. We are grateful for the generous support to this project from Taylor & Francis Group, Shanghai University of Sport and Anhui Normal University. Finally, we appreciate all the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions to this project.

xvii

ABOUT THE EDITORS

Fan Hong is a professor in sport studies and executive dean of the Institute of Olympic Studies and Research of Shanghai University of Sport, China. She has worked as a professor in De Montford University, University College Cork, University of Western Australia, and Bangor University from the 1990s to the 2020s. She was the editor of the International Journal of History of Sport (Asia) and now is the editor in chief of the Asian Journal of Sport History and Culture, and editorial board member of several academic journals. Her research interests are in the areas of sports history, gender, policy and organisation, cross cultural studies, and Asian sports history studies. Liu Li obtained her PhD at The University of Western Australia in 2016 in Perth, Australia. She studied at University College Cork, Ireland, from 2011 to 2014. She is now an associate professor at the School of Sports History and Culture, College of Sports and Physical Education at Anhui Normal University. She is an editorial board member of the Asian Journal of Sport History and Culture. Her main research interests are Chinese history and sports history and culture. She has received funding for six research projects. Two of them are supported by China’s National Philosophy and Social Science Foundation and the Ministry of Education. She has published two books in English and more than 20 book chapters and refereed journal articles in Chinese and English.

xviii

CONTRIBUTORS

Aurélien Boucher is an assistant professor at the School of Humanities and Social Science, the Chinese University of Hong Kong (Shenzhen). He graduated from the Nantes University sociology department, which was established by Jean-Claude Passeron, a former collaborator of Pierre Bourdieu. Dr. Aurélien Boucher is a board member of the Asian Journal of Sport History & Culture. He is also a member of the International Sociological Association and the International Chinese Sociological Association (ICSA). His main publications deal with the Introduction of sports in China (2008), Chinese elite sport system reform (2015, 2019, and 2022), and Chinese sport workers (2020, 2021). Shushu Chen specialises in sport policy and management and works at the University of Birmingham, UK. Her principal research interests include sport policy analysis and evaluation, focusing on major event legacies. She is part of the author team of the Sport Policy in China book published by Routledge. Zhen Cheng is currently a third-year PhD student in the Department of Sport, Physical Education and Health, at Hong Kong Baptist University. His research centres on strategic management of winter Olympic sports in China, with the primacy given to the elite sport dimension. His PhD study is characterised by a critical realist research paradigm, a comparative case study research design and a qualitative approach, and the competitive advantage theory acts as the theoretical gateway. He holds an MSc degree in sport management from Loughborough University (UK) and has a genuine enthusiasm for debates around questions of elite sport and football. Cheng ChiaChuan is a lecturer in the School of Sports Science at Fujian Normal University. He received his PhD at Shanghai University of Sport. His research interests are leisure sports and Taekwondo. He presided over one Fujian Social Science Foundation project and other research projects. Marcus P. Chu teaches in the Department of Political Science at Lingnan University, Hong Kong. He has published extensively on the history and politics of sporting mega-events in the greater China region. His most recent books are China’s Quest for Sporting Mega-Events: The Politics of International Bids (Routledge, 2021) and Sporting Events in China as Economic Development, National Image, and Political Ambition (Palgrave, 2021).

xix

Contributors

Tu Chuanfei is a professor in the School of Sports Science at Fujian Normal University. He received his PhD at Beijing Sport University. His research interests are sports history and culture. The author presided over three projects of the National Social Science Foundation of China and has published more than 20 academic papers and two academic monographs. Wu Chuchu is a PhD candidate at the Division of Sport Science and Physical Education of Tsinghua University. She completed her BA in sport journalism with distinction at Beijing Sport University (2015-2019), and was offered a place in the MSc. Programme of Sport Science and an opportunity for transferring into a PhD candidate by Tsinghua University for her academic potential. Chuchu is interested in sport policies studies and her PhD research focuses on the civil-society-based reform of the talent development system in China. Liu Chunyan is a professor at Hebei Normal University, China. She received her PhD from South China Normal University and was a post-doctoral researcher at East China Normal University. Her main research interests are school physical education and physical education history and culture. She has published books in Chinese: The Prosperity, Crisis and Revival of Chinese Traditional Sports (2016), The History of Sports (2017), and the Study of Modern Japanese School Sports (2022). Bryan C. Clift is an associate professor (senior lecturer) and director of the Centre for Qualitative Research in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences and Department for Health at the University of Bath, UK. His research is oriented around sport and physical activity in relation to issues of contemporary urbanism, popular cultural practices and representations, and qualitative inquiry. His work has recently been published in Sport, Education and Society; Body & Society; Sociology of Sport Journal; and Qualitative Inquiry. Additionally, he recently co-edited with Prof. Alan Tomlinson in Populism in sport, leisure, and popular culture (Routledge, 2021). Chen Congkan is an associate professor at the Southwestern University of Finance and Economics, China. He is the vice dean of the School of Science and Physical Education. He received his master’s degree and PhD in management at Sichuan University, China. His main research directions include public management, sports social organization management, and sports governance. His main publications include New Visual Threshold of Sports Social Organization Supervision: International Standard of Social Responsibility (2017, in Chinese), On the New Historical Orientation of the Development of Sports Social Organizations in China (2018, in Chinese), and The Logical Purpose, Time Implication and Practice Guidance of Xi Jinping’s Important Exposition on National Fitness (2021, in Chinese). Zhang Donghao is a PhD candidate at the College of Sports and Physical Education at Hebei Normal University. His main research interests include school sports and sports history and culture. Zhan Enyan received her PhD degree from Beijing Sport University. She currently works in the Capital University of Physical Education and Sports in China. Her main research interests focus on physical education and school sports. Jessica Francombe-Webb, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department for Health at the University of Bath, UK. Her research draws from the discipline of feminist physical cultural studies and critical postfeminist perspectives to explore health inequities across the life span. Her interests are in the operation of social power as this pertains to the way gender, low income, disability, race, and age impact engagement with a variety of health practices, including sport and physical activity. She is an associate editor of Leisure Sciences and editor of a Palgrave book series New Femininities in Digital, Physical and Sporting Cultures. xx

Contributors

Huang Fuhua received his PhD in chinese studies from University College Cork, Ireland, in 2014. He is a professor at the School of Physical Education and Sports, Jinan University, Guangzhou, China. His main research interests are globalisation and sport, the professionalisation and commercialisation of sport, sport history, and traditional sport. Min Ge is a senior lecturer at University of Chester, UK. He obtained his undergraduate degree in economics at Sichuan University in China, an MSc in economics at Trinity College Dublin in Ireland, and his PhD in Asian studies at University of Western Australia in Australia. Before joining Chester in 2016, he worked closely with the Chinese Studies centres and Confucius Institute in three Irish universities and the University of Western Australia. His main research interests include sports economy, diversity and inclusion in sports, along with teaching and learning of Chinese language and culture. He is an editorial board member of the Asian Journal of Sport History & Culture and a member of the British Chinese Language Teaching Society. Zhao Guobing is a lecturer at the School of Physical Education and Sport in Shaanxi Normal University, China. He received his PhD from South China Normal University. His main research interests include sport anthropology, sport history and culture, and Chinese traditional sports and games. Yang Haichen is a professor in the School of Sports Science at Fujian Normal University, China. He received his PhD at Central China Normal University. His research interests are sports anthropology and organisational behaviour, focusing on topics such as sports and rituals, sports and gender, sports and power, sports and social integration, and sports and social governance. The author presided over one key project and one youth project of the National Social Science Foundation of China, published more than 50 academic papers and two academic monographs. Wang Haiyan is a PhD candidate in the School of Sport Science, Fujian Normal University, China, majoring in sports history. She has published several articles about the ancient Olympic Games and the history of sport. Her research interests include sports history and culture. Gong He is a PhD candidate in the Institute of Media, Culture and Creative Arts, Curtin University, Australia. He received his BA from Chongqing University of Postal and Telecommunications and his MA from University of Southampton, UK. His research interests are Chinese urban middle-class and Chinese leisure sport market. Glos Ho is an associate head and senior lecturer in marketing at Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong. She is a senior fellow of the Higher Education Academy (now Advance HE). She was previously an Olympic grant holder at the Olympic Studies Centre. Chen Hongping is a professor in sport management at Wuhan Sports University, China. He obtained a PhD from Wuhan University. His current research interests are focused on issues relating to lotteries, sports law, sports policies, and intergovernmental relations in sports. Liu Hongyou is a professor in the School of Physical Education & Sports Science, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, China. He has published more than 70 journal articles on various aspects of sports sciences, and serves as a reviewer for more than 20 international journals and five major Chinese sports-related journals. His research interests include performance analysis and training load monitoring of sports teams and players (mainly football/soccer).

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Contributors

Xiaoqian Richard Hu is an associate professor of the Division of Sport Science and Physical Education of Tsinghua University. Before receiving his PhD and MSc in sport management from Loughborough University, Richard had been a sport journalist of Xinhua News Agency of China for five years since he finished the undergraduate study in Tsinghua University. His research interests focused on issues relating to Olympic studies and sport policies and governance at transnational, national, and regional levels. Xu Huahua is a master’s student at the School of Physical Education & Sports Science, South China Normal University, China. Xu Huahua’s master’s thesis focuses on the technical performance of penalty kicks in the football matches in a provincial university-level competition. Xiong Huan is a professor at the Shanghai University of Sport. She received her BA degree in sociology at Fudan University in China and her PhD in sociology at De Montfort University in the United Kingdom. Prior to working at South China Normal University, she was a Lecturer at the School of Asian Studies at University College Cork, National University of Ireland. Her main research interests include gender issues and the sociology of sport, along with urban studies. Her main publications include Urbanisation and Transformation of Chinese Women’s Sport since 1980s (2009); Body, Society and Sport: Sport from the Perspectives of Western Social Theories (2011, in Chinese); and Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methodology and Practices of Women’s Sports Studies (2016, in Chinese). Ava Xingmeng Huang is a PhD candidate of the Department of Sport, Physical Education and Health at Hong Kong Baptist University. Her PhD thesis is centred on the implementation of the IOC’s gender equality policy in the context of Chinese sport governing bodies. Before PhD study, she received a MSc degree in sport policy, management, and international development at The University of Edinburgh. With the background as a professional dance sport athlete, her research area mainly focuses on the Olympic studies, elite sport policy, and dance. Liu Huaxuan is a postdoctoral fellow in the School of Sport Science, Fujian Normal University, China, specialising in health promotion and sport policy. She is also a reviewer editor on the Editorial Board of Aging and Public Health section in Frontier in Public Health. She received her PhD at Hong Kong Baptist University. She has published several articles about health literacy and physical activity of Chinese people. Liu Hui, PhD., is an associate professor at Nanjing Sport Institute, is a tutor of postgraduates, and the research direction is sports organization and management and modern sports in China. From 2009 to 2010, he conducted a joint training doctoral study at the University College Cork, National University of Ireland; from 2018 to 2019, he conducted postdoctoral research at the University of Georgia in the United States. In recent years, he has presided over four provincial and ministerial-level projects; participated in nearly ten national, provincial, and ministerial-level projects; and published more than ten SSCI and CSSCI papers. Zhang Huijie received her PhD in Asian studies at University of Western Australia in Australia. She is a lecturer at the School of Physical Education and Sports Science, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, China. Her main research interests are in the areas of sports history, especially in Christian involvement in sports in modern China, and traditional sports. Song Huiqi is a PhD candidate of the Department of Sport, Physical Education and Health at Hong Kong Baptist University. She received her BA degree in education from Beijing Sport University. Her PhD thesis is centred on the relationship between physical activity, motor skills, physical fitness, and xxii

Contributors

executive function in preschoolers. Her research area focuses on young children’s physical activity, physical fitness, and health. Ren Huitao is a professor in sport management and the deputy director of the Social Science Development Research Center of Quanzhou Normal University, China. As a researcher in the field of sports, physical activity, and public administration, Dr Ren has published more than 40 academic papers, and has written or edited seven books, such as On the Concept of Sports Governance, Research on China’s Sports Industry Policy, and Research on the Influence and Index of Sports Industry in Beijing Olympic Park. Jin Hyunju is an associate professor of physical education and health sciences at Zhejiang Normal University, China. She also holds an adjunct researcher position at the Seoul National University Institute of Sport Science. She received her PhD from Seoul National University. Her research interests are in the history and philosophy of sports medicine and incorporate diverse topics such as Chinese sport policy, exercise therapy as a social system, fitness as a social culture, and cycling. Chen Jiaming is a PhD student in school of Sport, Health and Exercise Sciences, Bangor University, UK. His main research interests are the Olympic Movement in Asia and China’s intangible cultural heritage of sports. Li Jiayu is a PhD candidate at the School of Physical Education and Sports Science in South China Normal University. Her main research interests are the history of sport and globalisation and sport. Zhang Jie is an associate professor at Shenzhen University, China. She received her PhD at the College of Sports of South China Normal University. With the funding of China Scholarship Council (CSC), she has studied at the School of Asian Studies at University College Cork of Ireland, National University of Ireland as a joint-doctoral student for a year. Her main research interests include sports anthropology, sport history and culture, and sport industry. Her doctoral thesis is on the relationship between body movements and the formation of Chinese hieroglyphic writing. She is an editorial board member of the Asian Journal of Sport History & Culture and a member of the Committee of Chinese Sports Anthropology. Feng Jing works at the School of Sports at Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics in China. She received her PhD degree at the University College Cork, National University of Ireland. Her main research interests include sociology of sport in urban China and sport governance. She has recently published her book, Urbanisation and Sport transformation in Shenzhen 1978-2020. Wang Jing is a postgraduate student in the College of Physical Education and Health Sciences, Zhejiang Normal University, China, specialising in sport development and sport policy in China. Patrick W.C. Lau is a professor in the Department of Sport, Physical Education and Health, and was the Director of Centre for Olympic Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University. His research area covers the childhood obesity, exercise science and public health, and Olympism. Since 1998, Prof. Lau has published more than 210 research articles and conference papers in international referred journals. Siufung Law is a PhD student at the Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Emory University. Siufung also actively advocates for gender fluidity in Hong Kong and Asia.

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Contributors

Daniel Lemus-Delgado has a PhD in trans-Pacific international relations, University of Colima, México. He participates in the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (Mexico Section), the International Studies Association, the Mexican Network for International Development Cooperation, and the Fudan Latin America University Consortium. At present, he is an international associate researcher at Fudan University. Also, he is a professor at the School of Social Sciences and Government, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Mexico. His research includes the relationship between foreign policy, nationalism, and sport focused on East Asia. He is a member of the National System of Researchers, Mexico. Bo Li is an assistant professor of sport leadership and management at Miami University of Ohio where he teaches sport administration, sport marketing, and public relations. His research has been mainly focused on sport digital media and branding. He has previously co-edited the book Sport and the Pandemic: Perspectives on Covid019’s Impact on the Sport Industry, Sport Administration, and Governance and Administration of Global Sport Business. He has authored over 30 peer-reviewed academic manuscripts. Ma Lianzhen received a PhD in sports sociology from South China Normal University (SCNU). He is a professor at the School of Physical Education & Sport Science, SCNU. His main research interests are history of martial arts and physical activities in ancient China and also the cultural exchange in sports history. Liang Limin is an assistant professor at the Department of Media and Communication, City University of Hong Kong. She holds a PhD in media, technology and society from Northwestern University, U.S.A. Her research interests include the social organization and cultural studies of journalism and new media, particularly the production of global media events and their social and cultural implications. She is also interested in exploring the links between information and entertainment, material culture, and media culture. Her publications have appeared in Journalism, Journalism Studies, Media Culture and Society, The China Quarterly, and Sport in Society, as well as several edited books on the Chinese media. Zhang Ling is an associate professor at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, China. She received her doctorate from University College Cork, National University of Ireland. Her research centres on Chinese sports policy and the Chinese sports system, specifically on elite athletes’ education, training, and re-employment. Liang Ming is a postgraduate majoring in sports management at Southwestern University of Finance and Economics in China. Her main research direction is sports social organizations governance. Edmond Yik Ming Yiu is a supervisor of the Hong Kong Playground Association and serves as the chairperson of the Camping Association of Hong Kong. His research focus includes sports delivery systems in the community, leisure, and recreation for people with special needs. He lectures at several universities in Hong Kong for modules related to sports marketing, sociology of sports, and facility management. Zhang Muchun is an assistant researcher at the Institute of Contemporary Chinese Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. He received his PhD in history from Bangor University, UK. His main research interests are Sino-Indian relations, diplomacy of contemporary China, and China’s neighboring diplomacy.

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Contributors

Bonnie Pang, PhD, is an associate professor and sociologist in Sport and Health (Department for Health) at University of Bath. Her research focuses on Chinese diaspora’s health and physical cultures alongside contemporary issues in diversity, equity, and inclusion. She is an author of three monographs with Routledge: Understanding Diversity, Differences and Social Justice in Physical Education (2021); Interpreting the Chinese Diaspora: Socialisation, Identity and Resilience According to Pierre Bourdieu (2019); and Creative and Inclusive Methods in Sport, Physical Activity and Health (forthcoming). She received her BEd (Hons) and MPhil at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and her PhD at the University of Queensland and has researched and lectured internationally. She serves as an editorial member of Sport, Education, and Society, and an adjunct fellow of the Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University. She was a recipient of the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Individual Fellowship and AIESEP Young Scholar award. Qi Peng is a senior lecturer in sport policy and management in the Department of Economics, Policy and International Business at Manchester Metropolitan University, UK. Her main research interests are in the policy process of sport and organisational behaviour particularly in the area of Chinese football. Shi Qing is a PhD candidate majoring in tourism management at Kyrgyz National University. Her main research interests include tourism governance and heritage tourism. Her main publication is Sentimental Features of Historical and Cultural Neighborhood Tourists: Taking the Historical and Cultural Neighborhood in the Old Town of Luoyang City as an Example (2022, in Chinese). Lin Qisen is a master’s student in the School of Kinesiology at National Huaqiao University in the program of physical education China. His thesis is centred on the evolution of inclusive physical education in China. Emma Rich, PhD, is a professor of physical activity and health pedagogy in the Department for Health at University of Bath, where she is also director of the Physical Culture, Sport and Health research group. Over the last two decades she has led an international research programme that examines sport, physical activity, and physical/health education from a critical/socio-cultural perspective. Focusing on the pedagogies of health and physical activity, she has led projects addressing priority research areas including obesity policy, health education in schools, eating disorders, and schools. She is a fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences. Tobias Ross is a doctoral researcher at the University of Nottingham, School of Politics and IR. His research interests are China’s political economy, business-state relations, and their wider impact on the country’s football development programme known as the ‘Chinese Football Dream’. Alongside his research, he works as a consultant for international sports marketing projects. He received a BA in Chinese and business from the University of Applied Sciences Bremen, Germany, and an MA in development studies from Beijing Normal University, China. Brody J. Ruihley is an associate professor of sport leadership and management and assistant chair of the Department of Sport Leadership & Management at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio (USA). Ruihley’s educational background consists of a bachelor’s degree in communication from the University of Kentucky (2005), a master’s degree in sport administration from the University of Louisville (2006), and a doctorate degree in sport studies from the University of Tennessee (2010). Ruihley’s primary research interests lie in the areas of fantasy sport, sports gambling, sport marketing, and public relations in sport.

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Contributors

Wang Runbin is a professor in the School of Sport Science, Fujian Normal University, China, specialising in sport governance. He obtained his PhD at Beijing Sport University. He has presided over many projects funded by the National Social Science Foundation of China and other institutions and published several books about global governance and the Olympic Movement, such as The Global Governance of the Modern Olympic Movement and China’s Responsibility. He has also published many articles focusing on the reform of IOC and the politics of sport in China. Zhong Shisheng is a master’s student at the School of Physical Education & Sports Science, South China Normal University, China. The master’s thesis of Zhong Shisheng is centered on the sprinting performance of players in the football matches of the Chinese Super League. Wan Shu is a doctoral student in history at the University at Buffalo. As a digital and disability historian, he serves in the editorial teams of both Digital Humanities Quarterly and Nursing Clio. Yuan Shuying is an associate professor of sports anthropology at Shandong University, China. He was educated at the Beijing Sport University and Waseda University, Japan, where he was awarded a PhD in sports science for his thesis on cultural research of Beijing Olympic Games. His research interest is to explore solutions for the sustainable development of the Olympic Movement, particularly in the context of China’s successive hosting of the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, the 2014 Youth Olympic Games, and the 2022 Winter Olympic Games. He is the co-author of Sports Management and Sports Anthropology (2015) and An Overview of the Anthropology of Sport (2018). He has also published in the Asian Journal of Sport History and Culture. Wang Sibei is a postgraduate majoring in sports management at Southwestern University of Finance and Economics, China. Her main research direction is national fitness governance. Cao Siyang received her PhD degree in women’s studies from the University of York in 2018 and currently works in the School of Social Development at East China Normal University. Her current research explores the intersection of body, time, and place in shaping multiple senses of belonging in relation to broader issues of ageing and care in urban China. Another aspect of Siyang’s work focuses on men and masculinities. She has written extensively in the field of gender, families, and relationship and published in The Sociological Review, Journal of Gender Studies. Siyang recently published her monograph Chinese Men’s Practices of Intimacy, Embodiment and Kinship: Crafting Elastic Masculinity (2021). Wang Song is a PhD student in the School of Social Science at Tsinghua University, China. His research interest includes sport sociology, as well as the grassroot football development in China. Wei Taisen is a lecturer of Quanzhou Normal University and a researcher of Fujian Sports Industry Research Center. He is studying for a doctorate in leisure tourism and sports management at Silpakorn University. He is mainly engaged in the research of sports NPO and sports ICH. He was responsible for presiding over the Fujian Social Science Planning Project ‘Research on the Cultivation of Sports Social Organizations in Fujian Province from the Perspective of Collaborative Governance’ (2017) and ‘Research on the Participation of Social Organizations in the Inheritance and Protection of Sports Intangible Cultural Heritage’ (2021). Meng Ting is a lecturer in the Department of Physical Education at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies. Her current research interests include the organization and management of sports events and Olympic Games. xxvi

Contributors

Xue Wei is a PhD student at Shanghai University of Sport. She received her BA degree in finance at Zhejiang Normal University in China and her MSc degree in finance at UCD Michael Smurfit School of Business in Ireland. Her main research interests include sports industry and corporate finance. Her main publications include Causes, Types and Prevention of Tax Compliance Risk for Professional Athletes in China (2022, in Chinese) and Relationship and Optimization Paths Between Financing Mode and Innovation Input of Sports Enterprises (2022, in Chinese). Liu Wei works at Anhui Vocational and Technical College of Sports, China. His research focus is on sports and social issues, especially the relationship between physical activity and society. He has published more than 20 peer-reviewed journal articles in Chinese and English. Ye Wen is a PhD student at the Moray House School of Education and Sport, the University of Edinburgh. Her main research interests are in sport sociology, history, and culture. She has participated in the research projects of the National Social Science Foundation of China. Wu Wen is a lecturer in the School of Journalism and Communication at Shanghai University of Sport. She received a doctoral degree from Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, China. Her research focuses on elite sport policy in China. Her research is premised on a critical realist research paradigm, a comparative case study research design and a qualitative approach, and is underpinned by a range of public policy theories and frameworks (e.g., the multiple streams framework, the punctuated equilibrium framework and the concept of policy transfer). She received an MSc degree in sport management from Loughborough University (UK) and undertook her bachelor studies at Beijing Sport University. She has published research papers in International Journal of the History of Sport. Wang Xiaoqi received her master’s degree in sociology at the School of Humanities at Jinan University. Her main research interests are sport sociology and history of sport. Cheng Xiaoxue is a postgraduate student in the College of Physical Education and Health Sciences, Zhejiang Normal University, China, specialising in sport development and sport policy. Xing Xiaoyan is a professor in sport management at the Capital University of Physical Education and Sports, the Beijing Institute for International Olympic Studies. She received her doctoral degree from the University of Texas at Austin and was an assistant professor at the Faculty of Management, Laurentian University in Canada. She conducts research relating to sport consumer behaviour and culture, sport events, and sports development and policy, particularly in the context of the Chinese culture. With a special connection to the Olympics due to her past employment with the organizer of the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, her recent work examines the sport participation and human resource legacies of the Beijing 2022 Olympic Winter Games. Meanwhile, she has been closely following the running boom in China since 2014. Her work appears in the Journal of Sport Management, European Sport Management Quarterly, and Sport Management Review. Su Xiaoyan is an associate professor and associate director of Teaching Evaluation Center at Luoyang Normal University, China. She received her PhD in sociology at the University of Western Australia, Australia. Her main research interests include heritage tourism, cultural policies, and heritage education. Her main publications include Reconstruction of Tradition: Modernity, Tourism and Shaolin Martial Arts in the Shaolin Scenic Area, China (2016), The Uses of Reconstructing Heritage in China: Tourism, Heritage Authorization, and Spatial Transformation of the Shaolin Temple (2019), and Relational Authenticity and Reconstructed Heritage Space: A Balance of Heritage Preservation, Tourism, and Urban Renewal in Luoyang Silk Road Dingding Gate (2020). xxvii

Contributors

Chen Xinhua is a professor at Nantong University. She received her PhD in education at Soochow University in China. She currently works at Nantong University. From 2014 to 2015, she was a visiting scholar at the University of Minnesota. Her research interests are sports history and culture and sports curriculum. Her main publications include Study on the History of Ancient Chinese Archery Culture and the Inheritance (2021, in Chinese) and Protection of Jiangsu Sports Intangible Cultural Heritage (2016, in Chinese). Liu Xinran received his PhD from Central China Normal University. He is a professor at the School of Physical Education and Sports, Jimei University, China. His main research interests are sports philosophy, history of sports thought, basic principles of school physical education, and traditional sports thoughts and culture. In recent years, he has published more than 50 CSSCI papers. Sheng Xinxin is a lecturer at the Xingzhi College, Zhejiang Normal University, China, specialising in sport management and sport policy. She has published several articles about sport management and sport policy in China. She received her master degree at Xinan University, China. Chen Xuedong is an associate professor and deputy director in Sport and Physical Education in Civil Aviation University of China. He received his MA degree in physical education and training from Nanjing Sport Institute (China). His current research focuses on physical education and sport development in higher education. Wang Yan is an associate professor of School of Physical Education of Soochow University, China. Her research interests include sports history and the Olympic Movement. She received her PhD at Soochow University. She has presided over a number of provincial and ministerial projects and published a book on the spread and development of the early Olympic Movement in the East. She also published many articles focusing on the interaction between the changes of modern Chinese sports and the Olympic Movement. Zhao Yao is a master’s candidate of the School of Physical Education and Sport Science, Fujian Normal University. His main research areas are sports governance in global, international relationship and sports, and sports for development and peace. His main publications include From Shanghai to Every Emerging City? The Business of Motorsports in China (2022) and Management of Chinese Sports Science Research: Sport Science Institutes, Societies and Organizations (2022). Qiao Yijuan is an assistant professor in Law Faculty at Hunan Normal University. She received her LLM at the European Institute at Saarland University, Germany, and received a PhD from Wuhan University, China. Her research interests include sport arbitration and international sports laws, particularly about the legal issues of athletes’ eligibility. Li Yin is an associate professor in the Sports Department of Sun Yat-sen University. He received his PhD in education economics and management at Sun Yat-sen University, China. He is also a researcher of Guangzhou International City Innovation Center, and a sports expert of Guiyang Municipal Government. He is the author of Young children’s sports policy of China—system structure and the marketization of debugging (2022). He was responsible for presiding over the Guangzhou Association of social science subject project “Construction of Guangzhou lovely children’s friendly city studies—at the point of view of multi-variant interaction” (2022). His research mainly focuses on sports policy of public management and urban governance.

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Contributors

Qu Yingjie, a lecturer at the Nanjing Sport Institute, majored in linguistics and applied linguistics, and her research direction is the comparison and translation of Chinese and Western cultures. She was a visiting scholar at the University College Cork, National University of Ireland from 2009 to 2010; and a visiting scholar at the University of Georgia in the United States from 2018 to 2019. She has presided over two provincial-level projects, participated in a number of provincial and ministerial-level projects, authored one book, and published many academic papers. Liu Yiwei is an associate professor at Luoyang Normal University, China, as well as a PhD candidate majoring in sports tourism at Kyrgyz National University. His main research interests include sports tourism and sports policies in China. His main publications include Thought on Comprehensive Development of Sports Tourism in the Context of Rural Revitalization (2022, in Chinese). Chen Yiying is a PhD student in the School of Social Science at Tsinghua University. Her research area is in sport management and sport governance. Liu Yongping is a PhD candidate at the Wuhan University School of Law. She completed her MA degree in law at Fuzhou University (2017-2020). Her current research focuses on international sports law and sports arbitration. Yongping is interested in sport law studies and her PhD research focuses on the jurisdiction of sports arbitration. Wang Yongshun (Barry Wang) is an associate professor in the School of Kinesiology at National Huaqiao University in China. He has completed his PhD at Beijing Sport University. He was a visiting student in the Department of Kinesiology at the University of Virginia during this doctorate studying. His researches mainly focus on sport history and culture both in China and America, and sports sociology. Since 2011, he has published more than 20 peer-reviewed articles and four book chapters. Zhong Yuting is a PhD candidate in the School of Human and Behavioral Sciences at Bangor University, UK. Her research interests include the development of the Olympic Movement and the impact of the Olympic Games on China. Jingxian Cecilia Zhang is an assistant professor at Limestone University in the United States. She received her PhD degree in sport management at Indiana University. Her main research interests lie in consumer behavior within the sport marketing and sport tourism fields. Her main publications include Influence of Curriculum Quality and Educational service quality on student experiences: A case study in Sport Management Programs (2016) and co-created Value Influences Residents’ Support toward the Sporting Event through the Mediating Mechanism of Gratitude (2020). Guo Zhen is an associate professor in the Department of Physical Education at Tsinghua University, China. He received his MS degree in education at Tsinghua University, China, and his PhD in sport science at Waseda University, Japan. His research focus is on sociology in sport and history of collegiate sport. He published a monography, The Origin and Evolution of Collegiate Football in East China (1903–1936) (2022). Li Zhi is a professor and the vice dean of Law School and director of International Law Institute at Fuzhou University. He is also the vice president of Society of Studies on Sports Laws of the China Law Society. He received his BA (1993), LLM (2001) at East China University of Political Science and Law, PhD of international law (2006) at Xiamen University, and post-doctoral at Wuhan University. He was a visiting scholar of University of Houston and Hamburg University. He is also an arbitrator of the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS). His current research focuses on international law and sports law. xxix

Contributors

Guan Zhixun is an associate professor in the College of Physical Education and Health Sciences, Zhejiang Normal University, Jinhua, China, specialising in disability sport and sport development. He received his PhD at the University of Western Australia, Australia. He has published several articles about disability sport in both English and Chinese, and a book, Body and Politics: The Elite Disability Sport in China (2018). He also worked as editorial board member and reviewer for several journals, interviewed by BBC, ABC, and LeMonde on topic of disability sport.

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INTRODUCTION Fan Hong and Liu Li

China’s rapid and sustainable rise has been a widely discussed and debated topic for the past 40 years within the global media as well as the academic domain. From 2000 to 2019, China’s economy grew at an average annual rate of more than 8% from 2000 to 2019 during which time it became not only the world’s second-largest economy in 2010 in U.S. dollar terms (with a 2021 GDP of $17.73 trillion, compared with $23.03 trillion for the United States), but in the process, achieved an ambitious goal of alleviating poverty by the end of 2020—despite the historic challenges of the COVID-19 epidemic to China’s economy. However, this is a relatively short-term and temporary obstacle.1 China’s stable economy achieved GDP growth rates of 2.2% in 2020, 8.1% in 2021, and is projected to be 4.5% for 2022. Beyond its historically unprecedented economic expansion from the 1980s to date, China has been leading the world in fostering economic development outside of its borders with massive infrastructure projects such as the Belt and Road initiative. Despite challenges including sporadic epidemic resurgences, an increasing complexity of its social governance system and a more complicated geopolitical risk or external environment that China is facing, the rest of the world has seen a new stable paradigm with China’s realisation of its goal for further economic development and national rejuvenation. This new national paradigm aims to put the emphasis on a more stable domestic evolution, and meanwhile, its purpose is to promote the domestic and international double developments and to make full use of both domestic and international market resources in the pursuit of comprehensive national power. China’s new development paradigm lies in deepening reform, expanding the opening-up process (which was initiated in the late 1970s), making full use of the development potential and achieving high-quality development.2 Just as the country has transformed its geopolitical status within the global economy, so too, China has promoted its sporting identity through participating in global sports organisations and successfully hosting international sport mega-events including the Olympics, world championships, and the Asian Games. Sport has served both as a tool for cultivating a better image of China to present to the outside world3 and as a significant form of ‘soft power’ on the global diplomatic stage. The Chinese elite athletes who have won Olympic gold medals or have broken world records have become household names through their exposure by the media, fashion industry, and corporate world. China continues to reform and improve its sport-governing policies towards achieving its national dream of becoming a formidable sports power. On 20 June 1995, An Outline of the National Fitness Program 1995–2010 was approved by the State Council to promote sport at the grassroots level4 and it proved to be a milestone in the history of mass sport in China. It was conceived of as a grand strategy for comprehensively promoting mass sport, improving people’s physiques, and spurring on the socialist DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-1

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Fan Hong and Liu Li

modernisation of the Chinese nation.5 China has also instituted the Five-Year Plans for Sports Development at the national and regional levels. In September 2019, the Chinese government released its Outline of Building a Strong Sports Country, which targets wider public engagement in sports, better competitive sports performances, a stronger sports industry, a more vibrant sports culture, and enhanced overseas sports exchanges and cooperation.6 It outlines China’s prospect of developing into a sport superpower by 2050. Meanwhile, scholars from across disciplines have researched and published on the history, culture, and political economy of Chinese sport from diverse perspectives in the past four decades, from the 1980s to the 2010s. Every year, the Chinese government releases national funds (e.g., science and social science) and awards grants to support research on the sports domain. The vast majority of papers, research reports, and books are written in the Chinese language and within Chinese academic discourses—very little of which is published in English. Nevertheless, during the past two decades, there has been an increasing interest in Chinese sport among Western academics—with greater frequency of international collaborations and communications—and a burgeoning, multi-faceted literature on sport within Chinese history and culture. However, very few publications that have attempted to offer insights into Chinese sport from a macroperspective have been published to date.7 As such, the pace of insight into Chinese sports is not keeping up with the rapid, unfolding development of sport in today’s China. It’s fair to say that the phenomenon of the history and contemporary development of Chinese sport is insufficiently understood in the outside world. This Handbook addresses this gap between the vibrant academic scholarship within China and the limited understanding of Chinese sport outside of the country. This work provides a comprehensive overview of the history and development of China and Chinese sport. It opens up different perspectives on Chinese sport and addresses a wide range of issues central to the development of sport in the context of Chinese culture, politics, economy, and society. It explores a diverse set of topics including the history of Chinese traditional sport, the rise of modern sport and the Olympic movement, sport and nationhood, sport and politics and international relations, sport and physical education, sport and economy and commerce, sport and social stratification and diversity, and sport leisure and tourism. The Handbook offers critical insights into the multifaceted world of Chinese past and present; is a contribution to our collective knowledge and understanding of Chinese sport and society; and is useful reading for students, researchers, and professionals with an interest in the field of China and Chinese sport. This Handbook has been contributed to by a team consisting of 88 leading Chinese and Asian experts and scholars with varied backgrounds of studying and working in European, North American, and Australian universities, as well as Western scholars with expertise of China and its sports system. It is composed of ten parts, classified by different subjects. Part I focuses on sport history and tradition in ancient China. It is widely known that Chinese traditional sport has been an important part of China’s indigenous cultural heritage and has long been regarded as a national symbol. In this part, we invited sport historians in China and the West to map the history and development of Chinese traditional sport in different ancient dynasties and periods from a macro-perspective. It explores the development of Chinese traditional sport in identity narratives and explains how it has been integrated into China’s cultural identities. It highlights the special place of traditional sport in Chinese society and discusses the close relationships between sport activities and Chinese history, culture, philosophy, and religions. Part II focuses mainly on the rise of modern sport and the Olympics in the late 19th century and the early 20th century. It explores the development of Western sport and the Olympic movement in modern Chinese history. It analyses how Western sport functioned as an instrument for Western cultural hegemony in its early diffusion to China; the reasons why Western sports concepts, values, and culture were accepted by Chinese society; and how Western sport and physical education influenced the social process of modernisation of China in many different ways. The major concern of Part III is sport, politics, diplomacy, and international relations. The modern Chinese nation and its nationalist consciousness were sparked by China’s defeats in a series of wars against 2

Introduction

Western imperialists and Japan in the 19th century. The Chinese nation was a constructed notion in the early 20th century that came about because ‘the other’ – the West – came into China, which pushed the intellectuals to reconstruct ‘the self’ – the Chinese nation. In this section, scholars have provided their studies and insights regarding various areas of China’s sport diplomacy, including the international sporting bids, sport diplomacy and international relations of China, and the role and status of Chinese female athletes in a Western-styled and male-dominated sport. Part IV contributors discuss the development of China’s sport policy and governance in a globalising context. It also examines the relationship between Chinese sport and the law—especially on how China’s political ideologies and social-economic transition have directed the transformation of its sport governance, law, and sport policy on a macro level. In recent years, this process has manifested itself in China’s sport policy for national minorities and the nation’s new sport policy regarding the protection of Chinese sport cultural heritage in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative in the 21st century. It then provides an assessment of the impacts of China’s sport policies implemented in the past several decades, including elite sports policies and governance system, the Olympic strategy, mass sports policies, and sports policies for economic development and urban regeneration. Part V examines the development of sport and physical education at schools in China. It focuses on the transformation of schools’ sport policy and practice in China. It gives a critical analysis on some current issues facing school sport and physical education in rural and urban areas, including the progress of the Sunshine Sport Project, the effect of schools with football as a specialty, the reformation of physical education curriculums and extra-curricular sports, as well as investment in school sport infrastructure, and so forth. In Part VI, sport and physical fitness for the community and society is discussed. The Chinese government has made great efforts to encourage their citizens to participate in mass sport activities, hoping to produce a strong and healthy labour force and serve the purposes of modernisation and development. This part examines the history and current situation of sport participation in China and attempts to understand the interwoven relationship among mass sport, elite sport, school sport, and physical education. It explores diversified mass sport participation during the development of China’s urbanisation and social stratification, and income and occupational mobility in the market economy. It also discusses the emerging issues that Chinese society faces with regard to mass sport, such as public sport service, community sport facilities and organisations, and rising issues among the old populations. Part VII concerns elite sport development in China. China has been intensely involved with major international sport events since the 1900s, such as the Olympics and the Asian Games. To guarantee high sport performance, the Chinese government invests heavily in elite sport and builds an elite sporting system centred on the National Games internally, and the Olympic Games externally. With a century of efforts, China has had many gold medals and established many records at Olympic arenas since 1984. In the 21st century, China hosted the Summer Olympic Games in 2008, the Youth Olympic Games in 2014, and the Winter Olympic Games in 2022. This part looks at the macro-level factors that determine China’s sporting success. It also examines the issues faced in establishing an elite sport development infrastructure covering facilities, technologies, media, and competition. In the context of globalisation, sport has been highly commercialised in China. Sport commerce was driven by the development of the elite sport events market and leisure sport market. The numbers of research papers of sport-related leisure and tourism in China is rising, such as the booming destinations with various sport themes in many Chinese cities, suburbs, and countryside. They have become significant economic forces in China. In Part VIII, we examine the development of China’s sport market and sport management regarding to sport organisations, sport performance, sport and leisure, sport facilities and venues, sport training, and sporting goods in the 21st century. It also explores some potential sport markets and future directions in China. 3

Fan Hong and Liu Li

Part IX is dedicated to understanding sport in Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan; in particular the sport history, tradition, and development in the three regions. It discusses sport exchanges and strategic partnerships among Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and mainland China at governmental and nongovernmental levels. It also explores Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan’s participation in international competition in the past decades. Part X is Research Structure, Funding and Management: Institutes, Projects, Journals, Publications on Sport, PE and Leisure. This section provides an overview of research on sport, physical education, and leisure from different disciplines in China. It shows the management structure that supports research activities in the areas of sport, PE, and leisure sports. It introduces the leading sports science institutes, including the National Sports Science Institute, and some leading sports journals and publications, including Chinese journals indexed by the Chinese Social Science Index. Furthermore, China is still undergoing a profound social, economic, and political transition. Sports in China, as a whole, is undergoing changes too. Hopefully, this Handbook will give students at undergraduate and postgraduate levels a new path to understand Chinese sports and society. We believe this Handbook will be of value to colleagues who teach courses relating to sport studies and Chinese studies, such as history, culture, and society both in China and the West. It should also be of interest to general readers who have a special interest in China and Chinese sport.

Notes 1 Zhiguang Yuan and Manwei Wu, ‘Evolution of Global Economic and Financial Structure and China’s Strategic Response in the Post-Pandemic Era’, Southeast Academic Research 289, no. 2 (2022): 116–129. 2 Yifu Lin, ‘China’s New Development Paradigm and Prospect of Future Economic Development in the Great Change That Has Been Unseen over the Last One Hundred Years’, Journal of Peking University (Philosophy and Social Sciences) 58, no. 5 (September 2021): 32–40. 3 Xin Xu, ‘Modernizing China in the Olympic Spotlight: China’s National Identity and the 2008 Beijing Olympiad’, Sociological Review 54, no. 2 (January 2006): 90–107. 4 The GASC, Yearbook of the Sport in China (1996) (Beijing: People’s Sport Press, 1999), 159–161. 5 ‘An Outline of the National Fitness Program of China’, The Official Website of the COC, June 8, 2005, accessed February 28, 2015, http://en.olympic.cn/sport_for/nfp_project/2005-06-08/121888.html 6 The GASC, ‘The General Office of the State Council released the Outline of Building a Strong Sports Country’, The Official Website of GAS, September 2, 2019, accessed at September 15, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/ content/2019-09/02/content_5426485.htm 7 Susan Brownell, Training the Body for China: Sports in the Moral Order of the People’s Republic (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Fan Hong, Footbinding, Feminism and Freedom: The Liberation of Women’s Bodies in Modern China (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); James Riordan and Robin Jones, Sport and Physical Education in China (London and New York: E & FN Spon, 1999); Andrew D. Morris, Marrow of the Nation. A History of Sport and Physical Culture in Republican China (California: University of California Press, 2004); Jinxia Dong, Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: Holding up More than Half the Sky (London and New York: Routledge, 2004); Grant Jarvie and Dong-Jhy Hwang, Sport, Revolution and the Beijing Olympics (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2008); Guoqi Xu, Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008); Fan Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, Sport and Nationalism in China (London and New York: Routledge, 2013); Fan Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, The Politicisation of Sport in Modern China: Communists and Champions (London and New York: Routledge, 2014); Fan Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, eds., Delivering Olympic and Elite Sport in a Cross Cultural Context: From Beijing to London (London and New York: Routledge, 2016); Liu Li and Fan Hong, The National Games and National Identity in China: A History (London and New York: Routledge, 2017); Huijie Zhang, Fan Hong and Fuhua Huang, Christianity and the Transformation of Physical Education and Sport in China (London and New York: Routledge, 2017); Fan Hong and Fuhua Huang, eds., A History of Chinese Martial Arts (London and New York: Routledge, 2018); Zhouxiang Lu, Politics and Identity in Chinese Martial Arts (London and New York: Routledge, 2018); Zhouxiang Lu, A History of Shaolin: Buddhism, Kung Fu and Identity (London and New York: Routledge, 2019); Zhouxiang Lu and Fan Hong. Olympics in Conflict: From the Games of the New Emerging Forces to the Rio Olympics (London and New York: Routledge, 2019); Fan Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sport in Asia (London and New York: Routledge, 2020).

4

Introduction

Bibliography Brownell, Susan. Training the Body for China: Sports in the Moral Order of the People’s Republic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995. Dong, Jinxia. Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: Holding up More than Half the Sky. London and New York: Routledge, 2004. Fan, Hong. Footbinding, Feminism and Freedom: The Liberation of Women’s Bodies in Modern China. London and New York: Routledge, 1997. Fan, Hong and Fuhua Huang, eds. A History of Chinese Martial Arts. London and New York: Routledge, 2018. Fan, Hong and Zhouxiang Lu. Sport and Nationalism in China. London and New York: Routledge, 2013. Fan, Hong and Zhouxiang Lu. The Politicisation of Sport in Modern China: Communists and Champions. London and New York: Routledge, 2014. Fan, Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, eds. Delivering Olympic and Elite Sport in a Cross-Cultural Context: From Beijing to London. London and New York: Routledge, 2016. Fan, Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, eds. Routledge Handbook of Sport in Asia. London and New York: Routledge, 2020. Jarvie, Grant and Dong-Jhy Hwang. Sport, Revolution and the Beijing Olympics. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2008. Lin, Yifu. ‘China’s New Development Paradigm and Prospect of Future Economic Development in the Great Change That Has Been Unseen over the Last One Hundred Years.’ Journal of Peking University (Philosophy and Social Sciences) 58, no. 5 (September 2021): 32–40. Liu, Li and Fan Hong. The National Games and National Identity in China: A History. London and New York: Routledge, 2017. Lu, Zhouxiang. Politics and Identity in Chinese Martial Arts. London and New York: Routledge, 2018. Lu, Zhouxiang. A History of Shaolin: Buddhism, Kung Fu and Identity. London and New York: Routledge, 2019. Lu, Zhouxiang and Fan Hong. Olympics in Conflict: From the Games of the New Emerging Forces to the Rio Olympics. London and New York: Routledge, 2019. Morris, Andrew D. Marrow of the Nation. A History of Sport and Physical Culture in Republican China. California: University of California Press, 2004. Riordan, James and Robin Jones. Sport and Physical Education in China. London and New York: E & FN Spon, 1999. The GASC. Yearbook of the Sport in China (1996). Beijing: People’s Sport Press, 1999. Xu, Guoqi. Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008. Xu, Xin. ‘Modernizing China in the Olympic Spotlight: China’s National Identity and the 2008 Beijing Olympiad.’ Sociological Review 54, no. 2 (January 2006): 90–107. Yuan, Zhiguang and Manwei Wu. ‘Evolution of Global Economic and Financial Structure and China’s Strategic Response in the Post-Pandemic Era.’ Southeast Academic Research 289, no. 2 (2022): 116–129. Zhang, Huijie, Fan Hong and Fuhua Huang. Christianity and the Transformation of Physical Education and Sport in China. London and New York: Routledge, 2017.

5

PART I

Sports History and Tradition in Ancient China Huang Fuhua

Sports have a long and meaningful history in China, especially its rich, traditional sports culture in ancient times. Chinese traditional sports have been an important part of China’s indigenous cultural heritage and it has long been regarded as a national symbol. In this part, we invite scholars of Chinese sports to map the history and development of Chinese traditional sports in different ancient Dynasties and periods from a macro-perspective. It explores the development of Chinese traditional sports in identity narratives and explains how it has been integrated into China’s cultural identities. It highlights the significant role of traditional sport in Chinese society and discusses the close relationships between sport activities and Chinese history, culture, philosophy, and religions. In Chapter 1, Ma firstly provides an informative introduction to the social structure of the pre-Qin period as well as an examination of its context and conception. Martial spirit and militarism, as the most fundamental features embedded with the bodily practice of the time, are addressed. The chapter also introduces the pre-Qin Confucian and Taoist thoughts on health-preserving, with an emphasis on the thoughts on health-preservation represented by Xun Zi in the late pre-Qin period. In Chapter 2, Huang and Wang delineate the remarkable changes of traditional sports activities with the establishment of the feudal system and the development of economy and culture during the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period. Namely, some military martial skills gradually separated from military training and developed into open competition, performance, and entertainment, while sports were adapted to the agricultural seasons and were transformed from sacrificial rites into festival activities, and sports as Chinese life-nurturing arts were further promoted. In Chapter 3, Chen highlights the role of sports as an important military and educational means during the Wei and Jin Dynasties and the southern and northern Dynasties. In this period, sports were also turned into cultural activities with distinctive characteristics in the process of multi-ethnic population migration, ethnic and cultural conflicts, and great integration. Besides, sports gradually rose and flourished among the gentry classes, who enjoyed special social status and privileges. In Chapter 4, Gong focuses on the development of sport, physical activity, and health in Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, which covers the progress of military martial arts, the revival of physical education, the development of healthy sports, the prosperity of ball games and chess activities and pots pitching, the diversified development of folk sports activities, and the prosperity of sports exchanges between China and foreign countries. In Chapter 5, Liu provides an overview on sport development in Song and Yuan Dynasties. The long war between Song and the northern people had given great importance to the subjects of military DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-2

Huang Fuhua

examination, and the standardisation and systemisation of military martial skills. The economic and commercial development promoted the development of urban society and civic class, so people began to seek for leisure lives. Chinese life-nurturing arts also further developed in this period. In the Yuan Dynasty, the integration of military and sports development also reflected the martial spirit of the Mongolian who were on-horse people proficient in horseback archery. In Chapter 6, Liu and Qu write that the Chinese martial arts system gradually took shape, wrestling and skating activities were widely popularised, and various ball games were carried out on the basis of the old system during the Song and Yuan Dynasties. Besides, chess activities were held in different technical styles, while health care attracted more and more attention, and folk sports activities showed a trend of vibrant development.

1 THE BODILY PRACTICE, THOUGHTS, AND BELIEFS IN THE PRE-QIN PERIOD (BEFORE 221 B.C.) Ma Lianzhen

Introduction The so-called “pre-Qin period” refers to the earliest three Dynasties recorded in Chinese history ahead of the Qin Dynasty, namely the Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties, which spanned from 21st century B.C. to 221 A.D. The West Zhou Dynasty, which came to its end in 771 B.C. and was followed by 270 years of turmoil, finally gave way to the Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period—a time as chaotic as it was marvelous in Chinese history. The 500 hundred years known as such was arguably the most glamorous time in the whole pre-Qin period and according to Karl Jaspers’s The Origin and Goal of History, the “Axial Age” of ancient China. The old social institutions established in the West Zhou Dynasty failed to keep up to date and social order and values were undergoing restructuring. Faced with the turbulent time, thinkers and intellectuals pondered over the complexity in the relationships among individuals, communities, states, and the world. Cultures clashed and ideas were inspired in the contention of a hundred schools of thoughts, forming the very first pivotal epoch of Chinese intellectual history.

The Social Structure and Main Forms of Bodily Practice in the Pre-Qin Period The study of the bodily practice of the pre-Qin period requires first a look into the fundamental social structure of the time as well as an examination of its context and conception. The first chance of “unifying” ancient Chinese thoughts occurred in the West Zhou Dynasty when the civilized practice of “li yue” (“rites and music”) was established. Near the end of the Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period, thoughts and ideas were divided with “the contention of a hundred schools of thoughts.” During the Qin Dynasty, which finally brought the whole of China into one, witnessed again the integration of different schools of thoughts. In the Zhou Dynasty, China was a feudalist state for the first time when a complete political system of the state was built, based on which the social conventions of conforming to rituals and composing music gradually developed into the long-lasting civilized practice of “li yue”. However, by the middle of the Spring and Autumn Period, the feudalist and patriarchal clan systems were weakened as the “Nine Squares System” of land ownership finally collapsed. The disparity between cities and the country gradually disappeared as cultures and thoughts diversified. State-run schools were breached and academics descended to the emerging privately-run schools, giving rise to the “hundred schools of thoughts”, among which were Taoism, represented by Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi; Confucianism represented by Confucius and Mencius and later by Xuni Zi; Legalism by Shang Yang, DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-3

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Shen Buhai, and Shen Zi; and Mohism by Mo Di.1 Intellectually, this period was characterized by the contention, interaction, and complementation of the “hundred schools”, all the way to the reunification by the Qin Kingdom. During the pre-Qin historical era, the most fundamental bodily practices emphasized the martial spirit. The incessant conflicts among states effectively integrated the social structures and ideologies integrate and in the process, fostered a general social ethos of militarism as portrayed in Zuo Zhuan (The Chronicle of Zuo), “Sacrificial rituals and military affairs are where the principal national interest lies”.2 According to Gu Jiegang, the ruling class and social elite represented by the literati and officialdom before the Spring and Autumn Period were all weapon-carrying warriors dedicated to protecting the country, instead of mere intellectuals fiddling at writing.3 The three generations of country schools described in Meng Zi (Book of Mencius), termed “xiao” in the Xia Dynasty, “xu” in Shang Dynasty, and “xiang” in the Zhou Dynasty, were all military schools training students in such skills as archery and chariot. Shi Jing (Book of Songs) also recorded lines such as “the valiant men of prowess are defenders of the cities”,4 proving that the aristocratic class at the time were strong warriors themselves. As for Confucius, an exceptional warrior himself, he advocated the “six skills”, which were inevitably also vessels of military training. The key forms of physical exercise for the pre-Qin ruling class, such as archery and chariot and military formation, served the need for military training, hunting, and aristocratic education. There were also the physical activities involved in the rites and musical practice for religious sacrificial ceremonies. Witchery culture was highly developed during the Yin and Shang Dynasties during which time people worshiped nature through sacrificial ceremonies that featured rites and music. Witchery culture played a key role in early religions and political affairs and ushered in the earliest prosperity in the Chinese civilization in terms of religion, politics, and academics, with far-reaching influence over time. The increasing humanistic awareness gradually transformed the original religious purposes of such rites and music into moral purposes to manifest ethical values and order. Humanism occupied a higher place and the pursuit of human values took over the fear for deities and demons. As recorded in Li Ji (Book of Rites): the people of Yin worshiped deities and were led to serve them. They placed demons before rites and valued punishment over reward. Dignity and sternness were there at the cost of closeness and affinity. The people of Zhou valued rites and generosity, attending to demons and respecting deities yet keeping proper distance. They were close, honest and sincere to each other.5 In ancient China, theology and science were often closely intertwined as a result of witchery culture, with many brilliant thoughts framed into theological terms such as “tian ming” (“heavenly fate”), “tian xing” (“heavenly nature”), or “tian dao” (“heavenly ways”). Similarly, as social sciences invariably took precedence over natural sciences, the findings in astronomy, geography, meteorology, medicine, and anatomy were still fundamentally serving the arguments of the foundational “relationship between heaven and man,” ethics and social hierarchy, etc. instead of studying the basic laws of nature and their composition. This differs drastically from the Western division between science and religion by disenchantment.6 Compared with ancient Greek and Romans, Chinese ancestors were more enthusiastic about the interaction between man and natural laws and how the issues arising from such interaction concerning humanity and ethics would affect the establishment and maintenance of social order. This at least partially accounts for monotheism’s absence throughout Chinese history. One manifestation of this tendency was the ideas of yin and yang which, conceived in the Spring and Autumn Period and prevailing in the Warring State Period, had such significant implications in the Chinese traditional ways of health preservation. The two terms describe essentially two forms of the socalled “qi”, which are supposed to communicate and interplay with the human body, freeing people from their reliance on witchery to be connected with heaven and earth. Pre-Qin philosophers attached great importance to the play of “qi” and regulation of one’s “qi” which was deemed to be a key to maintaining 10

The Bodily Practice, Thoughts and Beliefs in Pre-Qin Period

one’s health. Some examples of such theories are “yang qi” (“nourishing one’s qi”) by Mencius, “xin zhai” (“purifying one’s heart”) by Zhuang Zi, “yang sheng” (“nourishing one’s life”) by Huang-Lao, and “jing qi” (“vital essence”) by Guan Zi. By observing and pondering over the changes of seasons, alternation of day and night, and the correlation between life and death, aging and sickness, Chinese ancestors believed that humans’ life should conform to nature’s way. They began exploring forms of bodily practice that would communicate with and complement nature to cultivate humanistic care. Some of these exercises were gradually introduced as “dao yin” (breathing and stretching), which imitated the movements of certain animals; “shi qi” (literally, “feeding on air”) facilitated man-nature harmonious breathing, as well as embraced the positive intervention of “an mo” (chiropractic). These, coupled with medicine and “fang shu” (ancient practice of alchemy and astrology), were the main forms of health-preserving exercises in pre-Qin period.

Pre-Qin Confucian and Taoist Thoughts on Health Preservation The enlightenment of man and social advancement have always followed each other and interacted at every step in the course of history. The changes in theories of bodily practice in the pre-Qin period were a reflection of its political pattern of division and unification, as well as of the general development of social productive forces. Of such reflections on living quality and the related health-preserving practice, the Confucian and Taoist thoughts were the most representative. Both valued health preservation and saw the harmonious interaction of body and mind as the way to do it. To them, the ultimate end of such preservation was to achieve the culmination of “dao de” (morality) and “zao hua” (nature), for which one should regulate his blood circulation and cultivate his mind. The two are supposed to interplay with and complement each other in that the former, while promoting health and longevity, also facilitates one’s spiritual growth and moral perfection. There were, of course, differences between Confucian and Taoist thoughts on health preservation. Confucianists acknowledged and valued real, physical life. They were enthusiastic about playing one’s due role in the development of human life, to the purposes of living up to one’s value and realizing the ideal society as one strove to become a “jun zi” (a man of noble character). Physical exercise, therefore, was of great significance in the Confucian idea of health preservation, which embraced an active, vigorously enterprising outlook on life. The “six skills” proposed by Confucius himself, including archery, chariot racing, rites, and music, emphasized training of both the physical body and the mind.7 This Confucian advocation of physical exercise was further reinforced by Xun Zi’s theory of “thorough healthcare in preparation for action”.8 In terms of the relativity and specific rationale of bodily practice, Confucianists attached great importance to the prevailing role of morality or “dao de” in health preservation, laying emphasis on self-restraining and abstinence and calling it “yang de” (moral cultivation). Confucius himself advocated “self-discipline and returning to propriety”,9 arguing that “li” (proper manners), as the code of conduct conforming to the ruling ideology, should be the main approach to “yang de”. Mencius proposed to “properly nourish my noble spirit”.10 Xun Zi further concluded that “li is the ultimate approach to the practice of regulating one’s qi and nourishing one’s heart.”11 More concrete suggestions on health preservation were scarcely found in pre-Qin Confucian thoughts, but the dominant position of this particular school in ancient Chinese intellectual history had granted its views on health-preservation far-reaching influence in ancient China. Also, in such Confucian classics as Shang Shu (Book of History), Shi Jing, Yi Jing (Book of Changes), and Chun Qiu (The Spring and Autumn Annals), there were textual references to health-preservation. In contrast, the Taoists adopted a naturalist view on health preservation, respecting life’s inevitable and advocating “peace, stillness and the apparent inaction”. To them, the purpose of health preservation is to cultivate oneself to retain the value of life and to achieve the status of “zhen ren” (an immortal or an avatar). Stillness or “jing”, therefore, is a major Taoist claim in preserving health. Lao Zi himself considered stillness fundamental to movement. According to him, stillness defines movement and is the 11

Ma Lianzhen

ultimate end of movement as well. One can only uphold “zheng” (laws of nature)12 by abiding by emptiness and stillness.13 Lao Zi placed body over mind in health preservation, proposing to “keep the mind empty and the stomach full”14 and “gather one’s qi to keep the body supple”,15 aiming to return to the natural beginning of life as in a newborn baby. Zhuang Zi, a successor to Lao Zi’s thoughts, placed more value on nourishing the heart and mind and proposed “the unity of form and spirit”. According to him, “all things have different forms and properties but harbor a unified spirit. Such is their nature.”16 The first three chapters of Zhuang Zi: The Inner Chapters address health preservation. In the first one, “Xiao Yao You” (“A Happy Excursion”) and the second one, “Qi Wu Lun” (On Leaving All Things), Zhuang Zi discussed his lifelong commitment to be a “shen ren” (a true sage), a “zhi ren” (a perfect man), and a “shen ren” (a divine man), and saw “excursion” as the basic form of health preservation. In the third chapter, “Yang Sheng Zhu” (“Essentials for Keeping Good Health”), he proclaimed to “follow the natural course of the main vessels” and gave the famous example of “the butcher skillfully dismembering an ox”, illustrating the importance of straightening out one’s muscles and bones and relieving the stress and how to solve one’s problems with absolute ease. Compared to Lao Zi’s notion of “stillness”, Zhuang Zi used it to mainly describe a stillness of the mind. As he put it: “the mind of a true sage is so still that it mirrors the earth and sky, and everything in between. Transparent, unaffected, alone and inactive, it is the measure of the world and height of morality”.17 Generally speaking, Zhuang Zi’s reflection on health preservation seems to cover more and with more details than that of Lao Zi, but the Taoist take on the issue as a whole was the richest and most historically influential, which basically spawned all the popular practice since Wei and Jin Dynasties such as “xiu xian” (“immortality training”), “qi gong”, “tu na” (“the breathing technique”), and eventually the establishment of the Taoist religion.

Thoughts on Health Preservation Represented by Xun Zi in the Late Pre-Qin Period Thoughts and ideas of pre-Qin philosophers on health preservation never stopped developing and varying. After the end of West Zhou, people’s view on life and the world had changed. “Heaven’s way is far, but the human way is near.”18 A shift of focus has occurred toward humanity in their reflection upon heaven and man. In the middle and late Warring States Period, the scrambles among different states were no longer for more power, but for unifying the whole of China. Different schools of thoughts started to absorb, complement, and invariably unify into a broad consensus. Xun Zi, a quintessential successor of Confucianism, is an example of such absorption. Under the influence of Taoism and Legalism, he acknowledged the spontaneity of natural laws on one hand, and emphasized the initiative of human beings on the other, proposing to “harness the heavenly fate for one’s own undertaking”.19 As mentioned above, he addressed the issue of man’s self-development, arguing that one should “practice regulating his ‘qi’ and nourishing his heart” through the invariable approach of “li”. According to him, “li yue” (rites and music) can alter one’s form on the outside by changing his “qi”. As he put it, “abide by ‘ren’ (a core Confucian value) with a pure heart, and ‘ren’ will be seen in his behavior or form, which will in turn become a spirit transcending all forms and finally gain him the power of changing reality”.20 This clearly offered another interpretation of Zhuang Zi’s idea that “all things have different forms and properties but harbor the unified spirit. Such is their nature.” In the chapter of “Xiu Shen” (“Cultivating One’s Moral Character”), Xun Zi claimed that “by regulating his ‘qi’ and nourishing his heart, one can rival Peng Zu in longevity”.21 Zhuang Zi mentioned something similar in his chapter of “Ke Yi” (“Tempering One’s Mind”): whether its breathing exercises, exhaling the stale and inhaling the fresh, or exercising imitating the ways of animals, people apply themselves to them with the sole purpose of longevity. Those who practice ‘dao yin’ or cultivate their forms, look for nothing but the lifespan of the legendary Peng Zu.22

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The Bodily Practice, Thoughts and Beliefs in Pre-Qin Period

Both attest to the fact that health-preserving practice was already prevailing as early as the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring State Period with well-developed physical exercises such as “tu na” (“the breathing technique”), “dao yin” (breathing and stretching), “shi qi” (“feeding on air”), and “tiao xi” (regulating one’s breathing). The generally taken forms of physical exercises testify, to an extent, the increasing tendency of political and ideological unification near the end of the Warring State Period, a process which, unfortunately, did not see its completion until afterwards. At the time, there had been a prediction that “either Chu Kingdom or Qin Kingdom would unify China, depending on how certain strategic plans to form alliances would pan out”.23 As it was, the Qin Kingdom became the Qin Dynasty, which ushered in the second wave of cultural and ideological integration. But Qin was a short-lived Dynasty, the eventual completion and maturity of such integration of ideas, social institutions, and bodily practice in particular, would have to wait until Qin’s successor, the Han Dynasty.

Notes 1 Names of philosophers are transcribed, with the exceptions of Confucius and Mencius, according to their standard “Pinyin” (official Chinese transcriptions) in Mandarin. 2 Bojun Yang, Chunqiu Zuozhuan Zhu•Chenggong Shisannian [Chun Qiu and Zuo Zhuan with Annotations] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1981), 861. 3 Jiegang Gu, Liangkoucun Suibi•Juan’er [Essays in Langkou Village, Vol. 2] (Shenyang: Liaoning Education Press, 1998), 52. 4 Junying Cheng & Jianyuan Jiang, Shijing Zhuxi [Shi Jing with Annotations] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1991), 18. 5 Written by Xidan Sun (Qing Dynasty) and Annotations by Xiaohuan Shen and Xingxian Wang (Qing Dynasty), Liji Jijie•Juan Wushiyi •Biaoji Disanshier [A Collection of Interpretations on Li Ji, Vol. 51] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1989), 1310. 6 Zehou Li. Youwu Daoli, Shili Guiren [From Witchery to Li, and Li to Ren] (Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2015), 13. 7 The “six skills” that were proposed by Confucius are rites, music, archery, chariot, grammar and penmanship, and arithmetics. See Baonan Liu (Qing Dynasty), Lunyu Zhengyi•Juanqi•Yongye Diliu [Exegesis on Lun Yu, Vol. 7] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1990), 222. 8 Xianqian Wang (Qing Dynasty), Xunzi Jijie•Juanshiyi•Tianlunpian Dishiqi [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 11] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988), 307. 9 Bojun Yang, eds. Lunyu Yizhu•Yanyuanpian•Dishier [Translation of Lun Yu with Annotations] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1980), 123. 10 Bojun Yang, eds. Mengzi Yizhu•Juansan •Gongsunchou Zhangjushang [Translation of Meng Zi with Annotations, Vol. 3] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1960), 62. 11 Xianqian Wang (Qing Dynasty), Xunzi Jijie•Juanyi•Xiushenpian Dier [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 1] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988), 26. 12 Ming Gao, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•(Dejing Jiaozhu•Sishiwu [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol. 45] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996), 45. 13 Ming Gao, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Daojing Jiaozhu•Shiliu [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol.16] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996), 298. 14 Ming Gao, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Daojing Jiaozhu•San [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol.3] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996), 237. 15 Ming Gao, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Daojing Jiaozhu•Shi [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol.10] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996), 262. 16 Written by Guo Qingfan (Qing Dynasty) and Collated by Wang Xiaoyu (Qing Dynasty), Zhuangzi Jishi•Juanwu•Tiandi Dishier [A Collection of Interpretations on Zhuang Zi, Vol. 5] (A Collection of Interpretations on Zhuang Zi, Vol. 5) (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1961), 424. 17 Written by Guo Qingfan (Qing Dynasty) and Collated by Wang Xiaoyu (Qing Dynasty). Zhuangzi Jishi•Juanwu•Tiandao Dishisan [A Collection of Interpretations on Zhuang Zi, Vol. 5] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1961), 457. 18 Bojun Yang, Chunqiu Zuozhuanzhu•Zhaogong Shibanian [Chun Qiu and Zuo Zhuan with Annotations] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1981), 1395.

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Ma Lianzhen 19 Xianqian Wang (Qing Dynasty), Xunzi Jijie•Juanshyi•Tianlunpian Dishiqi [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 11] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988), 317. 20 Xianqian Wang (Qing Dynasty), Xunzi Jijie•Juaner•Bugoupian Dishiqi [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 2] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988), 46. 21 Xianqian Wang (Qing Dynasty), Xunzi Jijie•Juanyi•Xiushenpian Dier [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 1] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988), 21. 22 Written by Guo Qingfan (Qing Dynasty) and Collated by Wang Xiaoyu. Zhuangzi Jishi•Juanliu•Keyi Dishiwu [A Collection of Interpretations on Zhuang Zi, Vol. 6] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1961), 535. 23 Sima Qian (Han Dynasty), Shiji•Juanliushijiu•Suqin Liezhuan Dijiu [Shi Ji, Vol. 69] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1959), 2261.

Bibliography Cheng, Junying & Jiang, Jianyuan. Shijing Zhuxi [Shi Jing with Annotations]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1991. Gao, Ming. Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Daojing Jiaozhu•San [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol. 3]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996. Gao, Ming. Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Daojing Jiaozhu•Shi [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol. 10. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996. Gao, Ming. Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Daojing Jiaozhu•Shiliu [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol. 16]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996. Gao, Ming. Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu•Dejing Jiaozhu•Sishiwu [Collated and Annotated Version of the Silk Manuscript of Lao Zi, Vol. 45]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1996. Gu, Jiegang. Liangkoucun Suibi•Juan’er [Essays in Langkou Village, Vol. 2]. Shenyang: Liaoning Education Press, 1998. Li, Zehou. Youwu Daoli, Shili Guiren [From Witchery to Li, and Li to Ren]. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2015. Qian, Sima (Han Dynasty). Shiji•Juanliushijiu•Suqin Liezhuan Dijiu [Shi Ji, Vol. 69]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1959. The “Six Skills” Proposed by Confucius are Rites, Music, Archery, Chariot, Grammar and Penmanship, and Arithmetics. See Liu, Baonan (Qing Dynasty). Lunyu Zhengyi•Juanqi•Yongye Diliu [Exegesis on Lun Yu, Vol. 7]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1990. Wang, Xianqian (Qing Dynasty). Xunzi Jijie•Juanshiyi•Tianlunpian Dishiqi [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 11]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988. Wang, Xianqian (Qing Dynasty). Xunzi Jijie•Juanyi•Xiushenpian Dier [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 1]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988. Wang, Xianqian (Qing Dynasty). Xunzi Jijie•Juaner•Bugoupian Dishiqi [A Collection of Interpretations on Xun Zi, Vol. 2]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1988. Written by Guo, Qingfan (Qing Dynasty) and Collated by Wang, Xiaoyu (Qing Dynasty). Zhuangzi Jishi•Juanwu•Tiandi Dishier [A Collection of Interpretations on Zhuang Zi, Vol. 5]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1961. Written by Guo, Qingfan (Qing Dynasty) and Collated by Wang, Xiaoyu. Zhuangzi Jishi•Juanliu•Keyi Dishiwu [A Collection of Interpretations on Zhuang Zi, Vol. 6]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1961. Written by Sun, Xidan (Qing Dynasty) and Annotations by Shen, Xiaohuan and Wang, Xingxian (Qing Dynasty). Liji Jijie•Juan Wushiyi •Biaoji Disanshier [A Collection of Interpretations on Li Ji, Vol. 51]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1989. Yang, Bojun, eds. Mengzi Yizhu•Juansan•Gongsunchou Zhangjushang [Translation of Meng Zi with Annotations, Vol. 3]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1960. Yang, Bojun, eds. Lunyu Yizhu•Yanyuanpian•Dishier [Translation of Lun Yu with Annotations]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1980. Yang, Bojun. Chunqiu Zuozhuan Zhu•Chenggong Shisan’nian [Chun Qiu and Zuo Zhuan with Annotations]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1981.

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2 SPORTS TRANSFORMATION IN QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES AND THREE KINGDOMS PERIOD Huang Fuhua and Wang Xiaoqi

Introduction From 221 BC to 280 AD, China experienced the Qin (221–206 BC) and Han Dynasties (206 BC–220 AD) and the Three Kingdoms (220–280 AD) period. With the establishment of the feudal system and the development of economy and culture, traditional sports activities had a variety of remarkable changes in this period. Furthermore, the new behavioral norms of Chinese people under Confucianism began to integrate leisure sports activities into moral cultivation. Since the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220 AD), the ethos of emphasizing the concept of wen (文, civility, literacy) and the contempt of wu (武, martial) (Zhong wen qing wu) was formed. First, some military martial skills gradually separated from military training and developed into open competition, performance, and entertainment. Second, sports were adapted to the agricultural seasons and were transformed from sacrificial rites into festival activities. Third, this period also witnessed the further development of sports as Chinese life-nurturing arts.1

The Development of Military Martial Skills In 221 BC, the State of Qin established the first unified “China” by defeating six other warring states. Emperor Yingzheng issued a number of decrees to consolidate the unification of the state and his autocratic power. Notably, he gave the order to confiscate weapons from the public. However, the development of Chinese military martial skills continued and the Qin Dynasty collapsed after only two emperors. The Han Dynasty is considered a splendid era of Chinese feudal society during which time martial skills achieved great progress as a result of their integration within the military force during the wars with the Xiongnu people. In the period of the Three Kingdoms, the long-term and frequent wars further promoted the development of military martial skills. In short, various types of military-martial, sportive practices developed that collectively transformed the Chinese notions of sport during this era and beyond.2

Archery Archery remained a very important military training program in the Qin Dynasty despite of Emperor Yingzheng’s confiscation of weapons from the public. Archaeologists found a large number of bows, crossbows, and bronze arrows in the pits of the Terracotta Warriors in Lintong, Shaanxi Province. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-4

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Huang Fuhua and Wang Xiaoqi

Archery remained an important part of military training in the Han Dynasty and was divided into two categories: step and horseback. Horseback archery was very important attributing to the military needs of avoiding invasion from the Xiongnu people. Many generals of Han were known for their horseback archery skills, such as Gan Tingshou, Zhao Chongguo, and Li Guang. Famous generals of horseback archery in the Three Kingdoms included Dong Zhuo, Lu Bu, and Cao Cao, and so forth.3 Beyond the security realm, archery had evolved into a kind of sports competition with a relatively complete system of codified rules. Such archery competitions were organized by appointed officials with specific time, venues, rules, and awards, etc.4 In this period, archery theories were also developed, as well as the emergence of various schools of archery theories.

Armed Martial Skills In the Qin and early Han eras, bronze and iron weapons were used together. In the 1970s, a large number of bronze weapons were unearthed in the Terracotta Warriors, including bows, arrowheads, swords, spears, halberds, and hooks. The quality of these weapons was much improved during this period. Taking the sword as an example, its length had doubled from the start to the end of this period, and the blade had become much sharper.5 In the Western Han (202 BC–9 AD), most government officials wore a sword, both as weapon or decoration.6 Swordsmanship had become a kind of performance beyond actual combat. Since the Han Dynasty, there emerged a variety of new weapons, such as the hook-shield, which could be used for offensive attack and defense.7 In order to defend the Xiongnu armies, the Han armies also improved their saber for horseback fighting. At the end of the Eastern Han, some government officials and military generals began to wear a saber. Notably, some martial skills detached from military training in this period. In consequence, some works on swordsmanship emerged in the folk society, which also included descriptions on the virtue of martial arts.8

Unarmed Combat and Jiaodi Unarmed combat has long been an important military training skill in Chinese history. In the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period, unarmed combat was also a common way to select elite soldiers and generals.9 Contemporary sources document that unarmed combat was very popular in the public in the Han Dynasty and there were works written specially for unarmed combat.10 Moreover, a large number of scenes on unarmed combat of the Han people have been found in the frescos.11 Jiaodi12 was also popular both in military training and folk society.13 In the Qin Dynasty, Jiaodi was considered as a way of entertainment and performance beyond military training. It was often put on the platform together with acrobatics, magic shows, and singing and dancing performances and served as popular entertainment at the program the palace. Jiaodi gained even greater momentum in the Qin Dynasty when a number of emperors became fond of it. Emperor Wu of Western Han gave orders to arrange two large-scale Jiaodi performances. Besides, Emperor Wu also often arranged Jiaodi performances in receptions of welcoming guests from foreign countries.14 There are many descriptions of Jiaodi can be found in Book of Han (汉书).

Sports and Games Apart from military martial skills, other sports and games also developed or emerged during the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period. In the Han Dynasty, Emperor Wu advanced Confucianism as the dominant socio-philosophical framework of China which focused attention to the concept of “wen” and the contempt of “wu.” This transformation also witnessed the detachment of sporting activities from military training or sacrifice rites in favor of the formation of organized leisure sports and games. Also with 16

Sport Transformation in Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms

the influence of cultural integration from different regions and peoples, some sports and games were promoted as nation-wide events, including ball games such as Cuju; board games such as Weiqi (围棋), Liubo (六博), and Tanqi (弹棋); and other forms of folk festival games.

Cuju Prior to the Qin era, Cuju had been a very popular ball that was resurrected after its neglect during the Qin Dynasty and achieved its peak development in the Han Dynasty. In addition to its wide popularity, Cuju was considered to be a way of improving people’s strength and cultivating people’s mind, so it was applied in military training. Book of Han writes that General Huo Qubing led his soldiers to play Cuju in order to rouse their morale during their wars with the Xiongnu people.15 In general, Cuju was well received by both the upper classes and the public. Renowned emperors and generals such as Emperor Wu of Han, Emperor Cheng of Han and Cao Cao, and Emperor Wu of Wei played the game. The noble families often organized Cuju games in their courtyard. The popularity of Cuju spread from the armies and the noble to the folk society.16 It’s recorded that there were many Cuju fields in the village areas in Western Han. Archeologists have discovered considerable playing fields in Western Han villages; Cuju was portrayed in the Han Dynasty paintings; and the pastime was described in key literary texts of the period. Cuju was divided into two types, personal performance and team competition. It’s said that some works on Cuju technique have come out. There is one called Cuju, which is likely one of the first ever works on the playing techniques that has been lost. However, we can also find some records about this work, such as Ban Gu’s Monograph on Arts and Letters (艺文志).17 Additionally, some competition rules were formed in this period, as can be found in The Inscription of Cuju of Eastern Han. This short inscription includes 12 sentences, telling some rules in the Cuju games: a round ball, the field was fenced, six players were included in each team, and a referee was appointed; meanwhile, the referee should be impartial and the players should not blame other teammates when they lost the game.18

Board Games Board games were well developed during the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period. Besides Weiqi, these games also included Liubo and Tanqi, etc. There were very few records on Weiqi before the Eastern Han period. However, more and more literature materials as well as cultural relics are found after the Eastern Han. For instance, archaeologists discovered a stone Weiqi board in a tomb of Eastern Han in Hebei Province in 1952 that provided precious materials for the studies of Weiqi’s history. At the same time, a great number of works on board games skills and records of board games competitions were found. These materials demonstrate that Weiqi was not only a way of bodily and mind exercise, but also a way of state governance. The Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period is also a golden age for the development of “Liubo”, which can be proved by the unearthed cultural relics. By analyzing these tangible relics, it’s found that the characteristics of Liubo in this period include: first, the overall layout of the board was quite similar to those in the pre-Qin era, except for some signs in the center; second, there were two types of gaming rules, one with six pieces and the other with 12 pieces; third, there were six chopsticks for Liubo games; fourth, Liubo was most welcomed by people living in the northwest regions.19 Up to the Han Dynasty, both the upper classes and the public were fond of Liubo. At that time, there were some people who lived on playing Liubo. Liubo was once a game of entertainment or competition, but gradually became a way of gambling. The origin of Tanqi is still unknown, but it is clear that Tanqi began to gain popularity since the late Western Han. Tanqi was a game for building up mentality and was suitable for all kinds of people, from 17

Huang Fuhua and Wang Xiaoqi

the emperors to the weak and old in the public. Therefore, it was considered a good way for leisure time and was very popular in the palace. The gaming rules of Tanqi in Han is also unclear, but we can reckon from literature works that it is different from those of today.20

Folk Festival Games During the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period, a number of folk festival games further developed or emerged, namely, dragon boat racing, mountaineering, dragon dancing, and Nuo (驱傩, also known as Nuo sacrifice). These games brought joy to people during the folk festivals, and some of them have survived to the ages, until today. Dragon boat race arose in the pre-Qin period. Until the Han Dynasty, its organization had been completed. This traditional holiday game in remains popular throughout China in the 21st century. Mountaineering is another long-lasting popular traditional leisure pursuit of the Chinese people that is generally held on the Double Ninth Festival. Dragon is a demonstration of totemism, and thus remains a significant symbol in dancing since ancient times. Dragon dancing had prevailed in the pre-Qin era, during which people collectively danced with music in a team of a dragon shape to demonstrate the movement of a robust dragon, and people generally danced to pray for rain. In the Han Dynasty, dragon dancing had taken shape as many performing forms. Nuo is a masked dance for the sake of expelling evil spirits, which dates back to the Shang Dynasty. Before the Han Dynasty, Nuo was three times, respectively, in the spring, autumn and winter. But only the winter dance was performed since Han. At that time, the torch during Nuo would be thrown into the river out of the village.21

Life-Nurturing Arts At the beginning of the Han Dynasty, the ruling classes began to attach greater importance to Confucianism among other philosophical thoughts in order to consolidate their sovereignty. As a result, the life-nurturing ideas of Confucianism were highly advocated, including Yinyang (umbral and bright), Wuxing (five phases: water, fire, wood, metal, and earth), Taiji, Bagua (eight diagrams), meridian system, etc. As a kind of Chinese-characteristic life-nurturing art, Daoyin (导引) was very well developed in the Han Dynasty. To be noted, Daoyin refers to extent physical movement as well as internal breathing movement that enhances healthcare and life nurturing.22

Painting of Daoyin and On Abstinence from Grains and Ingesting Qi In 1973, a number of cultural relics in relation to Chinese life-nurturing arts were unearthed in a tomb of Western Han in Hunan Province, including the Painting of Daoyin (silk-made, 导引图), On Abstinence from Grains and Ingesting Qi (silk-made, Quegu Shiqi Pian, 却谷食气篇), and Methods of Daoyin (bamboomade).23 The Painting of Daoyin contains 44 different figures with different gestures, and each gesture represents one form of life nurture. These forms are also all illustrated. It’s seen from the gestures and illustrations that some forms were used to treat an illness, while some were used to build people’s bodies. Some of these figures are standing, while some are sitting or stepping; some of these figures are barehanded, while some hold tools; some of these figures are only practicing their bodies, while some are supplementing with breathing; and some of these figures are imitating the movements of certain animals (see Figure 2.1).24 Quegu Shiqi (却谷食气) is a short introduction of life nurture and illness treatment that painted in the same silk with the Painting of Daoyin. Quegu means that people should not eat grains during the treatment period; instead, people should Shiqi if Quegu brings about uncomfortable experiences to them, which means to enhance their health and prolong their lifetime through taking the breath. The article also 18

Sport Transformation in Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms

Figure 2.1

A restoration of the Painting of Daoyin, unearthed in a tomb of Western Han in Hunan Province.

Source: ‘Ancient Sports in China’, China Sports Museum, Beijing.

mentions the disadvantages of Quegu Shiqi, namely, taking good care of the changing climate of the four seasons and avoiding the cold weather during the treatment. After the Han Dynasty, more and more records about Quegu Shiqi were written. The subsequent methods included during the treatment, people should not eat but drink water and people should not eat meat and cereals, but rather consume stem leaves and fruits.25

The Life-Nurturing Arts of Hua Tuo and the Five-Animal Exercises Hua Tuo (c. 141–208) is a famous doctor in Chinese history who lived in the late Han Dynasty. He argued that body movement could strengthen people’s health and prevent illness; meanwhile, body movement could also enhance people’s digestive system and the nutrient could be absorbed by the body through the operation of the blood system; the acceleration of metabolism could prevent illness. However, Hua Tuo also warned that people should not conduct excessive body movements or practice with the wrong methods in case of body damage by body fatigue.26 Moreover, Hua Tuo also composed the Five-Animal Exercises by adapting the former Daoyin techniques, during which people did exercises by imitating the movements of five animals, including the tiger, deer, bear, ape, and bird. The FiveAnimal Exercises aim to prevent people from illness, which still have a large impact on Chinese lifenurturing arts in the modern days.27

The Life-Nurturing Arts of Ji Kang Ji Kang (c. 223–262) is a litterateur, philosopher, and life-nurturing theorist of the Three Kingdoms period. He was not only adept at poetry and music, but also the arts of life nurture. According to his own practice and experience of life nurture, he wrote two epochal works, On Life Nurture and Answers to Life Nurture. In the view of Ji Kang, life nurturing should be combined with morality building, such as on diet, no lust, enjoying music, etc. He also regarded breathing exercises as important as Quegu Shiqi.

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Furthermore, Ji Kang emphasized that life nurturing is a life-long exercise, and the practitioners should put both short-term and long-term effort into it, as well as confidence and persistence.28

Concluding Remarks In sum, sports development in the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period has made a connecting link between the preceding and the following eras. The original forms of Chinese sport took its shape in this period. Some traditional sports further developed on the basis of its status in the pre-Qin period, while some sporting forms were created. Sports have become a way of both competition and entertainment in the Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms period.

Notes 1 Lequan Cui, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport Volume 1] (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House of China, 2008), 170–171. 2 Ibid, 171. 3 Ban Gu, et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Liguang Sujianzhuan [Book of Han•Record of Liguang Sujian]. https://so. gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FB1ADE11D22C8EF3A.aspx (accessed 20 April 2022). 4 Lequan Cui, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi, 174. 5 Hong Yang, Zhongguo Bingqi Conglun [A Symposium of Weapons in Chinese History] (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1980), 112. 6 Jifang Li, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyushi Jianbian [A Brief History of Sports in Ancient China] (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House of China, 1984), 104. 7 Liu Xi, (Han Dynasty) Shiming•Shibing [Explanations of Names• Explanations of Weapons] (Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 2020). 8 Ban Gu, et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Yiwenzhi [Book of Han•Treatise on Arts and Letters]. https://so.gushiwen. cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FB412942E5E08B1C3.aspx (accessed 20 April 2022). 9 Ban Gu, et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Fuchang Zhenggan Chenduanzhuan [Book of Han•Record of Fuchang Zhenggan Chenduan]. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FF0DE37F4B5C85B98.aspx (accessed 20 April 2022). 10 Ban Gu, et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Yiwenzhi [Book of Han•Treatise on Arts and Letters]. 11 Xinjian Liu & Mingue Zhang, ‘Shandong Jvnan Faxian Handai Shique’ [Stone Door-stands of Han Dynasty Found in Lvnan City of Shandong Province]. Wenwu [Cultural Relics], no.5 (1965): 16–19; Xilu Zhu. ‘Jiaxiang Laowa Faxian Yipi Hanhuaxiangshi’ [Rock Paintings of Han Dynasty Found in Jiangxiang]. Wenwu [Cultural Relics], no.5 (1982): 71–78. 12 Jiaodi (角抵) refers to the Chinese-style Wrestling that emerged in pre-modern times. Similar to the Quan, Jiaodi contains more barehanded fighting skills than wrestling in the English-speaking world. A number of Chinese phrases that refer to Jiaodi can be found in different phases of chinese history, such as Jueli (角力), Shuaijiao (摔 跤), Shuaijiao (摔角), Zhengjiao (争交), and Xiangpu (相扑). The translators have employed the unified term “Jiaodi” in this book. 13 Bingguo Liu, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyu Shihua [A History of Sports in Ancient China] (Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe, 1987), 16–17. 14 Ban Gu et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Wudi ji [Book of Han•Annals of Emperor Wu]. https://so.gushiwen.cn/ guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4F85C64F1BA0459AD2.aspx (accessed 23 April 2022). 15 Ban Gu et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Weiqing Huoqubingzhuan [Book of Han•Record of Weiqing and Huo Qubing]. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FEB5FEF1B447B1473.aspx (accessed 23 April 2022). 16 Editorial Boad of History of Chinese Civilization, Zhonghua Wenming Shihua- Tiyu [History of Chinese Civilization: Sport] (Beijing: Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 2009), 15. 17 Ban Gu et al., (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Yiwenzhi [Book of Han•Treatise on Arts and Letters]. 18 Li You, (Han Dynasty)Ju Cheng Ming [Inscription on the Ball Wall]. http://news.cctv.com/special/zgctty/20070614/104346.shtml (accessed 4 May 2022). 19 Lequan Cui, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi Di Si Ji [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport: Volume 1], 206–207.

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Sport Transformation in Qin and Han Dynasties and Three Kingdoms 20 Cao Pi, (Three Kingdoms) Tanqifu [Prose Poetry of Tanqi]; Handan Chun. (Three Kingdoms) Yijing [The Classic of Arts]. 21 Hua Tan & Chunyan Liu, Tiyushi [The History of Physical Education and Sport] (Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2017), 88. 22 Jifang Li, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyushi Jianbian [A Brief History of Sport in Ancient China] (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House of China, 1984), 80. 23 Shou Shen, ‘Xihan Bohua ‘Daoyintu’ Kaobian’, [Authentication on Painting of Daoyin] Journal of Chengdu Sport University, no.1 (1989): 1–7. 24 Jifang Li, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyushi Jianbian [A Brief Introduction to Sports History in Ancient China] (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House of China, 1984), 83. 25 Chinese Society for Sport History & Working Committee of History and Culture of the National Sports Commission, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyushi [Sport History in Ancient China] (Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 1990), 167; Lequan Cui & Xuemei Zhang, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyu Sixiagnshi [An Intelletual History of Ancient Sport in China] (Beijing: Capital Normal University Press, 2008), 175–177. 26 Fan Ye, (Southern Dynasties) Houhanshu•Fangshu Liezhuan [Book of Later Han•Biographies of Alchemists]. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4F4FC2296CC79D951F.aspx (accessed 6 May 2022). 27 Chen Shou, (Jin Dynasty) Sanguozhi•Weishu•Huatuozhuan [Records of the Three Kingdoms•Book of Wei•Biographies of Fangshis and Artisans]. https://so.gushiwen.cn/shiwenv_ce03201460d9.aspx (accessed 6 May 2022). 28 Lequan Cui & Xuemei Zhang, Zhongguo Gudai Tiyu Sixiagnshi [An Intelletual History of Ancient Sport in China] (Beijing: Capital Normal University Press, 2008), 143–147.

Bibliography Ban, Gu et al. (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Weiqing Huoqubingzhuan [Book of Han•Record of Weiqing and Huo Qubing]. Accessed April 23, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FEB5FEF1B447B1473.aspx. Ban, Gu, et al. (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Huoqubingzhuan [Book of Han•Record of Huo Qubing]. Accessed April 25, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FEB5FEF1B447B1473.aspx. Ban, Gu, et al. (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Fuchang Zhenggan Chenduanzhuan [Book of Han•Record of Fuchang Zhenggan Chenduan]. Accessed April 20, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FF0DE37F4B5C85B98. aspx. Ban, Gu, et al. (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Wudi ji [Book of Han•Annals of Emperor Wu]. Accessed April 23, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4F85C64F1BA0459AD2.aspx. Ban, Gu, et al. (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Liguang Sujianzhuan [Book of Han• Record of Liguang Sujian]. Accessed April 20, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FB1ADE11D22C8EF3A.aspx. Ban, Gu, et al. (Han Dynasty) Hanshu•Yiwenzhi [Book of Han•Treatise on Arts and Letters]. Accessed April 20, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4FB412942E5E08B1C3.aspx. Chen, Shou. (Jin Dynasty). Sanguozhi•Weishu•Huatuozhuan [Records of the Three Kingdoms•Book of Wei•Biographies of Fangshis and Artisans]. Accessed May 6, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/shiwenv_ce03201460d9.aspx. Chinese Society for Sport History & Working Committee of History and Culture of the National Sports Commission. Zhongguo Gudai Tiyushi [Sport History in Ancient China]. Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 1990. Cui, Lequan. ‘Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi Di Si Ji’ [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport: Volume 1]. Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport]. Edited by Lequan Cui. Vol. 1. Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House of China, 2008. Cui, Lequan & Zhang, Xuemei. Zhongguo Gudai Tiyu Sixiagnshi [An Intelletual History of Ancient Sport in China]. Beijing: Shoudu Shifan Daxue Chubanshe [Capital Normal University Press], 2008. Editorial Boad of History of Chinese Civilization. Zhonghua Wenming Shihua- Tiyu [History of Chinese CivilizationSport]. Beijing: Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 2009. Fan, Ye. (Southern Dynasties). Houhanshu•Fangshu Liezhuan [Book of Later Han•Biographies of Alchemists]. Accessed May 6, 2022. https://so.gushiwen.cn/guwen/bookv_46653FD803893E4F4FC2296CC79D951F.aspx. Li, Jifang. Zhongguo Gudai Tiyushi Jianbian [A Brief Introduction to Sports History in Ancient China]. Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House of China, 1984. Liu, Bingguo. Zhongguo Gudai Tiyu Shihua [A History of Sports in Ancient China]. Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 1987. Liu, Xi. (Han Dynasty) Shiming•Shibing [Explanations of Names•Explanations of Weapons]. Beijing: Zhong Hua Book Company, 2020.

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Huang Fuhua and Wang Xiaoqi Liu, Xinjian & Zhang, Mingue. ‘Shandong Jvnan Faxian Handai Shique’ [Stone Door-stands of Han. Dynasty Found in Lvnan City of Shandong Province].’ Wenwu [Cultural Relics], 37, no. 5 (1965): 16–19. Shen, Shou. ‘Xihan Bohua ‘Daoyintu’ Kaobian.’ [Authentication on Painting of Daoyin]. Journal of Chengdu Sport University, 12, no. 1 (1989): 1–7. Tan, Hua & Liu, Chunyan. Tiyushi [Physical Education and Sport History]. Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2017. Yang, Hong. Zhongguo Bingqi Conglun [A Symposium of Weapons in Chinese History]. Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1980. Accessed May 18, 2022. https://kknews.cc/zh-sg/n/kklnrnq.html. Zhu, Xilu. ‘Jiaxiang Laowa Faxian Yipi Hanhuaxiangshi’ [Rock Paitings of Han Dynasty Found in Jiangxiang].’ Wenwu [Cultural Relics], 20, no. 5 (1982): 71–78.

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3 SPORTS IN THE TWO JIN AND THE SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN DYNASTIES Chen Xinhua

Introduction The period of the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties can be divided into the Western Jin Dynasty, the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the Sixteen Kingdoms Period, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties. The Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties began in 265 Common Era when Sima Yan, the son of Sima Zhao, abolished the Wei Emperor Cao Huan, and established the Western Jin Dynasty with Luoyang as its capital. It ended in 589 AD when Yang Jian seized the Northern Zhou Dynasty and established the Sui Dynasty. Although Sima Yan reunified China after usurping power from the Cao Wei Dynasty, the Western Jin Dynasty was a powerful and aristocratic regime. The ruling class was extremely corrupt and the monarch was fatuous. In addition, the Western Jin Dynasty implemented enfeoffment, and each king had great power. To seize the throne, he successively launched a war that came to be known as the famous ‘Eight Kings’ Rebellion’, which was one of the largest riots within the royal family in Chinese history. The turmoil lasted from 291 to 306, in which the many wars fought during this period had a devastating impact on the Western Jin regime, giving foreign enemies the opportunity to take advantage of the situation. Liu Yuan was a descendant of the Hun nobles who had been nationalized. He took advantage of the Eight Kings’ Rebellion to establish the Han State (later known as Former Zhao and Han Zhao). This further aggravated the turbulence of the Western Jin regime and became the main force that led to the destruction of the Western Jin Dynasty. Former Zhao invaded Luoyang in 311 AD and captured King Huai of Jin, which became known as the ‘Yongjia Rebellion’. This greatly weakened the power of the Western Jin Dynasty. In 317 AD, the army was launched to kill the last emperor of the Western Jin Dynasty, Sima Ye. It is recorded in the Book of Jin: ‘In the first month of the spring of the seventh year, Liu Cong held a meeting to make the emperor wear green clothes and drink. Yu Min, the clever and evil servant, cried loudly. Ding Wei, the emperor was killed and collapsed in Pingyang at the age of 30.1 This was a fatal blow that crushed the last straw of the crumbling Western Jin regime. At this point, the Western Jin Dynasty was destroyed. After the demise of the Western Jin Dynasty, China fell into turmoil replete with turbulence and disputes. At that time, many powerful nobles fled from the Western Jin to the south of the Yangtze River. In 317 AD, the Eastern Jin regime was established in the south, which it ruled for more than 100 years. At the same time, the Huns, Xianbei, Jie, Di, Qiang, and other ethnic minorities in the north, also DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-5

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established kingdoms, which came to be known as the ‘Sixteen Kingdoms’. There were many wars between these kingdoms as well as between them and the Eastern Jin Dynasty. The more than one hundred years of the Eastern Jin Sixteen Kingdoms period was a time of frequent regime changes and separatism in Chinese history. In 420, Liu Yu, the great general of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, captured the power of the Eastern Jin Dynasty and established the Song Dynasty, which set the stage for the Southern Dynasty. In 439, Tuobatao of the Northern Wei Dynasty destroyed the Northern Liang Dynasty. The Southern Dynasty included four Dynasties in the south: Song (Liu Song), Qi (Nan Qi), Liang (Xiao Liang), and Chen. The emperors were all Han people. The Northern Dynasty began with the unification of the Northern Wei Dynasty in the north, and later split into the Eastern Wei and the Western Wei Dynasties. Most of the monarchs were Xianbei people. This period is a history of North-South confrontation, which formed after the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the Sixteen Kingdoms Great Division, and a period of great integration of all ethnic groups in China. Therefore, the Two Jin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties was historically complex history. Under the condition of long-term division and confrontation between the north and the south, social and cultural development had presented unique characteristics. During this period, many changes had taken place in the economy and culture of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. As an important part of Chinese culture in this period, sports including the military skills, instrument sports, recreational sports, Folk Festival Games, and Health preservation and sports exhibited a special development trend.

The Development of the Military Skills Because of the long-term confrontation between the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, wars were inevitable. This greatly promoted the enhancement of military skills, which later became the cornerstone for the development and organisation of sports in early mediaeval China.

Archery In the more than 300 years in the Jin and Northern Dynasties, there were frequent wars and social unrest. Consequently, important military weapons vigorously developed. Soldiers diligently acquired archery skills and continued to improve on them. The special historical period of the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties produced several highly skilled archers. As a military training program for combat readiness, the level of skill for archery is mainly judged from two aspects: strength and accuracy. Only when these two indicators meet certain requirements will soldiers have the upper hand in battle. The strength of the bow determines how lethal the arrow can be. Thus, archers must demonstrate an ability to draw their bows while keeping them steady to ensure accuracy. Archery was also popular amongst the gentry, and often passed down from one generation to the next. Although the Jin and Northern Dynasties were an era of turmoil and division, it was an era of ideological liberation and individuality. Interestingly, the Chinese tradition that men are superior to women changed significantly during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Women became scholars, participated in politics, and some even led troops during this period, which led to the rise of a women’s archery movement (see Figure 3.1).

Instrument Sports The great national integration of the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties led to strategic changes in military equipment. Knives, swords, sticks, and other weaponry were produced in large quantities in the military. As an ancient weapon, the spear was widely used in war, and it was the main weapon that all soldiers trained with at that time. 24

Sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties

Figure 3.1

Horse Archery wall painting in the Jin Dynasty (Relics unearthed from Wei and Jin tombs at Gansu Province). 2

Source: ‘Ancient Sports in China’, China Sports Museum, Beijing.

Jiaoli(角力) is similar to wrestling. During the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties, influenced by the nomadic minorities in the north, wrestling (also known as ‘sumo’ and ‘patting’) was a popular sport with its competitive and entertainment value. Much like wrestling, Jiaoli (角力), also called Jiaodi (角抵), involves taking an opponent down without the use of weapons. Jiaodi was even taken up by emperors.

Wushu During the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the worship of Buddha arose and reached its peak in history. The ruling class constructed several temples, which promoted the practicing of martial arts by the monks. During this period, the style of martial arts practice by monks in Yecheng Temple, especially the martial arts of Songshan Shaolin Temple, formed the characteristics of Shaolin martial arts, which has been practiced to this day and is famous worldwide (see Figures 3.2 and 3.3).

The Development of Recreational Sports The advocating of instant gratification spread among the aristocrats during this period as sports developed and became popularized as entertainment. So that various recreational sports were popular at the time.

Dance During the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, several nomadic minorities migrated to the south, which created conditions for the integration of ethnic groups. The integration brought mutual 25

Chen Xinhua

Figure 3.2 Shaolin School Fist. 3

exchanges of various recreational sports. For example, the dances of various ethnic groups received a lot of attention in the Jin and the Northern Dynasties. The Northern Dynasties inherited the dances of the Han and Jin Dynasties, which brought the ethnic dances in the northwest to the Central Plains. The Southern Dynasty also introduced the northern ethnic dances, promoting the exchange and integration of various ethnic dances. Dance reached an unprecedented state of prosperity in the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties.

Touhu In the Two Jin and the Northern Dynasties, there was also a popular pitch-pot game that was played at banquets, in which the participants threw arrows into a pot. Touhu was developed from archery as an ancient scholarofficials banquet throwing game. In the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Touhu was also 26

Sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties

Figure 3.3

Wushu Manual. 4

Source: ‘Ancient Sports in China’, China Sports Museum, Beijing.

very popular, especially among the scholar-official class. During the banquet, there would be Touhu activities to add to the banquet. Moreover, as Touhu skills developed, the level of difficulty gradually increased. Some players threw pots through screens, some played with their eyes closed, and some added two ears to the pot, creating new patterns like ‘yi ear’, ‘piercing ear’, ‘inverted ear’, ‘even middle’, and ‘whole pot’ (see Figure 3.4).

Board Games During the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, a trend of timely pleasure emerged among the gentry where board games such as Weiqi, similar to chess, were popularized. The princes and literati 27

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Figure 3.4 The various formations of Touhu in Sima Guang’s New Style of Throwing a Pot (part). 5 Source: ‘Ancient Sports in China’, China Sports Museum, Beijing.

played Weiqi all night, without restraint. Even some Buddhist disciples who had entered the empty doors played. Under these circumstances, there were many Weiqi masters, including children. Weiqi had developed a quality system much like chess. In the ‘chess quality system’, the skills of chess players are divided into ‘nine products’. This system later spread to Japan, and it was developed into the ‘ninestage system’ being played today. Today, the 19 chess boards in Weiqi (now commonly referred to as Go) have been used since the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties (see Figure 3.5). In addition to Weiqi, elephant play, chess, Liubo and other board games were also popular. The chess games that appeared in the Han Dynasty were not as popular in the Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties. All emperors and ordinary people enjoyed playing these games, which can be said to have reached the heyday in the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties (see Figure 3.6). 28

Sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties

Figure 3.5

Go pieces made of stone in the Western Jin Dynasty. 6

Source: ‘Ancient Sports in China’, China Sports Museum, Beijing.

Figure 3.6

Six Museum mural tiles in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. 7

Source: ‘Ancient Sports in China’, China Sports Museum, Beijing.

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Folk Festival Games Dragon Boat Racing Dragon boat racing is a traditional Chinese festival. Before the Jin and Northern Dynasties, the dragon boat race was mainly a folk custom with a focus on the ritualization process. It was not until the Western Jin Dynasty that dragon boat racing became truly competitive.

Baixi Skills Baixi is a general name of ancient Chinese folk performing art, especially acrobatics. One hundred operas came into being during the Han Dynasty. In the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties, they were very rich in content, and they were also very popular forms of entertainment.

Climbing on the Double Ninth Festival The ancients thought that the Double Ninth Festival was an auspicious day. The ninth day of the ninth lunar month is the Double Ninth Festival, a traditional Chinese folk festival in mid-autumn, which is one of the most important festivals in the Jin and Northern Dynasties. The ancients believed that during the Double Ninth Festival, the weather fell and gas from the earth rose at the intersection of heaven and earth, where unhealthy air filled. To avoid contact with the unhealthy spirits, the ancients had to climb high mountains to evade the nine evil spirits. In addition, the Double Ninth Festival climbing was not only a festival, but also a fitness activity. The weather was generally cool during this time of year, perfect for climbing and looking far. People not only got physical exercise, but it also helped to relieve mental fatigue. Due to the establishment of the gate and valve system during the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the gentry had special privileges, and the atmosphere for visiting mountains and rivers was very positive. This provided the foundation for the further development of the Double Ninth Festival. From the emperor and his civil and military officials, down to the ordinary people, every Double Ninth Festival would climb high and look far.

Health Preservation and Sports Health preservation activities help to maintain wellbeing and longevity. During the Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties, the ruling class was decadent and intoxicated, which triggered the need for the development of healthy living habits.

Xiang Xiu’s Health Preservation Thought Xiang Xiu is one of the ‘Seven Sages of the Bamboo Forest’, who stated that ‘If it is true, when there is something, where is this person? Unseen. This theory of dangerous influence is not available at all.’ Based on this, he denied Ji Kang’s theory of immortality. He advocated the way of keeping in good health is with the natural environment, and criticized the health awareness of thousands of years, which had a profound impact on the development of health care of future generations.

Ge Hong’s Health Preservation Thought Ge Hong was a famous Taoist priest in the Jin Dynasty. He was a master of immortals and later practiced alchemy all his life. He had many works, one of the most famous, Bao Pu Zi, is one of his representative works. He researched various health methods. He believes Qigong can ‘make the life prolong’ (see Figure 3.7). 30

Sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties

Figure 3.7

The Shadow of Embracing Puzi. 8

Source: Ge Hong (葛洪) from the Jin Dynasty.

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Tao Hongjing’s Health Preservation Thought Tao Hongjing was a Taoist priest and medical scientist between Liang in the Southern Dynasty. At the time, Tao authored a book that compiled several health theories and methods. In the light of the ‘guide classics’, he also introduced many complete sets of dynamic work, such as seven potential guide, massage eight method, body movement eight potential and so on. He summed up the ‘health care’; that is, ‘One is to be mean, the other is to love qi, the third is to nourish the body, the fourth is to guide, the fifth is to speak, the sixth is to eat, the seventh is to room, the eighth is to fight against vulgarity, the ninth is to medicine, and the tenth is to taboo. In the past, justice can be sketchy.’ (‘一曰啬神，二曰爱气，三曰养形，四曰导引，五曰言语，六曰饮 食，七曰房室，八曰反俗，九曰医药，十曰禁忌。过此以往，义可略焉。 ’9） These are the essences of health care at that time. He is very good at keeping fit. In his ‘Health Preserving and Life Prolonging Record’, he compiled a series of guidance methods of predecessors, including pecking teeth, gargling saliva and saliva, grasping and fixing, and body movements. Hua Tuo’s ‘Wu Qin Xi / Five-animal Play’ compiled by him is the earliest extant written description of the movements of Hua Tuo’s Wu Qin Xi / Five-animal Play. Although this pithy formula was compiled by later generations, it played an important role in the promotion and popularization of Wu Qin Xi / Five-Animal Play. Therefore, Tao Hongjing played a pivotal role in promoting the development of traditional Chinese health preservation and thought.

Yan Zhitui’s Health Preservation Thought Yan Zhitui’s ‘Yan Family Instructions’ was widely circulated during that period, which specifically discussed the theory of health preservation. In ‘Health’, Yan Zhitui expressed his health proposition, namely: ‘from the establishment, put forward the not greedy, do not steal the health thought.’ He believed that as long as ‘love to nourish god, protect the breath, careful section up and lying, are suitable for cold, taboo food and drinking, bait drugs, hence its report’, will be ‘not for the dead’. These are the summary and affirmation of the correct way of health care.

Discussion and Analysis The rise and development of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties not only had a profound impact on all areas of the society at that time, but also had a noticeable impact on the development of sports in the later generations. Firstly, the influence of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties on the system of selecting officials in later generations. By the late Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the aristocratic families had gradually declined. At this time, the system of nine grades of middle-ranking officials could not continue. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, with the gradual political stability, the level of economic development was also unprecedented prosperity, and the people lived a stable life. In such a good social environment, the rulers began to formulate a new system of selecting officials and employing people, and created the imperial examination system that made a large number of commoners embark on the political road and offer advice for the development of the country. Secondly, the influence of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties on the leisure and entertainment activities of later generations. Hunting was an important means of military training in ancient society, and was often integrated with leisure and entertainment. It was a comprehensive sport to strengthen the body, entertain the body and mind, and stimulate the spirit, so it often became one of the cultural activities of literati. Thirdly, the influence of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties on the exchange of sports in later generations. 32

Sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties

During the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, the great transfer of population from the south to the north promoted the great integration of ethnic groups, which made the communication between the North and the South culture, including sports culture, increasingly close, especially between the Han people in the Central Plains and various ethnic minorities in the border areas. sports had become an important way of friendly exchanges between the two regimes at that time. The two sides had better achieve the purpose of mutual understanding and learning in the relaxed and pleasant environment of sports exchanges, laying a foundation for further exchanges and cooperation in the future. It was on this basis that the prosperity of sports in the Sui and Tang Dynasties was affected. Fourthly, the influence of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties on the poetry and literature of later generations. The sports of the literati in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties also had a great impact on the development of poetry and literature in later generations. In the thousands of years of Chinese civilization, Tang poetry and Song poetry are undoubtedly the two most brilliant pearls, reflecting the development of social politics, economy, culture, and other aspects at that time, from which we found a large number of sports themes. There are many Tang poetry and Song poetry related to sports, some of which reflect the theme of war, some of which reflect the theme of hunting, and some of which reflect the theme of leisure and entertainment, which can be said to be very rich, reflecting the pluralistic development of the sports in Tang and Song Dynasties under the influence of the sports in the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Fifthly. the influence of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties on the later women’s sports. Women in the Tang Dynasty took horse riding and sports as one of their leisure activities. Many female archers who were good at sports appeared. The development of this was not achieved overnight. The rapid development of sports in the Sui and Tang Dynasties could not be separated from the good foundation laid by the development of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties. It can even be said that the development of sports in the Sui and Tang Dynasties had been brewing in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Without the characteristic development of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, there would be no prosperous development of the sports in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The period of the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties was a period of prosperity of the aristocratic system, which provided a very important ideological basis and social background for the development of the sports. On the one hand, the martial spirit provided the necessary ideological basis for the development of the sports. On the other hand, the aristocratic system laid a social foundation for the development of the sports. At the same time, the rapid social turbulence during the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties provided a good opportunity for the development of the sports, and these factors have become an important driving force for the development of the sports. Driven by the education of the aristocratic families in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the sports flourished in the form of family style, family hall style, family discipline style, and family precepts style, which promoted the development of the sports in the Two Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties towards a characteristic path of development, brewed the rapid development of sports in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, and had a profound impact on the establishment of the system of selecting officials and employing personnel in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, especially the martial arts examination system. The level of sports was regarded as an important basis to measure the level of the martial arts examination, which also affected the literary creation of the Tang and Song Dynasties.

Conclusion The Two Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties (220 AD–589 AD) had frequent regime changes, splits, were full of suffering, and the era of the social unrest made the population migrate. This promoted 33

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the north and south cultural integration and promoted the development of sports; under the influence of the northern women, women were also gradually involved in southern sports and brought the rise of the women’s sports. The political turmoil and instability have brought about the rapid development of military sports, and there are many great heroes who were good at sports. Although the society was extremely unstable at this stage, recreational sports was still popular, and sports competition forms such as ‘banquet shooting’ and ‘gambling shooting’ became popular. Not only was the form of sports developed, but also sports had a profound influence on the content and form of social entertainment activities at that time. A very important feature of this period was the rise of family inheritance. Driven by the family education, the family sports developed vigorously, which promoted the development of sports. The sports in the North and South of the Jin Dynasties also stepped towards the road of characteristic development.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

(Tang) Fang Qiao, Jin Shu (A Book of Jin) (Yanji: Yanbian People’s Publishing House, 1995), 23. Cui Lequan, General History of Chinese Sports (Volume I) (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House, 2008). Cui Lequan, Illustration of Ancient Chinese Sports (Xi’an: World Book Publishing Xi’an Company, 2007), 63. Series Editorial Committee, The History of Sports in China (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 2010), 29. Cui Lequan, Illustration of Ancient Chinese Sports (Xi’an: World Book Publishing Xi’an Company, 2007), 206. Cui Lequan, Illustration of Ancient Chinese Sports (Xi’an: World Book Publishing Xi’an Company, 2007),159. Cui Lequan, Illustration of Ancient Chinese Sports (Xi’an: World Book Publishing Xi’an Company, 2007), 178. Series Editorial Committee, The History of Sports in China (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 2010), 11. Cui Lequan, General History of Chinese Sports (Volume I) (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House, 2008), 279.

Bibliography (Tang Dynasty)Fang, Xuanling. Jin Shu. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1974. (Northern Song Dynasty)Guang, Sima. Zizhi Tongjian. Beijing: Contemporary China Press, 2001. Huikang, Zhang. Three Kingdoms. Beijing: Huaxia Publishing House, 2011. (Tang Dynasty)Li, Baiyao. Beiqishu. Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 1995. Li, Guohua. Collection of Chinese Classical Sports Literature. Xi’an: Sanqin Publishing Society, 2008. (Tang Dynasty)Li, Linfu. Tang Liudian Shangshu Military Department. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1992. (Tang Dynasty)Li, Yanshou. Northern History. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1974. (Tang Dynasty)Li, Yanshou. Southern History. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1975. (Southern Song Dynasty)Liu Yiqing. Shishuoxinyu. Shenyang: Wanjuan Publishing Company, 2009. (Jin)Lu, Xuan, et al. Compilation, Proofreading and Annotation of Yedu Lost Records. Zhengzhou: Zhengzhou Ancient Books Press, 1996. Ma, Maoyuan. Three Hundred New Tang Poems. Changsha: Yuelu Publishing House, 1992. (Northern Qi Dynasty)Wei, Shou. Wei Shu. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1974. Xiao, Guangqian. Complete Works of Xiao Difei and Du Fu Studies (Part II). Harbin: Heilong Jiang Education Press, 2006. (Northern Qi Dynasty)Yan, Zhitui. Yan Family Instructions. Changsha: Yuelu Publishing House, 1999. (Tang Dynasty)Yao, Silian. Chen Shu. Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 1995. Zhiying, Zhang. Complete Appreciation of Tang and Song Poems. Beijing: China Textile Press, 2011.

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4 SPORTS, PHYSICAL ACTIVITY, AND HEALTH IN SUI, TANG, AND FIVE DYNASTIES AND TEN KINGDOMS PERIOD (581–979) Gong He

Introduction This chapter describes the development of sports, physical activity, and health sports in the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. The author proposes that sports, as a product of culture, has been influenced by or benefited from the development of the political institutions and policies, economy, culture, philosophy, and foreign exchanges during that time. As a result, the development of sports during the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms has been realized in the following aspects: firstly, the progress of military martial arts; secondly, the revival of physical education; thirdly, the development of healthy sports; fourthly, the prosperity of ball games, the progress of chess activities, and the prevalence of pots pitching; fifth, the diversified development of folk sports activities; and finally, the prosperity of sports exchanges between China and foreign countries. The conclusion points out that the development of sports, physical activities, and health sports is inseparable from political clarity, economic prosperity, diversity of non-governmental activities, and frequent foreign exchanges.

The Development of Military Martial Arts Martial arts made considerable development during this era, which stretched between 581 to 979. For example, Cui (2008:316) mentions that military institutional evolution was the prelude to the development of Chinese traditional martial arts and sports.1

Fubing or Fuping (府兵制) Military System The Fubing military system implemented in the Sui and Tang Dynasties facilitated the development of martial arts among civilians. This institutional change provided not only sufficient soldiers from farmers but also alleviated the central government’s financial sponsorship, to a certain extent prompting the “Kaiyuan Prosperity.”2 Sui and Tang China had become the most powerful country in the world by the early seventh century. However, with the land merger, numerous farmers lost their land and the root of the Fubing system faded, with the semi- and professional solid system such as the Bingmu system,3 To some extent, the soldiers’ had low combat effectiveness, but this system also created DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-6

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warlords, which led to the clash of the Tang Dynasty. The Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period was the prelude to new split-ups.

The Development of the Archery Theories and Practices Threatened by the Northern Minorities such as Huns and Turkic, archery became the most effective weapon and skill adored by Sui and Tang emperors and general civilians. Sui and Tang emperors always rewarded generals who could practice excellent archery skills—especially during the banquets for the Hans and Turkic envoys. According to Suishu Cuipeng Biography, General Cuipeng showed exceptional shooting skills with archery. The envoys showed their astonishment and admiration, and Emperor Yangjian rewarded Cui Peng with ten thousand wushu money.4 Besides the aristocratic strata, it is typical for the shooting apprenticeship with archery among the grassroot stratification. Wang Lingzhi learnt shooting skills from Du Juno, who was the shooting master.5 As for the types of bows, the soldier book from Tangshu mentioned that the Fubing system divided specific archery soldiers based on their weaponry. Under the construction of archery soldiers, four specific archeries were facilitated with different forms of soldiers, and the cavalry used a horn bow; the longbow was armed with the infantry. At the same time, the Shao bow and Ge bow were specially armed by the Janitor. Compared with the bow, the crossbow was a more efficient killing weapon but with slow shooting frequency; therefore, among the wars between Huns and Tang, the bow was more equipped with troops.6 As for the theoretical development of archery, there were three books specifically designed for archery. However, two of those were lost due to the long history and improper preservation. However, the rest of Wang Ju’s book, She Jing, was still impressive with rich shooting skills such as shooting positions, physical coordination, and bow preservation.7 This book won the admiration of the following generations and retained a unique reputation in the archery world.

Sword and Sword Dancing Although the sword was a lethal weapon used for self-defence and close battles, it was endowed with specific cultural meanings during the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. Firstly, the sword was regarded as the symbol of social status. After the reunification of Emperor Suiwen, he promoted a new emperor clothing ritual by decorating with a sword. The decoration of the sword reflected the social stratification at that time. In other words, the higher the status, the more decoration and the more expensive the sword. The general civilian has no right to wear the decorated sword.8 Beyond the aristocracy, wearing swords also prevailed among the lower social ranks. Cefu Yuangui recorded that normal herds usually wore swords for self-protection and practices.9 During the prosperity of the Sui and Tang, the social atmosphere adored the equal importance of civil and military services. Influenced by this atmosphere, numerous literati joined the army to protect the country from the Huns and Kuntics. There were a considerable number of poems describing this social atmosphere. For example, Du Yan, in his poem, says that Reading Confucian books and practising swords make people feel fulfilled. So, we cultivate ourselves and then retrieve the lost Qinguan (border) from the Huns.10 The adoration of swords during the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms were also reflected in the culture creation. The practising sword was embedded into the calligraphy creations and paintings. Tang Kaiyuan era (713–742) painter Wu Daozi and calligrapher Zhang Xu watched the general and sword master Pei Wen, who demonstrated sword play at a restaurant, which inspired Wu to paint the scene, whereas Zhang Xu posted an original poem on the wall. This event drew hundreds of thousands of 36

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people to flock to this restaurant.11 The painting and calligraphies were embedded with sword gestures adored by people from all social levels. While, compared with the form mentioned, the General Peiwen’s sword was practised focusing on killing enemies and protecting himself. The sword dancing merged dancing skills into the sword practices admired by all Sui and Tang civilians. The most famous sword dancer was Tang Gongsun Daniang, who served with one of the musical organisations during the Tang Xuanzong Li Longji era. She was famous because of her fascinating sword dancing. Dufu admired that Once, Gongsun Danang was gorgeous, and her fantastic dancing impressed all the Chang’an people.12 Practising the sword was also popular during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. Sword plays at that time were not only treated as weapons but also as art collections and killing practices. Wang Shi was famous for its sword forging skills; even the chief from the minority Chan was aware of this brand.13 The Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms were chaotic, with various landlords fighting each other. Sword skills were regarded as living practices for killing. Then landlords award highly for the soldier who can practice swords well. From the New Five Dynasties, Yuan Xingqing Biography and Yan Xingqing had extraordinary sword skills, and killed one enemy chef in the enemy troops.14

Long Weapon, and the Application Development of Striking Weapons Besides the short weapons, long weapons experienced tremendous development in Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. Numerous generals emerged, such as Qin Qiong and Cheng Yaojin, who can practice Qiang well.15 This era witnessed the development of new striking weapons such as a hammer and iron whip, which required which required long-term practice to achieve mastery. While once mastering the technique, it was comparatively highly efficienct for killing enemies with a hammer and iron whip.

The Folk Martial Arts The prominence of folk martial arts can be represented as Jiao-Di (角抵) and Xiang Pu (相扑), as well as emerging martial monks.

The Emerging of Martial Monks Despite the early prohibition by Emperor North Zhou Wu, the emergence of many Buddhism monks was attributed to the strong advocation of Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms emperors. There were explicitly designed martial monk positions, and martial arts were practised daily by numerous martial monks in the Buddhism temples. Famous historical anecdotes and heroic deeds of the martial monks were recorded by temples Steles and official records or passed down as the sagas from generation to generation—one of the most representative would be Pei Cui’s Song Yue Shaolin Temple Stele Record.16 It depicts the story of Shaolin Martial monks Seng Zhicao and others who helped Li Shimin defeat other warlords and ascend the throne. This historical record was romanticised and evolved into sagas in folk legend. Afterwards, it was a unique phenomenon that Marital Monks became the soldiers in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Numerous famous Buddhism monks were practising martial arts, and some of them won the title for the general. In short, before establishing the Dynasties, the social chaos stimulated the rise of martial arts among the folks’ group. Before converting into Buddhism, monks had practised martial arts for 37

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self-defensive and protected personal prosperities. Due to the preferential policies, there flocked many Buddhism monks. Martial Monks emerged to protect the temple properties.

The Revival of Physical Education Officers received credentials through their participation in the Wuju exams.17 Cui (2008) claims that ever since Emperor Wu Zetian the second year of Chang’an, the Wuju became an routinized recruitment for officials paralleled with the Keju. This separated military from civil, forming the opposite idea that literati do not do martial arts, and the military officers barely have literature. However, the military examination improved the status of the people who excelled in martial arts. This institution inspired the spirit of martial arts, which led some children and adolescents to have another educated dysmenorrhea. This is beneficial to weakening the ideology of over-emphasising literati over martial arts and strengthening the physical fitness of some young people.18 After the Tang Dynasty, the Martial Arts Examinations began to recruit officers. It has strongly promoted rapid development of martial arts activities among the folk group, which has positive influences for promoting the progress of social life and improving the level of martial arts at grassroots and military skills. Meanwhile, these martial arts practitioners from all over the countries were transferred to various military positions after being appointed officials. This in turn prompted the exchange and improvement of martial arts countrywide.

The Development of Health Sports Health sports contribute to psychological, sedentary, diet, and daily healthy awareness mechanisms to cultivate healthy bodies. According to Liang et al. (1984), the health preservation was more sedentary, contemplating on solidarity.19 Sun Simiao’s Prescriptions Worth Thousand Golden for Emergencies (千金要方)，suggests cultivating (养性) one’s temperament to make a peaceful mood and healthy body. Besides the cultivation of temperament, Sun Simiao also laid the foundation for the diet regimen in China. He suggests that diet is essential to preventing disease. He describes 155 foods, categorising that food into four groups: staple, vegetables, fruit, birds, and animals. Furthermore, Sun Simiao distinguished each food’s effects, indications, and taboos by explicitly describing their characteristics. He discussed a considerable combination of food, eating methods, and four-season eating taboos in terms of food hygiene. In addition to food hygiene, Sun Simiao also discussed sexual hygiene. He suggests that people should not indulge in sexual desire. He also emphasised that it is unsuitable for sexual intercourse during the illness, women’s period, puerperia. Sun Simiao also valued maternal and child health highly. He claimed that health preservation depends on the habits formed during childhood. This is vitally important for one’s health in adulthood and longevity. Sun synthesized the routinised guidance in their daily lives. When practising guidance, he also introduced ancient Indian healthy guidance into China.20 The physicians were aided by Taoists such as Sima Shenzhen, Han Zhongli, and Lu Dongbin, and Buddhists like Zhi Kai philosophies21 contributed considerably to the development of traditional Chinese health preservation in different methods which proved to be profoundly influential for the future Song, Yuan, and Qing Dynasties.

The Popularity of Ball Games Aristocratic strata and military troops adored Polo compared with the Cuju. Polo requires high coordination of men and horses. Only after long-term preparation could participants harness the polo 38

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techniques. As the emperors emphasised the importance of cavalry, Polo was routinely practised by the emperors’ troops.

The Progress of Chess Activities and Prevalence of Pitching The chess activities were further developed during this time, evidently known as Go, Chinese chess. Go was derived from Qin and Han Dynasties, while it was further developed at this time. For one thing, Go was practised and adored by people from all classes and genders. Go was admired by the emperor, aristocracy, and literati classes. For another thing, the theory and practice of have undergone considerable development. Thirty-two 32 terminologies of Go moves were developed and are still in use today. Besides Go, the various strategic board games were popular among the folk groups such as Chupu, Shuanglu, Danqi, and traditional Chinese chess. With the extended division between civil and military officers, the pot pitching game emerged by compensating the literati strata’s incapability in riding and shooting. At the same time, they had to inherit the gift of their ancestors, and the literati and civil officers, therefore, used pots instead of targets, and zhe or sticks to replace the arrows and to cast to replace the shooting. In this way, the pots pitching games emerged.

The Diversified Folks’ Sports Activities The diversified acrobatics and other folks’ sports activities during the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms were rich in content and diverse forms. There were diversified types of troupes in “The Music of Sui Shu” such as rope troupe, Pole troupe, Xia Yu carrying the tripod, etc., in the Tang Dynasty, the forms and types had been extended; for example, the wood trick, the cup and plate trick, the stilt trick, and the ling trick. According to “Old Tang Book Music History”, there were not only traditional Chinese technical entertainment programmes in acrobatics and other folks’ sports activities. It also witnessed content imported from surrounding areas or foreign countries introduced during the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties. The various operas included Xunqi, Rope skill, simulated Beasts and Taming Beasts, Cheng li, Maru Sword, and Jiu-Jitsu.22

The Prosperity of Sports Exchange between China and Foreign Countries After the Han Dynasty, the Sui and Tang Dynasties were an era of grand unification. The unity of the country and the vast territory provided more convenient conditions for cultural exchanges between China and foreign countries in this era. More than three hundred countries and regions were interacting with the Tang kingdom during the Tang Dynasty alone. Among these countries and regions, the East Asian region represented by Japan and North Korea, and the South Asian region represented by India have all played an active role in the exchange of sports culture, all of those were forming an active situation of further exchanges and integration of Chinese and foreign sports activities. The sports exchanges between ancient China and Japan reached a climax during the Sui and Tang Dynasties, which profoundly impacted the two counties, especially on ancient sports in Japan. The powerful and prosperous Sui and Tang Dynasties attracted ancient Japan. Then ancient Japanese sent its princes, ambassadors, monks, and literati to learn Chinese political, cultural, and economic institutions—sports was one of the critical culture components brought into ancient Japan. Chinese sports were adored by Japanese people and practised on different social occasions and festivals. Some of those sports, like archery, pot shooting, and Go, were adapted to Japanese native culture and evolved to its sports. As a result, there emerged considerable high-profile sports experts in Japanese history. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the three countries on the Korean peninsula were Goguryeo, Silla, and Baekje. Their culture was considerably developed. However, the wars between the Tang Dynasty and 39

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the Goguryeo affected the normal mutual relationship between ancient China and Korea. In 668, when Goguryeo fell, Silla unified the Korean Peninsula. The relationship between Tang Dynasty and Silla was on the right track, with the economic and cultural exchanges, and then sports exchanges became more frequent. Ancient Korean music and dancing had been brought into China and adored by Chinese emperors as early as the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Besides musicals and dancing, sports culture exchanges also extended into acrobatics, martial arts, and health preservations. Since the second half of the seven centuries, India has been in a state of long-term division, divided into the east, west, south, north, and middle Tianzhu five parts, each of which has a close relationship with China. As a result, sports and cultural forms, including dance, guided massage, yoga, and health, have become essential for cultural exchanges between Tianzhu and Sui and Tang Dynasties. Tianzhu music is a representative singing and dancing type in South Asia, India, and other places. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, Tianzhu music was also a basic form of cultural exchange with Buddhism as a link. The Tianzhu music introduced from India to the Central Plains is of the Jiubu music of the Sui Dynasty and the Shibu music of the Tang Dynasty. The delicate dance that prevailed in the Tang Dynasty also included the part of Indian dance. In addition to introducing Indian dances to the Central Plains, the Central Plains dances in the Sui and Tang Dynasties were also introduced to India and cultural exchanges. Guided massage is a kind of health-preserving method unique to India. As early as the Tang Dynasty, this form of fitness was gradually introduced to China with the introduction of Buddhism. Taoist and Physician Sun Simiao quoted the 18th style of Tianzhu massage Brahman method. In addition, the rulers of the Tang Dynasty believed in Buddhism and longevity, which created conditions for Indian alchemists to teach longevity in China. In addition to health preservation, many acrobatics and tricks were brought to ancient China. For example, Brahman skills, which refers to a program, but a system, with music, dance, illusion, and burlesque.

Conclusion Chinese traditional sports, physical activity, and health sport in Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdom period (581–979) experienced extraordinary developments. Domestically, the prosperous and unified kingdoms of the Sui and Tang established correspondingly military, economic and political institutions and peaceful foundations for developing Chinese traditional martial arts, folk sports activities, and health sports. Externally, on the one hand, with the military threatening from the minority ethnical groups in the north, martial arts–related combat skills and weapons were advocated by emperors and therefore they were becoming popular among the aristocracy and grassroots. On the other hand, the powerful and prosperous Sui and Tang Dynasties attracted neighbours like ancient Japan, Korea, and India’s admirations. With increasing in-depth sports culture communications, not only had sporting and physical and health sports spread to those countries, but also the foreign sportsrelated culture infiltrated into Chinese traditional sports culture. The new split of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms accelerated the sporting cultural exchanges between the majority of Han nationality and minority ethnical groups. The prominent features of ancient martial arts, physical activities, and health sports have had profound influences on the development of Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties.

Notes 1 Lequan Cui and Xiangdong Yang, The History of Sport in China (Beijing: Renmin Sports Press, 2008), 316. 2 Shih-heng, ‘Hsi Wei Fu-ping Shih Lun [On the History of Western Wei Dynasty Fu-ping System]’, Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica (1987), 3.

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Sports, Physical Activity and Health during 581–979 3 The Bingmu system was an alternative system which replaced Fu-ping. Zetian Wu implemented this system to solve the insufficient soldiers’ resources. The soldiers in the Bingmu system came from the farmers with land, and the emperor recruited the farmers with food and money for the war and garrison. Whereas the wealthy elites were exempted from conscription with money, the soldier then became semi-professional and professional. 4 A book chapter records general Cuipeng’s biography. Suishu is a history book about the Sui Dynasty. 5 Alimov Igor A, ‘Tai-ping Guangji’: Motives Related to the Dead Souls. Manuscripta Orientalia. International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 15, no. 1 (2009): 53–65. 6 Ouyang Xiu, Fan Zheng, Song Qi and Lu Xiaqing, Xin Tang Shu [Bingzhi-New Book of Tang] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006), 156–157. 7 Lorge Peter, A History of Chinese Martial Arts. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). 8 Lequan Cui and Xiangdong Yang, The History of Sport in China. (Beijing: Renmin Sports Press, 2008), 321. 9 Baochun Liu, ‘The Influence of Halinbianlue on Ancient Chinese Encyclopaedias’, Library and Information Service 54, no. 11 (2010): 136. 10 Broadwell, Peter, Jack W. Chen, and David Shepard, ‘Reading the Quan Tang Shi: Literary History, Topic Modeling, Divergence Measures’, Digital Humanities Quarterly 13, no. 4 (2019): 1345–1346. 11 Guye Zhang, ‘Lun Xintangshu Yiwenzhi de Shiliao Laiyuan [Discussion the Historical Sources of New Book of Tang Yiwen Biography]’, Journal of Jilin University (Social Science Edition), no. 2(1998): 87–90. 12 Stephen Owen, The Poetry of Du Fu (Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton-Library of Chinese Humanities, 2015), 1343–1344. 13 Ibid. 14 Ouyang Xiu, Fan Zheng, Song Qi and Lu Xiaqing, Xin Tang Shu [Bingzhi-New Book of Tang] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006), 121–125. 15 Xu Liu, Qin Shubao Zhuan Jiu Tangshu [Biography of Qinshubao The Old Book of Tang] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1975), 1412–1413. 16 Shahar Meir, ‘Epigraphy, Buddhist Historiography, and Fighting Monks: The Case of The Shaolin Monastery’, Asia Major (2000), 15–36. 17 The purpose of Wuju or the Military examination was to choose military talents. The chosen people were called Wu Juren, and the first rank was nominated as Wu zhuangyuan. A Civil examination or KeJu followed this nomination. 18 Lequan Cui and Xiangdong Yang, The History of Sport in China (Beijing: Renmin Sports Press, 2008), 343–465. 19 Yan Liang, Abdulbaset M. Salim, Wendy Wu and Paul E. Kilgore, ‘Chao Yuanfang: Imperial Physician of the Sui Dynasty and an Early Pertussis observer?’, Open Forum Infectious Diseases 3, no. 1 (2016): 1–9. 20 Min Li and Yongxuan Liang, ‘Sun Simiao, Super Physician of the Tang Dynasty’, Journal of Traditional Chinese Medical Sciences 2, no. 2 (2015): 69–70. 21 J.T. Glower, ‘The Unlikely Buddhologist: Tiantai Buddhism’, in Zongsan Mou, eds., New Confucianism (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 62–71. 22 Lequan Cui and Xiangdong Yang, The History of Sport in China (Beijing: Renmin Sports Press, 2008), 321.

Bibliography Alimov, I. ‘Tai-ping Guangji [Motives Related to the Dead Souls].’ International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 15, no. 1 (2009): 53–65. Broadwell, P., Chen, J. W. and Shepard, D. ‘Reading the Quan Tang Shi: Literary History, Topic Modeling, Divergence Measures.’ Digital Humanities Quarterly 13, no. 4 (2019): 1–25. Cui, Lequan and Yang, Xiangdong. The History of Sport in China. Beijing: Renmin Sports Press, 2008. Glower, J.T. ‘The Unlikely Buddhologist: Tiantai Buddhism’, in Zongsan Mou, eds., New Confucianism. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Li, Min and Liang, Yongxuan. ‘Sun Simiao, Super Physician of the Tang Dynasty.’ Journal of Traditional Chinese Medical Sciences 2, no. 2 (2015): 69–70. Liang, Y., Salim, A.M., Wu, W. and Kilgore, P.E. ‘Chao Yuanfang: Imperial Physician of the Sui Dynasty and an Early Pertussis Observer?.’ Open Forum Infectious Diseases 3, no. 1 (2016): 1–3. Liu, Baochun. ‘The Influence of Halinbianlue on Ancient Chinese Encyclopaedias.’ Library and Information Service 54, no. 11 (2010): 136. Liu, Xu. “Qin Shubao Zhuan” Jiu Tangshu.’ [Biography of Qinshubao, The Old Book of Tang]. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1975. Owen, Stephen. The Poetry of Du Fu. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton-Library of Chinese Humanities, 2015.

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Gong He Peter, L. A History of Chinese Martial Arts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Shahar, M. ‘Epigraphy, Buddhist Historiography, and Fighting Monks: The Case of the Shaolin Monastery.’ Asia Major, 13, no. 2 (2000): 15–36. Shih, H. ‘Hsi Wei Fu-ping Shih Lun [On the History of Western Wei Dynasty Fu-ping System].’ Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 31, no. 5 (1987): 3. Xiu, Ouyang, Fan, Zheng, Song, Qi and Lu, Xiaqing. Xin Tang Shu [Bingzhi-New Book of Tang]. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006. Zhang, Guye. ‘Lun Xintangshu Yiwenzhi de Shiliao Laiyuan’[Discussion the Historical Sources of New Book of Tang Yien Biography].’ Journal of Jilin University (Social Science Edition), 11, no. 2 (1998): 87–90.

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5 SPORTS DEVELOPMENT IN SONG AND YUAN DYNASTIES (960–1368) Liu Xinran

Introduction The Song Dynasty lasted for 319 years in Chinese history, with the Northern Song from 960 to 1127 and the Southern Song from 1127 to 1279. The Song had endured a long war with the northern people, and therefore had placed great importance in enhancing military development and martial skills. The Song army adopted a recruitment system in selecting soldiers through martial examination, employing uniformed military training methods, and criteria of assessment. This was reflected in the further standardization and systemization of the development of military martial skills. This period under the military martial skills also witnessed the diversification of weaponry and martial arts. The Song Dynasty also witnessed a period of economic and commercial prosperity, which promoted the urban society and civic class to seek more leisure lives. Therefore, there began an emergence of exercise and entertainment in urban areas of the Song empire. Washe and Goulan were areas designated especially for recreation, which enhanced Chinese life-nurturing arts to further develop during this period. The Yuan Dynasty was established by Zhu Yuanzhang in 1271, which later conquered the Southern Song empire in 1279. The Mongolians were proficient on horseback and their armies were well known for their archery skills. In ruling China, the Mongolians actively absorbed and later promoted cultures of the Han people during their reign, and entrenched Confucianism as the dominant philosophical thought. Apart from the Han culture, the Mongolians also developed their own culture and those of other ethnic minorities of that time, such as the Hui. During the Yuan Dynasty, various talents had the opportunity to get acknowledged and promoted. The integration of military and sports development also reflected the martial spirit of the Mongolians.

The Development of Military Martial Skills The rulers of Song placed great emphasis on military training and martial skills. For instance, Zhao Kuangyin set out to strengthen his armies through military training in person shortly after being enthroned as Emperor Taizu of Song. Zhao Zhen (Emperor Renzong of Song) and Zhao Xu (Emperor Shenzong of Zhao) undertook several military training reformations to regulate training methods, martial forms, and weapons. The armies of the Song Dynasty not only included uniformed military training codes, but also assessment criteria. Combat skills of both attacking and defense as well as military martial skills such as bow and arrow, crossbow, and saber and spear, were part of the key training program in the Song armies. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-7

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The military martial arts were also conducted as a type of performance by the Song armies, which contained both individual and paired combat, using weapons such as the Duanbin (a short weapon) and Changbing (a long weapon). In particular, these performances had developed into distinct martial arts forms, which had far-reaching influence afterwards. Military marital skills were also adopted among the unofficial troops throughout the Song Empire. The ruling class often selected soldiers from these unofficial troops, from which many famous Song generals came, such as military General Yue Fei. During the reign of Emperor Renzong (1010–1063), Imperial Martial Examinations were re-organized in China. In contrast with the former Tang Dynasty, the Imperial Martial Examinations increased military strategies in the exams during the Song Dynasty. Several types of weapons requiring skilled qualification were produced; the saber and the spear, for example, were the most prominent weapons used, and a number of military heroes were recorded using these during the Song Dynasty.

Ball Games Cuju is a type of ball game played during the Song Dynasty based on earlier forms played during the Tang Dynasty. While the game involved passing and catching the ball, the version played during the Song Dynasty was kicking instead of throwing the ball into the goal post, instead of throwing the ball into the goal post. Cuju was very popular in the palace of the Song Dynasty, and women were allowed to take part in the game. Some officials were promoted for their advanced of Cuju skills. For instance, Emperor Huizong of Song was fond of Cuju and his prime minister was quite skilled at playing it. However, players tended to use individual skills that lacked competitiveness, which resulted in a gradual decline of popularity of the game. Polo was another popular sport, second to Cuju in the Song Dynasty. In this period, there were two goalposts in the polo game, and an emphasis was placed on the rites. Regulations on the field, facilities, and rules were much clearer than those in the Tang Dynasty. The game was initially played mainly by the upper classes or in the armies, and later spread into the folk society.1 Since the middle Song Dynasty, Polo began to decline because the role of cavalryman troops was given away. Chuiwan dates back to the Tang Dynasty, which was popular with women in the Song Dynasty. Chuiwan Teaties (丸经) has detailed many records about Chuiwan of the Song people: the ball was made of bamboo, where 3–10 people divided into two teams competed in the game by using a stick to hit the ball into a hole. Ball teaties also highlighted that playing Chuiwan would stengthen people’s mind.2 Besides Cuju, Polo, and Chuiwan, there were also other popular ball games. Jiaoqiu (角球), which was made of bone and was played by children. Paoqiu (抛球) was a soft and light ball that was also popular in this period. Shuiqiu (水球), which is different from the form of its modern day, was played by throwing the ball farther distances.

Board Games Weiqi was the most popular board game played by all social classes in the Song Dynasty, which included amateur and professional players. The professional players generally commanded a very high level of skills. The Collection of the Carefree and Innocent Pastime (忘忧清乐集) is the only works on Weiqi of the Song Dynasty left to date. It contains 13 articles of the Northern Song and four articles of the Southern Song on Weiqi skills, which played a significant role in the history of Chinese Weiqi. Xiangqi was widely played among the upper class as well as ordinary people in the Song Dynasty. In this period, Xiangqi took its modern-day shape, most prominently reflected by its use of 32 pieces. The significant development of Xiangqi in the Song Dynasty contributed to the development of military strategies during that period. In addition, other variants of Chinese Xiangqi were invented during the Song Dynasty, which also laid a solid foundation for the development of modern forms of Chinese Xiangqi. 44

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Shuanglu become one of the most popular board games in the Northern Song Dynasty. At that time, most inns of northern China had set up Shuanglu games for their guest. According to Pushuang (谱双), there were many types and rules of Shuanglu in the Song Dynasty. Pushuang reckoned that Shuanglu was introduced to China from other countries. In the Song Dynasty, Touhu was very popular board game played among people in the upper class. Sima Guang, a Song historian, politician, and writer, loved to play Touhu. He endured to reform the game to make the rites of Touhu conformed to those of the feudal ethical code, through which he wished to consolidate his reign. In his works Touhu Xinge, he stressed that Touhu is a way of moral building. He also regulated the competition rules and awards of Touhu and often organized Touhu competition when he served his guests.3 Apart from Sima Guang, Yue Fei was also said to be fond of playing Touhu. These records suggest that Touhu was very popular amongst the elite during the Song Dynasty.

Physical Education in Schools As a result of the long war with the northern people, the Song rulers greatly valued military training and set up special military schools. In these schools, military skills played a significant role in the military training programs, followed by governing strategies. Therefore, the students in the military schools of the Song Dynasty were required to demonstrate strong military martial skills, particularly horseback and archery skills. In the Song Dynasty, the earliest military school was set up in 1043, but it was abolished in 5 months. The next military school was set up in 1072, which continued to run for several years.4 Physical education was not only conducted in military schools, but also in the National Academy of the Song Empire. For instance, it was advocated that students should practice archery, Touhu or other games, to avert sedentariness. During the reign of Emperor Xiaozong of the Southern Song, the students of the National Academy were sent to practice archery until they passed the archery examination.5 However, the rise of Neo-Confucianism as a mainstream philosophical thought in the Song Dynasty led to a decline in the development of physical education in military schools and the National Academy. This was attributed to Neo-Confucianist emphasis on balanced rest and recuperation following intensive physical training. Nevertheless, this philosophical transformation paved the way for the development of life-nurturing arts in the Song Dynasty.

The Development of Life-Nurturing Arts Sitting Qigong was a type of popular physical exercise and art form that drew upon Neo-Confucianism of the late Song Dynasty and the Taoists’ life-extending methods. Sitting Qigong movements placed more emphasis on quietness through bodily movements. Different sitting postures were included in Sitting Qigong, each posture representing each breath, and all routes aimed at promoting good health. Chen Xiyi was one of the most notable Taoist life-nurturing masters, who composed a set of Sitting Qigong methods. His Sitting Qigong included 24 postures according to 24 solar terms of the Chinese lunisolar calendar. Practicing each posture is believed to cure one or more types of illnesses by its practitioners. But the health effects of Sitting Qigong were often scrutinized by scholars. Other life-nurturing art forms, such as the Xiaolaoshu (小劳术), were also practiced during the Song Dynasty.6 Moreover, Baduanjin Qigong (八段锦) was formed and gained popularity in the Song Empire. Baduanjin combined Daoyin and the theories of Chinese medicine, internal breathing exercise, and external body movements. In comparison to Sitting Qigong and Xiaolaoshu (小劳术), the effects of Baduanjin were highly praised by those from the Song Dynasty and continued to the present day. During the Song Dynasty, the theorization of Chinese life-nurturing arts gradually developed as several literati practiced them. These literati included Zhang Junfang, Tao Hongjing, Sun Simiao, and the two others, the most notable being Su Shi and Lu You. Su Shi has summarized his own life-nurturing theory in 45

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dealing with mood, sleeping, exercise, and diet; while Lu You argues that good habit is the most important factor in nurturing a healthy life.

Other Sports Jiaodi, a type of wrestling, continued to be one of the most welcomed sports by those from the palace of Song to the folk society. According to Menglianglu (梦梁录), the palace of Song had a Jiaodi team of more than 120 wrestlers. Outside the palace, ordinary people made up their Jiaodi team as well. From the celebrating events in the palace to the folk festival activities, Jiaodi remained one of the indispensable sports, and the winners of Jiaodi competitions were awarded generously. In Records of Wrestling (角力记), Menglianglu also writes that the Jiaodi societies invited elite wrestlers to compete every spring in big cities, attracting large audiences, and the competitions lasted for several months. In addition, there were also female Jiaodi wrestlers in the Song Empire, many of which became quite famous during this period.7 Most of the rules of the Song Dynasty took naval training into account, in particular, during the reign of Emperor Tazu and Emperor Taizong of Song.8 Therefore, several old and new water sports were undertaken during the military training. According to The Eastern Capital: A Dream of Splendor (东京梦华 录), the most popular water sport at that time was boat racing, and the soldiers often competed by diving off the sterns of racing boats as well. These water sports were highly popular in the Southern Song Dynasty, as described in Menglianglu. With the rapid economic and commercial development of the Song Empire, there emerged some entertainment centers called Washe or Goulan in the urban centers. Activities included acting shows, novel readings, and other sideshows, including sporting activities such as Jiaodi, Cuju, and archery. In sum, the special sporting and entertainment centers that emerged during the Song Dynasty, and the societies that participated in them, highlight the exceptional economic development and prosperity of that time.

Sport Development in the Yuan Dynasty During the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), the Mongolians took military training seriously. Among the major military training skills, horseback archery, as well as armed and hand-to-hand combat, were the most significant martial arts of Mongolian soldiers. Given that the infantry during the Yuan Dynasty was considerably small, virtually every soldier had to practice horseback archery. To improve these skills, the soldiers hunting as a form of archery competition. They had set out different competition rules for different seasons, selecting the elite soldiers based on their hunting skills. With respect to armed combat, both short and long weapons were widely used by the Yuan armies, namely spears, sabers, and daggeraxes. Skills required for using these weapons in the Yuan armies were quite different from those in the Han armies because the Mongolians relied heavily on riding horseback. In the civil society of the Yuan Dynasty, some people practiced martial arts secretly because the Yuan governors had tried to prohibit martial arts in the public, which laid the foundation for the development of martial arts in the subsequent Ming and Qing dynasties. Apart from military martial skills, entertaining sports were also developed during the Yuan Dynasty, included willow-shooting, which was a popular one. Willow-shooting did not originate from the Mongolian peoples, but rather dated back to Xianbei people and Xiongnu people since the Jin Dynasty. In willow-shooting, players wore customized clothes, and specialized equipment for the game had to be made. The game was firstly held in the wood, but later held in the middle of a square. The form of willow-shooting was closely tied to horseback archery. It remained a sacrificing rite to pray for rain, which lasted well into the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The Mongolian straw-dog shooting game was more of a religious activity aimed at praying for a good life and to safeguard against disasters. The games were held in a clear and open space on one of the last ten 46

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days of December. Materials for making the targets, such as thread, needle, and satin, and instruments for shooting, such as bows and arrows, were supplied by a designated imperial office. The straw targets were composed of one straw man and one straw dog. The straw man and the straw dog were dressed with pieces of colourful silks to symbolise their internal organs. The elites of the noble class took turns shooting the straw targets. A sacrifice was made to the heavens with sheep and wine when the straw dog or straw man were shot into pieces.9 The imperial guard troop of the Yuan Dynasty enjoyed holding long-distance running contests. It is said that this game was based on a training for guards responsible for delivering mail.10 The form of this contest was quite similar to that of the modern marathon. Similarly, the noble class of Yuan often took part in horse races that generally lasted for three days. The preface and the poems in The Horserace by Zhou Boqi of the Yuan Dynasty vividly described the scenes of horseracing at that time. Jiaodi continued to be one of the most popular sports both in the palace and for the general public. Despite Yuan governors prohibiting civil society from practice martial arts publicly, there emerged a great number of excellent male and female Jiaodi wrestlers. Ball games had developed into more forms and became more widespread, but Cuju, Polo, and Chuiwan were still the most popular during the Yuan Dynasty. Among the various board games in the previous age, Weiqi, Xiangqi, and Shuanglu were still widely played. However, the Mongolians also introduced some new forms of boards games, such as the Mongolian versions of Xiangqi Luqi, where only pictographs rather than characters are found on the Mongolian Xiangqi. Other popular sports during the Yuan Dynasty included dragon boat racing, swinging, and kite flying. Much like that of the Song Dynasty, the Yuan governors set up a public school system, while a private system emerged in the civil society. Both the public and private schools valued physical education for the sake of Mongolian people’s martial spirit. Archery was no doubt the most important course that was taught. In contrast with the Song Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism thoughts did not outweigh physical education in the Yuan schools. Furthermore, the frequent wars and the consequent epidemic diseases during the Yuan Dynasty also provoked the development of medical sciences and the life-nurturing arts, and the theorization of the latter had further matured in this period.

Concluding Remarks In sum, the development of sports during the Song Dynasty was multi-dimensional. The conflicts and wars they endured during that era had brought about the development and innovation of military martial skills, which also drove the establishment of martial arts societies enjoyed by the public. In the urban areas, the prosperity of economy and commerce had triggered the rise of entertaining sports. The further studies of life-nurturing arts also enriched the development of sports in the Song. Continuing on this, sports gained a much wider popularity during the Yuan Dynasty, where horseback archery was the most prominent. Although the Yuan governors had tried to prohibit people in the public from practicing martial skills, folk martial arts prevailed. Meanwhile, other entertaining sports and life-nurturing arts also developed to a certain extent, such as wrestling, Touhu, and so forth.

Notes 1 Yue Shen (Southern Liang), ‘Songshu• Lizhi [Book of Song•Treaties of Rituals]’, Zhonghuadiancang, Accessed May 3, 2022, https://www.zhonghuadiancang.com/lishizhuanji/songshu/1972.html. 2 Anonymous (Yuan Dynasty), ‘Wanjing [Chuiwan Teaties]’, Zhonghuadiancang, Accessed May 3, 2022, https:// www.zhonghuadiancang.com/xueshuzaji/9703/. 3 Pizhi Wang (Song Dynasty), ‘Shengshuiyan Tanlu [Fleeting Gossip by the River Sheng]’, Newdu, Accessed May 18, 2022, http://ab.newdu.com/book/mb1317.html. 4 Shiming Luo, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi Di San Ji [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport: Volume 3] (Beijing: Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe [People’s Sports Publishing House of China], 2008), 43–44.

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Liu Xinran 5 Song Xu (Qing Dynasty), ‘Songhuiyao Jigao•Chongru [Song Government Manuscript Compendium • Confucian Honors)]’, Newdu, Accessed May 20, 2022, http://ab.newdu.com/book/ms106421.html. 6 Qianguan Pu (Song Dynasty), ‘Baosheng Yaolu [Baosheng Yaolu]’. Zhonghuadiancang, Accessed May 20, 2022, https://www.zhonghuadiancang.com/xuanxuewushu/baoshengyaolu/. 7 Zimu Wu (Song Dynasty), Menglianglu [Menglianglu] (Xi’an: Sanqin Publishing House, 2004). 8 Yue Shen (Southern Liang), ‘Songshu• Lizhi [Book of Song•Treaties of Rituals]’, Zhonghuadiancang, Accessed May 3, 2022, https://www.zhonghuadiancang.com/lishizhuanji/songshu/1972.html. 9 Fuhua Huang, A History of Chinese Martial Arts (London and New York: Routledge, 2020), 131. 10 Shiming Luo, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi Di San Ji [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport: Volume 3] (Beijing: Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe [People’s Sports Publishing House of China], 2008), 50–51.

Bibliography Anonymous (Yuan Dynasty). ‘Wanjing [Chuiwan Teaties].’ Zhonghuadiancang. Accessed May 3, 2022. https://www. zhonghuadiancang.com/xueshuzaji/9703/. Huang, Fuhua. A History of Chinese Martial Arts. London and New York: Routledge, 2020. Luo, Shiming. Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi Di San Ji [General History of Chinese Physical Education and Sport: Volume 3]. Beijing: Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe [People’s Sports Publishing House of China], 2008. Pu, Qianguan (Song Dynasty). ‘Baosheng Yaolu [Baosheng Yaolu].’ Zhonghuadiancang. Accessed May 20, 2022. https:// www.zhonghuadiancang.com/xuanxuewushu/baoshengyaolu/. Shen, Yue (Southern Liang). ‘Songshu• Lizhi [Book of Song•Treaties of Rituals].’ Zhonghuadiancang. Accessed May 3, 2022. https://www.zhonghuadiancang.com/lishizhuanji/songshu/1972.html. Wang, Pizhi (Song Dynasty). ‘Shengshuiyan Tanlu [Fleeting Gossip by the River Sheng]’. Newdu. Accessed May 18, 2022. http://ab.newdu.com/book/mb1317.html. Wu, Zimu (Song Dynasty). Menglianglu [Menglianglu]. Xi’an: Sanqin Publishing House, 2004. Xu, Song (Qing Dynasty). ‘Songhuiyao Jigao•Chongru [Song Government Manuscript Compendium • Confucian Honors)].’ Newdu. Accessed May 20, 2022. http://ab.newdu.com/book/ms106421.html.

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6 THE TRANSFORMATION OF TRADITIONAL SPORTS IN THE MING AND QING DYNASTIES (1368–1840) Liu Hui and Qu Yingjie

Introduction The Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) was the last era of China’s feudal society, which reached its peak and began to gradually decline. During that period, while feudal production arrangements changed, new forms of capitalist production began to sprout. The feudal culture that thrived also peaked then began to gradually decline. In terms of sports culture, competitive sports were on the decline, while folk sports began gaining popularity. The Manchus dominated the Central Plains (中原)1 and declared the establishment of a unified Qing government in 1644. The Qing government ruled for more than 200 years, but with the outbreak of the Opium War in 1840, the Chinese feudal society came to its end. It was during the Ming and Qing Dynasties the unification of a multi-ethnic nation and the expansion of China’s territory laid the foundation for the development of Chinese civilization. The social, economic, and cultural trends provided conditions for the development of ancient sports. Traditional martial arts activities gradually became more systematic, wrestling, and skating activities began gaining wide popularity, various ballgame activities were carried out based on the old system of the Song and Yuan Dynasties, chess activities were held in different technical styles, and workout and healthcare attracted more attention from the public. Folk sports activities showed a trend of vibrant development. Chinese traditional national sports have continuously developed and adjusted in terms of form and rules during the long history of the Ming and Qing Dynasty.

Shaping the Martial Arts System Folk martial arts activities in the Ming Dynasty were relatively popular. Education that emphasized both civil and martial arts were practiced by scholars, and clandestine religions and associations all promoted the spread of martial arts. The martial arts in the Ming Dynasty developed fast with the emergence of routine forms and martial arts systems. At the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the peasant uprisings and the entry of Qing troops made class and ethnic contradictions increasingly complicated, thus spurring social turbulence. Secret associations began to spread amongst the people, and many anti-Qing supporters gathered during that period to practice martial arts and accumulate weapons. Moreover, many old weapons that had DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-8

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lost their value in the army flowed into the hands of common people, which also promoted the development of folk martial arts. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Chinese traditional martial arts became increasingly powerful, shown in the following aspects.

Preliminary Formation of the Framework of the Basic Theories of Martial Arts First, the martial ethics has “benevolence”（仁)at its core. The so-called martial ethics refers to the codes of conduct regarding the transmission, practice, and use of martial arts. This was consciously recognized by the martial arts community under the long-term influence of Chinese moral and ethical culture.2 Traditional Chinese martial arts have long been associated with morality. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, all schools of martial arts emphasized martial ethics as the most basic requirement. For example, the Changjia boxing（苌家拳 in the early Qing Dynasty stipulated Beginner’s Entry3（初学条目) that “virtue matters in boxing”. Secondly, the core of martial arts was based on “qi” (气), regarded as the origin of the universe in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Chang Naizhou of the Qing Dynasty published the Twenty-Four Qi Quan Book (苌乃周先生二十四气拳谱), which contained: “Tai Chi（太极，also known as taijiquan) has the ancestor of two qi’s, … a good martial artist must first learn Tai Chi in his chest, and then open and close, and then they can dance and deify unpredictably.” In Shaolin Patriarchal Clan4（少林宗法), he states that: “qi is the king of power”. Many factions of boxing use “qi” as their core, and they have achieved the technical structure of “internal power and external fist”（ 内功外拳) in traditional martial arts. Thirdly, the principles of martial arts skills are opposite to each other. In the pre-Qin period, some people explained the theory of swordsmanship with the statements of an “extremes meet” and “two opposites are complimentary to each other”. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, this theory further became the principle of martial arts. Yu Dayou remarked in Sword Classics: “The key to martial arts is nothing more than the statement ‘the posterity starts, and the predecessor reacts simultaneously.’” On this basis, some schools and styles of martial arts further adopted the Five Elements (Wu Xing, 五行),5 Eight Diagrams （Ba Gua, 八卦),6 Yin and Yang （阴阳)7 to construct their own theoretical systems.

Increasingly Rich Content of Martial Arts During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, martial arts became richer in content as theories and styles began to be developed. Firstly, martial arts were becoming richer in content and practice. Before the Song Dynasty, there were no clear categories of martial arts weapons and equipment. However, the “eighteen martial arts styles” (十八般武艺)8 were gradually formed in long-term training practice. In fact, there were far more than 18 styles that emerged, especially in the Qing Dynasty. According to Xu Ke’s Qing Barnyard Banknotes·Technical Bravery Class9（徐珂, 清稗类钞·技勇类), there are more than 60 kinds of martial arts and swordsmanship at that time. Secondly, the offensive and defensive fighting skills of martial arts in the Ming Dynasty developed rapidly and became more effective. Several martial arts books recorded these trainings in pictures and texts. The skills were described with pictures of poses, methods, tactics, images, and diagrams.

The Proliferation of Martial Arts Books There were many folk martial artists in the Ming Dynasty. Most of them were excellent with extensive experience from practicing martial arts since childhood. They compiled the essence of each style into martial arts works, leaving valuable resources for subsequent generations. In the Qing Dynasty, martial arts and traditional Chinese culture were extensively integrated. Martial artists paid attention to standardizing techniques based on traditional Chinese culture, optimizing each style, improving on theories, and 50

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compiling a series of martial arts classics, including the New Book of Ji Xiao, Sword Classics, Arm Records,10 and Chang’s Wushu Book11 to name a few. These works contain not only some theoretical explanations of martial arts, but also records of martial arts skills that are of great importance to this day.

The Formation of a Martial Arts System Among the various factions of boxing in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the most influential ones were the schools of Shaolin（少林武术) and the Internal Quan (内家拳法). Shaolin became famous after the midMing Dynasty. Zheng Ruozeng（郑若曾), a figure in the Ming Dynasty, exclaimed that12: “Shaolin ranks the top among today’s martial arts in the world.” In the early Qing Dynasty, the Shaolin temples were burned down due to their monks’ participation in anti-Qing and pro-Ming stances, and were forced to disperse all over the country. Then Shaolin school quickly spread, which promoted the development of folk martial arts. Chinese martial arts can be classified mainly as internal and external types with many styles in each. The two divisions are conflicting yet complementary – the divisions inside and outside also repel and attract each other. However, this kind of influence is always less than exclusion under the historical conditions at that time. Although this situation was conducive to the inheritance and development of competition between the internal and external martial arts and its various factions, sectarian disputes and opinions had severely restricted the progress and development of Chinese martial arts.

The Decline of Traditional Ball Games In the Ming and Qing Dynasties, ball games began to be taken up as a form of leisure and entertainment rather than competitive sports. The nature of ball games had weakened, especially the traditional Cuju (蹴鞠).13 Although Polo and Chuiwan（捶丸)14 were still favored by the upper class, they were occasionally played in court rituals or folk festivals, but they were not widely adopted by the common people. In contrast, many other regional ball games with ethnic characteristics developed to some extent. Cuju was popular in the Ming Dynasty, played among royal nobles, court ladies, acrobats, children, and scholars. As a form of recreational activity, its nature of competition had declined. Cuju at this time still used the game with a goal while the game was played with no goal during the Song and Yuan Dynasties. Later, ordinary players began playing without a goal, which gradually became the main form, thus reducing the competitive edge of Cuju. Cuju was also a form of entertainment frequently played in the court of the Ming Dynasty. The long scroll Recreational Picture of Emperor Xuan of the Ming Dynasty (明宣宗行乐图) drawn by Shang Xi (商喜), a Ming royal painter, depicts the scene of Zhu Zhanji of the Ming Dynasty (明宣宗朱瞻基) watching Cuju. In addition, ball games such as Polo and Chuiwan could be seen in the painting as well. During the Qing Dynasty, Cuju mainly became an entertaining activity for women and children, and its competitive nature had further declined. This trend indicates that Cuju, which had been a popular sport in China for thousands of years, had begun to decline. Polo had extensive influence in China’s Tang, Song, and Yuan Dynasties. Though it was still played during the Ming Dynasty, it was only occasionally seen as a court ritual system or in folk festivals. However, after the Jiajing（嘉靖) Year of the Ming Dynasty, no written records about the development of polo at that time were found again, which indicated that it too had begun to decline. In the early Qing Dynasty, there are still a few records of polo being played. For example, in Yan Jiu Zhu Zhi Ci（燕九竹枝词), Yuan Qixu（袁启旭) described the day of the Baiyun Temple Fair that the princes, nobles, and citizens came to participate in archery, horse riding, football, polo, and other activities. After the middle of the Qing Dynasty, there were few records of polo being played, but rather depicting polo as a recreational activity in the society. 51

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Chuiwan was a type of sport akin to modern golf that had been circulating in Chinese society for a long time. It was an elegant leisure sport predominantly played by the upper class in the Ming Dynasty. Recreational Picture of Emperor Xuan of the Ming Dynasty describes the situation in which Zhu Zhanji hits the ball with the wooden baton. The picture describes the setting of the field, equipment, and characters, which appeared to be very similar to modern golf. Because Chuiwan was not so physically demanding, it also became popular amongst upper-class women. The long scroll Portrait of Ladies in the Ming Dynasty depicts the scene of noble women batting the balls. However, Chuiwan gradually declined in the Qing Dynasty.

The Evolution of Traditional Chess The Ming and Qing Dynasties witnessed the development of Chinese traditional chess activities, particularly Weiqi (围棋). They were featured with the advancement of rules of different schools and the publication of chess works. In the early Ming Dynasty, professional chess players and the administration departments still existed, but their influence on society had been greatly weakened. Due to the vigorous participation of the official class in Weiqi,15 the invitation of players to play games had further promoted its popularity. Meanwhile, the entertainment needs of urban citizens also provided a market for Weiqi, enabling players to earn a living with their skills without support from the royal family. This cultural backdrop laid the foundation for the prosperity of Weiqi in the Ming Dynasty. The game of Weiqi in the Qing Dynasty became more popular among the scholar-official class and the common people. Rich and influential families often associated chess with the classic books and the four treasures of the study（文房四宝)16 as a symbol of knowledge and status.17 The extensive social foundation had created conditions for the cultivation of famous national players. For example, in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties, Guo Bailing（过百龄) from Wu Xi（无锡) was an outstanding chess player with a profound theoretical knowledge at that time. He authored Guan Zi Chess Book（官子谱), San Zi Chess Book (三子谱), and Four Zi Chess Book（四子谱). Later, Zhou Lanyu（周懒予) from Jiaxing（嘉兴) had demonstrated outstanding chess skills and became the first Weiqi player in the early Qing Dynasty. From the last year of Kangxi to the early years of Jiaqing, many good players appeared in the chess world. Among them, Liang Weijin（梁魏今), Cheng Lanru（程兰如), Fan Xiping（范西屏), and Shi Ding’an（施定庵) were known as the “Four Great Masters.” They were active during the late Kangxi period to the Qianlong（乾隆) period, a period of political stability yet the rise in economic and cultural development of the Qing Dynasty. With a relatively stable life, the chess players worked hard to master the art, which catapulted the status of ancient Chinese Weiqi to its peak. Since then, some famous chess players appeared one after another. However, by the end of the Qing Dynasty, due to political corruption, economic backwardness, and the decline of national fortunes, Weiqi also began to decline. Chess also entered a new stage of development after the mid-Ming Dynasty. The widespread development of chess activities created conditions for many famous chess players at that time. Some techniques and tactics had been studied in depth, and a comprehensive system was formed. In the Qing Dynasty, chess became more prevalent with the social and economic recovery and prosperity period under the reign of Kangxi (康熙). As chess began to flourish during the Qianlong (乾隆) period, nine major schools appeared. Among the major schools, the strongest, most famous, and with the best records were the “Piling school” (毗陵派) of Zhou Tingmei (周廷梅) and Liu Zhihuan (刘之环). Zhou Tingmei, who knew poems and books well and was especially good at chess, became famous at the age of 20. Enormous works on chess appeared in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and their representative works include the Ming Dynasty’s Juzhong Secret (橘中秘)18 and the Qing Dynasty’s Plum Blossom Book (梅花谱).19 These two books revealed the basic laws of Chinese chess and discussed various opening strategies and tactics based on iterative experiences. 52

Traditional Sports in the Ming and Qing Dynasties (1368–1840)

The Perfection and Systematization of Traditional Healthcare Sports Traditional healthcare sports were prevalent during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. With the development of medicine, healthcare became closely integrated with medical practices of that time. Practices such as meditation led to the widespread promotion of many specific healthcare methods. These then laid the foundation for the systemization of traditional Chinese healthcare sports. In healthcare sports, Qigong (气功) is one of the most distinctive forms of fitness. Since the Ming Dynasty, Qigong became a widespread therapeutical practice therapy that increasingly played an important role in society. In the 29th year of Jiajing of the Ming Dynasty (1550), Wang Wenlu’s (王文禄) Medical First （医先) was published, and the book highlighted that “healthcare goes first before medicine”. This coincides with the concept of “exercise cures disease” and is still a popular mantra today. Through the practice and advocacy of insightful people over the course of many years, the mass had gained a deeper understanding of the relationship between medicine and healthcare. The unique role of Qigong in medicine received much attention from the society at that time, which promoted its practice widely. The Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties (宋明理学)20 paid special attention to the practice and understanding of meditation for “maintaining tranquility” (主静), which had a profound influence on the most famous Confucianists in the early Ming Dynasty. This led to the publication of books on meditation and healthcare, including Pranayama’s The Key to Meditation (静坐要诀), and Shou Shi Bao Yuan (寿世保元), to name a few. These books were a summary of the past meditation regimen, and indicated that the meditation in Chinese healthcare sports was being perfected in the Ming Dynasty. In the Ming and Qing healthcare system, traditional Qigong had gradually become refined. The most representative Qigong style was the Baduanjin (八段锦), characterized as a routine-guided fitness method refined through selected ancient healing and guiding movements. In traditional Chinese healthcare exercises, Yijin Gong (易筋功) was also valued by people as much as Wuqinxi (五禽戏) and Baduanjin. Yi Jin Gong gradually took shape and was also compiled, based on ancient Chinese guiding techniques (导引术). During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the theoretical works on guiding fitness (导引术) came out in succession. Numerous healthcare literature was collected and sorted out, followed by substantial materials written on fitness and healthcare, some with illustrations and diagrams. For example, the famous Eight Notes of Zunsheng21 (遵生八笺) and Yimen Guangshu22 (夷门广牍) presented a variety of detailed methods for guidance. The publication of numerous books and the emergence of practical methods on healthcare marked a new era in Chinese traditional healthcare. The participation of a vast number of practitioners had also led to the maturation and refinement of China’s healthcare techniques.

Colorful Folk Traditional Sports During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, sports activities closely related to the daily life of the people became more diversified and widely popularized, including wrestling, dragon boat racing, weightlifting and training, swinging, kite flying, shuttlecock kicking, and other folk activities. Wrestling, which developed from Jiaoli (角力), Jiaodi (角抵), and Xiangpu (相扑), became more popular in the Ming Dynasty. Wrestling was a common activity not only for the gentry but also for the army and royal court. In fact, an illustration of wrestling in the Ming Dynasty can be found in The Complete Collection (万法宝全) published during the Wanli (万历) period of the Ming Dynasty. At that time, wrestling was also listed as one of the “Six Imperial Guards”(六御), which was an important form of military combat training. Zhang Dai’s (张岱) Tao An Dream Recollection23 (陶庵梦忆) recants that every year during the Qingming Festival, there were various sports activities outside Yangzhou (扬州), including wrestling and sumo performances. Due to the traditional wrestling customs of the Manchus who dominated the Central Plains, wrestling activities that began to decline at the end of the Ming flourished again during the Qing Dynasty. Wrestling 53

Liu Hui and Qu Yingjie

even became a common activity practiced by the Qing army. The Qing government also set up a “Shanpu Camp” (善扑营) for the army, and the wrestlers at that camp were called Puhu (扑户). There were strict standards and statutory procedures for the selection of Puhu. The wrestlers of the Shanpu Camp were ranked according to their skill levels, and then money and food were distributed in accordance with their ranks. They usually practiced their skills in the camp, studied tactics, and fought each other. The traditional dragon boat races in the Ming Dynasty were still quite popular, having spread from the south to the north, and finally across the whole country. The grand dragon boat races in the Ming Dynasty were recorded in the literature. The Chongzhen Chronicles (崇祯记闻录), which reported current events in the last years of the Ming Dynasty, reported that: “In early May of this year, there was rain for several days, and dragon boat races were hindered”; “In the Dragon Boat Festival this year, there were more dragon boats than last year, mainly because this event is not officially banned, and it is also incentivized with rewards.” Competitive dragon boat races became influential all over the country, especially during the Dragon Boat Festival, which became an important festival in both the north and the south. In the late Qing Dynasty, dragon boat races were still thriving everywhere. In addition to the folk sports activities described above, other popular activities and games played during the Ming and Qing Dynasties included skating, swinging, kite flying, shuttlecock kicking, rope skipping, weightlifting, diabolo shaking (抖空竹), top spinning (陀螺), tug-of-war, and so on. After thousands of years of development, folk sports activities in the Ming and Qing Dynasties had taken various forms. While many folk sports activities have been closely integrated with festivals, they also continue to become traditional sports in other countries. Due to the wide adaptability and strong popularity of folk sports, this form of sports culture had gradually become more enriched and diversified, and served as an important aspect of traditional Chinese sports culture.

Concluding Remarks The Ming and Qing Dynasties (1368–1911) were the last two feudal Dynasties in Chinese history; the feudal economy was highly developed and the authoritarian centralization was further strengthened and went into downfall. A series of measures in favor of economic development in the early Ming Dynasty caused a boom in the prosperity of agriculture, handicraft industry, commerce, and towns. Therefore, the feudal economy recovered and developed in the early Qing Dynasty. The Ming and Qing Dynasties were in the alternation period between ancient and modern times, which was an important stage for the development of traditional sports in ancient China. From the early Ming Dynasty to the mid-Qing Dynasty, sports activities were still developing continuously. After the mid-Qing Dynasty, traditional sports were in decline. The folk sports activities in this period retained the traditional sports culture and provided precious resources for the development of modern sports. From the early Ming Dynasty to the middle Qing Dynasty, the entertainment and fitness of ancient sports were attached great importance to, such as martial arts, wrestling, ice play, Weiqi, guiding（导引), and other sports activities. After the Jiaqing period of the Qing Dynasty, with the increasing corruption of the Qing Dynasty, Chinese sports gradually recessed. Throughout history, the Ming and Qing Dynasties are still regarded as one of the most prosperous periods of folk sports in ancient China.

Notes 1 The Central Plains refers to the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River from Luoyang to Kaifeng. In a narrow sense, it refers to today’s Henan Province of China. When it corresponds to foreigners, the Central Plains refers to China in general. 2 Weiliang Zhou and Jianying Yang, ‘Lun Wude de Lishi Yu Dangdai Jiazhi [On the historical development and contemporary value of Wushu morality]’, Zhongguo Wushu [Chinese Wushu] 3, no.2 (2014): 5–19.

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Traditional Sports in the Ming and Qing Dynasties (1368–1840) 3 Jizhou Chang, Changjiaquan Quanji [The Complete Works of Changjiaquan] (Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House, 2013). 4 Chen Tiesheng, Shaolin Zongfa [Shaolin Patriarchal Clan] (Beijing: Martial Arts Culture Press, 2009). 5 The Five Elements, also known as the Five Elements Theory, is the basic way for the ancient Chinese to understand the world, and is widely used in traditional Chinese medicine, Kanyu, numerology, physiognomy, and divination. The meaning of the five elements encompasses the five basic dynamics through the evolution of yin and yang: metal (representing gathering), wood (representing growth), water (representing infiltration), fire (representing destruction), and earth (representing fusion). Ancient Chinese philosophers used the Five Elements Theory to explain the formation of all things in the world and their interrelationships. It emphasizes the whole and aims to describe the movement form and transformation relationship of things. 6 Bagua is an esoteric concept of ancient Chinese culture, a set of metaphysical philosophical symbols composed of three groups of yin and yang. Its profound philosophy explains natural and social phenomena. 7 Yin and Yang are the description of the fundamental factors behind the laws of nature in ancient Chinese civilization and promote the development and changes of the laws of nature. elements. 8 They came into being in the Southern Song Dynasty and later became a common term for folk martial arts. In the Ming Dynasty, the content of the eighteen martial arts styles continued to be adjusted and changed. 9 Ke Xu, Qingbai Leichao [Qing Barnyard Banknotes] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2017). 10 Shu Wu, ‘Shoubilu [Arm Records](Arm Records)’, In Ma Mingyuan马明远, eds., Zhongguo Gudai Wuyi Zhenben Xuanbian [Selections of Ancient Chinese Martial Arts Rare Books (Volume 2)] (Jinan: Qilu Book Society, 2015), 3637–3679. 11 Naizhou Chang, ‘Changshi Wujishu [Chang-style Wushu Book]’, In Ma Mingyuan, eds., Zhongguo Gudai Wuyi Zhenben Xuanbian [Selections of Ancient Chinese Martial Arts Rare Books] (Volume 7) (Jinan: Qilu Book Society, 2015), 4543–4600. 12 Ruozeng Zheng, Jiangnan Jinglue [Jiangnan Jing Lue] (Hefei:Huangshan Publishing House, 2017). 13 Ancient Chinese football. 14 Chuiwan is a sport in ancient China that uses a stick to hit the ball into the hole, and its shape is similar to modern golf. 15 Weiqi, a strategic two-player chess game, was called ‘Yi’ in ancient China and ‘Go’ in the West. Popular in East Asian countries, it is one of the four arts of qin, chess, calligraphy, and painting. Go originated in China, and it is said that it was made by Emperor Yao. It was recorded in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, it was introduced to Japan through Korea and spread to Europe and the United States. 16 The Four Treasures of the Study are unique Chinese calligraphy and painting tools, namely pen, ink, paper, and inkstone (砚台). 17 Lequan Cui, Zhongguo Minzu Chuantong Tiyuxue [Chinese National Traditional Sports Science] (Beijing: Science Press, 2018), 236. 18 Jinzhen Zhu, Juzhongmi [Juzhong Secret] (Tianjin: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987). 19 Zaiyue Wang, Meihua Pu [Plum Blossom Book] (Shanghai: Shanghai Culture Press, 1959). 20 Neo-Confucianism directly inherits the pre-Qin Confucianism from Confucius to Mencius, and at the same time selectively absorbs and discards the ideas of Taoism, metaphysics, and some Buddhist ideas. 21 Lian Gao, Zunsheng Bajian[Eight Notes of Zunsheng] (Chongqing: Chongqing University Press, 1994). 22 Lujing Zhou, Yimen Guangdu[Yimen Guangdu] (Beijing: Bibliographic Literature Publishing House, 1990). 23 Huaiming Miao, Taoan Mengyi [TaoAn Dream Recollection] (Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore, 2020).

Bibliography Chang, Jizhou. Changjiaquan Quanji [The Complete Works of Changjiaquan]. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House, 2013. Chang, Naizhou. ‘Changshi Wujishu [Chang-style Wushu Book].’ In Ma Mingyuan, eds. Zhongguo Gudai Wuyi Zhenben Xuanbian [Selections of Ancient Chinese Martial Arts Rare Books] (Volume 7). pp. 4543–4600. Jinan: Qilu Book Society, 2015. Chen, Tiesheng. Shaolin Zongfa [Shaolin Patriarchal Clan]. Beijing: Martial Arts Culture Press, 2009. Cui, Lequan. Zhongguo Minzu Chuantong Tiyuxue [Chinese National Traditional Sports Science]. Beijing: Science Press, 2018. Gao, Lian. Zunsheng Bajian [Eight Notes of Zunsheng]. Chongqing: Chongqing University Press, 1994. Miao, Huaiming. Taoan Mengyi [TaoAn Dream Recollection]. Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore, 2020.

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Liu Hui and Qu Yingjie Wang, Zaiyue. Meihua Pu [Plum Blossom Book]. Shanghai: Shanghai Culture Press, 1959. Wu, Shu. ‘Shoubilu [Arm Records] (Arm Records).’ In Ma Mingyuan, eds. Zhongguo Gudai Wuyi Zhenben Xuanbian [Selections of Ancient Chinese Martial Arts Rare Books (Volume 2)]. pp. 3637–3679. Jinan: Qilu Book Society, 2015. Xu, Ke. Qingbai Leichao [Qing Barnyard Banknotes]. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2017. Zheng, Ruozeng. Jiangnan Jinglue [Jiangnan Jing Lue]. Hefei: Huangshan Publishing House, 2017. Zhou, Lujing. Yimen Guangdu [Yimen Guangdu]. Beijing: Bibliographic Literature Publishing House, 1990. Zhou, Weiliang. and Yang Jianying. ‘Lun Wude de Lishi Yu Dangdai Jiazhi [On the historical development and contemporary value of Wushu morality].’ Zhongguo Wushu [Chinese Wushu] 3, no. 2 (2014): 5–19. Zhu, Jinzhen. Juzhongmi [Juzhong Secret]. Tianjin: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987.

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PART II

The Rise of Modern Sports and Olympics Zhang Huijie

The late 19th century and the early 20th century saw the rise of modern sports and Olympics in China. Western sports, such as athletics, swimming, basketball, and soccer, grew into popular leisure sports activities in China. The Olympic Games were introduced to China in the early 20th century. China became a member of the International Olympic Committee in 1922. Consequently, China attended its first Olympic Games in 1932 in Los Angeles. This section focuses on the development of Western sports and the Olympic Movement in modern Chinese history. It analyses how Western sport functioned as an instrument for Western cultural hegemony in its early diffusion to China; the reasons why Western sports concepts, values, and culture were accepted by the Chinese society; and how Western sports and physical education influence the social process of modernisation of China in many different ways. In Chapter 7, Wan reviews the history of the cross-cultural encounters between China and the West in physical exercises and entertainment, focusing on the diffusion of modern sports in the late Qing period. Transcending the traditional narrative that is restricted to the thread of how the Chinese encountered modern sports in China, this chapter interweaves it with two other threads: how Westerners enjoyed modern sports in (semi-colonial) China, and how the Chinese encountered modern sports overseas. In Chapter 8, Xiong and Li explore the physical liberation and women’s participation in sports in the Republic of China. This chapter stresses that women’s participation in physical activity in modern China not only has challenged traditional patriarchy and its definitions of women, but also has helped women construct a vision of freedom. For Chinese women, to a marked extent, exercise has served as an avenue to wider liberation. It has been a progressive force which has helped, and helps shape new, ameliorative, benevolent, and humane values. In Chapter 9, Zhang has discussed how missionary educational institutions and the YMCA’s physical education and sports programs, in conjunction with the nation-building project of the Nationalist government, transformed and modernised physical education and sports in modern China from 1840 to 1937. She also puts it that, while missionary educational institutions and the YMCA used physical education and sport as agents of religious conversion and cultural propagation in an attempt to Christianise China, they also significantly influenced the development of modern physical education and sports in China by introducing and promoting Western sports, advocating physical education in schools, training and cultivating sports talent and leadership, and organising various athletic games. In Chapter 10, Wang et al. review the history of sports events and competitions in modern China. They argue that sports competitions and events not only benefited health and education, but also greatly stimulated the patriotism of Chinese people. However, disadvantages also exist; namely, sports competition encouraged DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-9

Zhang Huijie

students’ vanity, the lack of reserve athletes and the over-treatment towards the excellent athletes, and the development of competition was unbalanced between schools and society, and between cities and village. In Chapter 11, Zhao observes China’s Olympic journey in modern times. He regards that the core of the participation in international sports in modern China is nationalism. In his point, the frustrating history served as a powerful reminder for Chinese people that China cannot enjoy fair competition with other countries and achieve outstanding results before it realised modernisation through radical reforms. In Chapter 12, Wang examines the role of China in participating in the Far Eastern Championship Games. She mainly elaborates on the three specific impacts of the Far Eastern Championship Games on the development of China’s social modernisation, including the enlightenment of the Olympic ‘perfect education’ to the modernisation of China’s education, the inspiration of the ‘national concept’ and ‘national consciousness’ of the Chinese people, and the contributions of the ‘Far East Sports Diplomacy’ to China’s peaceful diplomatic relations.

7 THE EARLY DIFFUSION OF MODERN WESTERN SPORT TO CHINA Wan Shu

Introduction Chinese historians designate the term “late Qing” for the last decades of imperial China between 1841 and 1911. The period denotes both the demise of the Qing Dynasty as well as the early attempts to modernise Chinese society. This prompted the Qing government to open China to the world, which permitted the spread of Western knowledge and culture, including modern sports. Focusing on the diffusion of modern sports in the late Qing period, this chapter reviews the history of the cross-cultural sporting encounters between China and the West with particular attention to the ways in which Westerners enjoyed modern sports in (semi-colonial) China, and how the Chinese encountered modern sports overseas prior to 1911.

Chinese People’s Encounter with Modern Sports in China The Chinese term “tiyu,” which literally means “physical education,” refers to both sports and physical education equivalently. This term pertains to the school-origin of modern sports in China. In the late nineteenth century, Chinese youths encountered sports in two different types of educational institutions: military and missionary schools—both of which emerged in China after 1841. Defeated by British and French gunboats in the First and Second Opium Wars, the Qing government launched the SelfStrengthening Movement in its advocacy for the adoption of modern science and military technology. As an important component of this nationwide Westernisation project, a large number of modern schools were built in the 1870s. Aiming to strengthen students’ physique, gymnastics was integrated into these schools’ curricula. Taking the lead in modernising Chinese society and promoting Western technology, military-related physical training offered Chinese youth opportunities for playing modern sports and “selfstrengthening” their bodies. Notwithstanding the military school’s contributions, the diffusion and enduring legacy of modern sports also affected the Qing government’s subsequent attitude towards the trend of Westernisation. As a consequence of the First Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Rebellion, the Qing government launched the “New Policies” reform in the early 1900s, which included the construction of a new school system and the integration of physical education within the curricula. Under the influence of the military-training tradition, the curricula of physical education in those new schools only contained military-related physical activities while “excluding those entertaining and popular-in-teenagers sports, such as track and field, and various ball games.”1 DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-10

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Wan Shu

The presence of those “popular-in-teenagers sports” in China did not pertain to military schools, but rather the proliferation of Christian education and youth organisations such as the YMCA. Founded by the British missionary George Williams, the YMCA evolved to be the most influential youth-serving Christian organisation in the past two centuries. The YMCA’s evangelical agenda was intertwined with the evolution of physical education in colleges and schools. In the late nineteenth century, the YMCA extended its enterprise abroad to evangelise Chinese youth. Launching its first two branches in Shanghai and Hankou in 1885, the YMCA increased its number of Chinese chapters to 27 by 1896.2 YMCA leaders brought American-fashioned physical activities, such as basketball, to recruit Chinese youth. This sport was invented by YMCA-affiliated teacher James Naismith in 1891 and the Chinese YMCA members learned about it immediately. The YMCA’s preference for ball games shaped the landscape of modern sports and physical education in twentieth-century Chinese society. Motivated by the Chinese YMCA’s burgeoning enterprise of school sports, a specific position was set up to oversee this organisation’s advocacy for physical education in 1908. American ex-athlete Max Exner served as the inaugural National Physical Director for China between 1908 and 1911. In his tenure, Exner “introduced the teaching of physical training in Shanghai, and began the education of teachers under government’s encouragement.”3 Beyond the divide of 1911, the YMCA continued to play a crucial role in advancing Western sports in Chinese society. Exner’s successor, Charles H. McCloy, actively collaborated with local educators and promoted physical education in all public schools in the Jiangsu Province.4 Residing in China for a few decades, McCloy founded the first Chinese sports-themed academic journal, Tiyu Jikan (Physical Education Quarterly) in the 1910s. The progress of the YMCA’s advocacy for physical education benefited from the evolving Christian education in late Qing China. The proliferation of missionary schools and the integration of physical activities into their curricula fostered the diffusion of modern sports in Chinese society. Before the YMCA started its activities in China, Protestant missionaries had already brought the habits of physical exercise when transplanting modern schools and curricula into China. In a missionary school for girls in Zhenjiang, enrollees were required “to use the prepared equipment and to play (physical) games in their leisure time.”5 Moreover, the YMCA’s chapter in Tianjin arranged the first citywide inter-school game that attracted an audience of 5,000 in 1902.6 The alliance between the YMCA and missionary schools successfully furthered the local people’s knowledge of modern sports. In the trajectory of modern sports, modernised military schools’ playgrounds andWesternised missionary schools’ fields were the laboratories of modernising the Chinese body. Identical to their Western counterparts, Chinese youths played sports and strengthened their physique. In addition to school teachers, Western colonials also introduced modern sports to China.

Westerners’ Enjoyment of Modern Sports in China Parallel to the evolution of physical education in the name of modernisation, the early history of Western sports in China was defined by the presence of Anglo-Americans in treaty-port cities. Notwithstanding the limited influence of horse racing, cricket, and baseball in Chinese society in the nineteenth century, those sports’ popularity among foreign residents and sojourners in colonial settlements should be integrated into an inclusive and international history of modern sports in China. Due to the Nanking Treaty after the disastrous defeat in the Opium War in 1841, treaty-port cities showcased Western culture to Chinese people. From the beginning of the colonial settlements in Shanghai, Anglo-American colonisers brought their pastime habits. An English missionary Charles Ewart Darwent observed that “horse racing, cricket, rowing, and baseball seem to have been the first sports that the earliest settlers indulged in.”7 Horse racing landed in Shanghai in the mid-nineteenth century. In 1850, a group of British merchants built the first racecourse in Shanghai. The other two Anglo-American games, cricket and baseball, were both popular among British and American settlers in 60

The Early Diffusion of Modern Western Sport to China

semi-colonial China. In 1865, the inaugural cricket club in Shanghai arranged weekly games among different teams, such as “Married v. Single, Bankers v. Brokers, England v. Scotland or the World & Varied by an occasional inter-port match against Hongkong.”8 Excluding Shanghai’s local population from the game, all these teams were composed of Europeans. In tandem with the presence of cricket in Shanghai, British colonials also exported the popular pastime to Hong Kong. “In 1851, the first cricket club, the Hong Kong Cricket Club (HKCC) was formed with part of the military parade ground on the north side of queen’s Road as the cricket ground.”9 Recruiting the colony’s European residents, this club did not welcome the indigenous elites. Despite owning adequate social and economic capital, they were barred from joining the club. In response to the discriminatory policy, Ho Kai, Wei Yuk and “several other eminent Chinese petitioned the government in 1912 for establishing the Chinese-only cricket club.”10 Hence, cricket was a European-only sport and represented racial privilege in Hong Kong before 1911. While rejecting indigenous elites’ participation, the Hong Kong Cricket Club maintained a tradition of inter-port games for many decades: “The Shanghai Cricket club played regular ‘interport’ games against Hong Kong teams until 1949 when the Communist Revolution led to its closure and the Cricket club and the sport’s disappearance.”11 Besides Hong Kong and Shanghai, British colonials in other treaty-ports also participated in the extended network of inter-port cricket gaming. For example, the Hong Kong team defeated the “Amoy Club” in 1883.12 The expanding network of inter-port matches, according to historian Robert Rickers, forged, “a sense of broader treaty-port identity”13 (no, 84). Echoing the significant role of cricket in the expansion of the Indian diaspora inside the British Empire, cricket also foregrounded the formation of the British sojourners’ diasporic identity in semi-colonial Chinese society. Parallel to British people’s passion for cricket in colonial settlements, their American counterparts brought their favourite sport, baseball, into Shanghai. The Shanghai Base Ball Club was founded in 1861. This club’s leadership actively arranged games with other baseball enthusiasts. In October of 1876, it arranged games with two Shanghai-based teams, “Shanghai cricket club” and the “U.S. Navy.”14 In spite of being introduced to Chinese enrollees in the missionary school, St. John College, as early as 1889, cricket failed to become popular among Chinese people in Shanghai. As sports historian Robert Fitts notes, the club “remained small and was of little consequence to the subsequent development of the sport.”15 Notably, the presence of cricket in St. John College interwoven the two threads, schooling and sojourning, in the early history of modern sports in China. More importantly, the prominence and prevalence of cricket and baseball among foreign residents in Shanghai discloses the complexity of the sport’s history in late Qing China. The presence of AngloAmerican colonials in the semi-colonial society illuminated that China was integrated within the global world of imperialism.

Chinese People’s Encounter with Modern Sports Overseas In addition to Western sojourners in treaty-port cities, Chinese exchange students served as important players in the interaction between China and the West. In the history of the Sino-U.S. relationship, there were three waves of Chinese students studying in America during the late Qing period: Yung Wing’s pioneering journey at Yale College in the 1850s, the Chinese Educational Mission’s participants in the 1870s, and the post–Boxer Rebellion proliferation of Chinese students studying abroad in the 1900s. Hundreds of Chinese youths voyaged the Pacific to the United States and sought how to modernise their home country. During their stay and study in American colleges and schools, playing sports constituted an important part of their extracurricular education. Chinese students “touched base” with American college sports as a by-product of their mission of learning Western science and knowledge. Examining the dynamics in Chinese exchange students’ intergenerational endeavours to adopt physical culture in 61

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American schools, the remainder of this chapter intends to explain Chinese encounters with modern sports outside of China. Yung Wing was among the first Chinese students to encounter modern sports before the Opium War during his pioneering study abroad experience. In his well-known autobiography, My Life In China and America, Wing mentioned his first encounter with sports during his first year of attending the Morrison School. Founded by the pioneering Protestant missionary Robert Morrison, the school was opened in Macau in 1839 and later relocated to Hong Kong. In school, Wing joined his pupils’ physical activities of playing football.16 In 1850, he began to study abroad at Yale College. During his stay in New Haven, Wing spent his free time playing sports. He “made a remarkable touchdown playing football at Yale.”17 Wing’s participation in college sports influenced the Chinese students’ encounters with college sports later on. Before the last decade of the Qing Dynasty, Western sports were still unfamiliar to most Chinese people. Despite appearing in the Westernised schools and colonial settlements discussed previously, they had not yet become an important component of ordinary people’s everyday lives. As a Chinese alumnus of Yale in the 1880s, Yan Phou Lee recalled in his memoir that “the active sports of Chinese boys were few. There are hardly any sports, so-called, that develop the muscles.”18 Growing up in an Asian society without a tradition of physical activities, Lee, along with dozens of Chinese youth, travelled to the American East Coast in the 1870s. As a component of the Self-Strengthening Movement, Yung Wing and his colleagues launched the Chinese Educational Mission, recruited children in South China, and sponsored them to study abroad. When enroled in American schools and colleges, those Chinese youths adapted to campus life that featured physical exercises. Playing sports constituted an integral part of those Chinese youths’ socialisation and acculturation into American society and culture. Those Chinese exchange students’ passion for sports on campus exemplified their aspirations for the American style of living. Unfortunately, it outraged the Confucianist bureaucrats who maintained intense concern about those Chinese youths’ loyalty. Although sponsoring their enrolment in American schools, the Qing government could not tolerate their betrayal of Confucius’ teachings about the inferiority of physical activities to intellectual ones. This caution led to the termination of the Chinese Educational Mission. After the catastrophic failure in the first Sino-Japanese War in 1895, the Chinese government gradually changed its stance on studying the Western style of living. Motivated by the impending need for survival in intensified national competition, the Qing government embraced the modernisation of Chinese society. As historian Weili Ye notes, “It was in this generally open intellectual milieu in China that the second wave of the foreign-study movement began to rise.”19 Similar to their predecessors in the 1870s, the new generation of Chinese students were eager to participate in college sports. For example, when planning for their winter break at the end of 1908, a couple of Chinese students at Cornell University planned to “stay in Ithaca to enjoy skating, tobogganing, and other outdoor winter sports.”20 Besides playing sports on campus, the Alliance of Chinese Students organised intercollegiate games inside the Chinese student population. Like their American classmates, playing sports became a crucial component of Chinese students’ campus life. In correspondence with the Qing government’s inclusive attitude to Western culture, Americastationed Chinese diplomats also changed their policy regarding modern sports. Unlike his predecessor’s reluctance to Chinese youth’s adoption of the American style of living and entertainment in the 1880s, the new ambassador Tang Shaoyi encouraged Chinese students to play games. When gathering those youths together and talking with them in 1909, he told them “to join the field and gymnasium sport”; more importantly, he reminded them of the advantages of “a free mingling with the American students.”21 Curiously, Tang benefited from the Yung Wing-initiated Chinese Educational Mission a few decades earlier. Moreover, one of those students that Tang met was called Chengting T. Wang. Before studying abroad, Wang had been a crucial figure in the Chinese YMCA. The Christian organisation, as mentioned 62

The Early Diffusion of Modern Western Sport to China

previously, provided the major patronage for the diffusion of modern physical education among Chinese youth. The interwoven trajectory of American missionaries’ preaching of physical education in China and Chinese youths’ enjoyment of Western games in America foregrounds the complicated early history of modern sports in China.

Conclusion Situated in the evolving cross-cultural encounters between China and the West in the late Qing period, the diffusion of modern sports was an intricate process. The three interwoven threads cumulatively produce an inclusive historical narrative of how Western sports influenced China and the Chinese. Notably, some sports-related figures emerging in the last decades of the Qing Dynasty would play a more important role in Republican China. Beyond the divide of 1911, the diffusion of sports in late Qing China profoundly impacted the formation of sports culture throughout the twentieth century, which will be further addressed in the subsequent chapters.

Notes 1 Shiming Luo, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi [A History of Physical Education in China Vol. 3] (Beijing: Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2008), 68. 2 Hong Fan, Sport, Nationalism and Orientalism: The Asian Games (London: Routledge, 2007), 14. 3 Robert Tait McKenzie, Exercise in Education and Medicine (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1909), 166. 4 Charles H. McCloy, National Physical Director, National Committee, China. Report for the Year Ending September 30, 1915. Nanking; Nanking (Nanjing), 1915, 32, Annual and Quarterly Reports of YMCA International Work in China, [the YMCA_forsec_00409]. Kautz Family YMCA Archives, University of Minnesota Libraries. 5 Shiming Luo, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2008), 80. 6 Ibid., 111. 7 Charles Ewart Darwent, Shanghai: A Handbook for Travelers and Residents to the Chief Objects of Interest in and around the Foreign Settlements and Native City (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1904), 178. 8 Wright Arnold and Cartwright H. A., Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and Other Treaty Ports of China: Their History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resource (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1908), 503. 9 Brian Bridges and Marcus P. Chu, Sports Development of Hong Kong and Macau: New Challenges after the Handovers (London: Routledge, 2020), 41. 10 John M. Carroll, Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2015), 101–102. 11 Brian Bridges and Marcus P. Chu, Sports Development of Hong Kong and Macau: New Challenges after the Handovers (London: Taylor & Francis, 2020), 46. 12 Daily Press Office, Events in Hongkong and the Far East, 1875 to 1884 (Hong Kong: “Daily Press” Office, 1885), 193. 13 Robert A. Bickers, Britain in China: Community, Culture and Colonialism, 1900–1949 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017), 84. 14 Kelly and Walsh, A Record of the Principal Sports at Hongkong and the Open Ports of China and Japan (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1877), 229. 15 Robert K. Fitts, Banzai Babe Ruth: Baseball, Espionage, and Assassination During the 1934 Tour of Japan (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013), 216. 16 Wing Yung, My Life in China and America (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1909), 16. 17 Susan B. Gall and Irene Natividad, The Asian-American Almanac: A Reference Work on Asians in the United States (Detroit: Gale Research, 1995), 58. 18 Yan Phou Lee, When I Was a Boy in China (London: George G. Harrap, 1922), 34. 19 Weili Ye, Seeking Modernity in China’s Name: Chinese Students in the United States, 1900–1927 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 19. 20 ‘News from Ithaca’, The Chinese Students’ Monthly, Vol. 5, 1909, 163. 21 C. T. Wang, ‘One Week with Our Special Ambassador in Washington’, The Chinese Students’ Monthly, no. 4, (1908): 249.

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Bibliography Arnold, Wright, and H. A. Cartwright. Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and Other Treaty Ports of China: Their History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources. London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1908. Bickers, Robert A. Britain in China: Community, Culture and Colonialism 1900–1949. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017. Bridges, Brian, and Marcus P. Chu. The Sports Development of Hong Kong and Macau: New Challenges after the Handovers. London: Routledge, 2020. Carroll, John M. Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2015. Daily Press Office. Events in Hongkong and the Far East, 1875 to 1884. Hong Kong: Daily Press Office, 1885. Darwent, Charles Ewart. Shanghai: A Handbook for Travelers and Residents to the Chief Objects of Interest in and around the Foreign Settlements and Native City. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1904. Fan, Hong. ‘Hong Fan: Prologue’, In Sport, Nationalism and Orientalism: The Asian Games, Edited by Fan Hong. London: Routledge, 2007. Fitts, Robert K. Banzai Babe Ruth: Baseball, Espionage, and Assassination during the 1934 Tour of Japan. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013. Gall, Susan, and Irene Natividad. The Asian American Almanac: A Reference Work on Asians in the United States. Detroit: Gale Research, 1995. Kelly and Walsh. A Record of the Principal Sports at Hongkong and the Open Ports of China and Japan. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1877. Lee, Yan Phou. When I Was a Boy in China. London: George G. Harrap, 1922. Luo, Shiming. Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi [A History of Physical Education in China Vol. 3]. Beijing: Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2008. McCloy, Charles H. Charles H. McCloy, National Physical Director, National Committee, China. Report for the Year Ending September 30, 1915. Nanking. Nanking (Nanjing), 1905. Annual and Quarterly Reports of YMCA International Work in China, [the YMCA_forsec_00409]. Kautz Family YMCA Archives, University of Minnesota Libraries. McKenzie, Robert Tait. Exercise in Education and Medicine. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1909. Wang, C. T. ‘One Week with Our Special Ambassador in Washington.’ The Chinese Students’ Monthly, no. 4 (1908): 249. Wing, Yung. My Life in China and America. New York: Henty Holt and Company, 1909. Ye, Weili. Seeking Modernity in China’s Name Chinese Students in the United States, 1900–1927. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.

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8 PHYSICAL LIBERATION AND FEMINISM Women’s Sports in the Republic of China Xiong Huan and Li Jiayu

The 1911 Revolution1 overthrew the thousand-year monarchic system and replaced it with the Republic of China. Since then, Chinese society had undergone rapid change, including the development of women’s sports.2 Only a few years later, the May Fourth Movement (1915–1924),3 which erupted in 1919, with a cry for democracy, science, and equality, had an enormous impact on Chinese culture and ideology. The emancipation of women became a part of the widespread intellectual rebellion against the historic Confucian code and all its associated constraints.4 In the meantime, Western ideas and customs were promoted and then accepted by an increasing number of Chinese people. Physical exercise became a platform from which to launch the liberalisation of the Chinese woman. Therefore, modern sports, including women’s sports and exercises, blossomed.5 The rise of women’s sport also reflected the interplay of the women’s liberation movement and the national salvation movement in the early nineteenth century.

Hiding the Female Body: The Origin of Bodily Oppression in Feudal China Chinese women have suffered a long history of oppression. It was originally reflected by the restrictions on the female body. This included concealment, confinement, and crippling of the female body. Although it cannot be denied that there has been a long history of Chinese women engaging in physical activities, which is reflected in the paintings of women from the Kingdom of Yue (between 475 and 221 BC) playing swords or Emperor Ming and his beloved Concubine Yang playing polo during the Tang Dynasty (AD 618–907).6 There were, indeed, numerous obstacles for women to participate in physical activities in feudal China, especially the footbinding culture. Women in nineteenth-century China lived within a symbolic feudal system and a declining traditional society. Prior to 1840, it was Confucianism that played a crucial role in the construction of a patriarchal social order and the corresponding dominant images of masculinity and femininity in China.7 In order to have women completely in its control and at its disposal, the Confucian-dominated society also invented and forced upon women an odd and appalling concept of feminine physical beauty: the small, bound foot. Bound feet were euphemistically known as lotus feet or golden lotus. Girls usually began to bind their feet from four to five years old. The toes were broken and bent under the sole of the foot and the foot was then bound with several meters of bandages that cut off the blood circulation. This physically restrictive process would last ten to fifteen years.8 Footbinding emerged and lasted for hundreds of years in feudal China.9 For women, the bound foot was the passport to all that was good in life. It was, for both men and women, the dominant form of sexual attractiveness. Therefore, footbinding became customary.10 It is noteworthy tha Ku Hung-Ming (辜鸿铭, 1857–1928), DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-11

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Figure 8.1 A Chinese woman with her feet bound. Source: Historical Archive from Shanghai Library.

a famous Chinese thinker and man of letters, once said that footbinding is not only a self-protection measure for women to avoid overwork, but also a display of softness (see Figure 8.1). Nevertheless, footbinding is an irreducible body transformation process. Once the bipedal bones have been distorted and deformed and new muscle inertia has been formed, it is impossible to restore the original state. As Hong argued, ‘footbinding was a physical tyranny and social constraint on Chinese women from ancient to modern times. It represented male domination and power by controlling the female body physically and mentally.’11 With their small feet and weak bodies, women could do little, so their health and fitness went into decline.12 Footbinding crippled women and made them publicly invisible, and became the symbol of women’s subservience.13 66

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Being Aware of the Female Body: The Introduction of Feminism to the Chinese Society While footbinding restricted women’s lives in China, the term ‘feminism’ originated from the French word ‘feminisme’, coined by the utopian socialist Charles Fourier, and was first used in English in the 1890s14 in association with the movement for equal political and legal rights for women. The term ‘feminism’ first appeared in China in 1900 in an article published in Qingyi Daily, entitled ‘Theory of Communication between Men and Women’, which was translated from an article written by Japanese writer Fukuzawa Yukichi (ふくざ わゆきち, 1835–1901). In its preface, the translator mentioned that Fukuzawa Yukichi ‘likes to talk about feminism’.15 Since 1902, feminism became the slogan of women’s liberation theory. Ma Junwu translated Spencer’s Social Statistics and Chapter 16 of the text is titled ‘feminism’, which had a great influence in China as Spencer completely opposed the fallacy that ‘women can’t do the same things as men’. Moreover, he discussed the equality of husband and wife, and connected this issue with national civilization. He wrote that if someone wants to know the civilization of a country’s people, he or she could figure it out by how they treat women. In practice, however, it was Christian missionaries who initially and effectively challenged traditional Chinese culture and created the opportunity for women to free themselves. They regarded many Chinese religious and social customs as cultural barriers to the Gospel which needed to be removed.16 They began strenuously to oppose the custom of footbinding as physical exercise was simultaneously introduced into most of the missionary schools for girls. For instance, in missionary girls’ schools in Zhenjiang, Jiangsu province, gymnastics was a compulsory activity.17 Missionaries combined women’s education and the abolition of women’s footbinding, propelling them jointly as the only way to achieve Chinese women’s emancipation: physical, moral, and intellectual. During the late nineteenth century, leading reformers such as Kang Youwei (康有为, 1858–1927), Liang Qichao (梁启超, 1873–1929), and Tan Sitong (谭嗣同, 1865–1898) who had been influenced by missionary ideas and practices regarding women’s education, made the liberation of women an integral part of the patriotic and progressive reform movement of 1898.18 They had different interpretations of feminism in Chinese society. Liang understood the liberation of women as something to be done not for women themselves but for the nation influenced by Social Darwinism. He believed that China needed healthier and better educated mothers for their children. Tan Sitong attempted a basic analysis of humanity and gender and concluded that the irrational treatment of sex as the foundation of the injustices suffered by women in Confucian society and argued that only when it was recognized that men and women were fundamentally similar, both lumps of flesh and blood, that they would learn to treat each other rationally and equally as friends.19 With the political decline of the country and surrounded by the great powers, the late Qing Dynasty reformers believed that the foundation for protecting the country resided in encouraging people’s strength, waking up people’s wisdom and renewing people’s morality. They noticed that women’s education represented one of the determining sources for the country’s flourishing and transformation. Kang Youwei submitted a letter of appeal for prohibiting women’s footbinding during the reform movement of 1898. He believed the liberation of women at the time would commence with physical exercises.20 Furthermore, a few Chinese feminists emerged. Jin Tianhe (金天翮, 1874–1947), a politician and most well-known for publishing the first Chinese feminist manifesto, The Women’s Bell, regarded women as ‘the mother of the nation’, while Qiu Jin (秋瑾, 1875–1907) who was considered as a martyr of republicanism and feminism, believed that women had ‘the same responsibility for the country with men’. Both identified women’s responsibilities as consolidating and strengthening the state. Jin Tianhe advocated putting women’s traditional responsibilities into a new nationalist framework, while Qiu Jin took the role of men as the criterion to achieve national prosperity and equality between men and women.21 The introduction of feminism to the Chinese society was pushed forward by missionaries, reformers, national feminists, although they perceived women’s liberation in different ways, they were absolutely the pathfinders of the rise of women’s physical exercises and sports in the Republic of China. 67

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Liberating the Female Body: The Rise of Women’s Physical Education and Sports in the Republic of China If the period 1840–1911 witnessed both the birth of the modern women’s exercise and emancipation movement, the founding of the Republic of China in 1912 had observed extensive debates and practices in terms of the physical liberation of Chinese women. The discussions about feminism in China were predominate especially during the May Fourth Movement (1915–1924), although the progress reduced as a result of the chaos of civil wars (1927–1937 and 1945–1949) and the Anti-Japanese War (1931–1945). In the 1930s, Japan intensified its invasion of China, the Chinese national crisis broke out, and the ideological trend of nationalism stirred the whole country. The women’s liberation movement based on individual liberalism began to pay attention to the nationalist groups, and changed from calling for women’s individual autonomy to collectivism to awaken the public’s political participation and stimulate the consciousness of national responsibility. With the upsurge of the ideological trend of ‘saving the country by sports (体育救国)’, sports and physical exercises were also expected to shoulder the important task of saving the country. The goal of promoting and developing women’s sports and physical exercises turned to saving the country.22 According to the interim measures for general education in 1912, primary schools recognized coeducation for boys and girls, but high schools were separated into male and female schools, and they paid more attention to sewing and other more feminine subjects for female education. The policy of the ministry of education of the Republic of China on women’s education always focused on home economics. Social trends also tended to be conservative. A footbinding ban order was issued on March 11, 1912, but even then, women’s activities were still restricted.23 At that time, missionary girls’ schools played an important part in promoting modern sports to Chinese females by including gymnastics, athletics swimming, basketball, volleyball, and table tennis into the school curricula, and they assisted in the anti-foot-binding campaign as well.24 For instance, Shanghai girls’ school, the pioneer of girl’s school in the Republic of China, set a boundary that all those who had bound their feet would not be accepted to school.25 Missionary schools introduced the concepts of “body” and “sports” into education and emphasised that female students needed strong bodies to actively participate in physical exercise. In 1922, the government of the Republic of China promulgated ‘the Reform of School System’ 《 ( 壬戌学制》), and gymnastics (体操科) was changed to ‘physical education class’（体育课), clearly stipulating that primary school girls have two hours of physical education lessons every week. Besides exercises and gymnastic, games were also included to enrich the collectivism and cooperative spirits of girls, which also allowed girls to enjoy and to compete in the life-enriching physical activities of the modern world. It is noteworthy that according to the survey of national women’s newspapers and magazines published in Linglong in June 1933, there were 32 different types of women’s periodicals in major cities in China and Linglong was unique in promoting sports and body-building at that time. Linglong used the historical view of linear progress to compare the above trend with feudal China, claiming that the progressive modern Chinese regime that liberated Nora26 would not bury her in the dark again.27 In the tenth issue of Linglong, five girls in southeast physical education school hid their left hands behind them and held their right elbows out behind their heads. They were called the strongest girls in the second middle school students‘ games in Shanghai. Another photo showing ‘healthy legs of girls in southeast China’ focuses on the legs of a row of girls lying prone and turning their heads to the camera. The caption of the photo explains that ‘with developed legs, bodybuilding certainly needs daily exercise’.28 Likewise, Women’s Journal had also left similar photos, for instance the female members of the tennis club (see Figures 8.2 and 8.3). Under the dual background that the government attached importance to sports and the new culture movement to promote women’s liberation, women’s sports developed rapidly. By the first decade of the twentieth century, gymnastics, running, and games requiring physical prowess became major activities in women’s physical education. In June 1912, Li Lian, who returned from Japan, founded a private Guangdong Women’s physical education school in Guangzhou to train primary school physical 68

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Figure 8.2

Girls in southeast physical education school.

Source: The tenth issue of Linglong (玲珑) (May 1933).

education teachers. The school had more than 300 graduates, including outstanding athletes such as Yu Bixia, who were selected as Chinese women’s volleyball players to participate in the Far East Games.29 Women from Guangdong province in the south of China played volleyball at the eighth provincial games of China in 1921, only four years after their male counterpart’s debut. Women debuted at the national games in 1922. Accordingly, the number of sports for women and the number of female participants increased over time30 (see Figure 8.4). Furthermore, as physical education and sports became more popular during the Republic of China, Chinese women have created recreational sport space for themselves.31 The gorgeous star image of Hollywood further affirmed that body-building was a part of Western fashion and aesthetics. Linglong 69

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Figure 8.3 Members of Shanghai Lize women’s tennis club in 1919. Source: Women’s Journal (September 1919).

Figure 8.4 Women’s team (volleyball) competition in the sixth Far East Games (the Chinese team with its back to the camera). Source: Women’s Journal (July 1923).

reported that Greta Garbo, a Swedish film actress and an international celebrity, stated in 1936 that bodybuilding was her lifeline and livelihood and that she preferred golf and cycling.32 And there were also photos of the Chinese women who participated in recreational sports, such as golf (see Figure 8.5). Besides Linglong, Women’s Times was another magazine that that presented evocative materials about women’s 70

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Figure 8.5

A Chinese woman is preparing to swing the golf club.

Source: The 26th issue of Linglong (玲珑) (August 1934).

recreational sports for posterity. They reported that some women had the opportunity to participate in tennis (see Figure 8.6) and hunting (see Figure 8.7) during the initial phase of the Republic of China. Nevertheless, it should also be noted that sports did not become a necessary part of the lives of most women during the Republic of China, but only appeared in the educational activities, career, or individual life of a small number of urban elite women.33 71

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Figure 8.6 A Chinese woman is waving a tennis racket. Source: Cover of the fifth issue of Women’s Times (妇女时报) (January 1912).

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Figure 8.7

A traditional dressed Chinese woman is hunting with a rifle and dog.

Source: Cover of the seventh issue of Women’s Times (妇女时报) (July 1912).

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Conclusion: From ‘Golden Lotus’ to Modern Women From ‘Golden Lotus’ to modern athletes, Chinese women witnessed the transition of the society of the Republic of China. They discarded the shackles of Confucian dross and discovered the modern road with the absorption of feminism ideas and the awakening of civilization by abandoning footbinding and participating in physical education and sports. There were numerous warriors on the front lines of the social transition who strongly promoted the emancipation of Chinese women and advocated the right of physical liberation for them. Chinese women’s physical liberation has developed under unique circumstances. By the end of the nineteenth century, reformers had made some efforts to emancipate women in the interests of healthy motherhood for healthy manhood.34 By 1911, the feminists had forged productive links between patriots, revolutionaries, and emancipationists, while women’s participation in exercise, once again, presented them in non-traditional roles and provided important visible modifications to the feminine ideal: assertion, energy, and action. Exercise brought women individual feelings of self-respect and selfawareness. In this sense, women’s participation in physical activity in modern China not only has challenged traditional patriarchy and its definitions of women, but also has helped women construct a vision of freedom. For Chinese women, to a marked extent, exercise has served as an avenue to wider liberation. It has been a progressive force that has helped, and helps, shape new, ameliorative, benevolent, and humane values.35

Notes 1 The Chinese bourgeois democratic revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen that overthrew the Qing Dynasty. 2 Jinxia Dong, ‘The Long March of Women and Sport in Mainland China’, in Jennifer Hargreaves and Eric Anderson, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality (Oxon: Routledge, 2014), 88. 3 Some 3,000 Beijing University students marched to Tiananmen Square, demanding that China’s warlord government refuse to hand over German concessions to Japan after the end of World War I. 4 Yunming Jiao, ‘Women’s Emancipation in Modern China’, Collection of Papers of the Third International Women Seminar in Beijing University (1994). 5 Jianlin Liao, ‘Social Changes and the Development of Modern Sport- Historic Examination to the Third National Games in Old China’, Qiusuo, no.4 (2004): 233–235. 6 Jinxia Dong, ‘The Long March of Women and Sport in Mainland China’, in Jennifer Hargreaves and Eric Anderson, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality (Oxon: Routledge, 2014), 87–88. 7 Hong Fan, Foot Binding, Feminism and Freedom: The Liberation of Women’s Bodies in Modern China (Oxon: Frank Cass,1997), 20. 8 Ibid., 39–40. 9 Yanyi Gao, Cinderella’s Sisters: A Revisionist History of Footbinding (Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2009), 1. 10 Hong Fan, Foot Binding, Feminism and Freedom: The Liberation of Women’s Bodies in Modern China (Oxon: Frank Cass, 1997), 43. 11 Ibid., 20. 12 Huan Xiong, Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methods and Practices in Women’s Sport Studies (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2016), 132. 13 Ibid., 39. 14 Janet Price and Margrit Shildrick, Feminist Theory and the Body: A Reader (Edinburgh University Press, 1999). 15 Fukuzawa Yukichi, ‘Male and Female Communication Theory’, Qingyibao (1900). 16 Chao Jonathon, ‘Western Impact and Social Mobility in China’, Missionary Monthly 25, no.6 (1987), 12. 17 CSHSPE, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Modern Chinese Sports History] (Beijing: People’s Publication House, 1985), 63. 18 Hong Fan, Foot Binding, Feminism and Freedom (Oxon: Frank Cass,1997), 83. 19 Davin, D. Ono Kazuko, Chinese Women in a Century of Revolution 1850–1950 (Stanford.: Stanford University Press, 1989), 255. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, no. 53 (1990). 20 Huan Xiong, Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methods and Practices in Women’s Sport Studies (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2016), 134. 21 Zheng Wang, Yanyi Gao, Translating Feminism in China (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2016), 5–6.

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Physical Liberation and Feminism 22 Huan Xiong, Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methods and Practices in Women’s Sport Studies (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2016), 139. 23 Sudo Mizuyo, The Transition of Feminism in China (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic press, 2010), 129. 24 Jinxia Dong, ‘The Long March of Women and Sport in Mainland China’, in Jennifer Hargreaves and Eric Anderson, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality (Oxon: Routledge, 2014), 87–88. 25 Yue Zeng, Liberation and Prohibition of Female Body Images in Modern China (Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2014), 193. 26 Nora, the heroine of A Doll House, took on a life of her own as a model of the self-awakened New Woman. She inspired heated debates throughout many countries about the role of women in the home and in marriage, the restrictions that society places on women’s mental and spiritual growth, and the duties of women to family, to society, and to themselves. 27 Zheng Wang and Yanyi Gao, Translating Feminism in China (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2016), 105. 28 Ibid., 111. 29 Huan Xiong, Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methods and Practices in Women’s Sport Studies (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2016), 140. 30 Jinxia Dong, ‘The Long March of Women and Sport in Mainland China’, in Jennifer Hargreaves and Eric Anderson, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality (Oxon: Routledge, 2014), 88. 31 Zheng Wang and Yanyi Gao, Translating Feminism in China (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2016), 101. 32 Ibid., 107. 33 Huan Xiong, Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methods and Practices in Women’s Sport Studies (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2016), 143. 34 Hong Fan, Foot Binding, Feminism and Freedom (Oxon: Frank Cass, 1997), 129. 35 Ibid., 17.

Bibliography Chao, Jonathon. ‘Western Impact and Social Mobility in China.’ Missionary Monthly 25, no. 6 (1987): 12. CSHSPE. Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Modern Chinese Sports History]. Beijing: People’s Publication House, 1985 Dong, Jinxia. ‘The Long March of Women and Sport in Mainland China’, in Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality, edited byJennifer Hargreaves and Eric Anderson. Oxon: Routledge, 2014. Fan, Hong. Footbinding, Feminism and Freedom: The Liberation of Women’s Bodies in Modern China, Oxon: Frank Cass, 1997. Gao, Yanyi. Cinderella’s Sisters: A Revisionist History of Footbinding, Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2009. Liao, Jianlin. ‘Social Changes and the Development of Modern Sport- Historic Examination to the Third National Games in Old China.’ Qiusuo, no. 4 (2004): 233–235. Ono, Kazuko. Chinese Women in a Century of Revolution 1850–1950. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989. Price, Janet and Shildrick Margrit. Feminist Theory and the Body: A Reader. Edinburgh University Press, 1999. Sudo, Mizuyo. The Transition of Feminism in China. Beijing: Social Sciences Academic press, 2010. Wang, Zheng and Gao, Yanyi. Translating Feminism in China. Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2016. Xiong, Huan. Gender, Body and Society: Theories, Methods and Practices in Women’s Sport Studies. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2016. Yukichi, Fukuzawa. ‘Male and Female Communication Theory.’ Qingyibao (1900). Zeng, Yue. Liberation and Prohibition of Female Body Images in Modern China. Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2014.

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9 CHRISTIANITY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF PHYSICAL EDUCATION AND SPORT IN CHINA Zhang Huijie

Introduction This chapter examines how missionary educational institutions and the YMCA’s physical education and sports programmes—in conjunction with the nation-building project of the Nationalist government— transformed and modernised physical education and sports in modern China between 1840 to 1937. This essay delineates the context of four interrelated and thematically narrated periods: Christianity and the emergence of Western physical education and sport (1840–1908); Christianity and the expansion of Western physical education and sport in China (1908–1919); the diminished role of Christian institutions in physical education and sport programmes in China (1919–1928); and the indigenisation and modernisation of physical education and sport in China (1928–1937). It is argued that the programmes of Christian physical education and sport had long-lasting effects on how physical education and sports became the way of defining ‘modern’ bodies as they were incorporated in the wider education programme of modernising China under the Nationalist government. While doing away with the religious aspects of Christian faith, this rational-instrumental form of modernity based on Christian ethics of the body informed the way in which the Chinese elite adopted Western physical education and sport as a means to achieve their political and cultural ambitions. These values were put into service of the nation, through processes of imbuing the spirit of unity and patriotism in the Chinese people, supporting the enterprise of nation-building, educating the Chinese people, and signifying independent nationhood, as well as projecting outward an image of a modern state in international relations. During the nineteenth century, Christian missionary work was closely connected with the expansion of Western imperialism all over the world.1 From 1840 onward, a number of Western countries, such as the United Kingdom, the United States, France, German, Italy, and Austria-Hungary invaded China, which resulted in the ‘Opium Wars’. China’s inability to repel these incursions allowed the foreign powers to broker several treaties with the Qing government.2 While not always supported by missionaries, the treaties specifically benefited the Christian missionaries who were given legal rights to live in the interior land of China, which afforded them the opportunity to pursue their evangelistic mandates. These missionaries were by and large earnest in their desire to bring to China the material and spiritual values of Western civilisation, despite at times being faced with the hostility and indifference of ordinary Chinese people. Nevertheless, they were also often condescending toward indigenous beliefs, and their ethnocentrism resulted in them – both intentionally and unintentionally – inculcating a particular set of beliefs, values, knowledge, and behavioural norms within China. 76

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Christian Missions and the Emergence of Western Physical Education and Sports in China (1840–1908) After its defeats in both Opium Wars, China’s political and geographic integrity was threatened by not only Western military incursions but domestic instability. Internally, China was ravaged by social upheaval and economic recession, rapid population growth, food shortages, political corruption and bloody insurgencies by ethnic minorities, workers, and peasants. This placed increasing pressure on the Qing government and initiated a period of dynastic decline. Alongside this internal strife, China was further defeated in the First Sino–Japanese War.3 Consequently, the Chinese regime lost much of its international political standing, in particular after a series of unfavourable treaties were signed between the Chinese regime and the Western countries and Imperial Japan. This situation turned China into both a semicolonial and semi-feudal society.4 In the face of domestic strife and foreign aggression, some Chinese government officials and scholars initiated the ‘Self-Strengthening Movement and Hundred Days’ Reform to salvage the sovereignty of the Qing government and the nation as a whole. These reform movements caused the Chinese people to believe that they should learn some positive things from the West, be it in terms of military training, education, politics, economy, or culture. The traditional ideology that ‘to be a scholar is to be at the top of society’ (Wanban jie xiapin, wei you dushugao) was gradually replaced by the dictum ‘strengthen the nation, strengthen the army, and strengthen the race through physical education and military training’ (Tiyu qiangguo qiangbing qiangzhong). The need for physical education, especially military gymnastics, was stressed both by the nationalists and the revolutionaries as crucial to cultivating the fighting force of the Chinese people. However, the situation also provided equally productive opportunities to the missionaries who established Christian educational institutions and staunchly Christian organisations, like the YMCA, to spread Christianity and Western/Christian culture. As Lutz stated, ‘missionaries came to China with the intention of displacing Chinese beliefs, values, and rituals with Christianity.’5 Despite denominational differences, missionaries were generally ‘committed to protecting or even supporting foreign missions out of the belief that the spread of Christianity was a crucial element for the expansion of Western culture in other countries’.6 The missionaries in general were convinced of their intellectual, moral, and spiritual superiority over China.7 They not only expected converts to accept the spiritual aspects Christianity, but were convinced that the local people would benefit from adopting Western familial values, medical systems, lifestyles, and other cultural practices.8 For the missionaries, however, the transformation of the Chinese people was first and foremost a spiritual kind, a struggle to ‘battle with powers of darkness, save the people from sin, and [spiritually] conquer China for Christ’.9 The missionaries’ efforts were so fruitful that not only did they establish very efficient Christian educational institutions and the YMCA but also ‘an effective and reliable native ministry’, which later provided local teachers for the Christian education system and secretaries for the YMCAs. Thus, the missionaries prepared and trained men to take the lead in learning the science and arts of Western civilisation along with developing the best means of proselytising the Chinese people.10 Within this context, muscular Christianity promoted a strong mind in a strong body. Missionaries employed sport as ‘a vehicle to attract and train bodies in the service of religion’.11 Physical education and sport became the most effective tools in transforming Chinese society because the Chinese populace was most vulnerable in its physicality, both ideologically and factually. This provided a justified position from which the missionaries could inculcate the Christian values of ‘sound body and character’ in the local people. Thus, military physical education and certain Western sports such as tennis, soccer, and track and field became the mainstay of the missionary enterprise, along with formal religious education in Christian institutions. In turn, physical education and sports boosted the morale of educational as well as other Christian institutions like the YMCA. The reasons for advocating physical education in the Christian education system can be summarised as follows: first, it would help maintain students’ health and protect 77

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them from disease; second, it was in line with the teaching systems used in foreign countries, notably in the United States and the United Kingdom; third, it would manifest good Christian character in their students; fourth, sports could be used as an instrument to overturn traditional Chinese customs, values, and ways of life and remove the native barriers to their missionary work; and fifth, it provided a good chance for missionaries to make contact with Chinese youths and to attract them to their cause. The YMCA’s work in the area of sport deserves individual attention, especially during the period from 1895 to 1908, because, even though the YMCA had just been launched, it quickly made major headway in engaging and transforming the sensibility of the Chinese youth, not just in the treaty ports but in other big cities as well. The secretaries of the YMCA were highly motivated individuals who took up the task of carrying out physical education activities in their localities and sometimes single-handedly motivated the local students to learn Western games. It was expected that by doing sports organised by the YMCA ‘Christian men could learn masculine virtues and other young men could be introduced to Christian virtues’.12 And yet the YMCA remained true to its task of evangelism because promoting sport allowed it to effectively engage with the Chinese youth, especially those from the literati and the gentry. Thus, during the period from 1840 to 1908, the physical education work carried out both by the Christian educational institutions and the YMCA laid a strong foundation for the spread and promotion of modern Western physical education and sport in China in the years to come, no matter that their influence was limited to missionary educational institutions and YMCA branches in big cities like Tientsin, Beijing, and Shanghai.

Christian Missions and the Expansion of Western Physical Education and Sports in China (1908–1919) Before the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA began promoting their physical education programmes in China, there was relatively little formal physical education and organised sport activities in China. However, during this period (1908–1919), the missionary educational institutions introduced a basic level reform in classroom curricula and teaching methodology as well as conducting regular sports, athletic, and extracurricular activities. Infrastructure was developed with complete sports facilities and professional physical education teachers. The seasonal intramural and interscholastic athletic contests were also a constant feature of the physical education programme of the missionary educational institutions. The YMCA’s activities were also driven by the strong commitment by its individual directors in China, such as M. J. Exner and C. H. McCloy, who were not only able to put into place local structures, but national ones as well to promote the development of physical education and sports in China. The outcome was the huge success of the YMCA initiatives such as the leadership training, the athletic games, indoor and outdoor activities, and physical education in schools. Exner, during his first year in China in 1908, focused on leadership through the training of physical directors, the organisation of physical education classes, and the management of sporting activities and athletic contests through clubs as a means to engage members, and the provision of Bible classes. After a few months of experience with the local YMCA in Shanghai (Shanghai YMCA), Exner recognised the importance of establishing a leadership programme for new YMCA physical directors in order to meet the demand for trained physical personnel for the both YMCAs and the colleges.13 As a consequence, a new contingent of foreign physical directors and secretaries arrived in China to serve the YMCA in the 1910s. These foreigners were trained in sports science and it was through the combined efforts of both the locally trained and foreign directors and secretaries that the YMCA’s work could be expedited by enhancing the number of short-term physical education training classes. Subsequently, YMCA Schools of Physical Education were established by the YMCA, resulting in the identification of major Chinese sports talents. In addition, Chinese students were sent abroad to study physical education and sport. Meanwhile, they spared no effort in holding the local, regional, and national competitions and the Far Eastern Championship Games (FECG). The YMCA’s role in this regard was always well received by the 78

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emerging Chinese sports talent as well as the government officers. The YMCA also remained successful in establishing an ongoing partnership with the missionary tertiary institutions, particularly as both of these organisations were serving various aspects of the same religious agenda. Institutional as well as infrastructural help would come from abroad as and when required, and the YMCA effectively dominated in nearly all matters related to Western physical education and sports in China.

Rising Nationalism and the Diminishing Role of the Christian Institutions in Chinese National Physical Education and Sports (1919–1928) After the New Culture Movement and the May Fourth Movement, nationalism continued to expand among the Chinese people, especially among the intellectuals. These two movements paved the way for the Anti-Christian Movement of the 1920s by creating a unifying narrative of paranoiac projection outward of a foreign threat that could only be overcome through a process of Sinification. During this period (1919–1928), in the context of widespread nationalist sentiment, Christianity came to be regarded as a tool of Western cultural and political imperialism and was denigrated accordingly. Within the short span of the five years from 1922 to 1927, three waves of the Anti-Christian Movement had erupted, occasioning a tragic denouement of the years-long efforts of the Christian missionaries and the YMCA’s foreign directors in China.14 As a result, by the end of 1927, many churches had been forced to close or were seized by the Northern Expedition Army. Many foreign missionaries and their converts were killed, and numerous foreign missionaries and YMCA secretaries were sent back to their own countries.15 At the same time, the trend towards the indigenisation of the Christian organisations was growing across the general population, as can be seen from the increasing number of Chinese Christians who took up leadership roles in organisations like the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA. They wished to demonstrate the compatibility of Christianity and Chinese nationalism by redefining Christianity in terms of China’s own religious culture.16 Sport provided ‘important insights into varieties of imperialism, the cultural politics of the antiimperialist struggle and postcolonial legacies’.17 The role of the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA in physical education and sport declined between 1919 and 1928 and Western sport in China underwent a process of indigenisation in terms of its leadership. First, as a result of the Anti-Christian Movement, many missionary educational institutions and YMCAs had closed, and many others could not carry on their activities and educational work as effectively as they had done previously. Some of their Chinese sports talents left the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA to study or work in Chinese schools or indigenous sports communities. In addition, as a result of the nationwide boycott of the missionary educational institutions, some teams from missionary educational institutions and universities were banned from taking part in some interscholastic athletic contests, and new interscholastic athletic contests were organised to rival the Christian ones. Second, alongside the declining role accorded to the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA, indigenous sports and in particular martial arts began to receive greater attention from the Chinese people – to the extent that, for some nationalists, martial arts were seen to serve as a counterweight to Western sports, even if this did not happen in practice. Third, the failures of the Chinese team at the Sixth FECG resulted in a series of discussions and reflections on the issue of sport sovereignty. The absence of an indigenous community or organisation to manage Chinese sports and a lack of support from the government were concluded to be the main reasons for this. Therefore, it was decided to replace the China National Athletic Union set up by the YMCA, with the China National Amateur Athletic Federation (CNAAF), which was made responsible for the organisation of athletic games, especially international games such as the FECG. One noteworthy aspect of this development was that all the members of the new CNAAF were Chinese. Even though a large number of the leaders in the sports communities had once been trained by or had worked for the YMCA, the leadership of Chinese competitive sports and physical education changed to Chinese hands. The 79

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Chinese nationalists used Western physical education and sports to wake up a national sentiment of ‘China under threat’. They also used competitive sports to foster nationalistic spirit and patriotism.

Nationalism and the Indigenisation and Modernisation of Physical Education and Sports in China (1928–1937) After the foundation of the Nanjing Nationalist government in 1928, Chiang Kai-shek’s priority was to restore unity and order in China, and especially to put an end to China’s perceived humiliation at the hands of foreigners by abolishing unequal treaties and regaining lost territories. By 1937, the government’s control over the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA was greater than ever, which can be seen as an example of the Nationalist government’s success in restoring China’s sovereign rights in a range of areas. Christian institutions were required to register with the government, a move which was envisaged to enable the wider indigenisation and enculturation of the Christian organisations under the influence of the Chinese political and cultural sphere. Therefore, while promoting an essentially foreign religion and set of values, the missionary educational institutions and the YMCA, were now effectively interpellated in being active promoters in the process of ‘moudling a nation state identity among contemporary Chinese’.18 As Lai and Lam point out, for the Chinese missionaries and YMCA directors, ‘the response of Christianity to nationalism [was] carried out in a nationalist manner, the result of which could be nothing but intensifying and justifying nationalism’,19 a process in which religion played a decreasing role. It was in the context of protecting the nation that physical education and sport in missionary educational institutions and the YMCA experienced recovery and a certain degree of development from 1928 to 1937 when compared with the previous period of 1919 to 1928. However, despite these gains, the missionary education institutions and the YMCA did not recover the position of authority in matters of physical education and sports in China that they had held in the first two decades of the century. In fact, physical education and sports were used by the Nationalist government as instruments for strengthening the Chinese nation and to improve the physical fitness of the Chinese people, to improve the image of the new nation state, to spread its ideology of nationalism, to inculcate in the Chinese the notions of national identity and national consciousness, and to enhance the international standing and image of China. While in earlier periods, missionary-led sports and physical education fit easily within Mangan’s notion of missionary-led sports as a medium of cultural imperialism to embed the colonial enterprise into the lives of colonial subjects,20 this period becomes an interesting one because it would suggest either that Western physical education and sports gradually merged and became enculturated into mainstream Chinese culture, or that it became indigenised through the nationalistic enterprise which represented a process of negotiation and of active resistance to Western colonialism.

Concluding This chapter focuses on the development of missionary educational institutions and the YMCA’s physical education and sports programmes and how they, along with burgeoning Chinese nationalism, transformed physical education and sports in modern China between 1840 and 1937. While missionary educational institutions and the YMCA used physical education and sports as agents of religious conversion and cultural propagation in an attempt to Christianize China, they also significantly influenced the development of modern physical education and sports in China by introducing and promoting Western sports, advocating physical education in schools, training and cultivating sport talent and leadership, and organising various athletic games. Christian missionaries and YMCA directors thus played a significant part in instigating a process of social and cultural change in modern China, and – both intentionally and unintentionally – inculcated a particular set of beliefs, values, knowledge, and behavioural norms in China. 80

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This process of inculturation and indigenisation has been described in some existing literature as a process of cultural imperialism and an imperialist tool for foreign encroachment. However, this chapter illustrates how any such intended direct form of imperialism was made by and large ineffective in the way the Chinese Nationalist government appropriated Western sports in its own nation-building projects. This said, these programmes had long-lasting effects on how physical education and sports became the way of defining ‘modern’ bodies as the missionary education institutions and the YMCA’s programmes in particular were incorporated in the wider education programme of modernising China under the Nationalist government. While doing away with the religious aspects of Christian faith, this rational-instrumental form of modernity based on Christian ethics of the body informed the way in which the Chinese elite adopted Western physical education and sports as a means to achieve their political and cultural ambitions. These values were put in the service of the nation, through processes of imbuing the spirit of unity and patriotism in the Chinese people, supporting the enterprise of nation-building, educating the Chinese people, and signifying independent nationhood, as well as projecting outward an image of a modern state in international relations.

Notes 1 R.R. Cook and D.W. Pao, After Imperialism: Christian Identity in China and the Global Evangelical Movement (Cambridge, UK: Lutterworth Press, 2012), 24. 2 Following the Chinese defeat in the First Opium War (1839–1942), unequal treaties were signed between China and first Britain and then France and the United States by virtue of which missionaries were permitted to live in treaty ports such as Tientsin, Peking (Beijing), Fuzhou, Ningbo, and Shanghai, and to travel to the interior of China. After similar outcomes in the Second Opium War (1856–1860), Roman Catholic missionaries were permitted by the Qing government to buy land and build churches in China. Later, when the most-favourednation clause was introduced to a treaty with one Western country, its privilege was automatically extended to other foreign countries. 3 The First Sino–Japanese War was fought between Qing Dynasty China and Meiji Japan from 1 August 1894 to 17 April 1895, primarily over control of Korea. After more than six months of continuous successes by the Japanese army and naval forces, the Qing leadership sued for peace in February 1895 and was forced to sign the humiliating Treaty of Shimonoseki. 4 M. Dillon, Dictionary of Chinese History (London & New York: Routledge, 2013), 61. 5 J.G. Lutz and R.R. Lutz, Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, 1850–1900: With the Autobiographies of Eight Hakka Christians, and Commentary (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), 3. 6 R.R. Cook and D.W. Pao, After Imperialism: Christian Identity in China and the Global Evangelical Movement (Cambridge, Lutterworth Press, 2012), 24. 7 Andrew Porter, ‘“Cultural Imperialism” and Protestant Missionary Enterprise, 1780–1914’, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 25, no. 3 (1997): 367–391. 8 V. Hansen and K. Curtis, Voyages in World History, Volume II: Since 1500 (Boston: Cengage Learning, 2013), 682. 9 Matthew Tyson Yates, Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10–24, 1877 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878), 32. 10 Ibid., 176–178. 11 G.R. Gems, The Athletic Crusade: Sport and American Cultural Imperialism (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2006), 10. 12 Paul Old James, ‘Muscular Christianity’, The Review of Politics 70, no. 2 (2008): 320–323. 13 M.J. Exner, ‘Annual Report of the Physical Department from Oct. 1908 to Jan. 1909. Dr. M.J. Exner, Shanghai’, in China Annual Reports of Secretaries 1909–1911 (1909). 14 K. Yip, Religion, Nationalism, and Chinese Students: The Anti-Christian Movement of 1922–1927 (Bellingham: Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, 1980), 84. 15 Ibid., 84. 16 Ibid., 84. 17 Alan Bairner, ‘Sport, Nationalism and Globalization: Relevance, Impact, Consequences’, Hitotsubashi Journal of Arts and Sciences 49, no. 1 (2008): 43–53. 18 C.X.G. Wei and X. Liu, Chinese Nationalism in Perspective: Historical and Recent Cases (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2001), 47.

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Zhang Huijie 19 P.C. Lai and J. Lam, Sino–Christian Theology: A Theological Qua Cultural Movement in Contemporary China (Bern: Peter Lang, 2010), 142. 20 J.A. Mangan, ‘In Pursuit of Perspective: The Other Empire of Sport–Cultural Imperialism for Confident Control and Consequent Legacies’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 17 (2011): 2609–2624.

Bibliography Bairner, Alan. ‘Sport, Nationalism and Globalization: Relevance, Impact, Consequences.’ Hitotsubashi Journal of Arts and Sciences 49, no. 1 (2008): 43–53. Cook, R.R., and D.W. Pao. After Imperialism: Christian Identity in China and the Global Evangelical Movement. Cambridge, UK: Lutterworth Press, 2012. Dillon, M. Dictionary of Chinese History. London & New York: Routledge, 2013. Exner, M.J. ‘Annual Report of the Physical Department from Oct. 1908 to Jan. 1909. Dr. M.J. Exner, Shanghai.’ In China Annual Reports of Secretaries 1909–1911, 166–168, 1909. Gems, G.R. The Athletic Crusade: Sport and American Cultural Imperialism. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2006. Hansen, V., and K. Curtis. Voyages in World History, Volume II: Since 1500. Boston: Cengage Learning, 2013. James, Paul Old. ‘Muscular Christianity.’ The Review of Politics 70, no. 2 (2008): 320–323. Lai, P.C., and J. Lam. Sino–Christian Theology: A Theological Qua Cultural Movement in Contemporary China. Bern: Peter Lang, 2010. Lutz, J.G., and R.R. Lutz. Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, 1850–1900: With the Autobiographies of Eight Hakka Christians, and Commentary. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1998. Mangan, J.A. ‘In Pursuit of Perspective: The Other Empire of Sport–Cultural Imperialism for Confident Control and Consequent Legacies.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 17 (2011): 2609–2624. Matthew, Tyson Yates. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10–24, 1877. Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878. Porter, Andrew. ‘“Cultural Imperialism” and Protestant Missionary Enterprise, 1780–1914.’ The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 25, no. 3 (1997): 367–391. Wei, C.X.G., and X. Liu. Chinese Nationalism in Perspective: Historical and Recent Cases. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2001. Yip, K. Religion, Nationalism, and Chinese Students: The Anti-Christian Movement of 1922–1927. Bellingham: Centre for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, 1980.

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10 SPORTING EVENTS AND COMPETITIONS IN MODERN CHINA Wang Runbin, Wang Haiyan, and Liu Huaxuan

Introduction Following the Opium Wars (1839–42; 1856–60), the doors of modern China had opened to foreign dignitaries, and foreign missionary activities were subsequently carried out. Churches were established throughout China. By the year of 1916, only the Protestants from Britain and the United States had established 618 central congregations and 5,517 churches in China. While promoting religious activities, these churches also founded charities as well as educational and cultural undertakings. In the second half of the nineteenth century, various denominations (mainly from the United States and Britain) opened several missionary schools in China, including Wenhua University in Wuchang (1871), St. John’s College (1879), Soochow University (1899), and Hujiang University (1903) in Shanghai, to name a few. Most of these missionary schools were equipped with sports venues and carried out sports activities such as track-and-field and ball games. In particular, missionary schools in Beijing and Shanghai were the first to organize sporting competitions.1 The competitions held in Shanghai’s St. John’s College in 1890 was regarded as the earliest school track meet in China.2,3,4 Since then, the scale of sports events and competitions in modern China continued to grow and improve, expending from the initial municipal intramural and interschool competitions to provincial and regional ones, and gradually developed into national sports events.

Interschool Sports Competitions in Modern China In modern China, most of the sports competitions originated from missionary schools, which is closely related to the educational philosophy of Christianity. Ma Yuehan pointed out that, ‘There were no actual schools in China before Catholicism and Christianity were imported. Chinese teenagers had no idea about Western-style sports games or gymnastics. The greatest principle of the state in educating children was to educate them into literati and refined scholars. The long-term lack of regular and systematic gymnastics had greatly degraded the fitness of the Chinese people. When missionary schools became established in China, priests found that children’s health and fitness level were far from minimum standards. They also found that the workload of the children was [cumbersome]. Therefore, they wanted to introduce [the children to] some sports and games for rest and entertainment’.5 Taking St. John’s College as an example, the sports competitions were not compulsory. A track meet was held twice a year. Prizes were awarded to the first, second and third placers, and gold medals were awarded to the champions of individual events. All prizes were provided by the school. At first, these competitions attracted very few students. With the addition of DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-13

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competitive factors (e.g., interclass competitions), the number of participants began to soar. Teachers were brought in to judge, parents were invited to watch, and all the trainings were conducted by teachers.6 Afterwards, some contemporary institutions began to hold sports competitions. Various newspapers at that time recorded these competitions, such as sports meetings in Hubei Normal School in 1903,7 Jinling Dongwen School in 1904,8 and Shandong Cheng Normal School in 1905,9 to name a few. Simultaneously, interschool sports were carried out one after another. Wang Enpu, a former student of the Naval School, recalled that on the year before Gengzi (1899) two men proposed an inter-school sports competition. One is Wang Shaoquan, the general director of a newly established college (probably Beiyang College), and the other Ding Jiali, a British general dean (provost). They invited the students from the Naval School, the Military School and the Telegraph School to participate in that competition. More than 20 students from the Naval School took part in, and the Naval school came in third place.10 This event was considered as the first inter-school sports competition in China.11 Subsequently, inter-school sports competitions became popular and were held more increasingly. Suzhou College, Nanyang College, Nanjing College, and St. John’s College organized an ‘intercollegiate athletic association’ where they competed against each other twice a year, held track meets in the spring, and football championships in the winter. These competitions were held on the campuses of each school in turn.12 Hubei Wulu Higher School and the Higher Primary School affiliated to Normal University collaboratively held the autumn sports meeting at Yuema Field.13 Five Schools in Tonghai also jointly held the sports meeting.14 Such cases are too numerous to mention. The largest inter-school sports competition in the late Qing Dynasty was the ‘First United Sports Meeting in Jiangnan’ held in Nanjing in 1907 (also known as ‘the first joint sports meeting of Ningyuan Academic Community’). More than 80 schools participated in this meeting,15 which included competitions in ‘walking races’ (running), field events, gymnastics, military events, and other activities such as leisure games (e.g., ball games, dancing games, etc.) and dancing.16 In general, the organizers of sports competitions in early-modern China changed from missionary schools to new-style institutions, and then to multi-school collaborations. The trend of this development was relatively rapid.

Regional Sports Competitions in Modern China Due to the development of various inter-school sports meetings, Chinese people’s recognition of sports competitions had gradually begun to increase. More frequent sports competitions were held at provincial and municipal levels throughout modern China, treated as opportunities to strengthen national health and increase the public’s fitness. At the municipal level, Tianjin held a joint sports meeting in 1902, Ningbo city of Zhejiang held a sports meeting in 1906, and Hangzhou held a joint sports meeting in Meidong Gaoqiao in 1906.17 At the provincial level, Sichuan held its first provincial games in 1905, Hunan held its in 1905, Jiangsu in 1914, Jilin in 1919,18 and Fujian organized the Southern Fujian United Games in 1912, followed by its provincial games in 1920. Guangdong began organizing tennis and football matches in 1904, and later basketball and volleyball matches in 1909. Hong Kong established the Chinese leisure club in 1912 and began to hold open sports games in 1921.19 Before the 1911 Revolution, gymnastics and leisure games were the main sports competitions. After the revolution, track-and-field events and ball games gradually increased.20 For the regional large-scale competitions, 18 North China Games and six Central China Games were held during the Republican Period (1912–1949). While there was no regional sports meeting held in East China, an ‘Eastern Eight University Sports Meeting’ was organized where the ‘Eastern Eight University Sports Federation’ was established.21 Dong Shouyi has systematically reviewed the history of the North China Games and the evolution of the North China Sports Federation. In 1910, the ‘First National Games’ were held in Nanjing, stipulating ‘North China’ as one participating unit. Although there were already some inter-school competitions in Beijing and Tianjin, no organizations such as the North China Sports Federation had been established. Consequently, the selection for sports teams was only arranged on 84

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a temporary basis, which to some extent it promoted the development of North China sports organizations. Meanwhile, the first North China Games were held at that time in 1913. The establishment and holding of the North China Games benefited from the development of various competitions and sports organizations in North China. Before 1913, Tianjin had already held eight sports meetings, and began to invite non-local schools to participate. In 1912, the Beijing Sports Competition Association was founded. All these factors contributed to the convening of the first North China Games to a degree. In 1913, based on the Beijing Sports Competition Association, the first North China Games were held in the Temple of Heaven in Beijing on May 24. However, the number of athletes and participating teams were limited. Most of them were from various schools, and there were only 14 track-and-field events. The situation had improved in the subsequent development process. For example, in the 7th North China Games held in Taiyuan in 1919, 44 units from Shandong and Henan provinces participated and the number of participants increased substantially. The competition levels and competition events had also improved. The men’s intermediate division was added to the competition levels in 1919, and women’s track-and-field, basketball, and volleyball were included to the competition events in 1929. Additionally, beginning at the 11th North China Games in 1924, ball games were listed separately as ‘North China Ball Games’, albeit temporarily. The 19th North China Games were not held as scheduled due to the outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japanese aggression, and the North China Games ended since then.22

The National Games in Modern China In 1910, ‘China’s First National United Games’ were organized by the China Youth Association, with more than 100 athletes participating in the games.23 The main elements of the games included track-andfield, tennis, basketball, and football games. In terms of the scoring method, the first place got 5 points, the second 3 points, and the third 1 point. A silver cup was awarded for the team with the most points, while gold, silver, and bronze medals were attributed to atheletes of first, second, and third places.24 In these games, the country was divided into North China, Wuhan, Wuning (Suzhou and Nanjing), Shanghai, and South China five regions. There were no class restrictions for athletes who participated in these competitions. It is regarded as the first National Games in modern China. The second National Games were held in the Temple of Heaven in Beijing, hosted by the Beijing Sports Competition Association. The games divided the country into four regions: east, west, south, and north. The competition events were divided into track-and-field, football, baseball, volleyball, basketball, and tennis. The third National Games were held in Wuchang, Hubei Province. Xiong Bingsan was the president and Zhang Boling was the chief referee. The judges were Chinese except for a handful of Westerners in swimming and baseball. These games also divided into the four regions mentioned. Women’s ball games, boy scouts, national gymnastics, apparatus gymnastics (gymnastics with the use of specialized apparatus or devices), and other sports were added into these games. About 40,000–50,000 people attended the Games.25 However, these National Games were somewhat premature and poorly organized, which had attracted considerable criticism. Xiong Changqing, president of the 9th Guangdong Games, criticized the planning and organizing of the third National Games. In a newspaper article, he commented that the National Games should be notified at least one year in advance so that the selection and training of all levels could be carried out as scheduled. This was in response to poor organizational efforts that led to games being hastily arranged in Hubei Province, liking it to child’s play (see Table 10.1).26 The timing and location of the fourth National Games had changed several times due to the turbulent situation, and it was finally decided to be held in Hangzhou. Organized by the Zhejiang provincial government, the games were held in the playground of Meidong Gaoqiao Barracks in Hangzhou. The budget was 260,000 yuan, with 100,000 yuan allocated by the Zhejiang provincial government and 135,000 yuan allocated by other provinces and cities. The national government President Jiang was as the honorary president, Dai Chuanxian as president, He Yingqin and Zhang Renjie as vice presidents, 85

Wang Runbin et al. Table 10.1 An overview of the National Games, 1910–1948 27 Event

Year

Location

Host

The 1st National Games The 2nd National Games

1910 1914

Nanjing Beijing

The 3rd National Games

1924

Wuchang

The 4th National Games The 5th National Games The 6th National Games The 7th National Games (originally scheduled) The 7th National Games

1930 1933 1935 1937

Hangzhou Nanjing Shanghai Nanjing

China Youth Association Beijing Sports Competition Association National Amateur Athletic Federation The National government The National government The National government Cancelled (because of war)

1948

Shanghai

The National government

Number of Athletes 140 96 340 1,630 2,248 2,700

2,233

Sources: Lang Jing, Modern Sports in Shanghai: 1840–1937 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2006).

Zhu Jiahua as preparation director, and Zhou Xiangxian and Huang Mingdao as preparation deputy directors. By doing so, the fourth National Games became a prelude to the national government’s promotion of sports. These games took provinces, cities, and overseas Chinese organizations as the participating units, and a total of 22 units took part. The Games set eight men’s events, including track-and-field, individual all-around, swimming, football, basketball, volleyball, tennis, baseball. In addition, there were four women’s events, namely track-and-field, basketball, volleyball, and tennis. Subsequently, the government took greater part in the preparations for the National Games, and the number of athletes participating in the soared. National sports events in modern China began showing more promising signs of improvement and progress. The fifth National Games were postponed because of the Mukden Incident. The government drew up the organizational rules and budget of the preparatory committee. Since then, the National Games began to be organized by the central government. During the preparation of the conference, the Ministry of Education invited 22 members to organize the preparatory committee, which set up two subcommittees, one for competition and the other for adjudication. Under these committees, the departments of venue, equipment, registration, allocation, adjudication, and records and prizes were set up to carry out the preparatory work, respectively. Wrestling was a new addition to the National Games, and a total of 32 units participated. The sixth National Games took place in Shanghai with 38 participating units. The municipal government raised money for building a sizeable stadium. They issued 3.5 million yuan in central government bonds, built the stadium with 1 million, and started the construction on a 300-acre plot in Municipal First Park. Aside from the sports ground, a gymnasium and swimming pool were also built. These facilities were a major addition for the National Games. The Shanghai National Games set new standards by determining the rules of the games, thus making subsequent National Games more systematic. In commemoration of the Mukden incident that took place in Shenyang,28 the Northeast athletes were dressed in all black. The flags held by the athletes were half black and half white, showing that they would never forget the white mountains and black water outside the gate, which was touching. Due to the outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japan, the seventh National Games were held 13 years later, in 1948 (see Table 10.1). With nearly 100,000 spectators and 58 units participating, the event was unprecedented. In addition to 2,233 athletes, there were 4,400 students from various schools who performed the assembly exercises.29 This event was also the last of the National Games held by the Kuomintang authorities (the central government). In addition to the above-mentioned competitions and sports events, the Communist Party of China held various levels of sports games in the central Soviet Area where it was located, such as the first Sports 86

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Congress of the Soviet Republic of China. During the Anti-Japanese War, so-called ‘national’ and ‘provincial and municipal’ competitions were also held in the Japanese-occupied areas, such as the ‘Manchukuo Sports Conference’. But these games were as ‘false goodwill’ created by Japan for political purposes and are not further discussed here.

The Development of Sports Events and Competitions in Modern China As mentioned above, the development of the sports events and competitions in Modern China had initially started in missionary schools and subsequently spread to new-style institutions. Since then, various inter-school, provincial, municipal, regional, and national sports events were gradually carried out. The scale and frequency of these events kept increasing (except during the Anti-Japanese War). The hosts of these events changed from ‘Westerner’ to ‘Chinese’, and a transfer from non-governmental to government funding also emerged in their organizations. Additionally, the funds needed to hold the sports events were transferred from private funds to official (public) funds. Take the second and third National Games as examples. The second National Games were initiated by the Sports Competition Association, and the funds needed for the games were partly from the charity organizations donated by various Chinese and Western patrons.30 When preparing for the third National Games, Nie Xian, Shen Guoquan, and Shen Siliang31 publicized the revenue and expenditure of competition funds in East China. As shown in Table 10.2, official and non-official organizations contributed to the participation of athletes in this region. It was not until the fourth National Games that the main source of funds for these events transferred from non-official to official sponsors. Table 10.2 Revenue and expenditure of East China Committee of the National Games for participating in the third National Games Category

Name

Amount

Total

Revenue (Donation)

Jiangsu Provincial Government Universal Sports Association Shanghai Business Library Hua Xiaofang Shanghai Xianshi Company

1615 yuan 42 Tank Tops

Revenue (Travelling expenses)

Shen Guoquan, Jing Dandan, Pan Yihua, Shen Siliang Song Ruhai (One-way passage) Wang Sifang (Fudan University) Five from Southeast University Telegram fee (sent to Wuchang) Registration fee for teams Medicinal and pharmaceutical substances Cost of athletes’ meals during the Games Printing and postage Printing of names on tank tops Portage fees, etc. Sports equipment (balls, etc.) Round trip tickets and tips

1000 yuan 500 yuan 100 yuan 15 yuan Tank Tops (three dozen and a half) 76 yuan

Expenditure

Balance

9.8 yuan 17 yuan 70.1 yuan 7.1 yuan 82 yuan 28.65 yuan 116 yuan 2.5 yuan 5 yuan 22 yuan 52.8 yuan 1,144.5 yuan

172.9 yuan

1460.55 yuan

327.35 yuan

Source: Compiled from Economic Report on East China’s Participation in the National Games (Nie Xian, Shen Guoquan, Shen Siliang, Education and Life, 1924).

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Additionally, the organizing of small sports competitions showed the trend of acceptance by the public and gained popularity, while the large-scale ones were becoming more mature. The number of participating units, participants, and the competition events had all increased. The referees and rules of the sports events also changed from ‘Western’ to ‘Chinese’. Take the North China Games as an example; before the 7th North China Games, all the referees and instructors were foreigners. By the 10th National Games, from the organization to referees, all were represented by Chinese. The competition rules and terminology were all in English until 1916, after which various Chinese translations were introduced. Since 1925, Chinese terms for field and sports equipment were used.32

Historical Values and Limitations of the Sports Events and Competitions in Modern China The rise of sports competitions in modern China was closely related to the socio-political environment of that time. After the Opium Wars, China was reduced to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The Chinese were even mocked by Westerners as the ‘sick man of East Asia’. Within this context, the historical value of sports competitions and events are highlighted. In modern China, sports events and competitions were favored by only a handful of progressives at the beginning of their rise. In 1904, the Continental newspaper (Dalu Bao) published an article entitled ‘Practical Criticism: The Holding of the Games,’33 which commented on the sports meetings organized by the Hubei Association of Jiangsu-Zhejiang Province in a high school on May 28th. The author firstly analyzed the social status quo, stating that the public held an opinion that ‘children are ignorant and love to tease, while easy to get hurt’. With respect to the various children’s games played, he exclaimed that ‘parents forbid it, others saying it is bad; the richer a child is, the less likely he dares to approach the games. Children are used to being pampered from childhood, and then grow up to be fragile, even more fragile than women. I do not know how many Chinese children are like that.’ Then, the author criticized the pedantic education of the time, which required children to be ‘gentle and quiet’, and discussed the benefits of sports to the body and patriotism, said that ‘the sports meeting held by Zhejiang Tourism Institute today is very common in civilized countries, but a new idea in ours. I heard that the visitors are so numerous, which, it indicates a new trend, and will be followed by schools all over the country in the future. That, will be the progress of a military spirit (Shangwu).’34 After this, many scholars further discussed the benefits of holding sports events. Huang Yanpei35 discussed the educational value of sports competitions and e believed that ‘people are composed of body and mind. The mind is elusive, but the health of the body is recognized as the foundation of all behavior.’ He added that the aim of the sports events ‘is not to cultivate some excellent skills, but to fundamentally improve the fitness of the general public; it is not for someone’s praise or temporary fame, but for the practical benefits of the majority … . Sports events could be used to arouse the spirit, encourage the progress. This is the purpose. When it comes to competition, the most important thing is to compete with the person I am today against the person I was yesterday, rather than one person against another. If I am better today than I was yesterday, although beaten by others, I would still be honored.’ Xiao Yaonan36 also discussed the value of competitions, which were to ‘strengthen Chinese (Qiangzhong)’ and claimed that ‘recently, sports competitions are held every year in schools, in provinces, nationally and internationally. They progress with each passing day, and closely link to the future of our fitness and our race’. Sports competitions and events not only benefited health and education, but also stimulated the patriotism of Chinese people. In modern games, Chinese athletes always tried their best to beat foreign teams. For example, in 1906, the North Tongzhou Xiehe College Football Team played a match with the British Garrison Football Team in Beijing. When the competition was in full swing, a senior official of the Qing Dynasty happened to pass by the stadium in a sedan chair. He was upset to see the Chinese daring to compete with the foreigners. With the mentality of a slave, he speculated that the Chinese were bound to 88

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fail. To please the foreigner, the next day he sent a ‘white magnetic nine dragons’ cup to the British Legation in Beijing, saying it was a present for the winner of yesterday’s football match. For a moment the Englishman was confused, because in the football match, the Xiehe College Football Team beat the British Garrison by two goals to zero. Consequently, the British Legation had to send the cup to the Xiehe College.37 Ma Yuehan had described a similar situation. In 1905, a massive public track-and-field meet was held under the supervision of the Shanghai YMCA with an audience of about 5,000 spectators. A total of 63 competitors took part in the mile race, including four Japanese and several Europeans, and Ma Yuehan was one of the athletes in the race. On the third lap, the four tall Japanese runners began running parallel in front. At that time, the Japanese audience (about 300 people) all stood up and shouted. At the end of the third lap, Ma Yuehan began to pick up speed. When he was about 400 yards from the finish line, everyone in the crowd shouted at him, ‘Go, Yuehan! Go!’ As Ma Yuehan began to sprint, each cheering Chinese audience and student chanted ‘Yuehan, Yuehan’ to ‘China, China.’ The chanting inspired Ma Yuehan, helping him ‘easily’ finish the race about 50 yards ahead of the Japanese. After the race, he was carried around the field by a group of businessmen.38 In addition, sports events and competitions in modern China also played a role in lifting women’s status and promoting gender equality. To better promote the popularity of sports among women, female athletes were invited to participate in the third National Games. Women’s schools from all provinces were invited to select athletes to participate in the Games.39 Sports competitions and events in modern China had inherent historical value, but the limitations of it cannot be ignored. Some scholars believed that these Western competitions were, to some extent, a means of indoctrination and cultural invasion.40 In modern times, many scholars also believed that while sports competition enhanced Chinese people’s fitness, it also led to some unhealthy customs. Jiang Xiangqing41 indicated that sports competition encouraged students’ vanity and bred a hostile environment, saying that ‘Nothing is more attractive than vanity, and sports are regarded by students today as a contest for fame. The school authorities, however, only encouraged the vanity with rewards, such as reduced tuition, rich food, and various preferential treatment.’ In addition, the author mentioned problems such as lack of reserve athletes and favoritism towards the excellent athletes. ‘Apart from the militarization of Chinese sports, it has also become aristocratic and autocratic. Few new talents appear in competition except for the old excellent ones. In every university, athletes are rarely not regarded as a special class. They do not have to attend classes, and even allowed to fail courses. Some schools even recruit elite athletes for advertising …’42 Hao Gengsheng43 pointed out two major drawbacks of competition in modern China. One is that there was imbalance between schools and society, and between cities and villages. The second one is about the professionalization of the competitions, which he argued was ‘in terms of environment, it developed much better in school; in terms of region, it developed much better in big cities with convenient transportation. In that case, sport competitions became almost exclusively the preserve of big cities and schools, and was ignored in the countryside and in society. Subsequently, sports were constructed to be a symbol of the aristocracy, and participating competitions becomes a profession. This abnormal development was contrary to the essence of sport.’ After the founding of The People’s Republic of China, some scholars pointed out that the sports in missionary schools emphasized the ‘player system’ at the very beginning and encouraged the value of ‘championism’ (i.e., focus only on the goal of achieving elite performance). After the 2020s, the ‘championism’ value became a sharp problem in sports.44

Notes 1 Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1985), 40–41. 2 D.J. Wang, M.X. Zhou, and X.Y. Zhang, ‘1890 Nian Shengyuehan Shuyuan Yundonghui Shi Kao [A Historical Study of St. John’s College Sports Meeting in 1890]’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 1 (2011): 141–144. 3 Shiming Luo, Aoyun Laidao Zhongguo [Olympic Games Come to China] (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 2005), 44.

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Wang Runbin et al. 4 Lang Jing, Jindai Tiyu Zai Shanghai: 1840–1937 [Modern Sports in Shanghai: 1840–1937] (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2006), 57. 5 Yanfu Huang, Mayuehan Tiyu Yanlun Ji [Ma Yuehan Sports Commentary Collection] (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 1986), 9–10. 6 Ibid., 16. 7 Anonymous, ‘Ji Yundonghui [A report on the Games]’, Shenbao, 1903-06-06 (2). 8 Anonymous, ‘She Yundonghui [Setting the Games]’, Nanyang Guanbao, no. 141 (1904): 15. 9 Anonymous, ‘Ge Sheng Xinwen: Shifan Xuetang Kai Yundonghui [Provincial News: Normal School Holds Sports Meeting]’, Nanyang Guanbao, no. 878 (1905): 7. 10 Sports Technical Committee of Sport Commission of the People’s Republic of China, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi Cankao Ziliao (Di San Ji) [China Sports History Reference Materials (Vol. 3)] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1958), 121–122. 11 S.Q. Gu, and B.Y. Lin, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi (Xia) [History of Sports in China (Vol. 2)] (Beijing: Beijing Institute of Sport Press, 1989), 63. 12 Yanfu Huang, Mayuehan Tiyu Yanlun Ji [Ma Yuehan Sports Commentary Collection] (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 1986), 17. 13 Anonymous, ‘Ge Xuetang Juxing Qiuji Yundonghui (Hubei) [Schools Hold Autumn Sports Meeting (Hubei)]’, Shi Bao, 1904-10-25 (6). 14 Anonymous, ‘Ge Sheng Xinwen: Tonghai Wu Shu Ge Xuexiao Lianhe Yundonghui [Provincial News: The United Sports Meeting of Five Schools in Tonghai]’, Beiyang Guanbao, no. 839 (1905): 6–7. 15 Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1985), 45. 16 Anonymous,‘Ben Nian Gong Zhu Huangtaihou Wan Shou Jiangnan Lianhe Yundonghui Ji Shi (Cheng Qian Ce) [Record on Jiangnan United Games for Celebrating the Empress Dowager Cixi’s Birthday (Predecessor)]’, Nanyang Guanbao, no. 97 (1907): 7–16. 17 S.Q. Gu, and B.Y. Lin, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi (Xia) [History of Sports in China (Vol. 2)] (Beijing: Beijing Institute of Sport Press, 1989), 64. 18 Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1985), 46. 19 Shiquan Gu, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi [History of Sports in China] (Beijing: Beijing Institute of Sport Press, 1997), 228–229. 20 Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History] (Beijing: People’’s Sport Publishing House, 1985), 46. 21 Lang Jing, Jindai Tiyu Sai Shanghai [Modern Sports in Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2006), 325. 22 Sports Technical Committee of Sport Commission of the People’s Republic of China, Zhonguotiyu Shi Cankao Ziliao (Di San Ji) [China Sports History Reference Materials (Vol. 3)] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1958), 98–104. 23 Anonymous, ‘Zhongguo Quanguo Yundonghui [China National Games]’, Shibao, 1910-10-16 (6). 24 Special Correspondent, ‘Quanguo Yundonghui Ji Shi [Annals of the National Games]’, Shibao, 1910-10-20 (3). 25 Institute of Sports History, Chengdu Institute of Physical Education, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi Ziliao [Materials of Modern Sports History in China] (Chengdu: Sichuan Education Press, 1988), 470–475. 26 Anonymous, ‘ You Yi Fandui Quanguo Yundonghui Gao [Another Protest against the National Games]’, Minguo Ribao, 1924-4-22 (10). 27 Lang Jing, Modern Sports in Shanghai: 1840–1937 (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2006). 28 The Mukden Incident (18 Sep 1931), or Manchurian Incident, known in Chinese as the 9.18 Incident (九・一八), was a false flag event staged by Japanese military personnel as a pretext for the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Within five month of this event, the Imperial Japanese Army had overrun all major towns and cities in the provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang, which known as the ‘outside the gate’ place of Northeast China. (Robert H. Ferrell, ‘The Mukden Incident: September 18–19, 1931’, Journal of Modern History 27, no. 1 (1955): 66–72.) 29 Institute of Sports History, Chengdu Institute of Physical Education, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi Ziliao [Materials of Modern Sports History in China] (Chengdu: Sichuan Education Press, 1988), 481–519. 30 Anonymous, ‘Quanguo Yundonghui Kai Hui Chou Jingfei [National Games Meeting to Raise Funds]’, Shenbao, 1914-4-13 (6). 31 X. Nie, G.Q. Shen, and S.L. Shen. ‘Huadong Canyu Quanguo Yundonghui Zhi Jingji Baogao [The Economic Report of East China’s Participation in the National Games]’, Jiaoyu yu Rensheng, no. 35 (1924): 15. 32 Sports Technical Committee of Sport Commission of the People’s Republic of China, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi Cankao Ziliao (Di San Ji) [China Sports History Reference Materials (Vol. 3)] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1958), 103.

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Sporting Events and Competitions in Modern China 33 Anonymous, ‘Shishi Piping: Juxing Yundonghui [Practical Criticism: Holding a Sports Meeting]’, Dalu Bao, no. 5 (1904) : 72–73. 34 The quotes are direct translations from Chinese, the original text was retrieved from: Anonymous, ‘Shishi Piping: Juxing Yundonghui [Practical Criticism: Holding a Sports Meeting]’, Dalu Bao, no. 5 (1904): 72–73. 35 Huang Yanpei, ‘Tiyu Zai Jiaoyu Shang Zhi Jiazhi——Jing Gao Canyu Quanguo Yundonghui Zhe [The Value of Physical Education in Education -- A Warning to the Participants of the National Games]’, Jiaoyu yu Rensheng, no. 31 (1924): 1. 36 Xiao Yaonan, ‘Quanguo Yundonghui Zhi Qiantu [The Future of the National Games]’, Jiaoyu yu Rensheng, no. 31 (1924): 1. 37 Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China, Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1985), 41. 38 Yanfu Huang, Mayuehan Tiyu Yanlun Ji [Ma Yuehan Sports Commentary Collection] (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 1986), 24–26. 39 Anonymous, ‘Tiyu Xiaoxi: Quanguo Yundonghui Hanqing Nvjie Jiaru [Sports News: The National Games Letter Invites the Female Circle to Join in]’, Jiaoyu yu Rensheng, no. 28 (1924): 12. 40 S.Q. Gu, and B.Y. Lin, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi (Xia) [History of Sports in China (Vol. 2)] (Beijing: Beijing Institute of Sport Press, 1989), 49–50. 41 Xiangqing Jiang, ‘Xuexiao Tiyu Zhi Miuwu Qushi Ji Yi Jiuzheng [The Fallacy Trend of School Physical Education Should Be Corrected Urgently]’, Dongfang Zazhi 30, no. 20 (1933): 13–15. 42 Liang Fu, ‘Cong Quanguo Yundonghui Xiang Qi [From the National Games]’, Dongfang Zazhi 30, no. 20 (1933): 4–5. 43 Gengsheng Hao, ‘Duiyu Quanguo Yundonghui Zhi Wo Jian [My Opinion on the National Games]’, Dongfang Zazhi 30, no. 20 (1933): 9–11. 44 Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China, Zhongguo Jindai Yiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History] (Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1985), 41–42.

Bibliography Anonymous. ‘Ge Xuetang Juxing Qiuji Yundonghui (Hubei) [Schools Hold Autumn Sports Meeting (Hubei)].’ Shibao, 1904-10-25 (6). Anonymous. ‘Ji Yundonghui [A Report on the Games]’, Shenbao, 1903-06-06 (2). Anonymous. ‘Quanguo Yundonghui Kai Hui Chou Jingfei [National Games Meeting to Raise Funds].’ Shenbao, 1914-4-13 (6). Anonymous. ‘You Yi Fandui Quanguo Yundonghui Gao [Another Protest against the National Games].’ Minguo Ribao, 1924-4-22 (10). Anonymous. ‘Zhongguo Quanguo Yundonghui [China National Games].’ Shibao, 1910-10-16 (6). Anonymous. ‘She Yundonghui [Setting the Games].’ Nanyang Guanbao, no. 141 (1904): 15. Anonymous. ‘Shishi Piping: Juxing Yundonghui [Practical Criticism: Holding a Sports Meeting].’ Dalu Bao, no. 5 (1904): 72–73. Anonymous. ‘Ge Sheng Xinwen: Tonghai Wu Shu Ge Xuexiao Lianhe Yundonghui [Provincial News: The United Sports Meeting of Five Schools in Tonghai].’ Beiyang Guanbao, no. 839 (1905): 6–7. Anonymous. ‘Ge Sheng Xinwen: Shifan Xuetang Kai Yundonghui [Provincial News: Normal School Holds Sports Meeting].’ Beiyang Guanbao, no. 878 (1905): 7. Anonymous. ‘Ben Nian Gong Zhu Huangtaihou Wan Shou Jiangnan Lianhe Yundonghui Ji Shi (Cheng Qian Ce) [Record on Jiangnan United Games for Celebrating the Empress Dowager Cixi’s Birthday (predecessor)].’ Nanyang Guanbao, no. 97 (1907): 7–16. Anonymous. ‘Tiyu Xiaoxi: Quanguo Yundonghui Hanqing Nvjie Jiaru [Sports News: The National Games Letter Invites the Female Circle to Join in].’ Jiaoyu yu Rensheng, no. 28 (1924): 12. Editorial Group of Modern Sports History of China. Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi [Chinese Modern Sports History]. Beijing: People’s Sport Publishing House, 1985. Gu, S.Q. and B.Y. Lin, Zhongguo Tiyu Shi (Xia) [History of Sports in China (Vol. 2)]. Beijing: Beijing Institute of Sport Press, 1989. Gu, Shiquan. Zhongguo Tiyu Shi [History of Sports in China]. Beijing: Beijing Institute of Sport Press, 1997. Hao, Gengsheng. ‘Duiyu Quanguo Yundonghui Zhi Wo Jian [My Opinion on the National Games].’ Dongfang Zazhi 30, no. 20 (1933): 9–11. Huang, Yanfu. Mayuehan Tiyu Yanlun Ji [Ma Yuehan Sports Commentary Collection]. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 1986.

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11 GOING GLOBAL China’s Participation in the Olympics During the Republic of China Zhao Guobing

Introduction China, the ancient country with a long history and splendid civilisation, was forced onto the course of modernisation after the Opium War with the United Kingdom in 1840. The Revolution of 1911 terminated the feudal monarchy and established a bourgeois republic, the Republic of China, which persisted until the founding of the People’s Republic of China by the Communist Party of China in 1949. The founding of the Republic of China was an important milestone in the transformation of China from a traditional to modern society, which was politically and socially turbulent yet mentally liberal and culturally open. The introduction of the Olympics to China, along with its preliminary development, proved to be an indispensable part of the dissemination of Western culture in China. In light of the strong emotion of ‘studying from the West and getting rid of the national disgrace’, Chinese people formed Olympic-related organisations and took part in three of the Games to realise their ‘100-year Olympic Dream’. The early development of the Olympic Movement in China, though sluggish and difficult, was indeed China’s first step toward the outer world, laying a solid foundation for its subsequent progress.

The ‘100-Year Olympic Dream’ of Chinese People China descended into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country after being frequently defeated in contests in terms of politics, military, and culture in the late Qing Dynasty and beyond. In Chinese people’s collective consciousness, ‘sick man of East Asia’ represented Westerners’ arrogant satire on Chinese people’s weak physical fitness and national power, which was a ‘Curse of the Other’.1 Being greatly humiliated, every Chinese person yearned to rise. China wanted to learn from the West and actively get involved in international affairs to display and prove itself. This idea was deeply embedded in Chinese people’s hearts almost throughout the process of modernisation. It was a crucial step to realise the 100-year aspiration to compete in international sports events such as the Olympics, where countries, big or small, strong or weak, could compete on an equal footing, which was a seemingly available arena for Chinese people to compete fairly with Western powers and showcase themselves. Although few of the original Olympic values and philosophies were widely known by the Chinese people, they passionately devoted themselves to pursuing Olympism after they got the chance to approach the games, shouting out the slogan of ‘we are going global’.2

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It is widely acknowledged in Chinese academia that the Olympics was first introduced to Chinese people in 1900 by a newspaper article published during the Paris Games. published in the Chinese and Western Missionary News in July 1900.3 Zhang Boling, a prestigious educator and the president of Nankai High School, delivered a speech at the prize-awarding ceremony of the Fifth Joint Sports Meeting of Schools in Tianjin on 24 October 1907, themed by the Intercalated Games held in Athens in 1906, during which he expressed his hope that Chinese athletes could take part in the Olympic Games. Zhang was the first advocator for Chinese participation in the Olympics.4 In the wake of his proposal, his idea that ‘the country is responsible for developing sports and should not only send athletes to Athens but also strive for the chance to host the Olympics in China’ appeared in a newspaper article published just prior to the 1908 London Games.5 Following the 1908 Games, later in the year was a prize-awarding ceremony of the Sixth Joint Sports Meeting of Schools in Tianjin when the students excitedly watched the spectacular London Games through the newly invented photographic slides. After that, they spontaneously organised a bustling Olympic-themed speech activity, on which three primary dreams were proposed: When will China send one person to the Games and win a medal? When will China send a delegation to the Games and win a medal? When will China host the Games and invite athletes from all over the world to Beijing? The above ‘Three Questions of the Olympics’, the emblem of Chinese people’s Olympic dream throughout the twentieth century, encouraged generations of elites to overcome a variety of political, economic, and cultural obstacles and actively participate in the Olympics. And such participation, in turn, manifested and ignited the desperately oppressed and exploited Chinese people’s national spirit of ‘unremittingly improving, daring to compete, and embracing the world’.

The Connection Between the Republic of China and the International Olympic Committee It was the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) that initiated and organised sports events in China before a national Olympic organisation was established. The YMCA made a significant contribution to the development of the Olympic Movement in China.6 China built its connection to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1915 before the opening of the Second Far Eastern Championship Games (FECG). Shanghai YMCA, the organiser of the Games, received a telegram from the IOC stating that ‘it recognised the FECG as its Eastern Branch’ and invited China to participate in the 1916 Olympic Games and the IOC General Assembly.7 Due to the First World War, however, both the 1916 Games and the General Assembly were cancelled, which severed the newly established bond between China and the IOC. In 1919, National Athletic Union was founded as a part of the preparatory work for the Fourth FECG to be held in Manila. On 3 April 1922, the Union was officially renamed the China National Amateur Athletic Federation (hereafter referred to as the Federation), with Zhang Boling as the president, in addition to nine staff members, three of whom were foreign officers of YMCA. The Federation participated in the athlete selection of the Sixth FECG in 1923 and organised the Third National Games in 1924. Since China successfully hosted the Fifth FECG in 1921, the Federation was recognised by the IOC.8 Meanwhile, Wang Zhengting, as the president of the Federation, was selected a member of the IOC in the 21st Session of the IOC held in Paris in 1922. He was the first Chinese member. In the early years of the Republic of China, the management of sports and general affairs was seized by Americans from the Young Men’s Christian Association. Amidst the deepening of the anti-imperialist patriotic movement and the vigorous campaign to reclaim the right to education after the May Fourth Movement, a movement to reclaim the right to sports gradually gained momentum in the sports community, 94

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when a national sports institution in the charge of Chinese people was established.9 On 4 and 5 July 1924, the China National Amateur Athletic Federation and sports elites gathered in Nanjing to officially inaugurate the Chinese National Xiejin Sports Federation (a literal translation of its Chinese name). In the Chinese version, the word Xiejin was added to the name, meaning ‘working together for progress’ while the English name remained unchanged. Wang Zhengting and Zhang Boling were selected as the president and the chairman respectively, with Shen Siliang hired as the honorary secretary. The board of directors was composed of 15 Chinese people. In addition, the Federation’s regulations were largely in line with relevant provisions of the Olympic Charter.10 In 1931, the Federation was officially recognised by the IOC as a member state, i.e., the ‘Chinese Olympic Committee’. The Federation was the only official national sports organisation in the Republic of China and three of its members were selected as IOC members. The Federation vigorously promoted the Chinese Olympics accomplishments, such as entering the Association of Summer Olympic International Federations (ASOIF) on behalf of China and sending delegations to FECGs and Olympic Games. However, the Federation was not well supported by the government, so it often faced difficulties in terms of human, material, and financial resources, which foreshadowed the tough journey for China to participate in the Olympic Games during this period.

History of the Republic of China’s Participation in the Olympic Games In 1928, since the IOC had not yet officially recognised China as a member state, the Federation appointed a director, Song Ruhai, to attend the Ninth Olympic Games in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, as an observer. Song had mixed feelings when watching fierce competitions, only to have a flash of wit to translate the word ‘Olympiad’, which he frequently talked about, into ‘I can compete’ in Chinese.11 Apparently, the vivid translation demonstrated Chinese sports elites’ eager aspirations for Chinese athletes participating in the Olympics and winning glory. The IOC’s official recognition in 1931 meant that China could formally take part in the Olympic Games. China participated in the Tenth, Eleventh, and Fourteenth Games under the Nanjing government during the Republican period, which was an extraordinary memory of the Olympics filled with passion and bitterness.

Los Angeles, 1932 The Tenth Olympics were held in Los Angeles, USA, in 1932, when the Japanese imperialists had already occupied northeastern China, ready to further expand their aggression. Against such a backdrop, the overwhelmed Chinese government rejected the request of the Federation and only wanted to send observers. However, the Japanese-backed puppet regime, Pseudo-Manchukuo, announced that Liu Changchun and others would represent Pseudo-Manchukuo at the Games, which was strongly opposed by Chinese people who sincerely hoped that the Federation could send a delegation to the Olympic Games to showcase China’s membership of the world community of nations while disclosed and criticised the conspiracy of Japan and Manchukuo (a puppet state created by Japan in 1932) to split China and legitimise the puppet regime by participating in the Olympic Games. Liu Changchun made an impassioned statement, ‘as long as I am conscientious and alive, how can I abandon my motherland and slave for the puppet regime’.12 As a result, Zhang Xueliang, a patriotic general, decided to sponsor China’s participation in the Los Angeles Games with the coordination of Zhang Boling and others. Finally, Liu Changchun was the only athlete in the Chinese delegation. On 8 July, the flag-awarding ceremony was held in Shanghai before the delegation’s departure. Wang Zhengting, chairman of the Federation, held a national flag and a flag of the Federation and told Liu Changchun solemnly, ‘it is the first time for our country to send an athlete to the Olympics, which is tremendously meaningful. Now, on behalf of the Federation, I’d like to hand over the flags to you. I

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sincerely hope that you can strive to raise our national flag in front of the whole world. That’s a supreme honour.’13 Liu gave a salute and swore to fight for his country. Unfortunately, Liu Changchun was eliminated in the preliminary round of the men’s 100 m and 200 m races and withdrew from the 400 m race due to his battered physical fitness caused by insufficient technical and tactical training, coupled with long travelling. It was China’s debut in the international sports arena, which was of vital symbolic significance for Chinese people.

Berlin, 1936 After 1927, Kuomintang of China, or the Chinese Nationalist Party, ended the period of warlordism that had existed since the establishment of the Republic and achieved formal national unity, when China’s economy, education, culture, and sports witnessed rapid development in a relatively stable political environment. In such a context, the national government sent the biggest delegation in the modern history of China to the Berlin Olympics. The Federation selected 66 athletes for eight groups, i.e., football, basketball, track and field, swimming, weightlifting, walking, cycling, and martial arts performance, with a total number of approximately 140 for the delegation, which was funded by the government, community donations, and ticket receipts of the football team’s commercial matches abroad. Most of the athletes felt physically exhausted upon arrival in Berlin after travelling by water and land for nearly a month, all of whom were eliminated in the preliminaries. Fu Baolu, as an exception, survived the first round of the pole vault. Despite the disappointing results, the journey to Berlin left the country with some valuable memories for posterity. First, the debut of Chinese martial arts was warmly received by Western audiences. As Europeans and Americans were not yet as familiar with Chinese martial arts as they were with Japanese jujitsu, China decided to send six male and six female players to give a performance at the Olympic Games in order to promote the true value of martial arts.14 European spectators were so amazed by ancient Chinese weapons, swords, spears, two-edged swords, and halberds, and movements such as punching and kicking that the martial arts team was invited to perform in other cities such as Hamburg and Frankfurt, also were a hit.15 From then on, Chinese martial arts went abroad and became a dazzling pearl in the global sports culture. Another significant early Chinese Olympic moment was created by Shu Hong—the first Chinese to officiate at the Olympic basketball final between the USA and Canada. Shu Hong graduated from Springfield College in the United States and worked as a professor and director of the Department of Physical Education at Zhejiang University from 1934. Chinese media, upon hearing the news, expressed their excitement and praised Shu Hong for winning honour for his country. It was published in the Diurnal of the National Zhejiang University that, ‘China has a late start of sports and this time, we have failed our most promising events such as football, basketball, cycling. Winning no medal is a valueless result, only leaving an impression of “China’s poor sports”. His Excellency Shu Hong, however, was appointed as a referee for the basketball final between the United States and Canada, earning him the honour of being a “clear-eyed and impartial referee” and impressing the international sports community.’16

London, 1948 The IOC cancelled the 1940 and 1944 Olympic Games due to the Second World War. At the beginning of 1947 after the war, the Federation received the IOC’s invitation to participate in the 14th Olympics to be held in 1948. It was the last time in China’s modern history to send a delegation to the Olympics. However, the government was neither capable nor willing to support the Olympics because of the turbulent society and sluggish economy during China’s civil war. In other words, the biggest obstacle for the Federation was funding. The plan was to raise 150,000 USD in total, equally from the government, public

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figures, and overseas Chinese. The most difficult task, beyond dispute, was to petition the government for funding. The Secretary General of the Chinese delegation Dong Shouyi once sentimentally recalled that he went to various government departments 41 times, including 25 round trips from Nanjing and Shanghai to raise the discounted fund of 25,000 within four months and four days.17 Although the Federation had tried its best, it managed to raise only one-third of the budget, so it had to trim the delegation to 33 athletes, half the number of the delegation to Berlin. Moreover, the delegation nearly ran out of foreign currency upon the arrival in London on 15 July. It could barely cover the return trip without another round of fund-raising. It was Wang Zhengting who raised money through his connections so that the delegation was able to go back to China rather than being stranded in a foreign country. It was understandable that the Chinese delegation did not perform well—as they failed to win a single medal—amidst such a financial crunch. The Chinese athletes who participated in track and field, swimming, football, basketball, and cycling were all eliminated in the first round. The miserable journey to London was a reasonable consequence of the declining power of China at the time and seemed to be the elegy for the Republic of China. It was not long before the Chinese Communist Party founded a new China.

Conclusions During the past 100 years, it was a collective aspiration to establish a modern nation that served as the main driving force of Chinese interest in Western sports, which was to save the country and get rid of the label of ‘sick man of East Asia’ in order to make China stronger and safer.18 The core of the participation in international sports in modern China is nationalism. In the Republican period, bunches of Chinese elites, firmly bearing in mind the dream of making China stronger and shaking off the title of ‘sick man of East Asia’, tried their best one after the other, to strenuously realise the aspirations of sending an athlete and a delegation to the Olympics step by step. Shen Siliang once commented emotively, ‘our participation secures a position for our national flag, drawing the attention of the world to China. It is important that we still have the energy and spirit to compete with other powers in the sports arena without any idea of self-abandonment or any possibility of being bullied’.19 Unfortunately, the unsatisfactory performances of the Chinese delegation at the three Olympic Games during the Republican period left sad and bitter memories on the journey to realise the ‘100-year Olympic Dream’, which was one of the setbacks that China encountered when going global after the end of the nineteenth century. The frustrating history served as a powerful reminder for Chinese people that China cannot enjoy fair competition with other countries and achieve outstanding results before it realised modernisation through radical reforms.

Notes 1 Ruisong Yang, ‘Xiangxiang de Minzu Chiru: Jindai Zhongguo Sixiang Wenhua Shi Shang de “Dongya Bingfu” [Imagined National Shame: “Sick Man of East Asia” in the Intellectual and Cultural History of Modern China]’, Journal of History of National Chengchi University, no.5 (2005): 1–44. 2 Shiming Luo, Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi(di san juan) [A General History of Chinese Sports (Vol. 3)] (Beijing: Renmin tiyu chubanshe, 2008), 149. 3 Shiming Luo, Aoyun Lai Dao Zhongguo [The Olympic Games Coming to China] (Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2005), 21. 4 Xiangdong Yang and Xuemei Zhang, ‘Zhogguo Zaoqi Aolinpike Yundong de Changdaozhe Zhang Boling [Zhang Boling, An Advocate of the Early Olympic Movement in China]’, Sports Culture Guide, no.9(2003): 73–74. 5 Bo Zhang, Jindai Zhongguo de Aoyun Jiyi [Olympic Memory in Modern China] (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 2008), 29. 6 Jingzhao Xu and Chuanqi Li, ‘Jidujiao Qingnianhui Dui Zhongguo Tiyu Fazhande Gongxiankaoshu [The Contribution of the YMCA to the Development of Sports in China]’, Journal of Xi’an Physical Education University, no.2 (2014): 207–210.

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Zhao Guobing 7 Likang Shi, ‘Yuandong Yundonghui Dui Jindai Zhongguo Tiyushiye Fazhan de Jijiyingxiang [The Positive Influence of the Far Eastern Championship Games on the Development of Sports in Modern China], Historical Review, no.3 (1989): 6. 8 Shiquan Gu, ‘“Zhonghua Yeyu Yundong Lianhehui” Chengli Qianhou [Before and After the Establishment of China National Amateur Athletic Federation]’, Sports Culture Guide, no.2 (1991): 3. 9 Hua Tan, Tiyu Shi [History of Sports] (Beijing: Gaodeng Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 2017), 232–233. 10 Yujing Lu and Liang Bo, ‘Minguoshiqi de Zhonghua Quanguotiyu Xiejinhui [China National Amateur Athletic Federation in the Republican Period]’, Historical Archives, no.4 (2001):105–108.113. 11 Mingxin Tang, Fangdong Zhu, and Ruiqiu Zhong, ‘Jianlun Song Ruhai《Wo Neng Bi Ya·Shijie Yundonghui Conglu》Zai Zhongguo Aolinpikeshi Zhong de Diwei Yu Yingxiang [A Brief Discussion on the Status and Influence of Song Ruhai’s I Can Compete—World Games Series in the History of the Chinese Olympic Games]’, Zhejiang Sport Science, no.1 (1999): 5. 12 Changchun Liu, ‘Woguo Shouci Canjia Aoyunhui Shimo’ [The Whole Story of China’s First Participation in the Olympic Games]. In Tiyushiliao:Di Er Ji [The History of Sports: Album 2], Edited by Chinese Sports Literature and History Materials Editorial Review Committee (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House, 1980), 14. 13 Suitang Chui, “Waijiao Qiren”de Tiyuqingjie—Ji Zhongguo Jindai Zhuming Tiyu Shehuihuodongjia Wang Zhengting [The Sports Complex of the ‘Diplomatic Wonder’: A Memoir of Wang Zhengting, a Famous Sports Activist in Modern China]’, Sports Culture Guide, no.6 (2001): 36–38. 14 Education Yearbook Compilation Committee of the Ministry of Education, Di Er Ci Zhongguo Jiaoyu Nianjian [The Second Education Yearbook of China] (Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshu Guan, 1948), 1312–1317. 15 Guanglu Zheng, ‘Zhongguo Wushu Zouxiang Shijie de Xuqu— Guoshu Biaoyandui 1936 Nian Fu “Aoyunhui” [The Prelude of Chinese Martial Arts to the World - the Martial Arts Team to the Olympic Games in 1936]’, Journal of Sports Culture, no.7 (2004), 63–67; Yuhua Liu, ‘Yi Dishiyijie Aoyunhui Zhongguo Wushudui Fu Ou Biaoyan [Recollections of the Chinese Wushu Team’s Performance in Europe at the Eleventh Olympic Games]’, The History of Sports: Album 2, 1980 (8): 23. 16 Wei Chen, ‘Zhongguo Zuizao de Aoyuncaipan—Jidujiao Zhanglao Shu Hong de Aoyun Qingyuan [The Earliest Olympic Referee in China - the Olympic Romance of Christian Elder Shu Hong]’, China Religion, no.4 (2008): 2. 17 Shouyi Dong, ‘Aolinpike Jiushi [Old Olympic Stories]’, in Tiyu Shiliao:Di Er Ji [The History of Sports: Album 2], Compiled by Chinese Sports Literature and History Materials Editorial Review Committee (Beijing: Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe, 1980), 14. 18 Guoqi Xu, Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008 (Harvard University Press, 2008), 265–272. 19 Siliang Shen, ‘Di Shiyijie Shijie Yundonghui he Chuci Canjia de Woguo’ [The Tenth World Games and Our First Participation], in Zhongguo Jindai Tiyushi Ziliao [Materials on the History of Sports in Modern China], Compiled by the Institute of Sports History Chengdu Sport University (Chengdu: Sichuan Jiaoyu Chubanshe [Sichuan Education Press], 1988), 559–564.

Bibliography Andrew, D. Morris. ‘To Make the Four Hundred Million Move: The Late Qing Dynasty Origins of Modern Chinese Sport and Physical Culture.’ Comparative Studies in Society and History 42, no. 4 (2000): 876–906. Bill, Mallon, and Jeroen, Heijmans. Historical Dictionary of the Olympic Movement-Fourth Edition. Plymouth: The Scarecrow Press, 2011. Cui, Lequan. ‘Shehui Sichao Yingxiangxi Guoren Jindai Tiyuguan Bianqian Yanjiu (A Study on the Change of Chinese People’s View of Sports in Modern Times under the Influence of Social Trends).’ Journal of Sports Research 2 (2018): 49–61. Dong, Jinxia. ‘The Beijing Games, National Identity and Modernization in China.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 16–18 (2010): 2798–2820. Dong, Shouyi. Aoyunhui yu Zhongguo(The Olympic Games and China). Beijing: Literature and History Publishing House, 1985. Kelly, W. W. and Brownell, S. The Olympics in East Asia: Nationalism, Regionalism, and Globalism on the Center Stage of World Sports. New Haven: CEAS Occasional Publication Series, 2011. Luo, Shiming. Zhongguo Tiyu Tongshi(A General History of Chinese Sports). Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House, 2008. Luo, Shiming and Cao, Shouhe. Aolinpike Xue(Di San Ban) (The Olympic Study (3rd ed.)). Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2016.

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Going Global Sports Literature and History Working Committee of Physical Culture and Sports Commission. Zhongguo Jindai Tiyuwen Xuanze (Selected Sports Literature in Modern China). Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House, 1992. The Institute of Sports History of Chengdu Sport University. Zhongguo Jindai Tiyushi Ziliao (Materials on the History of Sports in Modern China). Chengdu: Sichuan Education Publishing House, 1988. The Sports Literature and History Committee of Physical Culture and Sports Commission. Zhongguo Jindai Tiyu Shi (The History of Sports in Modern China). Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 1989. Ren, Hai. Aolinpike Yundong Baikequanshu(Encyclopedia of Olympic Sports). Beijing: Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 2001. Xu, Guoqi. Olympic dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008. Xu, Yixiong. ‘Jindai Zhongguo Minzuzhuyi Tiyu Sixiang Zhixingcheng(The Formation of Nationalist Sports Ideology in Modern China).’ Journal of Sports, no. 9 (1987): 1–8.

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12 CHINA AND THE FAR EASTERN CHAMPIONSHIP GAMES Wang Yan

Introduction The ‘Far Eastern Championship Games’, referred to as ‘FECG’, was the earliest regional international sports event in East Asia in modern times. It was held by the Philippines, China, and Japan, in turn. It had played an extremely important role in the modern sports enlightenment of these three countries, the connection between East Asian sports and Western sports, and the modernization process of East Asian society. The interaction between Chinese society and the FECG was also quite profound. On the one hand, China opened its doors with the help of the FECG and showed the image and style of its new citizens. On the other hand, the FECG broadcasted the Olympic spirit and ideals with the support of all sectors of Chinese society and the government of the Republic of China. This was instrumental in laying the foundation for the creation of a new global paradigm for China with Western culture as the main theme. This section mainly elaborates the three specific impacts of the FECG on the development of China’s social modernization, and thus proves the potential value and significance of sports for social development. In the history of the modern Olympic movement, besides Europe and the United States, East Asia has been another very active region. In 1913, initiated by the officials of the YMCA of the Philippines, China, and Japan, a regional international sports organization was established, called the ‘Far Eastern Olympic Committee’ (later renamed the ‘Far Eastern Sports Association’), and imitated the model of the Olympic Games to regularly hold international sports events in East Asia, namely ‘FECG’. In 1920, the organization became the world’s first regional international sports organization recognized by the International Olympic Committee. In 1934, during the 10th FECG, the conflict between China and Japan had intensified due to the ‘Manchukuo Participation Issue’, and the ‘Far Eastern Sports Association’ was forced to disband after the games, thus announcing the termination of the FECG that had lasted for 20 years. Although the FECG had only been held ten times, they played a pivotal role in the development of sports and the modernization of modern East Asian countries, and later named the ‘Modern Asian Games’ and ‘Oriental Olympics’. At the beginning of the FECG, China was in the early days of its Republic, where new ideas were enthusiastically emerging. The ‘Far Eastern Olympic Games’, representing Western sports and bringing together Western civilization, had entered the Chinese people’s vision. The era of its existence was precisely the period of the Republic of China’s progress, where the concept of the state and the national consciousness in modern China emerged. This not only had a subtle impact on the modernization of education, but also on the international and peaceful diplomatic relations of modern China. 100

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The Enlightenment of the Olympic ‘Perfect Education’ to the Modernization of China’s Education At the beginning of the twentieth century, a group of enlightened people who took the lead in understanding the world and accepting Western culture actively advocated a comprehensive education based on ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ grounds. This created a benign social atmosphere for the dissemination and development of sports and modernization of education. Zhang Boling (the main Chinese leader of the Far Eastern Sports Association), who had studied Western culture at the Beiyang Naval Academy and experienced the defeat of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895, understood the importance of sports during his travels and time abroad. He stated that, ‘At that time, the church schools established by foreigners in China still promoted sports. But Chinese government-run schools were very indifferent to sports. You guys, imagine how you can improve your physique if you don’t have good sports, how you can have a good physique, and how you can do jobs without a good physique.’ The promotion of sports, he continues, was ‘a problem of the whole nation, not just to create a few athletes with good physiques. Therefore, we should make a final effort to make everyone physically strong.’1 In the 1910s, with the rise of the FECG and with Zhang Boling as an important initiator and participant of the Far East Sports Association, he established the goal of ‘saving the country through education’. He vigorously promoted physical education in the Nankai Middle School he founded, making outstanding contributions to the modernization and development of modern physical education in China. Since then, several advanced schools had responded to the ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ significance of education, making active efforts to cultivate people holistically. For example, Tsinghua Academy (the predecessor of Tsinghua University) used sports as a vehicle for nurturing healthy lifestyles. On the one hand, it focused on training athletes to develop multiple skills. For example, Pan Wenbing won the first place in the decathlon, the second place in the pentathlon, the third place in the long jump, and thus won the honor of first place in the individual total score at the first FECG in 1913.2 On the other hand, the physical fitness test was carried out for all students, to better assess the physical condition of the students and carry out physical education in a targeted manner. According to [author being quoted here], Tsinghua Academy had used this procedure on an annual basis, whereas in 1913, ‘there were many students who scored less than 250 points’, in the following year ‘… most students scored more than 400 points. This shows how fast Tsinghua students’ sports progress has been!’ Since then, Tsinghua Academy had created a comprehensive educational tradition on ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ grounds that continues to present day. Through the reform pilots of various schools, the concept of ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ education had gradually extended from schools to society. At the opening ceremony of the 5th National Games in 1933, Chiang Kai-shek sent a congratulatory message: ‘Youth is the ruler of a country, and in particular, they should exercise diligently, so as to make the country to turn weak into strong. Those who preside over education today advocate the educational model of ‘physical, intellectual and moral’. In fact, sports is the foundation of moral education and intellectual education, and we must first have sound sports, and then we can have good moral and intelligence.’3 Under the esteem of the Republic of China’s national government, the social influence of ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ education had expanded, and its citizen gradually began acknowledging the long-term significance of sports to education and life.

The FECG-Inspired Formation of the ‘National Concept’ and ‘National Consciousness’ of the Chinese People After the rise of the FECG in the 1910s, new ideas such as ‘competition’ and ‘cooperation’ gradually attracted the attention of Chinese citizens. In addition, contestants from China, Japan, and the Philippines competed in the FECG, which made the ‘national concept’ and ‘national consciousness’ increasingly stronger for the Chinese. Among them, a group of people who were rich in national missions and responsibilities had expressed the voice of China to the world with their actions. 101

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Travel Around the World on Foot to Wash Away the Shame of the ‘Sick Man’ In the early 1930s, a group of aspiring young people set up a traveling team called the ‘Chinese Youth Asia Walking Group’ in Shanghai and decided to travel around the world and wash away the shame of the ‘sick man of East Asia’. They also issued a declaration in the ‘Shen Bao’: ‘The Chinese nation, which has been burdened with more than 5,000 years of civilization and creation in history, has unfortunately reached the modern age, withered and decadent, and has become a general mental illness among young people. We feel that the times are already cheering to us, we unceremoniously shoulder this great burden. We decided to start from Shanghai with perseverance and courage, and gradually practice our purpose. In every step, we must show the glory of the history of the Chinese nation.’ Pan Deming, at 21 years old, was a member of the ‘Chinese Youth Asia Walking Group’ and the only aspiring young man who persisted to the end. The ‘walking group’ set off in 1931, but due to various reasons, when the ‘walking group’ went abroad to reach Thanh Hoa, Vietnam, only Pan Deming was left among the eight members. This strong-willed young man did not back down, but changed his original intention and decided to go beyond Asia and the world (see Figure 12.1). In India, Pan Deming visited the famous poet Tagore, who said: ‘I believe that you have a great future. I believe that when your country stands up and expresses its own spirit, Asia will also have a great future, and we will all share the happiness.’ During his stay in India, Pan Deming wrote to his family in a letter that said: ‘The people of the country have a lot of expectations, and Deming should go forward bravely. Strengthen the national spirit and wash away the shame of “sick man”.’ In Greece, Pan Deming was received by Prime Minister Vinicolos, who exclaimed: ‘I have seen from you an awakening ancient eastern kingdom.’ When Pan Deming passed through northeast China, the young marshal Zhang Xueliang praised him for his ambition, and wrote the word ‘Travel of a Strong Man’ in the ‘Celebrity Ink Collection’ and said: ‘I hope you will work hard to travel around the world and stand up for the Chinese people!’ At the same time, Zhang Xueliang was also greatly influenced by Pan Deming’s actions. He stated in a speech at the 5th Central China Games that ‘I hope athletes practice hard, going to the FECG, going to the World Games, and win the championship, bring glory to the country, and eliminate the shame of the ‘sick man of East Asia’ (see Figure 12.2). In the United States, President Roosevelt received Pan Deming and presented him with a gold medal. Roosevelt said to Pan Deming: ‘This is a gift from the American people. You should enjoy the honor. The honor will always belong to those with a spirit of struggle. Mr. Traveler, I hope you will be braver in your future journeys.’ In July 1937, after eight years of traveling the world, Pan Deming returned to Shanghai. During his ventures, Pan Deming went through hardships by cycling or walking, reaching more than 40 countries. On the way, Pan Deming received signatures and inscriptions written by more than 1,200 groups and individuals in dozens of languages around the world, as well as the ‘Celebrity Ink Collection’ handwritten by more than 20 heads of state. On the title page of this ‘Celebrity Ink Collection’, Pan Deming neatly wrote ‘Self-narration of Traveling the World’: ‘Take the world as my big school, take nature and human affairs as my textbook, take the direct contact of hearing and seeing as my reading method, and take the wind, snow, rain, frost, hot sun, morning star, night and moon as my reward.’

Participating in the Olympic Games for the First Time and Striving for National Rejuvenation In 1912, Mr. Sun Yat-sen, the pioneer of modern China, wrote the word ‘struggle’ (see Figure 12.3), calling on young people to establish a sense of social responsibility and work hard for national rejuvenation. Nankai School also had two mottos: ‘One is to train students to have a strong physique, and the other is to cultivate students to have a strong national concept.’6 102

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Figure 12.1

Pan Deming on the journey. 4

Source: Hengsheng Pan, Pan Deming Travel All Over the World (Changchun: Jinlin Arts Press, 2008), 3.

In 1932, Liu Changchun shouldered a national mission as the lone representative of China and boarded a steamer to Los Angeles, USA. Although he was rushed to prepare and did not know much about the Western world, Liu Changchun had only one idea: to bring the expectations and dreams of the Chinese people to the ‘Olympics’. ‘When the other passengers had tea, it was time for me to run and do exercises.’8 After 25 days of turbulent sailing, Liu Changchun finally arrived to represent China on the Olympic stage for the first time. At the opening ceremony, only six members of the Chinese delegation 103

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Figure 12.2 ‘Travel of a Strong Man’ inscribed by Zhang Xueliang. 5 Source: Hengsheng Pan, Pan Deming Travel All Over the World (Jilin: Jinlin Arts Press, 2008), 1.

Figure 12.3 Sun Yat-sen’s handwritten banner in 1912-Struggle. 7 Source: Chinese History Museum [Zhongguo lishi bowuguan], Zhongguo jindaishi cankao tulu(zhong ce) [Reference Catalogue of Modern Chinese History (Volume 2)] (Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 1983), 448.

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entered the stadium. ‘On the vast sports field, compared with the strong delegations of other countries, it seems to be a lonely battle’,9 but this moment was already a victory for Chinese. When the American people saw this Chinese visitor, they also showed great enthusiasm. ‘Once they are recognized by the audience, who would yell ecstatically: ‘China! China!’’ and swarmed up like hunting a prey, surrounding them even for ‘one or two hours’.10 Liu Changchun’s greatest contribution to this competition was not his performance, but rather his participation as the only Chinese athlete in the 1932 Olympic Games. Liu Changchun insisted on participating in the competition as the ‘Republic of China’ rather than ‘Manchukuo’, fully demonstrating the national concept that modern Chinese already possessed.

Contributions of ‘Far East Sports Diplomacy’ to China’s Peaceful Diplomatic Relations The Chinese football team, which had won nine consecutive championships at the FECG, had become a powerful ‘carrier’ for modern China to carry out diplomatic activities with neighboring countries. In 1923, the famous Chinese football star Li Huitang led the South China football team on an expedition to Australia.11 At that time, Australians looked down on the Chinese football team. When a newspaper published news of the South China team against the Australian team, an illustration appeared on the page: South China players lined up in a long line, all scrawny opium smokers, with the title ‘Sick Man of East Asia.’ But at the end of the game, the Australian team was defeated.12 In this match, Li Huitang gained admiration from Australians with his superb skills, and since then was called ‘Asian Ball King’, which spread like wildfire. Since Australia’s triumph, the South China Football Team visited Hong Kong, Indonesia, New Zealand, and other countries to carry out diplomatic activities of ‘making friends with the ball’ in Southeast Asia. In 1924, the South China Football Team was invited to New Zealand to participate in the New Zealand Student Football Federation and was warmly welcomed by local teachers and students (see Figure 12.4). At the 7th FECG in 1925, ‘overseas Chinese eagerly expected football to win, so more than 30,000 people came to the scene to watch the game, of which Chinese accounted for more than 60%. The stands are packed, a crowding situation that no other sport has ever seen.’14 In the football matches between China and Japan and China and the Philippines, Li Huitang lived up to expectations and scored five goals, making great contributions to China’s victory. From then on, Li Huitang became famous, and a saying begun to circulate: ‘Peking opera must see Mei Lanfang, and football must see Li Huitang’. In addition, as the FECG connected the three countries of China, Japan, and the Philippines, although the contradictions between China and Japan were deepening, peace was still maintained during the games. In 1923, before the 6th FECG (held in Tokyo, Japan), China and Japan once again entered a state of anxiety. At that time, some Chinese proposed to withdraw from the Japanese arena. For example, the current affairs article ‘Citizens’ Association Advocates Withdrawing from the FECG’ published in the ‘Shen Bao’ stated that: ‘The dispute between the two countries is becoming more and more serious. The FECG are held in Japan, and China should refuse to participate in protest.’15 Opponents such as Dr. Grey, honorary director of the 6th FECG and secretary of the YMCA, believed that China should not withdraw for three reasons: ‘First, the FECG belong to the international community, not to China and Japan. If China withdraws from the association, it will lose its international sports status. Second, the association has no political nature and has nothing to do with the attitudes of China and Japan on political issues. Third, if China withdraws from the organization, it will affect China’s diplomatic relations with the Philippines.’16 In the end, the Chinese government decided to participate in the 6th FECG. Of course, just like the ‘Sacred Truce’, the ancient Greek city-states still had to join the battlefield after jubilantly spending time at the Olympic Games and welcoming back the sports heroes of their city-states.

Conclusion Although the FECG and its concepts and forms were all Western-style, and its birth and termination had political purposes or reasons, the FECG took the ‘Olympic Movement’ as the purpose, the spread of modern 105

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Figure 12.4 A poster welcoming the visit of the South China Football Team. 13 Source: Shuo Qi, ‘On Li Huitang, the Asian Ball King’, Football World, no. 2 (1937): 18–19.

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civilization as the ideal, and the improvement of the physical fitness of the people in China and other East Asian countries as the goal. These pragmatic and concrete concepts objectively promoted the modernization process of Chinese society. Therefore, the FECG was accepted and respected by Chinese citizens so much so that it became a witness and participant in the modernization of China and even East Asia.

Notes 1 Boling Zhang, Tiyu yu Jiaoyu [Physical Education and Education] (in Selected Works of Modern Chinese Sports) (Beijing: Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe, 1992), 302. 2 Hongkai Ye, Qingyuan Wei, Yin Feng, Tingqi Xionglai: Qinghua Daxue Bainian Tiyu Huigu [Stand Tall: A Review of Tsinghua University’s 100-year Sports] (Beijing: Qinghua Daxue Chubanshe, 2009), 5. 3 Mingxin Tang, Woguo Canjia Aoyun Cangsangshi(Shangpian) [The Vicissitudes of My Country’s Participation in the Olympic Games (Part 1)] (Taiwan: Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee, 1999), 247. 4 Hengsheng Pan, Pan Deming Travel All Over the World (Changchun: Jinlin Arts Press, 2008), 3. 5 Ibid., 1. 6 Jisheng Liang, Zhang Boling de Daxue Linian [Zhang Boling’s University Ideas] (Beijing: Beijing Daxue Chubanshe, 2006), 71. 7 Chinese History Museum [Zhongguo Lishi Bowuguan], Zhongguo Jindaishi Cankao Tulu(Zhong Ce) [Reference Catalogue of Modern Chinese History (Volume 2)] (Shanghai: Shanghai Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1983), 448. 8 Changchun Liu, Wo Daibiao Zhongguo Canjia Dishijie Aoyunhui Shimo [I Represent China to Participate in the 10th Olympic Games, the Olympic Games and China] (Beijing: Wenshi Ziliao Chubanshe, 1985), 68. 9 Shouyi Dong, Guoji Aoweihui de Diyige Zhongguo Weiyuan, Aoyunhui yu Zhongguo [The First Chinese Member of the International Olympic Committee, the Olympic Games and China] (Beijing: Wenshi Ziliao Chubanshe, 1985), 8–9. 10 Changchun Liu, Wo Daibiao Zhongguo Canjia Dishijie Aoyunhui Shimo [I Represent China to Participate in the 10th Olympic Games, the Olympic Games and China] (Beijing: Wenshi Ziliao Chubanshe, 1985), 72. 11 The South China Football Team was established in 1908 and is the first Chinese football team in Hong Kong. In 1921, 16-year-old Li Huitang joined and soon became a myth in Chinese football. Conquering Australia, attacking Japan, and entering the South Seas, they have overcome difficulties along the way, and have made great contributions to the Chinese people getting rid of the ‘sick man of East Asia’. 12 Cimin Li, Liangci Canjia Aoyunhui de Guojiao: Li Huitang, Aoyunhui yu Zhongguo [The National Footballer Who Participated in the Olympic Games Twice-Li Huitang, Olympic Games and China] (Beijing: Wenshi Ziliao Chubanshe, 1985), 110. 13 Shuo Qi, ‘On Li Huitang, the Asian Ball King’, Football World, no. 2 (1937): 18–19. 14 All-China Sports Association [Zhonghua Quanguo Tiyu Xiejinhui], Zhonghua Quanguo Tiyu Xiejinhui Niankan (Diyiqi) [Annual Journal of the All-China Sports Association (First Issue)] (Shanghai: Zhujintang Yinshuasuo, 1927), 97. 15 ‘Shiminhui Zhuzhang Tuichu Yuandonghui [Citizens’ Association Advocates Quitting the Far Eastern Athletic Association]’, Shen Bao, 1923-4-14. 16 ‘Gelei Duiyu Yuandongyundonghui Zhi Yijian: Wei Zhongguo Buying Tuichu [Grey’s Opinion on The Far Eastern Championship Games-saying that China Should not Withdraw]’, Shen Bao, 1923-4-12.

Bibliography Dole, R.P. Japanese Education in the Tokugawa Era. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965. Japan Amateur Athletic Association. Official Report: The Tenth Far Eastern Championship Games. Tokyo: Japan Amateur Athletic Association, 1934. Kolatch, Jonathan. Sports, Politics and Ideology in China. New York: Jonathan David Publishers, 1972. Morris, A. D. Marrow of the Nation: A History of Sport and Physical Culture in Republic China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. The International Young Women and Children’s Society. Swimming in Japan. Tokyo: The International Young Women and Children’s Society, 1935. Wu, Chi-Kang. The Influence of YMCA on the Development of Physical Education in China. PhD thesis: University of Michigan, 1956. Wu, Tingfang. America, Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat. New York: Hard Press Publishing, 2010.

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PART III

Sports, Politics, Diplomacy, and International Relations Zhang Muchun

Since the establishment of People’s Republic of China in 1949, sports not only referred to athletic ethics and practice, but also served for the politics and diplomacy of the country. The Chinese government adopted the friendship sport policy from the 1950s to the 1980s. In the 1950s and the early 1960s, it meant that China would carry out regular and friendly athletic exchanges with ideologically similar, namely socialist, countries. During those years, Chinese athletes played the role of modest students learning from their socialist comrades in East European countries. From the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, the PRC tried to win friends by, among other activities, engaging in sports competition with Third World countries. In that period, the Chinese played the role of benefactors by providing sports coaches and constructing sports facilities for some countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In the late Cold War years, the PRC expanded friendship sport to countries of ideological rivals and Taiwan (Wang, 2003). After the Reform and opening up, China’s sports was gradually transformed from the friendship sports policy in the Cold War to pursuing athletic achievement for increasing China’s influence in the globalisation. In this section, scholars have provided their studies and insights regarding various areas of China’s sports diplomacy, including the international sporting bids, sports diplomacy and international relations of China, and the role and status of Chinese female athletes in a Western-style and male-dominated sports. In particular, Dr. Marcus P. Chu analysed how the Chinese government wisely leveraged the bidding contests of the 1990 Asian Games, the 2014 Winter Olympics, the 2018 Winter Olympics, and the 2017 Summer Universiade for China’s relations with Japan, Russia, South Korea, and so on. Dr. Ye Wen analysed Chinese sports diplomacy’s path of exploration from initial attempts to further progress, and its significant role in international relations, and its positive impact on China and international exchanges between China and other countries and regions. Overall, the section consists of two chapters of studies that reflect the tip of the iceberg of a vast range of research on sports, politics, diplomacy, and international relations of China. It is our intention to push forward the research field so as to let more people understand China’s sports diplomacy.

Bibliography Wang, Guanhua. ‘Friendship First: China’s Sports Diplomacy during the Cold War.’ The Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3/4 (2003): 133–153.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-16

13 INTERNATIONAL SPORTING BIDS, CHINA, AND RELATIONS WITH ITS NEIGHBOURS Marcus P. Chu

Introduction Since the late 1970s, boosting the economy and international status of China has been constantly placed at the top of Deng Xiaoping and his successors’ working agenda. To this end, the Chinese authorities have keenly liberalised the market so as to facilitate the public to take part in business activities and enable their jurisdiction to engage in international trade mechanisms. They have also proactively adopted measures to strengthen political, economic, and cultural ties between China and its wealthy and mighty neighbours. One of the measures is related to the bidding contests of the world-renowned sporting mega-events. This chapter aims to demystify how the Chinese authorities have astutely leveraged the bidding contests of the 1990 Asian Games, the 2014 Winter Olympics, the 2018 Winter Olympics, and the 2017 Summer Universiade for China’s relations with Japan, Russia, South Korea, and Taiwan.

Leveraging the 1990 Asian Games Bidding Contest In 1979, China re-joined the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Deng was thrilled over this because it enabled not only the Chinese elite athletes to embark upon their journey of competing for medals in the IOC-governed competitions, but also Chinese cities to pursue the hosting rights of the Olympics. After Seoul obtained the hosting rights of the 1988 Summer Olympics by defeating Nagoya of Japan in September 1981, the Chinese authorities realised that it was unlikely for the IOC to let Asian cities stage the 1992 and 1996 Summer Olympics. They also deemed that to improve Chinese city’s odds in the pursuit of the 2000 Summer Olympics, it was necessary to firstly bring the 1990 Asian Games to Beijing, the capital city of China. With the blessing of the then Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Hu Yaobang, Beijing activated the bid for the 1990 Asian Games in 1983.1 While the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) received the application document of the Chinese capital city, Hu visited Tokyo. In fact, a few months after both governments signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and China in August 1978, Beijing received a JPY 50 billion low-interest loan from Prime Minister Masayoshi Ōhira for upgrading China’s railway, ports, and electricity.2 Until Ōhira’s sudden death in June 1980, the Japanese government offered three additional loans to China with the aim of improving its infrastructure. This move consolidated the Sino-Japanese friendship and enlightened Deng to quadruple China’s 1980 GDP in 2000.3 To further push forward with the harmony and cooperation between the two countries, Hu, during his 1983 Tokyo trip, called upon the young Japanese DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-17

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people to intensify cultural connection with their Chinese counterparts. He also promised that the Chinese authorities would provide support if the Japanese side upgraded their military for its self-defence purpose.4 To thank the CCP General Secretary for his kind words, Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, during his meeting with the Chinese leaders at Beijing in March 1984, pledged that the Japanese government would loan another JPY 470 billion to China for backing its economic development.5 In the meanwhile, Hiroshima acknowledged its intention to hold the 1990 Asian Games to the OCA. Deng decided to chair the massive parade held in the Tiananmen Square on October 1, 1984 for the sake of celebrating the 35th anniversary of the Chinese Communist regime. The Chinese authorities understood that Beijing must win the hosting rights of the 1990 Asian Games at the 1984 OCA Assembly held in late September. Otherwise, it would affect their plan to pursue the 2000 Summer Olympics as well as the mood of the public to watch the Deng-chaired parade. They also realised that it would undermine the harmonious Sino-Japanese ties if a fierce face-off contest between Beijing and Hiroshima took place.6 While the state leaders were anxious over this predicament, the Chinese Olympic Committee President He Zhenliang, a senior sports diplomat, suggested that the OCA pass the hosting rights of the 1990 Asian Games to Beijing and that of the 1994 Asian Games to its Japanese rival.7 The Chinese authorities accepted it, so that President Li Xiannian and other central and local officials persuaded the OCA President and his colleagues to make shrewd decisions in the bidding contest.8 Eventually, the OCA awarded the rights to host the 1990 and 1994 Asian Games to the Chinese and Japanese applicant cities, respectively. A few days after Beijing signed the contract with the OCA about the holding of the 1990 Asian Games, Premier Zhao Ziyang had a chance to meet the IOC President Juan Samaranch. The host particularly informed the visitor of his administration’s intention to bring the 2000 Summer Olympics to China.9 Several months later, Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Dalian successfully completed the celebration of the 1st FIFA U-16 World Championship. Given his satisfaction with the Chinese cities’ holding performance, Deng Xiaoping, in a meeting with the foreign guests, emphasised China’s determination to stage the 2000 Summer Olympics.10 Since the flawless hosting of the 1990 Asian Games was a key to China’s success in the pursuit of the 2000 Summer Olympics, both the Chinese central and local authorities attached great importance to the renovation of Beijing. While hundreds of millions of dollars were injected into building sports stadiums and upgrading transportation and hospitality facilities, Hu was removed from office. He died in March 1989. To memorialise Hu’s honesty and integrity as well as demand the Chinese authorities activate genuine political reform, the university students in Beijing organised several massive-scale peaceful protests in April and May. Deng, however, viewed the protests as a plot with the aim of overthrowing the Communist regime. Therefore, under his order, the troops suppressed the unarmed civilians and enforced order in the streets of Beijing on June 4. The U.S. and other Western democracies subsequently imposed sanctions to punish China for its brutality. To improve China’s international image in the post-Tiananmen era and boost Beijing’s chance of success in the quest for the 2000 Summer Olympics, the newly incumbent CCP General Secretary Jiang Zemin and his colleagues thought that to make the 1990 Asian Games a grand party was an imperative. Therefore, with the Chinese authorities’ keen mobilisation, Beijing secured the all-out support from the other parts of the country to its organisation of the Asian Games. The presentation of this 15-day sporting mega-event eventually captured the IOC President Juan Samaranch’s acclaim and Beijing was approved to apply for the 2000 Summer Olympics. Although both the Chinese central and Beijing municipal governments intensified their efforts to lobby the IOC members from 1991 until 1993, Beijing was defeated by Sydney in the fierce 2000 Summer Olympics bidding contest. It was partly because the former was weaker than the latter in terms of internationalisation, environment, infrastructure, and the experience in hosting international athletic competitions, and partly because China’s poor human rights records led the politicians and officials of the Western democracies to collectively persuade the IOC members not to select the former.11 112

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In the following years, the Chinese authorities further liberated the market and accelerated economic growth. They were even determined to double China’s 2000 GDP by 2010. Under this situation, the United States agreed to form a strategic economic partnership with China. Other Western powers, to gain monetary benefit from China, ceased constantly blaming the Communist regime for its human rights records. In addition, Deng passed away. Other key figures involved in the 1989 suppression no longer chaired the Chinese central and Beijing municipal executive affairs. President Jiang Zemin thus thought that China should pursue the 2008 Summer Olympics. To avoid repeating the encounter in the previous 2000 Summer Olympics application, Beijing, with the Chinese central government’s all-out support, meticulously handled every bidding task. Their efforts impressed the IOC favourably. The U.S. and other Western governments took a neutral stance towards the Chinese capital city’s Olympic pursuit. The overwhelming majority of the IOC members eventually casted their votes for Beijing. Jiang and other Chinese leaders were thrilled, as they believed the triumph had boosted the Chinese people’s sense of national pride.12

Leveraging the 2014 and 2018 Winter Olympics Bidding Contests A few days after Beijing won the hosting rights of the 2008 Summer Olympics, President Jiang Zemin met his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, in Moscow. Aside from thanking the Russians for their support to Beijing’s Olympic pursuit, the visitor signed the Sino-Russian Treaty of Friendship with the host. This meant that, since then, over 1 million square-kilometre land occupied by Moscow during the Qing Dynasty would be officially recognised by Beijing as a part of the Russian territory.13 The reason for doing so was twofold. First, since the Chinese government was going to join the WTO, it was believed that China would multiply its international trade and accelerate its economic growth from 2002. Jiang and his colleagues thus were determined to quadruple the 2000 GDP of their motherland, and transform it into a well-off society, by 2020. To this end, it was necessary to rely upon oil and natural gas from abroad. Settling the decades-long controversial border issue with Moscow indeed facilitated the Russians to smoothly supply the above resources to China. Second, after George Bush’s formal accession to power, the While House treated China as a strategic competitor of the United States rather than a strategic partner. It even obstructed its allies from selling arms to Beijing. Under this unfavourable situation, China terminated its border dispute with Russia so as to acquire military support from Moscow.14 After Jiang returned to Beijing, New York City and other parts of the United States were attacked by the overseas terrorists. In response, Bush administration’s global counter-terrorism campaign commenced. Meanwhile, Harbin, the capital city of Heilongjiang Province, activated the bid for the 2010 Winter Olympics. Although its municipal and Heilongjiang provincial authorities, under the assistance of the Chinese central government, proactively lobbied the IOC members, Harbin failed to be shortlisted as one of the final five candidates due to its inferior security, finance, general hosting concept, accommodation, and sports venues.15 A few months later, Hu Jintao succeeded Jiang as the CCP general secretary and the Chinese president. To make China take part in the global counter-terrorism campaign, President Bush pushed aside the policy of treating China as a strategic competitor. While the Sino-U.S. harmony resumed, Beijing and Moscow signed the Supplementary Agreement on the Sino-Russian Border Eastern Part. This move indicated that the settlement of all the controversial border issues between the two countries were completed. The Chinese authorities also intended to strengthen their motherland’s cultural exchange with Russia in 2006 and 2007. In the meantime, the IOC called for bids on the 2014 Winter Olympics. Harbin, which had won the hosting rights of the 2009 Winter Universiade, subsequently requested the Chinese central government to approve its application. The Chinese central government favoured Sochi to host the 2014 Winter Olympics bid, so as to ensure that the signed Supplementary Agreement on the Sino-Russian Border Eastern Part could be ratified by the Russian parliament and that the Sino-Russian cultural exchange 113

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could be smoothly undertaken in 2006 and 2007. Thus, Harbin’s plan was declined.16 In the next two years, the Beijing side offered all-out support to the Russian city in the fierce Winter Olympics bidding contest. It eventually obtained the hosting rights in July 2007. Thirteen months later, the 2008 Summer Olympics rounded off in Beijing. The meticulous organisation of this 16-day sporting mega-event was praised by the IOC President Jacques Rogge. The Chinese delegation also topped the medal table with 51 gold, 21 silver, and 28 bronze.17 These achievements led President Hu Jintao to be determined to make China a strong sporting power.18 Since keenly hosting sporting mega-event was a way to meet this ambitious goal, Harbin, which had just successfully completed the celebration of the 2009 Winter Universiade, and Changchun, the capital city of the Jilin Province and the host of the 2007 Asian Winter Games, respectively, put forwards the intention to pursue the 2018 Winter Olympics to the central government for approval. Meanwhile, the executives of the South Korean Olympic Committee came to Beijing, requesting the Chinese authorities to support PyeongChang’s bid for the 2018 Winter Olympics. In fact, the summit meetings between Presidents Lee Myung-bak and Hu Jintao at Beijing and Seoul in the first seven months of 2008 intensified trade relations and strategic collaboration between China and South Korea. Nevertheless, the Chinese fishmen accidentally killed a South Korean coast guard later that year and casted a shadow over the close bilateral cooperation.19 To consolidate the strategic ties between the two countries, the Chinese authorities decided to leverage the 2018 Winter Olympics bid. The central government firstly rejected the application intentions of Harbin and Changchun. It then gave all-out support to PyeongChang in the competition with Munich and Annecy.20 The South Korean city eventually was awarded the 2018 Winter Olympics hosting rights in July 2011.

Leveraging the 2017 Summer Universiade Bidding Contest While the South Koreans were celebrating the victory of PyeongChang, the Taipei municipal government activated a bid for the 2017 Summer Universiade. Brasília, the capital city of Brazil, also submitted its own application for this sporting mega-event to the International University Sports Federation (FISU). To improve Taipei’s odds of success, Ma Ying-jeou offered praise on behalf of the government of the Taiwanese authorities.21 His administration also hoped that due to Cross-Strait harmony since 2008, the Beijing side would support Taipei instead of its Brazilian competitor. For various political considerations, the Chinese authorities decided not to back the Taiwanese cities in their preceding applications for the Summer Universiade hosting rights. From the perspective of Beijing, Taiwan is not an independent sovereign state—rather an indispensable part of China. Yet, following his re-election as the Taiwanese leader in March 1996, Lee Teng-hui discouraged Taiwanese enterprises to invest in the Chinese mainland, continued supporting the Taiwanese authorities’ pursuit of the UN membership, and accelerated the de-Sinicisation of his motherland. While these measures tensed up the Cross-Strait relations, FISU successively received the application documents of Kaohsiung and Beijing for the hosting rights of the 2001 Summer Universiade. The Chinese authorities deemed that foiling Kaohsiung facilitated Beijing to pursue the 2008 Summer Olympics and penalised Lee and his administration for their provocative policy measures. They subsequently endorsed the Beijing municipal government’s plan of generously subsidising the participant athletes. Kaohsiung, however, did not obtain the similar support of the Taiwanese authorities.22 It was eliminated in November 1998. Four years later, Kaohsiung and Tainan’s application for the 2007 Summer Universiade commenced. FISU also received the intention of Bangkok to stage this sporting mega-event. The Chinese authorities gave all-out support to the latter, because eliminating the Taiwanese cities was a way for Beijing to retaliate against President Chen Shui-bian and his administration’s pro-independence words and deeds. The Thais also played the strategic financial cards to strengthen their capital city’s chance of victory. Kaohsiung and Tainan eventually failed in the contest in 2003. In the following three years, Chen and his 114

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administration intensified efforts to promote Taiwan’s sovereign status at home and abroad. Kaohsiung, Shenzhen, Kazan, Murcia, and Poznań, respectively, activated the bid for the 2011 Summer Universiade. Since they deemed that foiling Kaohsiung was a useful prescription to punish the Taiwanese authorities, Premier Wen Jiabao and his colleagues, respectively, delivered words to support Shenzhen.23 The Chinese central government also agreed that the Shenzhen municipal government offer generous royalty to FISU.24 In January 2007, Shenzhen won. After Ma Ying-jeou, a die-hard pro-unification figure, succeeded Chen as the Taiwanese leader in May 2008, his administration opened up the trade, postal, and transportation links with the Chinese mainland. It also ceased the quest for the memberships of the UN and other international governmental organisations. While the Beijing side appreciated Ma’s policies, Taipei and Gwangju of South Korea submitted their applications for the 2015 Summer Universiade. The Chinese authorities, which had decided to support PyeongChang in the 2018 Winter Olympics bidding contest, realised that backing Gwangju instead of Taipei would facilitate China and South Korea to intensify their strategic collaboration but undermine the Cross-Strait honeymoon. They also deemed that the otherwise would tighten the relations between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan but go against Beijing’s ties with South Korea. Therefore, the Beijing side took a neutral stance towards this neck-and-neck bidding competition. Most of the FISU executives eventually cast their vote for Gwangju, largely because it was more generous than the Taiwanese city in subsidising the participant athletes.25 While the 2015 Summer Universiade bidding contest was taking place, Ma and his administration deemed necessary to talk with the Chinese mainland about the liberalisation of the Cross-Strait trade in goods and services, so as to boost the Taiwanese economy.26 The Beijing side welcomed this proposal, because the removal of trade barriers facilitated Taiwan to economically rely upon, culturally integrate into, and politically unify with, the Chinese mainland. After the relevant framework was ratified, Taipei and Beijing commenced negotiations over the detailed items in services that the two sides needed to liberalise. This move was praised by Ma’s supporters and Taiwanese business tycoons. The public intellectuals, academics, university students, social activities, owners of small and medium-sized enterprises, farmers, and pro-independence politicians however opposed the negotiations, because they believed that the liberalisation would widen the wealth gap between the rich and the poor in Taiwan and damage its political independence. To ensure that Ma and his administration smoothly signed the agreement about liberating the CrossStrait trade in services, the Chinese authorities decided to support Taipei in the ongoing 2017 Summer Universiade bidding contest. Accordingly, the Chinese representative to FISU not only promised to vote for the Taiwanese city, but also lobbied the pro-Beijing FISU executives to do the same.27 Taipei eventually won the hosting rights in November 2011. In June 2013, the agreement about liberating the Cross-Strait trade in services was signed by the Chinese and Taiwanese sides. It however was unable to be ratified by the Taiwanese legislature due to the massive protests organised by the local students.

Conclusion This chapter examined China’s role in the bidding contests of the 1990 Asian Games, the 2014 Winter Olympics, the 2018 Winter Olympics, and the 2017 Summer Universiade. The findings revealed that to tighten strategic linkage between China and its neighbours, the Chinese authorities backed the neighbours’ cities in their bids and discouraged Chinese cities to compete against them. They also demonstrated that if the Chinese cities’ victory in their face-off bids with the neighbours’ cities was a key to realise the broader political goals of Beijing, the Chinese authorities would propose that international sporting organisations pass the hosting rights of other sporting mega-events to the neighbours’ cities. This move could avoid the appearance of divisions in China’s ties with neighbouring governments and civil spheres. 115

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Notes 1 Lijuan Liang, He Zhenliang and China’s Olympic Dream (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2007), 244. 2 ‘Yuanzhu Zhiwai de Lishi Hejie Zhilu [The Ways for Reconciliation Besides Aid]’, The Official Website of Guangming Theory, November 30, 2018, Accessed July 7, 2022. https://theory.gmw.cn/2018-11/30/content_ 32075502.htm. 3 ‘Riben yu Zhongguo Gaige: Xiaoping Shou Daping Qifa Jueding Fanliangfan [Japan and China’s Reform and Opening Cup: Deng Xiaoping’s Decision to Quadruple GDP is Inspired by Masayoshi Ōhira]’, The Official Website of BBC, December 20, 2018. Accessed May 21, 2022. https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinesenews-46620562. 4 June Teufel Dreyer, Middle Kingdom and Empire of the Rising Sun: Sino-Japanese Relations, Past and Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 171–173. 5 Ming Wan, Sino-Japanese Relation: Interaction, Logic, and Transformation (Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Centre Press, 2006), 23. 6 Marcus P. Chu, China’s Quest for Sporting Mega-Events: The Politics of International Bids (London: Routledge, 2021), 86. 7 Lijuan Liang, He Zhenliang and China’s Olympic Dream (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2007), 247. 8 ‘Li Xiannian Huijian Yazhou Aolihui Zhuxi Fahede Yixing [Li Xiannian Meets OCA President Fahad Al-Ahmed and His Colleagues]’, People’s Daily, June 18, 1984, 1. 9 ‘Zhao Ziyang Zongli Huijian Samalanqi Yixing [Premier Zhao Ziyang Meets Juan Samaranch and His Colleagues]’, People’s Daily, October 2, 1984, 3. 10 Marcus P. Chu, Sporting Events in China as Economic Development, National Image, and Political Ambition (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 8–12. 11 Marcus P. Chu, China’s Quest for Sporting Mega-Events: The Politics of International Bids (London: Routledge, 2021), 12–13; Fan Hong and Lu Zhouxiang, ‘Beijing’s Two Bids for the Olympics: the Political Games’, International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no.1 (2012): 147. 12 Rongji Zhu, ‘2003 Nian Guowuyuan Zhengfu Gongzuo Baogao [2003 State Council Work Report]’, The Official Website of Central People’s Government of PRC, February 16, 2006. Accessed July 7, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/ test/2006-02/16/content_201173.htm. 13 Billy Tong, ‘Wuyiliu Xieding: Zhongguo Liusihou de Gedi Waijiao [The May 16 Decision: China’s Land-ceding Diplomacy After the June 4 incident]’, The Official Website of CUP, July 5, 2020. Accessed May 23, 2022. https:// www.cup.com.hk/2020/06/05/sino-soviet-border/. 14 Marcus, ‘Fenxi: Zhonge Tiaoyue de Zhanlue Yiyi [Analysis: the Sino-Russian Treaty’s Strategic Significance]’, The Official Website of BBC, July 17, 2001. Accessed June 7, 2022. http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/chinese/news/ newsid_1441000/14414042.stm. 15 IOC, Candidates Acceptance Procedure: XXI Olympic Winter Games in 2010, (Lausanne: IOC, 2002). 16 Marcus P. Chu, Sporting Events in China as Economic Development, National Image, and Political Ambition (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 87–88. 17 It needs to be noted that the three gold medals awarded to the Chinese athletes were stripped after their involvement in doping was confirmed. See ‘IOC sanctions eight athletes for failing anti-doping test at Beijing 2008 and London 2012’, IOC, January 12, 2017. Accessed October 12, 2021. https://olympics.com/ioc/news/ ioc-sanctions-eight-athletes-for-failing-anti-doping-test-at-beijing-2008-and-london-2012. 18 Jintao Hu, ‘Hujintao Zai Beijing Aoyunhui Canaohui Zongjie Biaozhang Dahuishang de JiangHua [Speech Delivered by Hu Jintao at the Meeting to Recognise Beijing’s Celebration of the Olympics and the Paralympics]’, The Official Website of Central People’s Government of PRC, September 29, 2008. Accessed May 21, 2022. http:// www.gov.cn/ldhd/2008-09/29/content_1109754.htm. 19 John M. Glionna, ‘Clashes in Korean Waters Put Ties with Beijing at Risk’, The Official Website of Los Angeles Times, October 1, 2008. Accessed May 23, 2022. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2008-oct-01-fgfishermen1-story.html. 20 Marcus P. Chu, Sporting Events in China as Economic Development, National Image, and Political Ambition (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 139–140. 21 Marcus P. Chu, ‘China in Taiwanese Cities’ Sporting Mega-event Bids: Fatal Obstructer, Neutral Bystander and Enthusiastic Supporter’, Sport in Society 20, no. 11 (2017), 1677. 22 ‘Wozhengban Shidayun Budang Sancai Tongzi [We Will not Lavishly Spend Money for the Universiade Bid]’, United Daily News, November 10, 1998, 29. 23 ‘Wenjiabao Zaijing Huijian Jilian [Wen Jiabao Meets Killian in Beijing]’, Shenzhen Tequ Bao, December 15, 2006, A1.

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International Sporting Bids, China 24 ‘Zhizai Bide Shenzhen Tou 1.7 Yi [Shenzhen Provided CNY 170 Million for Win]’, Ta Kung Pao, January 18, 2007, A13. 25 Marcus P. Chu, China, Taiwan, and International Sporting Events: Face-Off in Cross-Strait Relations (London: Routledge, 2022). 26 Ma Ying-Jeou and Hsiao Hsu-tsen, Banian Zhizheng Huiyilu [Memoirs of My Eight-Year Presidency] (Taipei: Commonwealth Publishing Co, 2018), 128–133. 27 Chen Tai-cheng and Jen Chen, ‘2017 Taibei Shidayun – Guoji Daxing Yundong Saihui Shenban Guanjian Yinsu [2017 Taipei Universiade – Key Issues to Apply for Holding International Athletic Competitions]’, National Sports Quarterly 174, (2012), 34.

Bibliography Chen, Tai-cheng and Jen Chen. ‘2017 Taibei Shidayun – Guoji Daxing Yundong Saihui Shenban Guanjian Yinsu [2017 Taipei Universiade – Key Issues to Apply for Holding International Athletic Competitions]’. National Sports Quarterly 174 (2012): 32–36. Chu, Marcus P. ‘China in Taiwanese Cities’ Sporting Mega-event Bids: Fatal Obstructer, Neutral Bystander and Enthusiastic Supporter.’ Sport in Society 20, no. 11 (2017): 1667–1683. Chu, Marcus P. China’s Quest for Sporting Mega-Events: The Politics of International Bids. London: Routledge, 2021. Chu, Marcus P. China, Taiwan, and International Sporting Events: Face-Off in Cross-Strait Relations. London: Routledge, 2022. Chu, Marcus P. Sporting Events in China as Economic Development, National Image, and Political Ambition. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. Dreyer, June Teufel. Middle Kingdom and Empire of the Rising Sun: Sino-Japanese Relations, Past and Present. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. Fan, Hong, and Lu Zhouxiang. ‘Beijing’s Two Bids for the Olympics: the Political Games.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 1 (2012): 145–156. IOC. Candidates Acceptance Procedure: XXI Olympic Winter Games in 2010. Lausanne: IOC, 2002. Liang, Lijuan. He Zhenliang and China’s Olympic Dream. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2007. Ma, Ying-jeou and Hsiao Hsu-tsen. Banian Zhizheng Huiyilu [Memoirs of My Eight-Year Presidency]. Taipei: Commonwealth Publishing Co, 2018. Wan, Ming. Sino-Japanese Relation: Interaction, Logic, and Transformation. Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Centre Press, 2006.

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14 SPORTS DIPLOMACY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF CHINA Ye Wen

Introduction Sports diplomacy has been a prominent practice since the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)—also called New China by Chinese people—in 1949. China’s sport diplomacy strategy has evolved over time from ‘bringing in and going out’ to joining the Olympic movement; showing great willingness to join in the trend of sport globalization; strengthening contacts with international and individual sports organizations; and promoting sport exchanges and dialogues with other countries and regions in the world. Meanwhile, China’s sports diplomacy has always been in the context of the world landscape, especially playing a significant role in international relations. Sports diplomacy has effectively promoted international exchanges between China and other countries and regions, and made great contributions to improving China’s diplomatic relations through sports communications.

Diplomacy and the Role of Sports The term diplomacy is wide and varied and often unhelpful in the sense that it is often mistakenly associated with traditional diplomacy as being strictly about the formal relationships between states involving a range of international actors.1 In this sense, diplomacy is often seen as the peaceful means of securing foreign policy goals.2 The core functions of traditional diplomacy have been that of communication between states, negotiating international agreements, gathering intelligence about foreign countries, minimizing friction in international relations and representing states in world affairs. While it is clear that traditional diplomacy is more often than not about formal relationships between sovereign states, public diplomacy on the other hand has focused much more upon the general public in foreign societies and more specific non-official groups, organizations, and individuals. Public diplomacy remains one of soft power’s key instruments in international relations, but, as writers such as Melissen have argued, it operates as a much more open and transparent form of cooperation that offers a much more flexible form of communicating with foreign public audiences.3 New forms of public diplomacy need to work with and connect with the wider general public and consequently sports diplomacy as a hybrid form of public diplomacy and the practice of soft power has become more prominent in the third decade of the twenty-first century, although it is not new. Sports diplomacy is generally formed with three approaches: first, establish inter-state relations. Such sports diplomacy is related to specific political goals, such as trying to change the relations with another country, including establishing communications and breaking deadlock. Among the most well-known 118

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such initiatives in sport history was table tennis diplomacy between China and the United States (US), which was an appropriate way for the contact between the two countries. Without an official diplomatic approach, sports provides a non-political context for the common language, preventing two or more sides from intensifying their conflicts over direct interests or political conflicts. Second, the function of sports diplomacy is also to shape the national image of the country abroad. The image presented in the process of sports diplomacy is not only observed by people of other countries, but also inspected by its own citizens. Thus, though with information conveyed to external recipients in order to strengthen foreign exchanges, sports diplomacy is also an important resource for national identity at home. Third, is the communication of international sports organizations and other non-governmental organizations (NGO). For example, individual sports federations often travel to different countries or regions each year to organize international events, and their staff come from all over the world, greatly facilitating sports exchanges and the building of friendly relations through sports. The boundaries among the three approaches are sometimes vague, and the function, meaning, and challenges of sports diplomacy may have further development over time.

Sports Diplomacy and International Relations Sports and politics have often clashed over thousands of years, although leaders have increased their efforts to use the role of sports to promote national interests and international relations. Historically, in order to allow athletes and spectators from nations in war in ancient Greece to travel safely to and from the Games, although it is difficult to measure the extent to which truces were conducted and the extent to which sport contributed to peace and communication, the truces that resulted from the Olympic Games have been widely known in the history of sports and have given sports a peaceful meaning from the very beginning. However, as geographical conflicts and ideological tensions have intensified in recent decades, geopolitical rivals frequently meet at international sports events, national interests have led athletes and officials of sporting delegations to act as representatives of the state to promote official policies on the global stage. Diplomacy sometimes prevails over sports, and sometimes not. While the spirit of sport, with its pursuit to be higher, faster, stronger, and together, largely reflects common human goals, their contribution to actual peacemaking efforts cannot always be guaranteed. The primary diplomatic role of sports is usually a catalyst, yet it is not the most significant element in eliciting a response. But more perseverance and patience is needed for sporting diplomacy for peacemaking and international communication, as not only can sports events or sports exchanges meet with much scepticism and obstruction before they even take place; even if the event is successful, further conflicts and clashes may unfold, and with the end of sports events, public empathy to other countries may shift quickly after the event, and the narratives of their own countries regain great importance; the effect of sports for communication, peace, and the common ideal may then be lost. Thus, in situations of national conflict, Hardman notes that perhaps the most we can expect from sports diplomacy is that it provides a symbolic moment of isolation, asking us to see and appreciate other nations in a different position, rather than providing a model that replicates broader forms of transnational cooperation and integration.4

China and Sports Diplomacy The New China distinguishes the post-1949 PRC from the old semi-feudal and semi-colonial country of its predecessor. New China has gradually been recognized as a legitimate government by other countries in the international community. In the first upsurge of establishing diplomatic relations in the early 1950s, New China established diplomatic relations with the former Soviet Union, socialist countries in Eastern Europe, and other Asian neighboring nationalist countries. From the late 1950s to the late 1960s, China established diplomatic relations with many countries, forming the second climax of diplomatic relations establishment.5 By the end of 1969, 50 countries had official relations with China, more than double at the 119

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end of 1955. With further communication and development and a third climax, there were 120 countries officially connected with China by the end of 1979.6 In this process, the sports of New China play an important role in the establishment of the state’s international interactions. China’s internal reasons were the factors that led to the frustration of sports diplomacy from the late 1960s through the late 1970s during the Cultural Revolution. Influenced by the international and domestic situation, from 1967 to 1970, the scale and frequency of China’s sports diplomacy decreased sharply and there was no record of foreign sports exchanges in 1969. However, 1971 was a turning point in China’s sports diplomacy and even the whole diplomacy. At that time, with the decline of its hegemonic status, the United States began to seek to improve relations with China in order to increase the stakes in the game with the former Soviet Union and to improve its position in the world. In the spring of 1971, when China and the United States were considering the visit of the U.S. leader to China through secret channels in Pakistan, the 31st World Table Tennis Championship was held in Nagoya, Japan, in late March and early April. President Mao thought it was the time to make the decision to invite the U.S. table tennis team to visit China; the door to friendly exchanges between the two nations was opened on the first step.7 On April 10, 1971, a U.S. table tennis delegation and a small group of American journalists arrived in Beijing, becoming the first Americans allowed to enter Chinese territory since 1949. This move had an impact on the breakthrough in China-U.S. relations and was credited with ‘a small ball pushing a big ball’ in China. The goodwill between the Chinese and American ping-pong teams has contributed to the normalization of relations between the two countries.8 The Ping-Pong Diplomacy has not only contributed to the creation of dialogue and mutual understanding between China and the United States, but has also acted as a catalyst for diplomacy in a wider range of areas, promoting other countries that have misunderstandings, contradictions, divisions, and even antagonisms towards China to start to rethink their relations with China. In fact, this is not the only attempt at ping-pong and diplomacy in the China-U.S. relationship. On November 22, 2021, the International Table Tennis Federation (ITTF) announced that Chinese and American table tennis players would form a joint team. Two pairs of Chinese and American partners, Lin Gaoyuan (CHN)/Zhang An (USA) and Karnak (USA)/Wang Manyu (CHN) competed together in the mixed doubles event at the 2021 World Series in Houston.9 The renewed cooperation and exchange between China and the United States on ping-pong is called ‘Ping-Pong Diplomacy 2.0’. This decision of China is based on its diplomatic strategy of cooperation and communication. According to Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian, the rhetoric of ‘Ping-Pong Diplomacy 2.0’ is a good reminder to some on the U.S. side that the Cold War mentality cannot dominate today’s China-U.S. relations and that ideological confrontation cannot be perpetuated and exacerbated. A healthy and stable Sino-U.S. relationship requires a diplomatic mind-set 2.0 that is updated with the times.10 In this sense, it plays a similar but different role to that of 1.0. If the ‘Ping-Pong Diplomacy 1.0’ was looking at breaking the ice, the ‘Ping-Pong Diplomacy 2.0’ aims was promoting deeper mutual understanding and cooperation, and placed greater emphasis on sports and cultural and group identity. The ‘Ping-Pong Diplomacy 2.0’ suggests that the goal of sports diplomacy China has changed from ‘making a difference’ to ‘making it better’ and is highly related to China’s calling for ‘building a sport community with a shared future for mankind’. First, the strategy of sports diplomacy is frequently mentioned with the shared future for mankind. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s thoughts on building a sport major country with Chinese characteristics emphasized the importance of building a new kind of major country sport relationship with win-win cooperation, and developing and expanding exchanges and cooperation with international sports organizations.11 Second, sports appears frequently in the president’s visits to other states, with the model of ‘diplomacy+sports’—the sports element is integrated within the activities of state leaders. The third is to upgrade the national cooperation mode with sports. In 2016, China’s cooperation with Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran, and other countries raised the cooperation in sports to the level of comprehensive strategic partnership; for example, the sports cooperation between 120

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China and Finland, Norway, Switzerland, and other countries in 2017 and 2018, including ‘ChinaFinland Winter Sports Year’ in 2019.12 China’s bid for the 2022 Winter Olympic Games could also be seen as an opportunity to link with other countries. From the founding of New China to today, sports has continued to play a crucial role in China’s foreign policy and practice.

China’s Sports Diplomacy and Globalization As a phenomenon and process of human social development, globalization is not a new word for us today, though there are no universal definitions. Generally, globalization refers to the continuous enhancement of global ties, the development of human life on a global scale and the rise of global consciousness. The scale and scope of contemporary sports culture makes it an illustrative empirical window into the conditions and processes of spatial-temporal interdependence of globalization.13 Sports will not solve the world’s problems, but it can make an effective contribution. Sports can play a role in helping to resolve global tensions by considering spaces that promote expansion and enable common interests.14 The modern Olympic Games encourages countries and regions to break down national and state boundaries and become a global platform for exchange, and international sports organizations are constantly reforming themselves to achieve this goal. In addition, the need to integrate into international sports, which is seen as a sign of modernization by nations, has led to further national and regional participation and involvement in more international events and organizations in sports. China has always been a strong supporter of globalization and in recent years has been committed to expanding its reforms and opening up to the outside world. One of the targets of sports diplomacy in New China is to promote the development of sports globalization, not only breaking through the flow of culture that goes from high potential energy to low potential energy, but making efforts to expand the interaction between high potential energy and low potential energy. It focuses on ‘going out’, as well as ‘bringing in’. In the case of sports, China’s sports reforms are gradually introducing a market-driven league system, and it will be interesting to see how the league system in a market economy will collide with China’s traditional state-run system. Besides, in recent years, the category of sports communication of China is not limited to China’s traditional strengths, including ping-pong, Tai Chi, martial arts, etc. China has also introduced ice hockey, football, volleyball, and other sports that are popular in other countries, organizing invitational tournaments and inviting foreign athletes to visit the country for further participation in the globalization of sports. China’s effort to promote sports globalization is also reflected in its host and participation in sports mega-events, with the aim of bringing people together; bridging historical, cultural, and even ideological differences; and establishing relations between countries. Except for the Olympics, China also bid for and hosted the 1990 Asian Games in Beijing, the 2010 Asian Games in Guangzhou, the 2014 Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, and other international comprehensive games. Though there could be possible challenges including the epidemic, following the success of the 2022 Winter Olympics, China will further host the Asian Games in Hangzhou, which has officially included the e-sport program for the first time, suggesting that China will explore the possibilities of sports diplomacy and globalization at more levels of sports mega-events and with a wider range of sports in the future.

Conclusion Throughout its history since the founding of People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, from the Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO), to Ping-Pong Diplomacy, to restoring the legal seat of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), to bidding and hosting sports mega-events, China keeps trying to build its national image and strengthen international communication in the practice of sports and diplomacy. Today, with the rapid development of the sports industry and the increasing importance placed on physical and mental health in the world, the role of sports in diplomacy is no longer limited to 121

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formal official conversation, but has become more widespread in different aspects of social life with the gradual maturation of the Premier League, NBA and e-sport international markets. However, for countries, the benefits of sports mega-events, including politics, economy, transportation, and so forth, are tending to decline. Thus, sport mega-events may increasingly be seen as a concern rather than an opportunity for nations. International tensions and conflicts caused by growing competition for power, status, resources, and ideological rivalries pose a major challenge for sport diplomacy. In addition, the COVID-19 also has a huge impact on global sport, with events, training, and exchanges around the world coming to a standstill to a large extent. Under such circumstances, there is still a need for people around the world to actively create opportunities for sports and sports diplomacy, exploring new models for international game hosting and participating, and finding new impetus and channels for sports diplomacy. Though China believes that the meaning of sports diplomacy is making more and more friends of China, the result of its attempts at sports diplomacy still need to be observed by time, the ways, functions, and challenges of sports diplomacy need to be further explored as well. The development of sports diplomacy and the world needs the joint efforts of China and the world.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Theory: An Introduction (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2015). Ibid. Jan Melissen, The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). Alun Hardman, ‘Four Historic Moments When Sport and Diplomacy Collided’, The Official WeBsite of The Conversation, December 15, 2021. Accessed May 4, 2022. https://theconversation.com/four-historic-momentswhen-sport-and-diplomacy-collided-91597. ‘The Second Climax of Diplomatic Relations’, The Official Website of The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, December 15, 2021. Accessed July 7, 2022. https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/ziliao_674904/wjs_ 674919/2159_674923/200011/t20001107_10251003.shtml. ‘The Third Climax of Diplomatic Relations’, The Official Website of The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, December 15, 2021. Accessed July 7, 2022. https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/ziliao_674904/wjs_ 674919/2159_674923/200011/t20001107_10251006.shtml. Qiang Li李强, ‘1971年：“乒乓外交”打开中美政治僵局 (1971: “Ping-Pong Diplomacy” Opens the Political Impasse Between China and the United States)’, The Official Website of People’s Daily Online, September 8, 2022. Accessed July 7, 2022. http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/64162/64172/85037/85039/6906469.html Ibid. ITTF, ‘Historical China-USA Pairs Enter World Table Tennis Championships on 50th Anniversary of Ping Pong Diplomacy’, The Official Website of ITTF, September 8, 2022. Accessed September 24, 2022. https://www.ittf. com/2021/11/22/historical-china-usa-pairs-enter-world-table-tennis-championships-50th-anniversary-pingpong-diplomacy/. Yang Shen and Xi Zhang, ‘外交部：中美再续“乒乓外交”佳话是值得高兴的事 (Foreign Ministry: It Is Good that the “Ping-Pong Diplomacy” between China and the United States Has Been Resumed)’, The Official Website of CCTV News. September 8, 2022. Accessed September 22, 2022. http://content-static.cctvnews.cctv.com/ snow-book/index.html?share_to=wechat&item_id=17814759150028429831&track_id=8BC913A4-CD4E-4919BC3D-928F17F4EA60_659350157085. Huijun Han, 韩会君. ‘新时代习近平总书记大国治理进程中的体育外交战略研究(Research on Sport Diplomacy Strategy in the Process of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Big Country Governance in New Era)’, 体育 与科学 (Sports and Science) 40, no. 1 (2019), 1–8. Chenhao Zhu and Jizhi Li,朱昊晨, 李骥志, ‘中芬冬季运动年成果丰硕 两国将进一步加强体育合作 (The Two Countries Will Further Strengthen Sports Cooperation During the Fruitful Year of Winter Sports)’, The Official Website of Baidu. December 15, 2021. Accessed September 22, 2022. https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id= 1651874443196542279&wfr=spider&for=pc. Adam S. Beissel and David L. Andrews, ‘Sport, Globalization, and Glocalization’, in The Oxford Handbook of Sport and Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022), 173. Grant Jarvie, ‘Sport, Globalization, and Democracy’, in Joseph Maguire, Katie Liston, and Mark Falcous, eds., The Palgrave Handbook of Globalization and Sport (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 673–691.

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PART IV

Sports Policy, Law, and Governance Shushu Chen

The study of sports as a public sector focused on the land of China is representative and of world significance. Compared to states such as the United States, which gives a significant degree of autonomy to the federation levels, China’s planning of sports policy, regulation, and the layout of Chinese sports governance have distinctive features: firstly, the concept of ‘sport’ and its related functions are defined by China’s 5,000-year history and culture characteristics. This has been fully unpacked in Fan and her colleagues’ pioneering work (Hong & Hua, 2002; Lu & Hong, 2013) and more recently in our book on Sport Policy in China (Zheng, et al., 2019), in which, collectively, we demonstrated the word’s AngloSaxon notion of ‘sports’ does not travel well in the Chinese context. The differences underlying the meaning and value of sports to Chinese people have contributed to the development of sports in modern China. It also means that ‘sports policy’, ‘sports regulation’, and ‘sports governance’ in the Chinese context possess nuanced alterations from that of established Western understandings. Hence, there is a need for putting this section together in the Handbook to lay bare the differences. Secondly, China’s political ideologies influence sports policymaking, sports laws enforcement, and sports organisation. As a consequence, it has facilitated and promoted the development and achievements of radical elite sport success. Such development has also revealed some structural problems, which prompted our reflection on the use of government-led strategies, especially from the perspective of sustainable development. This section of the handbook reviews the recent development of Chinese sport, focusing on relevant policies, laws and regulations, and governance. It explores associated issues and challenges that emerged in the past decade or so as a result of significant development in a range of areas of sports – including elite sports, mass sports, school sports, sports industry, and professional sports – arising simultaneously with the accelerated pace of economic, social, and political development of China as a country. The group of six scholars who contributed to this section provide a systemic and comprehensive analysis of policy, laws, and governance of Chinese sports, respectively. Each of the scholars also approaches sports from various angles by presenting research findings derived from their work. Specifically, Qi reviews the policy development of professional sports in China and uses football as an example to unpack the complexity that lies within its professionalisation processes. Hu and Wu introduce the governance of Chinese sport and highlight the importance of incorporating stakeholders from the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors to achieve good governance. Xing’s chapter explores how the economic development in the past 30 years has led to significant policy development in Chinese sports, and calls for a balanced approach to be used to ensure the alignment of the development of mass sports and sports industry DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-19

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with broader national health and social and economic agendas. Chen Xuedong reviews the policy development of school sports and highlights the important role that sports-related entities in the educational setting (such as university sports clubs) can play in facilitating sports development amongst the youths. Chen Hongping’s chapter on reviewing the regulations and policies relevant to Chinese sports lottery is useful as it identifies the key challenges associated with the governance and policymaking of sports lottery that need to be addressed. Li, Qiao, and Liu’s review of Chinese sport law is much needed in light of the recent amendment made to Sport Law in 2022 (relevant to sports integrity and the healthy China priority). This group of studies is just a snapshot of a vast range of great work conducted in the past 30 years relevant to Chinese sports policy, law, and governance. It is our intention to review the past, discuss the present challenges, and welcome more and better research examining Chinese sports policy, law, and governance for the purposes of strengthening sports development in China.

Bibliography Hong, Fan, and Tan Hua. ‘Sport in China: Conflict between Tradition and Modernity, 1840s to 1930s’. The International Journal of the History of Sport 19, no. 2–3 (2002): 189–212. Zhouxiang, Lu, and Fan Hong. Sport and Nationalism in China. London and New York: Routledge, 2013. Zheng, J., S. Chen, T.C. Tan, and B. Houlihan. Sport Policy in China. London and New York: Routledge, 2019.

15 PROFESSIONAL FOOTBALL IN CHINA: THE PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE Qi Peng

Introduction The systematic professionalisation of sports in China started in the early 1990s when football was selected by the central government as the pioneering sport to join the first wave of the country’s paradigmatic shift from a planned economy to a market economy. To a certain extent, the professionalisation of football has reflected the overall development of Chinese professional sports; for the ebbs and flows experienced by other sports during their professionalisation processes, football has encountered them all, if not in a more dramatic fashion. For this reason, this chapter takes football as a barometer for the history, present, as well as possible future directions for Chinese professional sport development.

Defining Professional Sports in the Context of China It is important to first define what professional sport is in China, because in practice, professional sport is often used in an ambiguous or imprecise way.1 In different disciplines such as sports management, sports sociology, and economics, the term of professionalisation is conceptualised with notable discrepancy.2 Abbott3 defined professionalisation as a structural form of profession in an occupational and management field. In applying this definition to the sports context, professional sports would refer to sports where athletes receive payment for their performance and obtaining a professional status. This process may include specialised training and skills, code of ethics, receive accreditation, etc.4 Whilst acknowledging professional players being the core of professionalised sports, the occupational professionalisation is somewhat narrow and does not reflect some of the important debates in professionalisation of sport such as specialised sports organisational practices. Therefore, some scholars have introduced a second perspective towards defining professional sport, which is not just about paid staff or athletes, as primarily the professionalisation of sport organisations.5 As such, professional sport refers to a process of transformation leading towards organisational rationalisation, efficiency, and business-like management.6 Additionally, a third perspective—systematic professionalisation—provides a field-level (i.e., institutional, rather than an individual or organisational) examination of the professionalisation process as a by-product of environmental shifts resulting in organisational field or system development.7 The last perspective on professionalisation—a by-product of environmental shifts resulting in organisational field or system development—is arguably more relevant to the discussion of the overall Chinese professional sports development in this chapter. Similar to the viewpoint shared by Beech and Chadwick,8 DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-20

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a key feature of Chinese professional sports is its high dependency on non-participants, in terms of income generation. In other words, whether or not a professional sport can survive relying on its fans, supporters, and other commercial incomes. The sources of commercial income normally consist of gate revenue, broadcasting rights, merchandising, and sponsorship deals. Gerrard9 effectively summarised what a professionalised and commercialised sports industry would look like. The professional team sports industry is a complex micro-economy, consisting of a set of interdependent markets. Teams buy the services of players and coaches. Fans buy game tickets, subscriptions to TV sports channels, and team merchandising. TV companies buy sports broadcasting rights to deliver games to the stay-at-home fans. Big businesses buy executive suites, corporate hospitality, and sponsorship opportunities. Consequently, the investors’ emphasis is not so much on the sporting performance or the winning of games but on the return on investments for shareholders.10 These definitions of professional sports provide a benchmark for the examination and evaluation of Chinese professional sport development. In this chapter, the Chinese football professionalisation trajectory can be encapsulated into three stages, i.e., the past (1992–2014), the present (2015–2021), and the future (2021 onwards), based on the systematic professionalisation of the sport.

Stage One: Professionalisation: The Past (1992–2014) A sports system within a country tends to chime with its political and economic system (Gong, 2014). Prior to the Reform and Opening Up initiative—which was launched in 1978-- the Chinese sports system was aligned with the planned economy, whereby the government retained a strong oversight over the sports industry.11 In 1992, after Deng Xiaoping’s famous South China Tour12 and the 14th National People’s Congress, which reinforced the Chinese economic reforms and opened path, the sports sector also embarked on the reform journey by prioritising the professionalisation and commercialisation of football. In June 1992, a national football meeting was held in Hongshankou, Beijing, to discuss the issue of professionalising Chinese football, which was later referred to as the ‘Hongshankou Meeting’. Ninety-eight representatives from all provinces, municipalities, the military, and several other sectors participated. As a result of this meeting, four main reform steps were agreed as the first step of implementing professionalisation in Chinese football system: 1) to speed up the materialisation process of the Chinese Football Association (CFA) to meet the demands of contemporary society; 2) to gradually materialise the local football associations; and 3) to promote the establishment of professional, semi-professional, and amateur football clubs. The football club system would constitute the competition mechanism and create an income gap for clubs and players; and 4) to establish a football competition system.13 The first professional football league matches were then played in 1994, which marked a significant step of professional sports development.14 Twentyfour professional football clubs participated in a two-tier competitive league system (League A and League B); the majority were state-owned clubs, founded by local governments.15 This established new league system drove up the competitiveness of the matches, which subsequently helped to attract a significant number of live spectators. For example, as Fan and Lu16 recorded, the 1994 League A matches had 2.17 million live spectators, and such number increased to 3.2 million two years later. An analysis of the first stage of the Chinese football professionalisation trajectory suggests that since 1994 Chinese football has made a very successful transition into professionalisation as a result of the policymaking process. This is also supported by the literature that professional sports are featured by the willingness of spectators to pay to watch and investors to support clubs and allow the payment of players.17 In addition, the introduction of a professional league system can be considered as a key structural change in accommodation with the development of professional sports. Despite some key transformation made into professionalising football, there were a few issues residing in the process. First, at the beginning of professionalisation, under the substantial external pressure to 128

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professionalise, the sports sector had undergone some changes to the landscape of the professional football system. However, with most of the clubs funded and operated by local governments, it suggested that the Chinese sports industry, at that point, was not liberated enough to create and manage sports organisations as business-like organisational entities. Due to the state-owned nature of professional clubs, the government played a vital role in the professional sports market, and, for clubs, they were heavily reliant on government subsidies to survive and grow. In other words, the professionalisation at the time had only undergone a first-order change18 at the occupational level. Second, from a sports governance perspective, the fact that the then Chinese Football Association (CFA) was affiliated with the General Administration of Sport in China (GASC) and, at the same time, owning the league system was problematic because it was impossible to avoid the governmental interference within the management of professional clubs and commercial leagues. In fact, due to the tight control of the government on items such as sponsorship and player transfer, clubs were not involved in any high-level decision making or strategic planning in relation to the leagues during the period of 1994 and 2015.19 As pointed out by Shilbury and Ferkins,20 governance can ‘be used as a barometer against which progress [of professionalisation] can be measured’. As such, Chinese football since the1990s cannot be considered a fully professionalised entity; rather, it was a hybrid product of semi-governmental, semibusiness management that needed a deepened reform at both the organisational and systematic levels. Thirdly, a variety of issues (e.g., tensions between clubs and the CFA) occurred, owing to the incompatible pursuit of professionalisation amongst football clubs and the centralised state-run elite sport system. One of the most notorious incidents resulting from the chaotic management system was the socalled ‘G7 Revolution’ in 2004.21 To explain, at the end of the new CSL season (2004–2005), the investors of seven CSL clubs openly questioned the CFA’s management and attempted to reform it by demanding it give up the ownership, management, and supervision rights of the professional leagues. Although this was not successful in gaining these rights from the CFA, it pushed it into immediate termination of suspension of relegation and promotion; more importantly, it forced the CFA to carry on with the CSL reform in changing its monopolistic management style and to accommodate the wider interests of its stakeholders.22 This is reflected in the subsequently established Chinese Football Association Super League Co., LTD in 2006, which aimed to provide clubs with more decision-making rights in the further promotion of Chinese football professionalisation and commercialisation. Another incident occurred in 2009 that propelled a more radical institutional change (explained later) within the professional sport. A nationwide anti-corruption campaign under the scrutiny of the central leadership swept the football sector, which led to a series of investigations and sentences of high-level CFA officials, such as its then Vice Presidents Xie Yalong and Nan Yong. This was considered the strongest governmental action in response to footballing corruption since the late 1990s.23 It was evident that structural reform of the sport sector was necessary.24

Stage Two: Professionalisation: The Present (2015–2021) In response to the aforementioned issues, the Chinese government initiated a national football reform programme in 2015 with the aim to improve Chinese football in all aspects. The Overall Plan for Chinese Football Reform and Development was the key policy developed in consultation with all stakeholders within the football sector to guide the national football reform.25 This reform ended the hybrid attribute of professional sport (i.e., semi-governmental, semi-business management) and at the same time, opened a new chapter for the professional football development in China. Inspired by the national football reform programme, investment confidence surged during the period of 2014 to 2018. This was evident in the active involvement of some major Chinese corporations in the professional football market, both domestically and internationally. For instance, three Chinese e-commerce ‘giants’—Alibaba Group, Suning, and JD.com—as well as some property developers such as 129

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the Dalian Wanda Group and the China Evergrande Group have all made significant investments in professional football during this period: Alibaba invested 1.2 billion RMB (US $192 million) in exchange for 50 percent stake of the Guangzhou Evergrande F.C. in 201426; Suning purchased 69 percent of a Serie A team Inter Milan for a total of €270 million (US $307 million) in 2016; Dalian Wanda group purchased 20 percent stake in the Spanish team Atletico Madrid; Dr Tony Xia and his company Recon Group acquired Premier League team Aston Villa from 2016 to 2018; and Granada F.C. was bought by Hong Kong–based Rastar Group.27 Between 2016 and 2017, with the increased capital injected into the Chinese professional football market, some big Chinese Super League clubs were on a spending spree in the attempt to attract a number of star football players from overseas. A series of expensive signings involved Ramires, Hulk, Alex Teixeira, and Paulinho grabbed the attention of the football transfer world; nevertheless, it was Oscar dos Santos Emboaba Júnior, the Brazilian star’s transfer from Premier League club Chelsea F.C. to Shanghai SIPG at a massive salary package of £60 million (US $82m) that made the highest sign in the CSL transfer history.28 The once arguably very Europe-centred international football landscape was challenged by the oriental capital force. While the professional football market looks to be booming at this stage, there were other changes underway in the Chinese football governing body, the CFA. To support the professional football development, a total of nine areas were listed in the reform policy that required improvement.29 This started with a top-down separation of the CFA from the GASC to become the only national football governing body to oversee the development of football (together with member FAs’ separation from local governments).30 It was hoped that by providing the CFA the autonomy to steer the development of football without the interference of the government, a more stable and healthier environment can be established for professional football development. Moreover, discussions were held on establishing an independent professional football alliance to represent the interests of the professional clubs, though at the time of writing this chapter, this alliance has not been officially established. In addition, a few policies were issued by the CFA that aimed to further professionalise the football market yet considered controversial by practitioners. One policy was the ‘U-23 rule’ issued by the CFA in 2017. The notice on adjusting the appearance policy for u23 players in the CSL and China League stated that to further enhance the practice of bringing through young players in the professional football league and encourage football clubs to step up efforts to develop young talent, from the 2018 season onwards, the accumulated appearances of Chinese domestic U23 football players (except players from Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan) in each match of the Chinese Super League, China League, and CFA Cup, must be the same as that of collective foreign player appearances in each match that season.31 The intention of this policy was to protect local young players and simultaneously, limit the transfer of foreign players, as the latter has caused much debate due to the large sums involved within the transfer market. The controversy however lies in the timing when this U23 policy was released. Indeed, it was introduced after clubs having signed expensive foreign players who then faced the dilemma of not being able to join the starting lineup.32 At the same time, the first version of the policy did not specify the length of U23 players should stay on the pitch during a match; therefore, some clubs were taking advantage of the loophole by sending U23 players off after only a few minutes on the pitch; in the following new season, this issue was addressed by the CFA.33 Another policy that made an arguably radical change to the Chinese professional football was the Notice on implementing the change towards non-corporate names at all professional football league clubs.34 Although the aim of this policy was to address the issue of ‘clubs frequently changing their home cities/grounds following the change of investors’.35 It was considered controversial because some old clubs such as Shanghai Shenhua, Shandong Luneng, and Guangzhou Evergrande had existed from the start of the professionalisation process in the 1990s and were deeply embraced by their supporters. Therefore, the sudden change of club names provoked anger amongst football fans, who even protested for days in response to the policy.36 Some even argued that this one-size-fits-all policy is risky because it may demotivate investors to invest in football clubs as the latter can no longer fulfil the function of promoting their brand. 130

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Whether it was the aforementioned policies that were behind the crisis over the professional football market at the start of 2021, or indeed, the global pandemic COVID-19,37 the collapse of the former CSL champion (Jiangsu Suning F.C.) among a few other clubs (e.g., Beijing Renhe F.C., Tianjin Tianhai, and Taizhou Yuanda F.C.) has shocked the Chinese public and more importantly, awoke them to fact that the investment bubble in the Chinese professional football market has busted. The Chinese professional football is now facing an unprecedented challenge, both reputationally and operationally.

Stage Three: Professionalisation: The Future (2021 Onwards) The future of professional football in China is largely dependent on how the Chinese government and the football community—including the CFA, commercial clubs, schools, and stakeholders—react towards the aforementioned challenges that confront Chinese professional football at the moment. Domestically, due to the busted investment bubble, a few foreign star players and coaches who were signed during the ‘golden age’ have now withdrawn their participation in Chinese professional football.38 It is very unlikely the CSL will continue to attract start players that it did four or five years ago with the transfer taxes and the salary cap, and more importantly, the current uncertainties that reside in the Chinese professional football market due to the rapid change of the CFA policies as well as the global pandemic. As such, how to maintain the entertainment level of the professional league matches that attract fans to watch live and/or subscribe to broadcasters would be an issue for both the commercial clubs, leagues, and the CFA to think about. Internationally, with the President Xi’s World Cup dream on the verge of being shattered, or at least for the upcoming 2022 Qatar World Cup, it is perhaps more important for the country to shift the focus from elite football to grassroots football, especially on youth football development (at both elite and grassroots levels).39 Although there has been cooperation in between the sport system (led by the GASC and the CFA) and the education system (led by the Ministry of Education) to promote youth football since the 2015 reform programme,40 problems such as the integration issue between the two systems still exist. The future of Chinese professional football’s continued development will require determination, patience, and collaboration from all actors within the football community. In conclusion, the development of Chinese professional football is overall a tortuous journey. The three stages of professionalisation have all demonstrated characteristics of regulated professionalism, deregulated professionalism, and commercialism.41 However, from a governance perspective, football in China was not fully professionalised at the first stage. The 2015 reform was a good start to revamp the football governance structure. However, due to the inertia of the institutional practices and ideologies, it takes time to systematically professionalise Chinese football.42 The same principle applies to other professional sports development in China. Now, it is more important than ever to abide by the principles of autonomous governance within the sports sector and create a better business ecosystem that Chinese professional sports desperately need to grow and thrive.

Notes 1 Ruoranen K., Klenk, C., Schlesinger, T., Bayle, E., Clausen, J., Giauque, D., & Nagel, S., ‘Developing A Conceptual Framework to Analyse Professionalization in Sport Federations’, European Journal for Sport and Society 13, no.1 (2016): 55–74. 2 Dowling M., Edwards, J., & Washington, M., ‘Understanding the Concept of Professionalisation in Sport Management Research’, Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 520–529. 3 Abbott A., ‘The Order of Professionalization: An Empirical Analysis’, Work and Occupations 18, no. 4 (1991): 355–384. 4 Dowling M., Edwards, J., & Washington, M, ‘Understanding the Concept of Professionalisation in Sport Management Research’, Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 520–529.

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Qi Peng 5 Siegfried N., Schlesinger, T., Bayle, E., & Giauque, D, ‘Professionalisation of Sport Federations – A Multi-level Framework for Analysing Forms, Causes and Consequences’, European Sport Management Quarterly 15, no. 4 (2015): 407–433. 6 Ibid. 7 Dowling M., Edwards, J., & Washington, M., ‘Understanding the Concept of Professionalisation in Sport Management Research’. Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 520–529. 8 Beech J. & Chadwick, S, The Business of Sport Management Second ed. (Harlow: Pearson, 2013). 9 Gerrard B., ‘Media Ownership of Teams: The Latest Stage in the Commercialisation of Team Sports’, in Slack T., eds., The Commercialisation of Sport (Abingdon: Routledge, 2004). 10 Slack T., & Thurston, A, ‘The Social and Commercial Impact of Sport, the Role of Sport Management’, European Sport Management Quarterly 14, no. 5 (2014): 454–463. 1 11 Fan W., Fan, H., and Lu, Z., ‘Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre- and Post-Beijing 2008’, International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 14–15 (2010): 2380–2402. 12 From January 8 to February 21, 1992, Deng Xiaoping made his famous south China tour, inspecting Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shanghai, in that order. During his trip, the former Chinese leader made important speeches that later developed to become the backbone of Deng Xiaoping Theory. The main contents: revolution and reformation are both means to liberate productive forces; it is necessary to hold on to the ‘one central task, two basic points’ principle; planning and market forces are not essential difference between socialism and capitalism. These speeches offered answers to a series of important theoretical and conceptual questions, playing a crucial role in guiding and accelerating China’s reform and opening-up as well as the socialist modernization process (China.org.cn, 2011). 13 Chinese Football Association, Ten-year Plan for Chinese Football Development (1993–2002). (Beijing: Chinese Football Association, 1993). 14 Fan H., & Lu, Z., ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013)’. International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. 15 Wu S, The Sport History of the People’s Republic of China (1949–1998) (Beijing: China Book Publishing House, 1999). 16 Fan H., & Lu, Z., ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013)’, International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. 0 17 Beech J. & Chadwick, S., The Business of Sport Management Second ed. (Harlow: Pearson, 2013). 18 Dowling M., Edwards, J., & Washington, M, ‘Understanding the Concept of Professionalisation in Sport Management Research’, Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 520–529. 19 Peng Q., The Institutional Change Occurring in the Chinese Sport Sector: An Analysis of the Chinese Football Reform (1993–2015) (Doctoral Dissertation (Unpublished), Loughborough University London, 2019). 20 Shilbury D., & Ferkins, L., ‘Professionalisation, Sport Governance and Strategic Capability’, Managing Leisure 16, no. 2 (2011): 108–127. 21 Peng Q., Skinner, J., & Houlihan, B., ‘An Analysis of the Chinese Football Reform of 2015: Why Then and not Earlier?’, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 11, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. 22 Gong B., The Predicament and Outlet of Chinese Football from the Perspective of Civilization (Beijing: Beijing Sport University Publishing, 2014). 23 Liu S., Skinner, J., & Grosman, A, ‘From Rags to Riches: Business Model Innovation Shifts in the Ecosystem of the Chinese Super League’. Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 1 (2020): 1–21. 24 Tan T.C. and Bairner, A., ‘Globalization and Chinese Sport Policy: the Case of Elite Football in the People’s Republic of China’, The China Quarterly 2, no. 03 (2010): 581–600. 25 ‘The Overall Plan for Chinese Football Reform and Development’, The Official Website of The State Council of the PRC. March 16, 2015. Accessed September 14, 2021. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2015-03/16/ content_9537.htm 26 Chen X., ‘Alibaba Buys 50% Stake in Evergrande’, The Official Website of China Internet Information Center, June 5, 2014. Accessed June 13, 2022. http://www.china.org.cn/business/2014-06/05/content_32581882.htm 27 Lloyd T. ‘Suning Group Buys Inter Milan’, The Official Website of Sports Pro Media. June 6, 2016. Accessed July 7, 2022. https://www.sportspromedia.com/news/suning_group_buys_inter_milan/ 28 Doyle M., ‘From Boom to Bust: What Happened to Oscar, Tevez & the Chinese Super League’s Spending Spree?’. The Official Website of Goal, April 19, 2021. Accessed May 5, 2022. https://www.goal.com/en-us/news/ boom-bust-what-happened-oscar-tevez-chinese-super-league/mv5b8yg0qkoy1ieanvk7scf0c 29 ‘The Overall Plan for Chinese Football Reform and Development’, The Official Website of The State Council of The PRC. March 16, 2015. Accessed September 14, 2021. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2015-03/16/ content_9537.htm

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Professional Football in China 30 Peng Q. et al., ‘Towards Understanding Change-Supportive Organisational Behaviours in China: An Investigation of the 2015 Chinese National Football Reform’, Journal of Global Sport Management 0, no.0 (2021): 1–21. 31 Soccerex, ‘Evaluating the New Chinese Football Association Policies and Their Impact on Chinese Football’, The Official Website of Soccerex, May 4, 2017. Accessed June, 21, 2022. https://www.soccerex.com/insight/articles/ 2017/evaluating-the-new-cfa-policies-and-their-impact-on-chinese-football 32 Jin C., ‘The Four Controversies of the Chinese Football Association’s New Policy’, The Official Website of Lanxiongsports, January 18, 2017. Accessed June 25, 2022. http://lanxiongsports.com/posts/view/id/4885.html 33 Xue J. ‘The Chinese Football Association New Policy Controversies, More Loopholes with the U23 Reform’, The Official Website of SCOL, December 23, 2017. Accessed May 4, 2022. https://sichuan.scol.com.cn/ggxw/ 201712/56050890.html 34 Chinese Football Association, ‘Notice on Implementing the Change Towards Non-corporate Names at All Professional Football League Clubs’, The Official Website of Chinese Football Association. December 12, 2020, Accessed June 22, 2022. http://www.thecfa.cn/lstz/20201214/29164.html 35 ‘The Overall Plan for Chinese Football Reform and Development’, The Official Website of The State Council of the PRC, March 16, 2015. Accessed September 14, 2021. http:// www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2015-03/16/ content_9537.htm 36 Sohu, ‘The CFA Provokes Public Anger at the Start of New Year: The One Size Fits All Name-changing Policy’. The Official Website of Sohu, January 8, 2021. Accessed April 23, 2022. https://www.sohu.com/a/442834865_ 463728 37 The Guardian, ‘China Crisis: Jiangsu’s Demise Is Part of Country’s Wider Football Struggle’, The Official Website of the Guardian, March 2, 2021. Accessed May 5, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/football/2021/mar/02/ china-crisis-jiangsu-demise-wider-football-struggle 38 The Guardian, ‘Chinese Football in Doldrums as Clubs Struggle and World Cup Dream Fades’, The Official Website of the Guardian, October 5, 2021, Accessed May 5, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/football/2021/ oct/05/chinese-football-in-doldrums-clubs-struggle-world-cup-dream-fades-super-league-guangzhou 39 Peng Q. et al., ‘The New Hope of Chinese Football? Youth Football Reforms and Policy Conflicts in the Implementation Process’, European Sport Management Quarterly. (2022) https://doi.org/10.1080/16184742.2022. 2083649 40 Xinhua News, ‘Open a New Chapter for Sport and Education - Interview with Wang Liwei, Head of Youth Sport Department in the General Administration of Sport’, The Official Website of The State Council of the PRC, September 21, 2020. Accessed May 21, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-09/21/content_5545421.htm 41 Gerrard B., ‘Media Ownership of Teams: The Latest Stage in the Commercialisation of Team Sports’, In Trevor Slack, eds., The Commercialisation of Sport: 247–266 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2004). 42 Dowling M., Edwards, J., & Washington, M., ‘Understanding the Concept of Professionalisation in Sport Management Research’, Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 520–529.

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Qi Peng Fan, H., & Lu, Z. ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013).’ International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. Fan, W., Fan, H., and Lu, Z. ‘Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre- and Post-Beijing 2008’. International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 14–15 (2010): 2380–2402. Gerrard, B. ‘Media Ownership of Teams: The Latest Stage in the Commercialisation of Team Sports’. In The Commercialisation of Sport: 247–266. Edited by Trevor Slack. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004. Gong, B. The Predicament and Outlet of Chinese Football from the Perspective of Civilization. Beijing: Beijing Sport University Publishing, 2014. Jin, C. ‘The Four Controversies of the Chinese Football Association’s New Policy.’ The Official Website of Lanxiongsports. Januray 18, 2017. Accessed June 25, 2022. http://lanxiongsports.com/posts/view/id/4885.html Liu, S., Skinner, J., & Grosman, A. ‘From Rags to Riches: Business Model Innovation Shifts in the Ecosystem of the Chinese Super League.’ Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 1 (2020): 1–21. Lloyd, T. ‘Suning Group Buys Inter Milan.’ The Official Website of Sports Pro Media. June 6, 2016. Accessed July 7, 2022. https://www.sportspromedia.com/news/suning_group_buys_inter_milan/ Peng, Q. The Institutional Change Occurring in the Chinese Sport Sector: An Analysis of the Chinese Football Reform (1993–2015). Doctoral Dissertation (unpublished). Loughborough University London, 2019. Peng, Q., Skinner, J., Houlihan, B., Kihl, L. A., & Zheng, J. ‘Towards Understanding Change-Supportive Organisational Behaviours in China: An Investigation of the 2015 Chinese National Football Reform.’ Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 1 (2012): 1–21. Peng, Q., Skinner, J., & Houlihan, B. ‘An Analysis of the Chinese Football Reform of 2015: Why Then and Not Earlier?.’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 11, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. Peng, Q. et al. ‘The New Hope of Chinese Football? Youth Football Reforms and Policy Conflicts in the Implementation Process.’ European Sport Management Quarterly (2022) 10.1080/16184742.2022.2083649. Ruoranen, K., Klenk, C., Schlesinger, T., Bayle, E., Clausen, J., Giauque, D., & Nagel, S. ‘Developing a Conceptual Framework to Analyse Professionalization in Sport Federations.’ European Journal for Sport and Society 13, no. 1 (2016): 55–74. Shilbury, D., & Ferkins, L. ‘Professionalisation, Sport Governance and Strategic Capability.’ Managing Leisure 16, no. 2 (2011): 108–127. Siegfried, N., Schlesinger, T., Bayle, E., & Giauque, D. ‘Professionalisation of Sport Federations – A Multi-level Framework for Analysing Forms, Causes and Consequences.’ European Sport Management Quarterly 15, no. 4 (2015): 407–433. Slack, T., & Thurston, A. ‘The Social and Commercial Impact Of Sport, The Role of Sport Management.’ European Sport Management Quarterly 14, no. 5 (2014): 454–463. Soccerex. ‘Evaluating the New Chinese Football Association Policies and their Impact on Chinese Football.’ The Official Website of Soccerex. May 4, 2017. Accessed June, 21, 2022. https://www.soccerex.com/insight/articles/ 2017/evaluating-the-new-cfa-policies-and-their-impact-on-chinese-football Sohu. ‘The CFA Provokes Public Anger at the Start of New Year: the One Size Fits All Name-changing Policy.’ The Official Website of Sohu. January 8, 2021. Accessed April 23, 2022. https://www.sohu.com/a/442834865_463728 Tan, T.C. and Bairner, A. ‘Globalization and Chinese Sport Policy: the Case of Elite Football in the People’s Republic of China.’ The China Quarterly 2, no. 03 (2010): 581–600. The Guardian. ‘China Crisis: Jiangsu’s Demise Is Part of Country’s Wider Football Struggle.’ The Official Website of the Guardian. March 2, 2021. Accessed May 5, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/football/2021/mar/02/chinacrisis-jiangsu-demise-wider-football-struggle The Guardian. ‘Chinese Football in Doldrums as Clubs Struggle and World Cup Dream Fades.’ The Official Website of the Guardian. October 5, 2021. Accessed May 5, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/football/2021/oct/05/ chinese-football-in-doldrums-clubs-struggle-world-cup-dream-fades-super-league-guangzhou ‘The Overall Plan for Chinese Football Reform and Development.’ The Official Website of The State Council of the PRC. March 16, 2015. Accessed September 14, 2021. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2015-03/16/ content_9537.htm Wu, S. The Sport History of the People’s Republic of China (1949–1998). Beijing: China Book Publishing House, 1999. Xinhua News. ‘Open A New Chapter for Sport and Education - Interview with Wang Liwei, Head of Youth Sport Department in the General Administration of Sport.’ The Official Website of The State Council of the PRC. September 21, 2020. Accessed May 21, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-09/21/content_5545421.htm Xue, J. ‘The Chinese Football Association New Policy Controversies, More Loopholes with the U23 Reform.’ The Official Website of SCOL. December 23, 2017. Accessed May 4, 2022. https://sichuan.scol.com.cn/ggxw/201712/ 56050890.html

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16 THE SYSTEMIC AND POLITICAL GOVERNANCE OF CHINESE SPORTS Xiaoqian Richard Hu and Wu Chuchu

Introduction Chinese sports has experienced a remarkable development since the communist regime initiated the market-oriented reform of its planned economy in the late 1970s. Not only have Chinese athletes enjoyed their ever-increasing success at the international level, particularly in the Olympic Games, but also the Chinese sports industry has experienced a steady growth, which has been underpinned by a considerable surge in the need for leisure and sport practices and spectacles of the rapidly emerging mid-class in the Chinese society.1 This growing public appetite has resulted in an increase in the participation rate of physical activities.2 The boost of the Chinese economy is also accompanied by a development of its civil society, which leads to an increase in both the number and the influence of stakeholders involved with Chinese sports,3 the education sector,4 private organisations and state enterprises providing sponsorship and/or owning professional clubs,5 and traditional and new media (social media in particular).6 Nevertheless, the Chinese government remains the key stakeholder in the web of interrelationship of stakeholders, which is recognised as systemic governance7 related to Chinese sports.

The Systemic Governance of Chinese Sports The General Administration of Sport (hereafter, the GASC, a public institution directedly affiliated to the State Council, is responsible for the administration and development of sports in China. At the time of this writing, there are twelve internal bodies of the GASC. Given Chinese sports is officially identified as a consolidation of three components, i.e., elite sports, mass sports, and school sports, two departments, which are the Department of Mass Sport and the Department of Elite Sport, were established in the GASC for issues related to the respective domain. In contrast, even though there is a department entitled the Department of Youth Sport in the GASC, it is mainly responsible for issues related to adolescents in elite sports and mass sports, such as young talent development and youth health promotion and national survey.8 And it is the Ministry of Education (hereafter, the MoE) that oversees issues related to school sports in general, and physical education in particular.9 The GASC hence has relatively less influence in issues related to school sports than its dominance in the other two parts of the threefold Chinese sports, in which the GASC normally takes the leading role even if there are other ministerial departments involving with the governance of sports issues10 (see Figure 16.1). DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-21

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Figure 16.1

The relationship between stakeholders from the public and voluntary sector of the governance of Chinese sport at national level. 11

Sources: The All China Sport Federation, 2021; The GASC, 2021.

In terms of stakeholders from the voluntary sector, sports national associations, at least on paper, represent the national governing bodies of sports in China. However, only 23.6 percent of National Sport Associations are independent from the government,12 while the reform of the independence of sports associations has been officially documented for nearly 40 years.13 Most of the National Sport Associations, those of Olympic sports in particular, are virtual incarnations under respective Administration Centres of sport (hereafter, the Centres).14 The Centres are public institutions directedly affiliated to the GASC and work as the GASC’s puppet string controlling National Sport Associations in institutional, financial, ideological, and political terms.15 For instance, many personnel, especially top-level officials, are shared between the Centres and the National Sport Association(s) they administer to ensure political consistency between the governmental side and the non-governmental side of Chinese sport.16 This system is known as ‘two banners of one group’, which provides the Centres power over, and also identity as the standing body of, National Sport Associations.17 Until December 2021, the only Olympic sport in China that lacked a Centre was football, the reform of which was directly urged by the leading core of the country and President Xi Jinping, who is reported to be a football fan himself.18 This relationship between the Centres and National Sport Associations is consistent with the relationship between the GASC and the All China Sport Federation, which is the national voluntary sport organisation with National Sport Associations as its members19 and ‘the other (civil-society) banner of the GASC’.20 In addition, there has been a remarkable and constant growth in the number of stakeholders from the private sector, who not only provide substantial financial contribution to Chinese sports but also function as equipment manufacture, facility constructor, service providers, and so forth. Despite their increasing influence in the governance of Chinese sports, of mass sports and school sports in particular,21 they have very limited influence on Chinese sports policy, which is strictly protected by the GASC and other public bodies.22 136

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Following the pattern at the national level, local sports bureaus, in which there are offices respectively overseeing elite sports and mass sports, are the main bodies responsible for sports at the provincial, municipal and county level. In practice, most county-level sports bureaus have merged with local education or cultural departments and have been renamed as the Bureau of Culture and Sport.23 Some city sports bureaus even provide funds and coaching service for the primary school teams competing in Provincial Games for the city.24 Even though local sports associations are members of national sports associations, they are required not only to be registered in local civil affair departments, but also to submit to local sport bureaus,25 the latter of which work as the de facto director, or controller, of local sports associations.26 As such, the relationship between sports associations and governments at the local level maps the relationship at the national level (i.e., two banners with one group). Local sports bureaus either control local sports associations through local Centres, or cover its public identity with the title as a voluntary organisation whenever needed. Even though there are more than 40,000 grassroots level sports organisations emerging through a bottom-up route, they are embraced into the government-run governance system once being registered with local sports associations.27 It could hence be argued that the reform and independence of sports associations at the local level are less satisfactory than that at a national level.

The Political Governance of Chinese Sports The most defining and significant characteristics of political governance, which is identified as the strategy through which the task of the governance system is completed, of Chinese sports is known as Juguo Tizhi.28 This Chinese term is normally translated as ‘whole-country support for the elite sport system’, and is sometimes used as a byword for the system of Chinese elite sport.29 However, Hu30and Hu and Henry31contend that Juguo Tizhi is, in essence, a planned-economy-based and government-controlled framework that administers and operates Chinese sports as a whole. This socialist characteristics of Juguo Tizhi is not only consistent with the aforesaid government-run feature of Chinese sports; it also flows seamlessly with its original purpose, for which the framework was initiated in the 1950s ‘to concentrate all resources on highly challenging tasks’ such as China’s nuclear bombs and man-made satellites32 and to ‘win Olympic glory for the country’ after it was introduced to Chinese sport in the1980s.33 The distribution of financial resource and power clout throughout the Chinese sports system provides a vivid example of both the operation of Juguo Tizhi and the way in which political governance functions in Chinese sports. Similar to the relationship between the GASC and the State Council, local sports bureaus are predominantly funded, directed, and tasked by local governments at respective levels, while there is also relatively smaller amount of funding distributed vertically.34 Therefore, local sports bureaus often prioritise the requirement of local government than those from their superior sports bureaus or even the GASC (see Figure 16.2), which only provides general guidance for, and has indirect influence on, the local level.35 That being said, the GASC has indirectly, nevertheless effectively, aligned the objectives of local sports bureaus to its own task.36 Taking the scenario of elite sports, while the GASC highly accentuates athletes’ success at the international level, provincial sports bureaus, in contrast, place greater emphasis on the National Games, which is recognised as a domestic equivalent to the Olympic Games for provincial governments, because athletes’ performance in the National Games is related to the financial interests, political kudos, or even career of sports bureaucrats at the provincial level. Since the 1980s, the State Sport Commission (hereafter, the SSC), the predecessor of the GASC, had gradually modified, or more precisely ‘Olympic-ised’, the National Games and the National Youth Games. For instance, the year of National Games has been moved from one year before to one year after each Olympic Games, to ensure that athletes are in peak condition for the Olympic Games;37 the sports roster of the National Games closely follows the Olympic Games, and winter sports have also been included in the National Youth Games after Beijing secured its bid for the 2022 Winter Olympics;38 moreover, athletes’ 137

Xiaoqian Richard Hu and Wu Chuchu

Figure 16.2 Sources of income for the Chinese sports system. Source: Data from The GASC Official Website, https://www.sport.gov.cn/.

Olympic performance are also counted into the total points his/her province earns in the National Games.39 It could thus be argued that the reform of the National Games intertwines the Olympic performance of Chinese athletes, which is the key concern of the GASC with the interests of local sports bureaus, which is predominantly realised through their athletes’ performance in the National Games. Following this pattern, provincial sports bureaus also restructured the Provincial Games, which is recognised as the most significant missions of sports bureaus at lower levels, into a local equivalent to the National Games. By doing so, the policy agenda at the local level is ultimately shaped towards the political task of the GASC, i.e., winning glory for the county at international level, through an indirect fashion, which is in line with the concept of political governance.

Concluding Remarks To conclude, we would argue that despite the increase in the significance of the role of stakeholders from the private and not-for-profit sector, stakeholders from the public sector have maintained their dominance in the governance of Chinese sports at various levels by employing both direct and indirect strategies. This could be recognised as the consequence of the slow and unsatisfying reform of the administration of Chinese sports. More essentially, such situation is in line with the steady control of the Communist Party of China, in both institutional and ideological terms, over Chinese sports government, which functions as the executor of the Party’s will in sports.40

Notes 1 The National Bureau of Statistics of China, The 2018 Annual Report of the Chinese Sport Industry (2019); Jiandong Yi, The Future of the Development of Chinese Sport Industry, Blue Book of Sport: Development Report of Chinese Sport 2008–2010, Edited by Heping Jiang and Haichao Zhang (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2010).

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The Systemic and Political Governance of Chinese Sports 2 Xiaoyan Xing & Ruo Zhang and Marijke Taks, ‘The Effects of Health, Social, and Consumption Capital on Running-Related Expenditures in China’, European Sport Management Quarterly 22, no. 3 (2020): 1–21. 3 Yang, Maand & Markus Kurscheidt, ‘Governance of the Chinese Super League’, Sport, Business and Management: An International Journal 9, no. 1 (2019): 4–25. 4 Xiaoqian & Richard Hu, ‘Ideological Conflicts behind Mutual Belief: The Termination of the ‘Dual-Registration Policy’ and the Collapse of an Effective Elite Diving System in China’, Sport in Society 22, no.8 (2019): 13, 62–81.; Li Liu, ‘Understanding China’s School Football Fever in the Post-Beijing Olympic Era, 2009–2016: Policy and Practice’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 34, no. 17–18 (2017): 1898–1914. 5 The National Bureau of Statistics of China 2019, The 2018 Annual Report of the Chinese Sport Industry (Beijing: The National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2019); Haozhou Pu, Joshua I. Newman and Michael D. Giardina, ‘Flying Solo: Globalization, Neoliberal Individualism, and the Contested Celebrity of Li Na’, Communication and Sport 7, no. 1 (2019): 23–45. 6 Haozhou Pu, Joshua I. Newman and Michael D. Giardina, ‘Flying Solo: Globalization, Neoliberal Individualism, and the Contested Celebrity of Li Na’, Communication and Sport 7, no. 1 (2019): 23–45.; Xiaoqian et al, ‘A Rebel and a Giant: Change and Continuity in the Discursive Construction of Chinese Sport Heroes’, Sport in Society 24, no. 12 (2021): 2199–2221.; Zheng Liu, Ryan Chen and Joshua I. Newman, ‘The Football Dream of a Sleeping Dragon: Media Framing(s), East–West Geopolitics, and the Crisis of the Chinese Men’s National Team’, Communication and Sport 9, no. 1 (2021): 55–87. 7 Ian Henry and Ping Chao Lee, ‘Governance and Ethics in Sport.’ in the Business of Sport Management, Edited by John Beech and Simon Chadwick (New York: Pearson Education, 2004), 25–42. 8 ‘The Main Responsibility of the Department of Youth Sport’, The Official Website of Department of Youth Sport of the GASC, April 18, 2011. Accessed May 11, 2021. https://www.sport.gov.cn/qss/n5017/c637039/ content.html. 9 Bingchen Liu, Qiang Sun and Shiming Shen, ‘Probing Discussion on Cultivation High Quality Athletes by the ‘Combination of Sports with Education’ in General University’, Journal of Anhui Sports Science 31, no. 1 (2010): 74–77. 10 Lehu Li, Kuiting Gao & Zongli Shu, ‘Participation of Third-party Organizations in Supervising and Evaluating School Physical Education in China: Status Quo, Difficulties and Solutions’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 44, no. 9 (2021): 45–55; Ai-guang Zhou, ‘Reflections on the Reform of School Physical Education in China under the Background of Integration of Physical Education and Cultural Education’, Journal of Physical Education 28, no. 2 (2021): 1–6. 11 ‘The Main Responsibility of the Department of Youth Sport’, The Official Website of Department of Youth Sport of the GASC, April 18, 2011. Accessed May 11, 2021. https://www.sport.gov.cn/qss/n5017/c637039/ content.html. 12 ‘The List of Associations Independent from the Government’, The official website of National Development and Reform Commission, June 17, 2019. Accessed September 04, 2022. https://www.ndrc.gov.cn/xxgk/zcfb/tz/ 201906/t20190617_962462.html?code=&state=123. 13 State Sport Commission 国家体委, ‘国家体委关于体育体制改革的决定（草案） (The SSC’s Decision on the Reform of Sport System (Draft))’, In 体育文件汇编 (Selection of Sport Documents) (1982–1986), eds., The Department of Laws and Regulation of The State Physical Culture and Sport Commission 国家体委政法司, 1986. 14 At the time of writing, there are 22 Administration Centres governing all Olympic sports (except football) and other sports (such as Wushu, radio sports and orienteering, aero sports and car and marine modelling) in China (The GASC, 2021). 15 It is indicated in the Interim Provisions of the Regulation of Sport Administration Centres of the State Physical Culture and Sport Committee (SPCSC, 1997, p. 1) that ‘[the Centres are] the directly affiliated public institutions under the SSC (the predecessor of the GASC), [they are] responsible for the governance of sports, [and] are the standing body of the national association of the sport that it governed, … . responsible for all the kinds of sport it governed’. 16 Tien-chin Tan and Barrie Houlihan, ‘Chinese Olympic Sport Policy: Managing the Impact of Globalisation’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 48, no. 2 (2012): 131–152. 17 Jinming Zheng, ‘A Policy Analysis of the Development of Elite Swimming in China between 2000 and 2012: A National Team Perspective’, International Journal of the History of Sport 34, no. 12 (2017): 47–74.; Xiaoqian Hu and Ian Henry, ‘Reform and Maintenance of Juguo Tizhi: Governmental Management Discourse of Chinese Elite Sport’, European Sport Management Quarterly 17, no. 4 (2017): 531–53. 18 Peng Qi, James Skinner, and Barrie Houlihan, ‘An Analysis of the Chinese Football Reform of 2015: Why Then and not Earlier?’, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 11, no. 1 (2019): 1–18.

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Xiaoqian Richard Hu and Wu Chuchu 19 The Editing Committee of an Introduction to Sport 体育概论编写组, 体育概论 (An Introduction to Sport) (Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2013). 20 The General Office of the State Council of the PRC 国务院办公厅, ‘国务院办公厅关于印发国家体育总局职 能配置内设机构和人员编制规定的通知 (Notice of the General Office of the State Council of the PRC of Publishing the Regulation of the Function, Subdivisions and Staffing of the Geneal Administration of Sport)’, The General Office of the State Council of the PRC 国务院办公厅，November 18, 2010. Accessed May 10, 2021. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2010-11/18/content_7784.htm. 21 Bohao Guan, ‘From ‘Public Power Governance’ to ‘Cooperative Governance’：The Shift Of China’s Sports Rule Of Law Mode in the New Era’, Journal of Shanghai University of Sport/Shanghai Tiyu Xueyuan Xuebao 45, no. 11 (2021): 31–40.; Dongdong Lu, Shuai Wang, Maochun Lu and He Zhang, ‘Multiple Co-Governance: The Path for the Modernisation of Governance of Sports Health Promotion’, Journal of Sport and Science 42, no. 6 (2021): 70–77; Junfeng Zou, Jiaqi Chen and Kuiting Gao, ‘Collaborative Governance Path of Youth Sports Skills Training Market from the Perspective of Stakeholders’, Ournal of Tianjin University of Sport 36, no. 6 (2021): 682–89. 22 Jinming Zheng, et al., ‘Sport Policy in China (Mainland)’, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 3 (2018): 469–91. 23 Ruilin Zhang, Sport Management [Tiyu Guanli Xue] (Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2015). 24 Junfen Zou, Jiaqi Chen and Kuiting Gao, ‘Collaborative Governance Path of Youth Sports Skills Training Market from the Perspective of Stakeholders’, Journal of Tianjin University of Sport 36, no. 6 (2021): 682–89.; Ai-guang Zhou, ‘Reflections on the Reform of School Physical Education in China under the Background of Integration of Physical Education and Cultural Education’, Journal of Physical Education 28, no. 2 (2021): 1–6. 25 ‘社会团体登记管理条例 (Regulations of the Registration of Social Organization).’ The Official Website of Ministry of Civil Affairs of the PRC, February 6, 2016. Accessed May 17, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/ content/2016/content_5139379.htm. 26 Liu Su, Lan Xu, and Weidang Tang, ‘Institutional Dilemma and Relief Measures for Substantive Reform of Local Football Association’, Journal of Sports and Science 42, no. 1 (2021): 45–44; Ruilin Zhang, Zhiwen Wang, and Peiming Xu, ‘Embedment and Autonomy: Reconstruction of the Relationship between Local Single Event Sports Assocaition and the Government in Substantialization Reform’, Journal of Physical Education 27, no. 3 (2020): 23–31. 27 Yanxia Ji, et, al., ‘The Realistic Predicament and Reform Path of Sports Social Organization Participating in Governance from the Perspective of Meta Governance’, Journal of Sports Research 35, no. 4 (2021): 52–58.; Yuxia Wang and Runzhong Li, ‘Development History and Characteristics of China’s Sports Social Organizations’, Hubei Sport Science 40, no. 9 (2021): 53–56. 28 Henry and Lee, ‘Governance and Ethics in Sport’, 25–42; Richard and Henry, ‘Reform and Maintenance of Juguo Tizhi’, 531. 29 Tien-chin and Houlihan, ‘Chinese Olympic Sport Policy’, 131; Tan, T., & Houlihan, B., ‘Chinese Olympic Sport Policy: Managing the Impact of Globalisation’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 48, no. 2 (2012): 131–152; Wei, F., Hong, F., Zhouxiang, L., ‘Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre- and Post- Beijing 2008’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 14–15 (2010): 2380–2402. 30 Richard Xiaoqian Hu, An Analysis of Chinese Olympic and Elite Sport Policy Discourse in the Post-Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Era (Phd Thesis, Loughborough University, the UK, 2015). 31 Richard and Henry, ‘Reform and Maintenance of Juguo Tizhi’, 531. 32 Qin Hao, ‘The Definition, Characteristics and Functions of the Chinese Elite Sports System’, Journal of Chengdu Sport University 30, no. 1 (2004): 7–11; Qin Hao and Hai Ren, ‘Discussion on the Relationship between ‘Juguo Tizhi’ and the Olympic Glory Plan’, Tiyu Culture Guide 12, no. 1 (2003): 3–6; Hua Li, ‘60 Years of Development, 60 Years of Glory, the Development and Achievement of the Diving of the New China’, In 60 Years of New China’s Sport (Beijing: People’s Press, 2010), 27–43. 33 Qin Hao, ‘The Definition, Characteristics and Functions of the Chinese Elite Sports System’, Journal of Chengdu Sport University 30, no. 1 (2004): 7–11; Yuanwei Li et al., ‘Research on the Further Perfection of Juguo Tizhi of Elite Sports of China’, China Sport Science and Technology 39, no. 8 (2003): 1–5. 34 For instance, 98.18% of the income of the Beijing Sport Bureau in 2020 came from the Municipal government of Beijing (Beijing Sport Bureau 北京市体育局 2021). 35 Xiaozheng Xiong, Siyong Xia and Yan Tang, Studies on the Developing Model of Elite Sport of Our Nation (Beijing: People’s Sport Press, 2008). 36 Stein, Marc, Ellen Goldring, and Genevieve Zottola, ‘Elite Youth Sport Policy’, In Kristiansen E, Macintosh E W, Parent M, et al., The Youth Olympic Games: A Facilitator or Barrier of the High-performance Sport Development Pathway? 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The Systemic and Political Governance of Chinese Sports 37 The XI National Games was in 1987 and the next one was held in 1993. 38 There are only three non-Olympic sports in the 2021 National Games, i.e., Wushu, which is recognised as China’s traditional sport, baseball and softball, which were excluded from the Olympic Games after 2008 and reintroduced into the Olympics for the 2020 edition. 39 Since 1997, one’s Olympic performance had been given ‘points’ to contribute to his/her province delegation’s total score in the National Games. And the Olympic performance has been double weighted (for instance, one Olympic gold medal equals two gold medals in the National Games) after 2005 (Hu and Henry, 2017). 40 Puqu Wang and Bin Tang, ‘An Analysis of the Party-Government Structure and Functional Mechanism of Contemporary Chinese Governance’, Social Sciences in China 9, no. 9 (2019): 4–23.

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Xiaoqian Richard Hu and Wu Chuchu Lu, Dongdong, Wang Shuai, Lu Maochun, and Zhang He. ‘Multiple Co-Governance: The Path for the Modernisation of Governance of Sports Health Promotion.’ Journal of Sport and Science 42, no. 6 (2021): 70–77 Ma, Yang and Markus Kurscheidt. ‘Governance of the Chinese Super League.’ Sport, Business and Management: An International Journal 9, no. 1 (2019): 4–25. Pu, Haozhou, Joshua I. Newman, and Michael D. Giardina. ‘Flying Solo: Globalization, Neoliberal Individualism, and the Contested Celebrity of Li Na.’ Communication and Sport 7, no. 1 (2019): 23–45. Qi, Peng, James Skinner and Barrie Houlihan. ‘An Analysis of the Chinese Football Reform of 2015: Why Then and Not Earlier?.’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 11, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. ‘社会团体登记管理条例 (Regulations of the Registration of Social Organization).’ The Official Website of Ministry of Civil Affairs of the PRC, February 06, 2016. Accessed May 17, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2016/ content_5139379.htm. Su, Liu, Xu Lan and Weidang Tang. ‘Institutional Dilemma and Relief Measures for Substantive Reform of Local Football Association.’ Journal of Sports and Science 42, no. 1 (2021): 44–55. Tan, T. and B. Houlihan ‘Chinese Olympic sport policy: Managing the Impact of Globalisation.’ International Review for the Sociology of Sport 48, no. 2 (2012): 131–152. The All China Sport Federation 中华全国体育总会. 2021. ‘协会列表 (The List of National Sport Associations).’ The All China Sport Federation 中华全国体育总会. 2021. http://www.sport.org.cn. ‘The Main Responsibility of the Department of Youth Sport’, The Official Website of Department of Youth Sport of the GASC, April 18, 2011. Accessed May 11, 2021. https://www.sport.gov.cn/qss/n5017/c637039/content.html. The Editing Committee of an Introduction to Sport 体育概论编写组. 体育概论 (An Introduction to Sport). Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2013. The GASC 国家体育总局. ‘国家体育总局机构设置 (The Institutional Map of the GASC.’ The GASC 国家体育 总局 2021, 2021. Accessed October 15, 2022. https://www.sport.gov.cn/n20001099/index.html. The National Bureau of Statistics of China, The 2018 Annual Report of the Chinese Sport Industry (2019). Accessed October 15, 2022. http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/202001/t20200120_1724122.html. ‘2019年全国体育产业总规模与增加值数据公告 (The 2019 Annual Report of the Chinese Sport Industry)’, The National Bureau of Statistics of China 国家统计局 2020. Accessed October 19, 2022. http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ zxfb/202012/t20201231_1811943.html. Wang, Puqu and Tang Bin. ‘当代中国治理的党政结构与功能机制分析 (An Analysis of the Party-Government Structure and Functional Mechanism of Contemporary Chinese Governance.’ 中国社会科学 (Social Sciences in China) 9, no. 9 (2019): 4–23. Wang, Yuxia and Li Runzhong. ‘Development History and Characteristics of China’s Sports Social Organizations.’ Hubei Sport Science 40, no. 9 (2021): 753–756. Wei, F., F. Hong and L. Zhouxiang. ‘Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre- and Post- Beijing 2008, The International Journal of the History of Sport.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 14–15 (2010): 2380–2402. Xing, Xiaoyan, Ruo Zhang and Marijke Taks. ‘The Effects of Health, Social, and Consumption Capital on RunningRelated Expenditures in China.’ European Sport Management Quarterly 22, no. 3 (2020): 1–21. Xiong, Xiaozheng. 新中国体育60年 (60 Years of New China’s Sport). Beijing: People’s Press, 2009. Xiong, Xiaozheng, Xia Siyong and Tang Yan. 我国竞技体育发展模式的研究 [Studies on the Developing Model of Elite Sport of Our Nation]. Beijing: People’s Sport Press, 2008. Zhang, Ruilin. Sport Management [Tiyu Guanli Xue]. Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2015. Zhang, Ruilin, Wang Zhiwen and Xu Peiming. ‘Embedment and Autonomy: Reconstruction of the Relationship between Local Single Event Sports Assocaition and the Government in Substantialization Reform.’ Journal of Physical Education 27, no. 3 (2020): 23–31. Zheng, Jinming. ‘A Policy Analysis of the Development of Elite Swimming in China between 2000 and 2012: A National Team Perspective.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 34, no. 12 (2017): 1247–1274. Zheng, Jinming, Shushu Chen, Tien Chin Tan and Patrick Wing Chung Lau. ‘Sport Policy in China (Mainland).’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 3 (2018): 469–491. Zhou, Ai-guang. ‘Reflections on the Reform of School Physical Education in China under the Background of Integration of Physical Education and Cultural Education.’ Journal of Physical Education 28, no. 2 (2021): 1–6. Zhou, Ai-guang. ‘体教融合背景下我国学校体育改革的思考 (Reflections on the Reform of School Physical Education in China under the Background of Integration of Physical Education and Cultural Education).’ 体育学 刊 (Journal of Physical Education) 28, no. 2 (2021): 1–6. Zou, Junfen, Jiaqi Chen and Kuiting Gao. ‘Collaborative Governance Path of Youth Sports Skills Training Market from the Perspective of Stakeholders.’ Journal of Tianjin University of Sport 36, no. 6 (2021): 682–689. Zou, Junfeng, Jiaqi Chen and Kuiting Gao. ‘Collaborative Governance Path of Youth Sports Skills Training Market from the Perspective of Stakeholders.’ Ournal of Tianjin University of Sport 36, no. 6 (2021): 682–689.

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17 MASS SPORTS AND ITS ROLE IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Xing Xiaoyan

Introduction Mass sports is a key component of sports policy in China. Extant literature examines its development mainly from a historical perspective. Researchers agree that mass sports has developed in five stages since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC): the establishment of mass sports policy (1949–1957), the development of mass sports during the turbulence of the Great Famine and the Cultural Revolution (1958–1976), the initial reform of mass sports policy (1977–1994), the formation of a national fitness policy framework (1995–2008), and the rise of national fitness as a policy priority (2009–present)1,2,3. China’s economic agenda was a key motive for the inception of the National Fitness Programme in the 1990s and became a focal point in 2014, when national fitness was designated as a national strategy to achieve multiple socio-economic objectives in a landmark sports industry policy paper entitled Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sport Industry and Promoting Sport Consumption (hereafter Policy No. 46).4 Whilst research attention on mass sports tends to focus on health-related outcomes, few studies have investigated the function of mass sports in contributing to economic development, and how economic pursuits have subsequently ramified mass sports provision and sport participation opportunities. This chapter endeavors to redress this neglect within the scholarly literature.

The Role of Mass Sports During the Economic Reform of the 1990s During Deng Xiaoping’s historic south tour in 1992, a consensus was reached in favour of a socialist market economic system. A full transformation from a planned economy to a socialist market economy was then required across all public sectors including the sport sector.5 To keep up with nationwide economic reform, three key policy documents were introduced by the then State Physical Culture and Sports Commission to advance sports reform: Outline of the Olympic Glory Programme (1994–2000), Outline of the National Fitness Programme (1995–2010), and Outline of Sport Industry Development (1995–2010).6,7 Economic development was a primary motive underlying these policies. Mass sports initially contributed to economic development via the sports industry, whose growth depended on both mass sports and elite sports. Thus, the sports industry functioned mainly to ‘foster the fitness and recreational sport market, as well as the sport competition and performance market’ in conjunction with the National Fitness Programme and the Olympic Glory Programme.8 Notably, the sports industry as a nascent domain was introduced into sports policy as part of China’s efforts to strengthen the DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-22

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tertiary sector, which was extremely vulnerable in the planned economy. The economic role of sports was deftly summarized in 1999 by the director of the Social Development Department of the National Development and Planning Commission, who stated that9 the ‘sport industry must be developed not only to keep pace with people’s rising living standards and to reform the sport sector, … but also to benefit the national economy’.10 Furthermore, the role of mass sports in economic development was clearly expressed again several years later in the Outline of the National Fitness Programme (1995–2010): ‘By the end of this century [2000], … time spent on sport activities and sport consumption will gradually increase in the general population’. Moreover, the National Fitness Programme was strategically designed to ‘promote investment in sport and fitness by families and individuals; encourage the general population to engage in sport consumption; create new forms of sport consumption; and develop fitness, sport rehabilitation, and recreational sport markets to accommodate mass demand’.11 Notably, in addition to strategically serving the national economy, the sports industry that developed in conjunction with mass sports had practical importance for the sports sector—especially for financing elite sports. Because state money no longer covered all sports expenses in a market economy system, the sports sector had to earn money to cover a portion of these expenses. Consequently, various types of businesses proliferated, particularly ones using state-owned sports facilities. Although some of these businesses were unrelated to sports, they were considered to complement the sports industry because their task was to generate revenue to fund sport development.12 The growth of these businesses represented a distinctive and expedient characteristic of China’s sports sector during a time of nationwide transformation in the 1990s; however, the majority of the businesses were gradually phased out in the 2000s.

The Role of Mass Sports in the ‘New Normal’ Economy of the 2010s Li Dunhou, the then deputy director of the Sport Economics Department of the General Administration of Sport (GAS), predicted in 1999 that ‘the sport market will become a simulator of domestic consumption and economic growth’.13 Nonetheless, mass sports took approximately 20 years to become a vibrant domain contributing to economic growth. Multiple factors were responsible for the long wait to realise Li’s prediction. First, Beijing’s successful bid to host the 2008 Olympic Games in 2001 reinforced the primacy of elite sports and limited the resources available for mass sports. Second, a well-rounded mass sports system with the requisite infrastructures and services for sports participation is required for consumption to occur, which took time to develop this system in China.14 Third, individuals require time and financial resources to engage in sports participation and consumption, which required China’s per capital disposable income for households to expand. During the first two decades of the twenty-first century, disposable income increased at an annual rate of 8.9 percent from ¥3,721 in 2000 to ¥32,189 in 2020—representing an 8.7-fold increase in the space of just ten years.15 Most importantly, sports policy often benefits from an economic windfall derived from other more well-developed policy sectors.16 China was searching for engines to power sustainable economic growth after the early 2010s saw it enter a new phase of economic development—a ‘new normal’.17 This triggered the harnessing of mass sports for economic development. The position of sports in this new economic development model was notable for several reasons. First, sports was identified as a promising domain to stimulate new forms of consumption. A comprehensive economic policy document in 2015 identified six categories of consumption (i.e., service consumption, information consumption, green consumption, fashion consumption, quality consumption, and rural consumption).18 Sports was therefore classified as a type of service consumption. Second, the sports industry was an important part of the 12th Five-year Plan for Service Industry Development, and it was one of the consumer service industries targeted in multiple policies.19 Notably, sports, together with several other consumer service industries (tourism, culture, health, care for ageing people, and education 144

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training), was labelled a ‘happiness industry’ in policies for which the underlying logic was that consumption should be increased and life quality improved.20 To promote these consumer service industries, a statistical system was developed to track their gross domestic product.21 Third, national fitness was treated as a segment not only of the sports industry but also of the health industry and was incorporated into policies for developing the health service industry.22 Therefore, national economic strategy significantly influenced Policy No. 46 in 2014.23 Although a major sports industry policy was promulgated in 2010 by the State Council, following the completion of the Outline of Sport Industry Development (1995–2010), its objectives were general and its measures vague, with a minimum impact on the sports industry.24 Policy No. 46 was widely considered to be a watershed for the sports industry in China because first and foremost, Policy No. 46 strove for synergy between mass sports and the sports industry by undertaking to ‘make national fitness a national objective and foster the sport industry as a green industry as well as an up-and-coming industry’.25 Second, while mass policy objectives were incorporated into Policy No. 46 to achieve per capital sports space of two square meters and 500 million frequent sports participants by 2025,26,27,28 the sports industry objectives of sports consumption were worth ¥1,500 billion by 2020 and a sports industry worth ¥5,000 billion by 2025 were integrated into the National Fitness Programmers for 2015–2020 and 2021–2025, respectively.29,30 Third, Policy No. 46 outlined an array of comprehensive measures to achieve the ambitious ¥5,000 billion target, some of which—such as waiving the requirement of administrative permissions for commercial and participatory sports events—were ground-breaking and effective in attracting market capital.31 Although the economic role of mass sports was mainly a concept with limited tangible effects in the 1990s, mass sports ascended to become a strategic sector for economic development in the 2010s when the internal environment (i.e., the people’s demand for sports services increased due to the improved living standard, and a well-rounded mass sports system was gradually in shape) and the external environment (i.e., the country tapped into mass sports consumption for economic growth) became suitable, and a policy window had been opened by China’s ‘new normal’ economy. This was well reflected in Prime Minister Li Keqiang’s comments at a State Council meeting in August 2019: Fitness and sport consumption naturally accelerate when economic development reaches a certain stage. Our country is now a middle-income country. People’s desire and need (for fitness and sport consumption) are constantly increasing. Fitness and sport consumption have enormous potential.32

Synergistic Development of Mass Sports and the Sports Industry after the 2010s A synergistic approach to the development of the sports industry and the stimulation of sports consumption through national fitness added policy momentum to mass sports development. Five years after the promulgation of Policy No. 46, the State Council issued a follow-up policy titled Opinions on Facilitating High-quality Development in the Sport Industry through National Fitness and Sport Consumption (hereafter Policy No. 43) to enhance policy implementation.33,34 For both Policies No. 46 and No. 43, local governments developed implementation plans to improve enforcement. In addition, multiple ministries and, most importantly, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), a ministry with significantly more power for resource mobilisation than the GAS, either spearheaded or masterminded policies and plans associated with Policy No. 46. Mass sports development benefited from substantial physical, financial, human, and policy resources as a result of these synergistic policy initiatives. The first was the provision of fitness facilities, which were a basic condition for sports participation. A lack of accessible facilities, particularly in large cities, was identified in many sports policy documents, including the Regulations on National Fitness.35 145

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However, sports departments alone could not manage the land acquisition and major investment required for facility development. Policy No. 46 helped to create headway, due to the inclusion of fitness facility development, to achieve a ‘15-minute fitness radius’—meaning that anyone can access sport and fitness facilities within a 15-minute distance from their home—as well as favourable policies regarding land acquisition and usage for fitness facilities. The target to reach per capita sports space of 2 square metres by 202536 was already surpassed by 2020, when the sports space per capita reached 2.2 square metres.37 The National Fitness Programme (2021–2025) consequently vouched to achieve full coverage with the 15-minute fitness radius plan in both rural areas (villages, towns, and counties) and urban areas (communities, districts, and cities) by 2025.38 At the same time, two policies were promulgated in 2020 and 2021 to increase the provision of fitness facilities. The target for per capita sports space was increased to 2.6 square metres by 2025.39 Specifically, six types of fitness facilities were prioritised for state fiscal support: national fitness centres, public stadia (with standard track fields and football pitches), football pitches (both standard and nonstandard), sports parks, running trails, and public service facilities for outdoor activities. While state investment in the first three was a continuation of project funding commenced in the 2016 to 2020 five-year period, investment in the latter three was new.40 As policy-making gathered momentum, a new document called Guiding Opinions on Pushing Forward Sport Park Construction was issued with specific implementation instructions and accompanied by lists of tasks assigned to relevant ministries as well as a specification for the number of sports parks to be completed by each local government by 2025, totalling 1,228.41 Second, several sports were major beneficiaries of Policy No. 46 in terms of building participation. Policies were issued to follow up Policy No. 46 by addressing the development of the fitness and recreational sports industry in 2016 and the sports competition and performance industry in 2018.42 Plans to develop seven specific sports industries (i.e., winter sports, mountain sports, air sports, water sports, marathons, cycling, and fencing) were issued between 2016 and 2018.43 Although a greater focus on three big-ball sports (i.e., basketball, volleyball, and particularly football), was triggered mainly by the national teams’ poor results,44 the aforementioned seven areas of sports were selected for promotion instead because of their potential to inspire consumption. Beijing’s hosting of the 2022 Olympic Winter Games, most notably its commitment to involving 300 million people in winter sports, is believed to have significantly accelerated winter sports development in China. Nonetheless, winter sports were identified as a means to stimulate sports consumption well before Beijing won the right to host the 2022 Games.45 While the hosting of Beijing 2022, in addition to the aforementioned plans and programs, directed more resources to winter sports, the economic objective of developing winter sports remained. As such, the development plan for winter sports stipulated that the industry should be worth ¥1,000 billion by 2025,46 which would account for 20 percent of the ¥5,000 billion target for the total size of the sports industry, as set in Policy No. 46.47 Finally, the consumption of fitness and sports services was promoted through initiatives by local sports departments. A portion of the price residents paid for fitness and sports services was compensated by the government in the form of coupons or sports consumption awards. For instance, a resident could accumulate points by using designated fitness services and earn 20 percent (up to ¥300 per year) of the money spent in credit that they could apply for other fitness services. In the Jiangsu Province, an elaborate system was established in 2016 to allocate approximately ¥50 million per year to promote fitness and sports participation. Although loopholes in the system led to fraud, whereby people claimed money without actually paying for and using fitness and sports services, improvements were implemented, and the overall outcome was positive.48 Similar measures were adopted in other provinces such as Beijing, Hebei, and Zhejiang.49 In addition, with an aim to accumulate policy know-how on using sports to stimulate consumption, Policy No. 43 launched a pilot scheme to select cities in China as models for sports consumption.50 Forty cities were identified in 2020 for the quality of their sports industry development plans, their allocation of land to sports 146

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development, their provision of community sports facilities, and the number of residents in the area achieving frequent sports participation.51,52

Conclusions Mass sports in China have benefited from a synergistic approach whereby the promotion of sports participation facilitates sports consumption and the development of sports industry, through which more resources are allocated to the National Fitness Programme. However, the negative aspects of this approach cannot be ignored. First, the subsequent benefits are largely confined to certain sports (those with the greatest consumption potential) and certain demographics (those who can afford to pay for sports and fitness services). Moreover, although the development of certain fitness facilities, such as running trails and sports parks, and the 15-minute fitness radius plan may have benefited a wide demographic, the extensive commercialization of grassroots sports participation jeopardises participation equality. Since the promulgation of Policy No. 46, the proliferation of commercial youth sport clubs, which are an important part of the sports industry, has effectively kept children from low-income families from participating in many sports, particularly expensive ones (e.g., tennis, fencing, ice hockey, figure skating), inadvertently rendering sports a means of social class stratification.53 Therefore, policy-makers must be cautious that ‘economically beneficial mass sport’ is not replaced by ‘economically motivated sport development’ so that equitable sports participation is not compromised. Policy interventions are urgently required to strengthen public sports services and encourage the provision of alternative participation opportunities by not-forprofit organizations, helping those who are economically and socially disadvantaged. Also notable is the fact that mass sports development has never been motivated solely by economic considerations. It has been enlisted to advance a variety of economic, social, and political agendas in various periods since the foundation of the PRC.54 Since the early 2010s, mass sports policies have been positioned to concurrently improve the public health of the nation; facilitate coordinated regional development through the integration of sports with education, tourism, and health;55 and aid China’s One Belt One Road strategy.56 This holistic approach has been successful due to the ability to mobilise extensive resources for policy implementation. In fact, a similar approach was adopted in the leveraging of the Beijing 2022 Olympic Winter Games to involve 300 million people in winter sports (i.e., through the 300 Million Programme). The 300 Million Programme successfully garnered substantial policy momentum for implementation because it constituted not only a sports development legacy but also a means to facilitate other national social and economic objectives.57 However, these various objectives of mass sports leveraging are sometimes conflicting. A careful balance is necessary to ensure that the social welfare function of sport is not compromised by the search for economic growth. A final point worth mentioning is that elite sports played a much smaller role in economic development than did mass sports in the 2010s. This is counter-intuitive given that professional sports are generally at the core of the sports industry. However, the development of professional sports in China was handicapped by the need to bring glory to the country since its debut in the 1990s featuring the launch of the Chinese Professional Football League. The prioritisation of national sports teams’ performance over business development profoundly affected how professional leagues were managed. In addition, a governmentsponsored elite sports system has been perpetuated for traditional Olympic sports, bolstered by each sports mega-event hosted, to quench the political elites’ thirst for gold medals.58 Thus, the emphasis on elite sports as a route to national glory continued as outlined in the first Olympic Glory Programme in 1995. Looking forward, the three primary sports policy domains of mass sports, elite sports, and sports industry, together with youth sports (as the foundation for both national fitness and talent development), will continue to dominate the sports policy landscape in China.59 Development within these domains will meanwhile continue to follow the nation’s social, political, economic, cultural, and diplomatic agendas. 147

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Notes 1 Xiao, Mouwen 肖谋文, ‘新中国群众体育政策的历史演进 (Historical evolution of mass sport policy in New China)’, China Sport Science 29, no. 4 (2009): 89–96. 2 Shushu Chen, ‘Mass Sport in China’, in Jinming Zheng, Shushu Chen, Tien-Chin Tan, and Barrie Houlihan, eds., Sport Policy in China (New York: Routledge, 2019): 150–169. 3 Xiaolin Zhang and J. Saunders, ‘An Historical Review of Mass Sport Policy Development in China, 1949–2009’, International Journal of the History of Sport 36, no. 15–16 (2020): 1390–1413. 4 The State Council 国务院. ‘关于加快发展体育产业促进体育消费的若干意见 (Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sport Industry and Promoting Sport Consumption)’, 2014. (hereafter Policy No. 46) 5 Bao Mingxiao 鲍明晓. 体育产业: 新的经济增长点 (The Sport Industry: A New Economic Growth Point) (Beijing, China: People Sport Publishing, 2000), 36–67. 6 Xiaoyan Xing and Shushu Chen, ‘Beijing 2008: One World, One Dream’, in Harris Spencer and Mathew Dowling, eds., Sport Participation and Olympic Legacies: A Comparative Study (New York: Routledge, 2022), 79–105. 7 The SPCSC was reshuffled to create the General Administration of Sport (GAS) in 1998. 8 The SPCSC 国家体委. 体育产业发展纲要 (1995–2010) (Outline of Sport Industry Development (1995–2010)), 1995. 9 The NDPC was reshuffled to create the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) in 2003. 10 Yang Qingwei 杨庆蔚, ‘体育产业与经济发展高级研讨会的开幕词 (Opening Remarks on the Sport Industry and Economic Development Symposium)’, in A Collection of Speeches at the Sport Industry and Economic Development Symposium (Beijing: Social Development Department of the Research Office of the State Council, 1999), 1–4. 11 The State Council 国务院, 全民健身计划纲要 (1995–2010) (Outline of the National Fitness Programme (1995–2010)), 1995. 12 The SPCSC 国家体委. 体育产业发展纲要 (1995–2010) (Outline of Sport Industry Development (1995–2010)), 1995. 13 Li Dunhou 李敦厚, ‘加强管理，开拓进取，进一步开创体育市场工作的新局面 (Strengthening Management, Making New Progress, Further Improving the New Situation of Work in the Sport Market)’, in A Collection of Speeches at the National Workshop on Management of the Sport Market (Beijing: Sport Economics Department of the GAS, 1999), 23–42. 14 See Chen, ‘Mass Sport in China’ (pp. 150–169) and Xing and Chen, ‘Beijing 2008’ (pp. 79–105) for Detailed Discussions on How Hosting the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Affected Mass Sport Development and the Local Implementation System of the National Fitness Programme in China. 15 The National Bureau of Statistics, ‘China Statistical Yearbook 2021’, The Official Website of National Bureau of Statistics, http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2021/indexeh.htm. 16 Barrie Houlihan, ‘Sport Policy Convergence: A Framework for Analysis’, European Sport Management Quarterly 12, no. 2 (2012): 111–135. 17 Fergus Green and Nicholas Stern, ‘China’s New Normal: Structural Change, Better Growth, and Peak Emissions’, CCCEP Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, (2015): 7–10. 18 The State Council 国务院, 关于积极发挥新消费引领作用加快培育形成新供给新动力的指导意见(Guiding Opinions on Actively Exerting the Leading Effects of New Consumption and Accelerating the Cultivation and Formation of New Supply and New Momentum), 2015. 19 The policies Concerned Are Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Consumer Service Industries and Facilitating the Upgrade of Consumption Structure （关于加快发展生活性服务业促进消费结构升级的指导意 见） from 2015 and Opinions on Further Expanding Consumption in the Areas of Tourism, Culture, Sport, Health, Care for Aging People, and Education Training (关于进一步扩大旅游文化体育健康养老教育培训等领域消费的意见) from 2016. 20 The General Office of the State Council, 国务院办公厅, 关于进一步扩大旅游文化体育健康养老教育培训等 领域消费的意见国办发 (Opinions on Further Expanding Consumption in the Areas of Tourism, Culture, Sport, Health, Care for Aging People, and Education Training), 2016. 21 The National Bureau of Statistics 国家统计局, 关于印发《生活性服务业统计分类（2019）》的通知 (Notice on Printing ‘the Statistical Categories of the Consumer Service Industry’ (2019)), 2019. 22 Examples are National Fitness Being Included in the Several Opinions on Promoting the Development of the Health Industry (关于促进健康服务业发展的若干意见) in 2013 and in the Planning Outline of ‘Health China 2030’ (‘健康中国2030’规划纲要) in 2016. 23 Policy No. 46.

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Mass Sports and Its Role in Economic Development 24 The NRDC 国家发展与改革委员会等,《国务院关于加快发展体育产业促进体育消费的若干意见》100 问 (100 Q&As about Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sport Industry and Promoting Sport Consumption) (Beijing: People Sport Publishing, 2015), 19. 25 Policy No. 46. 26 Sport space refers to the floor space of both indoor and outdoor sport and fitness facilities designated for sport participation and exercise. 27 A frequent sport participant is defined as an individual who exercises at least three times per week for no less than 30 minutes each time at moderate or higher intensity. 28 Policy No. 46. 29 The State Council 国务院, 全民健身计划 (2016–2020) (National Fitness Programme (2016–2020)), 2016. 30 The State Council 国务院, 全民健身计划 (2021–2025) (National Fitness Programme (2021–2025)), 2021. 31 Policy No. 46 32 The Chinese Government Website 中国政府网, ‘李克强要求这份文件标题上要增加’健身’两个字 (Li Keqiang Asked to Add ‘Fitness’to the Title of this Document)’, The Official Website of Chinese Government, August 30, 2019. Accessed June 12, 2021. http://www.gov.cn/guowuyuan/2019-08/30/content_5425674.htm. 33 The General Office of the State Council 国务院办公厅, 关于促进全民健身和体育消费推动体育产业高质量 发展的意见 (Opinions on Facilitating High-quality Development in the Sport Industry through National Fitness and Sport Consumption), 2019 (hereafter Policy No. 43). 34 The expression ‘high-quality development’ made its debut as the key strategy for China’s economic development in President Xi’s report titled ‘A Decisive Victory to Fully Build a Moderately Prosperous Society, Winning the Great Victory of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in a New Era (决胜全面建成小康社会夺取新时代中国 特色社会主义伟大胜利) at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in October, 2017, during which President Xi stated that ‘China’s economy moved from a high-growth phase to a high-quality development phase’. The meaning of ‘high-quality development’ is comprehensive. In one expert interpretation, it means balanced economic development with a steady growth rate, environmental sustainability, and social equity. Meanwhile, it also means expanding industry, optimizing industry structure, and emphasizing innovation for efficiency and quality. ( http://theory.people.com.cn/n1/2019/0909/c40531-31343036.html, 2019-09-09) 35 国务院 The State Council, 全民健身条例 (Regulations on National Fitness), 2009. This is the highest-level legislation on mass sport development in China. 36 Policy No. 46. 37 The NDRC and the GAS 国家发展改革委, 体育总局, 十四五’时期全民健身设施补短板工程实施方案 (Implementation Plan for the Project to Strengthen Weaknesses in National Fitness Facility Development During the 14th Five-Year Plan Period), 2021. 38 The State Council 国务院, 全民健身计划 ((2021–2025)(National Fitness Programme (2021–2025)), 2021. 39 The policy Documents Concerned are Opinions on Strengthening National Fitness Facility Construction and Developing Mass Sport (关于加强全民健身场地设施建设发展群众体育的意见) in 2020 and the Implementation Plan for the Project to Strengthen Weaknesses in National Fitness Facility Development During the 14th Five-Year Plan Period (‘十四五’时期全民健身设施补短板工程实施方案) in 2021. 40 The NDRC and the GAS 国家发展改革委, 体育总局, ‘十四五’时期全民健身设施补短板工程实施方案, 2021. 41 The NDRC 国家发展改革委, 关于推进体育公园建设的指导意见 (Guiding Opinions on Promoting Sport Park Construction), 2021. 42 The policy documents concerned are Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Fitness and Recreation Industry (关于加快发展健身休闲产业的指导意见) in 2016 and Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sport Competition and Performance Industry (关于加快发展体育竞赛表演产业的指导意见) in 2018. 43 Wang Xueli, Fu Qun, and Zheng Chengwen 王雪莉, 付群, 郑成雯, ‘2010–2019年中国体育消费政策落 实：问题与对策 (Implementation of Sport Consumption Policies in China in 2010–2019: Problems and Solutions)’, China Sport Science 39, no. 10 (2019): 40–55. 44 Zhong Bingshu, Zheng Xiaohong, and Xing Xiaoyan, ‘十三五’我国足球、篮球、排球发展研究 (The Promotion of Football, Basketball, and Volleyball in China During the ‘13th Five-year Plan’ Period)’, Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 40, no. 2 (2016): 7–12. 45 S. Chen, X. Xing, and L. Chalip, ‘Planning and Implementation of Event Leveraging Strategy: China’s Legacy Pledge for Motivating 300 Million People to be Involved in Winter Sport’, Sport Management Review (2022), Published Online, https://doi.org/10.1080/14413523.2021.1987737. 46 The GAS and the NDRC 体育总局, 国家发展改革委等. 冰雪运动发展规划 (2016–2025年) (Development Plan for Winter Sports (2016–2025)), 2016. 47 Policy No. 46

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Xing Xiaoyan 48 The Sport Bureau of Jiangsu Province 江苏省体育局, ‘关于修订印发2021年江苏省体育消费券发放方案的通 知 (Notice on Revising the Distribution Plan of Sport Consumption Coupons in Jiangsu)’, The official Website of Sport Bureau of Jiangsu Province, August 25, 2021. Accessed December 12, 2021. http://jssports.jiangsu.gov.cn/art/ 2021/8/25/art_79488_9987540.html. 49 Zheng Fang, Gao Jin 郑芳, 高进, ‘我国促进体育消费政策的实施现状与对策研究 (Research on the Implementation of China’s Policies to Promote Sport Consumption and Recommendations for Improvement)’, In Jiang Xiaojuan 江小涓, eds., 体育消费： 发展趋势与政策导向 (Sport Consumption: Development Trends and Policy Directions) (Beijing: Citic Publishing, 2020), 65–97. 50 Policy No. 43 51 The GAS体育总局, ‘关于公布国家体育消费试点城市名单的通知 (Notice on Announcing the National Sport Consumption Pilot Cities)’, The GAS Official Website, August 30, 2019. Accessed December 12, 2021. http:// www.gov.cn/xinwen/2020-08/30/content_5538507.htm. 52 See note no. 29 for the definition of a frequent sport participant. 53 In response to the rapid development of commercial sport clubs, the GAS together with seven ministries issued Opinions on Promoting and Regulating Social Sport Clubs (关于促进和规范社会体育俱乐部发展的意见) in 2020. 54 Chen, ‘Mass Sport in China’, 150–169. 55 It was most recently mentioned in the National Fitness Programme (2021–2025) in addition to an array of policy documents. 56 The General Office of the State Council 国务院办公厅, 关于促进全民健身和体育消费推动体育产业高质量 发展的意见. 57 Chen Xing and Chalip, ‘Planning and Implementation of Event Leveraging Strategy’, Sport Management Review (2022), Published Online, https://doi.org/10.1080/14413523.2021.1987737. 58 Xiaoyan Xing, ‘China’, in Elsa Kristiansen, Milena Parent, and Barrie Houlihan, eds., Elite Youth Sport Policy and Management: A Comparative Study Analysis (London: Routledge, 2017), 185–208. 59 Measures to develop mass sport, elite sport, and the sport industry were proposed side by side in the Construction Outline of a World Sport Power (体育强国建设纲要), the master sport strategy of China promulgated in 2019.

Bibliography Bao, Mingxiao. Tiyu Chanye: Xinde Jingji Zengzhangdian. [The Sport Industry: A New Economic Growth Point]. Beijing: People Sport Publishing, 2000. Chen, Shushu, Xing, Xiaoyan, and Chalip, Laurence. ‘Planning and Implementation of Event Leveraging Strategy: China’s Legacy Pledge for Motivating 300 Million People to Be Involved in Winter Sport’. Sport Management Review, 2022, 10.1080/14413523.2021.1987737. Green, Fergus and Stern, Nicholas. ‘China’s New Normal: Structural Change, Better Growth, and Peak Emissions.’ CCCEP Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment (2015): 7–10. Houlihan, Barrie. ‘Sport Policy Convergence: A Framework for Analysis.’ European Sport Management Quarterly 12, no. 2 (2012): 111–135. Jiang, Xiaojuan, eds. Sport Consumption: Development Trends and Policy Directions. Beijing: Citic Publishing, 2020. Kristiansen, Elsa, Parent, Milena and Houlihan, Barrie eds. Elite Youth Sport Policy and Management: A Comparative Study Analysis. London: Routledge, 2017. Spencer, Harris and Dowling, Mathew eds. Sport Participation and Olympic Legacies: A Comparative Study. New York: Routledge, 2022. The General Office of the State Council. Guanyu Cujin Quanmin Jianshenhe Tiyu Xiaofei Tuidong Tiyu Chanye Gaozhiliang Fazhan de Yijian [Opinions on Facilitating High-quality Development in the Sport Industry Through National Fitness and Sport Consumption]. Beijing: The General Office of the State Council, 2019. The National Bureau of Statistics. Guanyu Yinfa ‘Shenghuoxing Fuwuye Tongji Fenlei (2019)’ de Tongzhi [Notice on Printing ‘the Statistical Categories of the Consumer Service Industry’ (2019)]. Beijing: The National Bureau of Statistics, 2019. The NRDC. Guowuyuan Guanyu Jiakuai Fazhan Tiyu Chanye Cujin Tiyu Xiaofei de Ruogan Yijian 100 Wen [100 Q&As about Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sport Industry and Promoting Sport Consumption]. Beijing: People Sport Publication House, 2015. The State Council. Guanyu Jiakuai Fazhan Tiyu Chanye Cujin Tiyu Xiaofei de Ruogan Yijian [Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sport Industry and Promoting Sport Consumption]. Beijing: The State Council, 2014. Wang, Xueli, Qun, Fu and Chengwen, Zheng. ‘2010–2019 Nian Zhongguo Tiyu Xiaofei Zhegnce Luoshi: Wenti yu Duice [Implementation of Sport Consumption Policies in China in 2010–2019: Problems and Solutions].’ China Sport Science 39, no. 10 (2019): 40–55.

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Mass Sports and Its Role in Economic Development Xiao, Mouwen. ‘Xinzhongguo Qunzhong Tiyu Zhengce de Lishi Yanjin [Historical Evolution of Aass Sport Policy in New China].’ China Sport Science 29, no. 4 (2009): 89–96. Zhang, Xiaolin and Saunders, John. ‘An Historical Review of Mass Sport Policy Development in China, 1949–2009.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 36, no. 15–16 (2020): 1390–1413. Zheng, Jinming, Chen, Shushu, Tan, Tien-Chin and Houlihan, Barrie eds. Sport Policy in China. New York: Routledge, 2019. Zhong, Bingshu, Zheng, Xiaohong, and Xing, Xiaoyan. ‘Shisanwu Woguo Zuqiu Lanqiu Paiqiu Fazhan Yanjiu [The Promotion of Football, Basketball, and Volleyball in China During the ‘13th Five-year Plan’ Period].’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 40, no. 2 (2016): 7–12.

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18 SCHOOL SPORTS AND UNIVERSITY SPORTS CLUB DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA Chen Xuedong

Introduction In China, ‘school sports education’ refers to the instruction and training administered to students between elementary school through university. As such, it shoulders the important mission and task of enhancing students’ physique and promoting their physical and mental health. University clubs serve as the main platform to enable students to participate in extracurricular physical exercise and are also an essential way to cultivate hobbies, sports expertise, and promote socialization. However, with the steady improvement of people’s general living standards in recent years, Chinese students’1 physical health has actually declined and the ensuing urban and rural development problems have appeared. Since 2012, the CPC Central Committee with President Xi Jinping at the core has attached greater importance to PE and accelerated the reform (introduce a series of policies for school sports; expand sports population; supplement sports resources, etc.) of school sports. PE is given the basic project to realize the fundamental task of morality education and improve the comprehensive quality of students.2

The History of the Development of Chinese School Sports and PE Chinese school sports actually boasts a long history dating back to the slave society over 4,000 years ago. The technique of ‘military archery’ and ‘chariot racing’ in the six practical disciplines called the Six Arts in the Western Zhou Dynasty were both important contents of school education and had the nature of sports at that time. However, during the feudal society that lasted more than 2,000 years from the Qin Dynasty to the end of the Qing Dynasty, PE was mostly excluded from school education due to the dominance of Confucianism, which favors civil officials over military officials.3 After the Opium War of 1840, China gradually fell into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society when Western academic thoughts and civilization achievements continuously spread to China. With the promulgation of the Authoritative Constitutions for Schools in 1903, the Qing government stipulated that not only the educational system should be implemented nationwide, but also PE should be set up in all types of schools at all levels, mainly imitating the German and Japanese models with military exercises as the main teaching content,4 so as to nurture ‘strong soldiers’ through PE. In 1923, ‘Physical Exercises’ was then officially renamed as ‘Physical Education’ in the Draft of Curriculum Outline for Primary and Secondary Schools, and military exercises were abolished. Instead, PE classes were stipulated to cover track and field, gymnastics, ball games, and other sports as the main teaching content. 152

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-23

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Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the country has been fully influenced by the Soviet Union in terms of system, education, and sports education. In 1952, the State Education Commission and the State Sport Commission respectively established the Sports Division and the School Sport Division of the Mass Sports Department, and issued the Interim Regulations on School Physical Education, which for the first time clarified the basic goals of school PE, to promote the physical and mental development of students, strengthen physical constitution, and to foster virtue of students to enable them to complete their studies well, and finally engage in socialist construction and defend the motherland.5 This is the most comprehensive administrative regulation on school PE formulated by the country since the founding of New China. It is also the fundamental basis for inspecting and evaluating school PE. In the same year, the Ministry of Education issued the Education Plan for Schools at All Levels, which formally stipulated that physical classes should be offered as compulsory classes from the first grade of elementary school to the second grade of the university. In 1954, the State Sport Commission promulgated the Sport Education System for Preparing for Labor and Defending the Country in reference to the Soviet Union’s Sport Education System for Labor and Defending. This is the first national PE standard officially promulgated and implemented by the People’s Republic of China, from which the current student physical fitness testing system was developed. In 1956, the Ministry of Education also announced the first package of PE syllabi for primary and secondary schools in New China, including Primary School Physical Education Syllabus (Draft), Secondary School Physical Education Syllabus (Draft), and Higher Education General Physical Education Syllabus which provided guidance for the school PE at all levels. This ‘Borrowlism’6 (it means to absorb the strengths of foreign things for my use) development thought had remarkably shortened the process of self-exploration in the development of school sports in our country. However, with the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations and outbreak of the ten-year Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), school sports and PE in China were almost at a standstill. Until 1977, with the end of the Cultural Revolution, the Ministry of Education established the Department of Sport and Health, which was in charge of school PE, hygiene, and health, and the State Sport Commission restored the School Sport Division, which was in charge of school physical competitions, marking the reset of a school sports management system. The Yangzhou Conference in 1979 redefined the basic tasks of school PE as the following: to instruct students to exercise and strengthen their physique, to enable students to master the basic physical knowledge and sports skills, to learn scientific physical exercise methods, and develop the habit of regular physical exercise so as to gradually improve the level of sports skills, to educate students with communist ideology and morality in order to establish sound sports ethics. In the same year, the Interim Regulations on Sport Education in Primary and Secondary Schools and the Interim Regulations on Sport Education in Higher Education were officially issued, providing a clear legal guidance on how to implement school PE, and opening a new chapter for PE in China. In 1990, the former State Education Commission and the original State Sport Commission issued Regulations on School Physical Education, which made it clear that PE is a part of graduation requirements and entrance examinations and more assessments and supervision should be taken in school PE so as to enlist it as an item of school work assessment. The Regulations are the most comprehensive administrative regulations on PE since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, marking a new era of standardized and institutionalized management of school PE in China. Decisions of The CPC Central Committee and the State Council on Deepening Educational Reform and Promoting All-round Competence Education in 1999 stated the guidance of ‘health first’ and strengthening PE at schools. And accordingly, the Ministry of Education filed Curricula Criteria of Full-time Compulsory Education and Ordinary Senior high School on Physical Education (Grade 1–6) and Physical Education and Health (Grade 7–12) (experimental draft) in 2001, and Teaching Guidance Outline for PE Curricula for Undergraduates at Colleges and Universities in 2002. The two documents formulated basic rules and requirements for school PE at all levels in a comprehensive way, ensuring that school sports and PE are developing along scientific and legal pathways. 153

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However, the statistical results of the National Student Physique and Health Survey 2005 showed that the endurance, running speed, explosive force, and strength quality of Chinese adolescent students showed a further downward trend, the rate of overweight and obesity among students had increased, and the detection rate of poor eyesight remained high.7 Therefore, in 2006, the Ministry of Education, the General Administration of Sport of China, and the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League jointly issued the Notice on the Development of ‘Sunshine Sports’ for Hundreds of Millions of Students in China, and decided to carry out ‘Sunshine Sports’ campaign extensively in schools at all levels of the country from 2007, to comprehensively improve students’ physique level. Furthermore, in 2007, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council issued Opinions on Strengthening Physical Education and Improving Youth Physique (the highest-level document concerning school sports since the founding of the People’s Republic of China8), which proposed that the physical health of teenagers has affected the future of the country and it is necessary to implement qualified PE, ensure students to do physical exercise for one hour every day, and conscientiously implemented the guidance in national documents such as National Standards for Students’ Physique to promote students’ physical health in an all-round way. In 2018, President Xi Jinping emphasised again the important role of school PE when he attended the National Education Conference. He pointed out that the education concept of ‘Health First’ should be established, and all due physical courses should be provided to make them enjoy themselves through enhancing their physique and improving their personality and will.9 With this guidance, the Ministry of Education issued a series of important documents to accelerate the improvement of school PE quality, such as • • • • •

Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era; Opinions on Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education to Promote the Healthy Development of Adolescents; Eight Systems’ Construction Action Plan of National Youth Campus Football Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving Aesthetical Teaching Reform of Physical Education; Notice on Further Strengthening Physical Health Management of Primary and Secondary School Students and Outline of Teaching Reform of ‘Physical Education and Health’.

Following these documents, several key changes were implemented. First, the number of compulsory PE teachers was increased nationwide increased from 502,000 to 595,000 from 2016 to 2020. Second, the government helped improve sports facilities in order to ensure that 90.22 percent and 93.54 percent of primary and middle school stadiums and 96.8 percent of sports equipment met the national standards, respectively. Third, actions were taken to improve the sport competition system; particularly for football by setting up football leagues in colleges, as well as primary and secondary schools, with a total of 12.55 million students participating from 2015 to 2019. Other sports activities including basketball, volleyball, martial arts, and snow and ice sports were also promoted.10 Fourth, the hours and frequency of PE classes were enhanced in schools. For grade one to grade two, students in primary school should set 4 class hours of PE classes per week. For students in grade three to six, primary school should set 3 class hours of PE classes per week. For junior high school students, 2 class hours of PE classes per week is a basic requirement and if it is possible, students can have at least one PE class every week.11 The compulsory PE course of no less than 144 class hours (no less than 108 class hours for junior college students) were provided for freshmen and sophomores in colleges and universities. It was therefore required that every week, no less than 2 class hours of PE were arranged, and each class lasted no less than 45 minutes. Optional PE courses were provided for students of other grades and postgraduates.12 Fifth, the ultimate goal of developing PE was to promote students’ physique. Consequently, the excellent rate of students’ physique tests increased from 26.5 percent to 33 percent from 2016 to 2020.13 Sixth, the weighting of PE within the overall entrance examinations at the two 154

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levels: middle school entrance examinations and the college entrance examinations (this point will be elaborated further in the next section). A notable change was that in 2021, it was clearly stated in the enrollment guidelines of 36 colleges and universities that engaged in the pilot reform of enrollment in basic disciplines that ‘excellent students in PE tests will be given priority in admission under the same conditions’.14

Key Challenges to the Development of Chinese School Sports and PE in Recent Years With the rapid development of China’s economy, the Chinese government has become more and more aware of the importance of the physical health of adolescents, and has insisted on regularly conducting physical health tests on college, middle, and primary students across the country since 1979. The results of the eighth national survey in 2019 show that compared with 40 years ago, the physical health status of adolescents has declined significantly. But in recent years, the rate of good and good students’ physical health has gradually increased, especially in the eastern and coastal areas, the excellent and good rate is better—nevertheless, the physical condition of college students has not improved.15

Declining Students’ Physique Level At present, the primary goal of school PE in China is to enhance students’ physique and promote their health. However, due to the influence of college entrance examination, schools unilaterally pursue the enrollment rate, coupled with the general tendency of valuing intellectual education over PE in Chinese families and society, which makes students burdened with heavy schoolwork, and lack of time for rest and physical exercise. What’s more, the normal school sports activities are obviously occupied. According to the research data, as of 2019, only 42.7 percent of primary school students and 25 percent of junior middle school students in China could attend three PE classes per week, and nearly 75 percent of senior high school students could not have three PE classes per week.16 The normal PE classes are obviously occupied and it is difficult for all levels of schools to complete the task of school PE in accordance with the relevant provisions of the state, which eventually leads to the decline in the physique level of teenagers for years. Data from the Sixth National Students’ Physique Monitoring in 2011 showed that from 1985 to 2010, Chinese students’ physique level had declined for 25 consecutive years, and the rates of obesity and myopia continued to rise. Despite some improvement in other healthy aspects (height, weight, and bust), the overall trend of decline in physique level had not been fundamentally reversed.17 To this end, the Ministry of Education issued the Notice on Further Strengthening Physique Health Management of Primary and Secondary School Students in 2021, which clearly requires that: primary and secondary schools should strictly implement the rigid requirements of PE and health curriculum stipulated by the State, and ensure that PE and health curriculum and campus sports activities cannot be usurped for any reason. It also requires schools to make reasonable arrangements for students’ sports activities in and out of school, and strive to guarantee students’ sports activities in and out of school for one hour each day.18 With continuous efforts in the past ten years, the data of the Eighth National Student Physique and Health Survey showed that the rate of Chinese students’ physical health level reaching the standard and excellent is increasing gradually, but the rate of poor eyesight and myopia remains high, the rate of overweight and obesity is increasing, the level of grip strength as well as college students’ physique level is declining.19

Uneven Developments between Regions and Urban-Rural Areas in School PE The uneven developments between regions (easter and western regions) as well as urban-rural areas was discerned concerning the development of PE. It is evidenced in two aspects. Firstly, with regard to the varied development in different regions, the results of the special inspection on students’ physique 155

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conducted by the Ministry of Education in 2016 showed that the overall compliance rate of sports equipment in eastern China was higher than that in the central and western regions; accordingly, the qualifications of PE faculty in the eastern region was also superior than that in the central and western regions.20 In addition, the results of the Eighth National Survey on Students Physique and Health showed that the distinction rates aged 6–22 was 23.8 percent, which mainly concentrates in the developed and coastal areas in eastern China.21 Secondly, development is unbalanced between urban and rural areas. China Youth Sports Development Report 2015 showed that many schools in rural areas were disadvantaged in venues and equipment conditions, with a large number of utilization of mud playgrounds; They also saw a large shortage of PE teachers with a prominent problem: PE teachers were scarcely enjoy the permanent staff treatment due to the restricted authorized strength of staff in a school, which resulted in the loss of them when they were underpaid and overlooked.22 Moreover, the physique and health status of rural students is sobering. From 2010 to 2014, the average growth of the detection rate of poor eyesight and obesity rate of rural students exceeded that of urban students.23

The Role and Status of University Sports Clubs in China In China, sports clubs or sports associations are the major forms for college students to carry out extracurricular physical exercises. It is an extension and supplement of college PE and an important platform to develop good sports habits. College sports associations have the characteristics of spontaneity, non-profit, and similar gathering. Their constitutions are formulated and revised by members, their management is mainly based on voluntary participation, and their funds are mainly self-financing and school funds are supplemented. Compared with the other types of clubs in college, sports clubs can improve the social skills and sports ability of members and also promote physical health. Therefore, in recent years, sports clubs have been favored and sought after by more college students. At the same time, in 2014, The Basic Criterion on College Physical Education issued by the Ministry of Education made the relevant requirement that in order to foster sports culture in campus, no less than 20 student sports clubs should be established and regular activities should be encouraged and supported to form a fine sports traditions and characteristics on campus.24 As an example of this process, the Civil Aviation University of China was established by the Civil Aviation Administration of China, Tianjin Municipal People’s Government and Ministry of Education, and it shares the common PE teaching characteristics and organizational form of sports clubs of domestic colleges and universities. By 2021, 22 sports clubs and associations were in operation in Civil Aviation University of China (football, basketball, volleyball, table tennis, badminton, tennis, aerobics, roller skating, archery, Sanda, martial arts, taekwondo, billiards, rope skipping and shuttlecock kicking, chess, go, military chess, body shaping, cycling, model etiquette, skateboarding, and civil aviation sports) with a total number of members of more than 3,500, accounting for about 12.50 percent of the total number of students (28,000). The annual average training and competition of sports clubs and associations reached 200 times, which greatly enriched students’ campus life and alleviated pressure from learning and life, and thus improved their communication and other abilities.

Conclusion This chapter has reviewed the development of school sports and PE in different periods since 1949 and has concluded that key policy changes made in the past years have helped promote and strengthen the role of PE in schools and societies. PE has become a ‘main subject’ in primary and secondary schools, accounting for about 10–11 percent of the total class hours. Positively, its credit in some provinces (such as Yunnan) is even on an equal footing with that of Chinese and Mathematics (both 100 points). Within higher education, universities and colleges across the country have gradually incorporated PE into their curriculum system. Particularly, those university sports clubs have grown their popularity and its role in 156

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promoting college students’ after-school physical exercise was enhanced, which helped to enrich students’ campus life and foster a fine atmosphere of campus physical exercise and PE culture. Although we’ve seen achievements in Chinese school physical education in recent years, PE at school in China still has a long way to go as that the decline of students’ physical health in successive years and unbalanced development of school PE.

Notes 1 Zhenghe Wang, ‘Analysis on Prevalence of Physical Activity Time Less than an Hour and Related Factors in Students Aged 9–22 Years in China in 2014.’ Chinese Journal of Epidemiology 38, no. 3 (2017): 341–345. 2 China Education News, ‘Promoting the All-round Development of Physical and Mental Health of Adolescentsnew Progress and New Achievements in School Physical Education Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of My Country’, 2017-09-21. 3 Zhijian Zhao, ‘Developing Trends and Processes of School Physical Education Thinking in China.’ Journal of Nanjing Institute of Physical Education (Social Science Edition) 17. no. 4 (2003): 6–9. 4 Ruling Shen, ‘Research on the History of Physical Education in My Country’s Schools.’ Journal of Physical Education Institute of Shanxi Normal University 14. no. 4 (1999): 8. 5 Kecai Shen, ‘The 70th Anniversary of the Founding of New China (1949–2019) School Sports Events.’ Journal of China School Sports 39. no. 10 (2019): 42–45. 6 Bu Wang, ‘Sublation and Innovation: A Tentative Discussion on the Borrowlism in the Process of Modernization of School Physical Education in My Country.’ Journal of Nanjing Institute of Physical Education (Social Science Edition) 24. no. 4 (2010): 99. 7 National Student Physical Health Investigation Group, ‘Results of the National Survey on Students’ Physique and Health in 2005.’ Journal of China School Sports 26, no. 10 (2006): 8. 8 Peng Gao, ‘The Evolution and Historical Experience of School Physical Education in the 70 Years of New China.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 42. no. 11 (2019): 63. 9 Hong Xu, ‘Promote the Reform and Development of School Physical Education in the New Era with the Spirit of the National Education Conference.’ Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports 31, no. 2 (2019): 99. 10 Department of Sports Hygiene and Art Education of the Ministry of Education, ‘Introduction to National School Sports Work’, 2021-07-12. 11 Office of the Ministry of Education, ‘Notice on Further Strengthening the Physical Health Management of Primary and Secondary School Students’, 2021-04-21. 12 Ministry of Education, ‘Notice on Printing and Distributing the ‘Basic Standards for Physical Education in Colleges and Universities’, 2014-06-12. 13 Department of Sports Hygiene and Art Education of the Ministry of Education, ‘Introduction to National School Sports Work’, 2021-07-12. 14 Tencent, ‘Sports Enter the College Entrance Examination! Enrolling in Sports with the Same Conditions is Even Better!’, 2021-05-06. 15 Department of Sports Hygiene and Art Education of the Ministry of Education, ‘Introduction to the 8th National Student Physical Fitness and Health Survey’, 2021-09-03. 16 China Youth Network, ‘Two Sessions ‘Hot Search’ Youth Sports, School Sports Is still an Education Shortcoming’, 2020-05-28. 17 Yang Zhang, ‘A Dynamic Analysis of the Physical Health Status of Chinese Adolescents—Based on the Four National Physical Health Monitoring Data from 2000 to 2014.’ Chinese Youth Study 28. no. 6 (2016): 11. 18 Office of the Ministry of Education, ‘Notice on Further Strengthening the Physical Health Management of Primary and Secondary School Students’, 2021-04-21. 19 Department of Sports Hygiene and Art Education of the Ministry of Education, ‘Introduction to the 8th National Student Physical Fitness and Health Survey’, 2021-09-03. 20 Liu Ji, ‘Reform and Development of My Country’s School Physical Education in the New Era.’ China Sport Science 39. no. 3 (2019): 4. 21 Department of Sports Hygiene and Art Education of the Ministry of Education, ‘Introduction to the 8th National Student Physical Fitness and Health Survey’, 2021-09-03. 22 Le Hu, ‘Research on the Path of School Sports to Improve the Physical Health of Young Students.’ Abstracts of the 11th National Convention on Sport Science of China, (2019): 6507–6509.

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Bibliography Gao, Peng. ‘The Evolution and Historical Experience of School Physical Education in the 70 Years of New China.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 42, no. 11 (2019): 63. Ji, Liu. ‘Reform and Development of My Country’s School Physical Education in the New Era.’ China Sport Science 39, no. 3 (2019): 4. Shen, Kecai. ‘The 70th Anniversary of the Founding of New China (1949–2019) School Sports Events.’ Journal of China School Sports 39, no. 10 (2019): 42–45. Shen, Ruling. ‘Research on the History of Physical Education in My Country’s Schools.’ Journal of Physical Education Institute of Shanxi Normal University 14, no. 4 (1999): 8. Wang, Bu. ‘Sublation and Innovation: A Tentative Discussion on the Borrowlism in the Process of Modernization of School Physical Education in my Country.’ Journal of Nanjing Institute of Physical Education (Social Science Edition) 24, no. 4 (2010): 99. Wang, Zhenghe. ‘Analysis on Prevalence of Physical Activity Time Less than an Hour and Related Factors in Students Aged 9–22 Years in China in 2014.’ Chinese Journal of Epidemiology 38, no. 3 (2017): 341–345. Xu, Hong. ‘Promote the Reform and Development of School Physical Education in the New Era with the Spirit of the National Education Conference.’ Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports 31, no. 2 (2019): 99. Zhang, Yang. ‘A Dynamic Analysis of the Physical Health Status of Chinese Adolescents—Based on the Four National Physical Health Monitoring Data from 2000 to 2014.’ Chinese Youth Study 28, no. 6 (2016): 11. Zhao, Zhijian. ‘Developing Trends and Processes of School Physical Education Thinking in China.’ Journal of Nanjing Institute of Physical Education (Social Science Edition) 17, no. 4 (2003): 6–9.

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19 CHINESE SPORTS LOTTERY Development and Regulations Chen Hongping

Introduction To alleviate the lack of investments and support for sports, the State Council of the People’s Republic of China began to permit the issuance of sports lottery tickets in the 1980s. During its development of more than three decades, China’s sports lottery has overcome various difficulties as the quantity of issuances and sales had gradually expanded. Therefore, China had enacted several regulations such as the ‘Regulations on the Administration of Lottery’, ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Regulations on the Administration of Lottery’, ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Issuance and Sales’, and ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Public Welfare Fund’. This chapter reviews the development of China’s sports lottery over the past three decades and discusses the key policies and regulations concerning the sports lottery. Several challenges are identified and discussed, including lottery legislation issues and Internet lottery regulation issues, with proposed suggestions on improvements.

Sports Lottery: History and Development The use of lotteries in China dates back to the Han Dynasty.1 Since then, the practice of raising funds for social welfare through lotteries had emerged in several historical periods.2 However, since the founding of the People’s Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as China) in 1949, lotteries had been banned. Issuance and sales of lotteries were later permitted in the 1980s due to multiple factors. The central one of them was financial necessity. The government decided to raise the funds for social welfare development through the issuance of lotteries.3 On the one hand, as the government’s policy of reform and ‘opening up’ proceeded and the importance of enhancing markets for China’s economy was acknowledged, it was urgent for the government to take measures to fulfill the increasing public demands of social welfare. Consequently, the development of social welfare system, including sports and welfare, was in urgent need of greater investments by the government. On the other hand, due to tax cuts and concessions, fiscal revenue was rapidly declining, and the government did not have financial backing to support the measures of social public welfare.4 China’s contemporary lottery system includes two categories: welfare lottery and sports lottery. Specifically, welfare lottery tickets are issued and sold by the China Welfare Lottery Distribution and Management Center, and sports lottery tickets are issued and sold by the Sports Lottery Management Center of the State General Administration of Sports. The ‘Sports Development Lottery’, issued in 1984, is considered to be the earliest sports lottery in China.5 Over the past 30 years, issuances and sales of sports DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-24

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lottery had gradually increased. In 2012, the sales of sports lottery exceeded 100 billion yuan (about US $15.7 billion), by 2017 it exceeded 200 billion yuan (about US$31.7 billion), and by 2019 over 300 billion yuan (approximately US$36 billion). The issuance of sports lotteries has raised substantial financial resources for social welfare. As of October 2019, China’s sports lottery raised a total of RMB 500 billion (approximately US$78.5 billion at the time) for public welfare development.6

Core Regulations of Related Sports Lotteries In China, the Ministry of Finance is responsible for the supervision and administration of sports lotteries nationwide, and the provincial finance departments takes charge of the sports lotteries within their administrative regions. In addition, sports departments, departments of market supervision and management, and public security departments are responsible for the supervision and management of sports lotteries in their respective areas. To better regulate the development of sports lotteries, China enacted several regulations covering lottery issuance and sales as well as the use of lottery public welfare funds. Depending on the target audience, these regulations were broadly divided into two sets: the first set used to regulate all lotteries, including sports lotteries and welfare lotteries; and the second set used specifically to regulate sports lotteries. In the first set of rules, the representative components include the ‘Lottery Administration Regulations’, the ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations’, the ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Distribution and Sales’, and the ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Public Welfare Fund’ and are further discussed here. The ‘Lottery Administration Regulations’ were promulgated in 2009 and formulated by the State Council of China. The full text of the regulations consists of 45 articles in five categories: General Provisions, Lottery Issuance and Sales Management, Lottery Draw and Prize Redemption Management, Lottery Fund Management, and Legal Liability. The Lottery Administration Regulation is the first comprehensive and systematic regulation set that governs lottery management in China, and proved to be the most effective of the lottery regulations to date. To ensure the effective implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations, and further refine and clarify its relevant provisions, the Ministry of Finance of China formulated the ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations’ in 2012.7 For example, Article 5 of the ‘Lottery Administration Regulations’ states that the Finance Department of the State Council is responsible for the supervision and administration of lotteries nationwide but does not specify what aspects of their supervision and administration are to be included. Article 3 of the ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations’ therefore clarifies the supervisory responsibilities of the Ministry of Finance, including developing a lottery supervision and management system, as well as supervising the use of lottery funds in seven areas. In addition, the ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Issuance and Sales’ were formulated by the Ministry of Finance. The full text of the specification consists of 60 articles, specializing the matters of lottery issuance and sales, including lottery issuance methods, lottery game management, and lottery prize management, to name a few. In response to the State Council of China’s ‘decentralization’ of reforms and the strengthening lottery supervision, the Ministry of Finance revised the ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations’ and the ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Issuance and Sales’ in 2018. The main contents of the revisions include the cancellation of some articles regarding approval of issuance and sales and the strengthening of illegal lottery supervision. Lottery public welfare funds are those that are extracted from lottery issuance and sales revenues in accordance with prescribed proportions and are used specifically for social welfare, including sports and other social welfare measures. The Ministry of Finance of China formulated the Measures for the Administration of Lottery Public Welfare Funds in 2007 to better regulate and strengthen the 160

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management of the collection, including distribution and use of lottery public welfare funds, improvements to the supervision mechanism of lottery public welfare funds, and for enhancing the efficiency of funds utilization. The Measures consist of six chapters, including general provisions, collection and management, distribution and use, publicity and announcement, supervision and inspection. In 2021, the Ministry of Finance made the latest revisions to the ‘Measures for the Administration of Lottery Public Welfare Funds’. The main contents of the revision include: (1) further emphasizing the public welfare attribute of the lottery public welfare fund; (2) strengthening the performance management of the use of the lottery public welfare fund; and (3) strengthening the public disclosure of the use of the lottery public welfare fund. In addition to the first set of rules mentioned above, the Ministry of Finance of the China also designated regulations to specifically regulate sports lotteries. For example, in order to further strengthen the management of the use of sports lottery public welfare funds and regulate the publicity of the funds, the State General Administration of Sports had formulated the ‘Measures for the Administration of the Publicity of Sports Lottery Public Welfare Fund-Funded Projects’. These measures stipulate that the government units using sports lottery public welfare funds shall apply standardized signs, terminology, and placards for ease in promoting the sports lottery public welfare funds. Strengthening the ‘Publicity of Sports Lottery Public Welfare Funds has helped the government enhance the supervision and image of sports lotteries in China.

Sports Lottery Distribution, Sales, and Regulation The development of China’s sports lottery went through two phases. In its first phase (1984–1994), sports lotteries were not issued by the state, but rather by municipalities in more than 20 provinces and autonomous regions, directly under the central government-issued sports lottery tickets.8 The diversification of issuing entities led to confusion in the lottery market, which called for an urgent need for new regulations. For this reason, the State Council of China decided that sports lottery tickets would be issued nationwide by the Sports Department of the State Council starting from 1994. Since then, the development of China’s sports lottery has entered its second phase. The unified distribution method has helped in both improving the efficiency of sports lottery issuance and sales, as well as averting disorderly expansion of lotteries. In China, lottery distribution is based on a licensing system. The ‘Regulations on Lottery Administration’ stipulates that the State Council must issue sports lottery tickets under licenses, and that the ‘Sports Lottery Administration Center of the State General Administration of Sports’ is responsible for implementing its sales. The ‘Lottery Administration Regulations’ also provides each provincial sports administrative department assistance in establishing a sports lottery sales agency to be responsible for the sale of tickets in their respective administrative boundaries. In practice, these agencies then entrust qualified individuals or organizations for the sales of sports lottery tickets on behalf of the community and receive remuneration for doing so. In accordance with Article 7 of the ‘Regulations for the Implementation of the Lottery’, the following actions on lotteries are deemed illegal: (1) the issuance and sale of the lotteries excluding welfare lottery and sports lottery without the authorization of the State Council; (2) any unauthorized issuance and sale of overseas lotteries in China; (3) any unauthorized issuance and sale of welfare lottery, sports lottery, and lottery games without the approval of the Ministry of Finance (4) any unauthorized sales of welfare lottery tickets and sports lottery tickets without the commission of lottery issuing agencies and lottery sales agencies; and (5) any unauthorized use of the Internet to sell welfare lottery tickets and sports lottery tickets. The ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations’ also stipulates that illegal lotteries shall be investigated and punished by the public security authorities or market supervision and management departments in accordance with regulations. 161

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The purchase of lottery tickets by the public is voluntary, thus regulations can neither compel nor impose undue restrictions on the purchase of lottery tickets. However, the Lottery Regulations stipulates that lottery sellers shall neither sell lottery tickets to minors nor redeem lottery prizes from them.

The Response and Regulation of ‘Problem Betting’ in Sports Lottery Since lotteries are inherently a form of gambling, the issuance of lottery tickets is bound to have certain negative effects. Among them, ‘problem gambling’ is the core. This refers to the betting behavior of individuals who have difficulty controlling their impulses, making them persistently indulge in betting, so that individuals, families, and society are adversely affected.9 With the expansion of lottery sales, ‘problem betting’ in sports lotteries has begun to emerge. A survey in 2011 showed that ‘problem bettors’ accounted for 2% of the respondents.10 Although the proportion is relatively low, ‘problem betting’ needs to be taken seriously. Given China’s large population base, the rapid expansion of sports lottery issuance and sales can potentially have widespread effects. To address this problem in the development of sports lotteries and to manage irrational lottery buying behavior, China has made relevant provisions through several lottery regulations. In an effort to reduce the negative social impact of lotteries and prevent ‘problem betting’, sports lottery issuance and sales agencies have begun to adopt, and ‘responsible lottery’ model based on ‘responsible betting’ platforms that had emerged in Europe and in the United States. This model persuades these agencies to take various measures to reduce ‘problem betting’. Effectively, sports lottery agencies profiting from sales should be required to mitigate and manage negative social impacts, including ‘problem betting’. These agencies should also promote responsible betting through raising the public’s awareness on making ‘rational purchases’, and those who show signs of ‘problem betting’ should be aided. Recently, the implementation of the ‘responsible lottery model’ has made significant progress. Among the four levels of Responsible Gaming Certification implemented by the World Lottery Association,11 China’s ‘Sports Development Lottery’ passed ‘Level 3’ in 2018.12

The Use and Regulation of the Sports Lottery Public Welfare Fund The Sports Lottery Public Welfare Fund uses revenues from lottery sales to support social welfare projects, including sports. Different sports lotteries are subject to different percentages issued to the Fund. According to the current regulations, the proportion for lottery numbers is 36%, for guessing the lottery number is 21%, for instant lottery is 20%, for video lottery is 22%, and for keno lottery is 30%.13 Not all of the sports lottery public welfare funds are used to support the development of sports. According to the regulations of the State Council of China, in addition to supporting the development of sports, a portion of the Fund should also be used to support the development of other public welfare activities. Funds to support the development of sports can be geared towards both competitive and popular sports. Public welfare aspects other than sports include social security, poverty alleviation, medical aid, education, access to justice, and cultural events, to name a few. According to the current allocation policy, 52.5% of the Fund has gone towards supporting sporting activities annually, with roughly two-thirds of that towards popular sports and a third towards competitive sports. In 2019, the Fund raised a total 58.3 billion RMB (about US$8.6 billion) with a little more than half going towards sports development.

Challenges to Sports Lottery Regulation Currently, the development of sports lotteries is highly valued by China’s central government. The 14th Five-Year Plan for Sports Development of China proposes to promote the safe, healthy and sustainable development of sports lotteries. After more than 30 years of development, China’s sports lottery has made 162

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significant progress and development in its policies and regulations. However, there are still many issues that need to be addressed, especially with regards to the lottery legislation and Internet sports lottery regulations. Since the central government permitted the issuance of sports lotteries, several relevant rules have been set in place. Aside from the Lottery Administration Regulations, which are at a slightly higher legal level (established by the State Council of China), all other rules are at a lower legal level and lack authority and stability.14 In order to regulate the development of lotteries, several scholars have suggested that the National People’s Congress should enact the Lottery Law of China.15 In 2021, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress promulgated the Lottery Law in its 2021 annual legislative work plan.16 However, it is still uncertain when the Lottery Law will be effective. China has been using the Internet to sell lottery tickets since 2000. The current-measures for the Administration of Lottery Distribution and Sales also include the Internet as one of the ways to sell lottery tickets, including sports lottery tickets. In 2018, the Lottery Administration Center of the State General Administration of Sports investigated and disbanded 22 outlets that were selling sports lottery tickets through the Internet without authorization.17 Nowadays, the Internet has penetrated every aspect of social and economic life, and uncertainty remains on how China will regulate the sale of sports lottery tickets through the Internet in the future.

Conclusion Sports lottery issuance has provided financial support for the development of sports and other social welfare issues in China. In the process of sports lottery development, the Chinese government has attached great importance to the regulation of sports lotteries, and has formulated relevant institutional rules from lottery issuance and sales to the use of lottery public welfare funds. Entering the new era, China’s sports lottery development also faces challenges, including lottery legislation, preventing the negative social impact of ‘problem betting’, and issues with unauthorized Internet lottery sales. To overcome these challenges, it is necessary to refer to the relevant experiences of European and American countries as well as to paying attention to China’s socio-economic reality.

Notes 1 The North American Association of State and Provincial Lotteries, ‘Lottery History’, the Official Website of NAASPT, May 18, 2010, Accessed October 12, 2022, http://naspl.org 2 Zhu T, Zhou YD and Xu LP, Research on the Structure of China’s Lottery Market and the Reform of Government Supervision System (Beijing: China Business Press, 2005), 43–49. 3 China Lottery Yearbook Editorial Committee, China Lottery Yearbook (2002) (Beijing: China Finance and Economy Press, 2003), 3. 4 Ibid. 5 Zhong T, Sports Business Management - Theory and Practice (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2017), 189. 6 Sports Lottery Management Center of the State General Administration of Sports, ‘2019 China Sports Lottery Social Responsibility Report’, the Official Website of the GASC, September 11, 2019, Accessed March 20, 2022, https://static.sporttery.cn/res_1_0/tcw/upload/202109/27152824fc5n.pdf 7 The Ministry of Finance of the PRC, ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Lottery Administration Regulations’, the Official Website of the Ministry of Finance of the PRC, May 4, 2009, Accessed June 17, 2021, http://jdjc.mof.gov. cn/fgzd/202201/t20220124_3784256.htm 8 Zhong T, Sports Business Management - Theory and Practice (Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2017), 190. 9 Wang Bin, et al., ‘A Review of the Cognitive Bias of Problem Betting in Sports Lottery Consumption’, Journal of Tianjin University of Sport 28, no. 3 (2013): 193–197. 10 Li Hai, et al., ‘A Survey on the Current Situation of Problem Players in China’s Sports Lottery: Shanghai, Guangzhou, Zhengzhou, Shenyang and Chengdu as Examples’, Journal of Chengdu Sports College 37, no. 5 (2011): 9–13. 11 WLA, ‘Responsible Gaming Framework’, the Official Website of WLA, Accessed November 12, 2022, https://www. world-lotteries.org/services/industry-standards/responsible-gaming-framework/framework

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Chen Hongping 12 Zhang Chi, Feng Xin and Wang Le Meng, ‘Research on the Content System of Responsible Lottery in China Sports Lottery’, Sports Science 39, no. 09(2019): 41–50. 13 Ministry of Finance of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Ministry of Finance of the People’s Republic of China Announcement No. 30 of 2021’,The Official Website of Ministry of Finance of the PRC, Accessed May 19, 2022, http://zhs.mof.gov.cn/zhengcefabu/202109/t20210909_3751735.htm 14 Xinli Zhu, et al., Research on Government Control and Legislation of Lottery Industry (Hangzhou: Zhejiang University Press, 2007), 7. 15 Xuehong Wang, Feng Baiming, and Chen Lei, ‘The Lottery Law Is Urgently Needed to Guarantee the Return of Lottery to Public Welfare’, Legal Daily, 2018-11-20(005). 16 The NPC, ‘NPC Standing Committee 2021 Annual Legislative Work Plan’, The Official Website of the Chinese Government, Accessed July 28, 2022, http://www.npc.gov.cn/npc/c30834/202104/1968af4c85c246069ef3e8ab36 f58d0c.shtml 17 Lottery in China, ‘Announcement by the Sports Lottery Management Center of the State General Administration of Sports’, The Official Website of the GASC, Accessed May 11, 2022, https://www.lottery.gov.cn/xxgk/tzggz/ 20180411/2164216.html

Bibliography Fan, Qi. ‘The Impact of China’s Welfare Lottery Revenue on Local Fiscal Revenue System.’ Economic System Reform 151, no. 4(2008): 120–124. Jin, Shibing. ‘The Policy Evolution and Path of China’s Lottery in 20 Years.’ Sports and Science 170, no. 1(2008): 54–59. Jin, S. Research on the Regulatory System of China’s Lottery Industry. Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, 2013. Lai, Cunli. Interpretation of Gaming History and Government Control. Beijing: China Business Publishing House, 2008. Li, Gang. ‘Study on the Hidden Worries Behind the Prosperous State of China’s Lottery Industry and Its Countermeasures.’ Sports Science 30, no. 5(2010): 3–14. Li, Hai, et al. ‘Survey on the Current Situation of Problem Lottery Players in China’s Sports Lottery - Taking Shanghai, Guangzhou, Zhengzhou, Shenyang and Chengdu as Examples.’ Journal of Chengdu Sports Institute 37, no. 5(2011): 9–13. Wang, C. Essentials of Macao Gaming Legislation. Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012. Wang, Xuehong. ‘Ten Issues that Must Be Addressed in Formulating Strategic Planning for the Development of China’s Lottery Industry.’ Fiscal Research 344, no. 10(2011): 42–45. Wang, Xuehong. Gaming Industry Development and Chinese Government Policy Choices. Beijing: China Financial and Economic Press, 2008. Wu, Ying, Li Hai. ‘The Construction of Social Responsibility Evaluation Index System of Sports Lottery in China.’ Journal of Shanghai Sports Institute 36, no. 1(2012): 19–22. Zhang, Yawei. ‘The Hidden Worries and Strategic Choices for the Development of China’s Lottery Industry.’ Management World, no. 12(2008): 171–172. Zhu T. Research on the Structure of China’s Lottery Market and the Reform of the Government Regulatory System. Beijing: China Business Publishing House, 2005. Zhu X. Research on Government Regulation and Legislation of Lottery Industry. Hangzhou: Zhejiang University Press, 2007.

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20 SPORTS LAW IN CHINA Li Zhi, Qiao Yijuan, and Liu Yongping

Introduction Sports have been an integral component of the Chinese legal system since the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Physical Culture and Sports (Sports Law) was issued and enforced in 1995. A relatively complete system of sports laws and regulations were formed under the Sports Law, and a series of major achievements have been made in applying theoretical achievements to practice. With the new plan named ‘Outline for Building a Leading Sports Nation’ being promoted, the rule of law in sports was constructed by the application of sports-related regulations and rules, led by the legal practices that fall under the rubric of Sports Law. This chapter reviews China’s evolution of sports law at different time periods, especially focusing on the anti-doping regulation, and identifies the dominant characteristics of the Sports Law (2023).

The Development of Sports Law in China The Initial Stage: 1978–1995 In 1979, the International Olympic Committee restored China’s legal status, and the rapid development of sports began shortly after. The sports administration was largely paralyzed during the turbulent times of the Cultural Revolution in China. The nation had moved into the dawn of a new era as the Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party convened in Beijing. The PRC’s Constitution (1982) specified that ‘the state develops physical culture’, which suggests there is constitutional support for the promotion of sports in China. There were a few national sports administrative regulations in this period, such as the National Physical Training Standard and the Regulations on School Physical Education. The National Sports Commission commenced the process of developing a regulatory framework for the provision of sports law in 1988. A few years later, as leading groups and departments of regulations and policies had been firmly established for facilitating and advancing sports and the rule of law, the PRC Sports Law (Draft for Examination, 1994) was submitted to the State Council.

The Second Stage: 1995–2008 Based on the revised draft of the landmark sports document, the PRC Sports Law was finally published in 1995. Since then, this law has played an important role in promoting the reform and development of sports as DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-25

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a system of sports regulations had gradually taken shape. Sports Law specifies that the national sports administrative department oversees national sports work. Other departments of the State Council, such as the education department, manage sports within the scope of their responsibilities. The sports administrative legislation at the State Council level has increased following the enactment of the Sports Law. China’s winning of the 2008 Olympic hosting right also triggered a massive surge in the number of new sportsrelated legal documents and regulations, such as China’s Regulation on the Protection of Olympic Symbols (2002), China’s Regulation on the Public Sports Cultural Facility (2003), and Chinese Anti-doping Regulations (2004).

The Third Stage: 2008–the Present After Beijing hosted the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, the interaction between sports and rule of law had entered its prosperity phase. In the early days of the enactment of the Sports Law, the system of Juguo Tizhi persisted. Resources were deployed through strong administrative means to achieve leaps and bounds in elite athletics in a short period of time. After years of ‘decoupling’ reforms, there has been improvements regarding sports governance, and a complete system of sports legislation and regulations were established. The current legal system of sports includes one main law, seven administrative regulations, 34 departmental rules, and 182 regulatory documents. These institutional norms have taken a flexible approach in responding to the development of sport and providing guidance on its implementation in China. Due to the late start of China’s Sports Law legislation, coupled with the small number and limited content of its amendments, the Sports Law has not adapted to the needs of China’s current sports development, which is in urgent need of substantial amendments. The Social Construction Committee (SCC) in cooperation with the Legal Work Committee of the National People’s Congress, the GASC, and the Supreme Court of the PRC, has positively promoted the revision of Sports Law. In particular, the SCC has been discussing issues on Chinese sports arbitration and domestic anti-doping rules in coordination with the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA). On June 24th of 2022, the Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China (revised version) was officially considered and proclaimed. The revised Sports Act will come into force from the first of January in 2023. The revised Sports Law has increased from eight chapters and 54 articles to 12 chapters and 122 articles, and its content has fully doubled. Led by the new Sports Law, China’s sports legal system is set to enter a new phase of development.

The Current Legislation of Chinese Sports Law A five-tiered sports legal system has been set up, covering central to local governments in the more than 20 years since the enactment of the Sports Law in 1995. Sports clauses in the Constitution are located at the top of the system. They are read in two places: The State develops physical culture and promotes mass sports activities to improve the people’s physical fitness (the General Principles, Section I, Article 21) And The State Council exercises the following functions and powers:… … to exercise unified leadership over the work of local organs of State administration at various levels throughout the country, and to formulate the detailed division of functions and powers between the Central Government and the organs of State administration of provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the Central Government;… … to direct and administer the affairs of education, science, culture, public health, physical culture … ….(Section III, Article 89)1 The PRC’s Sports Law has been at the core of the legal system, playing an essential role in the regulation and development of the sports industry. Due to the rapid social and economic changes, many issues 166

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emerged, and the original legal provisions were confronted with such challenges and difficulties, and therefore a revision was undertaken in 2022. Compared to the early Sports Law (1995) containing eight chapters and 54 articles, the new revision adds content relevant to national fitness, anti-doping, sports organizations, sports arbitration, supervision, and the management of five sections. The revision set out to reflect the new trend of sports autonomy and development of the rule of law, paying more attention to school sports, competitive sports, and social sports as well as creating an atmosphere of integrity in sports activities. It is noteworthy that the revision adds a section on sports arbitration that provides regulations on sports arbitration with legislative grounding.2 In addition, a new section on anti-doping is added to the Sports Law, reflecting China’s resolve to fight doping in sport. The rules are managed and updated under the Anti-doping Management Regulation of China, which takes these strict regulations with law enforcement to further promote anti-doping efforts. Based on the principal provisions in the Sports Law, the fact that the National Fitness Programme, Anti-doping Regulations, and seven other regulations formulated by the State Council with various state organs indicates its high legitimacy and provides strong support for the implementation of sports laws.3 In addition to these laws and regulations, Standing Committees of local People’s Congress and governments have the power to enact regulations, bylaws, and rules according to the individual development of sports in this area, which guarantees the rule of law in all aspects. Administrative rules can be roughly divided into two categories. One involves matters requiring the formulation of specific provisions of a respective administrative area for implementing the provisions of laws or administrative regulations, such as Administrative Regulations of National Fitness in Shanghai (Shanghai Shiming Tiyu Jianshen Tiaoli). The other applies to matters that are not covered by national regulations or rules, but rather regulated by local rules. These rules are simply enacted within this region and do not contravene the legislation of the upper levels, such as Measures on the Administration of Business Bowling Alley’s in Shanghai (Shanghai Yingyexing Baolingqiuguan Guanlibanfa).4 Sports-related policies and rules formulated by State or Sports Associations have played an important and supplementary role in the enactment of China’s sports law. The state has issued several official documents, such as the Guidelines on Expediting the Development of the Sports Industry and Sportsrelated Consumption in 2014 (Guowuyuan guanyu Fazhan TiyuChanye Cujing Tiyuxiaofei Ruoganyijian) and the 2030 Outline of the Program for Health in China in 2016 (Jiankang Zhongguo 2030 Guihua Gangyao). This is the typical regulating method for developing sports professions, health services, recreational sports, and fitness in China.5 For instance, members of the Chinese Football Association have formulated many autonomous sporting bylaws and rules effectively compensating for the shortcomings of existing statutory laws and coordinating internal complex relations among members of the Association.6

The Practices of Sports Law in China With China’s rapid economic growth and role in globalization, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has placed importance on the development and improvement of the PRC’s Sports Law. The literature review and field research undertaken by Liu Juke and Chen Huarong7 concluded that China has made significant achievements in resolving sports disputes through the development of sports administrative departments and sports federations, which are elaborated below. First, for different types of sports disputes, China has formed a diversified sports disputes resolution mechanism based on internal arbitration by sports associations with judicial intervention and arbitration by the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). Sports disputes are characterized with the specificity of sports, referring to the highly technical and professional traits. Sports disputes resolutions prefer to respect the autonomy of sports by exhausting internal remedies. For instance, disputes between or amongst members of sports associations could be decided by an internal tribunal or discipline committee, while other civil disputes in the sports field could recourse to judicial courts. After more than 30 years of successful 167

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operation of CAS on sporting disputes resolutions, sporting arbitration has obvious advantage compared to other mechanisms.8 This is why sports law academia persistently called for Chinese sports arbitration for many years, which was finally written in the Sports Law, Section 9. Secondly, the construction of rule of law in the sports administrative department has been increasingly emphasized. Since 1987, at the national level, the State Sports Commission (which changed into the GASC in 1993) has set up a series of offices for dealing with the legislative affairs, organizing and participating in the drafting of important sports regulations, reviewing the draft regulations and documents drafted by the relevant departments, and organizing and guiding the legal publicity and education of the sports industry. It is also responsible for the administrative law enforcement of the General Administration, supervising and implementing sports regulations and norms, and undertaking the daily work of the Sports Law Research; for example, a leading group of the legislation, Legal Affairs Division, Policy Regulations, and Law Department. At the provincial and municipal level, a specialized body has been established for providing legal service just for the Olympic Games, such as the Legal Affairs Office of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Summer Games and for the 2022 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games.9 Finally, specialized legal offices were introduced into the sports associations to resolve disputes arising from internal affairs among members and sports associations. Besides that, local lawyer associations in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and Hangzhou have established professional committees to discuss sports law and practices issues.

Anti-Doping in China Doping has harmful effects on the health and wellbeing of athletes while seriously undermining the fairness of competitive sporting events. Effectively combating doping abuse in sports has therefore been an important research topic of sports law. China began working on anti-doping efforts in the 1990s, and since then has strictly complied with international anti-doping rules, enacted a series of rules and regulations, and set up corresponding anti-doping agencies implementing Chinese Anti-doping Regulations (2018 Revision). China’s authorities showed its clear zero-tolerance attitude towards doping by planning to add ‘strictest-ever’ clauses into anti-doping management measures. The aim is to build a complete anti-doping mechanism in line with the national conditions, which has been highly recognized by the international community.10

Chinese Anti-Doping Regulation System The Chinese Anti-Doping Regulation System has its implications on both domestic and international dimensions. At the level of international law, China has signed and acceded to the International Convention Against Doping in Sport in 2006. Domestically, since the promulgation of the first antidoping document Interim Provisions on Prohibited Substances for National Sports Competition Testing in 1989, China has successively regulated anti-doping issues in laws and regulations such as Anti-Doping Regulations and Anti-Doping Administration Measures.11 So far, the Chinese anti-doping legal system has been formed as the Anti-Doping Regulations, including Measures for the Administration of Anti-doping, Measures for the Investigation of Doping Violation by GASC, Anti-Doping Rules, Implementation Rules for Hearing, Measures for the Administration of Doping Inspectors, and so on. The Sports Law (2023) includes a special chapter on anti-doping, which provides the framework for the establishment of a national antidoping system, which includes the promulgation of rules and the establishment of anti-doping agencies. The chapter also includes anti-doping education, research, and international cooperation. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of the PRC issued the Interpretation of the Supreme People’s Court on Several Issues Concerning the Application of Law in the Trial of Criminal Cases of Smuggling, Illegal Operations, and Illegal Use of Stimulants in 2019, which brings doping violations in the field’s judicial auspices. Moreover, 168

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Amendment (XI) to the Criminal Law specifically added Article 355A under Article 355 concerning the doping administration. The article adds social and public order into the scope of regulation of criminal acts, helping to protect the fairness of sports competition and athletes’ health, thus providing a strong legislative guarantee to effectively combat doping abuse.

China’s Anti-Doping Practices and Achievements In 1992, the Chinese Olympic Committee (COC) established an Anti-Doping Committee to guide the development of an anti-doping mechanism in China. At present, China adopts an anti-doping system in which GASC organizes the anti-doping work with the cooperation of the various departments of the State Council, including Food Supervision, Education, Customs, and Health, and other relevant departments. Additionally, China’s Anti-Doping Agency (CHINADA) implements these efforts, where local government sports administrative departments, national sports federations, national sports associations, and athletes’ management units work within their respective management areas.12 In 2012, to ensure fairness, impartiality, and professionalism in the doping process, the CHINADA established a Hearing Committee, and as of 2020, the third session of the Hearing Committee was organized. Compared to the previous sessions, independent and professional experts of the Committee are able to pay more attention to various parties’ interests.13 As a signatory to the International Convention Against Doping in Sports, China has updated the ‘Prohibited List’ published by the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) annually on the official website of CHINADA, and the arbitration body within the federation is open to CAS for anti-doping-related disputes.14 Taking football as an example, according to Article 67 of the FIFA Constitution, FIFA requires each association and league organization to open its appeal jurisdiction to CAS for final and binding decisions on doping-related issues, and WADA serves as one of the eligible arbitrators for appeal. Accordingly, the internal arbitration mechanism of the Chinese Football Association (CFA) has the right to decide on doping matters in the first instance, and if the associated parties or WADA are not satisfied with the decision, an appeal can be made to CAS.15 With the joint efforts of sports administrative organs, and experts and scholars in sports law, China’s anti-doping work has made a breakthrough. Statistics show that the positive doping test rate for Chinese athletes was 1.8% in 1990, and since 2015, the number of positive test results in China exceeding 10,000 cases each year, is well below the international average. In the past five years, China’s doping violation rate has been below 0.53%. From 2017 to 2019, the positive rate of domestic doping inspection has decreased year by year. In 2019, there were more than 20,000 tests but only 0.33% violations.16 While the detection volume has increased significantly, the violation rate has not. At the same time, China’s sports law experts and scholars have also been actively involved in international anti-doping efforts, with three Chinese professors serving as arbitrators in the newly established Anti-Doping Division in CAS on the first of January 1, 2019. This includes Prof. Guo Shuli of Soochow University, Prof. Han Yong of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports, and Prof. Li Zhi of Fuzhou University. Moreover, Ms. Yang Yang of China was elected vice president of WADA for a three-year term starting January 1, 2020. The participation of Chinese professionals in international arbitration can help China fully understand, master, and apply the rules of international sports.

The Current Research on Sports Law and Promotion of Sports Rule of Law The implementation of China’s rule of law in sports has made significant progress, and the study of sports jurisprudence has likewise gained strong impetus and made many new achievements in China. Chinese sports law research has continued to improve in terms of the scale of development, research effectiveness, and social impact. 169

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The Current Research on Sports Law To further develop in-depth and extensive research in sports law, the Chinese Law Society formally approved the establishment of the Sports Law Research Society on March 27, 2003, and on July 20, 2005, the Sports Law Research Society held its inaugural meeting in Beijing. Since then, domestic research on sports law has reached a new peak.17 The Ministry of Education has established master’s and doctoral degree programs in sports law and specialized sports law research institutions in key universities such as Beijing Sports University, Shanghai Institute of Sports, and Wuhan University. At present, there are 20 universities nationwide with various sports law research institutions. Beijing, Tianjin, Shandong, Liaoning, Hebei, and Jiangsu have established provincial sports law research institutions under the structure of local law societies or sports science societies. These provinces have been organizing academic conferences and activities related to topics such as sports arbitration systems, the legal system of Olympic Games, governance of sports under the rule to law, and reform of sports associations. In addition, Shanghai has established the Shanghai Hearing Center of CAS, which organizes several international forums focusing on sports dispute resolutions, serving as a platform for international sports arbitrators to cooperate and exchange ideas with Chinese scholars and practitioners. During the past 20 years, China has made great progress in working to build a community with a shared future for sports rule of law. Sports law has been increasingly accepted as an independent discipline, with its unique research topics and methods, producing publications in academic papers, journals, and monographs; establishing associations; course offerings; and degree conferment.18 According to recent results in this field of legal research,19 popular legal issues are being covered in the field of sports; for example, international sports law, sports human rights law, sports organization autonomy, sports dispute resolution, to name a few. In the post-pandemic era, capacity building in international communication and amplifying discourses on the global stage are major current issues. Sports, as one of the five universal languages of human beings,20 is an important part of international discourse.21 Therefore, it should not be ignored that improving the discourse platform has long-term significance for strengthening China’s ability to participate in global governance. During the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, with the ‘Humanistic Olympics’ at its core, the world witnessed an interaction between the Western Olympic sports rules and the long-standing legal culture of the East. Ultimately, a friendly exchange between the Chinese sports rule of law culture with its Confucian values at its core and the Western sports rule of law culture was achieved. At the same time, China’s sports legal system, which is based on shared values for humankind and rights protection, has played an important role in forming a universal consensus on international sports and driving these developments globally.22

The Promotion of China’s Sports Law Research to the Revision of the Sports Law Since its promulgation, China’s Sports Law has played an important role in guiding the development of China’s sports industry while it underwent two small-scale revisions in 2009 and 2016. With the continuous promotion of governing sports by the rule of law and a growing demand for market-oriented reform of China’s sports industry, the previous Sports Law was unable to effectively meet the new needs of China’s sports development nor solve emerging problems in the process of sports modernization. As one of the Chinese sports law scholars commented,23 the existing Sports Law in China has an imperfect sports legislation system, lagging legislative content, lack of convergence with international rules, lack of sports dispute resolution mechanism, and so forth. Therefore, it was imperative to work on the revision of Sports Law. Recently, with the joint efforts of experts and scholars in the field of sports law, the revision of the law progressed smoothly, and the main amendments include: 1

A few state strategies including ‘the Healthy China’ (2019), ‘A Leading Sports Nation’ (2019), and ‘integration of sports and education’ (2020) have been confirmed into the Law. The Chapter entitled 170

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2

3

4

5

‘General Provisions’ enshrines the legislative purpose of ‘promoting the construction on a Leading Sports Nation and Healthy China’, and clarifying approaches on developing sports based on the ‘national fitness for all’ (1995), ensuring that key national strategies were integrated within the revised sports law. To highlight the fundamental position of health in mass sports, the title of the chapter changed from the previous ‘Social Sports’ to ‘Fitness for All’. Given that schools are important venues for the implementation of the ‘Healthy China’ strategy, and youths seem to be a rising force for the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, the revision emphasizes the coordination of students’ cultural education and physical exercise, providing a bottom-up provision for students’ physical exercise time, elevating the value of physical education exams in academic assessment, and establishing risk control and safety supervision mechanism in school sports. The second key change made was relevant to elite sports, particularly concerning integrity. A new chapter on anti-doping was added to the law, reflecting China’s persistent zero tolerance attitude in sports. This chapter refined the Anti-doping Management Regulations of China, and took these strict regulations with law enforcement, to further promote anti-doping efforts. Contents such as the prohibition on doping and supply of banned drugs to athletes, the establishment of an anti-doping mechanism, and international anti-doping cooperation responsibilities were highlighted in detail. The power of sports organizations to achieve sports autonomy and collaborative governance of multiple subjects in parallel was specified. This amendment was renamed the ‘Sports Community’ in Chapter 5 of the old version to ‘Sports Organizations’ with a broader connotation, reflecting the significant elevation of the status of sports autonomy in sports governance. Moreover, the content highlights the trend of de-administration of sports governance and clarifies the relationship between the sports administration departments, All-China Sports Federation, and Chinese Olympic Committee, further improving the protection of the rights of sports organizations, and promoting the flourishing of sports federations. A newly established ‘Sports Arbitration’ system was highlighted in the revised law, to make up for the absence of China’s existing sports disputes resolution. The establishment of the sports arbitration system was under heated discussion for many years in China. Finally, the qualifications of arbitrators and an advance mediation mechanism are outlined in detail in Chapter 8 of the revision. These regulations make the mechanism more complete and more suitable for sophisticated and subtle requirements of sports governance. A new chapter on ‘Supervision and Administration’ was added to clarify the supervisory responsibilities of sports administration departments and relevant authorities for sports activities. It is based on experiences and lessons from the domestic sports events and acknowledges the importance of risk prevention mechanisms for high-risk sports events, which should rely on mitigation measures and post-supervision from sports entities.

Conclusion Since its promulgation in 1995, the PRC’s Sports Law has played an important role in promoting the development of sports in China. Scaling up strategies on the rule of law and national health, issues on elite sport success and soft power achievement are bound to be key development areas relevant to sports regulations and law enforcement in the next ten years. The release of the Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China (Revised Draft) in 2022 was led by Xi Jinping’s ‘Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’, based on the reality of China’s national conditions, focusing on various issues of sports development and comprehensive response to the main contradictions that exist in the current sports field. China’s further development of the rule of law in sports should be more closely aligned with domestic sports practices, refining the oriented provisions of the law through local regulations, and carrying out sports activities in line with the characteristics of the region. 171

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Notes 1 Guozheng Meng, ‘Cao Zonghang. Visualization Analysis of Sports Law Research Hot-spots During Past Two Decades in China’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 51, no. 3 (2017): 39–42. 2 Zhi Li, ‘Establishment of the Independent Sports Arbitration System in China under the Background of the Law Amendment’, Law Science 483, no. 2 (2022): 151–154. 3 Jiahong Wang and Zhao Yi, ‘Achievements, Difficulties and Prospect of Sports Rule of Law in the Past 40 Years since Chinese Reform and Opening-up’, Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 42, no. 5 (2018): 2–6. 4 Hong-liang Jin, ‘Research on Present Situation of Sports for All Legislation Safeguard in China’, Journal of Harbin Institute of Physical Education, no. 3 (2007): 9–13. 5 Hongjun Ma, ‘Establishment and Improvement of China’s Sports Legal System—Based on the Revision of the Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China’, China Sport Science 41, no. 1 (2021): 14–16. 6 Chunliang Zhang, ‘Revaluation on the Level of Rule‐by‐law in Internal Governance of Sport Federation—An Empirical Analysis on the Dispute Resolution Mechanism of Chinese Football Association’, China Sports Science 35, no. 1 (2015): 18–20. 7 Juke Liu and Huarong Chen, An Introduction to Sports Law (Guilin: Guangxi Normal University, 2014), 3–19. 8 Zhi Li and Liu Yongping, ‘Development of an Arbitration System for Sport When Amending the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Physical Culture and Sports’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 44, no. 11 (2021): 34–37. 9 State General Administration of Sports, Chinese Sports in the 30 years of Reform and Opening up (Beijing: People’s Sports Publishing House, 2008), 290. 10 Yong Han, ‘Anti-Doping in China: Achievements, Risks and Countermeasures’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 43, no. 8 (2020): 11–31. 11 Ibid., 12. 12 State General Administration of Sports, Anti-Doping Rules (State General Administration of Sports Order No. 20, 2014). 13 Yijuan Qiao, et al., ‘Legalization Progress of China’s Regulations on Illegal Use of Stimulants and Its Perfection— Comments on Interview on the History and Current Situation of China’s Governing Anti-doping’, Cross-strait Legal Science 23, no. 1 (2021): 75–77. 14 Zhi Li, A Study on the Approach of Ruling of Law in the International Sports Autonomy (Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2019): 48. 15 Chun-liang Zhang, ‘Revaluation on the Level of Rule-by-law in Internal Governance of Sport Federation— An Empirical Analysis on the Dispute Resolution Mechanism of Chinese Football Association’, China Sport Science 35, no. 7 (2015): 22–24. 16 Han Yong, ‘Anti-Doping in China: Achievements, Risks and Countermeasures’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 43, no. 8 (2020): 13–15. 17 Xianyan Li and Yu Shanxu, ‘Overview, Characteristics and Expectation of the Research on Sports Law in China in Recent Ten Years’, Journal of Tianjin University of Sport 35, no. 2 (2020): 203–204. 18 Han Yong, ‘Review of Sports Law Studies in China?’, Sports & Science 35, no. 6 (2014): 80–83. 19 Huiying Xiang, Tan Xiaoyong, and Jiang Xi, ‘Concept of Sports Law from Legal Pluralism Perspective’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 49, no. 4 (2015): 34–37. 20 Juan Antonio Samaranch, Memories Olympics (Beijing: World Affairs Publishing House, 2003), 237. 21 Xi-gen Wang and Wang Ru-xia, ‘Jurisprudential Basis and Path Selection of Promoting the China’s Discourse Power in International Sports Rule of Law’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 42, no. 5 (2019): 31–33. 22 Xi-gen Wang and An Xiao-xuan, ‘Optimization of Concept of Sports Rights Under 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 41, no. 3 (2018): 7–11. 23 Hongjun Ma, ‘Establishment and Improvement of China’s Sports Legal System—Based on the Revision of The Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China’, China Sport Science 41, no. 1 (2021): 16–17.

Bibliography Chen, Huarong. ‘Research on the Policy and Legal System of Sports for All National Strategy.’ China Sport Science 37, no. 4 (2017): 74–86. Han, Yong. ‘Anti-Doping in China: Achievements, Risks and Countermeasures.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 43, no. 8 (2020):11–31. Kang, Junxin. Sports Law in China. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International BV, 2017.

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Sports Law in China Li, Zhi. A Study on the Approach of Ruling of Law in the International Sports Autonomy. Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2019. Li, Zhi. ‘Establishment of the Independent Sports Arbitration System in China under the Background of the Law Amendment.’ Law Science 483, no. 2(2022): 162–175. Luo, Jiasi. ‘Completion of Administrative Legislation on Physical Education in China.’ Journal of Shenyang Sport University 3, no. 1(2015): 15–20. Ma, Hongjun. ‘Establishment and Improvement of China’s Sports Legal System—Based on the Reveision of The Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China.’ China Sport Science 41, no. 1(2021), 7–20. Sun, Caihong. ‘70 Years of Sports Rule of Law in China: Development and Prospect.’ Journal of Chengdu Sport University 46, no. 1(2020): 28–32+66. Tan, Xiaoyong. ‘On the Framework System and Development of the Rule of Law of Sports in China in the New Era.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 44, no. 2(2021), 10–21. Wang, Jiahong and Zhao, Yi. ‘Achievement, Difficulties and Prospect of Sports Rule of Law in the Past 40 Years since Chinese Reform and Opening-up.’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 42, no.5(2018), 1–14. Yu, Shanxu. ‘Discussion on Perfecting the Internal Dispute Resolution System of Sports Association under the Background of Establishing Sports Arbitration in China.’ Journal of Physical Education 29, no. 2(2022): 1–10. Zhu, Qirui. ‘Chinese Sports Law Study under the Background of Building a Sports Power in the New Era.’ Journal of Shenyang Sport University, no. 6(2020): 57–64.

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PART V

Sports and Physical Education in Schools Patrick W.C. Lau

The year 2022 signifies the 44th anniversary of China reform and opening-up policy since 1978. Since the reform and opening up of China, the obesity rate has increased 24 times for urban boys and 44 times for rural boys, while the obesity rate of urban and rural girls increased nearly 12 times (Liu & Yang, 2017). From 2000 to 2020, the physical activity (PA) and physical fitness level of Chinese children have decreased (General Administration of Sport of China, 2021), and the overweight and obesity rate among preschool children under six years has reached 10.4% (Liu & Fan, 2021). As a result, ‘Healthy China’ has been proposed as an important campaign under the government national strategy in the past decades to strengthen Chinese children’s physical and mental health. Under this background, school physical education in China plays a critical role and function to achieve this goal (Liu & Li, 2017). This section examines the development of sports and physical education (PE) at schools and universities in China. It focuses on the transformation of schools’ sports policy and practice. Six scholars provide a systemic and comprehensive analysis of gender issues, sports/PE policy and practices, preschool sports and health policy, school soccer development, sports talent identification and development, and problematic issues of PE, respectively. In Chapter 21, Pang and colleagues examine gender identities and the implications for sports and PE in China. They also review the differences between China and other Western countries, especially on the implications for mass sports participation and PE development in schools. In Chapter 22, Liu and Zhang compare the policies and practices of PE between schools in China and Japan. Comparisons of policy goals, staffing, facilities, curriculum, extracurricular sports activities and sports competitions, assessment, and healthcare education are presented. It is concluded that both countries enjoy their own set of advantages and can learn from each other for better improvement. Preschool children’s sports policy development and health since the reform and opening up in China are investigated by Lau and colleagues in Chapter 23. This chapter aims to (a) describe the current situation of preschool children’s motor skills, PA, and physical fitness; (b) review the preschool children sports policy in China since the reform and opening up; (c) analyse the characteristics of the sport policy; and (d) make recommendations to promote the sports and health in Chinese preschoolers. The transition from the combination of sports and education to the integration of sports and education is presented by Guo and colleagues in Chapter 24. This chapter outlines the developmental changes of how China cultivates elite athletes through the school system in the past decades. The problem of ‘struggles between learning and training’ of the talented young athletes in sports is discussed and the ‘integration of sports and education’ model could be the solution under the unique and distinctive Chinese cultural and social characteristics. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-26

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Chapter 25 provides a historical time frame and description of the PE systems in China since the 1950s. Zhang also identifies the problems in primary and secondary schools and universities, and provides recommendations for the solutions. These five book chapters provide a brief but precise introduction and explanation of school PE development issues in modern China. It is our intention that more mutual understanding could be achieved through these chapters.

Bibliography General Administration of Sport of China. ‘The Fifth National Physical Fitness Monitoring Bulletin.’ The Official Website of GASC. December 30, 2021. Accessed April 10, 2022. https://www.sport.gov.cn/n20001280/ n20001265/n20067533/c23881607/content.html Liu, F. and Y. Yang, eds. Youth Sports Blue Book: China Youth Sports Development Report (2016). Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2017. Liu, L., and F. Li. ‘The Way to Deepen Reform of School Physical Education in the Background of “Healthy China”.’ EURASIA Journal of Mathematics Science and Technology Education 13, no. 10 (2017): 6545–6553. Liu, Y., and W. Fan. ‘Children’s Sports Policy of the Communist Party of China in the Past 100 Years.’ Journal of Shenyang Institute of Physical Education 40, no. 5 (2021): 46–53.

21 THE INFLUENCE OF GENDER IDENTITIES AND DEVELOPMENT ON SPORTS AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION IN CHINA Bonnie Pang, Jessica Francombe-Webb, Bryan C. Clift, and Emma Rich

Introduction: Traditional Chinese Femininities and Masculinities Chinese society was constituted through a value system steeped in masculine and feminine distinctions over thousands of years.1 Historically, men and masculinity formed an authoritative and rigid social hierarchy based on Wu Lun, or ‘five relations’: these were composed of relationships amongst ruler-ruled, father-son, elder-younger brother, husband-wife, and male friend-male friend.2 This system instilled a patriarchal, patrilineal, and patrilocal structure that organised women and men into a vastly unequal series of relationships across generations.3 Patriarchy refers to social systems that privilege and empower men relative to women. Patrilineal means familial relationship is centred around the father and descends through the male line. Patrilocal relates to a pattern of marriage system in which the couple resides in the husband’s family. As China traversed from feudalism to capitalism/communism across three generations, Chinese women sought to address the unequal set of gender relations.4 Feminist writings emerged in the 1800s,5 recognising the unequal distribution of resources and educational opportunities between men and women, and the positioning of women as objects.6 So whilst Chinese feminism paralleled Western feminism, there are also notable differences. Chen7 noted that Chinese feminism carries different meanings across historical periods, such as in the Qing Dynasty, early Republican era, and Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC), as well as in distinctive cultural and geographic locals, such as PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao. Amongst these are two key distinctions between liberal Western feminist traditions, that of class and nation. The liberal Western tradition is based heavily upon differentiation between sex and gender, whereas traditional Chinese feminism is more aligned to the radical Marxist and socialist approaches.8,9 The relationship between gender, class, and nation is more centralised in Chinese feminist narratives than is typically represented in dominant Western feminism narratives. This is owed partly to China’s location within the socialist and communist political systems. The dominant Western feminist narratives recognised the writings and activism of middle-class white women within Western feminism, though subordinated narratives from non-Western, black, or Latino women would counter this narrative as monolithic. Chinese feminism narratives, however, were initiated by Chinese revolutionists in tandem with the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) aiming to modernise China, which responded to class, socialist, and national needs, and sentiment.10 A broader understanding of gender identities and dynamics emerged concomitantly with Deng Xiaoping’s vision of a China that would ‘March out of Asia and into the world’.11 The political-economic DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-27

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shift introduced by Deng’s government from 1976—and out of the ‘closed door China’ associated with Mao’s communism from 1949 to 1976—sought to engage with the world economy more robustly, and significantly ‘catching up’ with economic acceleration of Western capitalism.12 The significant change in national policy to open itself to the rest of the world brought forward a Chinese cultural revolution wherein Western culture and knowledge (e.g., media, fashion, sport, knowledge) became more accessible, ushering in a reworking of traditions, including a cultural shift in gender roles (state-driven and societal norms) and gender identities (personal sense of one own’s gender).13 The Chinese cultural revolution promoted a sense of ‘gender erasure’ that attempted to assert men’s and women’s equality.14 For example, women in state media were represented in a masculinised manner while minimising a traditionally soft version of femininity. In the next section, we will explore recent developments of gender roles and identities and will highlight reforms related to physicality, sport, and physical education (PE) in contemporary China.

Recent Developments of Gender Identities in Relation to Sports and PE Sports, physical activity, and PE are integral for stimulating national enthusiasm in elite, mass, and commercial practices within a modern China.15 In theorizing contemporary Chinese masculinity, Louie16 noted an ideal masculinity can be either ‘Wen’ or ‘Wu’ but is at its best when both are present to a high degree. Wen includes qualities such as scholarly, mental ability and and literary skills; and Wu includes qualities such as martial arts, physical skills, and power.17 Of note, the emphasis on body and physical strength does not necessarily carry the most significant meanings of masculinity.18 The depiction of ‘soft’ masculinity through young male characters as being feminine and beautiful existed in China in traditional times: for example, in Beijing Opera young effeminate males sing and portray female parts. The feminine masculine ideal in China has also been a result of the powerful influences from Japanese popular culture.19 The border crossings between China and the rest of the world since the late 1970s have also had a significant impact on how gender identities are developed in the twenty-first century. The focus on ‘soft masculinity’ in influencing world culture through, for example, Confucius Institutes and Chinese diasporic communities in their local contexts continues to give rise to recent changing and emerging forms of gender identities and development about China and Chinese cultures.20 The influences of Westernisation and modernisation and traditional Confucian beliefs have complicated how gender identities are formed in contemporary China.21 New types of masculinity are found in the popularity of K-pop culture and ‘little fresh meat’—a new male beauty trend with young Chinese males in flawless, feminine, and boyish appearance.22 Male idols, rooted in traditional Chinese Wen, stand in contrast to hegemonic masculinity that dominated the Mao era and many Westernised countries. Despite this proliferation of a ‘soft masculinity’ in popular culture, China has valued a strong body as a mark of modernity, and the physical aspects of the body and competitiveness in sports has been constructed as a national achievement in the creation of a ‘real man’.23 The effeminate men phenomenon has therefore raised concerns among the Chinese government with the discussions of the boy crises and negative impact on nation building.24 The gendered discourses and practices underpinned by nationalism, effeminate men, and boy crises have fuelled a call to save the boys in schools and families.25 More recently and controversially, in 2021, the Ministry of Education issued a notice, ‘The proposal to prevent the feminisation of male adolescents’, which calls on schools to reform PE and strengthen the recruitment of teachers in order to challenge the ‘feminisation’ of Chinese boys. The ministry believed that the home environment is partly to blame as the boys are mainly raised by their mothers and grandmothers. Sports like football, which corresponds to the state’s aim in making China the ‘World Superpower in Football’26 by 2050, is promoted in schools to increase students’ masculinity. Alongside the development of male’s gender roles and identities, as Riordan and Dong27 noted, the political and economic changes emerging from a more open China reinforce and promote women’s independence and expression. Chinese society, as it has engaged and continues to engage with a diversity 178

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of cultural productions stemming from its economic opening up to the rest of the world, has and will continue to see discussion and shifts around women’s roles and presence in society. In some respects, the promotion of gender equality has been presented as women ‘pushing ahead’ of men.28 The representation of gender relations suggested a zero-sum game: If women gain equality through investment in their education and personal development, men will be disadvantaged. Similar to the proliferation of ‘little fresh meat’ in popular culture with Chinese young men, the femininity of Chinese girls is shaped by gender performativity29 through Sajiao. Sajiao is defined as cuteness, to speak in a highly feminine style, and to deliberately act like a spoiled child in order to gain affection from their male counterparts. Sajiao is perceived as a positive connotation but has been critiqued as reproducing the dominant-gendered structure in Chinese society.30 More recently, the term ‘leftover women’—educated and unmarried women—has emerged as a stereotype in China.31 This gendered discourse focuses on Chinese women’s responsibilities to conform to marriage norms and creates a binary between education/career and femininity. One of the difficulties in countering the dominant ‘leftover women’ discourse is the impact of China’s one-child policy in contributing to gender imbalance—the surplus of young, unmarried men towards educated single women.32 In this sense, ‘leftover women’ seems to be the scapegoat for such phenomena. The gendered relations outlined above are also influential and intersect experiences of sport, physical activity, and bodily practices. Power is exercised in the managing of health and bodies in society. In Europe, North America, Australia, and the United Kingdom, for instance, physical activity, PE, even children’s play is regarded as means for achieving healthy outcomes. The idea that physical activity has become instrumentalised for health is not new and is not unproblematic. The rendering of physical activities for health limits and constrains experiences of bodily movement.33 Similarly, economic, political, and social changes in China have meant that ‘Chinese women’s attitudes and demands for health, leisure and consumption that related to the sporting life’34 have also changed and diversified. Research about Chinese women highlights that physical activity and ‘health exercises’35 are motivated by concerns about ‘anti-aging, skincare, weight loss, detox, prenatal care and enriching blood’.36 This motivation not only impacts upon decisions to move the body, but also what movements to engage in. For instance, women engage more in therapeutic exercise rather than sports or activities that are considered aggressive and fierce.37 Furthermore, heightened messages in the media related to sports, physical activity, and exercise underpin women’s health in terms of how to shape a slim and fit figure. Arguably, the emphasis on female cuteness, beauty, slimness, and youthfulness in contemporary China reasserts the significance of the male gaze and reproduces masculine domination.38 Next, we will discuss further how gender dynamics in sports and PE might differ between China and other Westernised countries and specifically the implications for mass sports participation and schools’ PE development.

Implications to Sports and PE: China and Westernised Countries The gender dynamics of sports and PE has been widely researched in Westernised countries including the United Kingdom and Australia.39,40 From concerns with sports as a masculine terrain to the contested terrain of women’s sports,41 the way gender norms impact the active body has been interrogated. Femaleand male-identifying people of all ages experience sports differently based on socio-historical context, geographical location, and active/inactive body cultures. Across many societies in Westernised countries, active women and girls are seen taking responsibility for their health through eating well and exercising, whilst balancing their education, work, and familial and/or caring responsibilities.42 Yet, active and health-conscious identities are still shaped by an entanglement of gender and body expectations that are ableist, muscular but toned and slender, heterosexualised, and white.43 In relation to China, mass sports participation and women’s sports across the age ranges, and at all levels from elite to grassroots, have also been shaped by particular historical, social, and political developments outlined previously.44 For example, the formation of the PRC has promoted a new sports culture and a policy of ‘mass participation’, 179

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including compulsory PE in schools for boys and girls.45 This mass participation ethos meant that the active bodies of young women and men, ‘their health and fitness—was politicized, and regulated through policy’ (p. 707).46 For Xiong,47 mass sports participation in China, since 1995, has been couched within the social, political, and economic functions of sports. For example, the National Fitness Programme has specifically highlighted the importance of sports participation for vulnerable groups, including women. Chinese women have thus experienced increased opportunities for sports and physical activity.48 Such insights into the gender dynamics and mass sports participation point towards the need for an increased dialogue between research in China and Westernised countries across these different sites of human movements, particularly in terms of understanding the political development of sports and PE and the consideration we give to social characteristics, ideology, and cultural imposition of particular pedagogical models that have emerged over recent decades. Whilst there is not space to unpack this fully, we signpost here some significant aspects of PE pertaining to this discussion. As is evident in other Westernised countries, PE in China has been subject to change over recent decades. Today, it is a compulsory subject for all students from grades 1 to 12 and at the university level. Post–World War II PE within Mao’s government, and Deng’s move from a focus on improving standardised levels of fitness49 towards more sports games and performanceoriented focus.50 However, in more recent years, PE has reverted to a focus on ‘health and fitness’ education in response to ostensible increases in childhood obesity.51 These developments arguably have implications for some of the gendered dynamics explored above. In particular, researchers have begun to observe how Western ‘obesity discourses’ have travelled globally, reaching into the policy terrain within a Chinese context. Nearly a decade ago, Liang, Housner, Walls, and Yan52 observed that the provision of quality PE and health education remained a challenge in China, and it was around this time that the World Health Organisation and other agencies were pointing to the risks associated with the reported decline in the physical health of Chinese citizens. During this period, claims of a global pandemic of physical inactivity were also circulating53 with The Lancet publishing a global call to action to effect change. One of the main changes to the new curriculum in China was the move from ‘physical education’ to ‘physical education and health’ (HPE) with a particular focus on field-based fitness testing practices as a central dimension of this.54 This reflected the positioning of PE as a site through which to address broader health concerns and where ‘young people should learn the value of regular exercise’55 not only for individual health gain but to contribute to Chinese Society.56,57 Against this backdrop of sports, PE, and physical activity, we argue that Chinese students are therefore exposed to health discourses from a young age wherein physical activity becomes instrumentalised and subject to prominent efforts by the government to address broader health concerns. Given that gender and body size and weight are two of the most significant factors influencing learning experiences,58 these shifts may impede experiences of the moving body, particularly in terms of gender in PE and sports. In this regard, it is perhaps unsurprising that differences have been reported between boys and girls in China in terms of valuing and achieving in PE.59 Collectively, the research above seems to point towards revisiting the meaning and value of PE, in response to these gender differences and the need to plan meaningful learning experiences.60

Conclusion Whilst there is a need for greater dialogue about PE and sports, one of the challenges, as Liang, Housner, Walls, and Yan61 point out, is discussing PE and youth sports in China in the English language through the knowledge and theoretical lens of Westernised societies. We concur that the study of PE, sports, and broadly of physicality remains dominant by Westernised scholars examining Western bodies, using Western conceptualisation of the body, and representing work in English academic journals that are read and cited by international scholars.62 We conclude that there is a need to broaden the intellectual landscape about gender studies in PE and sports development through the mobilisation of Chinese theoretical and linguistic resources within and beyond China. 180

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Notes 1 Kam Louie, Theorising Chinese Masculinity: Society and Gender in China (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 2 Wei-Ming Tu, ‘Probing the ‘Three Bonds’ and ‘Five Relationships’ in Confucian Humanism.’ Confucianism and the Family (1998): 121–136. 3 Xiaodong, Lin and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill, ‘Shifting Discourses from Boy Preference to Boy Crisis: Educating Boys and Nation Building in Neoliberal China’, Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 40, no. 3 (2019): 281–293. 4 David W. Chang, China under Deng Xiaoping: Political and Economic Reform (Berlin: Springer, 1991). 5 Ya-chen Chen, The Many Dimensions of Chinese Feminism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 6 Lydia He Liu, Rebecca E. Karl, and Dorothy Ko, eds., The Birth of Chinese Feminism: Essential Texts in Transnational Theory (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013). 7 Ya-chen Chen, The Many Dimensions of Chinese Feminism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 8 Sheila Scraton, and Anne Flintoff. ‘Gender, Feminist Theory, and Sport’, A Companion to Sport (2013): 96–111. 9 Ya-chen Chen, The Many Dimensions of Chinese Feminism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 10 Ibid. 11 John M. Hoberman, ‘Sport and Social Change: The Transformation of Maoist Sport’, Sociology of Sport Journal 4, no. 2 (1987): 156–170. 12 Ibid. 13 Rosemary Roberts, ‘Positive Women Characters in the Revolutionary Model Works of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: An Argument Against the Theory of Erasure of Gender and Sexuality’, Asian Studies Review 28, no. 4 (2004): 407–422. 14 Wenqi Yang and Fei Yan, ‘The Annihilation of Femininity in Mao’s China: Gender Inequality of Sent-down Youth During the Cultural Revolution’, China Information 31, no. 1 (2017): 63–83. 15 Wei Fan, Fan Hong, and Lu Zhouxiang, ‘Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre-and Post-Beijing 2008’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 14–15 (2010): 2380–2402. 16 Kam Louie, Theorising Chinese Masculinity: Society and Gender in China (Cambridge University Press, 2002). 17 Bonnie Pang, Laura Alfrey, and Valeria Varea,‘Young Chinese Australians’ Subjectivities of ‘Health’ and ‘(Un) healthy Bodies’, Sport, Education and Society 21, no. 7 (2016): 1091–1108. 18 Xiaodong Lin and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill. ‘Shifting Discourses from Boy Preference to Boy Crisis: Educating Boys and Nation Building in Neoliberal China’, Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 40, no. 3 (2019): 281–293. 19 Kam Louie, ‘Chinese Masculinity Studies in the Twenty-first Century: Westernizing, Easternizing and Globalizing Wen and Wu’, NORMA: International Journal for Masculinity Studies 9, no. 1 (2014): 18–29. 20 Ibid. 21 Zitong Qiu, ‘Cuteness as a Subtle Strategy: Urban Female Youth and the Online Feizhuliu Culture in Contemporary China’, Cultural Studies 27, no. 2 (2013): 225–241. 22 Wen Hua, ‘Gentle yet Manly: Xiao Xian Rou, Male Cosmetic Surgery and Neoliberal Consumer Culture in China’, Asian Studies Review 45, no. 2 (2021): 253–271. 23 Gladys Pak Lei Chong, ‘Chinese Bodies that Matter: The Search for Masculinity and Femininity’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 3 (2013): 242–266. 24 Tiantian Zheng, ‘Masculinity in Crisis: Effeminate Men, Loss of Manhood, and the Nation-state in Postsocialist China’, Etnográfica. Revista do Centro em Rede de Investigação em Antropologia 19, no. 2 (2015): 347–365. 25 Ibid. 26 Lemus Delgado, Daniel, and Francisco Javier Valderrey Villar, ‘It Is not a Game: Soccer and China’s Search for World Hegemony’, Soccer & Society 21, no. 2 (2020): 225–238. 27 James Riordan and Dong Jinxia. ‘Chinese Women and Sport.’ In Sport and Physical Education in China (London: Routledge, 2002), 179–204. 28 Bonnie Pang and Joanne Hill, ‘Representations of Chinese Gendered and Racialised bodies in Contemporary Media Sites’, Sport, Education and Society 23, no. 8 (2018): 773–785. 29 Judith Butler, ‘Revisiting Bodies and Pleasures’, Theory, Culture & Society 16, no. 2 (1999): 11–20. 30 Zitong Qiu, ‘Cuteness as a Subtle Strategy: Urban Female Youth and the Online Feizhuliu Culture in Contemporary China’, Cultural Studies 27, no. 2 (2013): 225–241. 31 Sandy To, ‘Understanding Sheng Nu (‘Leftover Women’): The Phenomenon of Late Marriage among Chinese Professional Women’, Symbolic Interaction 36, no. 1 (2013): 1–20.

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Bonnie Pang et al. 32 Hannah Feldshuh, ‘Gender, Media, and Myth-making: Constructing China’s Leftover Women’, Asian Journal of Communication 28, no. 1 (2018): 38–54. 33 Stephanie A Alexander, Katherine L. Frohlich, and Caroline Fusco, Play, Physical Activity and Public Health: The Reframing of Children’s Leisure Lives (London: Routledge, 2018). 34 Huan Xiong, ‘Transformation of Women’s Mass Sport in the Process of Urbanisation in Contemporary China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 13 (2014): 1617–1638. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38 Jie Yang, ‘Nennu and Shunu: Gender, Body Politics, and the Beauty Economy in China’, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 36, no. 2 (2011): 333–357. 39 Adele Pavlidis and Simone Fullagar. Sport, Gender and Power: The Rise of Roller Derby (London: Routledge, 2016). 40 Kimberly L. Oliver and David Kirk, Girls, Gender and Physical Education: An Activist Approach (London: Routledge, 2015). 41 Michael A. Messner, ‘Sports and Male Domination: The Female Athlete as Contested Ideological Terrain’, Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 3 (1988): 197–211. 42 Jessica Francombe-Webb and Laura Palmer, ‘Footballing Femininities: The Lived Experiences of Young Females Negotiating ‘The Beautiful Game’’, In New Sporting Femininities (London: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2018), 179–203. 43 Kim Toffoletti, Jessica Francombe-Webb, and Holly Thorpe, ‘Femininities, Sport and Physical Culture in Postfeminist, Neoliberal Times’, In New Sporting Femininities (London: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2018), 1–19. 44 Huan Xiong, ‘Sport and Gender in Contemporary China’, in Fan Hong and Lu Zhouxiang, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Sport in Asia (London: Routledge, 2020), 345–356. 45 Adele Pavlidis, and Wendy O’Brien, ‘Sport and Feminism in China: On the Possibilities of Conceiving Roller Derby as a Feminist Intervention’, Journal of Sociology 53, no. 3 (2017): 704–719. 46 Ibid. 47 Huan Xiong, ‘Transformation of Women’s Mass Sport in the Process of Urbanisation in Contemporary China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 13 (2014): 1617–1638. 48 Huan, Xiong. ‘Sport and Gender in Contemporary China’, 345–356. 49 Lenny D.Wiersma, and Clay P. Sherman, ‘The Responsible Use of Youth Fitness Testing to Enhance Student Motivation, Enjoyment, and Performance’, Measurement in Physical Education and Exercise Science 12, no. 3 (2008): 167–183. 50 Aijing Jin, ‘Physical Education Curriculum Reform in China: A Perspective from Physical Education Teachers’, Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy 18, no. 1 (2013): 15–27. 51 Xiaofen D. Keating, Peter Smolianov, Xiaolu Liu, Jose Castro-Piñero, and Jed Smith, ‘Youth Fitness Testing Practices: Global Trends and New Development’, The Sport Journal 21, no. 1 (2018). 52 Guoli Liang, Housner Lynn, Walls Richard, and Yan Zi, ‘Failure and Revival: Physical Education and Youth Sport in China’, Asia Pacific Journal of Sport and Social Science 1, no. 1 (2012): 48–59. 53 Joe Piggin, and Alan Bairner, ‘The Global Physical Inactivity Pandemic: An Analysis of Knowledge Production’, Sport, Education and Society 21, no. 2 (2016): 131–147. 54 Xiaolu Liu, Xiaofen D. Keating, and Rulan Shangguan, ‘Historical Analyses of Fitness Testing of College Students in China’, ICHPER-SD Journal of Research 9, no. 1 (2017): 24–32. 55 Aijing Jin, ‘Physical Education Curriculum Reform in China: A Perspective from Physical Education Teachers’, Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy 18, no. 1 (2013): 15–27. 56 Chinese Ministry of Education, New Physical Education and Health Curriculum Standard for Primary and Junior High School (Beijing: People’s Education Press, 2001). 57 Chinese Ministry of Education, Physical Education and Health Curriculum Standard for Senior High School (Beijing: People’s Education Press, 2003). 58 Haiyong Ding, Haichun Sun, and Ang Chen, ‘Gender, BMI, Values, and Learning in Physical Education: A Study on Chinese Middle Schoolers’, Learning and Individual Differences 21, no. 6 (2011): 771–778. 59 Ibid. 60 Laura Azzarito and Adriana Katzew, ‘Performing Identities in Physical Education: (En) gendering Fluid Selves’, Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport 81, no. 1 (2010): 25–37. 61 Guoli Liang, Lynn Housner, Richard Walls, and Zi Yan, ‘Failure and Revival: Physical Education and Youth Sport in China’, Asia Pacific Journal of Sport and Social Science 1, no. 1 (2012): 48–59. 62 Bonnie Pang, ‘The Postmonolingual Turn: Rethinking Embodiment with New Confucianism in Bodily Education and Research’, Sport, Education and Society (2021): 1–13.

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Bibliography Alexander, Stephanie A., Katherine L. Frohlich, and Caroline Fusco. Play, Physical Activity and Public Health: The Reframing of Children’s Leisure Lives. London: Routledge, 2018. Azzarito, Laura, and Adriana Katzew. ‘Performing Identities in Physical Education: (En) gendering Fluid Selves.’ Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport 81, no. 1 (2010): 25–37. Butler, Judith. ‘Revisiting Bodies and Pleasures.’ Theory, Culture & Society 16, no. 2 (1999): 11–20. Chang, David W. China under Deng Xiaoping: Political and Economic Reform. Berlin: Springer, 1991. Chen, Ya-chen. The Many Dimensions of Chinese Feminism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. Chinese Ministry of Education. New Physical Education and Health Curriculum Standard for Primary and Junior High School. Beijing: People’s Education Press, 2001. Chong, Gladys Pak Lei. ‘Chinese Bodies that Matter: The Search for Masculinity and Femininity.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 3 (2013): 242–266. Ding, Haiyong, Haichun Sun, and Ang Chen. ‘Gender, BMI, Values, and Learning in Physical Education: A Study on Chinese Middle Schoolers.’ Learning and Individual Differences 21, no. 6 (2011): 771–778. Feldshuh, Hannah. ‘Gender, Media, and Myth-making: Constructing China’s Leftover Women.’ Asian Journal of Communication 28, no. 1 (2018): 38–54. Francombe-Webb, Jessica, and Laura Palmer. ‘Footballing Femininities: The Lived Experiences of Young Females Negotiating ‘The Beautiful Game’.’ In New Sporting Femininities, 179–203. London: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2018. Hoberman, John M. ‘Sport and Social Change: The Transformation of Maoist Sport.’ Sociology of Sport Journal 4, no. 2 (1987): 156–170. Jin, Aijing. ‘Physical Education Curriculum Reform in China: A Perspective from Physical Education Teachers.’ Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy 18, no. 1 (2013): 15–27. Keating, Xiaofen D., Peter Smolianov, Xiaolu Liu, Jose Castro-Piñero, and Jed Smith. ‘Youth Fitness Testing Practices: Global Trends and New Development.’ The Sport Journal 21, no. 1 (2018). Lemus Delgado, Daniel, and Francisco Javier Valderrey Villar. ‘It Is Not a Game: Soccer and China’s Search for World Hegemony.’ Soccer & Society 21, no. 2 (2020): 225–238. Liang, Guoli, Housner Lynn, Walls Richard, and Yan Zi. ‘Failure and Revival: Physical Education and Youth Sport in China.’ Asia Pacific Journal of Sport and Social Science 1, no. 1 (2012): 48–59. Lin, Xiaodong, and Mairtin Mac an Ghaill. ‘Shifting Discourses from Boy Preference to Boy Crisis: Educating Boys and Nation Building in Neoliberal China.’ Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 40, no. 3 (2019): 281–293. Liu, Lydia He, Rebecca E. Karl, and Dorothy Ko, eds. The Birth of Chinese Feminism: Essential Texts in Transnational Theory. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013. Liu, Xiaolu, Xiaofen D. Keating, and Rulan Shangguan. ‘Historical Analyses of Fitness Testing of College Students in China.’ ICHPER-SD Journal of Research 9, no. 1 (2017): 24–32. Louie, Kam. Theorising Chinese Masculinity: Society and Gender in China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Louie, Kam. ‘Chinese Masculinity Studies in the Twenty-first Century: Westernizing, Easternizing and Globalizing Wen and Wu.’ NORMA: International Journal for Masculinity Studies 9, no. 1 (2014): 18–29. Messner, Michael A. ‘Sports and Male Domination: The Female Athlete as Contested Ideological Terrain.’ Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 3 (1988): 197–211. Oliver, Kimberly L., and David Kirk. Girls, Gender and Physical Education: An Activist Approach. London: Routledge, 2015. Pang, Bonnie. ‘The Postmonolingual Turn: Rethinking Embodiment with New Confucianism in Bodily Education and Research.’ Sport, Education and Society (2021): 1–13. Pang, Bonnie, and Joanne Hill. ‘Representations of Chinese Gendered and Racialised Bodies in Contemporary Media Sites.’ Sport, Education and Society 23, no. 8 (2018): 773–785. Pang, Bonnie, Laura Alfrey, and Valeria Varea. ‘Young Chinese Australians’ subjectivities of ‘Health’ and ‘(Un) healthy Bodies.’ Sport, Education and Society 21, no. 7 (2016): 1091–1108. Pavlidis, Adele, and Simone Fullagar. Sport, Gender and Power: The Rise of Roller Derby. London: Routledge, 2016. Pavlidis, Adele, and Wendy O’Brien. ‘Sport and Feminism in China: On the Possibilities of Conceiving Roller Derby as a Feminist Intervention.’ Journal of Sociology 53, no. 3 (2017): 704–719. Piggin, Joe, and Alan Bairner. ‘The Global Physical Inactivity Pandemic: An Analysis of Knowledge Production.’ Sport, Education and Society 21, no. 2 (2016): 131–147. Riordan, James, and Dong Jinxia. ‘Chinese Women and Sport.’ In Sport and Physical Education in China, 179–204. London: Routledge, 2002. Roberts, Rosemary. ‘Positive Women Characters in the Revolutionary Model Works of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: An Argument Against the Theory of Erasure of Gender and Sexuality.’ Asian Studies Review 28, no. 4 (2004): 407–422.

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Bonnie Pang et al. Scraton, Sheila, and Anne Flintoff. ‘Gender, Feminist Theory, and Sport.’ In Ben Carrington and David L. Andrews, eds., A Companion to Sport, 96–111. New Jersey: Wiley‐Blackwell, 2013. To, Sandy. ‘Understanding Sheng Nu (‘Leftover Women’): The Phenomenon of Late Marriage among Chinese Professional Women.’ Symbolic Interaction 36, no. 1 (2013): 1–20. Toffoletti, Kim, Jessica Francombe-Webb, and Holly Thorpe. ‘Femininities, Sport and Physical Culture in Postfeminist, Neoliberal Times.’ In New Sporting Femininities, 1–19. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. Tu, Wei-Ming. ‘Probing the ‘Three Bonds’ and ‘Five Relationships’ in Confucian Humanism.’ In G.A. De Vos, eds., 121–136. Confucianism and the Family. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1998. Wei, Fan, Fan Hong, and Lu Zhouxiang. ‘Chinese State Sports Policy: Pre-and Post-Beijing 2008.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no. 14-15 (2010): 2380–2402. Wen, Hua. ‘Gentle Yet Manly: Xiao Xian Rou, Male Cosmetic Surgery and Neoliberal Consumer Culture in China.’ Asian Studies Review 45, no. 2 (2021): 253–271. Wiersma, Lenny D., and Clay P. Sherman. ‘The Responsible Use of Youth Fitness Testing to Enhance Student Motivation, Enjoyment, and Performance.’ Measurement in Physical Education and Exercise Science 12, no. 3 (2008): 167–183. Xiong, Huan. ‘Transformation of Women’s Mass Sport in the Process of Urbanisation in Contemporary China.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 13 (2014): 1617–1638. Xiong, Huan. ‘Sport and Gender in Contemporary China.’ In Fan Hong and Lu Zhouxiang, eds., 256–345. The Routledge Handbook of Sport in Asia. London: Routledge, 2020. Yang, Jie. ‘Nennu and Shunu: Gender, Body Politics, and the Beauty Economy in China.’ Journal of Women in Culture and Society 36, no. 2 (2011): 333–357. Yang, Wenqi, and Fei Yan. ‘The Annihilation of Femininity in Mao’s China: Gender Inequality of Sent-down Youth During the Cultural Revolution.’ China Information 31, no. 1 (2017): 63–83. Zheng, Tiantian. ‘Masculinity in Crisis: Effeminate Men, Loss of Manhood, and the Nation-State in Postsocialist China.’ Etnográfica. Revista do Centro em Rede de Investigação em Antropologia 19, no. 2 (2015): 347–365. Zitong, Qiu. ‘Cuteness as a Subtle Strategy: Urban Female Youth and the Online Feizhuliu Culture in Contemporary China.’ Cultural Studies 27, no. 2 (2013): 225–241.

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22 A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON THE POLICIES AND PRACTICES OF PHYSICAL EDUCATION IN SCHOOLS AT THE COMPULSORY EDUCATION STAGE BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN Liu Chunyan and Zhang Donghao

Introduction Being two countries within the East Asian cultural sphere, both China and Japan have a lot in common, including the similarities in social culture and modes of education. Hence, it is feasible to make a comparison between the two countries. As a vital component of schools at the compulsory stage, physical education plays a crucial role in improving the students’ mental and physical well-being. With a comparative study on the policies and application of physical education in schools at the compulsory stage both in China and Japan, it is hoped that their differences can be clarified and some suggestions to be given will be constructive for both countries so that both of them can learn from each other and have a new way to promote its own physical education in the schools at the compulsory stage.

Comparative Analysis of the Physical Education Policies in Schools at the Compulsory Stage in China and Japan Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012, governments at all levels in China have increasingly emphasized the reforms of education and sports and their implementation. In February 2021, ‘China’s Education Modernization Plan towards 2035’ was jointly issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the State Council of the People’s Republic of China so as to accelerate the education modernization and to build China into a country strong in education. In October 2021, ‘The 14th-Five-Year Plan for Sports Development’ (hereinafter referred to as ‘Plan’) was issued by the General Administration of Sport of China, in which the longterm goal of building China into a sports leader by 2035. Physical education in schools is an indispensable contributor to accelerate China’s education modernization and the building of China into a sports leader.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-28

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Policies Related to the Objectives of Physical Education in Schools According to the ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era’ (hereinafter referred to as ‘Opinions’) jointly issued by the General Office of the Central Committee of the CPC and the General Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China in October 2020, the main objectives of the physical education in schools are: by 2022, all the schools will be provided with sufficient and qualified physical education teachers, a whole range of physical education courses, better teaching conditions, a sound physical education mechanism and a system of teaching, training and competition so that the overall teaching quality of physical education can be improved, the effectiveness of the physical education can be enhanced, and the physical quality and comprehensive quality of the students can be significantly improved. There will be a diversified, modernized, and high-quality school physical education system fundamentally built by 2035.1 The goals of physical education at schools in Japan generally aim at engaging teenagers in sports more often and at motivating their involvement in sports. According to ‘The Basic Plan for the Promotion of Sports’ issued by Japan’s Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports and Science and Technology in 2001, the policy objectives of improving the kids’ physical fitness are as follows: to halt the kids’ decline in physical fitness and harness the power of sports to help them improve their physical fitness, for physical fitness plays an important role in developing healthy bodies and minds. As a matter of fact, physical fitness is an indispensable basis of ‘human power’.2 According to Japan’s first ‘Basic Plan for Sports’ issued in 2012, the kids are motivated to participate in more physical activities in schools and local areas so that their physical strength can increase within ten years and reach the level of that in 1985 and maintain the trend of sustained physical strength growth.3

Policies Related to Physical Education Faculty According to the ‘Opinions’, there shall be sufficient and qualified physical education teachers in all schools. For those schools which are short of physical education teachers, the local governments concerned shall take measures to help them to hire more physical education teachers. There shall be full-time and/or part-time coaches in schools, colleges, and universities. Local governments with considerable financial resources may provide the elementary and secondary schools with physical teachers by purchasing services from nongovernmental sectors like relevant professional institutions so as to ease the insufficiency of physical education teachers. The volunteer teaching program for college students majoring in physical education shall be implemented.4 The ‘Teaching Reform Guidelines for Physical Education and Health (For Trial Implementation)’ (hereinafter referred to as the ‘Guidelines’) issued by the Ministry of Education in 2021 elaborates on the guarantee of teacher workforce. According to it, in addition to the recruitment and training of physical education teachers, attention shall also be paid to the physical education teachers’ ethics, their physical and mental health, and the quality of physical education. The lack of physical education teachers in rural areas shall be solved by means of sending physical education teachers from urban areas to the rural areas, pairing between the urban and rural areas, and promoting collaborative educational researches.5 According to Japan’s ‘The Basic Plan for the Promotion of Sports’, the physical education teachers’ coaching competencies shall be improved so that they can coach the students in accordance with their individual development and allow them to enjoy the pleasure of physical activities in their increase of their physical strength. Specific measures include sending them to graduate schools during vacation so as to improve their teaching skills; providing the teachers with the relevant teaching information according to their specific needs; and building a talent pool of athletic directors with the help of the government so as to provide professional instructors for schools and improve the overall guidance level.6 The first issue of Japan’s ‘Basic Plan for Sports’ proposed to enrich the physical education courses and the healthcare physical education courses and to stimulate the activities in sports clubs by way of improving the teachers’ teaching skills 186

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so as to enable students to have a happy experience in sports, and to enhance students’ physical fitness by engaging them in the school physical education activities.7

Policies Related to the Athletic Fields and Sports Equipment in Schools As regards the athletic fields and sports equipment, the ‘Opinions’ proposed to improve the overall facilities. It required that sports equipment and special classrooms which can support teaching and practicing activities should be provided. The construction of sports facilities in rural schools should be integrated into the ‘Plan for the Balanced Development in Local Compulsory Education’, and the local governments with ample financial resources should be encouraged to build sporting arenas in primary and secondary schools and to share with those schools without basic sports facilities. Small schools should be supplied with necessary multifunctional classrooms and facilities on the principle of ensuring basic needs.8 The ‘Guidelines’ noted that priority should be given to the supply of the sports facilities to the brand sports events under the guidance of One School with Multiple Brand Features so as to satisfy the demands of optional teaching. On the basis of basically guaranteeing the needs of normal physical education teaching, schools with conditions are encouraged to build stadiums or sites which are not affected by wind or rain to ensure that physical education teaching and extracurricular physical exercise can also be carried out normally in bad weather. It required that schools should be equipped with quality sports apparatus that match the age characteristics and development phase of their students. It required that schools should guarantee that the athletic fields and sports equipment are used effectively and safely, and prevent any use of facilities which might endanger the health of teachers and students in physical education class. It required the proactive use of social sports resources by encouraging that nongovernmental gymnasiums and stadiums be opened to schools for free or at a low price, therefore the problem of insufficient use of sports fields in schools would be solved to ensure the steady improvement of physical education teaching quality. ‘The Introduction to the Effective Utilization of School Sports Facilities’ issued by the Japanese Sports Agency in March 2020 proposed methods for effective use of school sports facilities in the new era from five perspectives: 1) setting specific goals of using school sports facilities more widely; 2) ensuring safe and secure use; 3) creating a plan for sustainable development; 4) fostering a more convenient environment; and 5) paying close heed to the new construction and renovation of buildings.9

Policies Related to the Physical Education Curriculum in Schools As regards the curriculum, in April 2021, the General Office of the Ministry of Education of China issued the ‘Notice on Further Strengthening the Management of Physical Health of Primary and Secondary School Students’,10 stipulating that on the basis of ensuring 4 classes per week for first and second grade in primary school, 3 classes per week for pupils above grade 3 to middle school students, and 2 classes per week for high school students; schools are encouraged to properly increase the weekly physical education class hours according to their actual situations and one physical education class per day can be offered for compulsory education. Efforts should be made to ensure that physical education and health courses and sports activities are not taken replaced by other courses for any reason. According to the ‘Opinions’, it is important to connect the physical education curriculum among kindergarten, primary school, secondary school, and college and focus on improving the core literacy of students. Physical education curriculum in compulsory education should help students master one or two sports skills and guide them to establish a correct concept of health. The construction of school physical education teaching material system should take root in China; integrate Chinese and foreign essence; and fully reflect the ideological, educational, innovative, and practical characteristics. It is necessary to carefully select teaching materials and enrich teaching resources in light of students’ age and physical and mental development as well as curriculum goals and characteristics of sports events.11 The ‘Guidelines’ noted that the main tasks of physical 187

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education and health curriculum reform are to update teaching concepts, to optimize teaching contents, to innovate teaching process, and to improve teaching evaluation.12 ‘The Outline of Learning Guidance’ of Japanese elementary and secondary schools13 stipulated that elementary school students have 3 hours of physical education class per week and at least 90 hours of physical education class per academic year must be guaranteed. At least 540 class hours for six years must be ensured. For middle school students, at least 105 class hours per academic year must be ensured, thus at least 315 class hours for three years, of which 48 class hours are healthcare physical education courses. Both Japan’s ‘Basic Plan for Rejuvenation of Sports’ (2001–2011) and the second issue of Japan’s ‘Basic Plan for Sports’ (2017–2021) proposed to improve the school education, cultivate students’ quality and capacity to participate in the sports activities, and enhance the students’ physical strength. They also advocated closer cooperation between schools and communities and strived to improve the physical education and healthcare courses through the revisions of ‘The Outline of Learning Guidance.’

Policies Related to the Extracurricular Sports Activities and Sports Competitions in Schools As regards the extracurricular sports activities and sports competitions, China’s ‘Plan’ proposed to actively develop youth sports social organizations and to improve the system of youth sports contests, to boost the development of youth sports clubs, to encourage guidance for school physical activities provided by youth sports social organizations, and to popularize sports skills. It proposed to make good preparations for the National Student (Youth) Games, to expand its scale and to improve its quality, to improve the system of various sports competitions at all levels for youth, and to build up a perfect evaluation and reward mechanism for sports performance.14 The ‘Opinions’ proposed to establish a sports competition system in schools and universities, one that incorporates school contests, inter-school contests, and selective competitions, and to build a national, provincial, municipal, and county-level school sports competition system and a pickup game (summer camp) system. The ‘Guidelines’ required physical education teachers to fully grasp the integrated and systematic teaching ideas and methods of ‘enabling (all) students to learn, practicing regularly and training through competitions’. The promotion of training through contests can not only allow students to enjoy competitions while mastering particular sports skills but also select students with athletic talents through competitions and deliver the talent to competitive sports.15 Japan’s ‘Basic Plan for Rejuvenation of Sports’ proposed to promote the activities of sports clubs among schools, to improve the management of school sports clubs so as to hold a student-centered classroom and to prevent sports injuries caused by increasing the time span and frequency of exercises etc., and to provide stronger support for school sports competitions.16 To sum up, the current school physical education policies of China and Japan are all aimed at promoting the students’ health, upholding the principal position of students, respecting their personality development, cultivating their interest in sports, and strengthening their physical fitness. In addition, the lifelong sports education is also embodied in the school physical education policies of the two nations. With the publication of some documents such as the ‘Opinions’, the ‘Plan’, and the revision of the ‘Curriculum Standards’; and the attention paid by the Party and the State on school sports, the school sports policy system in China is gradually being improved. But there is still a gap between Japanese policies and Chinese ones in terms of details and the whole system.

Comparative Analysis of the Physical Education Practice in Schools at the Compulsory Stage in China and Japan Regarding the comparative analysis of the physical education practice in schools at the compulsory stage in China and Japan, this research will focus on the following five aspects: curriculum objectives, curriculum content, curriculum evaluation, health education, extracurricular sports activities, and sports competitions. 188

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Curriculum Objectives ‘The Sports and Health Curriculum Standards at the Stage of Compulsory Education’ (2011 edition) of China contains one overall objective and four sub-objectives, which are sports participation, sports skills, physical health, and mental health. These four sub-objectives are inter-connected and can be achieved through physical exercises. In order to further specify the sub-objectives, more detailed level goals are set up under them. These level goals are based on the physical and mental development characteristics of students in different stages and the requirements in different fields. Primary school students are divided like this: students in first and second grades are in level 1; those in third and fourth grades are in level 2; those in fifth and sixth are in level 3; and those between seventh and ninth grades are in level 4. The ‘Outline of Learning Guidance,’ adopted currently by Japanese elementary schools was promulgated in March 2017 and officially put into use in 2020. The goals in it are divided into an overall goal and goals for different grades of students. The newly revised overall goal on physical education in primary schools, along with three other connected goals, aims to cultivate the ‘quality and abilities’ required for students to enhance their lifelong physical and mental health and to live a life full of sports activities. The grade goals include low-grade goals for students in grades 1 and 2; medium-grade goals for those in grades 3 and 4; and high-grade goals for those in grades 5 and 6. Each grade goal comprises ‘Knowledge and Skills’, ‘Thinking, Judgment and Expressiveness’, and ‘Positive Learning Attitude and Humanity’, which are the three fundamental aspects of ‘Quality and Ability’ training. To sum up, in terms of the framework of the sports and health curriculum, the Chinese ‘Curriculum Standards’ contains an overall objective and four sub-objectives while the Japanese ‘Outline of Learning Guidance’ mainly focuses on three factors of ‘quality and ability’ training. In terms of their curriculum content, both China and Japan attach importance to the mastering of basic knowledge and skills, the cultivation of students’ lifelong awareness of physical education, and the establishment of a correct view on health. They are both systematic and diversified, including physical exercise goals, mental health goals, and social communication goals.

Curriculum Content In terms of curriculum content, the physical education at the compulsory education stage in China does not set mandatory learning requirements but has certain flexibility. In this way, teachers in various places can give full play to their autonomy and adopt appropriate measures to choose different teaching contents according to the physical characteristics and interests of students at different stages and the geographical characteristics. In the curriculum content of Chinese ‘Curriculum Standards’, courses from level 1 to level 4 consist of four aspects: sports participation, sports skills, physical and mental health, and social adaptation. The required sports skills include ball games, gymnastics, swimming or ice-snow activities, martial arts, and traditional sports. It has specific requirements for learners at different levels. The teaching content and the teaching difficulty have been set different requirements according to the physical condition and athletic ability of students in different grades, so as to be in line with the growth and development of adolescent students at different ages. The Japanese physical education curriculum is composed of physical education and health care. The ‘Guidance’ of Japanese primary and secondary schools stipulates clear regulations on the content of different subjects. The physical education course includes eight major fields and 26 sub-items, including both the theoretical learning of sports and health care and the practical learning of specific skills. The physical education consists of physical exercises, equipment sports, track and field sports, swimming, games, ball games, performance sports, and sports theories. Health care consists of healthy living, physical development, mental health, injury and disease prevention, and so forth. 189

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In summary, both China and Japan set physical education as a compulsory course during the compulsory education stage, and set clear class requirements for students in different grades, ensuring the participation of young students in sports, which is conducive to cultivating children’s interests in sports and their sports habits. Both countries attach importance to the learning of basic knowledge and skills, and help students master theoretical knowledge and sports skills through different courses (e.g., theoretical and practical courses). In recent years, China has achieved great results in curriculum content reform and the teaching quality has improved significantly. However, there are still a few schools that do not pay enough attention to physical education and are likely to devote the time for physical education courses to other subjects.

Physical Education Evaluation The Chinese curriculum standard advocates a practical and scientific valuation system of physical education and health learning, which includes multiple contents, diversified methods, and multiple evaluation standards and evaluation subjects. The system collects specific information about students and gives full play to the diagnosis, feedback, motivation, and development functions of evaluation. This could help more effectively tap the students’ physical and healthy learning potential, mobilize their learning enthusiasm, and promote better ‘learning’ by students and better ‘teaching’ by teachers. It includes the following five aspects: 1) clarifying the evaluation objectives of physical education and health learning; 2) reasonably choosing the evaluation content of physical education and health learning; 3) adopting a variety of evaluation methods for physical and health learning; 4) giving play to the role of various evaluation subjects and playing the role of multiple evaluation subjects; 5) reasonably using the evaluation results of physical education and health learning. Under the influence of this new academic view, the Japanese physical education evaluation aims to guide students to carry out self-awareness and self-evaluation. In order to help students to achieve their learning evaluation goals in a more reasonable and efficient manner, teachers are encouraged to focus on their guiding role and to establish an evaluation system for achievements in the ‘4 aspects and 3 levels’. The four aspects mainly include care and attitude; thinking and judgment; skills and performance; knowledge and understanding. The three levels mainly refer to very satisfied, satisfied, and generally satisfied. Abandoning the former summative evaluation method which only focused on the final scores of the students, the current curriculum evaluation system attaches importance to individual evaluation of different students and carries out a comprehensive evaluation according to the students’ concern; enthusiasm and attitude towards sports; their proficiency level on mastering the sports skills; and their thinking, judgment and performance on sports. To sum up, the purpose of physical education curriculum evaluation in China and Japan is to improve the quality of physical education and promote the overall development of students. The evaluation methods are becoming diversified, combining summative evaluation and procedural evaluation. Besides teacher evaluation, self-valuation and peer evaluation are specifically emphasized. Furthermore, the evaluation results are applied reasonably to find out the progress and deficiencies in the learning process.

Healthcare Education China’s health education is an integral part of the physical and health education. The ‘Guidance for Primary and Secondary School Health Education’, promulgated in 2008, proposed that health education includes five aspects i.e., healthy behaviors and lifestyles, disease prevention, mental health, growth and adolescent health care, and safety emergency and risk avoidance.17 Specifically, it covered ten aspects: basic health knowledge and skills, balanced diet and food safety, disease prevention and control, growth and health care, safe exercise and risk avoidance, sports injury prevention and treatment, physical exercise and health, adaptation to the environment, mental health, and sports ethics. 190

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As an independent part, Japanese health sports have set its own learning objectives and contents. The ‘Outline of the Learning Guidance’ for elementary schools (2017) proposed that health education should be set up in the third or fourth school year and the contents of health education at different grades should be different. The ‘Outline’ for middle schools (2017) did not give specific requirement for the contents at different school years. Instead, it considered the health education as a separate one and set up its own teaching objectives and contents. In summary, both China and Japan regard health and healthcare education as an integral part of physical education, and place emphasis on students’ knowledge of health and safety, and prevention of injury accidents and disease. In order to improve the effectiveness of health education, special measures have been introduced in Japan to enhance students’ healthcare level and awareness in terms of drug abuse,18 cancer education,19 school environmental hygiene,20 and injury prevention. At present, some physical education teachers in China still needs to improve their health knowledge and attach more importance to it. The health education policy system should be further improved and the training of physical education teachers on health knowledge should be strengthened.

Extracurricular Sports Activities and Sports Competitions Extracurricular sports activity is one of the basic ways to achieve the objectives of school physical education, and is also a necessary supplement to physical education classes. Extracurricular sports activities in China include school-organized activities and grade activities, class activities and group activities, sports club activities, small group sports activities, and individual exercise activities. The Ministry of Education and other five departments issued the ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Hygiene and Health Education in the New Era’, which stipulates that in accordance with the requirements of teaching, practicing, and competing, physical education and health classes should be held in full, strengthening school physical education and training, and improving the system of sports competition and talent training. Traditional Chinese sports programs should be promoted, and all-staff sports activities and parent-child sports activities should be carried out. The system of eye exercises and extracurricular athletics should be strictly implemented, and elementary and secondary school students are encouraged to do about 20 minutes of physical activity upon arrival at school. Students are guaranteed one hour of physical activity each day, both on campus and off campus. The after-school sports competitions in China include the following forms: school sports games, single sports event competitions, seasonal competitions of single sports events, and single entertainment competitions (for example, hula hoop, jump rope), and so forth. In addition, the National Secondary School Sports Game is held every three years. Among the after-school sports competitions, school sports meet has the largest variety and scale. In Japan, students in elementary and secondary schools are required to participate in at least 100 minutes of extracurricular activities every day, and those activities are not organized by schools and teachers, but by school sports organizations composed of students. These activities mainly include sports youth league activities, sports club activities, sports team activities, and so forth.21 The contents and programs of extracurricular sports are varied, and some schools hire extracurricular sports instructors from the community in addition to physical education teachers to promote the smooth implementation of extracurricular sports activities. The main form of school sports competitions in Japan is also the sports meeting, which is called sports festivals in middle schools and high schools. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology requires schools to hold sports events once a year at a time to be decided by the school itself, emphasizing that sports meetings are collective events in which students participate voluntarily, and that students are responsible for planning and managing the event as much as possible. These sports events are open to all participants, including not only the students and teachers of the school, but also family members and the community where the school is located, mainly in the form of team competition.

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To sum up, both China and Japan stipulate that each student in the compulsory education phase should have a fixed time for extracurricular sports activities every day. Both attach importance to the supplement and extension of extracurricular sports activities to the teaching of physical education courses, and both regard extracurricular sports activities as one of the ways to cultivate young students’ sports habits. In both countries, sports competitions are mainly held in the form of games, and both have made clear regulations on the frequency of the sports meetings. And sports games in these two countries are showing a trend of diversified development.

Conclusion The physical and mental health of young people is the future of the country and the nation, and it is also the focus of the formulation and improvement of school sports policies in China and Japan. Both countries should learn from each other and improve their school sports policy and practice system building on the existing policy guidelines and practices. China could further refine the school sportsrelated policies, strengthen the connection between school sports-related policies, and enhance the implementation of existing policies. In addition, by learning from the Japanese experience in school sports safety, China could also issue insurance and claims settlement systems and injury prevention systems that are applicable to China. School physical education not only undertakes the task of enhancing the students’ physical fitness, but also aims at imparting health knowledge to students. For example, it should help students to establish a correct outlook on life, healthy diet, and self-protection, etc. As teenagers go through a period of rapid physical development, it is crucial for them to have a right attitude towards healthy eating for their healthy development. Japan pays special attention to food education in schools and has enacted special laws to ensure that students eat healthy food at school. China could further strengthen the construction and improvement of school health education systems. Both China and Japan should continue to actively promote the introduction of traditional national sports into schools; enhance the national pride and identity of young students; improve the professional knowledge and skills of teachers in traditional sports; and strengthen the protection, research, transmission and promotion of traditional sports culture. The smooth implementation of school sports work requires the collaboration of schools, society, families, and social sports groups, and this collaboration is conducive to the development of students. China could further promote the construction of extracurricular sports organizations, train extracurricular sports instructors, speed up the construction of sports venues and facilities, and provide more social sports resources. The national policy of ‘double reduction’ (easing the burden of excessive homework and offcampus tutoring for students undergoing compulsory education) should be further implemented to increase the time for out-of-school sports activities. The collaboration of schools, families, and society should be strengthened, and a ‘home-school-community co-education’ school sports mechanism should be established in which parents, schools, and communities work together to jointly promote the physical and mental development of young students.

Notes 1 Chinese Central Government, ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era’, the Official Website of the Chinese Central Government, October 15, 2020, Accessed June 3, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-10/15/content_5551609.htm 2 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘The Basic Plan for the Promotion of Sports’, the Official Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, Accessed June 8, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/sports/plan/06031014.html

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the Official Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, Accessed May 22, 2022, http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_938/s3273/202107/t20210721_545885.html 6 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘Basic Plan for Sports Rejuvenation (2001–2011)’, the Official Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, Accessed May 22, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/sports/plan/06031014.html 7 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘Basic Plan for Sports (March 30, 2012)’, the Official Website of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, April 2, 2012, Accessed May 22, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/component/a_menu/sports/detail/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2012/ 04/02/1319359_3_1.pdf 8 Chinese Central Government, ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era and Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Aesthetic Education in the New Era’, the Official Website of the Chinese Central Government, October 15, 2020, Accessed June 3, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-10/15/content_5551609.htm 9 Japan Sports Agency, ‘Introduction to the Effective Utilization of School Sports Facilities’, the Official Website of Japan Sports Agency, Accessed July 2, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/sports/content/20200331-spt_stiiki-1385575_ 00002_2.pdf 10 Ministry of Education, ‘The Notice on Further Strengthening the Management of Physical Health of Primary and Secondary School Students’, the Official Website of the MoE, April 25, 2021, Accessed July 3, 2022, http://www. moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_943/moe_947/202104/t20210425_528082.html 11 Chinese Central Government, ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era and Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Aesthetic Education in the New Era’, the Official Website of the Chinese Central Government, October 15, 2020, Accessed June 3, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-10/15/content_5551609.htm 12 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘The Teaching Reform Guidelines for Physical Education and Health (for trial implementation)’, the Official Website of General Office of the Ministry of Education Japan, July 21, 2021, Accessed June 3, 2022, http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_938/s3273/ 202107/t20210721_545885.html 13 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘Commentary on Outline of Learning Instructions of Primary Schools (Notice 2017)——Physical Education’, the Official Website of General Office of the Ministry of Education Japan, March 18, 2019, Accessed June 6, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/component/a_ menu/education/micro_detail/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2019/ 03/18/1387017_010.pdf. 14 Chinese Central Government, ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era and Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Aesthetic Education in the New Era’, the Official Website of the Chinese Central Government, October 15, 2020, Accessed June 6, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2020-10/15/content_5551609.htm 15 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘The Teaching Reform Guidelines for Physical Education and Health (for trial implementation)’, the Official Website of General Office of the Ministry of Education Japan, July 21, 2021, Accessed June 3, 2022, http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_938/s3273/ 202107/t20210721_545885.html 16 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘Basic Plan for Sports Rejuvenation (2001–2011)’, the Official Website of General Office of the Ministry of Education Japan, Accessed June 3, 2022, https:// www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/sports/plan/06031014.html 17 Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, Guidelines for Health Education in Primary and Secondary Schools (Beijing: Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, 2008). 18 Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, ‘The Fifth Five-year Strategy to Prevent Drug Abuse’, the Official Website of the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, Accessed July 11, 2022, https://www.mhlw.go.jp/ content/11120000/000339984.pdf

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Liu Chunyan and Zhang Donghao 19 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘Cancer Education Promotion Materials (revised in March 2021)’, the Official Website of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, Accessed July 7, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/content/20210310-mxt_kenshoku-100000615_1.pdf 20 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, ‘School Environmental Sanitation Standards (2020)’, the Official Website of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan, Accessed July 7, 2022, https://www.mext.go.jp/content/20201211-mxt_kenshoku-100000613_01.pdf 21 Meijuan Wang and Mao Yong, ‘Comparison of School Sports between China and Japan’, Journal of Shandong Institute of Physical Education 4, no.3 (1998): 61–62.

Bibliography General Administration of Sports, Ministry of Education. 体育总局,教育部. 关于深化体教融合促进青少年健康发 展的意见(Opinions on Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education to Promote the Healthy Development of Adolescents). The Oficial Website of GASC. September 21, 2020. Accessed May 10, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/ zhengce/zhengceku/2020-09/21/content_5545112.html Ji, Liu, et al. ‘日本义务教育体育科《学习指导要领》评述 (A Review of ‘Learning Guidance Essentials’ in the Physical Education Subject of Compulsory Education in Japan).’ Journal of Chengdu Sport Institute 41, no. 2 (2015): 1–7. Lin, Nan. ‘日本小学体育课程改革及其启示(Reform of Physical Education Curriculum in Japanese Elementary Schools and Its Enlightenment).’ Teaching and Management 2, no. 8 (2021): 73–76. Lu, Zuosheng and Chen, Jiaoxia. ‘日本初中体育《学习指导要领》的修改及其特征(Modifications and characteristics of ‘Learning Guidance Essentials’ for Junior High School Physical Education in Japan).’ Journal of Physical Education 18, no. 3 (2011): 103–104. Lu, Zuosheng and Han, Gailing. ‘日本九年义务教育《学习指导要领》中运动内容的设置及其启示(The Setting of Sports Contents and Its enlightenment in the ‘Learning Guidance Essentials’ of the Nine-year Compulsory Education in Japan).’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 35, no. 2 (2012): 83–86. Luo, Shiming. 当代日本学校体育与社会体育研究(Contemporary Japanese School Sports and Social Sports Research). Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2007. Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China. 中华人民共和国教育部 中小学健康教育指导纲要 (Guidelines for Health Education in Elementary and Secondary Schools). Beijing: Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, 2008. Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. ‘日本文部科学省. 小学校学习指导要领 （平成29年告示）解说—体育篇(Commentary of Elementary School Learning Guidelines (Notice 2009) -Physical Education).’ The Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. March 18, 2019. Accessed May 11, 2022. https://www.mext.go.jp/component/a_menu/education/micro_detail/__icsFiles/ afieldfile/2019/03/18/ 1387017_010.pdf Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. ‘日本文部科学省. 体育振兴基本计划（平 成13-23年）(Sports Promotion Basic Plan (2001-2011)).’ The Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. Accessed May 11, 2022. https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/sports/plan/06031014.html Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. ‘日本文部科学省. 体育基本法（平成23 年）(Sports Basic Law (2011)).’ The Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. Accessed May 11, 2022. https://www.mext.go.jp/sports/b_menu/sports/mcatetop01/list/detail/1372293.html Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. ‘日本文部科学省. 体育基本计划（平成 24年3月30日）(Sports Basic Plan (March 30, 2012)).’ The Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. March 30, 2012. Accessed May 11, 2022. https://www.mext.go.jp/component/a_menu/ sports/detail/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2012/04/02/1319359_3_1.pdf Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. ‘日本文部科学省. 癌症教育推进教材(令 和3年3月修订) (Cancer Education Promotion Materials (March 2021 Revision)).’ The Official Website of Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan. March 10, 2021. Accessed June 2, 2022. https://www. mext.go.jp/content/20210310-mxt_kenshoku-100000615_1.pdf Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan. ‘日本厚生劳动省. 第五次药物乱用防止五年战略(The Fifth Five-year Strategy to Prevent Drug Abuse).’ The Official Website of Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan. Accessed June 1, 2022. https://www.mhlw.go.jp/content/11120000/000339984.pdf Nan, Shangjie, et al. ‘日本体育治理体系及启示 (Japanese Sports Governance System and Its Enlightenment).’ Journal of Physical Education 26, no. 4 (2019): 73–80.

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Comparative Study on the Policies and Practices National Education Commission.国家教育委员会. 学校体育工作条例 (School Sports Work Regulations). 国务院 公报(State Council Bulletin), January 2017(Supplement). Office of the Ministry of Education.教育部办公厅. ‘〈体育与健康〉教学改革指导纲要（试行）(‘Sports and Health’ Teaching Reform Guidelines (Trial version)).’ The Official Website of MoE, China. Accessed May 15, 2022. http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_938/s3273/202107/t20210721_545885.html The General Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the General Office of the State Council. 中共中央办公厅、国务院办公厅. ‘关于全面加强和改进新时代学校体育工作的意见 (Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Sports Work in the New Era).’ The Official Website of MoE, China. Accessed May 15, 2022. http://www.moe.gov.cn/jyb_xxgk/moe_1777/moe_1778/202010/t20201015_ 494794.html Yang, Leiming. 中日两国义务教育阶段学校体育的比较研究 (A Comparative Study of School Physical Education at the Compulsory Education Stage in China and Japan). PhD Thesis, Hunan Normal University, 2015. Yang, Wenxuan and Ji, Liu. Interpretation of the Compulsory Education Sports and Health Curriculum Standards (2011 Edition). Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2012. Zhang, Shasha. 中日两国初等教育阶段体育教学的比较研究(A Comparative Study of Physical Education in Elementary Education Between China and Japan). PhD Thesis, Jilin Institute of Physical Education, 2021. Zhang, Shixiang. 现代日本学校体育教育的变迁(1945～2008)(Changes in Physical Education in Modern Japanese Schools (1945～2008)). Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press: China Sports Postdoctoral Collection, 2009.

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23 PRESCHOOL CHILDREN’S SPORTS POLICY DEVELOPMENT AND HEALTH SINCE THE REFORM AND OPENING UP IN CHINA Patrick W.C. Lau, Song Huiqi, Li Yin, and Ava Xingmeng Huang

Introduction Recently, exercise in preschoolers has become one of the major focuses in public health research. Early childhood is the most critical and rapid period of complete and healthy motor and cognitive development in human life. It has been reported that physical health in the early years has effects on children and adolescents and later life.1,2 According to statistics, by the end of 2020, there were 48,182,600 children in school in mainland China.3 Children are the hope of the country’s future. The health of preschool children not only has an important impact on their growth and development, but also on the national strength and quality of our population in the future. However, the health situation of children aged three to six years is not encouraging. Studies have shown that the physical activity (PA) level of Chinese preschoolers was far from the World Health Organization recommended level,4 physical fitness levels have decreased significantly and in a relatively large number their fitness was underdeveloped.5,6 In 2020, the myopia rate among six-year-olds has reached 14.3%, and the overweight and obesity rate among children under six years has reached 10.4%.7 Since the reform and opening up of China, the obesity rate has increased 24 times for urban boys and 44 times for rural boys, while obesity rate of urban and rural girls has still increased nearly 12 times.8 As a major component of quality education, physical education (PE) has a positive impact on the healthy growth of children. The reform and opening up in 1979 was a key point in the change of preschool sport policy. It announced the end of the chaotic and disorderly state of the past decades and called for the introduction of a new system of preschool education. From the reform and opening up, the government began to develop and introduce a whole new set of policies for preschool sport to restore and put it on the right track. The early childhood sport policy after the reform and opening up has accumulated valuable experience in many aspects. However, as preschool education is not included in the compulsory education system, it is still a shortcoming in the education system, and PE is particularly weak in preschool education.9 The achievement of sport policy goals depends 10% on policy itself and 90% on implementation, and policy implementation is considered successful if the resulting policy outcomes are in consistent with the original policy intention.10 Although the Chinese government has traditionally attached great importance to sport and early childhood health, and has introduced a series of policies and regulations to protect preschool children’s rights and interests in PE, problems such as the decline in the 196

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-29

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physical fitness of preschool children in China may be largely due to inadequate implementation of sport policies at this age.11 On the basis of a review of the content design of the governmental documents on preschool children’s sports policies over the past 40 years of reform and opening up, the characteristics and problems of the evolution of early childhood sport policies at different historical stages are worthy of exploration. Consequently, updated strategies can be proposed for the construction of a more scientific and effective preschool children sport policy, so as to ensure high-quality early childhood sport development in China. This article aims to (a) describe the current situation of preschool children’s motor skills, PA, and physical fitness; (b) review the preschool children sports policy in China since the reform and opening up; (c) analyse the characteristics of the sports policy; and (d) make recommendations to promote the sport and health in Chinese preschoolers.

Current Situation of Chinese Preschool Children’s Motor Skills, Physical Activity, and Physical Fitness According to the theory of motor development, early childhood is an important period when children’s motor skills and physical fitness develop very rapidly. The development of motor skills in early childhood will directly affect children’s participation in sports activities even in adulthood.12 However, Li and Diao (2013) found through testing children ages three to ten years old that few preschool children reached the excellent level in the development of displacement motor skills, and very few children reached the excellent level of object control motor development. Overall, less than 1% of preschool children’s motor skills were at the excellent level, and the number of younger children with lagging development was relatively large. In addition, the overall situation of finemotor skill development of preschool children is also concerning. Xiong et al. (2015) found that the overall level of preschool children’s fine-motor development in pinching, drawing, cutting, folding, wearing, and using spoons and chopsticks needs to be improved.13 A comparison between three- to five-year-old children in China and children of the same age in Asia-Pacific countries showed that younger children in the five Asia-Pacific countries have common difficulties in learning fine-motor development.14 In China, the rate of overweight and obesity in Chinese children has been increasing rapidly since 2000. In terms of preschool children, data in 11,960 children aged three to six years indicated that the obesity rate was 13.61% of boys and 6.82% of girls.15 Another study targeted at preschoolers showed that the obesity rate in children aged zero–five years was 3.1%, specifically with 3.6% of boys and 2.5% of girls.16 Physical inactivity may act as a modifiable risk factor to prevent early childhood obesity.17 A cross-sectional study explored the proportion of preschool children in Shanghai that meet the PA recommendations of the World Health Organization. The findings concluded that only 35.3% of the preschoolers met total PA recommendations.18 Ji et al. (2018) found that preschool children did not spend enough time doing PA and that they spent significantly more time doing vigorous activity on weekdays than weekends.19 Physical fitness is a predictor of morbidity and mortality for cardiovascular disease, and is one of the most important health indicators.20 Research has shown that poor physical fitness in childhood puts children at increased risk of long-term cardiovascular and metabolic diseases.21 Since 2000, China has been monitoring the physical fitness of children aged three to six every five years. The results of dynamic change analysis showed that the overall physical fitness of children in China is worrying. A report measuring the physical fitness of nearly 300,000 preschoolers found that more than 42% were unable to throw, had poor coordination, and were afraid to walk on a balance beam.22 In addition, there is a significant gap between China’s younger children’s physical fitness level and that of developed countries such as Europe, Japan, and South Korea, and it is gradually

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expanding.23 Recently, the fifth National Physical Fitness Monitoring Bulletin showed that compared with the test results in 2014, the average level of a boy’s continuous jump with two feet, sitting forward bend, and standing long jump decreased, and the range was between 1.3% and 6.6%. Compared with the test results in 2014, the average level of female preschoolers continuous jump with two feet, sitting forward bent, and standing long jump decreased in 2020, and the range was between 1.6% and 5.3%.24 In early childhood, motor skills and physical fitness are considered to be important mechanisms of PA participation. Motor development is considered to be the foundation of other aspects of individual development.25 A good foundation of motor skills can effectively improve children’s body composition, increase cardiopulmonary endurance and cardiovascular fitness, and play a positive role in preschool children’s learning ability and cognitive development.26 The health benefits of sufficient PA during preschool years are increasingly being recognized.27 In addition to preventing obesity, the promotion of PA also improves motor skills, physical fitness, and cognitive development.28 Physical fitness is considered to be a derivative of motor development. Children develop basic motor skills through participating in various physical activities, thus promoting the improvement of their physical fitness.29 Therefore, intervention is required in the future to get younger children to participate in all kinds of physical activities and to guide preschool children’s movement development and physical fitness, to form a life-long sports habit.

The Development of Preschool Children Sports Policy Since the Reform and Opening Up in China According to the key events in the internal evolution of the construction of the rule of law in China, combined with the external legal environment and intrinsic characteristics of policy evolution,7,11 the evolution of sports policy in preschoolers since the reform and opening up is divided into three stages: formation stage (1979–1999), development stage (2000–2015), and improvement stage (2016-present).

Formation Stage (1979–1999) After the Third Plenary Session of the eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and in the context of transformation of national economic development, China’s PE began to gradually move onto the right track, the government paid more attention to early childhood PE, and the preschool children’s PE entered a new stage of development. During this period, the development of preschool PE was mainly based around preschool education, with schools as the main carrier. Preschool PE policies were mainly reflected in laws and regulations relating to schools and preschool education. In terms of kindergarten, China issued a series of policies and regulations, which put forward the standards and requirements for preschool children’s sports development goals, activity time, playground, facility construction, curriculum, and so on. At this stage, there were laws for the formation of preschool PE policies to abide by. The policies relating to preschool PE became more targeted, and emphasized child-centred development and encouraged younger children to participate in PA to enhance their physical fitness. However, as the main functional department of children’s sports development, the General Administration of Sport (GAS) of China has not issued any policy. From the point of view of the policy content, early childhood PE had not been paid much attention. Most departments of preschool PE development are slow and left behind. From the perspective of the main body of social support, the implementation of preschool children’s sports activity was managed by the state, and the government was the only supporting body (see Table 23.1).

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Preschool Children’s Sports Policy Development Table 23.1 Preschool children’s sports policies at formation stage (1979–1999) Type

Year

Institution

Name

Aim

Regulation

1979

Ministry of Education

Outline

1981

Ministry of Education

Regulations on the Work of Urban Kindergartens (Tentative Draft) Outline of Kindergarten Education (Tentative Draft)

Opinion

1983

State Education Commission of the PRC

Suggestions on Developing Rural Early Childhood Education

System

1985

Ministry of Health

Health Care System in Nurseries and Kindergartens

Opinion

1986

State Education Commission of the PRC

Opinion

1987

Opinion

1988

Ministry of Urban and Rural Construction and Environmental Protection of State Education Commission State Education Commission of the PRC

Suggestions on Further Running Preschool Classes for Children Code for Architectural Design of Nurseries and Kindergartens

The policy, goal, content, and system of early childhood education were stipulated in detail to restore the normal working order of urban kindergartens quickly. It provides relatively comprehensive provisions on the content of kindergarten education and makes detailed formulation for the big, middle, and small classes of children walking, running, and other physical activities specific requirements. Conditions should be created actively to develop rural preschool education in a planned way. The quality of childcare and education should be improved, and a stable and qualified team of preschool teachers should be built. It defines the scientific nature of the physical exercise, including exercise intensity, measurement, evaluation, and safety of sports facilities. It prescribes the time of day for outdoor activities and outdoor sports in preschool.

Regulation

1996

State Education Commission of the PRC

Work Regulations for Kindergartens

Policy

1998

Ministry of Education

Action to Revitalize Education for the 21st Century

Construction Area Quota for Urban Kindergartens (trial)

Source: Data from the General Administration of Sport of China.

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To ensure the quality of nursery and kindergarten architectural design, architectural design meets the basic requirements of the application, safety, health, economy, beauty, and other aspects.

To make the planning, construction, and management of urban kindergartens have reasonable garden housing and land standards. To make the urban new construction, expansion, reconstruction of the kindergarten to compile the basic construction design specifications, overall planning, and single building design to follow. To strengthen the scientific management of kindergartens, standardize the behavior of running kindergartens, improve the quality of care and education, and promote children’s physical and mental health. It points out that well-rounded education should start from the early childhood stage, which is an important reference for the development of preschool children’s sports.

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Development Stage (2000–2015) In the twenty-first century, with increasing prosperity and development of the domestic economy and culture, the development of preschool children’s sports in China entered a rapid development stage. Preschool children’s sports also developed rapidly in school PE. Social groups continued to pay attention to and actively participate in preschool children’s sports. In 2001, Beijing won the bid for the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, which greatly stimulated the enthusiasm of people all over the country to participate in sports, and preschool children’s sports also ushered in a new stage of development. At this stage, various ministries and commissions issued a large number of policies relating to preschool children’s sports. The GAS of China became the key player in the formulation of the policy of early childhood sports in this period. Various departments cooperated to promote the development of early childhood sports. In terms of policy content, the ‘Learning and Development Guide for Three-Six Years Old’ has been issued. This guide puts forward in detail the development goals of preschool children’s sports skills at different ages and provides detailed educational suggestions for preschool children’s sports programs. Social support in this stage also gradually increased, and the State Council, the GAS, enterprises and institutions, and academic institutions all became supportive of preschool children’s sports (see Table 23.2). Table 23.2 Preschool children’s sports policies at development stage (2000–2015) Type

Year

Government Guidance

2003 The Ministry of Education, the Central Committee, the State Planning Commission 2008 The Chinese Society of Education

Meeting

Policy and regulation

State Guidance Document

Opinion

Institution

2012 Ministry of Health

Name

Aim

Guidance on the Reform and Development of Early Childhood Education

An early childhood education service network should be gradually established based on community, centered on demonstration kindergartens, and combined with flexible and diverse forms of early childhood education to provide early childhood care and education services for children aged zero–six and their parents. It is China’s first high-level, large-scale dialogue on the development of preschool physical education.

China’s First Preschool Children’s Sports Summit Forum Standards for Health Care work in Nurseries and Kindergartens

To strengthen the healthcare work in nurseries and kindergartens, it puts forward the working norms of fostering healthy living habits and safeguarding the physical and mental health of preschool children. 2012 Ministry of Learning and It guides kindergartens and families to carry out Education of Development scientific conservation and education to promote the People’s Guide for Threethe comprehensive and harmonious Republic of Six Years Old development of preschool children’s bodies and China minds. 2014 State Council Opinions on From the perspective of industrial transformation Accelerating the and upgrading, it puts forward new tasks for Development of national sports, such as innovating systems and Sports Industry and mechanisms, cultivating multiple subjects, and Promoting Sports promoting integrated development, to push Consumption preschool children’s sports towards the direction of marketization. (Continued)

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Preschool Children’s Sports Policy Development Table 23.2 (Continued) Type

Year

Institution

Regulation

2015 Ministry of Education

Name

Aim

Work Regulations for Kindergartens

To strengthen the scientific management of kindergartens, standardize the behavior of running kindergartens, improve the quality of childcare and education, and promote children’s physical and mental health, it encourages the development of physical education in preschools.

Source: Data from the General Administration of Sport of China.

Improvement Stage (2016–present) Since 2016, preschool children’s sports have entered a more advanced stage of development. During this period, preschool children’s sports were viewed from the perspective of the sports industry, with high levels of government attention and social participation, and moved up the road of market-oriented and diversified development. The system and norms gradually improved, and there are guidelines/rules to follow in preschool children’s sports development. Various kinds of preschool children’s sports developed, and children’s sports received wide attention. Since the reform and opening up, the main body of preschool children’s sports policy is expanding. In the beginning, the Ministry of Education mainly formulated policies, but now many other departments realize the importance of early childhood sports and they issue related policies to support and guarantee them. The promulgation of early childhood education policies has increased the number of kindergartens across the country, expanded the scale of schools, and increased the total amount of time and space for children to participate in games and sports activities. These policies also promote the interaction between kindergarten, family, and community, and ensure the continuous development of children’s physical movement in time and space. However, there are some limitations to preschool children’s sports policy in China. Firstly, the lack of government mission and vision in early childhood education makes it difficult to implement the policy of early childhood sports. Specifically, the government’s implementation and supervision of the existing preschool children’s sports policy is insufficient, the implementation of the policy lacks key performance indicators, and the sports policy evaluation system of preschool children’s is incomplete. Insufficient attention has been paid to the laws and regulations relating to preschool education policy, and the lack of preschool education rights is inevitably associated with the lack of sports rights. Secondly, the feedback of preschool children’s sports evaluation to schools and their parents needs to be improved. Standard formulation, standard test, and test result feedback are three essential links in the implementation of preschool children’s physical fitness tests. Some regions and kindergartens did not give feedback on the test results to parents, so parents could not understand the real situation of preschool children’s physical health. In addition, this situation makes it difficult to provide precise sports guidance for children, and it cannot promote intervention in children’s PA. Lastly, there are significant regional differences in the development of preschool children’s sports, and relevant policies lack support. The difference is reflected in the obvious difference in enrollment rates between provinces and regions, which show that children have unequal access to school sports. There are obvious differences between urban and rural early childhood education, and it is difficult to implement sports for rural children. To summarize, there are obvious differences among kindergartens, mainly due to the different funding channels of provincial, prefectural, county, township, and village kindergartens, and it results in the huge differences in the treatment and opportunity enjoyed by children (see Table 23.3).

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Patrick W.C. Lau et al. Table 23.3 Preschool children’s sports policies at improvement stage (2016–present) Type

Year

Institution

Law and 2016 State Council regulation

Outline

2016 State Council

Outline

2019 State Council

Opinion

2020 China Institute of Sport Science, Beijing Sport University

Guidance

2021 Ministry of Education, et al

Name

Aim

Notice of The State To implement the national strategy of national Council on The fitness and improve the physical fitness and Issuance of the health of the whole nation, it is the first time National Fitness Plan to carry out preschool children’s sports and (2016–2020) includes preschool children’s sports in the scope of basic public sports services. Healthy China 2030 To promote the building of a Healthy China Plan Outline and improve health, it is the first time to mention the development of an early childhood education project, which provides an opportunity for the pilot and promotion of early childhood sports. Outline for To further clarify the goals, tasks, and measures Strengthening China of building a strong country in sports, and through Sports give full play to the important role of sports in the new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way, it continues to follow up the development of preschool children’s sports, and constantly improves the preschool children’s sports system. Exercise Guidelines for It is the first health guidance manual jointly Preschoolers (threedeveloped for children aged three–six in six years old) (Expert China, providing scientific guidance for the Consensus edition) development of healthy sports for this part of the population. The 14th Five-Year By 2025, the national gross enrolment rate for Plan of Action for the the first three years of preschool will reach Improvement of more than 90 per cent, the coverage of Preschool Education inclusive kindergartens will reach more than Development 85%, and the proportion of children in public schools will reach more than 50%. We will make up for the shortcomings of inclusive resources, improve the mechanism for guaranteeing inclusive education, and comprehensively improve the quality of education and protection.

Source: Data from the General Administration of Sport of China.

The Characteristics of the Preschool Children Sports Policy At the formation stage (1978–2000), no specific policy document had been developed for early childhood sport, but only a glimpse into the historical development process is necessary to see that documents covering early childhood sports have been presented in different types of policy texts at different times. The timeline of preschool sport policy development spans over 40 years since the reform and opening up of the country, and it is the period of history with the greatest number of policy changes, adjustments, and impacts. At the macro level, the State Council, the highest administrative body, has been in charge of the 202

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formulation and issuance of policy documents; at the meso level, the Ministry of Education has been in charge of issuing targeted guidance; and at the micro level, the sports department or multiple departments have been issuing guidelines and practical documents, reflecting the hierarchy of power, with different content and with differing effectiveness. In terms of the form of the main preschool sport policies, the formation phase (1979–1999) was characterised by the issuance of ‘trial drafts’, ‘trial outlines’, and ‘trial protocols’. ‘On the one hand, this shows that the policies were being adjusted during this important period, that there was no ‘previous experience’ in many aspects, and reflects the characteristics of holistic thinking, redesign, and pilot operation. On the other hand, the policy was implemented in an incremental manner, a typical conservative mode of operation. During the development stage (2000–2015), the policy was developed into a standardised, systematic, and long-term outline, which covers a wide range of aspects, and is characterised by a wide and comprehensive approach. Due to its extensive content, it takes a long time to adapt and provide feedback during the process of implementation, and the implementation time span is very long. It was not until 2012, nearly 20 years after its implementation, that the policy on preschool physical education was ‘made visible’ among the many policies on preschool education. Since then, the policy has become clearer and is significant in terms of content development and policy planning. During the improvement stage (2016–present), early childhood sports has continued to improve. During this period, early childhood physical education becomes more profitable for the sports industry and the government gave higher priority to encouraging early childhood physical education/sport industrialization. In March 2016, when General Secretary Xi Jinping convened a meeting of the Central Government’s Leading Group on Deepening Reform, he mentioned that children’s health is closely linked to family well-being. A related document addressed the scope of physical education for young children and concluded that it should be expanded so that it can be incorporated into the teaching system as a basic public service. In the same year, the Central Committee and the State Council issued the ‘Health China 2030’ plan, which put the ‘Healthy Child Programme’ on the agenda. For the first time, younger children are mentioned in the educational projects, providing an opportunity to pilot and promote early childhood sports. In 2017, the GAS also systematically proposed a basic sports project for younger children, making early childhood sports one of the key sport projects for young people. In 2018, a teleconference on youth sports highlighted the need for continuous reform of children’s exercise and health as prerequisites for building a strong sporting nation. In May and October 2018, the GAS made two trips to the ‘front line’ to examine the work of early childhood sports in order to better understand how to develop the country’s basic early childhood sport system in a comprehensive manner and to complete its pilot roll-out. On 2 September 2019, the State Council issued the ‘Outline for the Construction of a Strong Sports Nation’, with the aim of completing the construction of a strong sporting nation. After China succeeded in building a moderately prosperous society, the physical education system in the country was further improved so that the physical quality of the population could finally reach a higher level. The number of people who have passed the National Physical Fitness Test in urban and rural areas was 92% of the total number of people that took the test. In 2020, the National Sports Federation and universities jointly issued the Sports for children aged 3–6 years. In 2020, the National Sports Federation and universities collaborated on the publication of the ‘Guidelines for physical education and sport for children aged 3–6 years’, which was the first joint health guide for children aged 3–6 years in China, and provided scientific guidance for the development of healthy physical education for this group. Physical education for younger children is gradually gaining importance in China’s preschool policy, and the means and forms of physical education are changing in line with the structure and needs of society. The content of the policy has gradually evolved towards a clearer direction and ease of implementation. In the long term, early childhood PE needs to be supported by more effective policies with more robust child protection mechanisms, which will contribute to the overall development of preschool physical education 203

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and will be of great significance to the health development of the country and its people towards building a harmonious society.

Concluding Remarks and Recommendations Firstly, the government and the legislature should speed up the process of the legislation related to sport and health to protect the basic rights and interests of younger children.31 The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress should clarify the provisions on the responsibilities and requirements of functional departments at all levels from a macro perspective, distinguish the duties and obligations of each department, clarify the responsibilities and authority, and provide safeguards for early childhood sports from a legal perspective. The exploration of preschool children’s motor skills, PA, and physical fitness in China is still in its infancy. Several studies have examined the relationship between motor skills and other health outcomes in preschool children,30 while motor skills interventions for younger children are still rare. Besides, it is still unclear about the PA level in kindergartners. Moreover, the physical fitness test items and standards are not consistent between years and cities/regions, which makes the results incomparable. The government should encourage more physical health research related to Chinese preschoolers’ motor skills, PA, and physical fitness in universities to prevent early childhood obesity and help them establish healthy lifestyles as early as possible. Furthermore, to improve the effectiveness of preschool children’s sports and health, the government needs to enhance teacher training quality through the reform of preschool PE teacher policy. Specifically, teacher training universities should set up PE courses to enrich the professional knowledge and skills of preschool education student teachers.31 Certification and accreditation systems should be established to ensure teacher quality. National and local governments should hold regular workshops and seminars through online and offline platforms to achieve this goal. The manpower and resource allocation for preschool children’s PE should be expanded to provide sufficient teacher-student ratio in kindergartens. Furthermore, the resources gap between urban and rural areas should be narrowed down or eliminated. In the long term, the government should increase financial investment, reform the remuneration system of the early childhood teaching force and improve preschool teacher’s employment conditions to build a professional and high-quality early childhood physical education teaching force. More effective monitoring and evaluation of the early childhood sport policy should be adopted.32 Performance appraisal of PE teachers and sport programs in kindergartens should be conducted. Sport and health program indicators should be specified in the assessment. These assessment results can be publicized annually to public, and incentives/rewards should be given to those kindergartens with outstanding performance. International site visits, workshops, and seminars can be held to promote the effectiveness and efficiency of preschoolers’ sports and health enhancement. Lastly, in terms of policy implementation, it is imperative to launch pilot projects related to younger children’s learning in sports, and to learn from the experience before the full-scale implementation.33 Immature sports policies may be implemented by formulating interim measures and certain regulations. The construction, use, and renovation of sports equipment and facilities for younger children should be gradually improved to protect preschoolers’ sports participation in accordance with the law. Early childhood is the most critical and yet brief period to establish healthy lifestyle throughout the human life span. However, preschool children’s gross- and fine-motor skills need to be improved. The PA level in preschool children is far from the recommended amount of PA, and the overall physical fitness of children in China is worrying. According to the key events in the internal evolution of the construction of the rule of law in China, there are three stages in the evolution of sports policy in preschoolers since the reform and opening up. At the formation stage, no specific policy document had been developed for early childhood sports; the policy was implemented in a typical conservative mode of operation. During the development stage, the policy was developed into a standardised, systematic, and long-term outline. 204

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At the improvement stage, the government gave higher priority to encourage early childhood physical education/sports industrialization. Based on the characteristics of early childhood sports policy, we recommend the government and the legislature speed up the process of the legislation related to sports and health for younger children. Teacher training quality should be enhanced through the reform of preschool PE teacher policy. In addition, the manpower and resource allocation of preschool children’s PE should be expanded to provide sufficient teacher-student ratio in kindergartens.

Notes 1 L. L. Hardy, L. King, L. Farrell, R. Macniven, and S. Howlett, ‘Fundamental Movement Skills Among Australian Preschool Children’, Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport 13, no. 5 (2010): 503–508. 2 D. Szűcs, A. Devine, F. Soltesz, A. Nobes, and F. Gabriel, ‘Cognitive Components of a Mathematical Processing Network in 9‐year‐old Children’, Developmental Science 17, no. 4 (2014): 506–524. 3 The Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, ‘Statistical Bulletin on the Development of National Education in 2020, 2021’, The Official Website of the MoE, August 27, 2021, Accessed April 11, 2022, http://www.moe.gov.cn/jyb_sjzl/sjzl_fztjgb/202108/t20210827_555004.html. 4 C. Lu, T. Shen, G. Huang, and E. Corpeleijn, ‘Environmental Correlates of Sedentary Behaviors and Physical Activity in Chinese Preschool Children: A Cross-sectional Study’, Journal of Sport and Health Science11, no. 5 (2022): 620–629. 5 J. Li, and Y. Diao, ‘A Comparative Study of Fundamental Motor Skill of Children Aged 3 to 10 Years Old’, China Sports Science and Technology, no. 3 (2013): 131–134. 6 General Administration of Sport of China, ‘National Physical Fitness Monitoring Bulletin 2014, 2015’, The Official Website of the GASC, Accessed April 11, 2022, http://www.sport.gov.cn/n16/n1077/n1227/7328132.html. 7 Y. Liu, and W. Fan, ‘Children’s Sports Policy of the Communist Party of China in the Past 100 Years’, Journal of Shenyang Institute of Physical Education 40, no. 5 (2021): 46–53. 8 F. Liu, and Y. Yang, eds, Youth Sports Blue Book: China Youth Sports Development Report (2016) (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2017). 9 The Xinhua News Agency, ‘Several Opinions of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council on the Deepening Reform and Standardized Development of Preschool Education, 2018’, Xinhua News, November 15, 2018, Accessed April 11, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2018-11/15/content_5340776.htm 10 A. M. Strittmatter, and A. S. Eivind, ‘Boosting Youth Sport? Implementation of Norwegian Youth Sport Policy Through the 2016 Lillehammer Winter Youth Olympic Games’, Sport in Society 20, no. 1 (2017): 144–160. 11 Jian Xu, ‘Evolution Analysis and Development Adjustment of China’s Children’s Sports Policy in the 40 Years of Reform and Opening-up’, Zhejiang Sports Science 43, no. 1 (2021): 38–42. 12 L. E. Robinson, D. F. Stodden, L. M. Barnett, V. P. Lopes, S. W. Logan, L. P. Rodrigues, and E. D’Hondt, ‘Motor Competence and Its Effect on Positive Developmental Trajectories of Health’, Sports Medicine 45, no. 9 (2015): 1273–1284. 13 L. Xiong, W. Xia, and Q. Yu, ‘Survey on 3–6 Years Old Children’s Fine Motor Development in Nanchong’, Journal of Shaanxi Preschool Normal University, no. 5 (2015): 22–25. 14 Q. Liu, and R. Zeng, ‘A Study of 3-to 5-Year-old Children’s Motor Development and Its Correlation with Early Cognitive Development and Approaches to Learning’, Global Education Outlook 47, no. 5 (2018): 94–112. 15 F. Wang, X. Jin, J. Jiang, Y. Yao, and Q. Yang, ‘Situation and Effecting Factors of Preschool Children among Several Cities in China’, Chinese Journal of Child Health Care 25, no. 4 (2017): 346–349. 16 D. Yu, L. Ju, L. Zhao, H. Fang, Z. Yang, H. Guo, W. Yu, F. Jia, and W. Zhao, ‘Distribution Characteristics of Overweight and Obesity in Children Aged 0–5 Years in China’, Chinese Journal of Epidemiology 39, no. 6 (2018): 5. 17 T. J. Saunders, C. E. Gray, V. J. Poitras, J. P. Chaput, I. Janssen, P. T. Katzmarzyk, T. Timothy Olds, S. C. Gorber, M. E. Kho, M. Sampson, M. S. Tremblay, and V. Carson, ‘Combinations of Physical Activity, Sedentary Behaviour and Sleep: Relationships with Health Indicators in School-aged Children and Youth’, Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 41, no. 6 (2016): S283-S293. 18 M. Quan, H. Zhang, J. Zhang, T. Zhou, J. Zhang, G. Zhao, H. Fang, S. Sun, R. Wang, and P. Chen, ‘Are Preschool Children Active Enough in Shanghai: An Accelerometer-based Cross-sectional Study’, BMJ Open 9, no. 4 (2019): e024090. 19 M. Ji, A. Tang, Y. Zhang, J. Zou, G. Zhou, J. Deng, L. Yang, M. Li, J. Chen, H. Qin, and Q. Lin, ‘The Relationship Between Obesity, Sleep and Physical Activity in Chinese Preschool Children’, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 15, no. 3 (2018): 527.

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Patrick W.C. Lau et al. 20 S. Mora, R. F. Redberg, Y. Cui, M. K. Whiteman, J. A. Flaws, A. R. Sharrett, and R. S. Blumenthal, ‘Ability of Exercise Testing to Predict Cardiovascular and All-cause Death in Asymptomatic Women: A 20-year Follow-up of the Lipid Research Clinics Prevalence Study’, Jama 290, no. 12 (2003): 1600–1607. 21 R. C. Voss, J. M. Wit, H. Pijl, and E. C. Houdijk, ‘Long-term Effect of Lifestyle Intervention on Adiposity, Metabolic Parameters, Inflammation and Physical Fitness in Obese Children: A Randomized Controlled Trial’, Nutrition and Diabetes 1, no. 10 (2011): e9. 22 RELIABLE Physical Measurement, ‘2021 RELIABLE Children’s Physical Health Blue Book, 2021.’ RELIABLE Physical Measurement. Accessed April 14, 2022. https://www.mreliable.com/a/222. 23 Y. Yang, and H. Liu, ‘A Study on the Status Quo of Physical Fitness and Sports Cognition and Behavior of 3 ~ 6 Years Old Children – A Case Study of Beijing Heping and Future Taiyuan Chain Kindergarten’, Modern Sports Echnology, no. 6 (2020): 229–230. 24 General Administration of Sport of China, ‘National Physical Fitness Monitoring Bulletin 2014’. The Official Website of the GASC. Accessed April 11, 2022. https://www.sport.gov.cn/n20001280/n20001265/n20067533/ c23881607/content.html. 25 Carl P. Gabbard, Lifelong Motor Development (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown Publishers, 2012). 26 R. Ma, and H. Song, ‘Effects of Fundamental Movement Skill Development on Physical Activity and Health of Children’, Sports Science 37, no. 4 (2017): 54–61+97. 27 V. Carson, E.Y. Lee, L. Hewitt, C. Jennings, S. Hunter, N. Kuzik, J. A. Stearns, S. P. Unrau, V. J. Poitras, C. Gray, K. B. Adamo, I. Janssen, A. D. Okely, J. C. Spence, B. W. Timmons, M. Sampson, and M. S. Tremblay, ‘Systematic Review of the Relationships Between Physical Activity and Health Indicators in the Early Years (0–4 years)’, BMC Public Health 17, no. 1 (2017): 854. 28 B. W. Timmons, A. G. LeBlanc, V. Carson, S. Connor Gorber, C. Dillman, I. Janssen, M. E. Kho, J. C. Spence, J. A. Stearns, and M. S. ‘Systematic Review of Physical Activity and Health in the Early Years (aged 0–4 years)’, Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 37 no. 4 (2012): 773–792. 29 G. Payne, and D. Issacs, Human Motor Development-A Lifespan Approach (London: Routledge, 2012). 30 C. Bai, Z. Li, M. Zhang, G. Yang, and N. Jiu, ‘International Cases about Physical Education Teacher Training in Preschool: The Enlightenment for China’, Journal of Shenyang Institute of Physical Education 39, no. 5 (2020): 32–39. 31 X. Ma, Y. Cai, S. Chen, K. Li, and P. Zhuang, ‘Relationships Between the Basic Movement Skills and Sedentary Behaviors of Children Aged 3–6’, Journal of Sport 26, no. 4 (2019): 123–128. 32 K. Wang, X. Wang, and C. Qi, ‘The Current Hotspot Phenomena, Problems and Suggestions of Preschool Children’s Sports in China’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 43, no. 5 (2020): 30–38. 33 B. Yang, J. Tang, Q. Wang, and B. Mo, ‘On Young Children’s Physical Health Promotion and Its Social Support’, Research on Preschool Education, no. 6 (2018): 60–63.

Bibliography Carson, V., et al. ‘Systematic Review of the Relationships Between Physical Activity and Health Indicators in the Early Years (0–4 years).’ BMC Public Health 17, no. 1 (2017): 854. Gabbard, Carl P. Lifelong Motor Development. Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown Publishers, 2012. General Administration of Sport of China. ‘National Physical Fitness Monitoring Bulletin 2014, 2015.’ The Official Website of the GASC. Accessed April 11, 2022. http://www.sport.gov.cn/n16/n1077/n1227/7328132.html General Administration of Sport of China. ‘National Physical Fitness Monitoring Bulletin 2014.’ The Official Website of the GASC. Accessed April 11, 2022. https://www.sport.gov.cn/n20001280/n20001265/n20067533/c23881607/ content.html Hardy, L.L., et al. ‘Fundamental Movement Skills Among Australian Preschool Children.’ Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport 13, no. 5 (2010): 503–508. Ji, M., et al. ‘The Relationship Between Obesity, Sleep and Physical Activity in Chinese Preschool Children.’ International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 15, no. 3 (2018): 527. Li, J., and Y. Diao. ‘A Comparative Study of Fundamental Motor Skill of Children Aged 3 to 10 Years Old.’ China Sports Science and Technology, no. 3 (2013): 131–134. Liu, F. and Y. Yang, eds. Youth Sports Blue Book: China Youth Sports Development Report (2016). Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2017. Liu, Q., and R. Zeng. ‘A Study of 3-to 5-Year-old Children’s Motor Development and Its Correlation with Early Cognitive Development and Approaches to Learning.’ Global Education Outlook 47, no. 5 (2018): 94–112. Liu, Y., and W. Fan. ‘Children’s Sports Policy of the Communist Party of China in the Past 100 Years.’ Journal of Shenyang Institute of Physical Education 40, no. 5 (2021): 46–53.

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Preschool Children’s Sports Policy Development Lu, C., T. Shen, G. Huang, and E. Corpeleijn. ‘Environmental Correlates of Sedentary Behaviors and Physical Activity in Chinese Preschool Children: A Cross-sectional Study.’ Journal of Sport and Health Science 11, no. 5 (2022): 620–629. Ma, R., and H. Song. ‘Effects of Fundamental Movement Skill Development on Physical Activity and Health of Children.’ Sports Science 26, no. 4 (2017): 54–61+97. Mora, S., et al. ‘Ability of Exercise Testing to Predict Cardiovascular and All-cause Death in Asymptomatic Women: A 20-year follow-up of the Lipid Research Clinics Prevalence Study.’ Jama 290, no. 12 (2003): 1600–1607. Quan, M., et al. ‘Are Preschool Children Active Enough in Shanghai: An Accelerometer-based Cross-sectional Study.’ BMJ Open 9, no. 4 (2019): e024090. RELIABLE Physical Measurement. ‘2021 RELIABLE Children’s Physical Health Blue Book, 2021.’ RELIABLE Physical Measurement. Accessed April 14, 2022. https://www.mreliable.com/a/222 Robinson, L. E., et al. ‘Motor Competence and Its Effect on Positive Developmental Trajectories of Health.’ Sports Medicine 45, no. 9 (2015): 1273–1284. Saunders, T. J., et al. ‘Combinations of Physical Activity, Sedentary Behaviour and Sleep: Relationships with Health Indicators in School-aged Children and Youth.’ Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 41, no. 6 (2016): S283–S293. Strittmatter, A. M., and A. S. Eivind. ‘Boosting Youth Sport? Implementation of Norwegian Youth Sport Policy through the 2016 Lillehammer Winter Youth Olympic Games.’ Sport in Society 20, no. 1 (2017): 144–160. Szűcs, D., A. Devine, F. Soltesz, A. Nobes, and F. Gabriel. ‘Cognitive Components of a Mathematical Processing Network in 9‐year‐old Children.’ Developmental Science 17, no. 4 (2014): 506–524. The Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China. ‘Statistical Bulletin on the Development of National Education in 2020, 2021.’ the Official Website of the MoE. August 27, 2021. Accessed April 11, 2022. http://www. moe.gov.cn/jyb_sjzl/sjzl_fztjgb/202108/t20210827_555004.html The Xinhua News Agency. ‘Several Opinions of the CPC Central Committee and The State Council on the Deepening Reform and Standardized Development of Preschool Education, 2018.’ Xinhua News. November 15, 2018. Accessed April 11, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2018-11/15/content_5340776.htm Timmons, B. W., et al. ‘Spence, J. A. Stearns, and M. S. ‘Systematic Review of Physical Activity and Health in the Early Years (aged 0–4 years).’ Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 37, no. 4 (2012): 773–792. Voss, R. C., J. M. Wit, H. Pijl, and E. C. Houdijk. ‘Long-term Effect of Lifestyle Intervention on Adiposity, Metabolic Parameters, Inflammation and Physical Fitness in Obese Children: A Randomized Controlled Trial.’ Nutrition and Diabetes 1, no. 10 (2011): e9. Wang, F., X. Jin, J. Jiang, Y. Yao, and Q. Yang. ‘Situation and Effecting Factors of Preschool Children Among Several Cities in China.’ Chinese Journal of Child Health Care 25, no. 4 (2017): 346–349. Xiong, L., W. Xia, and Q. Yu. ‘Survey on 3-6 Years Old Children’s Fine Motor Development in Nanchong.’ Journal of Shaanxi Preschool Normal University 31, no. 5 (2015): 22–25. Xu, Jian. ‘Evolution Analysis and Development Adjustment of China’s Children’s Sports Policy in the 40 Years of Reform and Opening-up.’ Zhejiang Sports Science 43, no. 1 (2021): 38–42. Yang, Y., and H. Liu. ‘A Study on the Status Quo of Physical Fitness and Sports Cognition and Behavior of 3 ~ 6 Years Old Children – a Case Study of Beijing Heping and Future Taiyuan Chain Kindergarten.’ Modern Sports Technology 10, no. 6 (2020): 229–230. Yu, D., et al. ‘Distribution Characteristics of Overweight and Obesity in Children Aged 0-5 years in China.’ Chinese Journal of Epidemiology 39, no. 6 (2018): 5.

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24 FROM THE ‘COOPERATION OF SPORTS AND EDUCATION’ TO THE ‘INTEGRATION OF SPORTS AND EDUCATION’ The Road of Training Elite Sport Talents in China Guo Zhen, Wang Song, and Chen Yiying

The Historical Process of Elite Sports Development in Schools: An Introduction In the early years of the People’s Republic of China, the development of the sports industry drew on various approaches, particularly the experience of the Soviet sports development system. The Soviet sports development system is a model in which sports are developed under the government’s sport institutions and with interaction between politics and sports. Learning from the experience of Soviet sports development system was an effective and inevitable choice given the international situation at the time, and a system of elite sports was initially constructed in China. In 1954, He Long, the exdirector of the National Sports Commission, pointed out that ‘over the past four years, as a result of learning from the Soviet experience of sports development, our country has been able to promote mass sports participation, to develop physical education in schools and to improve sports performance’.1 In 1956, the National Sports Commission published the ‘Youth Amateur Sports School Constitution’ (draft)《青年业余体育学校章程》and ‘Junior Amateur Sports School Constitution’ (draft)《少年业 余体育学校章程》 , to establish sports schools at all levels of the administrative districts. The two constitutions solved the problem of the source of elite athletes in China and provided a basis on which youth and junior amateur sports schools started to develop as a ‘major resource for the development and elite national athletes’.2 Although Amateur Sports Schools were named ‘amateur’, most of them had a centralized system of study, training, and accommodation. In fact, they were sport-specialized schools. In addition, a restructuring was carried out in the field of higher education and six sports colleges were established from 1952 to 1954. China had then formed the ‘Sports Schools-Sports Colleges’ model for the training of talent pool in sports. During this period, the Chinese strategy for talent pool in sports evolved from ‘parallel development of popularization and improvement’ to ‘popularization first and then improvement’. In the early 1960s, due to the economic difficulties faced by China, the state made adjustments to the strategies of elite sports training and proposed the change to ‘focus on improvement’. Sports colleges were no longer supported and elite sports teams were only set up at the 1) national; 2) provincial, municipal, 208

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and regional levels; and (3) sport schools, and tasked with producing elite athletes for the country. At that time, this three-tier training network system was gradually formed to build a talent pool for elite sports. Since the early years of the founding of China to the late 1970s, the training of talent pool in sports in China mainly relied on the ‘three-tier training network’, in which resources were highly concentrated and was able to train elite athletes efficiently. In addition, under the ‘job allocation’ system of the planned economy, athletes would have job arrangements after their retirement from sports and faced no pressure for education and vocational training. At this stage, there was no irreconcilable conflict between the elite athlete’s sports training and their education/career development. After the Reform and Opening Up, China began to explore the development of a socialist market economy, and the previous strategies of talent pool development in elite sports faced challenges. Due to the excessive focus on the pursuit of excellence, the neglect of education needs among the young athletes, the reduction in resources allocated to athlete’s career development, and the increase of retired athletes, the conflict between sports training and education/career development had gradually become apparent in the ‘three-tier training network’. For this reason, from mid- to late-1980s, China began to explore various strategies for talent pools in elite sports. For example, the government attempted to run high-level sports teams in universities and factories on a trial basis, and started professionalization in football, basketball, volleyball, and tennis. The shortcomings of the ‘three-tier training network’ became more and more serious in the 21st century, especially in education and career planning for retired elite athletes. It had led to a number of problems in the development of the talent pool, particularly on the conflict between education and sport training. Arising from this situation, the General Administration of Sports (GAS) of China issued a series of policies to address the employment problem of retired elite athletes.3 For example, the ‘Notice of Matters Relating to the Exemption of Retired Outstanding Athletes from Entering Higher Education Institutions’ issued in 2000 intended to fulfill the educational needs of elite athletes; and the ‘Notice on Further Improving the Employment and Placement of Retired Athletes’ issued in 2014 echoed the needs of elite athletes in China. These policies guided the exploration of ‘combination of sports and education’ and ‘combination of sports and industry’. In recent years, different social sectors have also joined in to support the employment of retired elite athletes. Yet, job opportunities for retired athletes are still insufficient. In the late 1980s, China’s government started to run professional sports teams in universities to cultivate elite athletes on campus, and put forward the idea of ‘combining sports and education’ to enrich the strategies and approaches of talent pool development in elite sports. Universities became the most active sites for elite sports reform in China during this period. Significant theoretical models of talent pool development in elite sports were developed, such as the ‘Nanjing Sport Institute Model’ and ‘Tsinghua Model’. The ‘Nanjing Sport Institute Model’ refers to the combination of education, sport training, and scientific research. These three aspects shared resources to further support each other’s strengths and compensate their weaknesses. The ‘Tsinghua Model’ proposed the elite athlete development strategy ‘striving for advancement and excellence’. There are four themes under this slogan: (1) clarify and prioritize the key themes in elite sport, (2) develop innovative activities in elite sport, (3) improve production systems in elite sport, and (4) strengthen organization power in elite sport. After 30 years of development since the 1980s, China has formed nearly 300 universities and thousands of sports teams in universities. However, due to the problems of funding, training facilities, competition systems, athletes’ geographic mobility, and management, most of the university sports teams remained at a low competitive level. In this context, university athletes can hardly supplement the talent pool in elite sports, and instead only the educational needs of some of those athletes will be solved. Therefore, new ideas are imperative to solve the dilemma faced by the talent pool. In 2020, ‘Opinions on Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education to Promote Healthy Youth Development’ (hereinafter referred to as ‘Opinions’) was issued to propose a path of ‘integration of sports and education’. At the same time Mr. Wang Dengfeng, the director, Department of Physical Education 209

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and Health, Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, suggested that the national education system would become an important channel for training elite athletes. It is thus foreseeable that the training of elite athletes in school sports may become the future direction for the training of talent pool in elite sports in China.

From the ‘Cooperation of Sports and Education’ to the ‘Integration of Sports and Education’: China’s Quest to Cultivate Elite Athletes The ‘conflict between education and sport training’ in the process of talent pool development in elite sports is a worldwide problem. The training of elite athletes in China mainly involves the state sports sector and the education sector. The sports sector is the main training ground for sporting talent in China. Its major approaches to alleviate the ‘conflict between education and sport training’ among athletes are to (1) provide employment opportunities for outstanding retired athletes and (2) exempt them from the admission examination requirements of university. These practices did work well in the era of planned economy system. However, with the development of the socialist market economy, the above measures have become increasingly ineffective and the ‘conflict between education and sport training’ has come to the forefront. Extreme examples are retired world champions performing sports on the streets and selling their Olympic gold medals to make their living. These world champions lacking occupational skills had drawn intense attention from the community. These phenomena indicated a new challenge to the Whole-nation System for elite sports in China due to the economic and social transformation.4 The Whole-nation System for elite sports in China is a system in which the national sports governing institution mobilizes all resources and forces nationwide including the allocation of excellent coaches and facilities, to select and train talented athletes to participate in international sports events such as the Olympic Games. The goal is to achieve excellent results, break records, and win gold medals. Obviously, this medal-winning sports organizational structure and practice has failed to alleviate the ‘conflict between education and sport training’. In order to tackle this problem, cooperation between elite sports sector and the education sector is imperative. In other words, alleviating the ‘conflict between education and sport training’ is an important task to be conducted through the cooperation of sports and education.3 To be specific: In order to overcome the problems arising from the significant increase of retired elite athletes, and the lack of sufficient resources to enhance retired athletes’ employability in the competitive job market, the Chinese government proposed a model to be led by the governmental departments, supported by schools, and cooperated with the sports and the education sectors in the 1980s. This model was named ‘the Cooperation of Sport and Education model’. This model was initially an idea to nurture sports talent in elite sports and aimed to solve the problem of the separation/disconnection between education and training/competition among the elite talents in sports school at that time. However, due to insufficient cooperation between the education sector and the sports sector, many difficulties emerged when implementing this model. These difficulties were reflected in (1) the lack of collaborative governance of education system and sports system;5 (2) the lack of promotion and communication between the GASC and the Ministry of Education when cultivating young athletes; (3) the lack of theory and operational guidelines during implementation; (4) the very serious disconnection between sports and education. Along with the social changes, the cooperation of sports and education was extended to four levels: administration management, school system, elite sports system, and individual athletes. The interconnection between these four levels constitutes ‘the Cooperation of Sport and Education model’.6 By 2014, there were 12,000 national and municipal schools for sports talent that were expected to deliver more effective implementation of quality education, outstanding achievements in school sports, significant improvement in students’ physical health, and strict implementation of national physical education and health curriculum standards. In total, 272 universities were established to enhance the competitiveness of 210

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the university sports and cultivate excellent sports talents.7 However, the problem of the conflict between education and elite sports training could not be solved. Most of the elite athletes with potential to win in international competition are mainly trained and cultivated by the state sports sector. Very few coordination and communication were established between the sports sector and the education sector. This resulted in the failure of Cooperation of Sport and Education model. After the success of the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games bid, the Chinese sports community began to explore diversified ways of developing talented athletes for elite sports, and discussions on the combination of education and sports increased. The ‘integration of education and sports’ is based on the practices of ‘combining sports and education’, and the integration of ‘school sports teams’ and the forces of social sectors.8 It is based on the practice of ‘sports-education’ and the integration of ‘school sports teams’ and ‘social forces’. The combination of teaching and sports reflects the idea of returning sports to education, which is to break through the systemic problems of difficulties in combining sports and education. For example, many sports schools also offer cultural courses, but most students cannot cope with basic homework due to fatigue after training. Many athletes do want to learn, but are overwhelmed by their training commitments and poor educational foundation due to long interruptions in previous studies. The combination of teaching and sports highlights the significance of education in the long-term development of the talent pool. Yet, it still cannot essentially solve the problem of the ‘conflict between education and sport training’ in the cultivation of the talent pool. The term ‘integration of sports and education’ was introduced around 2013 by Chinese sports academics and can be understood as a starting point of ‘whole person development of athletes’ in elite sports. Through the integration of the resources of sports and education systems, these two sectors worked together to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of nurture elite sport talents in elite sports. Specifically, the integration of sports and education refers to the permeation of the elite sport training system into the education system. Its focus was to nurture young athletes’ ethical value system, cultural education, and their holistic health including physical, psychological, and social health through different levels of education institutions including the different types of schools, professional sports teams, and social organizations.9 The 2020 Opinions proposed to deepen the integration of sports and education to address the deficiencies of talent pool development, namely the low-quality development of school sports and the shrinking number of the talented people in elite sports. The academic sector has taken a policy-oriented approach to analyze the concept, content, and feasibility of implementation of the integration of sports and education model. Therefore, the integration of sports and education is a major topic in the development of youth sports in the context of the new era and under the concept of the integration of the national governance system (for instance, establishing an integrated mechanism of government, school, and community to promote the development of health promotion for children and adolescents) and the need to deepen the reform of sports development in China. The integration of sports and education is also an important part of the construction of a strong sports nation. It emphasizes cultivation of well-rounded talented athletes, adheres to the mission of ‘establishing moral values and educating people’, follows the education philosophy of ‘health first’, and unifies the request for quality school sports development and development of the talent pool in elite sports.

Conclusion Throughout history, China’s development of talent pools in elite sports has relied on the three-tier training network of ‘1) national teams, 2) provincial, municipal and regional teams, and 3) sports schools’, which has achieved remarkable sport success all over the world. However, the problem of ‘the conflict between education and sport training’ of the talents pool in elite sports began to emerge and intensify. Therefore, China has begun to explore the integration of sports and education, sports and coaching, and the integration of sports and education in sports schools, to develop a new talent pool development model in elite sports. In this new era, the Chinese sports and education sectors are beginning to work together to 211

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deepen the integration of sports and education, and the entire national education system will become an important site/channel for the training of high-level athletes. While China is moving towards the integration of sports and education to cultivate elite athletes in schools, it is also important to learn from the models of elite sports development from the world’s sporting powerhouses; and in particular, to learn from the successful model of elite athletes training at school in the United States of America, which has become a significant reference to China’s future development in elite athletes training and selection. It is important to note that the key strategies of elite athletes training in sports schools are mainly based on the ‘integration of sports and education’ model of talent pool in elite sports with Chinese cultural and social characteristics, which makes the development of sports in China unique and distinctive.

Notes 1 Long He, ‘Strive for Mass Sports Participation under the Lead of National Development Strategies.’ People’s Daily, 1954 (01). 2 Shaozu Wu, History of Sports in the People’s Republic of China 1949–1998 (Comprehensive Volume) (Beijing: China Book Publishing House, 1999). 3 Liu B., Z. Guo, S. Wang, Y. Chen, and B. Zhang, ‘Dual Career: The Demand, Dilemma and Exploration of the Competitive Sports Reserve Talents Cultivation with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era.’ Journal of Physical Education 27, no. 6 (2020): 12–19. 4 G. Yang and G. Peng, ‘Study on Strategic Mission and Innovative Path of China’s Competitive Sports in the New Era.’ China Sport Science 38, no. 9 (2018): 3–14. 5 L. Su and T. Lai, ‘Combining Sports and Education to Cultivate Outstanding Sports Reserve Talents’, China School Physical Education, no. 1 (1994): 53–55. 6 C. Chen, Y. Wang, N. Chen, and W. Lu, ‘The Basic Principles of Building a Model of ‘Integration of Sports and Education’’, Journal of Beijing Sports University 37, no. 7 (2014): 31–37. 7 J. Wu and J. Chi, ‘Basic Principles of Construction of ‘Combination of Sports and Education’ Model’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 37, no. 4 (2014): 88–93. 8 Yang Hua, ‘Cultivation of Completive Sports Talent in Pedagogical Field of Vision’, Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 30, no. 2 (2006): 61–64. 9 M.Y. Liu, H.P. Gong, Y.J. Hu, N.X. Kong, Y.F. Dan, and Y.H. Zhang, ‘Integration of Sports and Education: Mission, International Experience, China’s Plan’, Journal of Wuhan Sports University 54, no. 10 (2020): 5–14.

Bibliography Chen, C., Y. Wang, N. Chen, and W. Lu. ‘The Basic Principles of Building a Model of “Integration of Sports and Education”.’ Journal of Beijing Sports University 37, no. 7 (2014): 31–37. He, Long. ‘Strive for Mass Sports Participation under the Lead of National Development Strategies.’ People’s Daily, 1954: 01. Liu, B., Z. Guo, S. Wang, Y. Chen, and B. Zhang. ‘Dual Career: The Demand, Dilemma and Exploration of the Competitive Sports Reserve Talents Cultivation with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era.’ Journal of Physical Education 27, no. 6 (2020): 12–19. Liu, M.Y., et al. ‘Integration of Sports and Education: Mission, International Experience, China’s Plan.’ Journal of Wuhan Sports University 54, no. 10 (2020): 5–14. Su, L., and T. Lai. ‘Combining Sports and Education to Cultivate Outstanding Sports Reserve Talents’, China School Physical Education, no. 1 (1994): 53–55. Wu, J., and J. Chi. ‘Basic Principles of Construction of “Combination of Sports and Education” Model.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 37, no. 4 (2014): 88–93. Wu, Shaozu. History of Sports in the People’s Republic of China 1949–1998 (Comprehensive Volume). Beijing: China Book Publishing House, 1999. Yang, G., and G. Peng. ‘Study on Strategic Mission and Innovative Path of China’s Competitive Sports in the New Era.’ China Sport Science 38, no. 9 (2018): 3–14. Yang, Hua. ‘Cultivation of Completive Sports Talent in Pedagogical Field of Vision.’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 30, no. 2 (2006): 61–64.

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25 A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF PHYSICAL EDUCATION SYSTEMS IN SCHOOLS Jingxian Cecilia Zhang

The History of Physical Education at Schools in China Physical education is an important part of the Chinese education system. By sorting through the Chinese physical education principles since 1949, this study summarizes the problems of the physical education system and provides recommendations for the future direction of physical education at schools in China.

During the 1950s: Cultivate Students’ Fitness, Sports Interest, and Practice The physical education goals during the 1950s can be divided into three distinct goals. The first goal was to cultivate children’s knowledge of health, and their ability, and physique so as to lay a good physical foundation for serving the people and fighting for the country’s construction. The second objective was to cultivate children’s sports habits, such as games, dance, and gymnastics to develop their bodies and minds and enrich their lives. The third goal was to cultivate children’s national morality and energies while boosting their agility, courage, discipline, and teamwork so that they could build friendships and other qualities that enhance patriotism and collectivism. In order to achieve these goals, in 1956, the Ministry of Education issued a guiding principle on the physical education curriculum, which clearly stated that the purpose of physical education is to train students to become builders and defenders in a communist society.1

During the 1960s: Enhancing Physical Fitness In 1961, the Ministry of Education promulgated the second physical education guiding principle for primary and secondary schools. The guidelines stated that the purpose of physical education is to enhance students’ physical fitness, carry out communist education, participate in productive labour, and prepare to defend the land. At the same time, it stipulated that physical education should promote the normal development of students’ bodies and the development of functions, and enhance the body’s ability to adapt to cold, heat, and other natural environments.2 Under these guidelines, teachers were required to promote students’ understanding of the importance of sports, have basic physical knowledge and physical exercise skills, and develop physical habits through physical exercise. Teachers were able to educate students to love the Party and the land and to cultivate them to be brave, persistent, vigorous, and obedient to organizations. It can be said that these guidelines were formulated using basic national conditions and experiences of the physical education DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-31

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system at schools in the 1960s as a basis. They marked the beginning of the theme of “enhancing physical fitness” as the core goal of physical education at schools.

During the 1970s and 1980s: Cultivating Moral, Intellectual, and Physical Development In 1978, the Ministry of Education issued the ten-year Physical Education Curriculum Framework for Primary and Secondary Schools (trial draft). The curriculum framework stated that physical education aims to make students learn and master the basic knowledge, skills, and techniques of physical education. Also, it emphasized the roles of teachers to teach students using scientific methods to exercise their bodies and combine the characteristics of physical education to carry out ideological and moral education. This is the first curriculum framework in China that was reviewed and approved by the Primary and Secondary School Textbooks Authorisation Committee in China.2,11 The curriculum framework consisted of one purpose and three basic tasks for physical education at schools. The purpose was to cultivate the students in a comprehensive way in moral, intellectual, and physical development. The three basic tasks were to enhance physical fitness, master sport knowledge and skills, and achieve ideological and moral education through sport. The framework not only reflects the basic and comprehensive nature of physical education but also the notion of “lifelong sports.”

During the 1990s: Promote Students’ Physical and Mental Development In 1992, the Ministry of Education successively promulgated the Physical Education Guidelines for Primary and Secondary Schools. These guidelines reflected a relatively complete system of physical education curriculum objectives. The purpose of these guidelines was to provide students with health education, enhance students’ physical fitness, promote physical and mental development, and cultivate builders of a socialist society who develop morally, intellectually, physically, and aesthetically.7 At the same time, the guidelines added objectives of teaching requirements of class content and assessment items in the curriculum. This marked the guideline development of physical education curriculum in primary and secondary schools in China.

During the 2000s: Health First The 2001 “Compulsory Physical Education and Health Curriculum Standards“ and the 2003 “General Advanced Physical Education at School and Health Standards” were based on the ideology of ”health first”.3,4 This type of physical education aimed to achieve five objectives, including sports participation, sports skills, physical health, mental health, and social adaptation. Under these standards, primary and secondary schools emphasized enhancement of physical fitness, mastering of basic theoretical knowledge of sports and sports skills, cultivation of sports interest and the development of sports habits, cultivation of good personality and psychological quality, improvement of interpersonal skills, healthy lifestyles, and an optimistic and cheerful attitude to life.5 In high schools, it highlighted ”mastery of sports skills, understanding of basic sports knowledge and skills, enhancing sports practice and innovation capabilities, cultivating lifelong sports habits, developing good personality and psychological quality, improving interpersonal skills, improving social responsibility, and developing a healthy way of life”.4 The new standards promoted a dynamic model of physical education at school systems from the three dimensions of physical, psychological, and social adaptability.

Sunshine Sports Project In 2007, the Ministry of Education put forward the “sunshine sports concept,” in which “sunshine” has three meanings: namely, “natural sunshine,” “policy sunshine,” and “physical and mental sunshine”.6,7 214

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The purpose of the Sunshine Sports Project is to enhance students’ physical fitness, help students develop healthy sports habits, and improve students’ attention to their own health.8 In recent years, with the continuous improvement of quality education, more students are attracted to active participation in sports. While improving interest in sports, the Sunshine Sport Project also lays a foundation for improving student’s health. Overall, there are six sets of guidelines across the different time periods. Initially, physical education at school was meant to enhance the spirit of patriotism and collectivism. When it turned to the period of reformation and opening up, the guideline of physical education at school was to enhance physical fitness and increase focus on sports skills. In the twenty-first century, the core of the physical education at school focused on enhancing physical fitness and promoting physical health. These various guidelines have spurred the continuous improvement of the physical education curriculum objectives, teachers’ teaching effectiveness, and evaluations of students’ health.2,9 However, there are still some problems regarding physical education at schools.

Problems in Primary and Secondary Schools The development of physical education at school is an important measure to help the development of Chinese youth health. Currently, although sunshine sports activities in primary and secondary schools are becoming more and more mature, problems that slow down the reform of physical education at school still exist as follows.

Lack of Physical Education in Extracurricular Activities At present, the living environments and leisure styles of young children are undergoing tremendous changes in China. Studies have shown that the frequency of young children’s access to the Internet, smartphones, and electronic game devices has greatly increased. Many young children are addicted to online games or Japanese and Korean comics. This situation also troubles many parents, who want to correct their children’s behavior but do not know how to do it.16 In fact, the lack of sports has indeed changed young children’s lifestyles and interests. They spend more time indoors instead of going outdoors and getting close to nature. Such a way of life restricts the physical and mental development of young children, and is an urgent problem to be solved in physical education.12

Lack of Innovation of the Physical Education Activities From parents to teachers, from well-known scholars to the public, more and more people are beginning to care about the growth of children and their health. This concern is reflected in many aspects of children’s diet, hygiene, education, and medical access and treatment. As far as physical education is concerned, people hope that children can develop good interests and hobbies.8 When choosing a kindergarten, many parents will pay attention to the construction of the facilities in the kindergarten and the development of sports in the kindergarten. Many parents also send their children to participate in extracurricular sports training. However, in educational practice, some teachers in primary or secondary schools lack innovation in the form of physical education activities and frequently provide outdated sports game activities, causing children to lose their enthusiasm for participation and restricting the effective implementation of sunshine sports activities.9 This gap is reflected in many aspects: first, the educational content lacks innovation; second, many physical education activities for young children tend to be too structured. There is a lack of appropriate educational penetration of sports culture, sports values, sports spirit, and humanistic qualities. In this case, children cannot deeply feel the charm of sports, and the effect of physical education is restricted by the outdated and 215

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monotonous activities in school. Based on the Sunshine Sports Project, it is necessary to re-examine the inadequacies of traditional physical education and take innovative measures to truly guide the growth and development of young children.

Strategies of Physical Education at School Under Sunshine Sports in Primary and Secondary Schools At present, primary schools and secondary schools all over the country attach great importance to the development of Sunshine Sports. The following details effective methods that are conducive to the development of Sunshine Sports and that could help solve the problems mentioned before.

Gamified Physical Education Gamification education is an important way to carry out physical education for children. An important goal of physical education is to let children experience the fun of sports and to cultivate in them a strong enthusiasm for sports. From the perspective of children’s own cognitive habits, they are more likely to explore and focus on new and interesting stimuli, which is also in line with relevant theories of child psychology and fully respects children’s cognitive behavioral habits. Based on this consideration, physical education activities should be interesting.10 In the gamified physical education activities, teachers should focus on the fun and the freshness of the organization of physical activities to ensure that physical activities can continue to attract children.10 Under the modernization of education and online education, teachers can make full use of the Internet to refine educational materials and find inspiration and can also rely on the official websites of various educational institutions, self-media accounts, or WeChat11 public accounts. Good experience and effective methods put into practice by education institutions can help educators carry out sunshine physical education and flexibly apply it to the educational practice of their schools. Satisfactory educational results can be achieved by continuously updating the form and content of physical education in games and with the use of sports equipment.

Physical Education with Scenario Setting and Group Cooperation Children’s cognitive and behavioral abilities are under-developed, and it is difficult to participate in physical activities independently. In particular, young children have poor cognitive and behavioral ability and physical ability. They may encounter difficulties in sports activities, such as ball games, rope sports, children’s gymnastics, or dance. Therefore, the teachers play an important role in the physical education at school. They can design the physical education activities into specific situations around the scope of children’s cognitive ability and facilitate progress in the activities.12 Such instructions from teachers can mobilize children’s emotions, improve children’s enthusiasm for sports activities, deepen educational achievements, and provide a good atmosphere and convenient conditions for revealing children’s strengths. Meanwhile, teachers can pay more attention to popular film, television animation works, and picture books for children. They can extract stories and organize physical education activities accordingly so that children can gain a sense of achievement by completing the physical activities.9,13 Teachers can appropriately group children and let the members of the group cooperate in completing physical activities. With these kinds of physical education activities, teachers can flexibly apply team scoring to improve the fun of the activity and stimulate children’s different levels of enthusiasm for participating in physical activities.

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Integrating Traditional Sports Throughout the development of physical education, it has been suggested that education and teaching should be appropriately combined with traditional Chinese sports.9,14 This is because traditional sports culture has a wider base of support, which is in line with the general environment of Chinese social life and can provide good external conditions for the growth and development of children and the long-term development of sports in the future.8,10 This is also because traditional sports such as diabolo, yangko dance, rope skipping, shuttlecock kicking, sandbag throwing, and other sports have gone through thousands of years of historical development and are full of Chinese wisdom and profound cultural heritage. Through the integration of traditional sports into physical education teaching, children are more likely to experience fun. The skill of throwing sandbags, the physical coordination of kicking a shuttlecock, and the agility and visual beauty of shaking a diabolo can all bring a unique and fun experience to young children. Teachers can also use multimedia as a medium to introduce the historical and cultural heritage of traditional sports to children.9,11 For example, props can be used to imitate the traditional ethnic sports of dragon and lion dances, and videos can be used to show children inspiring performances of these activities. Teachers can also introduce the ethnic customs and folk culture of various regions. This is of great significance for cultivating children’s national cultural quality, helping students achieve cultural self-confidence and selfimprovement, and promoting children’s healthy mental growth and moral development.14

Co-education at Family and School Physical education is not limited to schools and can be carried out in wider contexts. For example, through family education, teachers can maintain good communication and interaction with parents and share game skills and sports plan strategies with parents.10 Parents can encourage and support their children to play sandbags, shuttlecocks, or ball games at home, in the community, and at the park. They can use these interesting sports to divert their children from the world of computers and games and to go outdoors and into nature to get in touch with sports, make friends, exercise, and improve their physique.12 As such, cooperation between schools and families can help children develop strong sports and leisure habits.10,14 Under the Sunshine Sport guidelines, schools can adapt these four strategies to design physical education curricula at school and combine the cognitive and behavioral abilities of their student groups. Eventually, school physical activities can become an important part of students’ growth and contribute to their lifetime health.

The Problems of Physical Education in Colleges Although physical education guidelines have played a great role in the development of school sports in China, existing research results have indicated that, in addition to physical education at the primary and secondary school levels, there are still many problems and deficiencies regarding physical education at colleges and universities in China.15 These problems have seriously restricted the development of physical education at higher institutions of learning, thus causing the continuous decline of physical fitness levels, sports skills, and physical quality, as well as weak sports awareness and limited interest in sports among current college students. Given this, the topic is worthy of in-depth research and reflection (Chen & Chen, 2017).

Inaccurate Understanding of Physical Education in College The goal of physical education curricula at colleges is not only to improve students’ physical exercise levels and physical health but also to train the students to be psychologically strong.16 At the same time, it is also necessary to teach teachers and leaders to understand and master basic sports knowledge and skills. 217

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However, at many colleges and universities, teachers and leaders have an inaccurate understanding of the knowledge of physical education. Many teachers think that physical education is designed to provide students with opportunities for entertainment and relaxation, treating the courses as entertainment classes or game classes, which denies students the full potential of developing their physical skills.7 It is precisely because of this misunderstanding that students and parents have errors in their understanding of physical education in colleges and universities and gradually lose their interest in physical education. At the same time, physical education at colleges and universities focuses only on student training and examination, while neglecting the assessment and training of teachers.

The Shortage of Physical Education Resources in Colleges and Universities At present, physical education at colleges and universities still focuses on knowledge-acquired education as opposed to skill-acquired education, so resources in schools and society are inclined toward knowledgeacquired education.13,15 There is a huge shortage of resources for physical education in colleges and universities. Especially in recent years, with the expansion of enrollment in colleges and universities, the shortage of sports equipment and sports venues on campus in contrast to students’ physical education needs have become more and more prominent.

Teaching Method Is Relatively Simple Recently, with the continuous deepening of quality education, the teaching methods of physical education courses in colleges and universities have been greatly improved and transformed. A key example of this is that the main method of physical education is still classroom teaching. The intra-curricular physical education and extracurricular physical activities are still not widely applied in the physical education.12,17

Recommendations It is true that great achievements have been made regarding the current physical education curricula of colleges and universities. However, it is undeniable that there are many problems and drawbacks that need to be solved urgently. In the reform of physical education at colleges and universities, it is necessary to think about how to solve students’ and teachers’ understanding of physical exercise and how to effectively improve students’ physical quality through physical education activities. From the perspective of Sunshine Sports, the following are improvement measures and suggestions on how to promote the reform of physical education at colleges and universities.

Establish the Correct Educational Ideology First of all, it is necessary to correct educational perceptions, strengthen the social awareness of sports, and improve the awareness of physical education at colleges and universities (Chen & Chen, 2017). Through Sunshine Sport reforms, it is necessary to equally assign the workload of physical education and other disciplines, such as mathematics, physics, and chemistry at colleges and universities. Therefore, physical education and these disciplines can be in a similar position.

Realizing the Diversification of Physical Education in Colleges and Universities To realize the modernization of physical education is to realize the diversification of physical education and promote students’ diversified development.13 Personalized physical education is carried out according to the characteristics of individual students to stimulate students’ interest in learning. 218

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Emphasizing the Teaching of Physical Education Theory In the current climate of physical education at colleges and universities, there is a serious disregard for theoretical education.15 Most physical education courses are activity-focused, and the proportion of theoretical teaching in current physical education curricula at colleges and universities is less than 5%. Due to the serious lack of this theoretical education, the existing theoretical and practical teaching of physical education at colleges and universities has emphasized practice and ignored theory.12,16 Therefore, educators must strengthen the theoretical aspects of physical education at universities so that theory can guide practice and, at the same time, promote the progress of physical education theory.

Improve Provision of Sports Venues and Improve the Efficiency of Venue Utilization The most popular college sports are basketball and football. However, limitations on sports venues restricts students’ understanding of both sports. Therefore, colleges and universities should improve provision of their own sports venues. The construction of small football stadiums can be appropriately increased to provide venue support for students’ after-school individual practice and for small-scale practice.7 Football beginners have low technical and tactical skills, and some students may not want to share a practice field with others on a large pitch. The construction of small football pitches can attract students and improve the confidence of beginners, inspiring them to increase their level of practice. Further, the construction of football pitches requires a certain amount of experience. Colleges and universities can cooperate with enterprises to solve the drawbacks of insufficient funds for venue construction and guarantee students’ reasonable opportunity to participate in football sports. It is also possible to rent out venues during holidays. On one hand, they can increase the revenue. On the other hand, they can introduce extraschool football events, create a college football atmosphere, and stimulate students’ interest in learning football.

Conclusion Physical education at school has experienced six sets of guidelines across the different time periods in China: cultivating students’ fitness, sports interest, and practice; enhancing physical fitness; cultivating moral, intellectual, and physical development; promoting students’ physical and mental development; health first; and the Sunshine Sports Project. Although the recent Sunshine Sports Project provides clear directions for the promotion of physical education reform and changing the public’s perception of sports, problems regarding the physical education system in China still exist. These problems can be found in both primary and secondary education and in higher education. After reviewing all relevant issues, it is easy to see that most are caused by a shortage of resources and outdated teaching guidelines. It is believed that the recommendations provided can accelerate the implementation of Sunshine Sports.

Notes 1 X. Chen, and S. Chen, S., ‘It’s not Doable!’ Exploring Physical Education Teachers’ Perspectives on the Policy Change of Sport and Physical Education in Chinese Universities.’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 9, no. 3 (2017): 397–413. 2 C. Chen, H. Wang, and X. Xiang. ‘The Evolution on the Curriculum Standards of Physical Education in Primary Schools.’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 44, no.1 (2020): 85–94. 3 China Ministry of Education, Physical and Health Education Course Standards for Elementary and Secondary Schools (experimental edition) (Beijing: China Ministry of Education, 2001). 4 China Ministry of Education, ‘Syllabus for Physical Education in Higher Education Institutions in China, 2002’, The Official Website of the MoE, Accessed September 13, 2022, http://www.moe.edu.cn/publicfiles/business/ htmlfiles/moe/moe_28/201001/80824.html

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Jingxian Cecilia Zhang 5 China Ministry of Education, ‘General Administration of Sport of China, and Communist Youth League of China, ‘Decisions on Launching a Nationwide Hundreds of Millions of Students Sunshine Sports Campaign, 2006’, The Official Website of the MoE. Accessed September 13, 2022. http://www.moe.gov.cn/publicfiles/ business/htmlfiles/moe/moe_2530/201001/xxgk_80870.html 6 China Ministry of Education, Standards for Sport and Physical Education in Higher Education Institutions (Beijing: China Ministry of Education, 2014). 7 L. Cui, ‘The Reform of Public Physical Education Teaching in Colleges and Universities under the Concept of Lifelong Physical Education.’ Stationery and Technology 15, no. 1 (2021): 120–121. 8 B. Feng, ‘Sunshine Sports in Physical Education at Junior Middle Schools in China.’ New Curriculum 6, no. 3 (2022): 165. 9 H. Guo, ‘The Education Reform of Primary School Physical Education Based on the Sunshine Sports.’ Education Reform of Primary School Physical Education Based on the Sunshine Sports Workshop, (2019): 67–68. 10 L. Liu, ‘The Reform Strategies of Children’s Physical Education.’ Academic Weekly 35, no. 1 (2021): 179–180. 11 WeChat is a free messaging and calling app with around 1 billion users in China. 12 P. Liu, and H. Hou, ‘The Evolution of Chinese Physical Education Curriculum Development.’ Journal of Sports Adult Education 31, no. 5 (2015): 75–77. 13 S. Mao, and L. Zhuang, ‘Sunshine Sports Operation System in China.’ Heilongjiang Science 12, no. 6 (2021): 150–151. 14 X. Wang, ‘The Sunshine Sports Concept in the Reform of Physical Education in Colleges and Universities.’ Sport Science 40, no. 5 (2019): 124–125. 15 J. Xu and C. Gao, ‘Physical Activity Guidelines for Chinese Children and Adolescents: The next Essential Step.’ Journal of Sport and Health Science 7, no. 1 (2018): 120–122. 16 H. Zhao, ‘The Reform of Physical Education in Colleges and Universities in the New Era.’ Curriculum and Management, (2021): 597–601. 17 W. Zhu, Research on Extracurricular Sports Training in Universities from the Perspective of Sunshine Sports in China, Presented at the 2017 International Conference on Advanced Education, Psychology and Sports Science, 2017.

Bibliography Chen, Y. ‘Research on the Present Situation and the Development Strategy of Sunshine Sports.’ Journal of Beijing University of Sport 34, no. 7 (2011): 91–93+98. Chen, C. H. Wang, and X. Xiang. ‘The Evolution on the Curriculum Standards of Physical Education in Primary Schools.’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 44, no. 1 (2020): 85–94. Chen, X., and S. Chen. ‘It’s not Doable!’ Exploring Physical Education Teachers’ Perspectives on the Policy Change of Sport and Physical Education in Chinese Universities.’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 9, no. 3 (2017): 397–413. China Ministry of Education, ‘General Administration of Sport of China, and Communist Youth League of China, ‘Decisions on Launching a Nationwide Hundreds of Millions of Students Sunshine Sports Campaign, 2006.’ The Official Website of the MoE. Accessed September 13, 2022. http://www.moe.gov.cn/publicfiles/business/ htmlfiles/moe/moe_2530/201001/xxgk_80870.html China Ministry of Education. Physical and Health Education Course Standards for Elementary and Secondary Schools (experimental edition). Beijing: China Ministry of Education, 2001. China Ministry of Education. Standards for Sport and Physical Education in Higher Education Institutions. Beijing: China Ministry of Education, 2014. China Ministry of Education. ‘Syllabus for Physical Education in Higher Education Institutions in China, 2002.’ The Official Website of the MoE. Accessed September 13, 2022. http://www.moe.edu.cn/publicfiles/business/htmlfiles/ moe/moe_28/201001/80824.html Cui, L. ‘The Reform of Public Physical Education Teaching in Colleges and Universities under the Concept of Lifelong Physical Education.’ Stationery and Technology 15, no.1 (2021): 120–121. Feng, B. ‘Sunshine Sports in Physical Education at Junior Middle Schools in China.’ New Curriculum 6, no.1 (2022): 165. Liu, L. ‘The Reform Strategies of Children’s Physical Education.’ Academic Weekly 35, (2021): 179–180. Liu, P., and H. Hou. ‘The Evolution of Chinese Physical Education Curriculum Development.’ Journal of Sports Adult Education 31, no. 1 (2015): 75–77.

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A Critical Assessment of Physical Education Systems in Schools Mao, S., and L. Zhuang. ‘Sunshine Sports Operation System in China.’ Heilongjiang Science 12, no. 1 (2021): 150–151. Wang, X. ‘The Sunshine Sports Concept in the Reform of Physical Education in Colleges and Universities.’ Sport Science 5, no. 1 (2019): 124–125. Xu, J., and C. Gao. ‘Physical Activity Guidelines for Chinese Children and Adolescents: The next Essential Step.’ Journal of Sport and Health Science 7, no.1 (2018): 120–122. Zhao, H. ‘The Reform of Physical Education in Colleges and Universities in the New Era.’ Curriculum and Management, (2021): 597–601. Zhu, W. Research on Extracurricular Sports Training in Universities from the Perspective of Sunshine Sports in China. Presented at the 2017 International Conference on Advanced Education, Psychology and Sports Science, 2017.

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PART VI

Sports and Physical Fitness for the Community and Society Feng Jing

The Chinese government has made great efforts to encourage their citizens to participate in mass sports activities, hoping to produce a strong and healthy labour force and serve the purposes of modernisation and development. In August 2019, the State Council, China’s cabinet, released an outline to develop China into a sports superpower by 2050. It suggested developing community sports, building public sport facilities, and building a social physical activity network in communities. This section seeks to examine sports and physical fitness in the context of community and the wider society. It focuses on sports participation of different groups of people in the society such as senior citizens, ethnic minorities, disabled people, women, children, and youths. The analysis is demonstrated through seven chapters. In Chapter 26, Cao focuses on the wellbeing of aging people and discusses older adults’ perception of the sport, physical fitness, health, and the traditional term yangsheng and its cultural meaning are interpreted. In Chapter 27, Chen concerns migrant workers and their sports rights. The dilemma of migrant workers participating in sports and their rights were illustrated and the role of sports to promote migrant workers identity recognition and improve their integration into society is discussed. Chapter 28 explores the relationship between sports participation and ethnic minorities and discusses how sport participation of minority groups contributes to the national unity. Ethnic National Games of China was highlighted to reflect its contribution to Chinese national unity. A historical overview on mass sports policies in China was demonstrated in Chapter 29. Policies were shown by five stages according to the social development. Featured and symbolised policies were selected to show the foci of government at different stages. Questions were raised to examine and rethink the policies at the end of the chapter. Guan et al. explained the selection system for disabled people in China and discussed its advantages in Chapter 30. They believe that the selection system plays an important role in promoting the development of competitive sports for disabled people in China and ensures the quality of disabled athletes in China. Women’s sports participation is a symbolic phenomenon of the Chinese physical culture. Xiong discussed sports participation and gender politics in China from 1949 to the current stage in Chapter 31. This chapter generalised that barriers of women’s participation in sports have weakened; however, the institutional and ideological controls over women’s sports still exist. Chapter 32 illustrated the sports participation among children and adolescents by Zhan. Children and the youth participation in sports are of great significance to the realisation of the Healthy China strategy.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-32

Feng Jing

This chapter introduces the related policies of youth and adolescent sports participation, present situation, and the factors impacting their participation. These seven chapters provide a brief introduction and explanation of sport within community and society in urban China. We hope to bring some inspiration to further understand sports participation in China.

26 SPORTS AND PHYSICAL FITNESS OF SENIOR CITIZENS Cao Siyang

Introduction In recent years, China has grown increasingly concerned about the wellbeing of its ageing population. Ageing has travelled from the placid backwaters of politics into the mainstream of public debate—characterised by a steady increase in the visibility of age-related issues such as retirement age, pension changes and a serious shortage of aged care facilities. The challenge posed by China’s rapidly ageing population not only results from its enormous number of its elderly citizens, but also because of the transforming sociocultural landscape. Ranging from older parents’ physical distance from their adult children, the reconfigured cycle of family caring, the gradual gentrification of many urban areas, to shifting cultural and moral discourses about later life, the process of ageing has become more difficult to navigate. From the perspective of governmentality, older adults are also expected to adopt a healthy lifestyle and therefore fulfil their responsibility ‘to themselves, their families, the society and the state’.1 Along with the extensive history of self-cultivation and healing in Chinese philosophy and traditional medicine,2 these unprecedented contemporary social conditions have given rise to the fever of yangsheng (life nurturance and health cultivation) among older adults in the past few decades. As an ancient concept rooted in Chinese philosophy, yangsheng involves various forms of mundane care and activities that benefit self-preservation and appreciation of life. It is about not only improving the biological and material bodies, but also ‘the enhancement of vitality’3 and ‘an epicurean sense of balance’4 achieved through physical exercise, spiritual cultivation, restricted dietary practices, and other forms of leisure activities. In the context of yangsheng, physical fitness is only part of one’s overall wellbeing. In my fieldwork, for instance, many yangsheng practitioners emphasised the importance of keeping a ‘positive mindset’ (xintai hao) in old age. Some of them taught me a variety of dietary preferences and restrictions according to seasonal changes that benefit bodily flow and balance. In addition, this holistic perspective of health is informed by the traditional ontological framework of the body in Chinese culture. The Chinese term for the body, shenti, is usually interpreted as body–self, which brings the body and the mind together through its inherent sociality and relationality.5 Denoting the entire person in Chinese culture, shenti serves as ‘the essential carrier of cultural values, particularly in terms of the emphasis on the unity of the physical, the mindful, the social and even the natural in Confucianism’.6 The distinctive conception of body-mind unity has given rise to an alternative approach to old age in China. Compared to the medicalization perspective or the discourse of the third age, the traditional cultural framework of ageing advocates complying with nature and notions such as balance, zhizu (contentment), and DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-33

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harmony. Qi points out that the Chinese older population ‘seeks accommodation with the process of ageing rather than attempts to control them’.7 As I will demonstrate here, local knowledge has powerfully influenced older adults’ perception of the sport, physical fitness, and health. The notion of yangsheng provides a culturally sensitive lens to explain how the nurturance of both the body and the mind is enabled in everyday practices of health maintenance among senior citizens in contemporary urban China.

Yangsheng and Ageing in Contemporary China While earlier studies in social gerontology have focused more on poverty, marginalisation, and the lack of agency in later life,8 the recent scholarship problematises any homogeneous understandings of the ageing process highlighting possibilities of self-fulfilment and growing lifestyle choices offered by ‘the third age’.9 This culturally significant shift coincides with broader social changes, such as the emergence of a global consumer society and reflexive modernization, which creates not only more choices but also generates new forms of inequalities among the third agers.10 Notably, individuals’ pursuit of health maintenance is seen as central to the construction of ‘successful’ third-age identities,11 while displaying the ‘will to health’ is reframed as the dominant discourse of the ageing process.12 In many Western societies, physical activity is ‘widely seen as a panacea for social problems’ associated with the ageing of the population.13 As a result, ‘self-vigilance’ is criticised by researchers like Rose as a form of bio-power over individuals, producing ethical ageing subjects who readily engage with dominant health knowledge in later life.14 Examining the interplay between ageing and food practices in the local context, Lin maintains that it is of particular salience to consider culture as a critical approach to thinking about the health and wellbeing of senior citizens within the changing landscape of care.15 In the traditional Chinese view, old age is closely associated with the virtue and ethics of filial piety. While older parents normally expect their adult children to take care of their everyday needs, adult children must, correspondingly, undertake this obligation to avoid being labelled as ‘unfilial’ or even ‘immoral’. Within the context of an increasingly ageing China, senior citizens have recognized the growing difficulty of enjoying such a pattern of later life and many of them have chosen to compromise their expectations by actively caring for their own bodily health. In this way, older parents intend to avoid bringing extra burdens to their adult children, especially in the urban area. Meanwhile, self-care practices, especially physical activity, have been regarded as an imperative solution to the ‘problem’ of ageing in health and age-related policies. Accordingly, participation in non-competitive sports has been promoted to older people in general as part of the Healthy China 2030 Blueprint.16 Recent studies on the everyday experience of Chinese older people have recognized their active agency and the capacity to reflexively negotiate uneasy situations in personal life, such as an aesthetic remaking of the female ageing body through public square dancing,17 or taking responsibility for one’s health through yangsheng.18 In this sense, yangsheng can be viewed as an ‘everyday tactic’19 to ‘empower oneself against the general and pervasive sense of disempowerment’.20 Nonetheless, the sense of selfempowerment does not necessarily serve to take control of the ageing process, as has been noted in previous research conducted with Western older adults.21 Rather, active self-care can be an expression of embodied pleasure and adaptation when facing the natural process of ageing. This chapter highlights the importance of locating senior citizens’ sport and physical fitness in a specific cultural and social context. It builds on critical engagements with elder health that deploys culture as an analytical toolkit and as ‘forms-of-life’.22 In what follows, I illustrate one of my ethnographic encounters with older adults frequently participating in various forms of yangsheng on a football pitch in northeastern China. My fieldwork suggests that yangsheng persists as a lived tradition that is personally meaningful and culturally productive. The Chinese older adults reveal an acceptance of declining physical fitness during old age, but ideally, one should actively cultivate the ageing body in order to carry everyday life to a more joyful and authentic level. 226

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Mundane Practices of Self-Care and Physical Fitness From the autumn of 2019, I started to conduct fieldwork on the Shenyang Aircraft Corporation pitch. Except for a standard football pitch in the middle, the outdoor area also includes jogging paths and spaces for table tennis, basketball, and other outdoor activities. Among people of all different age groups, I focused particularly on those aged 55 and above to examine how they construct meanings of ageing and health through their embodied relationship with the pitch. I first visited the sports ground because of my mother’s ‘recommendation’ of it as an ideal place for daily exercise. The great delight expressed by my mother — an older woman in her late 50s who is approaching the age of retirement — made me curious about people’s experiences of enjoyment and satisfaction when undertaking physical activities, which are argued to be central to the maintenance of health behaviours.23 I argue that sports participation among senior citizens can be viewed as a manifestation of the yangsheng philosophy, in that they hold a holistic view of health that encompasses both the body and the mind through a variety of physical activities. On my first evening visit to the pitch, I was immediately impressed by the hybrid vitality emanating from the crowd. In the wide-open space, exercisers took part in a range of activities: brisk walking, guangchang wu (public square dancing), jogging, shuttlecock-kicking, pingpong, to name a few. Many of the participants were middle-aged and older adults who displayed the enjoyment of ‘habitual action’ and ‘immersion’ through regular training of their shenti.24 The experience of embodied pleasure also varies across different temporalities and spaces. From 6 o’clock early in the morning to 8 o’clock in the evening, the pitch accommodates diverse groups according to an established temporal-spatial logic. For example, while the southwestern corner is typically used by one of the three guangchang wu teams in the evening—the same space used by a few retired men in mid-morning for their practice of whip cracking. My encounter with these older men convinced me that yangsheng simultaneously involves physical fitness and mind nurturance. As yangsheng practitioners, they reveal little fear of the ageing process, emphasising ‘finding enthusiasm’ at this later stage of one’s life course. I first met Uncle Li when walking around the pitch on a summer morning in 2021. I noticed loud cracks resounded through the area and followed the sound to the southwestern corner. There was a small group of older men sitting on the concrete edging of flower beds, chatting and laughing. Amid them, a man with grey hair was cracking a whip in front of the flowerbeds. The movement was so agile and smooth that the long whip seemed to become a part of his moving arm. During his break, I walked close and asked what this seemingly dangerous sport was for. Uncle Li explained to me what he practised was Chinese whip cracking, and appeared pleasantly surprised that a young woman was interested in his whip. He noted the definite health benefit of the physical and sporting practice as he attested to how ‘It cured my shoulder arthritis. Before this, I couldn’t even move my shoulder.’ Another practitioner chimed in: ‘He’s 82 years old! Can you believe this? He looks so young, right? This is a legendary figure among us. Li has been on CCTV shows and won a Guinness World Record.’ ‘I used to perform whip-cracking stunts’, Uncle Li told me, ‘I can blow out candles with a whip while keeping them standing.’ I was indeed surprised at his age considering the energy and vigour revealed through his body movement. During our conversation, the other men in the group randomly stood out to crack their whip in the open space. There were no strict rules of the intensity or duration of exercise. When one completed a technique or made a sharp crack, the rest would cheer for his little success. It seemed like the men engaged in the game not just as a means of health maintenance or ‘good ageing’, but as an embodied sociality that one can enjoy in everyday living after retirement. They privileged fun and mutual companionship over competition. If yangsheng is about a variety of life-nurturing practices, these older men willingly nurture each other’s daily life through whip cracking, thus crafting both physical fitness and psychic health. On another day, Uncle Li contacted me and invited me to their routine exercise session. ‘Today we’ll have a real expert on whip cracking! I can ask him to show you his original forms (taolu).’ When I arrived at the pitch, a man in his 60s was offering advice and guidance to the other participants. ‘This is Teacher 227

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Feng’, said Uncle Li, ‘he can do many advanced techniques.’ Teacher Feng has practised whip cracking for more than five years after retirement. Like Uncle Li, he also recovered from serious shoulder arthritis and cervical problems through this sport. When I asked him how to make improvements in whip cracking, Teacher Feng explained: Whip cracking is a slow thing. It’s impossible to see improvement in one or two days. Other people’s advice is not helpful. You must experience it by yourself. Now whip cracking is included as a form of traditional martial art. The more you practise, the more you are able to comprehend your body. For people our age, the main thing is to find pleasure. You need to find a physical activity you are interested in. It’s important to adapt yourself upon retirement. Don’t stay at home all the time. You have really got to talk to people, because if you do not you will just be finished. You know, we are out here and talk about whatever we want to. I believe the main thing is to keep yourself happy and relaxed, [developing] a positive mindset. Don’t worry about trivial things and you’ve got to keep your life moving. Teacher Feng’s narratives evoke contemporary discourse of positive ageing, with an emphasis on physical activity and self-responsibility for good health. Meanwhile, his understanding of an ideal physical condition also has much to do with cultivating the inner world. In addition to appropriate exercise step by step, fresh air, friendly conversation, positive mind-set, and overlooking unpleasant things are all raised as indispensable for the wellbeing of senior citizens. This is consistent with the ontology of life in Daoism that interprets both life and death as a natural part of the cycle of change and transformation. Such a natural approach to life span in Daoism was imprinted on the philosophy of yangsheng. Rather than simply eradicating disease or pursuing longevity, yangsheng values the status of ‘self-soing’ (ziran) by realising the natural way of life.25 Teacher Feng’s account implicitly illustrates his engagement with the cultural understanding of life process in terms of moderate body work and the ‘oneness’ of body-mind.26 In addition, Teacher Feng holds that physical activity should be consistent with the capacity of the body. Attempts to control or resist the natural process of ageing are not preferable. The expression ‘for people our age’ was frequently used when I conducted the fieldwork. Most older adults I talked to show little aspiration to fight against the ageing process, which is quite common among senior citizens in the Western context.27 For the elders, there is an underlying belief that ‘our age’ is simply a later part of the life course. Although it is distinct from other life stages, it is not necessarily associated with fear, anxiety, or sadness. As can be seen, Teacher Feng hinted at the Chinese cultural view that embraces accommodation with nature which optimizes the sentiment of contentment with life. Like Teacher Feng, this group of whip-cracking practitioners appreciate bodily improvement through sports participation, but endow their routine exercise with the significance of self-cultivation and life-nurturance beyond the discourse of healthism or positive ageing.

Discussion and Conclusion The association between old age and bodily decline is a dominant perspective across many global societies, assuming the necessity of medical intervention and active self-control of the ageing process. Yangsheng practices among Chinese senior citizens enable us to move away from this social devaluation of old age, unravelling the diversity and complexity of physical fitness within the older generation. It is true that sports and physical activity are highly encouraged and even gradually become normalised in contemporary China, especially in the urban area. Like the group of whip crackers, Chinese elders increasingly demonstrated the ‘will to health’,28 and felt they should take greater responsibility for the ageing body. 228

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Nevertheless, the emphasis on the simultaneity of body-mind cultivation brings to light the embodied and experiential aspects of culture when we consider the issue of healthy ageing. In this chapter, I discussed how health-keeping through sports participation in old age carries culturally specific meanings. The older adults interpret a healthy way of growing old as being implicated in the process of self-cultivation. They believe vigorous life emerges from breathing in the fresh air with friends, finding an enjoyable leisure activity, adapting oneself to the changing life phase, and keeping a positive mindset, which are rooted in the ancient wisdom of yangsheng. It should be mentioned that many of the older adults on the pitch confronted their own difficulties. Some retired women complained about their husbands’ long-term indifference and stubbornness, and some needed to squeeze time for yangsheng from caring for their grandchildren. There are also people suffering from chronic diseases such as diabetes or finding it uneasy to provide continuing financial support to their adult children. I do not mean to downplay individual dilemmas and social inequalities during the ageing process; anther, I argue for the need to view Chinese older adults as active agents who are capable of negotiating fitness and health in relation to the cultural repertoire of yangsheng. As Swidler maintains, culture shapes a ‘tool kit’ of habits, skills, and styles from which people construct ‘strategies of action’.29 Meanwhile, Chinese older adults’ health-keeping experiences can be seen as an ethical response to the government’s concern over health care and age care in recent policies. Their routine exercise is also a personal strategy to cope with the privatisation of medical care and the rising cost of seeing a doctor. However, the senior citizens’ cultivation of the ageing body differs from what Sun calls ‘defensive yangsheng’, whereby health-keeping practices are part of ‘a battle against the odds’ in order to minimise the feeling of disempowerment and uncertainty.30 This chapter highlights that finding pleasure and accommodating to changes in everyday life are acknowledged to be an ideal way of growing old, during which participating in physical activities can enhance one’s positive mindset. In doing so, senior citizens also redefine the cultural scripts of ageing in contemporary China. Therefore, practices of yangsheng are personally meaningful and culturally productive, with complex local sensitivities beyond bodily governance in the neoliberal logic. Yangsheng provides a site for negotiating the tension between ageing and health that is implicated in the cultural structuring of contemporary Chinese society.

Notes 1 Wanning Sun, ‘Regimes of Healthy Living: The Reality of Ageing in Urban China and the Cultivation of New Normative Subjects.’ Journal of Consumer Culture 16 (2016): 09–12. 2 Leung Angela Ki and Charlotte Furth, Health and Hygiene in Chinese East Asia: Policies and Publics in the Long 20th Century (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010). 3 Weiming Tu, ‘A Confucian Perspective on Embodiment’, in Drew Leder, eds., The Body in Medical Thought and Practice (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992), 87–100. 4 David Dear, ‘Chinese Yangsheng: Self-help and Self-image.’ Asian Medicine, no. 7 (2012): 1–33. 5 Roger Ames, ‘Introduction to Part Three: On Body as Ritual Practice’, in Thomas P. Kasulis, Roger T. Ames and Wimal Dissanayake, eds., Self as Body in Asian Theory and Practice (Albany: State University of New York, 1993), 49–56. 6 Siyang Cao, ‘Cultivating Shenti in Everyday Life: Self, Relationality and Embodied Masculinity in China’, The Sociological Review (2021), Advanced Online Publication, DOI: 10.1177/00380261211059669. 7 Xiaoying Qi, ‘Ageing in Contemporary China: The Ziran Approach.’ Journal of Gender Studies 30, no. 5 (2021): 584–95. 8 Julia Twigg, ‘The Body, Gender, and Age: Feminist Insights in Social Gerontology.’ Journal of Ageing Studies 18, no. 1 (2004): 59–73. 9 Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life, 2nd ed (Hampshire: Macmillan, 1996). 10 Brian Salter and Charlotte Salter, ‘The Politics of Ageing: Health Consumers, Markets and Hegemonic Challenge.’ Sociology of Health & Illness 40, no. 6 (2018): 1069–86. 11 Lupton Deborah, The Imperative of Health: Public Health and the Regulated Body (London: Sage. 1995). 12 Paul Higgs, Miranda Leontowitsch, Fiona Stevenson and Ian R Jones, ‘Not just Old and Sick – The “Will to Health” in Later Life.’ Ageing & Society 29, no. 5 (2009): 687–707.

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Cao Siyang 13 Gard, Michael, et al., ‘The Normalization of Sport for Older People?.’ Annals of Leisure Research 20, no. 3 (2017): 257. 14 Rose Nikolas, ‘The Politics of Life Itself.’ Theory, Culture and Society 18, no. 6 (2001): 1–30. 15 Xiaodong Lin, ‘Virtuous Eating: Landscaping the Ethics of Elder Care with Food’, Health and place (2020) advanced online publication, October 29, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2021.102702. 16 Martin Rose and Ruohan Chen, The People’s Dance: The Power and Politics of Guangchang Wu (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020). 17 Sheng Li, ‘Embodying Ageing: Middle-aged and Older Women’s Bodily Fitness and Aesthetics in Urban China’, Ageing and Society (2021), Advanced Online Publication, January 25, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X2 0001774. 18 Xiaodong Lin, ‘Yang Sheng, Care and Changing Family Relations in China: About a “Left Behind” Mother’s Diet.’ Families, Relationships and Societies, no. 9 (2020): 287–301. 19 Farquhar Judith and Zhang Qicheng, Ten Thousand Things: Nurturing Life in Contemporary Beijing (New York: Zone Books, 2012). 20 Wanning Sun, ‘Regimes of Healthy Living: The Reality of Ageing in Urban China and the Cultivation of New Normative Subjects.’ Journal of Consumer Culture 16, no. 3 (2016): 908–925. 21 Laura Hurd Clarke, Lauren Currie and Erica V. Bennett, ‘I Don’t Want to Be, Feel Old’: Older Canadian Men’s Perceptions and Experiences of Physical Activity.’ Ageing and Society 40, no. 1 (2018): 126–143. 22 Anderson Ben, ‘Cultural Geography III: The Concept of Culture.’ Progress in Human Geography 44, no. 3 (2020): 608–17. 23 Crossley Nick, ‘In the Gym: Motives, Meanings and Moral Careers.’ Body & Society 12, no. 3 (2006): 23–50. 24 Phoenix Cassandra and Noreen Orr, ‘Pleasure: A Forgotten Dimension of Physical Activity in Older Age.’ Social Science & Medicine 115, no. 1 (2014): 94–102. 25 Jing Liu, ‘What is Nature? – Ziran in Early Daoist Thinking.’ Asian Philosophy 26, no. 3 (2006): 265–79. 26 Siyang Cao, ‘Cultivating Shenti in Everyday Life: Self, Relationality and Embodied Masculinity in China.’ The Sociological Review 70, no. 3 (2021): 438–454. 27 Chris Gilleard and Paul Higgs, Cultures of Ageing (Harlow: Prentice Hall, 2000), 232. 28 Higgs et al., ‘Not Just Old and Sick – The “Will to Health” in Later Life.’ Ageing & Society 29, no. 5 (2009): 687–707. 29 Swidler Ann, ‘Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.’ American Sociological Review 51, no. 2 (1986): 273–86. 30 Wanning Sun, ‘Regimes of Healthy Living: The Reality of Ageing in Urban China and the Cultivation of New Normative Subjects.’ Journal of Consumer Culture 16, no. 3 (2016): 908–925.

Bibliography Anderson, Ben. ‘Cultural Geography III: The Concept of Culture.’ Progress in Human Geography 44, no. 3 (2020): 608–617. Cao, Siyang. ‘Cultivating Shenti in Everyday Life: Self, Relationality and Embodied Masculinity in China.’ The Sociological Review (2021), Advanced Online Publication, 10.1177/00380261211059669. Chen, Feinian, Liu, Guangya and Mair, Christine. ‘Intergenerational Ties in Context: Grandparents Caring for Rrand-children in China.’ Social Forces 90, no. 2(2011): 571–594. Clarke, Laura H., Currie, Lauren and Bennett, Erica V. ‘‘I Don’t Want to Be, Feel Old’: Older Canadian Men’s Perceptions and Experiences of Physical Activity.’ Ageing & Society 40, no.1 (2020): 126–143. Crossley, Nick. ‘In the Gym: Motives, Meanings and Moral Careers.’ Body & Society 12, no. 3 (2006): 23–50. Dear, David. ‘Chinese Yangsheng: Self-help and Self-image.’ Asian Medicine 7, no. 1(2012): 1–33. Dionigi, Rylee. ‘Competitive Sport as Leisure in Later Life: Negotiations, Discourse, and Aging.’ Leisure Sciences, 28(2006): 181–196. Farquhar, Judith and Zhang, Qicheng. Ten Thousand Things: Nurturing Life in Contemporary Beijing. New York: Zone Books, 2012. Gard, Michael, Dionigi, Rylee A., Horton, Sean, Baker, Joseph, Weir, Patricia and Dionigi, Claudio. ‘The Normalization of Sport for Older People?.’ Annals of Leisure Research 20, no. 3(2017): 253–272. Gilleard, Chris and Higgs, Paul. Cultures of Ageing: Self, Citizen and the Body. Harlow: Prentice Hall, 2000. Higgs, Paul, Leontowitsch, Miranda, Stevenson, Fiona and Jones, Ian R. ‘Not just Old and Sick –The “Will to Health” in Later Life.’ Ageing & Society 29, no. 5 (2009): 687–707. Kasulis, Thomas P. Roger T. Ames, Wimal Dissanayake, eds. Self as Body in Asian Theory and Practice. Albany: State University of New York, 1993.

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Sports and Physical Fitness of Senior Citizens Katz, Stephen. ‘Busy Bodies: Activity, Aging, and the Management of Everyday Life.’ Journal of Aging Studies 14, no. 2(2000): 135–152. Laslett, Peter. A Fresh Map of Life, 2nd ed. Hampshire: Macmillan, 1996. Leung, Angela Ki and Charlotte Furth, eds. Health and Hygiene in Chinese East Asia: Policies and Publics in the Long 20th Century. Durham: Duke University Press, 2010. Li, Sheng. ‘Embodying Ageing: Middle-aged and Older Women’s Bodily Fitness and Aesthetics in Urban China.’ Ageing and Society (2021), Advanced Online Publication, 10.1017/S0144686X20001774. Lin, Xiaodong. ‘Yang Sheng, Care and Changing Family Relations in China: About a “Left Behind” Mother’s Diet.’ Families, Relationships and Societies 9, no. 2 (2020): 287–301. Liu, Jing. ‘What is Nature? – Ziran in Early Daoist Thinking.’ Asian Philosophy 26, no. 3 (2006): 265–279. Luo, Minxia and Chui, Ernest. ‘An Alternative Discourse of Productive Aging.’ Journal of Aging Studies 38, no. 1 (2016): 27–36. Lupton, Deborah. The Imperative of Health: Public Health and the Regulated Body. London: Sage. 1995. Martin, Rose and Ruohan, Chen. The People’s Dance: The Power and Politics of Guangchang Wu. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. Palmer, David A. Qigong Fever: Body, Science, and Utopia in China. New York: Columbia University Press, 2007. Phoenix, Cassandra and Orr, Noreen. ‘Pleasure: A Forgotten Dimension of Physical Activity in Older Age.’ Social Science & Medicine 115, no. 1 (2014): 94–102. Qi, Xiaoying. ‘Ageing in Contemporary China: The Ziran Approach.’ Journal of Gender Studies 30, no. 5(2021): 584–595. Rose, Nikolas. ‘The Politics of Life Itself.’ Theory, Culture and Society 18, no. 6(2001): 1–30. Salter, Brian and Salter, Charlotte. ‘The Politics of Ageing: Health Consumers, Markets and Hegemonic Challenge.’ Sociology of Health & Illness 40, no. 6(2018):1069–1086. Sun, Wanning. ‘Regimes of Healthy Living: The Reality of Ageing in Urban China and the Cultivation of New Normative Subjects.’ Journal of Consumer Culture 16, no. 3 (2016): 908–925. Swidler, Ann. ‘Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.’ American Sociological Review 51, no. 2(1986): 273–286. Tu, Weiming. ‘A Confucian Perspective on Embodiment.’ in Drew Leder, eds. The Body in Medical Thought and Practice. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992, 87–100. Twigg, Julia. ‘The Body, Gender, and Age: Feminist Insights in Social Gerontology.’ Journal of Ageing Studies 18, no. 1 (2004): 59–73. Zhang, Yanhua. Transforming Emotions with Chinese Medicine: An Ethnographic Account from Contemporary China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007.

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27 SPORTS AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA Migrant Workers, Citizenship, and Sports Rights Chen Jiaming

Introduction of Migrant Workers Population movements and the emergence of migrant workers are a historical and global phenomenon. Migration occurs in response to changes in social structures. Groups of migrant workers emerge at a time when social structural changes produce large numbers of job vacancies. A representative case in point is Germany in the process of building European integration after the end of the Second World War, where the number of migrant worker groups grew from 686,100 to 5,241,800 in the 40 years between the 1950s and the 1990s, an increase of 764%, and it can be said that Germany was at the centre and epitome of the entire European migration phenomenon in the process of European integration.1 A large number of studies focus on the social integration produced in the change of social structure, the redistribution of social resources, the inequality between supply and demand, and the resulting new social conflicts. The wave of migrant workers in China came slightly later than in Europe as the Chinese urbanisation level only expanded after 1978 with the reform and opening-up strategy that stimulated a large number of rural labourers to enter the cities at an unprecedented rate. The level of urbanisation is not only an indicator of the country’s social development, but also an important indicator of the country’s social governance, economic development, and overall national strength. One of the main features of China’s urbanisation is the influx of rural labour into the cities. These labourers, known as migrant workers, are the main component of China’s mobile population and are one of the main forces behind urban construction and development. Migrant workers are a special social group formed under the dual economic structure of urban and rural areas in China. Zhang Yulin and other sociologists first put the concept of ‘migrant workers’ forward in the early 1980s. They argue that migrant workers is a title of identity plus contract, and they have the dual attributes of ‘migrant and worker’, ‘migrant’ being the identity and ‘worker’ being the occupation.2 According to the data released by the National Bureau of Statistics in 2009, the total number of migrant workers in China numbered 230 million, and the number of migrant workers who leave their hometown to work was 150 million, with the 2020 report showing their number at 290.77 million, accounting for approximately 20% of China’s total population. Affected by the COVID-19 and travel restrictions in many areas of China, the total number of migrant workers in 2020 is 5.17 million less than the previous year, a decrease of 1.8%, including 169.59 million migrant workers going abroad, 4.66 million less than 232

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-34

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the previous year, a decrease of 2.7%.3 They are a huge social group and are also regarded as a special class (after the founding of New China, China is a classless society). With the changes in population, demographics, occupational structure, and economic development, migrant workers in China have begun to differentiate into ‘the first generation of migrant workers’ and ‘the new generation of migrant workers’ since the late 1990s. The first generation of migrant workers was born before 1980 and began to flow out of agricultural and rural areas in the 1980s and 1990s. The new or second generation of migrant workers refers to those who were born after 1980 and began to work in the city in the late 1990s. It is generally believed that the employment channels of the second generation of migrant workers are more modern, widespread, and stable than those of the first generation. The second generation is more inclined to work abroad for long periods of time and across regions, and they change jobs more frequently. They feel a higher sense of identity with the city and a relatively narrower psychological distance from the city.4

Urban Integration and Citizenship Social integration refers to the process that the urbanisation level reaches a certain stage, the regional and transportation links between the city and the surrounding satellite cities become closer, or the resources of areas with similar culture are integrated in economy, life, education, and other aspects, so as to achieve overall planning and rapid sharing of resources. The urban integration of migrant workers can be simply summarised as rapid integration into the city and obtaining citizenship. As a migrant population (migrant workers), after arriving in the city, how to integrate with the life of local residents has always been an important issue in sociology, economics, and human behaviour science. Park believed that local residents and immigrants can adapt to each other by sharing their own cultural memories.5 Boswell and D’Amato found that for new immigrants in cities, the acquisition of citizenship depends on local policies. At the same time, the identity integration of immigrants depends on the ‘integration ability’ of individuals, that is, the economic, cultural, and social abilities required to participate in key areas of life, especially the labour market and education and training.6 The acquisition of citizenship means that immigrants are fully integrated into the community, but the tolerance of national communities to immigrant groups and the exclusiveness of local residents in urban communities to immigrant groups exist at the same time.7 At present, the key to the success of China’s urbanization process lies in whether migrant workers can successfully integrate into urban society. Since its reform and opening up, China has made great efforts to change its economic development strategy and to change the dual economic structure between urban and rural areas and the household registration system. However, the ‘three rural issues’ (san nong wen ti 三农问题) have been the major problems affecting the integrated development of China’s urban and rural areas, namely rural issues, agricultural issues, and farmers’ issues. At the heart of the ‘three rural issues’ is the question of how to provide low-cost goods to low-income groups; how to narrow the widening gap between urban and rural incomes; and how to provide services that enhance migrant workers’ sense of belonging and well-being.8 Based on their status as farmers, migrant workers’ sense of belonging after losing their fields comes greatly from the acquisition of urban household registration and citizenship status. At the stage of rapid social development, the difference in the development speed between cities will lead to the difference in the flow of migrant workers. The increasing diversity of cities poses considerable challenges to migrant workers without stable income and local registered residence registration, as well as various departments responsible for vulnerable groups in cities. However, based on China’s national conditions, an open reform of the household registration system is hardly a reality in the short term. Therefore, as a summary of the migratory process of migrant workers, the acquisition of citizenship can better reflect the reconciliation of the individual and the system in the process of urbanisation. 233

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Urbanisation and Sport Rights In the current process of urbanisation, human resources have become an important player in the redistribution of urban resources, and the all-round development of the human person in turn occupies an important place in human resources. People create sport and use it to survive, develop, and enjoy life. Participation in sports and physical education is undoubtedly one of the most important elements in the all-round development of modern man, and the right to sports and the guarantee of sports participation have an irreplaceable role in enhancing and improving the physical quality of people, building a sound human character, and promoting their all-round development. In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by a resolution. It is a landmark document in the history of human rights. It stipulates for the first time that basic human rights should be universally protected.9 Subsequently, the International Charter of Physical Education and Sports, adopted by UNESCO in 1978, clearly stipulated that engaging in sports training and sports is a basic human right.10 This is the first time that the right to sports appears and is clearly conceptualised in the relevant documents of sports law. After more than half a century of exploration and research, the content of sporting rights research outside of China is evolving towards socialisation. For example, as the socio-economic structure of American society continues to adapt, the structure of social classes has changed accordingly. As a range of social issues and new disadvantaged groups emerge, these people are faced with the basic right to survive on the one hand, but equally so. They also have rights to exercise and need to be given social attention and equal respect.11 There are diverse and disadvantaged groups throughout American society, including but not limited to blacks, other non-black people of colour, minorities, and foreign-born Americans, and other disadvantaged groups, such as people with disabilities who have distinct physical characteristics and who typically receive social assistance services. They need such help from society, and society has the responsibility and obligation to meet their basic sports needs through redistribution.12 Chinese defence of the residents’ right to sports is a developing process, from the gradual definition of the citizens’ right to sport to the implementation of comprehensive protection through special legislation, very similar to the process in other countries. The first constitution in 1954 explicitly provided for the promotion of national sports and the care of the physical fitness of young people; the promulgation of the Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China in 1995 filled a gap in the field of sports, and in the same year the State Council promulgated the National Fitness Regulations, promulgated in 2009, are a guarantee of the right to sports for special citizens. However, with the continuous reform of Chinese socialist market economy, the social environment has undergone great changes. At the time of the enactment of the Sports Law, the social management system and economic business model were still governed in a traditional manner, with most of the provisions being administrative and very few being service provisions. Sports was not specifically defined as a civil right, let alone the sporting rights of disadvantaged groups.13 The lack of sporting rights for migrant workers may stem from China’s dualistic urban-rural structure. Under this system, although migrant workers live and work in large cities, their household registration remains in the countryside, which creates a number of civil rights issues, including sporting rights and other special benefits, which are also dependent on the rural location of the household registration. Because of this, it is difficult for migrant workers to enjoy the sporting rights of the city.14 Chinese sport law has made clear legislative protection for the general sense of physically vulnerable groups such as the old, the weak, and the disabled. However, for a large number of special groups, such as migrant workers, workers who have been laid off, and other socially vulnerable groups generated as a byproduct of the urban-rural dual system and ongoing social transformation, sports rights have long been in an unmanaged and insecure state.15 At present, China has not yet formed a system of laws, including sports laws and regulations, to address this situation, instead has mainly focused on the lack of operability and the judicial system. The degree of 234

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weakness and relief system have not yet been established. The definition of sports laws and regulations in China is relatively macro, advocating, and principled in content. It only emphasises the protection of citizens’ right to participate in sports as a large concept, with no specific implementation method, no specific legal constraints, and no guarantee of compulsory procedural operation.16

The Current Situation and Reasons for the Lack of Sports Rights of Migrant Workers At present, the development of mass sports in urban communities requires the status of the participants. Migrant workers who are not granted citizenship status may be discriminated against and find it difficult to develop or participate in community sports activities. Once removed from the community, migrant workers are deprived of the necessary space and personnel to participate in sport. With the dual economic structure of urban and rural areas and household registration, the lack of a clear identity makes it difficult for migrant workers to enjoy the same sporting resources as local community residents, and it is difficult for migrant workers to be guaranteed their right to sport. This has led to a significant gap between migrant workers and city dwellers in terms of their view of sport, their participation in sport, their consumption of sport and the protection of their sporting rights. This has led to a significant gap between migrant workers and urban residents in terms of their view of sports, sports participation, sports consumption, and protection of their rights. This gap is further exacerbated by the fact that migrant workers are less aware of their rights and may voluntarily give up some of their rights to participate in sport in order to integrate into their communities. In the West, with the influence of a robust community system, disadvantaged groups have ample channels to express their demands to the government or society and defend their sports rights. In China, urban dwellers can assert their legal rights through their communities. In contrast, migrant workers, whose identity is blurred, lack a stable and authoritative channel to express their demands and assert their sports rights. The level of education also greatly influences people’s perceptions and attitudes towards sports, and as the level of education increases, the demand for and importance of sports will continue to rise. However, most migrant workers, whether they are first generation or new generation, have a relatively short education history, and the imbalance in educational resources in rural areas, especially the lack of teaching resources and sports equipment, inevitably affects their knowledge of sports and their lack of basic understanding and interest in sports, making it more difficult for them to become participants or even consumers of sports.

Conclusion At present, China’s migrant workers are at a low level in terms of income level, education level, and protection of citizens’ rights and interests. It is difficult to protect the basic right to participate in sports. At the same time, the lack of sports knowledge, cognition, and motivation of migrant workers further reduces the degree of sports participation of migrant workers. In the process of urban integration, migrant workers with a large base are easy to intensify group contradictions and trigger social conflicts if they are under pressure from economy, culture, and discrimination. The problem of migrant workers should attract the attention of all sectors of society, and the legitimate sports rights and interests of migrant workers themselves should be protected. As a healthy and equal way of life and emotional communication, sports is a good platform for the urban integration process of migrant workers. Sports equity should not only be reflected in competition, but also ensure the participation equity of the majority of groups, and ensure the basic rights of socially vulnerable groups, including migrant workers. Migrant workers’ sports is an important part of China’s national fitness program. It is of great significance to improve the basic sports policies, protect the sports rights and interests of migrant workers, and build a healthy society. 235

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Notes 1 Quancheng Song宋全成, ‘简论德国移民的历史进程’(A Brief Discussion of the Historical Process of Migration in Germany).’ 文史哲 (Literature, History and Philosophy) no. 3 (2005): 86–93. 2 Xiaoyan Jing荆晓艳 and Xie Huaijian谢怀建, ‘社会转型视域下的新生代农民工交往问题分析与对策思 考’(Analysis of the Interaction Problems of New Generation Migrant Workers in the Context of Social Transformation and Consideration of Countermeasures).’ (重庆行政(公共论坛) (Chongqing Administration (Public Forum) 12, no.5 (2010): 32–35. 3 ‘2020农民工监测报告 (2020 Migrant Workers Monitoring Report)’, The Official Website of National Bureau of Statistics of China, April 30, 2021. Accessed March 15, 2022. http://www.stats.gov.cn/xxgk/sjfb/zxfb2020/ 202104/t20210430_1816937.html. 4 Jun He何军, 城乡统筹背景下的劳动力转移与城市融入问题研究. (Research on Labor Transfer and Urban Integration under the Background of Urban-Rural Coordination) (PhD dissertation, Nanjing Agricultural University, 2011). 5 Robert Ezra Park and Ernest Watson Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009). 6 Gianni D’Amato and Christina Boswell, Immigration and Social Systems: Collected Essays of Michael Bommes (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012). 7 Garcés-Mascareñas, Blanca, Labour Migration in Malaysia and Spain: Markets, Citizenship and Rights (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 260–22. 8 Jun He何军, 城乡统筹背景下的劳动力转移与城市融入问题研究, 15. 9 ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, The Official Website of the UN, Accessed March 20, 2022. https://www. un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights. 10 Joe Marshall and Ken Hardman, ‘The State and Status of Physical Education in Schools in International Context.’ European Physical Education Review 6, no. 3 (2000): 203–229. 11 Rothman, J, Practice with Highly Vulnerable Clients: Case Management and Community-Based Service (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1995), 3–4. 12 Doyal, L and Grogh, I, A Theory of Human Need (New York: The Cuilford Press, 1991). 13 Kun Cao曹坤, 我国公民体育权利问题研究(Study on the Rights of Citizens in China) (MA thesis. Northeast University of Finance and Economics, 2011). 14 Donghai Wu武东海, ‘城市化进程中新生代农民工体育权益保障研究:理念、困境与突破(Research on the Protection of Sports Rights and Interests of the New Generation of Migrant Workers in the Process of Urbanization: Concept, Dilemma and Breakthrough).’ Journal of Beijing University of Physical Education 37, no. 2 (2014): 7–12. 15 Qingshan Zhou周青山. 体育领域反歧视法律问题研究(Research on Anti-discrimination Legal Issues in Sports Field) (PhD dissertation, Wuhan University, 2011). 16 Yujia Qian钱裕嘉, 社会转型期社会性弱势群体体育权利的法律保护(Legal Protection of the Sports Rights of Social Vulnerable Groups in the Social Transition Period) (MA thesis, Nanjing Normal University, 2014).

Bibliography Cao, Kun曹坤. 我国公民体育权利问题研究(Study on the Rights of Citizens in China). MA thesis, Northeast University of Finance and Economics, 2011. D’Amato, Gianni, and Boswell, Christina. Immigration and Social Systems: Collected Essays of Michael Bommes. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012. Doyal, L. and Grogh, I., A Theory of Human Need. New York: The Cuilford Press, 1991. Garcés-Mascareñas, Blanca. Labour Migration in Malaysia and Spain: Markets, Citizenship and Rights. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012. He, Jun何军. 城乡统筹背景下的劳动力转移与城市融入问题研究.(Research on Labor Transfer and Urban Integration under the Background of Urban-Rural Coordination). PhD Dissertation, Nanjing Agricultural University, 2011. Jing, Xiaoyan and Xie, Huaijia. ‘社会转型视域下的新生代农民工交往问题分析与对策思考（Analysis of the Interaction Problems of New Generation Migrant Workers in the Context of Social Transformation and Consideration of Countermeasures）.’ Chongqing Administration (Public Forum)) 12, no. 5(2010): 32–35 Marshall, Joe, and Hardman, Ken. ‘The State and Status of Physical Education in Schools in International Context.’ European Physical Education Review 6, no.3 (2000): 203–229. Park, Robert Ezra, and Burgess, Ernest Watson. Introduction to the Science of Sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.

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Sports and Social Stratification in Contemporary China Qian, Yujia钱裕嘉. 社会转型期社会性弱势群体体育权利的法律保护(Legal Protection of the Sports Rights of Social Vulnerable Groups in the Social Transition Period). MA thesis, Nanjing Normal University, 2014. Rothman, J., Practice with Highly Vulnerable Clients: Case Management and Community-Based Service. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1995. Song, Quancheng宋全成. ‘简论德国移民的历史进程’(A Brief Discussion of the Historical Process of Migration in Germany).’ 文史哲 (Literature, History and Philosophy), no.3 (2005): 86–93. Wu, Donghai武东海. ‘城市化进程中新生代农民工体育权益保障研究:理念、困境与突破 (Research on the Protection of Sports Rights and Interests of the New Generation of Migrant Workers in the Process of Urbanization: Concept, Dilemma and Breakthrough).’ Journal of Beijing University of Physical Education 37, no. 02 (2014):7–12. Zhou, Qingshan周青山. 体育领域反歧视法律问题研究(Research on Anti-Discrimination Legal Issues in Sports Field). PhD Dissertation, Wuhan University, 2011.

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28 SPORTS PARTICIPATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES Daniel Lemus-Delgado

Introduction This chapter explores the relationship between the sports participation of ethnic minorities and the search for national unity. Based on the idea that China is a civilization-state, this article analyses how the sports participation of ethnic minorities contributes to national unity. The key argument is that under the influence of Confucianism thought that all human beings can be under the same state despite their ethnic differences, the CCP has promoted the organisation, control, and standardisation of ethnic sports to consolidate Chinese national identity. The essay explores the relationship among ethnic minorities, traditional sports, and nationalism and the findings highlight how successful athletes from ethnic groups and the organisation of the National Games of Ethnic Minorities have contributed to the strengthening of Chinese national unity.

Sports, Ethnic Minorities, and the Search of National Unity One of the core objectives of the revolutionary project of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been territorial integrity.1 Since the triumph of the Revolution in 1949, the Chinese government has maintained control of ethnic groups.2 Consequently, the CCP has searched to establish a single national identity – [Zhongguoren] – through which all the inhabitants of China should identify as Chinese regardless of the ethnic group to which they belong. Although the Chinese government has affirmed that since ancient times China has been a united multi-ethnic country the reality is that the concept of ethnicity was developed at the beginning of the twentieth century. As Dikö tter has noted, ‘Races do not exist, they are imagined’.3 So, the relationship between hanmin (han people) and the barbarian (yi ren) has been very distinct from one period to another. In some times, these relations were deeply xenophobic while in other moments the non-Han people were considered Chinese if they could be educated properly in the ritual and the Confucian classics. During different historical periods, Chinese rulers, beginning with the Han Dynasty (202 BC–220 AD), developed and consolidated the idea of a united political entity beyond the differences between the people that inhabited this entity.4 In this sense, the CCP has spread the idea of uniformity through to classify 91 percent of the total population as Han and that the 55 ethnic minorities or ’minority nationalities’ [shaoshu minzu] 5 as only represent 8.89 percent, according to data from the national census conducted in 2020.6 However, some scholars suggest that there would be at least 400 or more Chinese 238

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-35

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ethnic minorities rather than only 55.7 In the end, ethnic groups were artificially identified and classified by the Chinese state due to the Ethnic Classification Project conducted in the early 1950s.8 In this way, under the influence of Soviet classification categories, the Communist leadership affirmed that the rights of the ethnic minorities could be safeguarded only under socialism and ethnic divisions and conflicts would wither away as all groups were treated equally.9 The new Communist regime found nationalism a powerful tool to safeguard ethnic coexistence and territorial integrity.10 Under this logic, mass sports became an instrument to promote the interests of the Communist regime, including national unity. Sports are a uniquely successful way to inculcate nationalist sentiments and one of the most fertile soils for the construction of national identity,11 generating a feeling of belonging to the same community beyond ethnic differences. Therefore, the peculiarities of the Chinese state and its endless search for national unity framed China’s minority groups and their massive participation in sports. At present, China is a multi-ethnic nation state.12 The 55 ethnic minority groups are dispersed in areas covering some 60 percent of Chinese territory.13 However, the Chinese state faces enormous challenges in maintaining national unity due to its characteristics. As Martin Jacques 14 suggests, the first distinctive features of the Chinese state are the fact that China is not a modern nation-state but a civilization-state. The second feature is that the challenge of governing China stems mainly from the continental size of its territory. As a civilization-state, in its long historical continuity of more than two millennia, the Chinese have considered themselves to be more a civilization than a conventional nation. Thus, the fundamental features that define the identity of China today – such as the relationship between the state and society, the written Chinese language, the notion of the family, ancestral respect, Confucian values, and guanxi, the network of personal relationships – emanates from this ancient tradition. The country’s shadow has primarily moulded the Chinese identity as a civilization-state. On the other hand, the size of mainland China fosters enormous diversity. It would have been impossible to have governed the country based on a centralised government both today and in the past. The elements that delineate the characteristics of the Chinese states have defined mass sport in China. From 1949 to 1957, mass sports policies aimed to improve health for the labour force and national defence, reinforcing a new nationalism. Later, between 1958 to 1976, mass sports policies were considered a political tool for social control. So, the sports policies supported a regime characterised by the absolute leadership of PCC and boosted a sense of camaraderie. Afterward, from 1977 to 1994, the reform of the management system and the construction of a sports culture were the goals of mass sports policy. Finally, from 1995 to 2009, policy moved on to equal opportunity for all citizens.15 The mass sports policies have stimulated participation in traditional and international sports activities, educating people in a healthy body culture and collaborating to construct a modern society.16 Broadly speaking, these same principles have guided the policies of Sport Participation of Ethnic Minorities. Physical culture and sports institutions have been established in the various autonomous areas to train people in ethnic sports, develop traditional ethnic and modern sports activities, and improve the health of minority peoples. This fact has allowed athletes from ethnic minorities to stand out in major sporting events. Perhaps the most representative case is the Prince of Gymnastics, Li Ning, a successful athlete and businessman who won six medals at the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. Li was born in the city of Liuzhou in southern China,17 and is a member of one of China’s 55 ethnic minorities, the Zhuang. He was first introduced to the world of gymnastics at elementary school, and he began his training as a professional athlete at the age of eight.18 Li’s talent was nurtured by a sports system where the state provided financial and material resources necessary to produce world-class athletes, specifically athletes capable of winning Olympic gold medals. The sports system that searched for Olympic athletes found talented young people around the country and propelled them to sports glory regardless of the ethnic group. As a symbol of the success of the entire Chinese nation, Li lit the Olympic cauldron at the Beijing Olympics in 2008. 239

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Ethnic Minorities and Sports The Chinese State’s view of the assimilation of ethnic minorities is based on the Confucian legacy of the relationship between the Han ethnic group and other ethnic groups. Based upon these postulates, it is accepted that anyone can be a member of the national community as long as they accept the dominant culture. The assumption is that Confucian culture would embrace different ethnic communities, and the state should be impartial towards all ethnic groups that make up the same political identity. Confucianism assumes the concept of the cultural diversity of humanity;19 consequently, all human beings can be under the same state despite their ethnic differences. The Confucian model about the relationship between Han and other ethnic groups permeated the postulates of the nationalist government at the fall of the Qing Dynasty. Also, the Communist government assumed these principles. As Zang has pointed out, the Confucian idea of ronghe, defined as ‘amalgamation or fusion of the Han majority and non-Han minorities in a process of Confucian cultural diffusion’20 conceptualised how these relationships should be. The ronghe ideology is the driving force behind Beijing’s policymaking concerning ethnic minorities, including preserving and promoting ethnic minority cultures. In this sense, sports plays a fundamental role in this process, and the Chinese State has encouraged the celebration of traditional sports for these minorities. The traditional sports of ethnic minorities originated in people’s everyday lives. These sports are hugely diverse in the way that people practise them because they have a strong link with the geographical and historical context of each ethnic minority. In this way, each of these sports has its characteristics and has a long history, and the practice of these sports requires high physical skills. For example, the stilts running race was initially a Miao sport in Hunan Province where ancient people walked on stilts to escape the frequent floodwater.21 Sports, in different ways, have been a part of cultural life since the origins of China. Sports were a crucial element in teaching the skills and teamwork necessary for survival activities such as hunting and warfare. Through athletic games, the people showed their physical talent, as in the case of the ‘Single Bamboo Drifting’. The traditional transportation method by local people from northern Guizhou Province inspired this sport; barefoot athletes take to the water on 7.5-meter-long bamboo poles and maintain their stability while they glide across the surface of natural water.22 On the other hand, the religious rituals of hunters and gatherers, over time, generated other traditional sports.23 On some occasions, current sports activities had their origin in religious beliefs. This situation occurred, for example, with the dragon boat race of the Miao people. Initially, it was a large-scale agricultural sacrificial rite in the Qingshui River region of China’s Guizhou Province.24 Today, the Dragon Canoe Festival is one of the four most important festivals celebrated by the Miao with the Miao New Year, the Lusheng Festival, and the Sister’s Meal Festival. Nowadays, nearly 10,000 people from the Miao village around Shidong town congregate to celebrate their traditional Dragon Boat Festival, the 25th day of the fifth month of the Chinese lunar calendar, when people hold on a dragon boat race and also pray for good weather and a good harvest.25 Traditional sports are trendy in the rural areas where ethnic groups live. The ethnic groups practice these sports during holidays and festivals, and its demonstrations evidence how ‘China remains one of the world’s most diverse and colourful sports community’.26 Chinese traditional sports of ethnic communities include horse racing, archery, sheep-chasing on horseback, wrestling, swinging, springboard jumping, dragon-boat racing, and mountaineering. In addition, music, song, and dance often accompany these sports activities. According to official data, more than 290 traditional ethnic sports are practised in China.27 The sports of ethnic groups have deep historical roots. An example is the sports of the Mongolian ethnic group. The activities that today we call sports were part of periodic meetings that included everything from political activities to recreational activities. These meetings, known as ‘Huli Letai’ (a big meeting), originated during the 13th century. During the sessions, people carried out multiple activities 240

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such as making laws, appointing new officers, prosecuting outlaws, and awarding awards to prominent officials. In addition, the people participated in an event known as ‘Nadam.’ In the Mongolian language, ‘Nadam’ means entertainment or games. At that time, Nadam chiefly implied wrestling, horse racing, and archery, called ‘three skills by men.’ After the Qing Dynasty, the Mongolians organised ‘Nadam’ always every one or two years. The winners’ prize was brick tea, silk, and widely prized animals such as horses, camels, and sheep. After the triumph of the Communist Revolution, the content of ‘Nadam Fair’ changed notably, including new activities such as theatrical performances, movies, material exchange. Currently, Nadam is a great festival celebrated each August when the livestock is heavy and robust.28 Sometimes sports that originate from one ethnic group are later shared with other ethnic minorities and thus become more popular throughout China. So, it is with ‘Beikuo’, a sport similar to field hockey. This sport originated among the Daur people. They live mainly in the eastern portion of the Inner Mongolia autonomous region and western Heilongjiang Province. Other ethnic groups now practice this sport in Sichuan Province, Gansu Province, Ningxia Autonomous Region, and Tianjin City. The Daur people’s hockey stick is about one metre long and is made of oak wood, and the ball is made of the apricot root. Another popular sport between ethnic minorities, from Tibet, is the two-man tug-of-war.29

Ethnic National Games The National Games of Ethnic Minorities is the most important traditional sports event in China. In 1981, the State Council approved the National Minority Traditional Sports Games to be organised by the National Ethnic Affairs Commission, the National Sports Committee, and the local governments of the cities in which the sports competitions were to take place. In addition, the Council of State ordered the periodic organisation of the games every four years. The provisions of the State Council on the Implementation of the Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy stipulate that the State must regularly organise traditional sports games of ethnic minorities. Throughout China’s 25 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities traditional ethnic minority sports are contested every four years.30 Officially, the purpose behind the games is that sports competitions are a magnificent occasion for ethnic minorities to show their sports culture and strengthen their bonds of unity and brotherhood. The original description of the game’s spirit meant equality, unity, struggle, and advance. As Cheng has noted, these descriptors evidence the double goal about the participation of ethnic minorities in sports: the development of more excellent athletes and the establishment of a unified and harmonious nation.31 For the first time, during the celebration of the Third National Games in 1986, the sports competitions had an emblem, a flag, and a monogram. Also, from this event, the Games are divided into two categories: competition and performance. The spectators could appreciate seven competitions and 115 performance events in those games. In addition, from then on, the National Games added standardised elements for matches. Also, the Games Commission formulated standardised competition rules and methods for evaluating performance projects so that national games moved towards standardisation.32 The National Ethnic Sports Competition and Performance Conference in 1953 in Tianjin was the basis for the first games. In November of that year, Tianjin hosted around 400 athletes from 13 ethnic groups. They competed in weightlifting, boxing, wrestling, and various traditional sports. The first national games lasted five days and drew 120,000 spectators, becoming the first multiple-sport event held in the country since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.33 Due to China’s intricate and conflictive years in the first decades of the People’s Republic, for 29 years, no other national games were held until 1982 when the athletes participated in the competitions celebrated in Hohhot, the Inner Mongolia autonomous region capital. On that occasion, 55 ethnic groups participated, excluding the Han.34 A crucial element of the national games is the opening ceremonies. The opening ceremonies of international sports events are fundamental to understanding how a state builds an image associated with national identity and how ethnic elements can be used to generate a sense of national unity.35 In the case of ethnic 241

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games, the opening ceremonies show the role of minorities in China. Here, the opening ceremonies reinforce a message of unity in diversity, remembering that the cultural richness of ethnic groups is under the cloak of another identity and a more prominent and transcendental project: the Chinese nation. In other words, the idea that the great homeland embraces all ethnic groups, and none are superior to her. In the 11th Chinese Ethnic Games in Zhengzhou, Henan province, the opening ceremony exhibited a performance with the theme as ‘The Chinese as a family, advance hand in hand in a new era.’ The performance had three chapters: ‘Praise China’, ‘Colourful Henan’, and ‘Embrace the Dreams’. Altogether, the messages behind the spectacle referred to topics as the splendid culture of the Chinese nation, the ‘great’ achievements of New China in the past 70 years, and the ‘brilliant’ prospects of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the most important goal of the CCP in the following years. At the end of the performance, all ethnic groups sang the songs: ‘My Country and I’ and ‘The number ‘70’, symbolising the 70th anniversary of establishment of People’s Republic of China.36 At present, the organisation of the National Games seeks to combine the popularisation of the games by combining massification and specialisation, combining traditional sports with modern sports, linking local sports practices with globality. Today, ethnic minority sports have embarked on a path of popularisation, improvement, and standardisation, and the National Games are an excellent opportunity to move in that direction.

Conclusions Sports are more than fun, more than entertainment, and more than an opportunity to promote the health of individuals and communities. Sports also have a high political content. Sporting activities foster a feeling of belonging to a larger community. In this way, governments have taken advantage of sports to consolidate the national identity. It is also the case in China. Sports have been a vital instrument in strengthening national identity. Even more if we consider that China is a multi-ethnic state with an enormous challenge to maintain national unity. The CCP has promoted the development of traditional sports of ethnic groups. The assumption is that the state’s organisation, standardisation, and control of ethnic sporting events contribute to promoting the national identity. Thus, the idea is to show a large family with singular members who live in the same house sharing a common destiny. On the one hand, the mass of modern sports in all territories of China attracts talent regardless of ethnicity with the intention that outstanding athletes achieve glory, fame, and recognition for their sporting feats. These elite athletes from ethnic minorities show that success is available to all and that their success is simultaneously China’s success. On the other hand, the National Games seek to be that space of harmonious coexistence, cultural expression, folklore, and sports competition under the guidance of the national government that channels the wealth of traditional Chinese sports under the assumption that all these manifestations are varied expressions of one, unique, China.

Notes 1 Nick Knight, ‘Imagining Globalisation: The World and Nation in Chinese Communist Party Ideology.’Journal of Contemporary Asia 33, no. 3 (2003): 318–337. 2 Andrew J. Nathan and Andrew Scobell, China’s Search for Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 10. 3 Frank Dikö tter, The Discourse of Race in Modern China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), xiv. 4 Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, ‘White Paper on National Minorities Policy and Its Practice in China.’ China Report 36, no. 1 (2000): 123–155. 5 Michael Dillon, ‘Majorities and Minorities in China: An Introduction.’ Ethnic and Racial Studies 39, no. 12 (2016): 2079–2090.

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Sports Participation of Ethnic Minorities 6 Xinhua, ‘Ethnic Minority Proportion in China’s Population Rises’, Xinhuanet, May 11, 2021. Accessed July 13, 2022. http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2021-05/11/c_139938133.htm. 7 Pan Jiao, ‘Deconstructing China’s Ethnic Minorities.’ Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 42, no. 4 (2010): 46–61. 8 Xiaowei Zang, Ethnicity in China, A Critical Introduction (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015), 13. 9 Morris Rossabi, ‘Introduction’, in Morris Rossabi, eds., Governing China’s Multiethnic Frontiers (Washington: University of Washington Press, 2004), 7. 10 Wenfang Tang and Gaochao He, Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and Nationalism in China (Hawaii: East-West Centre, 2010), 5. 11 Eric Hobswam, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 142. 12 Shiyuan Hao, ‘Ethnicities and Ethnic Relations’, in Li Peilin, eds., Chinese Society - Change and Transformation (London: Routledge, 2012), 94. 13 Zang Xiaowi, Ethnicity in China (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015), 6. 14 Martin Jacques, When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order (New York: The Penguin Press, 2009), 417–425. 15 Xiaolin Zhang and John Saunders, ‘An Historical Review of Mass Sports Policy Development in China, 1949–2009.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 36, no. 15–16 (2019): 1390–1413. 16 Ibid, 1396. 17 The International Olympic Committee, Ning Li, https://www.olympic.org/ning-li. 18 Li Ning, Interview, https://gymnastics.sport/publicdir/wog/72-77/74_eng/interview-li-ning. 19 Xunwu Chen, ‘Confucianism and Cosmopolitanism.’ Asian Philosophy 30, no. 1 (2020): 40. 20 Xiaowi Zang, Ethnicity in China (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015), 20. 21 Xinhua, ‘Ethnic Games More than a Multi-ethnic Sports Gala 2011’, China Daily, September 14, 2011. Accessed July 12, 2022. https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/sports/2011-09/14/content_13688660.htm. 22 Ibid. 23 Mark Dyreson, ‘Sport.’ In Maryanne Cline Horowitz, eds., New Dictionary of the History of Ideas Vol. 5, pp. 2246–2250 (Detroit, MI: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2005). 24 Meng Meng and Tsuneo Sogawa, ‘On the Historical Transformation of the Dragon Boat Race of the Miao in the Qingshui River Region of Guizhou Province of China from a Cultural Anthropological Perspective.’ Asia Pacific Journal of Sport and Social Science 5, no. 1 (2016): 35–50. 25 China Daily, ‘Miao ’Dragon-Boat Festival’ Celebrated in Guizhou’, China Daily, July 7, 2018. Accessed October 15, 2022. https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201807/10/WS5b44719ea3103349141e1e6f.html. 26 Howard G. Knuttgen, Qiwei Ma and Chongyuan Wu, Sport in China (Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 1990), 39. 27 White Paper on National Minorities Policy and Its Practice in China, 150. 28 Science Museum of China, ‘Nadam Fair’ and ‘Three Skills of Men’, Nationalities in the Northeast of China: Mongolian (2021). http://www.kepu.net.cn/english/nationalityne/mong/200312050060.html. 29 Xinhua, ‘Ethnic Games More than a Multi-ethnic Sports Gala 2011’, China Daily, September 14, 2011. Accessed March 19, 2022. https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/sports/2011-09/14/content_13688660.htm. 30 White Paper, section V. 31 Shiyuan Hao, Ethnicities and Ethnic Relations’, in Li Peilin, eds., Chinese Society - Change and Transformation (London: Routledge, 2012), 94.; Chiachi Cheng, ‘A History of the National Traditional Games of Ethnic Minorities of China (1953–2011)’, in Kazuyuki Kanosue, Kohei Kogiso, Daichi Oshimi and Munehiko Harada, eds., Sports Management and Sports Humanities (Tokyo: Springer, 2015), 161. 32 China Science Communication, ‘少数民族传统体育运动会 [Ethnic Minority Traditional Sports Games]’, Baidu Encyclopedic, Accessed March 21, 2022. https://baike.baidu.com/item/%E5%B0%91%E6%95%B0%E6%B0%91% E6%97%8F%E7%9A%84%E4%BC%A0%E7%BB%9F%E4%BD%93%E8%82%B2/15609688?fr=aladdin. 33 The State Council of People’s Republic of China, ‘Ethnic Games Bridging Traditional Sports and Modern Skills’, Xinhua, August 10, 2015, Accessed March 21, 2022. http://english.www.gov.cn/services/2015/08/10/content_ 281475164954446.htm. 34 Xinhua, Ethnic Games More than a Multi-ethnic Sports. 35 Daniel Lemus-Delgado, ‘International Sports Events and National Identity: the Opening Ceremony of the Taipei Universiade.’Sport in Society 24, no. 7 (2021): 1093–1109. 36 The State Council the People’s Republic of China, ‘第十一届全国少数民族传统体育运动会开幕 汪洋出席’, [Wang Yang Attended the Opening of the 11th National Minority Traditional Sports Games], Xinhua, September 9, 2019. Accessed March 21, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-09/09/content_5428415.htm?_x_tr_sch= http&_x_tr_sl=zh-CN&_x_tr_tl=es&_x_tr_hl=es-419&_x_tr_pto=sc.

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Bibliography Chen, Xunwu. ‘Confucianism and Cosmopolitanism.’ Asian Philosophy 30, no. 1 (2020): 40–56. Dikö tter, Frank. The Discourse of Race in Modern China. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Dillon, Michael. ‘Majorities and Minorities in China: An Introduction.’ Ethnic and Racial Studies 39, no. 12 (2016): 2079–2090. Dyreson, Mark. ‘Sport.’ In Maryanne Cline Horowitz, eds. New Dictionary of the History of Ideas Vol. 5, pp. 2246–2250. Detroit, MI: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2005. Hao, Shiyuan. ‘Ethnicities and Ethnic Relations’, in Li Peilin, eds. Chinese Society - Change and Transformation pp. 86–107. London: Routledge, 2012. Information Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China. ‘White Paper on National Minorities Policy and Its Practice in China.’ China Report 36, no. 1 (2000): 123–155. Jacques, Martin. When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order. New York: The Penguin Press, 2009. Knight, Nick. ‘Imagining Globalisation: The World and Nation in Chinese Communist Party Ideology.’ Journal of Contemporary Asia 33, no. 3 (2003): 318–337. Knuttgen, Howard G., Qiwei Ma and Chongyuan Wu. Sport in China. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 1990. Lemus-Delgado, Daniel. ‘International Sports Events and National Identity: The Opening Ceremony of the Taipei Universiade.’ Sport in Society 24, no. 7 (2021): 1093–1109. Meng, Meng and Tsuneo Sogawa. ‘On the Historical Transformation of the Dragon Boat Race of the Miao in the Qingshui River Region of Guizhou Province of China from a Cultural Anthropological Perspective.’ Asia Pacific Journal of Sport and Social Science 5, no. 1 (2016): 35–50. Morris, Rossabi, eds. Governing China’s Multiethnic Frontiers. Washington: University of Washington Press, 2004. Nathan, Andrew J. and Scobell Andrew. China’s Search for Security. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. Pan, Jiao. ‘Deconstructing China’s Ethnic Minorities.’ Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 42, no. 4 (2010): 46–61. Tang, Wenfang and He, Gaochao. Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and Nationalism in China. Hawaii: East-West Centre, 2010. Xinhua. ‘Ethnic Minority Proportion in China’s Population Rises.’ Xinhuanet. May 11 2021. Accessed July 11, 2022. http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2021-05/11/c_139938133.htm. Zang, Xiaowei. Ethnicity in China, A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015. Zhang, Xiaolin and John Saunders. ‘An Historical Review of Mass Sports Policy Development in China, 1949–2009.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport, 36, no. 15-16 (2019): 1390–1413.

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29 SPORTS POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT FOR THE MASSES A Historical Overview Feng Jing

Introduction Policies can be seen as aims, goals, or statements in the official government documents. They are guidelines to the development of certain topics of society. Policy making is directed or based on a given sociopolitical system, which means policies will be made under those relevant social systems. Policies are aimed to make society better off, though some have had unexpected or disastrous consequences. As with other policies in China, sports policies play an important role to form and guide the development of sport at the grassroots, or for the laobaixing (老百姓, ordinary people) or the qunzhong (群众, the masses). This chapter generalizes the sports policies and development for the masses from a historical perspective, which is divided into the following stages: 1949–1957, 1958–1976, 1977–1994, 1995–2013, and 2014–2021.

Sports Policy and Development from 1949 to 1957 At the beginning of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), economic development and national defense construction became the primary problems faced. Against this backdrop, the government issued the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference in 1949. ‘Promoting national sports’ was put forward in the Common Program of the Conference, aimed at improving people’s health and national physique by promoting sports. So that people can better devote themselves into the construction of the national economy and national defense. In 1954, the ‘Instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on Strengthening the Work of People’s Sport’ (中共中央关于加强人 民体育运动工作的指示) were established. In the same year, the State Council of the Central People’s Government released a ‘Notice on the Development of Workplace Physical Exercise and Other Sports in Governmental Department’ (中央人民政府政务院关于在政府机关中开展工间操和其他体育运动的 通知). Moreover, reports on national conferences on sports were also released in 1954 and 1955. As Xiao (2009) concluded that the characteristics of sports for the masses in this period were very comprehensive and fair. The policy emphasized fairness and justice, hoping that people from different regions and different classes share the same sports resources. Therefore, the content and form of sports for the masses strived to be uniform and consistent. There was also a lack of interpretive texts on national sports policies in various regions. The content of exercise is mainly gymnastics, swimming, shooting and martial arts.1 The national sports policies in this period also had a strong emphasis on military, where taking ‘sports serve as national defense’ and ‘defense of the motherland’. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-36

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Sports Policy and Development for the Masses from 1958 to 1976 In September 1958, the State Sports Commission released the ‘Sports Ten-Year Plan’. The main indicators of mass sports in this plan were stated as ‘the number of people who have passed the labor and health system standards within ten years will be calculated as two accounts, the first account is 150 million, and the second is 200 million. Following three to five years of hard work, these youths, which include teenagers and some adolescents, were able to first pass the labor and health system, and then gradually make the 12 million teenagers who have reached the age of thirteen reach the labor and health system targets, within ten years,’2 Driven by the popular slogan ‘Don’t be afraid of not being able to do it, be afraid of not being able to think of it’, the sports policy in this period also reflected the spirit of the Great Leap Forward in the Ten-Year Plan for Sports. In 1968, under the influence of the political ideology of the ’Left’, the Central Committee issued the “Order on Military Control of the National Sports System” (i.e., the May 12th Order), which severely damaged the development of sports since the founding of New China. Previous sports policies were labelled as ’revisionist’ and destroyed, the sports system was abolished, and sports venues and facilities were destroyed.3 The development of sports for the masses had been seriously undermined.

Sports Policy and Development of the Masses from 1977 to 1994 In 1978, China began to implement the policy of reform and ’opening up’. The global market economic system was adopted and established, which led to the growth of national economy, thus laying the foundation for the extensive development of sports for the masses in this period. In 1979, the National Sports Work Conference put forward for the first time that ‘sports for the masses should be based on the needs of society, guided by the sports committee, and the social division of labor should be the overall responsibility of the competent department.’ ‘Request for Instructions on the New Situation of Sports (关于进一步开创体育新局面的请示)’, ‘Decision on the Reform of Sports System (Draft) (关于体育体制改革的决定（草案）and the ‘Intentions on Deepening the Reform of the Sports System’ (关于深化体育体制改革的意见) were subsequently released. This series of sports development policies have played an important role in improving social vitality and enhancing the reform of the sports system. Xiao Mouwen (2009) regarded that the sports policy for the masses during this period paid special attention to the health and cultural functions of the society. It played an important role in improving the quality of life and building a socialist spiritual civilization. The value orientation of sports policy had changed from focusing on a solely political and military function to its essential function. In the sports policy text, it had stated many times that the purpose of sports was to promote the physical and mental health of the people and enrich the cultural life of the people, reflecting the policy’s impact on people’s own concerns. The types and duration of people’s exercise were no longer limited nor closely linked with politics., and therefore exercise had become a right for people to enjoy at their own accord. However, Xiao also argued that in the implement process, the pattern of central-local relations had gradually broken down due to the lack of effective policy monitoring, and the value preferences of policy executors at that time. The focus was on competitive sports; this had led to the formulation and implementation of sports policies separated between competitive sport and sport for the masses.4

Sports Policy and Development of the Masses from 1995 to 2014 The Chinese sports governance model was a top-bottom model with two main policies. One was the Outlines of Sport-for-all Fitness Programm (全民健身计划纲要) and the other one was Olympic Glorious Programme 1994–2000 (奥运争光计划). 246

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The “Outline of Sports-for-all Fitness Programm” was released in 1995 which aimed to “coordinated social and economic development and undertaking of sport, to comprehensively improve the people’s physical wellbeing and health in the country, and to initially build up the nationwide fitness system”. In this outline, Article 19 stated that the government should: Fully recognize the role and the importance of mass sport organization and social communities in organizing mass sport activities and play their roles. Set up and perfect the mass sport organization in every trade union and departments. Gradually forming socialized fitness organization network among all the people. And Article 20 stated that: Sport administrative department should modify the capital expense structure and gradually increase the expense distribution of mass sport development. Encourage enterprises, public institutions, social organizations and individuals to support the sport fitness activities. Advocate families and individuals to invest sport and fitness. Give guidance to people on sport consumption. Broaden the sport consumption area. Develop the sport fitness, recovery and entertainment market which adapt the mass consumption standard in China. This policy in some sense improved the development of mass sports participation and guided the form of mass sport organization. The book 60 Years of Sport in the New China stated that, ’mass sports developed fast. By the end of 2000, there were around 53,220 sub-provincial level sports organizations. These organizations include those in different industrial areas, specific sports events, and sports administrative departments’. From the other aspect, the Olympic Glorious Programme 1994–2000 broadly stated that: According to the national general arrangement on Olympic sport games, fund, goods and materials should be guaranteed especially for the major Olympic Games and more investment should be put into those Olympic sport games which can be obtain a good ranking soon … according to the current situation of sport facilities, every level of sport administrative should focus on increasing the utilization of these facilities and solve the lack of training places of some Olympic Game National team. And there is only a small section in this program that mentioned mass sports participation: Developing mass sport activities and to encourage more people to participate in sport. The National sport development strategy is the elite sport and mass sport develop coordinated grow. Carrying out the mass sport participation is not only can improve the physique of people but also can promote the implement of Olympic Glorious Program. Although mass sports participation is important, it still ranks much lower than elite sports. In the process of urbanization, families are not the organisers of production. The natural economy had disintegrated and the division of labour had become more detailed. Under these circumstances, the need of taking part in sports became stronger. The original sports system was not able to satisfy people’s need. The need of grassroots sports organizations thus emerged. While urbanization had increased in China since the reform and opening up, and nation switched from a planned economy to a market-oriented one, the working habit and routine of the people remained influential. In turn, the function of the sports system was not sufficiently expressed. The focus of sports was still on the elite sports rather than mass sports participation. The aim of switching China reputation from a “big country” to a “strong country” with respect to sports was raised by the media and publicity during the Beijing Summer Olympic Games in 2008. 247

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Sports Policy and Development for the Masses from 2015 to 2021 Beijing won the right to host the 24th Winter Olympic Games in 2022, which was decided on July 31, 2015, at the 128th plenary session of the International Olympic Committee held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, In the Olympic bid report, the goal of ‘driving 300 million people to participate in winter sports’ was written. Since then, this has become the most common slogan for popularizing winter sports in China, and several policy documents were issued and implemented. The year following the successful bid for the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics coincided with the first year of the PRC’s ‘13th Five-Year Plan’. The conference took the opportunity to vigorously popularize winter sports across the country. Subsequently, the ‘Ice and Snow Sports Development Plan (2016–2025)’ was released, which proposed enhancing the ice and snow sports industry over the course of next ten years. In 2018, the General Administration of Sports of the PRC issued the ‘Implementation Outline for “Driving 300 Million People to Participate in Ice and Snow Sports” (2018–2022)’. In 2019, the General Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the General Office of the State Council issued the ‘Opinions on Vigorously Developing Ice and Snow Sports by Taking the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics as an Opportunity’. From 2016 to 2019, there were roughly eighteen policies released at the central and ministerial levels on promoting mass sport participation and sport consumption (see Table 29.1). Jilin, Beijing, Hulunbeier, Sichuan, Heilongjiang, Tianjin, Jiangsu, Zhangjiakou, and Jiangxi announced successively their policy on promoting winter sports development in their provinces from 2016 to 2019. Besides, the state had continuously adjusted sports policies and guidelines, and vigorously promoted the participation of the masses in sports activities. The government vigorously developed sports infrastructure, built stadiums, configured basic sports equipment, and provided venues for physical exercise. It also encouraged members to actively participate in sports activities through grassroots units, and at the same time ensured that members had the conditions and ability to participate in physical exercise. In 2015, the national per capita sports area had reached 1.57 square meters, and many places have achieved a 15-minute fitness circle. Fifteen-minutes fitness circles allowed people to find a sports stadium, playground, fitness center, or other public sports space within 15 minutes and participate in sports conveniently. More people thus can enjoy the achievements of sports development. According to the 2021 Statistical Bulletin of National Economic and Social Development, the national per capita sports area has reached 2.41 square meters in 2021.5 Judging from the current trends, the sports population has been increasing, and the number of people who regularly participate in exercise is increasing annually. Expenditures in sports have also increased; the total number of sports stadiums, facilities, equipment, and venues has increased, the scale has expanded, and sports leisure and entertainment have greatly enriched people’s lives. The proportion of all age groups participating in sports activities is increasing, either through schools, units, or communities, or through various sports competitions organized by society. ‘Fitness fever’ has risen among young people, and fitness has even become a popular way of life. Running, cycling, mountaineering, hiking, square dancing, and so forth have swept the country. From the perspective of intensively issued policies, the importance of sports, especially winter sports, were emphasized to encourage people’s participation in sports, increased sports consumption, and promoted the sports culture. The development of mass sports is conducive to meeting the diverse sports and cultural needs of the masses, promoting the deep integration of national fitness and national health, and is of great significance to building a healthy China as a sports powerhouse, promoting economic and social development, and realizing the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Discussion and Conclusion The release and implementation of the mass sports policy is inseparable from a certain economic, political, and socio-cultural environment. In this chapter, sports policies and development of the masses 248

Sports Policy and Development for the Masses Table 29.1 Policies released between 2016 and 2019 on promoting mass sports Title

Issued by

Date

Thirteenth Five-Year Plan for Sports Development 体育发展“十三五”规划 Guiding Opinions on Vigorously Developing Sports Tourism 关于推进体育旅游融合发展的合作协议 National Fitness Program (2016–2020) 全民健身计划（2016—2020年） Thirteenth Five-Year Plan for Sports Industry Development 体育产业发展“十三五”规划 Healthy China 2030 “健康中国2030”规划纲要 Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Fitness and Leisure Industry 关于加快发展健身休闲产业的指导意见 Mass Winter Sports Promotion and Popularization Plan (2016–2020) 冰雪运动发展规划 (2016–2025 年) Ice and Snow Sports Development Plan (2016–2025) 群众冬季运动推广普及计划(2016–2020年) National Ice and Snow Field Facilities Construction Plan (2016–2022) 全国冰雪场地设施建设规划 （2016—2022年） Opinions on Further Expansion of Consumption in Tourism, Culture, Sports, Health, Pension, Education and Training and Other Fields 关于进一步扩大旅游文化体育健康养老教育 培训等领域消费的意见 Guiding Opinions on Vigorously Develop Sports Tourism 关于大力发展体育旅游的指导意见 One Belt, One Road“ Sports Tourism Development Action Plan “一带一路”体育旅游发展行动方案 Guiding Opinions on Promoting the Development of Global Tourism 关于促进全域旅游发展的指导意见 Action Plan for Further Promoting Sports Consumption (2019–2020) 进一步促进体育消费的行动计划 （2019–2020年） Key Points of Mass Sports Work in 2019 2019年群众体育工作要点

General Administration of Sport of China (GASC)

5-5-2016

GASC & National Tourism Administration

5-15-2016

State Council

6-15-2016

General Administration of Sports of the People’s Republic of China

7-13-2016

Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council General Office of the State Council

10-25-2016

General Administration of Sports and other 23 departments

11-2-2016

GASC, National Development and Reform Commission, the Ministry of Education and the National Tourism Administration GASC, National Development and Reform Commission

11-2-2016

General Office of the State Council

11.28.2016

National Tourism Administration, GASC

12.22.2016

GASC, National Tourism Administration,

7-6-2017

State Council

March, 2018

GASC, National Development and Reform Commission

1-15-2019

General office of GASC

2-14-2019

11-2-2016

11-25-2016

(Continued)

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Feng Jing Table 29.1 (Continued) Title

Issued by

Date

Opinions on vigorously developing ice and snow sports by taking the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics as an opportunity 关于以2022年北京冬奥会为契机大力发展冰 雪运动的意见 Outline for Building a Powerful Sports Country 体育强国建设纲要 Opinions on Promoting National Fitness and Sports Consumption to Promote HighQuality Development of the Sports Industry 关于促进全民健身和体育消费推动体育产业 高质量发展的意见

General Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the General Office of the State Council

3-31-2019

The General Office of the State Council

9-2-2019

The General Office of the State Council

9-17-2019

in China are generalized into five stages from the historical perspective. China’s sports policies have been transformed through following stages: emphasis on mass sports, both mass sports and elite sports are important, elite sports priority, and coordination and development of mass sports and elite sports. The function of sports has been changed from fitness for defending the nation to fitness for one’s own health. The aim of people participating in sports also transformed from ‘nation required’ to ‘I need’. However, some questions remain; for example, do current policies and development of winter sports in China have a long-term impact on people’s participation in winter sports? Can the government constantly improve the public sports service system, and constantly meet the diversified and multi-level sports needs of the masses? Will the sense of happiness and sense of achievement make sports a joint action of the country? Zhang et al. raised similar questions and asked ‘How to drive mass participation and raise the awareness and passion for a healthy lifestyle amongst the general public through the trickle-down effects of elite sport success, and how to expand the talent base for elite sport development may be important in realising a balance’.6 To better implement the sports policies of the masses in China, Liu Hongjian suggests balancing the economic interests in the implementation of the mass sports policy and regulating local mass sports in a legal way, and improving sports organization.7 Dai et al. believed that the mass sports policy has been highly consistent with the Party’s mass line, and always aims to serve the people. They also stated that the party’s overall leadership is the fundamental guarantee for the sports development of the masses and the path towards developing socialist mass sports full with Chinese characteristics.8 How sports policies on the masses will be carried out and what outcome will be introduced, time will tell.

Notes 1 Mouwen Xiao, ‘Historical Evolution on Mass Sports Policy in New China’, China Sports Science 29, no. 4 (2009): 89–96. 2 National Sports Commission, ‘Report on Sports Ten-Year Plan, 1958’, the Official Website of National Sports Commission, June 11, 2006. Accessed on February 27, 2022. www.ce.cb/xwzx/gnsz/szyw/200706/11/ t20070611_11690731.shtml 3 Shan Zhu, Wang Dong, ‘General Analysis of National Sport Transformation During the Culture Revolution’, Sports Culture Guidance, no. 1 (2013): 141–143. 4 Mouwen Xiao, ‘Historical Evolution on Mass Sports Policy in New China’, China Sports Science 29, no. 4 (2009): 89–96.

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Sports Policy and Development for the Masses 5 National Bureau of Statistics, ‘Statistical Communiqué of the People’s Republic of China on National Economic and Social Development in 2021’, The Official Website of National Bureau of Statistics, February 27, 2022. Accessed on February 28, 2022. www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/202202/t20220227_1827960.html 6 Jinming Zheng, Chen Shushu, Tan Tien-chin, Lau Patrick Wing Chung, ‘Sport Policy in China(Mainland)’, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 3 (2018): 469–491. 7 Hongjian Liu, ‘Implementation of Mass Sports Policies: Environmental Factors and Optimization Path’, Journal of Nanjing Sport Institute 29, no. 2 (2015): 49–55. 8 Yu Dai, Zhang Li, Liu Qing, ‘The CPC’s Mass Sport Policy: Evolution and Implications’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 44, no. 6 (2021): 112–118.

Bibliography Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. ‘Instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Strengthening the Work of People’s Sport (中共中央关于加强人民体育运动工作的指示).’ The Official Website of GASC. Accessed on October 27, 2022. https://www.sport.gov.cn/ Dai, Yu, Zhang Li, Liu Qing. ‘The CPC’s Mass Sport Policy: Evolution and Implications.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 44, no. 6 (2021): 112–118 General Administration of Sports China. ‘Outlines of Sport-for-all Fitness Programme (全民健身计划纲要).’ The Official Website of GASC. July 6, 1995. Accessed February 28, 2022. http://www.scio.gov.cn/XWfbh/xwbfbh/ wqfbh/2015/33862/xgzc33869/Document/1458253/1458253.htm Liu, Hongjian. ‘Implementation of Mass Sports Policies: Environmental Factors and Optimization Path.’ Journal of Nanjing Sport Institute 29, no.2 (2015): 49–55. National Sports Commission, ‘Report on Sports Ten-Year Plan, 1958’, The Official Website of National Sports Commission. June 11, 2006. Accessed on February 27, 2022. www.ce.cb/xwzx/gnsz/szyw/200706/11/ t20070611_11690731.shtml National Bureau of Statistics. ‘Statistical Communiqué of the People’s Republic of China on National Economic and Social Development in 2021’, The Official Website of National Bureau of Statistics. February 27, 2022. Accessed on February 28, 2022. www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/202202/t20220227_1827960.html National Sport Committee. ‘Olympic Glorious Programme 1994–2000（奥运争光计划）.’ The Official Website of GASC. July 6, 1995. Accessed February 28, 2022. http://www.law-lib.com/law/law_view.asp?id=241884 Xiao, Mouwen. ‘Historical Evolution on Mass Sports Policy in New China.’ China Sports Science 29, no.4 (2009): 89–96. Zhu, Shan, Wang Dong. ‘General Analysis of National Sport Transformation during the Culture Revolution.’ Sports Culture Guidance, no.1 (2013): 141–143. Zheng, Jinming, Chen Shushu, Tan Tien-chin, Lau Patrick Wing Chung. ‘Sport Policy in China(Mainland).’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no.3 (2018): 469–491.

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30 CHINA’S SELECTION SYSTEM FOR DISABLED ATHLETES AND ITS ADVANTAGES Guan Zhixun, Sheng Xinxin, and Wang Jing

Introduction Since the 1984 Paralympic Games in New York, China has participated in ten Paralympic Games and has topped the gold medal and medal tables for the past five consecutive years. However, Chinese Paralympic sports have a lower presence and less support than their able-bodied counterparts and have a later start and a poorer foundation than their Western counterparts. One of the most important reasons why Chinese athletic sports for people with disabilities, which are at a disadvantage in domestic and international comparisons, have been able to break through the barriers and achieve such outstanding results is the selection of athletes with disabilities. China’s selection system for athletes with disabilities is in line with the actual situation, capturing the characteristics of each stage of development, changing and improving the process of practice, and promoting China to become a world power in competitive sports with disabilities with its unique advantages. At a time when international sports for the disabled are developing at a rapid pace, governments are placing greater emphasis on sports for the disabled.1 China has topped the Paralympic gold and medal charts since the 2004 Paralympic Games in Athens, and in the face of increasingly fierce international competition, China has taken a unique position in international Paralympic sports with its unique selection system for athletes with disabilities. The selection process for identifying outstanding disabled athletes is based on scientific principles and methods of evaluating and comprehensively predicting objective indicators of selection.2 There are three types of selection, one is natural selection, using sports performance as the criteria for selecting athletes; second is empirical selection, based on the coaches’ accumulated and purposeful experience summaries in practice, with the coaches’ experience, based on qualitative criteria and simple quantitative index determination, using simple means for rough selection; and the third type is scientific selection, using known scientific theories and more advanced science and technology, which means after certain scientific testing and examination of the selection of high success rate.3 In the past decades, the selection of Chinese athletes with disabilities has improved from the 1980s, when the selection was done by the momentum, to the 1990s, when the selection was done by local and municipal competitions, to the post-2000s, when the ‘Yunnan Model’, the recommendation of the Disabled Persons’ Federation, the visit of coaches, the training and transportation of special schools, and the reliance on training bases or colleges and universities have been improved in various forms. This includes natural selection, experience selection, and scientific selection. It has been proven that the selection system of disabled athletes with Chinese characteristics plays a very important role in promoting 252

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the development of competitive sports for disabled people in China and also ensures the quality of disabled athletes in China.

The 1980s – Selecting Materials by Momentum In the 1980s, China’s sports system for disabled athletes was in its infancy. Prior to the development of a national organisational structure most disabled athletes were selected on an ad hoc basis.4 As China’s disabled athletes began to participate in international events, the relevant selection work took various large-scale events as an opportunity to integrate the selection and opportunistic promotion of disabled athletes. In 1983, the China Disabled Sports Association was established in Tianjin—the city that hosted the first national invitational sports tournament for disabled athletes More than 200 blind and amputee athletes from 13 provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions participated in this event.5 The best athletes from each province and city were selected and trained for this tournament and formed the first national team in the history of sports for the disabled in China to participate in the 1984 Paralympics in New York.6 The best athletes selected from the 2nd National Paralympic Games held in Tangshan, Hebei in 1987 were also sent to participate in the 1988 Paralympic Games in Seoul, South Korea, where 11 of them broke the world record and set a new domestic best at that time. China’s strong performance in in the 6th Far East and South Pacific Games for disabled athletes held in Beijing in 1994 provided the needed impetus for the country to build a training centre for the disabled (on a trial basis) and thereby better select high-level disabled athletes.7 All in all, the selection of disabled athletes in the 1980s was mainly carried out in political centres and regions with strong economic power, and at the same time, with the momentum of major tournaments, talent was explored in competitions and disabled athletes were selected.

The 1990s – Local Municipal Competitions After the 1990s, China’s competitive sporting events for the disabled became increasingly sophisticated.8 The first National Games for the Disabled, held in Guangzhou in 1992, was officially included in the series of large games approved by the State Council, forming the system of holding a National Games for the Disabled every four years.9 From this time onwards, all provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the central government and sports associations for the disabled have actively carried out sports activities and organised various sports games for the disabled. The total number of athletes participating in the games and trials for the disabled held at the local, municipal and county levels nationwide has reached more than 200,000.10 A scientific system of competitions for the disabled has gradually been formed in China, whereby individual championships and trials are held every year and a National Games for the Disabled is held every four years.11 The selection of athletes with disabilities has also evolved into a competition format. Each province in the country organises relevant disability competitions to select disabled athletes in conjunction with the actual situation of the province.12 Since 2007, Hunan Province has been training second-tier athletes in the city and state by organising test events and games for the disabled and recommending the best athletes to the provincial team to form a certain talent training ladder.13 The selection of disabled athletes for swimming in Guizhou Province is based on the Guizhou Provincial (Junior) Disabled Swimming Championships, with a four-tier selection system from district and county selection (basic selection level), city and state teams (junior selection level), and provincial teams (intermediate selection level) to national teams (senior selection level).14 The Chengdu Municipal Government has proposed in the Twelfth Five-Year Plan for the Development of the Disabled in Chengdu to actively develop Paralympic, Special Olympics and Deaflympic sports, and actively select athletes to participate in sports games for the disabled at all levels.15 Jiangsu Province regularly holds events such as the provincial youth championships for the disabled to select young disabled athletes, and the Provincial Disabled 253

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Persons’ Federation regularly announces the time, location and methods of various national and provincial sports competitions for the disabled each year. The provincial federations regularly announce the time, place and methods of various national and provincial sports competitions for people with disabilities every year, and actively mobilise athletes with disabilities to participate in various sports events.16 All in all, the provincial federations and sports bureaus in China actively lead the federations and sports departments at all levels to carry out various forms of sports events for people with disabilities, develop a balanced range of competitions, increase the number and number of competitions, and provide opportunities for the selection of more outstanding athletes with disabilities to showcase and compete.

2000–Present – Diverse Selection ‘Yunnan Model’ In the 1980s, Yunnan Province was at the forefront of the development of competitive sports for people with disabilities in China. and after nearly ten years of hard work, Yunnan Province occupied the third place in the gold medal list in national competitions. Yunnan athletes were selected nearly one-third of the whole team (national team). Especially in swimming, Yunnan athletes winning gold and breaking records accounted for more than a half of the whole team. the China Disabled Persons’ Federation decided to place the Chinese Disabled Persons’ Swimming Team in Yunnan, with the Yunnan Disabled Persons’ Federation and the coaching team in charge. This setting was called the ‘Yunnan model.’17 After the Sydney Paralympic Games in 2000, the Yunnan Provincial Government-issued documents the selection of disabled athletes, concentrating on disabled people aged 13 to 18 in 16 states and cities. The staff of the Disabled Persons’ Federation ran through more than 90 counties and selected more than 140 of these 1,500 candidates to Kunming for retesting. Firstly, they were selected based on appearance, sports competition requirements, height, and other conditions. After the initial selection, the coaches designed six or seven projects to take turns in training to judge which sports each person was suitable for. In 2002, the China Disabled Persons’ Federation categorised the selection process as the ‘Yunnan Model’ and in 2003 it was extended nationwide.18 After the ‘Yunnan Model’ was promoted nationwide, the selection of disabled athletes in various provinces also came into being. Gansu Province adheres to the principle of training before retiring, eliminating the best from the worst in the selection of disabled athletes, recommending them at each level, unifying the selection, and establishing a talent pool for the selected athletes. The talent pool is built up, forming a virtuous cycle of training level three athletes at the county level, level two athletes at the municipal level, and level one athletes at the provincial level.19 The ‘Yunnan Model’ uses the Provincial Sports Bureau and the Provincial Disabled Persons’ Federation to regularly go into the localities, cities, and districts to select athletes with disabilities on a large scale, through initial census, screening, selection, and then handing over to coaches to carry out relevant training before elimination, to select high-quality athletes with disabilities and ensure the excellent quality of disabled athletes’ reserve. This has not only promoted the development of competitive sports for the disabled in Yunnan, but also the progress of competitive sports for the disabled in China.

Recommendations from the Disabled Persons’ Federation Since 1992, the competent body for the cause of the disabled in China has been the China Disabled Persons’ Federation, which is responsible for the overall promotion of the cause of the disabled in China, with the Department of Propaganda and Culture in charge of sports for the disabled; 2003 saw the establishment of the China Paralympic Sports Management Centre under the Department of Propaganda and Culture, with sports centres and training bases for the disabled under the leadership of the Disabled 254

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Persons’ Federation in various provinces and urban areas receiving Under the leadership of Disabled Persons’ Federation in each province and city, sports centres for the disabled and sports training bases for the disabled are under the operational guidance of the China Paralympic Sports Management Centre, and the selection, training and management of athletes have entered a standardised stage.20,21 Disabled people’s federations in all provinces and municipalities have more comprehensive and detailed data information on disabled people, and according to the data information, they can rank disabled athletes who meet the selection requirements, so the recommendation of local disabled people’s federations has become the main way to select disabled athletes.22 Some scholars have documented that disabled athletes are mainly selected through recommendation due to the fact that provincial and municipal disability federations are mainly responsible for the organisation, training and participation in sports competitions, While district-level disability federations are familiar with the situation at the grassroots level and know which disabled people in their areas may have certain sporting strengths or are suitable for sports training, so district-level disability federations are responsible for the selection of disabled. The selection of athletes with disabilities is therefore undertaken by the district-level federations.23 The talent selection mechanism established by the Gansu Disability Sports Centre also consists of county-level disability federations identifying athletes, sending them to the local (state) disability federations after initial identification, and the city and state’s Xuanwen Division organising local (state) coaches to analyse the athletes’ physical conditions before sending them to the sports centre for trial training, and after a period of trial training, losing those with potential to the talent pool and incorporating them into the long-term training objectives. This is also the case in Guangdong Province, where ‘one major and one minor’ means that the staff of the Provincial Disabled Persons’ Federation go to the 21 municipalities under the province to handpick athletes with disabilities, with the municipal Disabled Persons’ Federations assisting in the selection process.24 There is also the special case of able-bodied athletes who are introduced to disability training through the disability department after an accidental injury and eventually become Paralympic champions, such as long jumper Li Duan from the Liaoning team and shot putter Yang Liwan from the Fujian team. Following the 2008 Beijing Paralympic Games, China’s competitive sports for the disabled have seen unprecedented development. The state has attached importance to the development of competitive sports for the disabled and has increased its scientific and technological support for competitive sports for the disabled, including in the selection of disabled athletes.25 The District Disabled Persons’ Federation uses the Disabled Persons’ Card Registered Information System to screen out who with potential for athlete training as seedlings. Then, select candidates went through an on-site assessment by coaches.26 The selection process is carried out comprehensively so that no target is missed. Disabled people who meet the selection requirements through the Disabled Persons’ Quantitative Service Platform system will received a phone call or massage from social media (QQ group and WeChat group) to encourage them to participate in the sports training.27 Under the ‘national system’ with Chinese features, the Disabled Persons’ Federation in each province and urban area takes advantage of its extensive and popular network-like layout to grasp information on disabled athletes in each region and recommend suitable disabled athletes comprehensively and accurately to ensure that there is an adequate reserve of disabled athletes.28,29

Coaches’ Visits As an important part of competitive sports, coaches play a vital role in the selection of athletes. Athletes with disabilities are sometimes reluctant to participate in various selection activities due to many factors (such as parents’ reluctance and their inferiority complex about their disabilities), and can only be persuaded to participate in training through personal visits by coaches who combine their long-standing experience and scientific selection theories. Zhang Linxiao found in his interview with the disabled coaches in Heilongjiang athletics that most of the disabled athletes in Heilongjiang are sought by the 255

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coaches themselves through various means. For example, the coaches will often go to the places where prosthetic limbs are placed to keep an eye out for disabled people with developmental potential,30 or go directly to the affiliated disabled federations or schools for the disabled to make selections.31 In some provinces, coaches use the commissioning mechanism to select and train athletes with disabilities. Athletes with disabilities are identified and selected by the disabled coaches of the provincial teams, and then coordinated by the provincial disabled sports or the coaches themselves, and commissioned to train in the athletes’ local sports schools, deaf schools, or blind schools, and finally transported to the provincial teams. For example, Gansu uses the commissioning method to coordinate the training of more than 320 disabled athletes at the provincial sports school, the second brigade of provincial sports workers, the provincial cycling training centre, the Lanzhou Sports School, the Lanzhou School for the Deaf and Blind, and the Lanzhou Auxiliary School.32 Jiangsu uses a commissioned model of an athlete training to produce Yao Juan, Fu Taoying, and Fei Yong, the Paralympic champions.

Special School Training and Transport Special schools are a fundamental platform and an important channel for the training and selection of reserve talent for athletics for people with disabilities. In Jiangsu Province, for example, which ranked first in the country in terms of gold medals in both the 2004 Athens Paralympic Games and the 2008 Beijing Paralympic Games, an analysis of how its athletes with disabilities are selected shows that special schools are the most prominent in terms of training and transportation. Twenty percent of Jiangsu’s registered disabled athletes come from special schools, such as schools for the deaf, blind, and mentally handicapped. The reason for this is that the Jiangsu Disabled Persons’ Federation, the Provincial Sports Bureau, the local Disabled Persons’ Federation, and the education department focus on communication and exchange with schools for the disabled at provincial and city and county levels.33 With the cooperation of local government departments, the provincial and municipal federations and some special education schools have established a channelling relationship for the selection and training of disabled athletes to ensure the efficiency of the selection process (professional selection teams made up of coaches and staff with many years of experience, supported by relevant policies) and the formation of a certain scale of talent training echelon. This way of selection also ensures the infusion of fresh blood into China’s disabled sports teams and promotes the sustainable development of Chinese disabled athletes.

Relying on Training Bases or Universities After the successful bid for the Olympic Games in 2001, and to better prepare for the 2008 Beijing Paralympic Games, the State attached further importance to the work of sports for the disabled; 2003 saw the investment in the construction of a comprehensive training base for sports for the disabled in China, with the National Paralympic Team building a training centre for the disabled in Shunyi District, Beijing, to provide a closed training base for disabled athletes.34,35 Since then, the Disabled Persons’ Federation at all levels has increased its support for sports for the disabled, with provinces and cities establishing special training bases one after another, and some bases relying on sports colleges and universities to set up, and the selection of disabled athletes for relevant sports is also carried out in conjunction with the training bases and colleges, establishing a system of early identification and early training of young disabled athletes, forming a virtuous circle. This is not only conducive to promoting the construction of training bases for people with disabilities but can also form a sustainable selection mechanism for government – disability federation – universities. For example, in Jiangsu province, wheelchair fencing and cycling training is carried out at the Xianlin training base, and training centres for the disabled have been set up in Suzhou and Changshu.36 In Yunnan province, athletes with disabilities are selected each year to train at the 256

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Honghe Academy training base.37 In Liaoning Province, the disabled swimming training base is located at Shenyang Sports College, with teachers from the teaching and research department of Shenyang Sports College working on disabled swimming training.38 China is constantly improving its athlete selection methods with Chinese features, while actively learning from the successful experiences of universities at home and abroad in training outstanding reserve talents, and some scholars have proposed a mechanism for universities to train outstanding Paralympic athletes. According to their resource advantages, universities should determine the sports for which they want to recruit excellent Paralympic athletes, and then take the characteristics of the athletic ability structure of Paralympic athletes as the main guide for the selection of athletes according to the general objective of training and the characteristics of the sports. We also pay close attention to the provincial, municipal, and local competitions to get a hold of the best talent in the respective sports and to build up a pool of athletes to improve the accuracy and science of selection.39

Conclusion China’s athletic sports for people with disabilities are perfectly integrated within the existing ‘national system’ of athletic sports, forming a relatively complete selection system for athletes with disabilities, which promotes the sustainable development of China’s athletic sports for people with disabilities under its unique advantages. Firstly, China’s selection system for athletes with disabilities is highly stable, with athletes with disabilities left behind after the ‘Yunnan Model’ mass screening, then eliminated after a period of training and further assessment, and then new athletes are recruited after the elimination, and so on, ensuring the stability of the disabled athletes’ reserve. Secondly, the selection system has a unique institutional advantage. Under the national system, China has regional disability federations in each province, city, district, and county, and disability business liaison officers at the street and village levels of government, forming a governance grid that covers individuals with disabilities across the country, reaching the right individuals for disability sport. China also has a continuous nature, as it organises individual championships and trials every year, and holds the National Games for the Disabled every four years, ensuring that the selection of disabled athletes is systematic and regular and that disabled athletes can participate in various competitions on a sustainable basis and maintain a relatively stable competitive status. Finally, China’s selection system for disabled athletes has a high degree of mobility and has established relationships with special schools to ensure that fresh blood is added to the sports teams, forming a more mature talent development channel. The evolution of China’s selection system for disabled athletes is a process of continuous exploration, improvement, and refinement, which has laid a solid foundation for the realisation of a strong competitive sporting nation for China’s disabled.

Acknowledgement This chapter is funded by National Social Science Fund of China (No. 20BTY024).

Notes 1 Zhang Yanzhong, ‘The Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 4 (2009): 20–22. 2 Huang Jing and Guo Mingang, ‘The Construction of a Theoretical System for the Selection of Disabled Sports’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Sports, no. 11 (2008): 78–81. 3 Wu Di, A Study on the Current Situation of Athletics for People with Disabilities in Beijing and Countermeasures (Master’s diss., Beijing Sports University, 2009). 4 Peng Shuolong and Luo Zhiyao, ‘A Study of the Factors Influencing the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China’, Journal of Guangzhou Institute of Physical Education, no. 3 (1993): 82–86.

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Guan Zhixun et al. 5 Yang Sen and Yao Yuwu, ‘Current Situation of Sports for People with Disabilities in Tianjin and Strategic Thinking’, Journal of Tianjin Sports Institute, no. 4 (1992): 76–80. 6 Zhang Youwen, Study on the Current Situation and Countermeasures for the Development of Competitive Sports for the Disabled in Henan Province (Master’s diss., Henan University, 2018). 7 Sun Yaopeng, ‘Sports for the Disabled in the Nineties’, Journal of Tianjin Sports Institute, no. 3 (1990): 25–31. 8 Li Jinghan and Dong Jinxia, ‘The Interactive Development of Disabled People’s Business and Sports for the Disabled in China - A Perspective on the Transmutation of the View of Disabled People’, Sports Science 31, no. 2 (2011): 19–25. 9 Yang Juntao, ‘Review and Outlook on the Development of Competitive Sports for the Disabled in China’, World of Sport (Academic Edition), no. 1 (2011): 74–76. 10 Lu Yan, Han Song and Li Weiyi, ‘A Study of the Organizational Structure of Sports Management for the Disabled in China’, Journal of Beijing University of Sports, no. 12 (2004): 1698–1700. 11 Tan Liqing, ‘Reflections on the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China’, Special Education in China, no. 12 (2005): 21–24. 12 Wu Danyan and Hang Shenghan, ‘Integration and Sharing: The Sustainable Development of Disability Sports in a Harmonious Perspective’, Sports Science, no. 10 (2008): 9–15. 13 Wei Longlong, ‘The Sustainable Development of Paralympic Sports in China from the Perspective of the Last Three Paralympic Games’, Fujian Sports Technology 32, no. 4 (2013): 7–9. 14 Wang Shun, Survey and Analysis of the Current Situation of the Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Hunan Province (Master’s diss., Hunan Normal University, 2010). 15 Tan Long, A Study on the Development of Competitive Swimming for People with Disabilities in Guizhou Province (Master’s diss., Guizhou Normal University, 2017). 16 Zhao Hanyang, Research on the Management System of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in China (Master’s diss., Beijing Sports University, 2019). 17 Liu Jiangshan, et al., ‘Current Situation and Development Measures for the Management of Sports for People with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province’, Sports Culture Guide, no .4 (2017): 109–112. 18 Shi Honglie, ‘The Current Situation and Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Yunnan Province’, Journal of Kunming Normal University of Higher Education, no. 4 (2004): 110–113. 19 ‘The “Yunnan Model” Promotes the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities’, Daoke Baba, July 11, 2015. Accessed November 13, 2021. https://www.doc88.com/p-2778214468849.html. 20 Lei Pai, Research on the Construction and Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Gansu Province (Master’s diss., Lanzhou University of Technology, 2012). 21 Yang Anlu, Yao Lei and Wang Yongshun, ‘Research on the Development of Sports for the Disabled in China’, Sports Science Research 23, no. 6 (2019): 54–58+66. 22 Zhang Long, ‘Comparison of the Management Systems of Disabled Sports Organizations in China and Japan’, Journal of Sport 16, no. 4 (2009): 34–36. 23 Guan Zhixun and Fan Hong, Body and Politics: Elite Disability Sport in China (US: Nova Science Publishers, 2018). 24 Song Yu, A Study on the Current Situation of the Development of China’s Athletic Teams for Disabled Athletes (Master’s diss., Capital Sports Institute, 2017). 25 Duan Bin and Lin Wenfeng, ‘Survey and Analysis of the Current Situation of Athletic Sports for Persons with Disabilities in Guangdong’, Journal of Hebei Institute of Sports 25, no. 2 (2011): 70–73. 26 Chen Tongxian, et al., ‘The Impact and Implications of the Beijing Paralympic Games on the Development of Disabled People’s Business in China’, Sport and Science 30, no. 3 (2009): 22–24. 27 Wang Congying, et al., ‘Analysis and Research on the Advantages of Sports for the Disabled in Fujian Province’, Fujian Sports Technology 31, no. 6 (2012): 17–17+32. 28 ‘Wenfeng District, Anyang City, Takes Measures to Improve the Selection of Athletes with Disabilities’, Henan Province Disabled Persons’ Federation, September 13, 2018. Accessed November 16, 2021. https://www.henancjr. org.cn/articles.aspx?mid=410&id=19748. 29 Zhang Ming, ‘Optimization of the Management Model of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in China’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Sports 46, no. 5 (2012): 19–23. 30 Guan Zhixun and Fan Hong, ‘The Development of Elite Disability Sport in China: A Critical Review, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 5 (2016): 485–510. 31 Zhang Linxiao, An Investigation into the Factors Influencing the Training Level of Disabled Athletes in China (PhD diss.,Capital Sports Institute, 2016). 32 Yan Dongni, Study on the Current Situation and Optimization Path for the Development of Athletic Sports for Persons with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province (Master’s diss., Nanjing Sports Institute, 2019). 33 Cheng Chuanyin and Li Wenhui, ‘Successful Experience in the Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province and its Inspiration’, Journal of Beijing University of Sports, no. 7 (2004): 1005–1007.

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China’s Selection System for Disabled Athletes 34 Jin Mei and Chen Shihui, ‘Research on the Current Situation and Countermeasures for the Development of Competitive Sports for the Disabled in China’, Journal of Tianjin Sports Institute, no. 5 (2006): 433–435. 35 Dai Xin, Wang Pu and Yang Tieli, ‘Research on the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 10 (2010): 23–26. 36 Sun Ximei and Zhao Xiying, ‘A Study on the Path of the Pioneering Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province’, Nanjing Normal University Journal (Natural Science Edition) 35, no. 2 (2012): 131–135. 37 Li Dingni, A Study on the Current Situation of Sports for the Disabled in Honghe Prefecture, Yunnan Province (Master’s diss., Chengdu Sports Institute, 2015). 38 Guan Zhixun and Cong Ningli, ‘Analysis of the Reasons for the Decline in Swimming Standards of Disabled People in Sichuan Province’, Journal of Chengdu Institute of Physical Education, no. 11 (2008): 62–65. 39 Hu Naijun, ‘Research on the Mechanism for Training Outstanding Paralympic Athletes in Higher Education’, Zhejiang Sports Technology 39, no. 3 (2017): 66–69+89.

Bibliography Cheng, Chuanyin and Li Wenhui. ‘Successful Experience in the Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province and its Inspiration.’ Journal of Beijing University of Sports 23, no. 7 (2004): 1005–1007. Chen, Tongxian, et al. ‘The Impact and Implications of the Beijing Paralympic Games on the Development of Disabled People’s Business in China.’ Sport and Science 30, no. 3 (2009): 22–24. Dai, Xin, Wang Pu and Yang Tieli. ‘Research on the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China.’ Sports Culture Guide 33, no. 10 (2010): 23–26. Duan, Bin and Lin Wenfeng. ‘Survey and Analysis of the Current Situation of Athletic Sports for Persons with Disabilities in Guangdong.’ Journal of Hebei Institute of Sports 25, no. 2 (2011): 70–73. Guan, Zhixun and Cong, Ningli. ‘Analysis of the Reasons for the Decline in Swimming Standards of Disabled People in Sichuan Province.’ Journal of Chengdu Institute of Physical Education 34, no. 11 (2008): 62–65. Guan, Zhixun and Fan, Hong. ‘The Development of Elite Disability Sport in China: A Critical Review.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 5 (2016): 485–510. Guan, Zhixun and Fan Hong, eds. Body and Politics: Elite Disability Sport in China. US: Nova Science Publishers, 2018. Henan Disabled Person’s Federation ‘Wenfeng District, Anyang City, Takes Measures to Improve the Selection of Athletes with Disabilities.’ Henan Province Disabled Persons’ Federation, September 13, 2018. Accessed November 16, 2021. https://www.henancjr.org.cn/articles.aspx?mid=410&id=19748 Hu, Naijun. ‘Research on the Mechanism for Training Outstanding Paralympic Athletes in Higher Education.’ Zhejiang Sports Technology 39, no. 3 (2017): 66–69+89. Huang, Jing and Guo Mingang. ‘The Construction of a Theoretical System for the Selection of Disabled Sports.’ Journal of Wuhan Institute of Sports 42, no. 11 (2008): 78–81. Jin, Mei and Chen Shihui. ‘Research on the Current Situation and Countermeasures for the Development of Competitive Sports for the Disabled in China.’ Journal of Tianjin Sports Institute 30, no. 5 (2006): 433–435. Li, Jinghan and Dong Jinxia. ‘The Interactive Development of Disabled People’s Business and Sports for the Disabled in China - A Perspective on the Transmutation of the View of Disabled People.’ Sports Science 31, no. 2 (2011): 19–25. Liu, Jiangshan, et al. ‘Current Situation and Development Measures for the Management of Sports for People with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province.’ Sports Culture Guide 178, no .4 (2017): 109–112. Liu, Qiulin ‘The ‘Yunnan Model’ Promotes the Development of Sports for with Disabilities.’ Daoke Baba, July 11, 2015. Accessed November 13, 2021. https://www.doc88.com/p-2778214468849.html Lu, Yan, Han Song and Li Weiyi. ‘A Study of the Organizational Structure of Sports Management for the Disabled in China.’ Journal of Beijing University of Sports 51, no. 12 (2004): 1698–1700. Peng, Shuolong, and Luo Zhiyao. ‘A Study of the Factors Influencing the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China.’ Journal of Guangzhou Institute of Physical Education 21, no. 3 (1993): 82–86. Shi, Honglie. ‘The Current Situation and Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Yunnan Province.’ Journal of Kunming Normal University of Higher Education 26, no. 4 (2004): 110–113. Sun, Ximei and Zhao Xiying. ‘A Study on the Path of the Pioneering Development of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in Jiangsu Province.’ Nanjing Normal University Journal (Natural Science Edition) 35, no. 2 (2012): 131–135. Sun, Yaopeng. ‘Sports for the Disabled in the Nineties.’ Journal of Tianjin Sports Institute, no. 3 (1990): 25–31. Tan, Liqing. ‘Reflections on the Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China.’ Special Education in China, no. 12 (2005): 21–24.

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Guan Zhixun et al. Wang, Congying, et al. ‘Analysis and Research on the Advantages of Sports for the Disabled in Fujian Province.’ Fujian Sports Technology 31, no. 6 (2012): 17–17+32. Wei, Longlong. ‘The Sustainable Development of Paralympic Sports in China from the Perspective of the Last Three Paralympic Games.’ Fujian Sports Technology 32, no. 4 (2013): 7–9. Wu, Danyan, and Hang Shenghan. ‘Integration and Sharing: The Sustainable Development of Disability Sports in a Harmonious Perspective.’ Sports Science 28, no. 10 (2008): 9–15. Yang, Anlu, Yao, Lei and Wang Yongshun. ‘Research on the Development of Sports for the Disabled in China.’ Sports Science Research 23, no. 6 (2019): 54–58+66. Yang, Juntao. ‘Review and Outlook on the Development of Competitive Sports for the Disabled in China.’ World of Sport (Academic Edition) 47, no. 1 (2011): 74–76. Yang, Sen, and Yao Yuwu. ‘Current Situation of Sports for People with Disabilities in Tianjin and Strategic Thinking.’ Journal of Tianjin Sports Institute 12, no. 4 (1992): 76–80. Zhang, Long. ‘Comparison of the Management Systems of Disabled Sports Organizations in China and Japan.’ Journal of Sport 16, no. 4 (2009): 34–36. Zhang, Ming. ‘Optimization of the Management Model of Competitive Sports for People with Disabilities in China.’ Journal of Wuhan Institute of Sports 46, no. 5 (2012): 19–23. Zhang, Yanzhong. ‘The Development of Sports for People with Disabilities in China.’ Sports Culture Guide 16, no. 4 (2009): 20–22.

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31 GENDER POLITICS AND WOMEN’S SPORTS PARTICIPATION IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA Xiong Huan

Introduction Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Chinese women have made tremendous achievements in sports. After the Chinese Communist Party (CCP）achieved national power and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the communists promised that a new China would embrace gender equality. Since then, ‘Women hold up half the sky’ has not been merely a popular slogan advocated by Chairman Mao Zedong, but rather, it has become a reality in Chinese sports. Sports served to transform the image of Chinese women from physical weakness to powerful body, eventually achieving the aim of breaking the gender boundary.1 Chinese women were encouraged not only to get involved in grassroots sports but also train as professional athletes. What were the driving forces and outcomes of women’s participation in sports? How have social systems, sports systems, and gender systems promoted women’s sports in different historical stages? What were the political mission, social needs, and cultural symbols embodied in women’s achievements on the sports fields? By discussing these questions, it is hoped to reveal China’s unique experience of the women’s global liberation movement within sports and physical culture.

Sport, Politics and Women’s Emancipation in the Early Age of P.R. China (1949–1956) In the early days of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), huge changes took place in Chinese society as a whole. Chinese society was transformed from a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country to a socialist independent state. Confronted with a legacy of poverty and over half a century of military threats from abroad, the PRC developed its economy and strengthened its national defence. Therefore, the creation of a strong state power and economic construction were the immediate tasks.2 Economic factors were the driving force of the whole society. When industrialization was launched in the PRC it resulted in the rapid growth of population entering large-scale enterprises in the cities. People’s participation in sports was promoted extensively in urban areas. In order to satisfy the need to consolidate the revolution, recover social production, and eventually lead China into a communist society, the state argued that a healthy body of citizens was crucial. Sports were expected to fulfil the function of building healthy workers.3 On the 20th June 1952, Chairman Mao advocated ‘developing sport and promoting people’s physique’.4 This slogan strengthened the main function of sports in this period and contributed to establishing the importance of sports in people’s lives. For this reason, sports, especially mass sports, developed rapidly in big industrial cities.5 DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-38

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Since women were an influential force in the reconstruction of the PRC, the strength and health of their bodies became an important economic consideration within Chinese sports policy. Prior to 1949, Chinese women were restricted to remaining at home as housewives; after the establishment of PRC, by stark contrast, women were encouraged to get involved in external work. There were two reasons for this change: the first was the economic demand. The PRC intended to build a strong industrial base for social development, which required an increasingly active female labour force to participate in social production, especially in the industrial sector. The second reason was the communist gender policy. Communists believed that women’s emancipation could only be realised after women were involved in large-scale social production instead of being restricted to the family and the home.6 Thus, Chinese women were encouraged to step out of their homes to take part in economic production by entering the field previously inhabited largely by men.7 The changes in women’s employment resulted in the establishment of a new family system. Based on the Marriage Law, in 1950, the traditional system of marriage (polygamy), which was identified as a source of female inequality and more significantly as a barrier to wider participation in socialist production, was eradicated. At the same time, Chinese women obtained rights in education, work, public affairs, and marriage decisions. Furthermore, following urban economic reorganisation, the centuries-old extended-kinship structure mostly disappeared from the urban areas. Instead, the work unit (danwei) replaced the family unit (Jiātíng dānwèi), which functioned as the basic unit of production and accounting. The family, therefore, was not the only sphere for those activities of Chinese women, such as bearing children and feeding husbands; the workplace, public activity, economic burdens, and political activities constituted the other parts of their lives—including sports participation. Sports participation as a public activity was promoted extensively among women with specifically economic, political, and social intentions.8 Economically, women’s involvement in hard labour required them to exercise to build strong and energetic bodies; politically, confronted with physical weakness and fragile image of traditional Chinese women, the socialist revolutionaries had to seek some alternative position; the introduction of sports and physical exercise provided them with what they needed: independent, healthy, vigorous image of women; socially, the public health and medical care were expanded and the special attention were paid to protection of the health of mothers, infants, and children. As a result, the government introduced women’s sports and exercises in schools, factories, and city workplaces. In schools, physical education became a compulsory part of the curriculum, both girls and boys were required to have three PE classes each week plus one hour of physical activities and games outside school. In the workplace, female workers were required to take part in organized morning exercises, in sporting team competitions between different work units, and in workers’ sports meetings. The new image of women was ‘healthy and strong and … ready to devote themselves to the cause of socialist construction’.9 Since then, Chinese women have occupied a more active and public role in Chinese sporting pastime.10 In sum, during the early ages of PRC, the state clarified the status of women’s independence and granted Chinese women unprecedented rights. In this context, women were actively involved in the social production and nation-building movement.11 At the same time, the Chinese Communist Party had attached great importance to the physical fitness of the people. They advocated the value of sports, and regarded sports as an important manifestation of the superiority of the socialist system.12 Therefore, women’s sports programmes were initiated by multiple national tasks such as ‘physical liberation’, ‘social equality’, and ‘economic construction’. The widespread development of women’s sports in the early days of PRC laid a solid mass foundation for Chinese women to enter the international sports arena.

Sports, Gender, and the Emergence of Women’s Elite Athleticism (1957–1979) At the Third Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in October 1957, the ‘Great Leap Forward’ (GLF) initiated by emphasising that the whole population should work to accelerate production beyond any previous achievement. In the field of sports, under the direction of the GLF, the 262

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government set high targets not only for the development of mass sports but also the achievement of high standards in elite sports.13 The state aimed to consolidate national identity by erasing the image of China as a ‘sick man’ and to win world honour through high performances on the international sports stage. With abundant sports investment from the government and in the climate of the GLF in which rapid and ambitious targets were pursued in every project throughout the country, the elite sports system was constructed. Women possessed the same position with men in the initiative process of elite sport. The state deliberately launched a process of liberating women and transforming them from housewives (jiating funv) to social females (shehui funv). Therefore, women were encouraged to step out of their homes and became involved in ‘male-dominated’ occupations such as tractor driver, pilots, albeit not without resistance. These changes provided the conditions for women to take up elite sports, regarded as an occupation. Consequently, the numbers of full-time female athletes and female coaches increased considerably.14 The emergence of female elite sports was not only the result of the political demands of the state and the elite sport systems, but also the consequence of changing attitudes towards women in sports.15 After nearly a ten-year feminist education and propaganda led by CCP, some women and girls, especially the 1950s generation, began to be aware of their potential and the possibilities in society and to question the traditional norms of femininity, encapsulated in such aphorisms as ‘weakness and fragility is female beauty’, and ‘man is physically and mentally superior to women’. They were willing to devote themselves to sports, vigorously challenging conservative ideas about women’s participation in competitive sports and setting a new norm of social expectation for women.16 Thus, cultural transformation laid down a further stepping stone enabling women to make their way to involvement in sports, especially the elite sports.17 National and local governments and sports bodies provided opportunities, in terms of finance, coaching, and training to young girls who had talent. Specialized teams and sports schools acted as a bridge between amateur and professional athletes, which trained young girls to be sportswomen. In doing this, the government not only continued to confirm its gender policy that emphasized ‘women can hold up half of the sky’, but also used it as a political vehicle to gain international recognition for Communist China. Supported by the official gender policy and sports ambitions, Chinese female athletes gained opportunities to take the international sports stage. In the four-year period from 1961 to 1965, female athletes won three world championships and broke world records 40 times.18 After the social chaos of Cultural Revolution, from 1977 to 1981, women athletes won 23 championships in gymnastics, acrobatic gymnastics, shooting, diving, badminton, table tennis, and volleyball.19 In summary, on the one hand, the ‘success’ of female elite athletics created opportunities for thousands of girls and women to participate in sports and enabled them to develop their physical capability and psychological independence. On the other hand, the government did not provide women with choices in their sports activities to fulfil their own needs, desire, and rights as independent individuals.20 Women’s participation in sports had not built real gender equality, for women were merely cordially invited into the men’s sphere: they contributed to a male-dominated revolution and social order rather than to their own development. Femininity was criticised while the female sporting body was suppressed by enforcing masculinity, and the concept of gender became an unmarked and neutralised category, its role as a vessel for self-identity, self-expression, and self-fulfilment was greatly diminished.21 Thus, although Chinese women were mobilised to take part in sports, they could not use their bodies to fulfil their own needs, desires, and rights as independent individuals. Gender, especially female gender, was culturally invisible.22

Sports, Social Transformation, and Diversification of Women’s Physical Cultures in the Reform Period (After 1980) With the deepening reform of the socialist market economy in the 1980s, China had entered a rapid phase of social transition which proved to be the key impetus transformed women’s sport. Changes in self-values 263

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and lifestyle have stimulated the growth of women’s demand for sports activities.23 Sports is conceptualised as an important element for creating a healthy lifestyle rather than a political performance. The modified social system has encouraged the spontaneous and diversified forms of women’s participation in sports and athletics.24 Women’s sports at the grassroot’s level accordingly has been shifted from organised and controlled activities to self-initiated and voluntarily organised activities.25 Symptomatic of this context, for example, the ‘Sports for All’ policy and ‘the Plan of Health China 2030’ emphasised the importance of women’s self-development and enjoyment, which have provided a new direction for balancing women’s elite (professional) sports and mass (lifestyle) physical exercises. Furthermore, through sports and exercises, Chinese women are building their own communities around shared interests and collective goals.26 This involves deliberate efforts to move away from mainstream sports towards a more cooperative and inclusive one (such as square dance and Taichi).27 The dynamics of social mobility and market orientation increased Chinese people’s standard of living and changed individual lifestyles from a generalised, static, and monotonous pattern into dynamic, various, and diversified opportunities. This resulted in a significant change in Chinese women’s attitudes and demands for health, leisure, and consumption that related to the sporting life. The health issue is an important concern among women, and it has become the main force motivating them to participate in sports activities. Participating in physical exercise is also considered by Chinese women as a good way to relieve social pressure and to maintain a peaceful mind. Apart from being healthy and fit, women tended to participate in sports with friends or family, which could provide them with a good atmosphere for social communication, networking, and sociability. More importantly, sports was fun—it could release women from the pressure of their work and family. It is in leisure, rather than work, that individuals see themselves as free to act and develop as they please. The economic reformation has also caused the reform of the sports system. Chinese sports have gradually been released from a strictly political function and have tried to produce more economic, social, and cultural meanings for individual’s urban lives. The commercialisation tendency of sports activities has created new forms and new concepts in women’s sports. The changes of social settings for sports participation have provided more opportunities for women to enter public spaces and to associate with each other. And the increasing concerns about fashion, beauty, health, and fitness have created new cultural phenomena in women’s sports. Compared to women’s sports in the Maoist era, the greatest changes lie in the fact that the government no longer rigidly compels women to take part in sports against their will. The government has taken steps to lead, support, and assist women’s sports participation. More importantly, women can seek an alternative to the mainstream and male-dominated sports. In pursuit of alternatives, they have established their own programmes and organisations. In separating from the mainstream, they have gained autonomy and helped develop women-centred activities. This is the most remarkable difference from work-unit and government-organised sport. Women became associated through sports activities and developed community networks that generated a collective power of women. The transformation of sports has provided women with opportunities to pursue their own benefits and fulfilment. However, not all of them can equally or fully benefit. The transformation of women’s sports has also gone side by side with the stratification of women’s status in cities.28 Women’s economic capacity, educational background, domestic status, and cultural values fundamentally affect their sports participation. Sports serve women at different levels according to their class. Chinese women’s sports have therefore emerged with diversity but with a strongly stratified character. With high income, good education, and open minds, middle-class women are willing to spend money on enjoying sports with a high quality of facilities and services. They look at sports as a mode of self-development and self-expression. Economic independence is the precondition for their consumption of sports. High education is essential for them in shaping their sports attitudes and habits. Their improving status in the domestic sphere has partially released them from patriarchal restrictions. Influences from Western culture have stimulated their enthusiasm for pursuing fitness and sexiness and establishing self-realisation through body movement. 264

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Through participation, middle-class women have recognised that sports can be used as an instrument to resist imposed gender-related constraints. While working-class women also demand involvement in sports, their sports participation is more informal and casual. Influenced by traditional Chinese gender norms how women look and behave, they adopted traditional ways of exercising in neighbourhoods, streets, squares, and parks after work and housework. They place the demands from work and family prior to individual needs. The characteristics of Chinese working-class women’s sports in urban transformation are linked closely to their economic disadvantages within continuing patriarchal power.29 In general, on the one hand, barriers to women’s sports participation have weakened, and individual freedom in sports has increased; on the other hand, the institutional (family institution) and ideological (to look feminine and thin) controls over women’s sports still exist and challenge Chinese women in their sports lives.

Conclusion Women’s sports are a symbolic phenomenon of the Chinese physical culture generated in the blending of political, economic, societal, and cultural forces. Different from the experiences of Western women, Chinese women’s sports are closely related to the country’s destiny and national causes. Its original impetus was driven by the power of the state, and therefore it could obtain more political resources and social investment. After the reform, Chinese women’s sports participation has showcased new characteristics in accord with the trend of sports globalisation. By reviewing the developing history of women’s sports participation in the PRC, we can generally conclude that if the development of Western women’s sports was the self-salvation of the white elite women, then Chinese women’s sports was the collective empowerment of women under the leadership of the party and the state.30 Women’s sports in China have blazed their own unique path of development, and this may provide a different experience for global women’s sports.

Notes 1 Huan Xiong, ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review,’ Sport History Review 39, no. 2 (2008): 127–151. 2 Tse-tung Mao [Mao Zedong], ‘On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship’, in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1967), 442. 3 Xiaozheng Xiong, Zhongguo Tiyu [Chinese Sport] (Beijing: Beijing ChuBanShe, 1995), 87. 4 Ibid. 5 National Sports Commission (NSC), Tiyu Yundong Wenjian Huibian 1949–1981 [Collection of Sports Documents 1949–1981], Internal Documents (1985): 158. 6 All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF), Makesi Engesi Sidalin Lun Funv [Discussion of Marx, Lenin and Stalin on Women] (Beijing: Zhongguo Funv Chu Ban She, 1990), 152. 7 Yazhi Liu, ‘Jiwang Kailai, Wei Cujin Funv Jiuye Er Gongtong Nuli’ [Carrying on the Past and Open a Way for Future, Making Common Efforts to Promote Women’s Employment], in Quifang Li, eds., Ban Ge Shiji De Fu Nv Fazhan: Zhongguo Funv 50 Nian Lilun Taolun Wen Ji [Half Century’s Progress of Women: The Collected Works of Chinese Women Studies in the 50 Years] (Beijing: Beijing: Dangdai ChuBanShe, 2001), 145–151. 8 Xiong, ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review’, 127–151. 9 Xin Tiyu [New Sport], Editorial, ‘Kaizhan Funv De Tiyu Yundong’ [To Promote Women’s Sport and Physical Exercises], no. 1 (1950): 33. 10 Xiong, ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review’, 127–151. 11 E. Croll, Changing Identities of Chinese Women (London: Hong Kong University Press, 1995). 12 Xiong, ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review’, 127–151. 13 Shaozu Wu, Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tiyu Shi 1949–1998 [History of Sport in PRC 1949–1998] (Beijing: Zhongguo Shuji Chubanshe, 1999), 100.

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Xiong Huan 14 Jinxia Dong, Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: Holding up More than Half the Sky (London: CASS, 2003), 48. 15 Xiong, ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review’, 127–151. 16 Dong, Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: Holding up More than Half the Sky, 49. 17 Wu, Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tiyu Shi, 102–106. 18 Ibid., 558. 19 Ma, N., ‘Zhongguo Titan Niangzi Jun’ [The Sports Women Detachment in China], in Zhengfasi (ed.), Zhongguo Titan Sishi Chun [Chinese Sports Achievements in 40 years] (Beijing: Renmin tiyu chubanshe, 1990), 296–297. 20 Huan Xiong, Urbanisation and Transformation of Chinese Women’s Sport since 1980: Reconstruction, Stratification and Emancipation (London: VDM Publishing, 2009), 113. 21 Xiong, ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review’, 127–151. 22 Mayfair Mei-hui Yang, ‘From Gender Erasure to Gender Difference: State Feminism, Consumer Sexuality, and Women’s Public Sphere in China.’in M.M. Yang, eds., Spaces of Their Own: Women’s Public Sphere in Transnational China (London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 35–67. 23 Huan Xiong, ‘The Evolution of Urban Society and Social Changes in Sports Participation at the Grassroots in China.’International Review for the Sociology of Sport 42, no. 4 (2007): 441–471. 24 Ibid. 25 Huan Xiong, ‘Transformation of Women’s Mass Sport in the Process of Urbanisation in Contemporary China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 13 (2014): 1617–1638. 26 Ibid. 27 Huan Xiong, ‘Social Dynamics and Historical Experience of Women’s Sport over the Past 70 Years in New China’, China Sports Science 40, no. 7 (2020): 31–39. 28 Huan Xiong, ‘Stratification of Women’s Sport in Contemporary China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 7 (2011): 990–1015. 29 Ibid. 30 Xiong, ‘Social Dynamics and Historical Experience of Women’s Sport over the Past 70 Years in New China’, 31–39.

Bibliography All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF). Makesi Engesi Sidalin Lun Funv [Discussion of Marx, Lenin and Stalin on Women]. Beijing: Zhongguo Funv Chu Ban She, 1990. Croll, E. Changing Identities of Chinese Women. London: Hong Kong University Press, 1995. Dong, Jinxia. Women, Sport and Society in Modern China: Holding up More than Half the Sky. London: CASS, 2003. Liu, Yazhi. ‘Jiwang Kailai, Wei Cujin Funv Jiuye Er Gongtong Nuli’ [Carrying on the Past and Open a Way for Future, Making Common Efforts to Promote Women’s Employment], in Quifang Li, eds. Ban Ge Shiji De Fu Nv Fazhan: Zhongguo Funv 50 Nian Lilun Taolun Wen Ji [Half Century’s Progress of Women: The Collected Works of Chinese Women Studies in the 50 Years]. Beijing: Dangdai ChuBanShe, 2001. Ma, N. ‘Zhongguo Titan Niangzi Jun’ [The Sports Women Detachment in China], in Zheng Fasi, eds. Zhongguo Titan Sishi Chun [Chinese Sports Achievements in 40 years]. Beijing: Renmin Tiyu ChuBanShe, 1990. Mao, Tse-tung [Mao Zedong]. ‘On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship’, in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1967. Wu, Shaozu. Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Tiyu Shi 1949–1998 [History of Sport in PRC 1949–1998]. Beijing: Zhongguo Shuji ChuBanShe, 1999. Xiong, Huan. ‘The Evolution of Urban Society and Social Changes in Sports Participation at the Grassroots in China.’ International Review for the Sociology of Sport 42, no. 4 (2007): 441–471. Xiong, Huan. ‘Urbanization, Women’s Body Image, and Women’s Sport under Chinese Socialism 1949–1979: A Historical Review.’ Sport History Review 39, no. 2 (2008): 127–151. Xiong, Huan. Urbanisation and Transformation of Chinese Women’s Sport since 1980: Reconstruction, Stratification and Emancipation. London: VDM Publishing, 2009. Xiong, Huan. ‘Stratification of Women’s Sport in Contemporary China.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 7 (2011): 990–1015. Xiong, Huan. ‘Transformation of Women’s Mass Sport in the Process of Urbanisation in Contemporary China.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 13 (2014): 1617–1638.

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Gender Politics and Women’s Sports Participation Xiong, Huan. ‘Social Dynamics and Historical Experience of Women’s Sport over the Past 70 Years in New China.’ China Sports Science 40, no. 7 (2020): 31–39. Xiong, Xiaozheng. Zhongguo Tiyu [Chinese Sport]. Beijing: Beijing ChuBanShe, 1995. Yang, Mayfair Mei-hui. ‘From Gender Erasure to Gender Difference: State Feminism, Consumer Sexuality, and Women’s Public Sphere in China.’ in M.M. Yang, eds. Spaces of Their Own: Women’s Public Sphere in Transnational China. London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999.

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32 SPORTS PARTICIPATION AMONG CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS Zhan Enyan

Introduction Children and adolescents are considered to be at a critical stage of growth and development. The physical health of these individuals is not only related to their personal growth, but is also associated with an improvement in the overall quality of the nation. Moreover, it is of great significance to the realization of the Healthy China strategy. Sports activities are closely related to the physical health of children and adolescents. Therefore, it is imperative to promote children’s participation in sports for strengthening their physique as well as for enhancing their healthy growth and all-round development. However, the promotion of sports for children and adolescents is not just a matter for schools. It needs the participation of the whole society and intervention from the national level. To this end, in recent years, China has issued a series of policy documents to strengthen, guarantee, and promote sports participation among children and adolescents. The understanding of these policies is helpful to understand the participation of children and adolescents in sports from a macro perspective.

Policies Related to Sports Participation Among Children and Adolescents Sports activities of children and adolescents are valued by the entire society, and the promotion of children and adolescents’ physical health has become a part of the construction of a healthy China and a strong sports country. Therefore, the policies in various fields such as mass sports, competitive sports, and school sports all involve the content of strengthening the participation of children and adolescents in sports (see Table 32.1). The above policies put forward the requirements for strengthening children and adolescents’ physical activities from the aspects of physical class hours, venue equipment, physical activity intensity, and time. It provides target guidance and policy guarantee for children and adolescents’ participation in sports activities. In order to improve the quality of adolescents’ sports participation at the school physical education level, the requirements of ‘teaching, diligent practice and regular competitions’ are also being advanced, and the school physical education teaching mode of ‘health knowledge + basic sports skills + special sports skills’ gradually improved. By reforming physical education teaching, students can learn about its health benefits and master basic and specialised sports skills.

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DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-39

Healthy China Initiative Promotion Committee

2019

General Office of the State Council

CPC Central Committee and State Council

2016

2019

Issuing agency

Year

269 Outline of Building a Powerful Country in Sports (Guo Ban Fa [2019] No. 40) 3

Healthy China Initiative (2019–2030) ( Healthy China Initiative Promotion Committee, 2019) 2

Outline of ‘Healthy China 2030’ Plan ( CPC Central Committee and State Council, 2016) 1

File name

Table 32.1 Policies related to sports participation among children and adolescents

(Continued)

Implement an adolescent sports activity promotion plan, cultivate sports hobbies among adolescents, basically realise that adolescents master more than one sports skill, and ensure that students spend no less than one hour in school every day for sports activities. By 2030, the compliance rate of school sports facilities and equipment should reach 100%, adolescent students’ participation in sports activities should reach medium intensity for more than three times a week, and the outstanding rate of students’ physical health standards in China should reach more than 25%. Meet the requirements so that the launch rate of primary and secondary school physical education and health courses reaches 100%; primary and secondary school students spend no less than one hour in school sports activities every day; strengthen physical education classes and extracurricular exercises to ensure that primary and secondary school students spend more than one hour for physical activities every day at school. Strictly implement the national physical education and health courses standards, and ensure that there are 4 class hours per week in Grades One and Two of primary schools, 3 class hours per week in Grades Three to Six and junior high schools, and 2 class hours per week in senior high schools. Primary and secondary schools arrange 30-minute sports activities between classes every day. Promote sports activities and participation among key groups by formulating physical health intervention

Content related to sports participation among children and adolescents

Sports Participation Among Children and Adolescents

Issuing agency

General Administration of Sport and Ministry of Education

CPC Central Committee and State Council

State Council

Year

2020

2020

2021

Table 32.1 (Continued)

270 National Fitness Program (2021–2025) (Guo Fa [2021] No. 11) 6

Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving Physical Education in Schools in the New Era ( CPC Central Committee and State Council, 2020) 5

Notice of the General Administration of Sport and Ministry of Education on Printing and Distributing Opinions on Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education to Promote the Healthy Development of Youth (Ti Fa [2020] No. 1) 4

File name

plans; promote the development of youth sports clubs and youth outdoor sports camps. Set up the educational concept of health first, face all students, launch sufficient physical education classes, help students have fun, strengthen their physique, improve their personality and temper their will in physical exercise, and realise civilisation of their spirit and wildness of their physique. Carry out colourful after-school training and hold competitions, expand the coverage and participation of intra-school and interschool sports competitions, and organise selective competitions such as winter and summer camps. Launch and implement appropriate physical education classes. Strictly implement the rigid requirements on launching school physical education classes, constantly broaden the curriculum domain, gradually increase the class hours and enrich the curriculum content. Schools of the compulsory education stage and senior high school stage should strictly comply with the national curriculum plan and curriculum standards to launch and implement appropriate physical education classes. Schools at the basic education stage are encouraged to have one physical education class every day. At the higher education stage, schools should incorporate physical education into the personnel cultivation program, and students can graduate only after their physical health reaches certain standards and they have completed physical education credits. Encourage universities and research institutes to incorporate physical education into the public curriculum system of postgraduate education. Promote the development of fitness activities for key groups. Implement adolescents’ sports promotion plan, promote adolescents’ sports ‘health package’ project, carry out

Content related to sports participation among children and adolescents

Zhan Enyan

Five departments including the Ministry of Education

2021

Opinions of Five Departments, Including the Ministry of Education to Comprehensively Strengthen and Improve School Health and Wellness Education in the New Era (Jiao Ti Yi [2021] No. 7) 8

Physical Education and Health> ‘Guiding Outline of Teaching Reform’ (Trial) (Jiao Ti Yi Ting Han [2021] No. 28) 7

Source: Data from the General Administration of Sport of China.

General Office of the Ministry of Education

2021

sports interventions aimed at addressing myopia, obesity and other issues among adolescents, improve the physical education teaching modes in schools, and ensure that students have one hour of physical activity within and outside the school every day. Help students master one or two sports skills, and promote the formation of core qualities such as sports ability, healthy behaviour, and sports morality among primary and secondary school students. Increase the time of physical exercise, and advocate that primary and secondary school students perform physical activities for about 20 minutes after arriving at school. Ensure that students have one hour of physical activity inside and outside the school every day.

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Main Forms of Sports Activities Among Children and Adolescents Schools provide the most important learning environment for children and adolescents, and they are also the places where the students spend the longest activity time. As part of specific policies, schools have carried out varied sports activities to ensure that students exercise for at least one hour every day at school. These mainly include sports activities stipulated in the work and rest system, such as morning exercises, class break exercises, long class break sports activities, and class physical exercises; schoolwide sports activities, such as sports festivals, sports weeks, and sports competitions; off-school sports activities that are organised by the school, off-campus sports activities organised by relevant departments, family sports activities, individual sports activities, sports summer (winter) camp activities, and youth sports clubs. Among them, class break exercises are the most common and guaranteed form of extracurricular activities in primary and secondary schools, and one of the most important measures to implement students’ onehour physical activities every day.9 In order to organise class break exercises, the Ministry of Education organised experts to compile a series of broadcast gymnastics for primary and secondary school students. The Third Series of Broadcast Gymnastics for Primary and Secondary School Students in China is presently being implemented, comprising four exercises: Colourful Sunshine, Hope Sail, Dancing Youth, and Flying Ideal. These forms of physical activities both within and outside the school ensure that students perform at least one hour of physical activity every day. Sports summer (winter) camp activities offer a good opportunity for students to participate in sports in winter and summer vacations, and also serve as an effective supplement to school physical education. Statistics show that, in 2018, the General Administration of Sport sponsored 2,506 summer sports camps for adolescents to encourage their active participation and improve their physical health and sports skills.10 The activities had a wide coverage. The winter and summer sports camps for adolescents in all provinces (autonomous regions and municipalities) in China registered the participation of 414,980 adolescents overall. The activities are rich and varied, including skills training, physical tests, competition exchanges, sports culture, and many other categories. Nearly 120 sports items were included, such as Taekwondo, basketball, football, and badminton. Usually, the duration of each class is 60–90 minutes, which fully meets the needs for adolescents’ physical exercise and skills learning.11 It has helped realise the requirement of ‘building a socialised and networked winter and summer camp system for adolescents’ sports, developing sports skills training for adolescents and enabling adolescents to master more than two sports skills’, in line with the Outline of Building a Powerful Country in Sports.

Current Situation of Children’s and Adolescents’ Participation in Sports Activities As part of relevant policies, the government, society, families, and other subjects have increasingly become involved in activities to promote the healthy development of adolescents’ physical growth. The construction of characteristic schools such as Sunshine Sports and School Football as well as the strengthening of the Senior High School Entrance Examination Sports have achieved effective results in encouraging the participation of adolescents in sports activities, and the participation of children and adolescents in sports activities has shown the characteristics of normalisation. The China Youth Sports Development Report (2018) shows that on average, the proportion of students who participated in physical exercises once a week or more (including physical education class, extracurricular activities, and physical exercises outside school) had reached 98.1%. Meanwhile, 87.2% of students participated in moderate and high-intensity physical activity, and 99.0% of students could participate in at least one physical education class per week.12 The extent of sports participation differed based on the gender and age of students: (1) Gender differences: the proportion of boys and girls who participated in physical exercise once a week or more was 98.9% and 99.2%, respectively; (2) difference in schooling period: with the increase in schooling period (age), the number of times that students 272

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participated in physical exercises every week and the duration of a single exercise session gradually decreased. The proportion of students who took part in physical exercise seven or more times a week was 24.5% in Grades 4–6 in primary school, 19.0% in junior high school, and 16.2% in senior high school. The proportion of students who took part in physical exercise for 60 minutes or more each time was 29.6% among students in Grades 4–6, 22.2% among junior high school students, and 16.7% among senior high school students. However, the intensity of exercise gradually rose with the increase in schooling period (age). The proportion of students indulging in moderate exercise and above was 82.9% among students in Grades 4–6, 88.7% among junior high school students, and 90.1% among senior high school students. The survey also showed that children and adolescents had improved autonomy and initiative in mastering sports skills. Additionally, 67.5% of students could choose sports according to their own preferences.13 However, the options and richness of sports items were nevertheless insufficient. The three sports items with the highest degree of participation and proficiency among children and adolescents were running, rope skipping, and badminton, in sequence. The promotion of students’ participation in sports activities helped improve their physical health significantly. Latest data showed that ‘development indicators such as height, weight, and chest circumference of students across the country have steadily improved, the level of vital capacity rose comprehensively as did the flexibility, strength, speed and endurance of primary and secondary school students’.14 However, the problems of myopia and obesity among adolescents and the decline in college students’ physique have not been effectively curbed.

Factors Affecting Children’s and Adolescents’ Participation in Sports Activities Understanding and mastering the related factors that affect the sports activities of children and adolescents is the basic premise to promote their participation in sports activities. As the main living environment of children and adolescents, school, family, and community have an important impact on their participation in sports activities. First is the influence of school on children and adolescents’ participation in sports activities. Except for compulsory sports activities such as morning exercises and class break exercises, most sports activities saw voluntary participation by children and adolescents, so the motivation of sports participation is an important factor affecting their participation in sports activities. Interest is the main motivating factor for students to participate in sports activities. However, with the increase in age and the changes in education content, the degree of influence of hobbies in sports participation gradually decreases, which is replaced by ‘school requirements’ or ‘examination requirements’. An increasing number of students are participating in sports activities given that the sports score in the senior high school entrance examination has been rising each year. Secondly, the influence of the family environment on adolescents’ sports participation is mainly driven through economic and cultural capital. Research has demonstrated that adolescents’ physical activities are influenced by family class differences. The higher the family class, the greater the degree of children’s participation in physical activities, but there is little class difference with regard to the total duration of physical activity. There was no significant difference between children from middle- and low-income families, but those from high-income families registered a higher degree of participation. In addition, different classes of families also have different effects on adolescents’ physical activities due to different manner of family upbringing. The higher the family class, the stronger the role of parents in accompanying, supporting, and guiding children’s physical activities, with a greater possibility that children’s physical activities will reach the recommended levels.15 Thirdly, community sports directly affect the physical and mental health of children and adolescents as well as the sports culture atmosphere in the community. Therefore, sports organisations and the 273

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development of sports activities in the community play a significant role on the sports participation of children and adolescents. With the continuous development of the sports cause, the investment in public sports facilities and services has been increasing, and the community sports environment has significantly improved, which provides convenience for children and adolescents to participate in sports. However, there is also the phenomenon of uneven development. Survey results showed that 7.9% of communities (villages) still lacked exercise venues or facilities, and the proportion of communities (villages) with adequate venues or facilities accounted for just 31%.16

Conclusion The participation of children and adolescents in sports activities is of great significance to their physical and mental health. All walks of life also attach great importance to this group’s participation in sports activities. At the national level, a number of policies have been introduced to promote physical activities for children and adolescents. With the implementation of these policies, the present situation of physical activity participation of children and adolescents in China is good. As the main factor affecting children and adolescents’ sports activities, schools, families, and communities also actively create a good sports atmosphere for adolescents, gradually forming a “home-school-community“ linkage model, and promote children and adolescents to participate in more sports activities.

Notes 1 CPC Central Committee and State Council, ‘Outline of ‘Healthy China 2030’ Plan’, The State Council of the PRC, October 25, 2016, Accessed March 13, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2016-10/25/content_5124174.htm. 2016. 2 Healthy China Initiative Promotion Committee, ‘Healthy China Initiative (2019–2030)’, The State Council of the PRC, July 15, 2019, Accessed May 15, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-07/15/content_5409694.htm. 3 General Office of the State Council. ‘Outline of Building a Powerful Country in 2019’, The State Council of the PRC, September 2, 2019, Accessed July 6, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2019-09/02/content_ 5426485.htm. 4 General Administration of Sport, ‘Notice of the General Administration of Sport and Ministry of Education on Printing and Distributing Opinions on Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education to Promote the Healthy Development of Youth’, The State Council of the PRC, September 21, 2020, Accessed July 5, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/zhengceku/2020-09/21/content_5545112.htm. 5 CPC Central Committee and State Council, ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving Aesthetic Education in Schools in the New Era’, The State Council of the PRC, October 15, 2020, Accessed July 5, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2020-10/15/content_5551609.htm. 6 State Council, ‘National Fitness Program（2021—2025)’, The State Council of the PRC, August 3, 2021, Accessed July 3, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2021-08/03/content_5629218.htm. 7 General Office of the Ministry of Education, ‘Physical Education and Health> ‘Guiding Outline of Teaching Reform’ (Trial)’, The State Council of PRC, June 30, 2021, Accessed June 23, 2022, http://www.moe.gov.cn/ srcsite/A17/moe_938/s3273/202107/t20210721_545885.html. 8 Five departments including the Ministry of Education, ‘Opinions of Five Departments, Including the Ministry of Education to Comprehensively Strengthen and Improve School Health and Wellness Education in the New Era’, The State Council of the PRC, August 2, 2021, Accessed June 4, 2022, http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_ 943/moe_946/202108/t20210824_553917.html. 9 Haiyuan Liu, School Physical Education Course (Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2011), 180. 10 Mingyi Liu, Yiheng Zhang and Yajing Hu, ‘Investigation Research on Chinese Youth Sport Summer and Winter Camps Based on Web Survey on Chinese Youth Sport Summer and Winter Camps in 2018’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 53, no. 7: 25–33+42. 11 Ibid. 12 Liwei Wang, Weidong Cao, Report on The Development of Youth Sports in China (2018) (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2020). 13 Ibid.

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Sports Participation Among Children and Adolescents 14 The State Council of the PRC, ‘The Eighth National Student Physique and Health Survey Results Announced that the Students’ Height, Weight and other Development Indicators Continued to Improve’, The State Council of the PRC, September 3, 2021, Accessed July 6, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/fbh/live/2021/53685/mtbd/202109/ t20210903_558581.html. 15 Fubaihui Wang, ‘Family Capital and Parenting Style: Family Class Differences in Physical Activity among Adolescents’. China Sport Science, no..3 (2019): 48–57. 16 Haibo Hu. ‘Construction of Diversified Community Sports Service System’. Sports Culture Guide39, no. 2 (2017): 17–19+24.

Bibliography CPC Central Committee and State Council. ‘Outline of ‘Healthy China 2030’ Plan.’ The State Council of the PRC. October 25, 2016. Accessed March 13, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2016-10/25/content_5124174.htm. 2016. CPC Central Committee and State Council. ‘Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving Aesthetic Education in Schools in the New Era.’ The State Council of the PRC. October 15, 2020. Accessed July 5, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2020-10/15/content_5551609.htm. Five departments including the Ministry of Education. ‘Opinions of Five Departments, Including the Ministry of Education to Comprehensively Strengthen and Improve School Health and Wellness Education in the New Era.’ The State Council of the PRC, August 2, 2021. Accessed June 4, 2022. http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/A17/moe_ 943/moe_946/202108/t20210824_553917.html. General Administration of Sport. ‘Notice of the General Administration of Sport and Ministry of Education on Printing and Distributing Opinions on Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education to Promote the Healthy Development of Youth.’ The State Council of the PRC. September 21, 2020. Accessed July 5, 2022. http://www. gov.cn/zhengce/zhengceku/2020-09/21/content_5545112.htm. General Office of the State Council. ‘Outline of Building a Powerful Country in 2019.’ The State Council of the PRC. September 2, 2019. Accessed July 6, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2019-09/02/content_ 5426485.htm. General Office of the Ministry of Education. ‘Physical Education and Health> ‘Guiding Outline of Teaching Reform’ (Trial).’ The State Council of the PRC. June 30, 2021. Accessed June 23, 2022. http://www.moe.gov.cn/srcsite/ A17/moe_938/s3273/202107/t20210721_545885.html. Healthy China Initiative Promotion Committee. ‘Healthy China Initiative (2019–2030)’. The State Council of the PRC. July 15, 2019. Accessed May 15, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-07/15/content_5409694.htm. Hu, Haibo. ‘Construction of Diversified Community Sports Service System.’ Sports Culture Guide 34, no. 2 (2017): 17–19+24. Liu, Haiyuan. School Physical Education Course. Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2011. Liu, Mingyi, Zhang Yiheng, and Hu Yajing. ‘Investigation Research on Chinese Youth Sport Summer and Winter Camps Based on Web Survey on Chinese Youth Sport Summer and Winter Camps in 2018.’ Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 53, no. 7 (2019): 25–33+42. State Council. ‘National Fitness Program（2021—2025).’ The State Council of the PRC. August 3, 2021. Accessed July 3, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2021-08/03/content_5629218.htm. Sun, Zhanning, and Long Li. ‘Dimensions And Mechanism of Family Capital:Based On Teenagers’ Sports Participation’. China Sport Science 112, no. 3 (2019): 48–57. Sun, Shuang-Ming and Liu Bo. ‘An Empirical Study on the Relationship Between Youth Sports Participation andSocial Adjustment: Taking Tsinghua University as a Case.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 42, no. 2 (2019): 76–85+125. The State Council of the PRC. ‘The Eighth National Student Physique and Health Survey Results Announced that the Students’ Height, Weight and Other Development Indicators Continued to Improve.’ The State Council of the PRC. September 3, 2021. Accessed July 6, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/fbh/live/2021/53685/mtbd/202109/ t20210903_558581.html. Wang, Liwei and Cao Weidong. Report on The Development of Youth Sports in China (2018). Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2020. Wang, Fubaihui. ‘Family Capital and Parenting Style: Family Class Differences in Physical Activity Among Adolescents.’ China Sport Science 39, no. 3 (2019): 48–57.

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PART VII

Elite Sports Development, Chinese Character, and Nationalism Zhang Ling

Since the 1900s, China has become involved with major sporting events such as the Olympics and the Asian Games (Morris, 1999). In order to achieve this, China invested heavily in creating an elite sports system and in promoting elite sports so much so that the elite sports development became an important way of showing China’s success in sporting events as well as promoting China’s national image and social progress (Lu & Fan, 2013). After the PRC was established in 1949, China not only acquired remarkable achievements by participating in international sports competitions, but China also successfully hosted both the Summer and Winter Olympic Games and the Asian Games. In this section, scholars provide their research and insights in various fields on the development and characteristics of Chinese elite sports in different forms. The impact of elite sports development on Chinese society has also been analysed (Lin, et al., 2022). Meng Ting analyses the different impacts of the Olympic Games on host cities and non-host cities in China from the aspects of industrial economy, urban development, and social impact. Tobias Ross on the other hand explores China’s public and institutional attitudes towards the naturalisation of athletes over time, the laws and eligibility criteria framing different sports associations’ responses to these attitudes, as well as differences between athlete- and association-driven naturalisation efforts. Guan, Cheng, and Sheng examine athletes’ development in China, the success and challenge, which shows that through diversified training of competitive sports talents and drawing lessons from sustainable development project experience, some contradictions between competitive sports and development can be effectively alleviated, and rich soil can be provided for the development of competitive sports, which is conducive to the full use of social resources and the sustainable development of sports. Yuan Shuying speaks about the political, social, and cultural factors of China’s participation in and hosting of the Asian Games whilst Zhong explores the impact of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games on Chinese culture and examines the cultural heritage of Beijing Olympic Games. Zhang focuses on the relationship between China’s national image and the performance of China’s elite athletes on the Olympic stage since 1949. It also describes the efforts of the Chinese elite sports system to achieve Olympic gold medals. Jin Hyunju explores the distinctive features of Chinese high-performance sport that have progressed with the ongoing reforms over recent decades. Bo Li and Brody J. Ruihley look at the unique characteristics of the Chinese social media market and provide insight into how athletes and organisations can utilise social media to engage with digital customers. Altogether, this chapter includes eight scholars’ research on the development of Chinese elite sports, which aims to provide a comprehensive overview for understanding the Chinese elite sports process, characteristics, and the relationship with social movement. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-40

Zhang Ling

Bibliography Lin, Deren, Ma, Kai, and Li, Dian. ‘Summary: ‘Drive 300 million people to participate in ice and snow sport’ to make a new contribution to the International Olympic Movement’, The Official Website of XinhuaNet, February 22, 2022. Accessed September 18, 2022. http://www.bj.xinhuanet.com/2022-02/22/c_1128404307.htm Lu, Zhouxiang and Fan, Hong. The Politicisation of Sport in Modern China. London and New York: Routledge, 2013. Morris, Andrew. “I Can Compete!’ China in the Olympic Games, 1932 and 1936’, Journal of Sport History 26, no. 3 (1999): 545–566.

33 CHINA AT THE ASIAN GAMES Progress and Prospects Yuan Shuying

Introduction This chapter explores the political, social, and cultural factors of China’s participation in the Asian Games. Against the backdrop of Nationalism, Orientalism, Globalisation, and the COVID-19 pandemic, China has gradually shifted from seeking recognition from Asian countries to proving its competence, building national confidence, and spreading common values. The key argument is that in the Asian Games competition system where Western sports are absolutely dominant, it should not be just China’s efforts to break the careful layout of Western countries’ overall interests in the East and construct the characteristics and confidence of Eastern sports. On the basis of rewriting the constitution of the Asian Games and shaping and cultivating the values of Asian youth, it is also necessary for Asian scholars to unite and jointly construct a solid Asian sports discursive community.

China and the Asian Games If the Olympics for China means its rise, refocusing the world’s attention on this distant Asian country, then the Asian Games represents China’s rebirth. As an international and regional sports event with a relatively low threshold, the Asian Games gave the dynamic, reborn China a chance to show its face and prove itself. It was this opportunity that Beijing in 1990, like Tokyo in 1964 and Seoul in 1988, achieved rapid economic growth. Today, the Asian Games has been successfully held for 18 sessions, and China has been involved within it for 47 years, which slightly predates the implementation of China’s reform and opening-up policy for more than 40 years. From 1990, when China hosted the First Asian Games in Beijing, to 2010, hosted the second Asian Games in Guangzhou, also a first-tier city in China, it was the first time that such a large-scale international sports event was held outside Beijing. In 2022, China will host the Asian Games for the third time, but this time it will be in the country’s second-tier city of Hangzhou. From 1990 to 2022, China held three Asian Games in 32 years, various times and places, revealing different mentalities and patterns, but also witnessed the gradual success of Chinese sports, and this process has the mark of the times and special reference significance. This essay critically reviews and discusses the role of the Asian Games in motivating the Chinese government’s efforts to arouse a national consciousness, reflect on Orientalism, and integrate into globalisation—as well as examines China’s mission for the future reform of the Asian Games against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic and the emergent issues that call for resolution now. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-41

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A Desire for Change Under Nationalism The historical consciousness of modern society is indisputably dominated by the notion of nation-states. Although history always belongs to a certain nation, the nation itself has different cognition of itself and others under different historical backgrounds. After the end of World War II, many Asian countries liberated themselves from colonial rule, gained independence, and established new nation-states. In 1949, new China was also founded at this time; the full name is the People’s Republic of China, on behalf of 56 ethnic groups jointly formed a unified multi-ethnic country. The positioning of the nation-state makes it a new historical subject, which is different from those dynasties or aristocracies in history that only represent themselves and put the moral and political ideas of divine or secular rulers above everything. Therefore, in the initial stage of independence of contemporary China, on the one hand, hoped to decrease and eliminate the ethnic, tribal and class contradictions within the ethnic group to achieve national identity. On the other hand, they hoped to unite more forces to get rid of the economic and political system of Western countries and consolidate national identity. But because the world’s important political, economic, and diplomatic resources were controlled by a small number of countries, he had little opportunity to assert himself on the international stage. In this context, the creation of an Asian Games that all Asian countries can participate in and reflects the solidarity of the Asian people has become the common goal of China, India, the Philippines, and other countries. The expansion of state power in modern times involves a two-sided process: one is the process of infiltration and expansion; the other is to prove the legitimacy of such infiltration and expansion.1 The first Asian Games were held in New Delhi in 1951, and although the aim was to bring Asian nations closer together through sports, the legitimacy of the new China was questioned by external factors such as UN seats and Brundage’s ‘Two Chinas’ policy. Insisting on the dominant status of ‘one China’ and refusing to participate in the first six Asian Games became a means for the Chinese government to pursue modernisation legitimacy through the Asian Games. Moreover, ‘sick man of East Asia’, a title coined by a Briton in 1896 and satirised by a Singapore periodical during the 1936 Berlin Olympics, has become something the nationstate is eager to shed. Therefore, with the restoration of the UN seat in 1971 and the Asian Games Federation seat in 1973, the Chinese government took an active part in the 1974 Tehran Asian Games, eager to show the world, with the help of the Asian Games, the achievements of the reform and opening up of new China and the development of sports, and remove the cap of suppressing national confidence. For Hegel, ‘the history of the world is the stages in the progressive progress of the conscious spirit that constitutes freedom … The moment of self-awakening comes when we break with history by destroying what is different from us.’2 Fei Xiaotong also believed that ‘The Chinese nation emerged as a conscious national entity during the confrontation between China and the Western powers in the last hundred years’.3 In the 7th Asian Games in Teheran, the Chinese sports delegation participated in the Asian Games for the first time and achieved the third overall score of the group. Deng Xiaoping (Deng), then the vice premier of the State Council of China, said to the delegation members: ‘You won the victory for the motherland, made friends and developed friendship, it is very good!’. In other words, in the process of self-awareness and struggle, Deng’s victory was not only a victory for the Chinese sports delegation to participate in the Asian Games for the first time and achieve a good result in the third, but also a victory to shake off the ‘sick man of East Asia’. Since then, the concept of ‘history’ has been severed and nationalistic self-confidence established. After the 1980s, the wavering ideology made China’s domestic political contradictions shift, and the international situation that the Cold War was coming to an end made the country’s economic behaviour play a decisive role in stabilising its status. In this context, it is essential to re-cast the people as the foundation of sovereign states. The 1990 Beijing Asian Games created conditions for the solution of these problems. To this end, the Chinese government issued a special document at the end of 1989, emphasising the significance of holding the Asian Games. After that, all provinces, districts, and municipal government 280

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departments responded positively and mobilised the masses to participate together. ‘Asian Games for the country to add lustre, I contribute to the Asian Games’4 became the conscious requirements of the people at that time. Therefore, this kind of report often appeared in the TV programme at that time: ‘There was an old lady who donated the pension saved for ten years to the Asian Games. She donated 187 yuan and 31 cents. A lot of kids donated in bags of bills and pins for a long time, which amounted to hundreds of yuan.’5 As Hargreaves puts it: ‘[It] builds a strong and representative social and political order that focuses people’s attention on a certain national symbol to inspire their loyalty, that is, it helps define the authorities’ preferred way of looking at power and society.’6 In this context, the Asian Games spirit of ‘selfless dedication, hard work, unity and cooperation, striving for excellence’7 was constructed. This is a powerful expression of the nation-state, and this expression must be compared with the expressions of other (including historical) communities in order to make it more meaningful. Therefore, when Deng praised the advancement of the Asian Games venues, he said, ‘it is said that foreign moons are round, but I maintain that Chinese moons are also round.’8

Growing Confidence Under Orientalism Orientalism is a subjective imagination of the Orient based on the special geographical position of Asia in Western European experience. This imagination is filled with denigration, ugliness, and misunderstanding of various Oriental cultural forms in the history of Western thought. It is in this kind of demonisation of the East imagination, ‘China threat theory’, ‘China collapse theory’, and other disturbing expressions of Western countries emerge one after another. Interestingly, the Orientalism in the Western imagination was constructed during the process of colonisation of China, India, and the Middle East, which also included the dissemination of Western sports culture in Asia by missionaries mainly represented by the YMCA. In this process, the Asian Games attached to the International Olympic Committee was prepared, representing ‘a style of Western domination, reconstruction, and authority over Asia’.9 This is the cultural colonial consciousness that the so-called ‘new world’ (Western Europe, including the United States), tried to use Western ‘civilisation’ to measure Eastern ‘culture’ in the process of playing a more prominent political role, thus forming the early history of the Asian Games. However, the history of the Asian Games is not only a simple history of the signs of Western power in Asia, but also an internal reflection of the Eastern countries on their own forms of existence and future development from the perspective of Western scrutiny. Its creation and development process are also challenges to Western dogmatism, racism, and imperialism. China has played an important role in this process. With the 7th Asian Games, China joined the Asian sports pattern and has developed a fundamental change, the Asian Games have really had the significance of Asia.10 In addition, as Mahatma Gandhi of India put it, sports can build the Asian character,11 the importance of traditional sports has become increasingly prominent. How to break the elaborate layout of Western countries on the overall interests of the East in the Asian Games competition system dominated by Western sports and build the characteristics and confidence of Eastern sports has become the key for Asian countries to reflect on. At present, the rise of China in the economic and sports fields is regarded as the most important factor to promote the change of international relations and geopolitical pattern in Asia, and therefore is the most likely to change the orientalism expression style of the Asian Games. The 2010 Guangzhou Asian Games exemplified this more assertive attempt. The 2010 Guangzhou Asian Games, as a large-scale sports event, was the first to leave the Chinese capital (previous major international sports competitions were held in Beijing) and was held in a first-tier city in the mainland, which in itself is a sign of the Chinese government’s confidence in Guangzhou’s ability to organise. For Guangzhou, ‘at the beginning of preparation, we are looking for a difference, which is reflected in making our own characteristics, rather than COPY any other games’. Therefore, Guangzhou is more pragmatic in the selection and construction of the Asian Games City, abandoning the 281

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original intention of planning and construction for the games in the past, but considering the selection of the Asian Games City as a livelihood project, and taking the public’s opinions into consideration. This increased the amount of time athletes and journalists had to spend commuting to different venues during the games, but it began to reflect on what the Asian Games meant to Guangzhou from the perspective of civil society. In this regard, Xu Ruisheng, executive deputy secretary general of Guangzhou Asian Games Committee and deputy mayor of Guangzhou, also stressed that ‘I think when the Asian Games is over, the city will enter into the normal management, not the ‘Asian Games standard’. I would rather see the city move into a better form of administration, better management of resources, rather than some standard.’ From this point of view, what the Guangzhou Asian Games did was to transform the externality of orientalism into an expression of self. Whether it is the choice of location, the consideration of people’s livelihood, the cognition of civil society, or the confidence of ‘non-Asian Games standard’, all of these are based on the practise and experience of the Asian Games to reconstruct the Eastern concept, rather than blindly falling into the concept structure prepared in advance by the West.

Sports Governance and Regional Development Under the Background of Globalisation An important feature of the post-modern age is globalisation, which is a world with shrinking borders. Orientalism is transformed into the expression of rights in globalisation. In the history of the Asian Games, it is manifested in reducing the labour cost of sporting goods manufacturing, transferring the illegal risk of environmental protection, increasing the cost of sports events broadcast and sponsorship, and promoting the popularisation of the global industrialisation of Western sports. This act not only practised the power that Western countries dream of in the East, but also restrained the threat of the East to this power, which made the Asian sports events that were originally regional also transcend the boundaries of the region, and made the Asian Games become a real global market. In this context, this globalised market increasingly revealed the following two trends: (1) the centralisation of Western sports culture; (2) the international sports business system is squeezing emerging markets in the East. In response, Professor Fan expressed her concern at the third International Forum on Social Sports: ‘As the globalisation of sport drives it to change direction in the Asian world, there are some questions: Can Asian countries effectively protect their traditional sports culture from the negative effects of global economic integration? Can Asian countries retain their unique cultural identities under the pressure of global economic integration?’12 To solve the above problems and concerns, and better deal with the relationship between globalisation and national culture, regional development and identity, this is not something that a country or several countries in Asia can accomplish. It requires the construction of a concept of ‘Asian sports globalisation’. That is, to establish a sports governance concept and regional development concept based on the overall development of Asian sports, so that the traditional Asian sports culture is no longer an accessory of the Asian Games or attached to the Western sports culture, but can truly meet the needs of the common development of mankind. In this process, the Chinese government has also made active attempts to use the 2022 Hangzhou Asian Games. In July 2008, Hangzhou Municipal Party Committee and Municipal Government issued a document stating that ‘Hangzhou shall focus on building an important city for international exchange of Oriental culture and accelerating the formation of an important international gateway hub in the Asia-pacific region’.13 In December 2019, the theme slogan of Hangzhou Asian Games ‘Heart to heart, @ Future’ was released. Chen Weiqiang, deputy secretary general of the Hangzhou Asian Games Organising Committee and deputy mayor of Hangzhou, explained: ‘The theme slogan is intended to express the people of all countries and regions in the Asian Games on the stage of integration, mutual tolerance, entrusted to the future, to build a community of shared future for Asia and mankind.’ In addition, Prince Ahmed Fahd AlSabah, the president of the Asian Olympic Council, commented: ‘It is very futuristic. I believe that everyone will like this slogan. It defines the spirit of the Hangzhou Asian Games.’ 282

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Whether emphasising international exchanges of Oriental culture or spreading the concept of a community of common destiny for all mankind, the Chinese government has expressed its aspiration to participate in international affairs and closely linked its own development with the cause of human progress. From the slogan ‘Unity, Friendship, Progress’ of the 1990 Beijing Asian Games, to ‘Passionate Games, Harmonious Asia’ of the 2010 Guangzhou Asian Games, and to ‘Heart to Heart, @ Future’ of the 2022 Hangzhou Asian Games, perhaps only by conforming to the development trend of international pattern and pursuing the ‘common value’ of all mankind, is the key to solve the problem of Asian sports culture and construct the globalisation of neo-orientalism from the Oriental perspective.

Future Reforms Under COVID-19 With the COVID-19 pandemic spreading around the world, it has shattered the notion that ‘brief, higher intensity interval, sprint, and resistance trainings can be performed two to three times per week and are effective for improving cardiometabolic health and strength’,14 such as high intensity interval training (HIIT). More and more people are thinking about the relationship between exercise, immunity, and COVID-19.15 António Guterres, secretary-general of the United Nations, said: ‘During this time of unprecedented challenges and change … The Olympic Movement and its athletes have always brought out the best in humanity, and the United Nations is pleased to work with the International Olympic Committee and the World Health Organisation in calling on people everywhere to unite and be #HEALTHYTogether.’16 Therefore, on July 20, 2021, the 138th session of the International Olympic Committee voted to add ‘Together’ to the Olympic motto ‘Faster, Higher, Stronger’. ‘We have to adapt the motto to our times’,17 explained IOC President Thomas Bach. In other words, a more comprehensive concern for human health has become the main impetus for the IOC reform. Reform is difficult, however, with more than 300 events in more than 30 sports involving 206 member countries around the world. Compared with the difficulties of the Olympic Games reform and the inherent pursuit of ‘faster, higher and stronger’ in modern sports, it is more feasible and meaningful to rethink the reform direction of the Asian Games in the context of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Asian traditional sports have similar cultural backgrounds, and most of them pay attention to the ‘unity of man and nature’ and the harmony between man and nature. The Asian traditional sports culture formed under this background pays more attention to human’s own health. One year after the outbreak of COVID-19, Byeongsang Oh, Kyeore Bae, et al., in The Effects of Tai Chi and Qigong on Immune Responses: A Systematic Review and meta-analysis once again demonstrated the positive effects of taijiquan and Qigong on immune system enhancement and health improvement.18 Although the COVID-19 pandemic has brought a major disaster to mankind, it has prompted people to think more rationally and choose more healthy sports, which has also created an opportunity for the reform of the Asian Games. However, just as Tsuneo Sogawa said, ‘The key to the internationalisation of traditional national sports lies in whether the local traditional cultural elements it carries can be understood, accepted and recognised by the world.’ In other words, only by resolving the contradictions between ‘universality’ and ‘particularity’, ‘internationality’ and ‘localism’ between Asian traditional sports culture and world culture, can the traditional sports carried by the Asian Games be accepted by the whole world. In my opinion, the key to solving this contradiction is also the issue of discursive power. With the whistle of the modern Western industrial revolution, the world pattern changed significantly. As a colonial cultural model, Western civilisation has promoted the change of global culture during its expansion and dissemination. Under the complex background of advanced technology and backward, political stability and social turmoil, the Western cultural model has mastered the discourse power for learning and imitating since modern times. However, with the COVID-19 pandemic, compared to the disorder and chaos in the West, the Chinese government has undoubtedly done the best job in judging, managing, controlling, and valuing human life. This is due to its increasingly powerful national capacity, 283

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the unique altruism of the Chinese people, and the solid economic foundation. In this process, China’s voice and international image have been steadily enhanced. Therefore, in my opinion, the Chinese government will undoubtedly play a vital role in the future reform of the Asian Games and the protection, dissemination, and internationalisation of traditional Asian sports culture. Whether this process can be realised smoothly, from the perspective of cognition, depends not on the attitude of OCA (which is related to the history and organisation mode of the Asian Games), but on Chinese scholars who can unite with scholars from other Asian countries, and abandon the narrative style centred in Western civilisation for a long time. Jointly construct a solid ‘Asian sports globalisation theory’ for the protection and dissemination of Asian traditional sports culture.

Prospects As a sports event born in the ruins of war and colonial tendency, the Asian Games have been buried in the seeds of seeking national independence and realising national confidence from the moment of its birth. However, as a Western-style cultural reconstruction, the pressure of the global market made the Asian Games, which were originally unconfident, gradually reduced to an oriental display of Western values in the sense of urgency to survive. In the past 70 years, Asian countries have made great efforts to integrate their traditional sports into them, in order to achieve the goal of multicultural coexistence and traditional culture protection. However, the survival mode based on the Western cognitive framework and discourse system makes the Asian Games gradually lose its inherent regional characteristics. China’s participation in the Asian Games is also a process of its rebirth, growth, and gradual establishment of confidence in the international arena. In this process, China gradually changes from participant to leader, and tries to rebuild the new ‘Common Value’ of Asian sports in this process. Due to the global impact of COVID-19, the global integration of sports is being rethought by more people. In the process of the IOC striving to build the values of excellence, friendship, and respect for young people all over the world, Asian sports should also rely on the Asian Games, starting from rewriting the constitution, and put the shaping and cultivation of young people’s values with Asian regional characteristics at the forefront and important position, so as to realise the diversification of Eastern and Western cultures, rather than integration.

Notes 1 Prasenjit Duara, Translated by Wang Xianming, et al., Review of Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2008). 2 Ibid, 77. 3 Xiaotong Fei, 费孝通. 中华民族多元一体格局 (Pluralistic Unity Pattern of The Chinese Nation) (Beijing: Central Institute for Nationalities Press, 1989). 4 Wuhan Education Yearbook Compilation Committee 武汉教育年鉴编纂委员. 武汉教育年鉴 1986–1990 (Wuhan Education Yearbook 1986–1990) (Wuhan: Hubei Education Press,1994). 5 Mian Long, 龙眠, Wen Hua, 文华. 新中国60 年大事本末 (The Events of the 60 Years of New China) (Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 2009). 6 Hong Fan, 凡红. ‘民族主义、东方主义、全球化:亚运会 (Nationalism, Orientalism and Globalisation: Asian Games),’ 体育学刊 (Journal of Physical Education) 9, no. 14 (2007): 39. 7 Haichang Asian Games hotline 海昌亚运热线. 亚运咨询大全 (Consultation on Asian Games) (Jilin: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 1990). 8 Han Lin, 林翰. 改革开放语录 (Quotations on Reform and Opening up)（Beijing: China Friendship Publishing Company, 2012）. 9 Hong Fan, 凡红. ‘民族主义、东方主义、全球化:亚运会 (Nationalism, Orientalism and Globalisation: Asian Games),’ 体育学刊 (Journal of Physical Education) 9, no. 14 (2007): 39. 10 Chao Wu, 吴潮. ‘亚运会扩容演进研究（A Study on the Asian Games’ Expansion Evolution History）’, 北京体育 大学学报 (Journal of Beijing Sport University) 34, no. 11 (2011): 32. 11 Hong Fan, Sport, Nationalism and Orientalism: The Asian Games (London: Routledge, 2006).

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China at the Asian Games 12 Hong Fan, 凡红. ‘民族主义、东方主义、全球化:亚运会 (Nationalism, Orientalism and Globalisation: Asian Games),’ 体育学刊 (Journal of Physical Education) 9, no. 14 (2007): 39-40. 13 Hangzhou Municipal Committee of the COMMUNIST Party of China 中共杭州市委. 中共杭州市委、杭州 市人民政府关于以‘一带一路’建设统领全面开放进一步提升城市国际化水平的实施意见 (Implementation Opinions of Hangzhou Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China and Hangzhou Municipal People’s Government on Further Enhancing the Level of Internationalisation of The City under the Leadership of the ‘Belt and Road’ Construction) (Hangzhou: Hangzhou Municipal Committee, 2018). 14 Winett Richard A and Ogletree Aaron M, ‘Evidence-Based, High-Intensity Exercise and Physical Activity for Compressing Morbidity in Older Adults: A Narrative Review’, Innovation in Ageing 3, no. 4 (2019): 1–15. 15 J.S., Richard, ‘ACSM: Exercise, Immunisation and the COVID-19 Pandemic’, The Official Website of American College of Sports Medicine, March 30, 2020, Accessed December 22, 2020, https://www.acsm.org/blog-detail/ acsm-blog/2020/03/30/exercise-immunity-covid-19-pandemic 16 IOC, ‘#HEALTHYTogether: The IOC, the World Health Organisation and the United Nations Join Forces to Fight the COVID-19 Pandemic – with Athletes Helping to Spread the Word’, The Official Website of International Olympic Committee, June 23, 2020, Accessed December 2, 2021, https://olympics.com/ioc/news/-healthytogetherthe-ioc-the-world-health-Organisation-and-the-united-nations-join-forces-to-fight-the-covid-19-pandemic-withathletes-helping-to-spread-the-word. 17 Reuters, ‘Tokyo 2020: IOC adds ’Together’ to Official Olympics Motto’, The Official Website of DW, July 20, 2021, Accessed October 22, 2021, https://www.dw.com/en/tokyo-2020-ioc-adds-together-to-official-olympics-motto/ a-58324752 18 Byeongsang Oh, Kyeore Bae, and Gillian Lamoury, ‘The Effects of Tai Chi and Qigong on Immune Responses: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis’, Medicines (Basel) 7, no. 7 (2020): 39.

Bibliography Byeongsang, Oh, Kyeore, Bae and Gillian, Lamoury. ‘The Effects of Tai Chi and Qigong on Immune Responses: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis.’ Medicines (Basel) 7, no. 7 (2020): 39. Duara, Prasenjit. Translated by Wang Xianming, et al. Review of Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China. Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2008. Fan, Hong 凡红. ‘民族主义、东方主义、全球化:亚运会 (Nationalism, Orientalism and Globalisation: Asian Games),’ 体育学刊 (Journal of Physical Education) 9, no. 14 (2007): 39–40. Fan, Hong. Sport, Nationalism and Orientalism: The Asian Games. London: Routledge, 2006. Fei, Xiaotong 费孝通. 中华民族多元一体格局 (Pluralistic Unity Pattern of The Chinese Nation), Beijing: Central Institute for Nationalities Press, 1989. Haichang Asian Games Hotline 海昌亚运热线. 亚运咨询大全 (Consultation on Asian Games). Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 1990. Hangzhou Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China 中共杭州市委. 中共杭州市委、杭州市人民政 府关于以’一带一路’建设统领全面开放进一步提升城市国际化水平的实施意见 (Implementation Opinions of Hangzhou Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China and Hangzhou Municipal People’s Government on Further Enhancing the Level of Internationalisation of The City under the Leadership of the ‘Belt and Road’ Construction). Hangzhou: Hangzhou Municipal Committee, 2018. IOC. ‘#HEALTHYTogether: The IOC, the World Health Organisation and the United Nations Join Forces to Fight the COVID-19 Pandemic – with Athletes Helping to Spread the World.’ The Official Website of International Olympic Committee. June 23, 2020. Accessed December 2, 2021. https://olympics.com/ioc/news/-healthytogether-the-iocthe-world-health-Organisation-and-the-united-nations-join-forces-to-fight-the-covid-19-pandemic-with-athleteshelping-to-spread-the-word. Lin, Han 林翰. 改革开放语录 (Quotations on Reform and Opening up). Beijing: China Friendship Publishing Company, 2012. Long, Mian龙眠, and Wen, Hua 文华. 新中国60年大事本末 (The Events of the 60 Years of New China). Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 2009. Reuters. ‘Tokyo 2020: IOC Adds ‘Together’ to Official Olympics Motto.’ The Official Website of DW. July 20, 2021. Accessed October 22, 2021. https://www.dw.com/en/tokyo-2020-ioc-adds-together-to-official-olympicsmotto/a-58324752. Richard, J.S. ‘ACSM: Exercise, Immunisation and the COVID-19 Pandemic.’ American College of Sports Medicine. March 30, 2020. Accessed December 22, 2020. https://www.acsm.org/blog-detail/acsm-blog/2020/03/30/ exercise-immunity-covid-19-pandemic.

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Yuan Shuying Winett, Richard A and Ogletree, Aaron M. ‘Evidence-Based, High-Intensity Exercise and Physical Activity for Compressing Morbidity in Older Adults: A Narrative Review.’ Innovation in Ageing 3, no. 4 (2019): 1–15. Wu, chao吴潮. ‘亚运会扩容演进研究 (A Study on the Asian Games’ Expansion Evolution History).’ 北京体育大 学学报(Journal of Beijing Sport University) 34, no. 11 (2011): 31–35+39. Wuhan Education Yearbook Compilation Committee 武汉教育年鉴编纂委员会. 武汉教育年鉴 1986–1990 (Wuhan Education Yearbook 1986–1990). Wuhan: Hubei Education Press, 1994.

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34 ATHLETES’ DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA The Success and Challenge Guan Zhixun, Cheng Xiaoxue, and Sheng Xinxin

Introduction The system of cultivating elite athletes is a complex systematic project involving politics, culture, education, economy, and society, etc. Competitive sports play an essential role in the development of the Chinese sports system. The traditional competitive sports talent mechanism has cultivated many excellent athletes for China; however, there are many challenges in this new era. Professional athletes receive early training in their childhood during which time their academic development for future employment pursuits has been neglected. An increasing percentage of parents are reluctant to engage their children in competitive sports training, which decreases the source and quality of excellent competitive sports talent. Through diversified training of competitive sports talents and drawing lessons from sustainable development project experience, some contradictions between competitive sports and development can be effectively alleviated, and rich soil can be provided for the development of competitive sports, which is conducive to the full use of social resources and the sustainable development of sports.

The Heyday of Athlete Development The elite athlete training system began in the 1950s and has trained thousands of elite athletes and has made significant contributions to the development of competitive sports in China. Since 1984 when the People’s Republic of China participated in the Olympic Games for the very first time, most of its Olympic champions have been trained by various sports schools. Athlete teams growing closely related to the development of sports schools, from the development so far, in terms of organization scale, our country sports schools formed by area county sports schools, the municipal sports school and made sports schools of a hierarchical system, and the municipal sports school, competitive sports, and individual sports school, sports school and children’s sports school category system, consisting of a scale of 2,196. The sports school is the primary position for cultivating athletes. Athletes have been trained by amateur sports schools and professional teams at all levels under the supervision of sports departments since the 1970s, carrying out the mode of ‘improving sports skills and winning glory for the country’. Simultaneously, the state has issued various rules and regulations in terms of policies to vigorously support the development of sports schools, and has entrusted the high value to competitive sports and implements various rewards and preferential treatment to the outstanding athletes, encouraging the athletes to train hard. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-42

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Just after the beginning of the PRC in 1949, a new national sports management system was established through a sports federation promulgated ‘the Regulations on the National Sports Player’ in 1951. It was intended to regulate the national team athletes’ selection conditions, and in 1955, the original national sports commission in Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai piloted three teenager amateur sports training schools and established the ‘Youth Amateur Sports School Regulations (draft)’, Juvenile Amateur Sports School Regulations (draft) in the following year. The organization, teaching and training, working system, funds, venues, and equipment of the spare-time sports schools are stipulated so that the sparetime sports schools have rules to follow. The ensuing decade of unrest ended and the sports schools gradually resumed their work. In 1972, the Education and Science Group of The State Council and the former State Sports Commission jointly issued the ‘National Youth Amateur Sports School Work Symposium Minutes’, putting forward the idea of carrying out amateur training that should start from the children, and stressed that the youth amateur sports school is an important organization to restore the work of physical education. The statistics of the former State Sports Commission show that from 1972 to 1978, there were 2,458 amateur sports schools in China, with 225,977 student-athletes, and 2,487 full-time coaches. After graduating from sports schools or finishing their sports careers, they received further training from professional sports colleges (departments). Since then, it has played different roles as athlete, coach, and sports management cadre and has become the backbone of the new China’s sports cause development as the country pays more and more attention to the development of athletes, and constantly revises the rules and regulations of guarantees and rewards. The Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China, adopted in 1995, has elevated the status of youth sports work by stipulating that ‘the state shall provide special guarantee for sports activities of youth, adolescents and children to improve their physical and mental health’, and clearly states that: ‘The state encourages and supports spare-time sports training to cultivate outstanding reserve sports talents’. At the same time, it also utilizes the classified management of sports competitions, sports skill levels, athletes’ cultural education, and treatment as legal provisions and provides legal support for the selection of talents, training competitions, and the management of sports schools. Specific problems such as enrollment, training, and award competition in running schools should be improved.1 The state has not only issued various policies to support the development of sports schools but has also increased financial input. Sports schools can officially train student-athletes without paying for accommodation, tuition, and training fees. With the support of the national government, Student‐athletes in the sports school can go to the best training school, accommodation, and enjoy food security; ordinary people can eat some athletes in sports school high-protein food, meat and work arrangement is preferred to the institutional arrangement. ‘Win glory for the country’, ‘selfless dedication’ and so on are the source of the spiritual strength of many domestic athletes for a long time. At the same time, sports schools, as a kind of school sports organization, have been endowed with the dual functions of sports and education since their establishment. Compared with ordinary schools, the sports school management is more multidimensional and multi-level. Athletes are the main body of sports school management, which is the essence of the sports school. Article 28 of the Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China (1995) stipulates that ‘excellent athletes of the national team shall be given preferential treatment in employment or admission to schools’. The State General Administration of Sport issued the ‘Outstanding Athletes Scholarship and Grant Trial Method (2003)’, ‘Outstanding Athletes Disability Mutual Insurance Trial Method (2004)’ and some other documents also involve the protection of outstanding athletes. In terms of the admission of athletes, the legislative orientation also mandates that select universities focus on excellent athletes, such as the champion class offered by Beijing Sport University.2 Although the training conditions at that time were very difficult, the children and teenagers in the sports school enjoy a variety of life treatments obviously beyond the living standard at that time. The living conditions can not only be guaranteed but also be endowed with lofty values. Parents also actively send their children to sports schools for training and form youth teams to expand the team of national reserve talents for competitive sports. 288

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The Dispiriting and Difficult Period of Athlete Training In the early 1990s, the road to becoming a powerful country through reform and ‘opening up’ became the source of vitality for the development of the Party and the country. Sports schools played an important role in the selection, training, and transportation of reserve talents for competitive sports. A group of outstanding athletes trained by sports schools at all levels embraced the task of winning gold medals in the Beijing Olympic Games. The hierarchical sports schools and their ‘three concentrations’ training, teaching, and service functions situated them for the training of reserve talents for competitive sports in China. Athletes are trained and transported step by step through the three levels of ‘amateur sports school - sports school excellent sports team’, which provides the possibility to produce sports talent.3 However, there is no denying that, with the increasing size of sports schools, extensive training methods of sports schools are encouraged, and they do not follow the training rules of children and teenagers, coupled with the more serious business model, the pursuit of results, neglect of scientific training, and other phenomena of anomie have begun to appear. With the rapid development of the country’s social economy and cultural education and change, compared to the 1980s and 1990s, the cultivation of competitive athletes faces a variety of difficulties, especially in the expansion of ordinary universities that started in 1999, which provide students with more opportunities to enter universities, recruiting students diverted for athletes, sports school students by tightening.4 A considerable number of sports schools have fallen into difficulties in the recruitment and training of athletes, and the number of outstanding athletes who have been trained and sent to the national team has been shrinking. A series of problems emerged within the existing, original training system. The development of the project tends to be commercialized seriously, and it is difficult for athletes to develop healthily. First, the government’s main task is winning a gold medal, which dominates the athletes’ selection and training and training objectives based on the gold medal and winning.5 Special training targets lead to premature, as well as the traditional ‘ten, do not cover the silver-gold of competitive sports, the influence of the concept of ‘Prize oriented’, provincial and municipal games held by their respective layers of the selection of competitive sports talent,6 districts, or municipal sports school training task priority is still participating in the provincial games, lead to the early special training. It rapidly improves athletes’ performance but violates the training principle of children’s sensitive period, quickly adapts to special training, and has the best performance early, and is prone to overtraining, which leads to the premature termination of a sports career, which seriously hinders the sustainable and healthy development of athletes and reduces the public’s recognition of sports schools. In some areas, the gold medal ranking is a hard indicator to assess the performance of local sports leaders, principals of training units and coaches, as well as an important ‘chip’ for training units to win local financial allocations. Some basic training units to their immediate interests, at the price of sacrificing the future of the youth, ‘burn out’ type of training, some of these still in the competition to ‘hide identity’, ‘false age’, ‘big small’, and taking advantage of the illegal drugs to seek the game, the players train off the track of healthy development.7 Secondly, in terms of academic learning, due to the one-sided emphasis on the improvement of sports performance in the training objectives and the neglect of the educational factors of comprehensive training, many training units usually sacrifice cultural learning in exchange for more training time, so it is difficult to implement the national regulations on cultural learning of athletes. Although the state has issued relevant preferential policies for entering schools and employment, the cultural learning of athletes in sports schools has always been an obstacle to their sustainable development and weakness, affecting the all-round development of Chinese athletes because of their low educational level and the need to strengthen the overall learning atmosphere in sports schools.8 Thirdly, in terms of funds for training programs, sports programs of the school are mainly set up for the advantage of the Olympic Games, while the expansion of new programs is difficult. The financial funds of the school are mainly allocated by the superior departments in full or difference, and tuition and training fees are charged. The institutional advantages of the whole nation system cannot be sustained at the level of sports schools.9 For a long time, the 289

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training of elite athletes in China was exclusively handled by the government. Sports administration and management were mixed. The government monopolized the field of athlete training, and it was difficult for social forces to intervene, with single training channels and a serious shortage of funds. The development of competitive sports in colleges and universities is restricted by funds and training conditions. In 2005, more than 20 million students were enrolled in colleges and universities in China, but a few of them had a promising future in athletics. It is common to see athletes who have been eliminated from sports schools and professional teams enter high and middle schools as ‘sports talents’, while it is rare for ordinary high and middle schools to produce excellent athletes for professional teams or national teams. With the establishment of the market economy system and the deepening reform of the labour and personnel system, program distribution has had a fundamental change; the low levels of athlete education make athletes more and more difficult to pursue commercial competitions, ignore scientific training, the more negative phenomenon, competitive sports talent chain based on end and the disconnection between education system. It is difficult to guarantee the quality of the talents of competitive sports, with the independent choosing profession under the market economy, replaced the resettlement mode under the planned economy, which leads to a hard way for poor students to obtain employment, as a result, the vast majority of parents do not want to let the children engaged in competitive sports training, more inclined to go regular institutions of higher learning and examination for school. The halo endowed with sports in the 1980s and 1990s is being worn out little by little. It is becoming more and more difficult for young people to walk to the competitive sports training ground, and the reserve strength of young athletes is in serious shortage.

Training of Athletes in the Post-Olympic Era With the improvement of China’s social and economic level, the public’s willingness to participate in sports shows a diversified trend. Over the past 40 years of reform and opening up, the living standard of urban and rural residents in China has improved significantly and residents’ income has continued to grow. For children and adolescents, the ‘eating bitterness’, ‘possibly getting hurt’, and ‘leaving home and living in school’ in professional training has gone against the wishes of parents under the background of the only child. Chinese children and teenagers participate in sports for exercise, improve sports skills, and cultivate hobbies. Under the influence of the improvement of economic level and the transformation of public lifestyle, the sports schools aimed at cultivating reserve talents for competitive sports are not consistent with the willingness of children and teenagers to participate in sports. In addition, the traditional Chinese thought that ‘everything is inferior and only academics is good value’ makes it normal for children to receive a national series education after the reform and opening up. At the same time, along with a group of high-quality resources of education schools developed, the social education and cultural level allow parents to admit that universities are their academic goal, a direct result of competitive sports as the backup talent cultivation as the only goal of the sports school admissions difficulties, because many projects are lacking competitive athletes. To make competitive sports take the road of sustainable development, we focus on the forefront of athlete training, analyze its development advantages and experience, and provide ideas for the development of China’s competitive athletes. Swimming is the foundation of competitive sports, but for the gold medal of the Olympic Games, the number of gold medals was lower than that of track and field. Since the Chinese swimming team won the first gold medal in the Olympic Games in 1992, Chinese swimmers have won 13 gold medals at the Olympics, and six of them were acquired by Zhejiang swimmers; 46% of the total number of the gold medals, and on the domestic swimming field, a recent national games swimming competitions, the Zhejiang swimming team won 15 gold medals, accounting for 40% of swimming medals, leaving other participating teams in the dust.10 The achievement of training excellent athletes in Zhejiang Province, namely the ‘Zhejiang phenomenon’, has attracted great attention from the domestic sports circle. When the development of competitive athletes is getting more difficult, the emergence of the ‘Zhejiang 290

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phenomenon’ in Chinese swimming has made great contributions to the Chinese Olympic team. General Administration of Sport of China and Zhejiang Province jointly built the national swimming team, which was ‘the first time in China’s sports history to realize the co-construction of sports projects by provinces and ministries’,11 breaking the previous pattern of one organization for the national team.12 The rapid rise of swimming events in Zhejiang is inseparable from the systematic talent training mode. This paper analyzes the talent training mode of the ‘Zhejiang experience’ and applies it to the development of other projects based on reference experience, to strengthen China’s competitive sports team. The formation of the ‘Zhejiang experience’ in swimming is the result of a series of scientific and reasonable, effective, and innovative system design, a system construction and operation mechanism from amateur training to professional team training; part of it comes from ancestral genetics, but more importantly, it comes from athletic training.13 The most successful part of it is that it solves the early training problems well and extracts the experience in the three levels of ‘base, tower and spire’.14 The first level of ‘Kentucky’ focuses on early training. As early as 2003, Zhejiang launched the policy of ‘Everyone can swim’ in primary and secondary schools,15 making swimming one of the most popular sports among children and teenagers in Zhejiang, and a steady stream of reserve talents constitute the base of the pyramid of competitive talents. Secondly, in the spare-time training stage, the model of the ‘walking training system’ suitable for ‘homeschool cooperation’ is selected;16 that is, parents sign an agreement with sports schools, and parents and sports schools participate in the whole process of children’s growth. It can consider high-quality general school culture education and high-level swimming training in professional swimming institutions, in line with the comprehensive development concept of learning as the main occupation plus swimming as a hobby for children and adolescents, which is conducive to the diversified choice and development of children and adolescents in the process of growth. The third is that grassroots sports schools have established and formed a set of systematic, scientific, and complete methods and standards for selecting materials, and start reasonable early training based on the scientific selection of materials. Sports selection and training are interrelated and inseparable, and long-term scientific and systematic training is the mainstream trend.17 The second layer is to expand and strengthen the ‘tower’, and pay attention to the growth environment. Since 1980, the annual Winter Jasmine Cup swimming competition for children and teenagers has continued to this day. It has persisted for decades. The scale of competition is getting bigger and bigger, and the competition rules are becoming more and more scientific. The innovation of the competition system has also spawned several high-level swimming clubs, training for children and teenagers, and cultivating a batch of talented athletes with dreams. Zhejiang strives to build a suitable place for elite athletes good educational environment, improve the yield equipped with training science and medicine for athletes to the training of power of science and technology quality resources in sports training; ‘the trinity’ team in physiological and biochemical monitoring, training, and physical training, especially inland multidisciplinary joint research played an important role on the.18 Thirdly, establishing a correct coach and athlete relationship strengthens the training communication between coach and athlete. The third layer does fine for a high ‘spire’, top-notch talent. First, the talent cultivation mode of ‘university-dragon’ has been implemented. The cultivation of colleges and universities is conducive to the formation of a talent cultivation system of integration of education and physical education for sports seedlings, sports stars, and sports stars.19 Second, a firm strategy of going out, not only to cultivate a large number of top swimming talents, and bring up a batch of the high level of young coaches, learning foreign outstanding coach training concepts, teaching methods, teaching styles, and even the way of management of athletes, to top athletes, high-level coaches and the medical team has an effect. The cultivation of the high level of competitive sports talent in Zhejiang Province, establishes the education system and professional sports clubs as the auxiliary pole of the diversified competitive sports talent training mechanism, giving full play to the sports system, education system, and the advantage of the club, with the ‘Kentucky, tower, spire’ Zhejiang experience of a virtuous circle and sustainable development of the road to health. Through the phenomenon to explore the essence, accidental contains the inevitable, Zhejiang swimming provided the 291

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Zhejiang sample with Chinese competitive sports talent training that can be used for reference and even reproducible experience and ideas.20

Summary High-quality athlete training is the source of life and development of competitive sports. Scientific training for the all-round development of athletes’ talent echelon is the basis for ensuring the sustainable development of competitive sports. It is the main reality that the training units are mainly sports schools at all levels and the size of the reserve talent teams is shrinking year by year. There are some problems, such as an unbalanced reserve of talent training in competitive sports and imperfect training mechanisms. Therefore, it is necessary to strengthen the communication between various projects and guide the balanced development of projects.

Acknowledgement This Research is supported by the National Social Science Fund of China (No. 20BTY024).

Notes 1 Fanhua Meng, Chuanyin Cheng and Chuanbao You, ‘Research on the Development of Sports Schools in New China’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 11 (2010): 64–77. 2 Hua Li, ‘On the Protection of Athletes’ Basic Rights’, Journal of Chengdu Institute of Physical Education 37, no. 9 (2011): 6–8+17. 3 Jianxi Wu, Jian Chi, ‘On the Transmutation from the Combination of Physical Education to the Integration of Physical Education in the Transformation of the Development Mode of Competitive Sports in China’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 37, no. 4 (2014): 88–93. 4 Jianguo Liu, ‘A Study on the Course Review and Development Strategy of China’s Grassroots Sports Schools’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 50, no. 3 (2016): 91–95. 5 Zuosong Chen, YingWu and Lu Miao, ‘Development Opportunities and Innovative Strategies of Athlete Selection and Training in China under the Background of Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 55, no. 9 (2021): 74–78+87. 6 Zhiqiang Xuan, Research on Diversified Training Mechanism of Competitive Sports Talents in Zhejiang Province (PhD thesis, Ningbo University, 2010). 7 Qian Pan, ‘The Main Problems Existing in China’s Elite Athletes Training System and the Reform Objectives, Principles and Measures’, Journal of Shanghai Institute of Physical Education, no. 6 (2006): 36–40. 8 Xiaoming Hu, ‘From ‘Combination of Sports and Education’ to ‘Sharing Sports’ -- Exploring a New Way to Train Reserve Talents in Competitive Sports’, Sports Science 31, no. 6 (2011): 5–9. 9 Jian Xiao, Yunzhong Pan, ‘Research on the Development of Middle Sports Schools in China’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 5 (2008): 99–100. 10 Zhenyu Zhang, A Study on ‘Zhejiang Phenomenon’ in Training Chinese Swimmers (PhD thesis, South China University of Technology, 2017). 11 Zhixun Guan, ‘World Competitive Swimmer Training Trend and China’s Opportunity’, Swimming, no. 3 (2018): 34–38. 12 Jifeng Zhao, Jia-kun Zheng and Guihua Shao, ‘Thinking on the Reform of the Formation mode of China’s National Competitive Sports Team -- From the perspective of China (Zhejiang) National Swimming Team’, Journal of Shanghai Institute of Physical Education 43, no. 3 (2019): 54–60. 13 Maijiu Tian, Structural Characteristics of Athletes’ Economic Ability and Basic Training Methods (Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2006). 14 Jianshe Li, et al., ‘A study on the ‘Zhejiang Experience’ of Chinese Swimming and the Enduring Success of American Swimming’, Sports Science 39, no. 1 (2019): 27–34. 15 JiangsheLi, ‘The ‘Zhejiang Practice’ Exploration of Competitive Sports Personnel Training and Management System Transformation’, Sports Science 32, no. 6 (2012): 3–13. 16 Jianshe Li, Zhangming Wang and Yaodong Gu, ‘The ‘Zhejiang Phenomenon’ of Chinese Swimming and Its Formation Mechanism’, Sports Science 37, no. 6 (2017): 35–40.

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Athletes Development in China 17 Zhixun Guan, and LanXue, ‘Research on Systematic Implementation Path of Cross-boundary and cross-item Material Selection and Cultivation from the Perspective of LTAD Theory’, Sports and Science 40, no. 2 (2019): 37–46+67. 18 Yue Li, ‘Research on Scientific Strategy of Competitive Sports Training and Competition in Zhejiang Province’, Zhejiang Sports Science 41, no. 5 (2019): 75–82. 19 Zhangming Wang, Jianshe Li, Yaodong Gu and Zhixun Guan, ‘The Reason and Enlightenment of American Competitive Swimming’, Journal of Sport 26, no. 3 (2019): 33–37. 20 Mingyi Liu, Yanfang Dan and Yiheng Zhang, ‘Research on Transmutation Course, Realistic Problems and Governance Strategy of Chinese Sports Schools’, Physical Education Research 34, no. 3 (2020): 64–77.

Bibliography Chen, Zuosong, Wu, Ying and Miao, Lu. ‘Development Opportunities and Innovative Strategies of Athlete Selection and Training in China under the Background of Deepening the Integration of Sports and Education.’ Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 55, no. 9 (2021): 74–78+87. Guan, Zhixun and Xue, Lan. ‘Research on Systematic Implementation Path of Cross-boundary and Cross-item Material Selection and Cultivation from the Perspective of LTAD Theory.’ Sports and Science 40, no. 2 (2019): 37–46+67. Guan, Zhixun. ‘World Competitive Swimmer Training Trend and China’s Opportunity.’ Swimming 39, no. 3 (2018): 34–38 Hu, Xiaoming. ‘From ‘Combination of Sports and Education’ to ‘Sharing Sports’ -- Exploring a New Way to Train Reserve Talents in Competitive Sports.’ Sports Science 31, no. 6 (2011): 5–9. Li, Hua. ‘On the Protection of Athletes’ Basic Rights.’ Journal of Chengdu Institute of Physical Education 37, no. 9 (2011): 6–8+17. Li, Jiangshe. ‘The ‘Zhejiang Practice’ Exploration of Competitive Sports Personnel Training and Management System Transformation.’ Sports Science 32, no. 6 (2012): 3–13. Li, Jianshe, Wang, Zhangming and Gu, Yaodong. ‘The ‘Zhejiang Phenomenon’ of Chinese Swimming and Its Formation Mechanism.’ Sports Science 37, no. 6 (2017): 35–40. Li, Jianshe, Wang, Zhangming, Li, Shudong, Guan, Zhisun and Gu, Yaodong. ‘A Study on the ‘Zhejiang Experience’ of Chinese Swimming and the Enduring Success of American Swimming.’ Sports Science 39, no. 1 (2019): 27–34. Li, Yue. ‘Research on Scientific Strategy of Competitive Sports Training and Competition in Zhejiang Province.’ Zhejiang Sports Science 41, no. 5 (2019):75–82. Liu, Jianguo. ‘A study on the Course Review and Development Strategy of China’s Grassroots Sports Schools.’ Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 50, no. 3 (2016): 91–95. Liu, Mingyi, Dan, Yanfang and Zhang, Yiheng. ‘Research on Transmutation Course, Realistic Problems and Governance Strategy of Chinese Sports Schools.’ Physical Education Research 34, no. 3 (2020): 64–77. Meng, Fanhua, Cheng, Chuanyin and You, Chuanbao. ‘Research on the Development of Sports Schools in New China.’ Sports Culture Guide 89, no. 11 (2010): 64–77. Pan, Qian. ‘The Main Problems Existing in China’s Elite Athletes Training System and the Reform Objectives, Principles and Measures.’ Journal of Shanghai Institute of Physical Education 112, no. 6 (2006): 36–40. Tian, Maijiu. Structural Characteristics of Athletes’ Economic Ability and Basic Training Methods. Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2006. Wang, Zhangming, Li, Jianshe, Gu,Yaodong and Guan, Zhixun. ‘The Reason and Enlightenment of American Competitive Swimming.’ Journal of Sport 26, no.3 (2019): 33–37. Wu, Jianxi, and Chi, Jian. ‘On the Transmutation from the Combination of Physical Education to the Integration of Physical Education in the Transformation of the Development Mode of Competitive Sports in China.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 37, no. 4 (2014): 88–93. Xiao, Jian, and Pan, Yunzhong. ‘Research on the Development of Middle Sports Schools in China.’ Sports Culture Guide 65, no. 5 (2008): 99–100. Xuan, Zhiqiang. Research on Diversified Training Mechanism of Competitive Sports Talents in Zhejiang Province. PhD thesis, Ningbo University, 2010. Zhang, Zhenyu. A Study on ‘Zhejiang Phenomenon’ in Training Chinese Swimmers. PhD thesis, South China University of Technology, 2017. Zhao, Jifeng, Zheng, Jia-kun and Shao, Guihua. ‘Thinking on the Reform of the Formation mode of China’s National Competitive Sports Team -- From the perspective of China (Zhejiang) National Swimming Team.’ Journal of Shanghai Institute of Physical Education 43, no. 3 (2019): 54–60.

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35 FLYING THE FLAG AT THE OLYMPICS Representing Nation Through Elite Sports Space Zhang Ling

Introduction Article 6 of the Olympic Charter clearly states that ‘the Olympic Games are competitions between athletes in individual or team events and not between countries’.1 But in reality, individuals cannot exist independently from their national attributes and from the national government. From the beginning of the modern Olympic Games, athletes have entered the stadium by country, and ceremonies such as raising the national flag and playing the national anthem all reflected nationalistic sentiments. From this point of view, athletes’ performance in Olympic Games is tightly linked to their national image. This situation is particularly evident in the elite athletes of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) participating in the Olympic Games. This article focuses on the relationship between China’s national image and the performance of China’s elite athletes on the Olympic stage since 1949. It also describes the efforts of the Chinese elite sports system to achieve Olympic gold medals.

The Mission of Chinese Elite Sports After the establishment of the PRC in 1949, the main objectives of the Communist Party were to build China into a strong country and to restore the legitimate status of the Chinese nation in the world.2 Getting remarkable achievements by participating in international sports competitions is considered an effective way to achieve the above goals and the Helsinki Olympics were the first international competition for the PRC. The Helsinki Olympics started on July 19, 1952, but China did not receive an official invitation from the International Olympic Committee until the evening of July 18. China immediately formed an Olympic delegation within four days. On July 24, Premier Zhou Enlai met with the members of the Chinese Olympic delegation and explained the significance of participating in the Olympic Games: ‘It is not important to win the medal, to participate in the Olympic Games and show the New China spirit internationally is victory, and putting the Five-Star Red Flag in the Olympics is victory’.3 On July 29, the Chinese delegation arrived in Helsinki and held a flag-raising ceremony in the Olympic Village. At the closing ceremony of the Olympic Games, the Chinese delegation once again displayed the five-star red flag in the national flags of 72 countries.4 Although the PRC national team failed to win a medal, Premier Zhou announced the trip as ‘Great Victory’ in which China had won an important political battle. Since then, sport has been connected to 294

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China’s international status. Elite sports were utilised as a vehicle to enhance China’s international reputation and inspire the Chinese people’s national self-confidence.5 In 1954, Prime Minister Zhou claimed at a state council meeting that ‘we must understand the link between elite sports and the nation’s future’.6 Unable to accept the International Olympic Committee’s decision on Taiwan’s participation, China announced its withdrawal from the 1956 Melbourne Olympics. In 1958, China declared that it had severed relations with the International Olympic Committee. The situation did not improve until China regained its legal seat on the IOC in 1979. After China re-entered the Olympic Games in the 1980s, the development of the Olympic in China had accelerated, the level of elite sports was improved, and the relationship between elite sports and national honour also reached an unprecedented peak during this period. It first started with the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. China sent 225 elite athletes to participate in the Olympic Games, and won 15 gold medals, 8 silver medals, and 9 bronze medals. On the first day of the Los Angeles Olympic Games on July 29, 1984, Chinese shooter Xu Haifeng defeated 54 athletes to win the first Olympic gold medal in Chinese history. The FiveStar Red Flag was raised for the first time in the Olympic Games. Juan Antonio Samaranch, president of the IOC awarded Xu the gold medal and praised Xu’s victory was a milestone in Chinese sports history.7 The Chinese women’s volleyball team also defeated the U.S. team to win the championship in this Olympic Games, which is the third consecutive world championship that this team has won after winning the world championship twice in 1981 and 1982. The streak of victories was an inspiration to the Chinese people during the 1980s. China launched its reform and opening policy in 1978 and established the goal of building four modernizations in order to catch up with the Western capitalist world. The Chinese women’s volleyball team in developing countries was able to defeat all teams in developed countries, and its rise all the way injected courage, strength, and unyielding spirit into the Chinese society at that time. Especially after the Chinese women’s volleyball team won the Women’s Volleyball World Cup for the first time in 1981, the ‘People’s Daily’ published an article entitled ‘Learn from the women’s volleyball team, revitalise China – China won’ on the front page.8 It is not just a victory for the team, it is a victory for the entire country and an entire generation. Hence, when this team defeated the host U.S. team to win the third consecutive championship, all of China was excited again, and the three consecutive victories rebuilt the country’s confidence. Both the Chinese government and people believed that Chinese elite athletes’ terrific victories on the international sports stage proved the achievement of the Chinese modernization development model. Since the 1980s, the Chinese women’s volleyball team has become one of the leading lineups of the international women’s volleyball team. They have won a total of ten titles in three major international volleyball events, including five World Cups (1981, 1985, 2003, 2015, 2019), two World Championships (1982, 1986) and three Olympic Games (1984, 2004, 2016). The women’s volleyball players have also been treated like national heroes. After the 1984 Olympic Games, their images appeared on stamps, souvenirs, movies, etc. Lang Ping, the then captain of the Chinese women’s volleyball team, boarded a specially designed women’s volleyball float at the military parade celebrating the 35th anniversary of the establishing of the PRC. No other outstanding athlete has won such an honour since her. After this team won the world championship for the tenth time in 2019, Chinese President Xi Jinping met the team and said to them: The masses of the people love the Chinese women’s volleyball team not only because you won the championship, but more importantly, you have shown the spirit of the homeland first, unity and cooperation, tenacious struggle, and never giving up. The spirit of the Women’s Volleyball Team represents the spirit of the times calls out the strongest voice of the times fighting for the rise of China.9 On October 1, 2019, at the 70th anniversary ceremony of the founding of the PRC, members of the Chinese women’s volleyball team took part in the parade on the ‘Long Live the Motherland’ float. This team carries the dreams and expectations of the entire nation. As Lang Ping, the former women’s 295

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volleyball captain and later head coach, claimed that ‘Our goal is to raise the national flag and play the national anthem in every competition’.10 This mission has been passed down from generation to generation and will continue. China won its first Olympic gold medal in Los Angeles in 1984, marking a historic leap in Chinese elite sports. After that, Chinese elite sports began to enter the era of rapid development. Especially in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, the Chinese delegation ranked first in the gold medal list with 52 gold medals, indicating that the international status of China’s elite sports has reached an unprecedented height. So far, China has won 262 summer Olympic gold medals and 22 winter Olympic gold medals.

Policy and Supporting Strategy The remarkable success of Chinese elite sports in the Olympic Games is due to China’s sports system and the successive policy support. The Chinese elite sports system is called ‘Juguo Tizhi’ in Chinese Pinyin and represents the ‘whole country’s support for the elite sports system’, which comprises an administrative system, a competitive system, a selection system, and a talent cultivation system. In short, it’s a system that integrates all the sports resources in China into an elite sports group.11 Due to the Olympic Games playing an increasingly key role in modern nationhood and international relations, China was eager to reestablish, through Olympic success, its national image and status and to spur the nation to modernize itself. The first ‘Olympic Strategy’ was issued by the Chinese Sports Ministry in 1985. The strategy emphasised that ‘elite sport is the priority’. The aim was to use the nation’s limited sports resources to develop elite sports to guarantee that China would become a sports power country within 15 years. This strategy showed a noticeably clear direction for Chinese elite sports in the 1980s and 1990s. Wu Shaozu, the former Minister of Sport from 1990 to 2000, stated that ‘the highest aim of Chinese sports is to achieve success in the Olympic Games, and to raise the Chinese flag at the Olympics’.12 To continue to achieve Olympic success, the Chinese government issued a second ‘Olympic Strategy’ project when the previous one ended in 2000. This Olympic Strategy (2001–2010) emphasized the direction of Chinese elite sports that was to achieve Olympic success in the 2000s. From the 1980s, China’s domestic sports events have also been adjusted according to the time and events of the Olympic Games. The highest level of elite sports competition in China is the National Games, which had played a key role in Chinese elite sports development. In 1986, the competitive system reformed the methods for the elite athlete’s attendance at the National Games. All the sports games at national level adjusted their competition times to help improve the Olympic Games results; all of the sports events in the National Games were also related to the Olympics.13 In 1993, the Sports Ministry reformed relevant issues in relation to the National Games. First, it adjusted the timetable of the National Games to occur one year after the Olympic Games rather than one year before the Olympic Games. This was to ensure that the elite athletes concentrated their mental and physical training on the upcoming Olympic Games in an attempt to gain the best results. Second, all the sports included in the National Games were the same as the Olympics, and despite the importance of the National Games the priority was on the Olympic Games. Third, the point recording system of the National Games was subsequently changed to reflect the success of those who had competed in the Olympic Games. From this time on, the Chinese elite sports development emphasised more on the Olympics than any other competition. At the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, in this period, all the national sports competitions complied with the Olympics strategy.

The Burden Behind Honour Chinese elite athletes shackled by national honour are not always able to emerge victorious. When their sports performance falls far short of Chinese expectations, they are verbally attacked and blamed. The Chinese people’s disappointment and anger after losing a game are communicated to athletes. The 296

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Chinese women’s volleyball team, long regarded as a national hero, is also treated like this when it loses. From 1981 to 1986, this team won five consecutive world-class championships, and when people hoped that the team could win the championship again in the 1988 Seoul Olympics, they won the bronze medal. This result disappointed the Chinese enormously. For a time, people began to criticize and question the Chinese women’s volleyball team. ‘The Chinese women’s volleyball team used to be an icon’, recalled a journalist of the Nanguo Daily because ‘they represent the spirit of never giving up’. Reflecting upon the team from a 2008 perspective, the writer referred to them as ‘the light of the Chinese nation. When they lost at the Olympics, people refused to accept that reality and kept asking’, How did they lose? ‘People started criticising and cursing the players, someone even sent a funeral telegram to the head coach’.14 The same situation happens to other elite athletes. Liu Xiang is a Chinese male track and field athlete. In the men’s 110-metre hurdles final at the 2004 Athens Olympics, he won the gold medal with a world record of 12.91 seconds. This gold medal is the first Olympic gold medal for a Chinese men’s track and field athlete, and it is also the beginning of Liu Xiang’s glorious championship career. Liu set a new world record in the 110-metre hurdles with a time of 12.88 seconds at the Super Grand Prix in Lausanne on July 11, 2006. At this time, Liu was regarded as China’s great hope and became a hero in the hearts of the Chinese people. His image appeared in the media, advertisements, and student textbooks. In 2008, however, the Summer Olympics were held in Beijing. The country’s expectation is for Liu to triumph again in the motherland’s capital, with another gold medal and glory for the country. On August 18, 80,000 people turned up at the Bird’s Nest Stadium to witness Liu’s success. Surprisingly, when the game just started, Liu left the field in obvious injured pain. The crowd at the Bird’s Nest Stadium became silent and confused after shouting support. Since that day, Liu Xiang has been subjected to all kinds of abuse, saying that he is a ‘liar’ and that he is ‘acting’.15 and this verbal violence reached its peak when Liu Xiang again withdrew from the 2012 London Olympics due to injury As China scholar Su mentioned, ‘China is a nation that cannot afford to lose any more, including in sport’.16 Although China has jumped to the first place in the gold medal table at the Beijing Olympics, the elite athletes bound by national honour are still under enormous pressure during the international competition.

After Honour The success of Chinese elite sports is credited to systematically selecting and training young athletes to perfection. Under this system, thousands of children have been selected and trained in sports schools, sports academies, and professional sports teams from an incredibly early age. However, after hard training, only 12% of these young athletes will become elite athletes and only 10% of them will make it to the top and become Olympic athletes.17 Every year, 3,000 elite athletes will retire.18 Where can these athletes go and what will they do after their sports careers are over? Various personal issues are linked to the re-employment of elite athletes. Health, education, and training are three key pieces in human capital and are closely related to people’s employment and the labour market.19 Good health increased the odds of keeping a full-time job for employees.20 However according to research, more than 90% of the Chinese athletes devote themselves to professional training in their childhood.21 This is especially prevalent in the areas of gymnastics, diving, and table tennis, where athletes will start their training from the age of 4–6 years old. A diving athlete mentioned that she progressed to a full-time elite athlete at the national level at the age of nine and had to accept the hard training in the same way as the adult elite athletes endured. According to the statistics, the injury rate of the international badminton players is 100%. In 2001, the injury rate of the Chinese youth badminton team was almost 200%, and 42 players were found to have 83 injuries. In Hubei Province, in the research of the men’s wrestling team, there were 39 injured players out of 43, accounting for 73.68%. There were also 68 personal injuries accounting for 152.9%, including 96.55% of the injuries that happened in training.22 297

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Education influences an individual’s income and quality of life; it also plays a momentous function during the employment aspect, and the major benefit of education in the labour market is the lower risk of unemployment.23 Chinese elite athletes spend far more time training than educating. In the Guangxi provincial team, 84.7% of the elite athletes spend at least 6 hours a day in sports training. However, 82% of athletes only spend 1–2 hours on academic study, and 11.1% of elite athletes do not even spend time on learning.24 In Jilin Province, local sports departments allocate 10% of their funds to the education of elite athletes, but sports training still accounts for the remaining 90%. This provincial team does not have a separate department responsible for the education of athletes, and the study time is only 23.1% of the training time.25 Athletes from Hubei, Hunan, Shandong, Hebei, and other provincial teams also have little time to study.26 Compared with students in other ordinary schools, the education level of athletes is much lower. These all lead to difficulties for elite athletes in re-employment. Training is also an important human capital that affects labour income and employment.27 Chinese elite athletes spend most of their time in intensity training, and eventually they acquire professional sports skills, which are specific skills. These specific skills enable the elite athlete to have only one potential employer in sports. As Stevens points out, the best way that workers acquire both general skills that they can transfer from one job to another.28 However, for the Chinese elite athletes, they only spend time on the training for specific skills of sports but rarely for general skills. They must return to the normal labour market after retiring and become re-employed again. Most of them do not have access to job opportunities related to their specific sports skill. Because these retired elite athletes lack general skills and new skills, they will have difficulty transitioning careers unless they receive additional job training before re-employment.

Concluding Remarks After the PRC was established in 1949, China improved its national status, enhanced national selfconfidence, and established a new image of a socialist country in the world by participating in international sports competitions. Raising the national flag and playing the national anthem at the Olympic Games has become the highest mission of Chinese elite sports. And the burden of accomplishing that task falls on the athlete. These elite athletes are selected from an early age to train hard, supported by national policies and resources that prioritize elite sports. They win glory for the country, become national heroes, and are respected and worshipped by the people. However, when these elite athletes lose, they are treated the other way around. Although China has won hundreds of gold medals in the past three decades, the country’s fascination with Olympic gold medals has not diminished, and elite athletes will continue to accomplish the task of winning glory for the country and elite athletes will continue to accomplish the task of winning glory for the country as always, even at the expense of athlete development. As Lang Ping mentioned, ‘Winning the championship is what athletes should do, and it is our historical mission’.29

Notes 1 International Olympic Committee, ‘Olympic Charter’, IOC, Accessed October 6, 2021, https://olympics.com/ ioc/olympic-charter. 2 Zhouxiang Lu and Hong Fan, The Politicisation of Sport in Modern China (New York: Routledge, 2013). 3 Shaozu Wu, The Sports History of People’s Republic of China (Beijing: Chian Book Press, 1999), 220. 4 Shiming Luo, The Olympic Studies (Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2015), 284. 5 Zhouxiang Lu and Hong Fan. The Politicisation of Sport in Modern China (New York: Routledge, 2013). 6 Hua Tan, ‘The Policy of Combining Popularization and Improvement and the Development Course of the Olympic Strategic Thought’, Sichuan Sports Science, no. 4 (1994): 34–39. 7 Hua Tan, The History of Sports (Beijing: High Education Press, 2017). 8 Hua Nan, ‘1981: China Women’s Volleyball Team Brought Glory to the Chinese Nation’, Nandu Weekly, July 18, 2008.

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Flying the Flag at the Olympics 9 Jingyu Wang, ‘原来，总书记对朱婷说了这番话 (The General Secretary Xi Jinping Has Told Zhu Ting)’, People’s Daily, October 3, 2019, Accessed May 22, 2022, https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1646383735211236210&wfr= spider&for=pc. 10 Junwei Wang and Wang Zhen, ‘Research on Cultural Production of Chinese Olympic People’s Quotations’, Journal of Sports 28, no. 1 (2021): 27–32. 11 Qing Hao, ‘Definition and Characters and Functions for the Chinese Elite Sports System’, Journal of Chengdu Physical Education Institute, no. 30 (2004): 7–11. 12 Shaozu Wu, The Sports History of People’s Republic of China (Beijing: Chian Book Press, 1999), 220. 13 Xiaozheng Xiong, The Current Situation and the Future of Development in Sports Science (Beijing: Beijing Sports University Press, 2002). 14 Wang, ‘The Defeat in Soul on Black-white Television’, Nanguo Daily, March 17, 2008. 15 Rina Dong, ‘The Escaping Liu? No! Liu Xiang Has Touched Our Soul’, Sina, August 7, 2012, Accessed July 12, 2022, https://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_48d33f2e0102e31u.html. 16 Guoqi Xu, Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008 (Guangdong: Guangdong People’ Publishing House, 2019), 218–219. 17 Maijiu Tian, Rongfang Zhang and Doukui Li, ‘Arrangement for Retired Elite Players in China and Measures to Improve It’, Journal of Beijing University of Physical Education, no. 16 (1993): 2–8. 18 Weimin Yuang, Comrade Yuan Weimin’s Speech at the Conference of All-state Sports Ministers’, Strategic Plan – A Collections of the Symposium of the National Sports Development Strate (Beijing: Guojia tiwei zhengfa si bian, 2001). 19 Becker G. S., Human Capital (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1993). 20 Ross C.E., and Mirowsky, ‘Does employment Affect Health?’, Journal of Health and Social Behavior 36, (1995): 230–243. 21 Zhimin Yang, ‘Alienation of Competitive Sports Viewed from the Perspective of Body Theory’, Journal of Chengdu Sport University, no. 36 (2010): 55–58. 22 Zhaolin Liu, ‘A Survey on Sports Injury of Free 2 Style Wrestlers’, Journal of Hubei Sports Science, no. 25 (2006): 396–398. 23 Mincer, J., Studies in Human Capital (England: Edward Elgar, 1993). 24 Yijie Yu, The Guangxi Top Athlete Raises Bureaucracy Fundamental Research (PhD Thesis, Guangxi Normal University, 2007). 25 Haopeng Yang, A Survey on the Current Status of the Athletes’ General Knowledge Course Education of the JiLin Province and Its Countermeasures (PhD Thesis, Northeast Normal University, 2009). 26 Ibid. 27 Becker G. S., ‘Investment in Human Capital: A Theoretical Analysis’, The Journal of Political Economy 70, (1962): 9–49. 28 Stevens M., ‘Human Capital Theory and UK Vocational Training Policy’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, no. 15 (1999): 16–32. 29 Hua Nan, ‘Chinese Women’s Volleyball Team - A Spiritual Heritage That Never Fades’, Zhonghua Ernu, no. 20 (2019): 24–29.

Bibliography Becker, G. S. ‘Investment in Human Capital: A Theoretical Analysis.’ The Journal of Political Economy 70, (1962): 9–49. Becker, G. S. Human Capital. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1993. Hao, Qing. ‘Definition and Characters and Functions for the Chinese Elite Sports System.’ Journal of Chengdu Physical Education Institute 47, no. 30 (2004): 7–11. Hua, Nan. ‘Chinese Women’s Volleyball Team - A Spiritual Heritage That Never Fades.’ Zhonghua Ernu 40, no. 20 (2019): 24–29. Liu, Zhaolin. ‘A Survey on Sports Injury of Free 2 Style Wrestlers.’ Journal of Hubei Sports Science 26, no. 25 (2006): 396–398. Lu, Zhouxiang and Fan, Hong. The Politicisation of Sport in Modern China. New York: Routledge, 2013. Luo, Shiming. The Olympic Studies. Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2015. Mincer, J. Studies in Human Capital. England: Edward Elgar, 1993. Ross, C. E., and Mirowsky. ‘Does Employment Affect Health?’ Journal of Health and Social Behavior 36 (1995): 230–243. Stevens, M. ‘Human Capital Theory and UK Vocational Training Policy.’ Oxford Review of Economic Policy 15, no. 1 (1999): 16–32.

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Zhang Ling Tan, Hua. ‘The Policy of Combining Popularization and Improvement and the Development Course of the Olympic Strategic Thought.’ Sichuan Sports Science 28, no. 4 (1994): 34–39. Tian, Maijiu, Rongfang, Zhang and Doukui, Li. ‘Arrangement for Retired Elite Players in China and Measures to Improve It.’ Journal of Beijing University of Physical Education 29, no. 16 (1993): 2–8. Wang, Jingyu. ‘原来，总书记对朱婷说了这番话 (The General Secretary Xi Jinping Has To ld Zhu Ting).’ People’s Daily. October 3, 2019. Accessed 5 22, 2022. https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1646383735211236210&wfr= spider&for=pc. Wang, Junwei and Zhen, Wang. ‘Research on Cultural Production of Chinese Olympic People’s Quotations.’ Journal of Sports 28, no. 1 (2021): 27–32. Wang, Xiaoyi. ‘Liu Xiang Posted a Long Weibo Announcing His Retirement: My runway! My bar!’ NetEase, April 17, 2015. Accessed 1 22, 2022. https://www.163.com/sports/article/AMK65OQJ00051CAQ.html. Xiong, Xiaozheng. The Current Situation and the Future of Development in Sports Science. Beijing: Beijing Sports University Press, 2002. Yang, Haopeng. A Survey on the Current Status of the Athletes’ General Knowledge Course Education of the JiLin Province and Its Countermeasures. PhD Thesis, Northeast Normal University, 2009. Yang, Zhimin. ‘Alienation of Competitive Sports Viewed from the Perspective of Body Theory.’ Journal of Chengdu Sport University 36, no. 36 (2010): 55–58. Yu, Yijie. The Guangxi Top Athlete Raises Bureaucracy Fundamental Research. PhD Thesis, Guangxi Normal University, 2007. Yuang, Weimin. Comrade Yuan Weimin’s Speech at the Conference of All-state sports ministers.’Strategiic Plan – A Collections of the Symposium of the National Sports Development Strate. Beijing: Guojia Tiwei Zhengfa Si Bian, 2001. Zhang, Ling. A Study of Retired Elite Athletes’ Re-employment in China: System, Policy and Practice. PhD Thesis, University College Cork, 2013.

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36 THE COMMERCIALISATION AND PROFESSIONALISATION OF HIGH-PERFORMANCE SPORTS Jin Hyunju

Introduction This chapter explores the distinctive features of Chinese high-performance sports that have progressed with the ongoing reforms over recent decades. The field of high-performance sports has undergone constant institutional changes, and it analyses such collective trajectories via the prisms of commercialisation and professionalisation of sports in China at ten-year intervals. With the country’s shift to a market economy system, China’s elite sports administration and practices, which had an extensive level of national policy backing, have embarked on the significant tasks of professionalisation and commercialisation. Commercialisation was intended to set the field of sports free from the state-run elite sports regulatory regime and place them under the logic of the market economy. Paradoxically, it was the government’s mandate to carry out this task in a responsible way; they managed the governance and operation of the infrastructure of high-performance sports. Therefore, the field of sports in China is still compelled to follow the political logic of safeguarding its athletes and infrastructure rather than the standalone market logic of fierce competition and challenge, even though the policy of commercialisation and professionalisation in Chinese sports has embraced and progressed toward the market logic.

New Beginnings, Changes, and the Present of High-Performance Sports The structural, systematic transformation in China’s high-performance sports began with the country’s adoption of the market economy. Followed by the decision at the 14th National Communist Party Congress in 1992, A Written Opinion to Support the Sports Market and Promote the Growth of Sports Industrialisation was announced and enacted in 1993 to open doors to the commercialisation and professionalisation of (high-performance) sports. The Chinese Football Division One A League was founded in 1994, followed by the Basketball Professional League, Professional Table Tennis Club League, and Volleyball Professional League in 1995 and 1996, respectively. Nevertheless, the Chinese government, not the market itself, remained the driving force behind these structural changes. The purpose of commercialisation was to free sports from the state-run elite sport system to be operated by the free market. Ironically, the government was in charge of achieving this goal, and therefore the governance and operation of the high-performance sports system fell under its control. The Sports Association, which is governed by the government’s sports department, was still in charge of the newly formed professional leagues’ regulatory body. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-44

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Many concerns have arisen in the next ten years after the newly established government-planned system was implemented, such as match-fixing scandals and a significant drop in sports fans’ interest or enthusiasm. The government lacked experience and had structural weaknesses, which caused delays in responding to different conditions since the introduction of the market economy. The primary source of the problems was the association’s administration and operation, which subsequently called into question the government’s management and governance. As a result, the government decided to pursue a growth path based on market demands. Each league tried a variety of self-rescue strategies, including changes in the league system, organisational restructure, and management practice improvements. There was a surge in management restructuring in the 2000s. While the management entities reorganised their system internally, they sought external political independence from the government. Because the issue was rooted in China’s inclination to follow a political direction rather than media-driven logic, most leagues took similar approaches despite their different situations and the complexity of the issues.1 Every league attempted to strike a sophisticated balance between government regulation and market orientation. Since then, the commercialisation of Chinese sports appeared to be increasingly oriented toward the logic of the media as government policy and governance evolved in response to market demands. However, the State Council’s Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption2 reaffirmed the government’s authority over the commercialisation of highperformance sports. With its goal of transforming China into a ‘world sports power,’ Xi Jinping’s government has a favourable policy climate toward the field of sports.3 As a result, government oversight remains tight, and China’s commercialisation and professionalisation of high-performance sports have been elevated to the level of a national agenda beyond the field of sports. While the overall transformation toward a market economy has yet to be accomplished, the ideology that the marketisation of sports should also reflect ‘Chinese characteristics’ still continues to have societal clout. Therefore, the commercialisation and professionalisation of high-performance sports are expected to be accelerated in China, thanks to the significant support from the government for the sports industry.

The 1990s – The Beginning of Commercialisation and Professionalisation In 1992, as the Chinese government decided to officially introduce a market economy in the 14th National Communist Party Congress, the high-performance sports policy changed dramatically. The Sports Ministry held a conference in Zhongshan, Guangdong Province, in November of that year to discuss sports reform. At the conference, Wu Shaozu, sports minister, pointed out that the primary focus of the reform should be the transition to a market system from the planned economy system of its past. On 24 May 2013, Suggestions on Moving Further Ahead in Sports Reformation was issued based on the propositions of the Zhongshan Conference.4 It was the first official declaration of a market-based sports reform policy. This edict enabled the old system to join the global high-performance sports system while also expanding the base of domestic life sports. Through this decree, the Ministry of Sports officially endorsed the commercialisation of sports, and the changes made possible by the strong government support were enormous. Due to this decision, however, it was tough for most other sports to become financially self-sufficient. Nonetheless, the decision had a considerable imprint on Chinese sports, with major sports such as football, basketball, table tennis, and volleyball becoming commercialised and professionalised in the ensuing years.5 The commercialisation and professionalisation of high-performance sports in China began in 1993. Football played a leading role in China’s sports reform, launching China’s first professional sports league. A new domestic football league, the Chinese Football Division One/Two Football League (Jia-A League), was proposed. On 27 April 1994, the domestic league modelled after four European countries (Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Denmark) opened. By the end of 1998, the number of professional football clubs totaled 360 and the number of registered football players reached 30,000.6 302

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The Chinese professional basketball league opened in 1995, following the football. China’s first basketball club was Guangdong Dongguan Hongyuan basketball club, founded on 28 December 1993, the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) formed a basketball league in the Home and Away fixtures in 1994. IMG became the league’s sponsor and took over the control of the league management. The professional basketball league, which began in 1995, had 12 professional teams from across the country, with 555, a tobacco brand, joining as a sponsor. Table tennis reform began in 1994. In 1994, the Centre for Table Tennis Management (now CTTBMC) was founded, and the professional league was launched in 1995. Unlike soccer and basketball, table tennis was far more conservative in terms of reform. Because table tennis had claimed the status of China’s national sports by its glorious international records over the preceding years, the Chinese government was hesitant to change the old-fashioned management approach.7 Thus, the government invented the ‘dual track’ system that incorporates commercial competition while nurturing players in traditional methods. The reform of table tennis was more tightly regulated compared to other sports. Professional volleyball started in 1996 with eight teams. The current tournament format was replaced with a league game played in home and away fixtures. Since the fourth league match in 1999, teams have expanded to 12. Despite winning five consecutive world championships for women’s volleyball in the 1980s, volleyball could not have the status as a core sport, like soccer or basketball, due to the lack of mass participation and commerciality.8 Its commercialisation was not noticeable either size- and speed-wise, compared to the massive capital investment in the economic potential of football, basketball, and table tennis, which also enjoyed special treatment as national sports from the government. Major sports such as football, basketball, table tennis, and volleyball endured the changes caused by commercialisation and professionalisation around the same time. The government was the primary manager of these sports leagues, and they were all under the government’s strict control even though each league was different. Despite establishing a professional football league, the CFA, remained as the professional football league’s principal regulating body. Unlike the Western Football Association, the CFA had always been managed by the Sports Ministry since its inception in 1955.9 Despite the IMG’s management, the CBA was still in charge of the professional basketball league and oversaw the league’s general operation. The dual-track system of table tennis indicated that the professional table tennis league was still reliant on the government, and the professionalisation of volleyball also established the groundwork by the China volleyball association. Despite the beginning of considerable shifts in commercialisation and professionalisation, the government still played a dominant role in the professional sports market.

The 2000s: The Occurrence of Multiple Problems and Plans for Growth Various issues began to arise in each league in the late 1990s. Although each league’s situation differed, the most serious issue was identified as the association’s immature management, which is incompatible with the market economy. Despite its success in establishing a local market, football’s dismal performance on the international stage provided an opportunity to discuss social issues originating from the settlement of each league’s commercialisation structure. At its beginning, the purpose of the high-performance sports league system was to commercialise sports and integrate them into everyday life. Although the football league had been widely criticised for failing to successful commercialisation, the initial goal was virtually attained. Professional football players’ average salaries were only 2,000 RMB ($326) in 1993 before the league was founded,10 but by the early 2000s, they were averaging 500,000 to 600,000 RMB ($81,552 to $97,826), a 50-fold increase over the previous decade.11 Commercialisation attracted the capital to replace the government’s support, and the lives of Chinese citizens and sports became more closely attached according to the league’s growth. However, as sports have become increasingly integrated into daily life due to commercialisation, citizens’ criticism of poor performance has intensified. Football’s inability to qualify for the 1998 World 303

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Cup and the Sydney Olympics in 2000 drew widespread criticism and raised questions about the league’s management system. The league system was called for reform after it was revealed that players with no international level of performance had match-fixing to win the domestic league, and the league system had to adjust their initial goal. The match-fixing issue in football and basketball, which first surfaced in the late 1990s, became a significant driver for change. After the Chinese national football team fell in the Asian qualification round for the World Cup in late 1997, the question of match-fixing in the professional league was first addressed by the media. The Sichuan Lanjian squad adjusted the score on the scoreboard the following year, in the 1998–1999 basketball season. Match-fixing was also an ethical issue, but each league had to implement reforms to combat it because it was seen as a critical cause of the loss of sports excitement among league subscribers. The Chinese Football Association (CFA) started a new reform process in 2002, establishing a club committee to manage the league alongside the CFA and launching the Chinses Super League (CSL) in 2004. The CSL’s primary goal was to modernise the managerial structure. The CFA and the Chinese Professional Football Club jointly established a Chinese professional league company recognised as an independent corporation to reduce the CFA’s league administration authority. However, the problem of match-fixing persisted even after the CSL was established. This indicated that the CSL would be similar to the existing league in nature. Because match-fixing remained a problem even after the CSL was established, the Ministry of Public Security intervened and initiated a campaign against corruption and gambling in late 2009.12 The reform of the CBA was triggered by the defeat of the 2002 Busan Asian Games, and the existing league was renamed as the Chinese Men’s Basketball Professional League in 2005, starting with the ‘Polaris Plan’ in 2004.13 The basketball league was facing a more pressing situation than the football league. Due to the capital power of the football market, the problems of match-fixing and corruption in the football league did not threaten the league’s survival. However, in basketball’s case, a significant financial deficit began to emerge. There remained no resources to develop a stable market but a sense of crisis. Hence, it relied on media-driven logic. The association had introduced a new management philosophy called ‘fan service, sponsor service, and media service’, and to attract the interest of domestic fans, the CBA promoted its top professional league players to overseas leagues, such as the NBA. Wang Zhizhi, was the first Asian player to advance to the NBA, and Yao Ming, now the president of the CBA, was the greatest NBA player in Asian basketball history. The entry of outstanding Chinese players into the NBA enthusiasted local Chinese fans, boosting the domestic league. The departure of good players who had already reached the international level was a severe problem in table tennis, which the government more rigorously regulated. Table tennis was primarily reliant on government funding, which failed to pay star players whose market value had increased. The ‘Ma Lin Prediction’ incident in 2006, while star players were not treated properly, is a representative example of the club’s vicious push against star players. Tennis League Association could not stop brawn-drain abroad, leading to the formation of the so-called ‘overseas legion’.14 The government attempted to halt the outflow of excellent athletes by modifying the player pay system and adopting a performance-based bonus system as this was damaging to the Chinese squad’s international performance. It appears that the issue with volleyball mainly was a matter of league size and management. As a breakthrough in reform, volleyball has been overhauled the match system.15 The commercialisation of volleyball was later than other sports and kept a low profile due to league’s small size. The government’s backing was insignificant compared to football and basketball, and it was pointed out that volleyball did not have a large size league.16 Consequently, volleyball reform centred on expanding the league’s size and continuously improving the game management system. The Volleyball Association increased the number of clubs from 8 to 12 in 1999, and from the tenth league match in 2005, the league was enlarged to 16 teams. The way of the match system and the rules of the game were revised. 304

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2010–Present: Strong Commercialisation and Professionalisation, Strong Government Support In the 2010s, the commercialisation and professionalisation of Chinese sports encountered a more favourable atmosphere. Since the successful election in 2012, President Xi Jinping has given high political priority to sports, increasing government public funding. The pro-sports government stated that the sports industry is the most important sector of the national economy and declared strong support and policies for sports business development.17 China’s sports industry became a national industry beyond sports after the issuance of a strategic document titled Opinions of the State Council on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption in 2014. Chinese entrepreneurs’ penetration and expansion of the sports industry have also become apparent in the 2010s.18 Commercialisation began with the acquisition of sports systems, money, top players, and capital from abroad, but in the 2010s, China became an exporter rather than an importer of sportsrelated products.19 After 30 years of rapid economic growth, China actively reorganised its traditional manufacturing-led model, and the service sector has been highlighted as a new pillar of the economy.20 The sports industry has taken a substantial interest in the newly emerged sector. Among them, professional football is in the vanguard of China’s new sports policy.21 The State Council thus convened a conference in 2011 to involve private investors, notably Wanda CEO Wang Jianlin, one of China’s wealthiest private entrepreneurs. Wang agreed to invest 500 million RMB in the CSL.22 Since the inauguration of Xi Jinping, the government’s support for football has become more prominent, and from 2012 to early 2022, the Chinese government has announced a total of 40 soccer policies. One of them is China Football Mid- and Long-Term Development Plan 2016–2050, unveiled on 6 April 2016.23 It is an unprecedented development plan dedicated to a single sport that covers 35 years. Entrepreneurs rapidly recognised the significance of this shift and poured millions of dollars into professional football clubs. The CSL became the most expensive soccer league in the world in early 2017.24 Unlike other sports that are still governed by a national management center, the football league became officially independent of the government on 5 January 2017, paving the way for sports marketisation. However, marketisation is not always directly proportional to players’ competitiveness. Compared to the remarkable commercial development of football clubs, the Chinese national team’s competitiveness declined severely. Despite the high salary given to football players, the Chinese national team’s poor performance sparked widespread outrage, resulting in a pay cut for players.25 In basketball, mercenary player scouting was limited to ensure Chinese players’ playing time. Except for the two lowest clubs from the previous season, each team can only import one mercenary. These limitations make it difficult for the players from other countries to join the CBA, reducing the CBA’s global appeal. Finally, there is a risk that players prefer to stay in a domestic league over an international league. China’s spectacular economic success since reform and opening up has resulted in a massive expansion of the Chinese sports market, and the Chinese government realises that it should more actively reflect the requirements of the market in administering the sports system. The 135 Plan for the development of the sports industry, which was unveiled on 13 July 2016 by the General Administration of Sport of China,26 demonstrates that the government’s policy approach is to match market needs. This law aims to investigate and complete the development and operation of the sports market, establish an international brand through brand strategies, and actively encourage the development of professional sports and the cultivation of international sports stars. Although the degree and status of commercialisation of football, basketball, table tennis, and volleyball before marketisation varied, due to the government’s pro-sports policy, commercialisation and professionalisation of high-performance sport in China are heading in the same direction. 305

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Conclusion Over the last 30 years, China has developed a systematic framework for commercialising and professionalising high-performance sports. As its pro-sports policy treats the sports sector as a national business; further commercialisation is anticipated. Meanwhile, with its substantial financial support, the current government’s influence will increase, adding to its traditional environment of government-led commercialisation and political-led sport policy. There has been much debate on the policy directive to solve the emerging challenges. Some supported the government in integrating the conventional elite sports systems, while others believed that commercialisation and professionalisation policies should lead to reform. However, it is generally agreed that the Chinese professional leagues are still affected by the ‘struggle between governmental control and market orientation’.27 The latest government long-term plan is geared toward establishing a global sports league. What is the expected outcome of this goal? The mission is not only to produce high-quality sports events but also for the leagues to perform well in international mega-sports competitions. This expectation displays the persisting ideology behind China’s high-performance sports policy since the country’s commercialisation efforts began. It steered the sports policy toward cultivating excellent players and expanding the sports infrastructure, rather than directly reflecting market demands. Chinese sports’ commercialisation and professionalisation policy has oriented toward the market logic. However, the field of sports is rather guided by the political logic that protects its athletes and infrastructure that would expose them to fierce competition and challenge, creating distinctive features of Chinese professionalisation and commercialisation. The unique ideology has persisted in Chinese sports’ commercialisation and professionalisation over the past 30 years. Thus, such an institutional system of high-performance sports is expected to be strengthened as a result of China’s continuous economic growth.

Notes 1 Yang Ma and Kurscheidt Markus, ‘Doing It the Chinese Way: The Politically-led Commercialization of Professional Football in China’, Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 5 (2020): 1–17. 2 The State Council of the People’s Republic of China, ‘The State Council’s Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption,’ The Gov of PRC, October 20, 2014, Accessed May 6, 2022, http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2014-10/20/content_9152.htm 3 Tien-Chin Tan, et al., ‘Xi Jin-Ping’s World Cup Dreams: From a Major Sports Country to a World Sports Power’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 12 (2016): 1449–1465. 4 Hong Fan and Zhouxiang Lu, ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013)’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. 5 Jinming Zheng, et al., ‘Sport policy in China (Mainland),’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 3 (2018): 469–491. 6 Anon, ‘The Num Number of Registered Football Players Has Shrunk to 30,000. Chinese Football Has Returned to the Stone Age’, Liaoning Daily, November 20, 2007. 7 Yu-Wen Chen, Tien-Chin Tan and Ping-Chao Lee, ‘The Chinese Government and the Globalization of Table Tennis: A Case Study in Local Responses to the Globalization of Sport’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 32, no. 10 (2015): 1336–1348. 8 Tingyu Hou, ‘Sport Governance in Chinese Competitive and Professional Volleyball: Review and Prospect’, Frontiers in Sport Research 3, no. 3 (2021): 69–73. 9 Hong Fan and Zhouxiang Lu, ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013)’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. 10 Yang Qin, ‘Yu Dongfeng Recalls the Division One League: The Rise of Sichuan Football’. China Soccer, December 14, 2008. 11 Kong Fang, ‘How Much Has the League Spent in the Past Seven Years? – Chinese Soccer Player’s Salary Increased Tenfold’, Xinmin Sport, December 11, 2000.

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Commercialisation and Professionalisation 12 Hong Fan and Zhouxiang Lu, ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013)’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. 13 Lei An, The Developing Process of the Men’s Professional Volleyball in China (PhD thesis, Chungnam National University, 2017). 14 Yu-Wen Chen, Tien-Chin Tan and Ping-Chao Lee, ‘The Chinese Government and the Globalization of Table Tennis: A Case Study in Local Responses to the Globalization of Sport’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 32, no. 10 (2015): 1336–1348. 15 Peng Sun and Mei Lu, ‘Analysis of Present Situation of the Chinese Professional Volleyball Club Research’, Journal of Shenyang Institute of Physical Education, no. 3 (2003): 102–106. 16 Jichen Jin and Hyunju Jin, ‘Analysis of the Legislative process of ‘Chinese Football Mid to Long Term Development Plan 2016–2050’ Applying Multiple Streams Framework (MSF)’, Journal of Korean Society of Sport Policy 20, no. 2 (2022): 33–56. 17 Jinming Zheng, et al., ‘Sport policy in China (Mainland)’, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 3 (2018): 469–491. 18 Jinming Zheng, et al., Sport Policy in China (UK: Loughborough University Publishers, 2019). 19 Yang Ma and Jinming Zheng, ‘Governance of Chinese Professional Football During Xi’s Authoritarian Era: What Is Changing and What Remains Unchanged’, Soccer & Society 23, no. 2 (2022): 224–235. 20 Jonathan Sullivan, Simon Chadwick and Michael Gow, ‘China’s Football Dream: Sport, Citizenship, Symbolic Power, and Civic Spaces’, Journal of Sport and Social Issues 43, no. 6 (2019): 493–514. 21 Yang Ma and Markus Kurscheidt, ‘Doing It the Chinese Way: The Politically-led Commercialization of Professional Football in China’, Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 5 (2020): 1–17. 22 Jonathan Sullivan, Simon Chadwick and Michael Gow, ‘China’s Football Dream: Sport, Citizenship, Symbolic Power, and Civic Spaces’, Journal of Sport and Social Issues 43, no. 6 (2019): 493–514. 23 National Development and Reform Commission, ‘China Football Mid- and Long-Term Development Plan 2016–2050’, National Development and Reform Commission, May 17, 2016, Accessed May 13, 2022, https://www. ndrc.gov.cn/fggz/fzzlgh/gjjzxgh/201705/t20170511_1196746.html?code=&state=123 24 Yang Ma and Markus Kurscheidt, ‘Doing It the Chinese Way: The Politically-led Commercialization of Professional Football in China’, Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 5 (2020): 1–17. 25 Jichen Jin and Hyunju Jin, ‘Analysis of the Legislative process of ‘Chinese Football Mid to Long Term Development Plan 2016–2050’ Applying Multiple Streams Framework (MSF)’, Journal of Korean Society of Sport Policy 20, no. 2 (2022): 33–56. 26 General Administration of Sport of China, ‘The 135 Plan for the Development of the Sports Industry’, General Administration of Sport of China, May 5, 2016, Accessed July 7, 2022, https://www.sport.gov.cn/n10503/c722960/ content.html 27 Yang Ma and Markus Kurscheidt, ‘Governance of the Chinese Super League: A Struggle Between Governmental Control and Market Orientation’, Sport, Business and Management: An International Journal 9, no. 1 (2019): 4–25.

Bibliography An, Lei. The Developing Process of the Men’s Professional Volleyball in China. PhD thesis, Chungnam National University, 2017. Anon. ‘The Num Number of Registered Football Players Has Shrunk to 30,000. Chinese Football Has Returned to the Stone Age.’ Liaoning Daily, November 20, 2007. Chen, Yu-Wen, Tan, Tien-Chin and Lee, Ping-Chao. ‘The Chinese Government and the Globalization of Table Tennis: A Case Study in Local Responses to the Globalization of Sport.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 32, no. 10 (2015): 1336–1348. Fan, Hong and Lu Zhouxiang. ‘The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Football in China (1993–2013).’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 14 (2013): 1637–1654. General Administration of Sport of China. ‘The 135 Plan for the development of the sports industry.’ General Administration of Sport of China. May 5, 2016. Accessed July 7, 2022. https://www.sport.gov.cn/n10503/c722960/ content.html Hou, Tingyu. ‘Sport governance in Chinese Competitive and Professional Volleyball: Review and Prospect.’ Frontiers in Sport Research 3, no. 3 (2021): 69–73. Jin, Jichen and Hyunju, Jin. ‘Analysis of the Legislative Process of “Chinese Football Mid to Long Term Development Plan 2016–2050” Applying Multiple Streams Framework (MSF).’ Journal of Korean Society of Sport Policy 20, no. 2 (2022): 33–56.

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Jin Hyunju Kong, Fang. ‘How Much has the League Spent in the Past Seven Years? – Chinese Soccer Player’s Salary Increased Tenfold.’ Xinmin Sport, December 11, 2000. Ma, Yang and Kurscheidt, Markus. ‘Governance of the Chinese Super League: A Struggle Between Governmental Control and Market Orientation.’ Sport, Business and Management: An International Journal 9, no. 1 (2019): 4–25. Ma, Yang and Jinming, Zheng. ‘Governance of Chinese Professional football during Xi’s Authoritarian Era: What Is Changing and What Remains Unchanged.’ Soccer & Society 23, no 2 (2022): 224–235. National Development and Reform Commission. ‘China Football Mid- and Long-Term Development Plan 2016–2050.’ National Development and Reform Commission. May 17, 2016. Accessed May 13, 2022. https://www. ndrc.gov.cn/fggz/fzzlgh/gjjzxgh/201705/t20170511_1196746.html?code=&state=123. Sullivan, Jonathan, Chadwick, Simon and Gow, Michael. ‘China’s Football Dream: Sport, Citizenship, Symbolic Power, and Civic Spaces.’ Journal of Sport and Social Issues 43, no. 6 (2019): 493–514. Sun, Peng and Lu, Mei. ‘Analysis of Present Situation of the Chinese Professional. Volleyball Club Research.’ Journal of Shenyang Institute of Physical Education, 23, no. 3 (2003): 102–106. Tan, Tien-Chin, Huang, Hsien-Che, Alan, Bairner and Chen, Yu-Wen. ‘Xi Jin-Ping’s World Cup Dreams: From a Major Sports Country to a World Sports Power.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 12 (2016): 1449–1465. The State Council of the People’s Republic of China. ‘The State Council’s Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption.’ The Gov of PRC. October 20, 2014. Accessed May 6, 2022. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2014-10/20/content_9152.htm Yang, Ma, and Markus, Kurscheidt. ‘Doing It the Chinese Way: The Politically-led. Commercialization of Professional Football in China.’ Journal of Global Sport Management, no. 5 (2020): 1–17. Yang, Qin. ‘Yu Dongfeng Recalls the Division One League: The Rise of Sichuan Football.’ China Soccer, December 14, 2008. Zheng, Jinming, Chen, Shushu, Tan, Tian-Chin, and Lau, Patrick Wing Chung. ‘Sport. policy in China (Mainland).’ International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 3 (2018): 469–491. Zheng, Jinming, Chen, Shushu, Tan, Tian-Chin and Barrie, Houlihan. Sport Policy in China. UK: Loughborough University Publishers, 2019.

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37 THE EFFECTS OF HOSTING THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN CHINA From Host and Non-Host Cities’ Perspectives Meng Ting

Introduction The Olympic Movement is intertwined with the broad background of modern society, involves various factors in different fields, and has rich connotations and mufti-layered meanings. Hosting the Olympic Games may bring huge economic and social benefits to the host city. As the political, economic, and cultural centre of China, Beijing has greatly improved its economic development, urban construction, and international influence after hosting the 2008 Summer Olympics and the 2022 Winter Olympics. This chapter will analyse the different impacts of the Olympic Games on host cities and non-host cities in China from the aspects of industrial economy, urban development, and social impact.

Enhancement of the Industrial Economy Since the factors involved in the Olympic Games are multidimensional, its impact on the host city is also multifaceted. For Beijing, as the ‘city of double Olympics’, the hosting of the two Olympic Games required the participation and cooperation of all sectors of the whole society, which not only drove the development of the sports industry, but also the development of tourism, electronics, communications, and other industries.1 Usually, the cities that host the Olympic Games focus on the economic aspects of the Olympic investment to promote local economic growth, which is mainly reflected in the growth of local GDP and employment. In addition to the improvement of facilities, the last and most important goal is to use the Olympic Games to upgrade the urban and industrial infrastructure, especially for the tertiary industry (including culture, tourism, sports, entertainment, catering, and so forth). The 2008 Beijing Olympic Games promoted the growth of China’s economy. The host city, Beijing, and the six co-host cities also used the preparations for the Olympic Games to promote the improvement of urban infrastructure and residents’ living standards. Beijing had been preparing for the 2008 Summer Olympics for seven years, and during this time, its economic growth had increased by one percentage point, while Qingdao’s had increased by two percentage points.2 In 2007, Beijing’s economic growth rate reached 12.3%, which was the eighth consecutive year that Beijing had maintained double-digit growth. The Olympic factor had driven Beijing’s GDP to increase by 105.5 billion RMB.3 DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-45

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The economic impact of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games was mainly driven by Olympic investment consumption expenditures from 2002 to 2008.4 These expenditures include both direct and indirect expenditures.5 Among them, the direct expenditures included Olympic operating expenditures, investment expenditures on the construction of Olympic venues (pavilions) and related facilities, and investment in new urban infrastructure. Indirect expenditures refer to investments closely related to the Olympics. According to the financial audit report of the Beijing Olympic Organizing Committee released by the National Audit Office of China in 2009, the total investment in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games exceeded 300 billion RMB.6 Among this, 280 billion RMB was mainly used for the transformation of Beijing, especially its urban infrastructure. Of the 180 billion RMB that was invested towards urban infrastructure; 90 billion RMB was used for the construction of subways, light rails, highways, and airports; 45 billion RMB went towards for environmental management; and 30 billion RMB invested into IT infrastructure. An additional 15 billion RMB was used for the construction of living facilities and renovation of utilities (water, electricity, and gas). Finally, 17 billion RMB was invested in the construction of sports facilities and another 17.3 billion RMB towards the construction of environmental protection facilities.7 In short, the direct and indirect expenditures invested in the Beijing Olympic Games propelled Beijing’s economy as a whole for five years. With a rich legacy following the 2008 Summer Olympics, China repurposed 11 existing venues for the 2022 Beijing Winter Games, including the iconic Bird’s Nest Stadium and the Ice Cube, formerly known as the Water Cube. Avoiding the possibility of idle sports facilities after the 2008 Summer Olympics made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics one of the most frugal Olympics ever.8 According to relevant media reports, among all the Beijing Olympic Games investors, sponsors, brands, and other investments accounted for the most, a total of 72% of the total investment, the Olympic Village by enterprises to invest. The International Olympic Committee also lent a helping hand, investing 22%. As a virtue of frugality, our own country invested 6% of its capital, or about 600 million yuan. These investments were not only used in health care, transportation, site construction, accommodation and other places, but also used in the operation of the Winter Olympics site and related infrastructure! Among them, the site construction and operation of the investment was as high as 3 billion yuan. Adding in Beijing’s high-speed rail, subway, jumping platform, and other infrastructure, as well as the operation of 76 events for the Beijing Winter Olympics, the total investment reached more than 210 billion yuan, or about 33.1 billion U.S. dollars. In addition, high transport links were constructed for the Winter Olympics to connect the northern hilly areas with high-quality ski facilities, which later served as the Beijing-Zhangjiakou sports tourism cluster. This economic spill-over effect has allowed for Beijing’s 22 million inhabitants to be connected with Hohhot’s 5 million in northern China’s inner Mongolia autonomous region and from Zhangjiakou’s 3 million in northern China’s Hebei Province, all within a one-hour radius.9 During the seven years of preparation for the Winter Olympics, Zhangjiakou built 39 ski resorts and 17 indoor skating rinks, creating 400,000 jobs for the local area. China’s ‘snow mania’ will continue for years to come as the Olympics has driven infrastructure, manufacturing, and demand. With respect to skiing, the number of domestic skiers had increased to 20.76 million by 2021, double that of 2014’. It is estimated that by 2030, there will be close to 60 million domestic skiers.10 China is the only fastgrowing ski market in the world. According to the Research Report on the Development of China’s Snow and Ice Industry (2021), China’s snow and ice leisure tourism revenue exceeded 390 billion yuan during the 2020–2021 snow and ice season. It is estimated that by 2025, the number of ice and snow tourism will exceed 500 million and the revenue of ice and snow tourism will exceed 1.1 trillion yuan. The scale of China’s ice and snow industry had also increased from 270 billion to 600 billion RMB between 2015 and 2020. The world’s second-largest economy is now on track to hit a target of 1 trillion RMB by 2025.11 310

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Impacts on Urban Development The Olympic Games are a good opportunity to show the image of a country and a city from the beginning of the bid. If a city can submit a bid, it means that it already has or is close to having the conditions for hosting the Olympic Games. Beijing was already ahead of other cities in China using international standards to measure itself and improve its urban infrastructure. During the two-year bidding process, Beijing was the focus of national and international news media, which served to promote the city’s image. From bidding to preparing and finally hosting the Olympic Games, Beijing has seen substantial improvements to its urban development. The ice and snow events of the 2022 Winter Olympics were held in Beijing and Zhangjiakou, respectively. Zhangjiakou, located in the northwest of Beijing, is an old industrial city with closed traffic. It belongs to a poverty-stricken area in Hebei Province. Chongli District, which hosted the Winter Olympics snow events, was also underdeveloped. The Winter Olympics brought Zhangjiakou not only a global increase in popularity, but also a good opportunity to promote the construction of urban facilities and industrial upgrading. A large part of the infrastructure costs, such as transportation and accommodation, provided in advance by the city will be quickly recovered through the huge external demand provided by the Winter Olympics, enabling the city to develop in advance, thereby promoting the overall improvement of urban infrastructure construction and competitiveness. For example, the BeijingZhangjiakou high-speed railway linking Beijing-Yanqing-Zhangjiakou built by the Winter Olympics is about 174 kilometres long. After the opening of the Beijing-Zhangjiakou high-speed railway in 2019, the journey from Beijing North Railway Station to Yanqing has been shortened from 2 hours to the fastest 26 minutes, and the journey to Zhangjiakou has been shortened from 3 hours to the fastest 56 minutes. The shortening of the driving distance has greatly facilitated Beijing citizens to go to Yanqing and Zhangjiakou for skiing activities, which is a great benefit to the development of the ice and snow sports industry in these areas.12 With the improvement of infrastructure, the ski industry in Hebei Province has developed vigorously in recent years, and Hebei Province has begun to enjoy the Olympic bonus. The Winter Olympics will not only update the physical facilities such as venue buildings, transportation facilities, and city appearance, but also affect the lifestyle of the residents of the host city. The 2022 Winter Olympics served as an opportunity to bring ice and snow sports closer to the people, and integrated the activities and habits included in the Olympic Games into the residents’ lifestyles through demonstration and radiation effects. On the occasion of the ‘Beijing Time’ of the Winter Olympics in 2018, the Ministry of Education of China, the General Administration of Sports of China, and the Beijing Winter Olympics Organizing Committee focused on the goal of ‘300 million people participating in ice and snow sports’, and combined with the ‘Healthy China 2030’ Planning Outline, They jointly formulated the Olympic Education Plan for Primary and Secondary School Students for the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics and Winter Paralympics, forming an Olympic education model with Chinese characteristics.13 This model helped to form the Olympic spirit, ice and snow sports culture, and the popularization and promotion of healthy lifestyle among primary and middle school students. The supply of ice and snow venues in Beijing has also risen sharply in the past few years. The ice and snow field has developed from 42 ice rinks, 44 ice surfaces, and 22 snow fields before the Winter Olympics bid to the current 82 ice fields, 97 ice surfaces, and 32 snow fields. The number of Beijing ice and snow sports schools and Olympic education demonstration schools has reached 200. Zhangjiakou has also built 20 indoor skating halls, 59 ice and snow sports training bases, and established 100 ice and snow sports schools. There are 9 large-scale ski resorts built, with 177 high-, middle- and primary-level ski runs with a total length of 164 kilometres, accounting for 65% and 88% of the provinces, respectively. The number of people participating in ice and snow sports in the city has exceeded 2.2 million.14 These positive data not only reveal that the Winter Olympics have promoted the development of the ice and snow industry, but also show that the Olympic Games have played a role in promoting public participation in sports. 311

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Impact on the Environment and Society At the time of the 2008 Olympics, Beijing put forward the concept of ‘Green Olympics’, using sustainable environment as a catalyst for comprehensive urban development plans. ‘Green Olympics’ focuses on taking environmental protection as a prerequisite for Olympic construction, formulating strict ecological standards and ensuring their implementation, using environmentally friendly and energy-saving technologies and materials, and promoting the development of environment-related industries. To solve the problem of environmental pollution, Beijing took 200 measures to deal with it before the 2008 Olympic Games. More than 300,000 high-emission vehicles and 11,000 buses were replaced or abandoned, a group of polluting enterprises represented by Baosteel relocated across provinces, and more than 60,000 homes have switched their heating from coal to cleaner natural gas, while desulphurization, nitrogen oxide reduction and dust control measures have been introduced at the main thermal power station in Beijing. To ensure these measures work, the Beijing municipal government has established sampling monitoring stations to monitor concentrations of sulphur dioxide, carbon monoxide, nitrogen dioxide, and particulate matter. By 2008, pollutant concentrations had dropped by 12–33%. In addition, Beijing reduced the impact of sandstorms by planting shelterbelts and innovative grassland restoration projects and built 25,000 hectares of green corridors and shelterbelts, and 12,600 hectares of urban green belts. This resulted in a 43% increase in the total green area of the city and an increase in green area per capita. In addition to improving air quality, these measures helped absorb 16.4 million tons of carbon dioxide in the seven years leading up to the Olympics.15 The government also strives to advocate public awareness of environmental protection and green consumption and encourage citizens to work together to make Beijing a liveable city. After seven years of hard work before the Olympics, Beijing’s water resources management, air pollution control, and waste disposal have been effectively improved. The ‘Green Olympics’ is a huge environmental heritage for both Beijing and the Olympic movement.16 However, while people pay attention to the Olympic Games as an important driving force for the reconstruction of the host city and improve the urban environment, they should not ignore the destructive effect of the construction and renovation process in the preparation of the Olympic Games on the natural environment. As the world’s top ice and snow event, the Winter Olympics has higher standards and stricter requirements for the competition environment and reception environment. In its evaluation report on Beijing’s bid to host the Olympic Games, the International Olympic Committee once expressed its concern about the possible regional ecological damage caused by the construction of the Yanqing Stadium. Xiaohaituo Mountain, where the Yanqing competition area is located, is adjacent to Songshan National Nature Reserve. Songshan has rich forest and wildlife resources. If ecological protection measures are not taken at the beginning of construction, rare animals, including national first- and second-level protected animals. Plants may be permanently destroyed due to the construction of the competition area, and the environmental degradation caused by the construction may also lead to the direct extinction of rare species.17 According to the characteristics of the Winter Olympics, a large amount of competition water, including track snowmaking, landscape snowmaking, and personnel and public buildings, makes the existing water sources and water supply facilities in the Yanqing competition area unable to meet the water demand during the competition period. Water transfer solved this problem. To this end, the Water Affairs Bureau of Yanqing District plans to build a new water pipeline and a pressurized lifting pump station to transport the water from the Baihebao Reservoir to the Foyukou Reservoir to ensure the water demand for the Winter Olympics.18 Due to the route of the water pipeline passing through the Longqing Gorge-Songshan-Guyaju Scenic Area, both the permanent land occupation for the project or the temporary land occupation for the construction may have an impact on the ecological environment. People’s daily domestic water and garbage, as well as dust and noise during construction will directly cause environmental problems. 312

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Since the 2022 Winter Olympics cannot rely on natural snowfall, in addition to a large amount of snow storage in the early stage, artificial snow making must be used to pave the snow track and create a snow field atmosphere. According to the industry standard of 2.5 cubic meters of snow produced by 1 cubic meter of water, it takes 100,000 cubic meters of water to host a Winter Olympics. The water source for snow making mainly comes from groundwater extraction, which consumes a lot of water resources. In addition to water consumption, snow making also consumes a lot of energy such as electricity and gas, and the greenhouse gases added by the extensive use of snow making equipment will also destroy the ozone layer.19 The Olympic Games will also have a certain negative impact on infringing on the public interests of urban residents.20 The large number of demolition and relocation caused in the early-stage construction has affected the lives of local residents. The public funds originally used to improve urban infrastructure and support disadvantaged groups may also be misappropriated for the holding of events. The rights and interests of the disadvantaged groups are ignored during the event, and the rise in housing prices and prices affects the interests of the disadvantaged groups, etc., which will aggravate the spatial differentiation of urban society and highlight the contradictions between various strata.21 Before the construction of the Winter Olympics venue in Yanqing, land acquisition and demolition of the village of Xidazhuangke, Zhangshanying Town, where it is located, needs to be carried out. Even if there is a coordination and corresponding compensation mechanism, it will still directly affect the production and life of local residents, long-term construction, and transportation of equipment and garbage. In order to ensure major projects, the establishment of customs cards in important road sections will also have a great negative impact on nearby residents who have not been demolished. For Beijing, the process of urban governance, such as the demolition of urban villages, basement demolition, fire protection, city appearance and environment, and sanitation improvement, due to the Winter Olympics, is very likely to damage the rights and interests of citizens at the bottom of the society. Insufficient public participation in urban governance can easily lead to lack of justice, deprivation, and isolation of space in the city, and marginalization of vulnerable groups.

Summary After hosting the 2008 Summer Olympics and the 2022 Winter Olympics, the long-term benefits that Beijing has obtained are immeasurable. Changes have taken place in terms of economic status, urban appearance, modern civilization, and internationalization, and will continue to do so. Huge changes are taking place. However, while we are concerned about achieving the goal of the Beijing 2008 Green Olympics and the 2022 Winter Olympics of ‘enable 300 million Chinese to participate in winter sports’, we should not ignore the negative impact of hosting the Olympics on the host city’s environment and people.

Notes 1 Hai Ren, Olympic Movement (Beijing: People’s Sports Press, 2005). 2 Daiane Chen, ‘The Economics of the Beijing Winter Olympics’, Daxueconsulting, January 3, 2022. 3 Yongjun Zhang and Hongming Shang, ‘A Study on the Economic Effect of the Host Cities of the Olympic Games Outside the Region and the Business Opportunities of the Beijing Olympic Games’, Journal of Shandong Institute of Physical Education, no. 4 (2008): 10–14. 4 Yue Yang, ‘Effect of 2008 Olympic Games on Beijing Economy’, Sports Science, no. 8 (2005): 3–6. 5 Songhua Yuan, ‘Economic Perspective of Beijing Olympics’, Party Building in Sichuan - City Edition, no. 9 (2008): 40–42. 6 Dongfeng Liu, ‘A Study on the Heritage of Beijing Olympic Games from the Perspective of the Residents of the Host City’, Journal of Shanghai Institute of Physical Education 30, no. 6 (2014): 54–58. 7 Songhua Yuan, ‘Economic Perspective of Beijing Olympics’, Party Building in Sichuan - City Edition, no. 9 (2008): 40–42.

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Meng Ting 8 Yongjun Xu and Dan Zhang, ‘On the Heritage Value of Beijing Olympic Archives’, Archival Science Newsletter, no. 1 (2022): 5–13. 9 Liping Yu, A Study on the Benign Interaction Between the Olympic Games and Sustainable Cities (PhD thesis, Beijing Sports University, 2018). 10 Daye Chu and Qiaoyi Li, ‘Beijing 2022 to ‘Break Even’, Has Immeasurable Long-term Economic Benefits’, Global Times. February 22, 2022. Accessed March 5, 2022. https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202202/1252924. shtml. 11 Zhe Shi, ‘The Ice and Snow Industry Has Great Potential (towards the Winter Olympics, Revitalizing the Ice and Snow Economy)’, People’s Network, November 22, 2021, Accessed April 4, 2022, https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s? id=1717078894790176510&wfr=spider&for=p. 12 Keqin Guo and Fujia Li, ‘How Much Will the Beijing Winter Olympics Affect the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Transportation Integration? Zhangjiakou Becomes a Big Winner’, Sina, March 3 2022, Accessed March 10, 2022, https://finance.sina.com.cn/jjxw/2022-03-03/doc-imcwipih6455827.shtml. 13 Dong Wang, ‘Feel the Warmth of Ice and Snow Sports - Written on the Occasion of the Fifth Anniversary of the Beijing Winter Olympics Organizing Committee (3)’, Guangming Daily, January 18, 2020, Accessed July 4, 2022, https://m.gmw.cn/baijia/2020-12/18/34473304.html. 14 Lin, Ma and Li, ‘Summary: ‘Drive 300 Million People to Participate in Ice and Snow Sports’ to Make New Contributions to the International Olympic Movement’, Xinhuanet, February 22, 2022, Accessed March 18, 2022, http://www.bj.xinhuanet.com/2022-02/22/c_1128404307.htm. 15 IOC, ‘IOC Commission for Sport and Environment: Sustainability Through Sport’, International Olympic Committee, 2012, Accessed March 5, 2022, https://stillmed.olympic.org/Documents/Commissions_PDFfiles/ SportAndEnvironment/Sustainability_Through_Sport.pdf. 16 Ibid. 17 Liping Yu, A Study on the Benign Interaction Between the Olympic Games and Sustainable Cities (PhD thesis, Beijing Sports University, 2018). 18 ‘Letter on the preliminary work of the construction project of the emergency water source guarantee project in the Yanqing competition area of the Winter Olympics’. 19 Liping Yu, A Study on the Benign Interaction Between the Olympic Games and Sustainable Cities (PhD Thesis, Beijing Sports University, 2018). 20 Schimmel Kimberly, ‘Deep Play: Sports Mega-Events and Urban Social Conditions in the USA’, The Sociological Review 54, no. 2 (2006): 160–174. 21 Beaty A, ‘The Homeless Olympics?’ in James, C, South, J, Beeston, B and Long, D, eds., Homeless: The Unfinished Agenda (Sydney: University of Sydney, 1998).

Bibliography Beaty, A. ‘The Homeless Olympics?’ In James, C, South, J, Beeston, B and Long, D, eds., Homeless: The Unfinished Agenda. Sydney: University of Sydney, 1998. Chen, Daiane. ‘The Economics of the Beijing Winter Olympics.’ Daxueconsulting. March 1, 2022. Chu, Daye and Li, Qiaoyi. ‘Beijing 2022 to ‘Break Even,’ Has Immeasurable Long-term Economic Benefits.’ Global Times. February 22, 2022. Accessed March 5, 2022. https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202202/1252924.shtml. Guo, Keqin, and Li, Fujia. ‘How much will the Beijing Winter Olympics Affect the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Transportation Integration? Zhangjiakou Becomes a Big Winner.’ Sina. March 3 2022. Accessed March 5, 2022. https://finance.sina.com.cn/jjxw/2022-03-03/doc-imcwipih6455827.shtml. IOC. ‘IOC Commission for Sport and Environment: Sustainability Through Sport.’ International Olympic Committee. 2012. Accessed March 5, 2022. https://stillmed.olympic.org/Documents/Commissions_PDFfiles/SportAndEnvironment/ Sustainability_Through_Sport.pdf. Kimberly, S. S. ‘Deep Play: Sports Mega-Events and Urban Social Conditions in the USA.’ The Sociological Review 54, no. 2 (2006): 160–174. Lin, Deren, Ma, Kai, and Li, Dian. ‘Summary: “Drive 300 Million People to Participate in Ice and Snow Sports” to Make New Contributions to the International Olympic Movement.’ Xinhuanet. February 22, 2022. Accessed March 18, 2022. http://www.bj.xinhuanet.com/2022-02/22/c_1128404307.htm. Liu, Dongfeng. ‘A Study on the Heritage of Beijing Olympic Games from the Perspective of the Residents of the Host City.’ Journal of Shanghai Institute of Physical Education 30, no. 6 (2014): 54–58. Ren, Hai. Olympic Movement. Beijing: People’s Sports Press, 2005.

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Effects of Hosting Olympic Games in China Shi, Zhe. ‘The Ice and Snow Industry Has Great Potential (towards the Winter Olympics, Revitalizing the Ice and Snow Economy).’ People’s Network. November 22, 2021. Accessed April 4, 2022. https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s? id=1717078894790176510&wfr=spider&for=p. Wang, Dong. ‘Feel the Warmth of Ice and Snow Sports - Written on the Occasion of the Fifth Anniversary of the Beijing Winter Olympics Organizing Committee (3).’ Guangming Daily. January 18, 2020. Accessed July 4, 2022, https://m.gmw.cn/baijia/2020-12/18/34473304.html. Xu, Yongjun and Dan, Zhang. ‘On the Heritage Value of Beijing Olympic Archives.’ Archival Science Newsletter 263, no. 1 (2022): 5–13. Yang, Yue. ‘Effect of 2008 Olympic Games on Beijing Economy.’ Sports Science 25, no. 8 (2005): 3–6. Yu, Liping. A Study on the Benign Interaction Between the Olympic Games and Sustainable Cities. PhD Thesis, Beijing Sports University, 2018. Yuan, Songhua. ‘Economic Perspective of Beijing Olympics.’ Party Building in Sichuan - City Edition 73, no. 9 (2008): 40–42. Zhang, Yongjun, and Shang, Hongming. ‘A Study on the Economic Effect of the Host Cities of the Olympic Games Outside the Region and the Business Opportunities of the Beijing Olympic Games.’ Journal of Shandong Institute of Physical Education 24, no. 4 (2008): 10–14.

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38 SOCIAL MEDIA MARKETING IN CHINA Bo Li and Brody J. Ruihley

Introduction Although traditional media such as television, magazine, and radio still remain viable marketing outlets for sports businesses, emerging social media opportunities offer sports brands many new promotional avenues. Different from traditional communication tools, social media presents a cost-effect promotional medium for both sports brands and customers since it not only directly connects them, but also strengthens the bond through facilitating interaction and collaboration. Compared with traditional outlets, social media provides more entertainment options, accelerates information circulation, and integrates communication and distribution channels.1 China has the largest social media market in the world. A study by KAWO, a Chinese social media management tool for international brands, showed that 99.3% of the 904 million internet users in the Chinese market are on a mobile device and spend 2 hours and 12 minutes per day on social media platforms.2 Social media becomes an effective marketing tool for marketers, particularly for international sports organizations and brands who are eager to reach new audiences in this unique social media landscape. This chapter will explore the unique characteristics of the Chinese social media market and provide insight into how athletes and organizations can utilize social media to engage with digital customers.

Unique Social Media Markets in China China has a very unique social media market compared to other countries. Due to national security concerns, nearly all mainstream global social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok are blocked in China.3 Localized social media platforms, particularly Weibo and WeChat, are the main social media being utilized by Chinese customers. Founded in 2009, Weibo, a microblog service, had 566 million monthly active users and 246 million active daily users as of June 2021.4 Given similar functionalities, Weibo has always been compared with Twitter. For instance, both services enable users to post short messages, and by following others, users are able to read, comment, and repost messages shared by others.5 In addition, both Weibo and Twitter initially set a 140-character limit for a message, but Weibo dropped the cap on the number of characters, numbers, and symbols in 2016.6 Twitter has since doubled the character limit from 140 to 280 characters. WeChat (Weixin in Chinese) is a cross-platform communication tool that includes features from Facebook, WhatsApp, Uber, Google Maps, and PayPal. The app has 1.2 billion active users worldwide 316

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-46

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with the majority of users based in China.7 Unlike Weibo, which is an open social media network where shared information can be viewed and accessed by the general public, WeChat is a closed social network where shared information can only be viewed and accessed by users in your network.8 Therefore, Weibo tends to be an information-based venue for users to share their opinions and experiences with a wide range of users and it combines with both strong ties and weak ties between users. WeChat is thought to help users strengthen ties with their personal network.9 Chinese social media users were found to have embraced these two social media tools for fulfilling different needs. Weibo was primarily used for fulfilling their information and hedonic gratification, while WeChat was mainly used for achieving social gratification and affection gratification.10

Uses and Gratifications of Sports Fans, Athletes, and Sports Organizations Cultural and market differences have always shaped sports customers’ media behaviors.11 With the penetration of social media, stakeholders in Chinese sports, such as sports spectators, sports journalists, athletes, and sports organizations, have incorporated this fast-growing venue into their branding, business operation, and professional practice. Social media provides sports fans with an expansive platform to practice their fandom and even enhance their fan experiences and their loyalty to a sports organization. Sun noted that sports fans are able to show their support to their favorite teams on social media and the process could assist sports fans in maintaining their fanship and advancing their team identification.12 Sun showed that constantly using social media to interact with sports organizations strengthens sports fans’ emotional affiliation and ultimately increases their fan loyalty.13 In the context of Olympic study, Park et al. found that Chinese Olympic fans following Olympic athletes on Weibo had undertaken the following activities: gathering sport knowledge, diversion, passing time, and expressing their support.14 WeChat and Weibo were also used by sports fans for different purposes.15 As discussed earlier, WeChat tends to be a closed social media network and Weibo acts more like an open social network. WeChat was found to be a more suitable tool to foster friendship, maintain relationships, provide entertainment, and be used habitually while Weibo was better for expressing users’ emotions.16 Due to the fact that Chinese sports fans use different social media to consume sports-related content, the differences in media behaviors, motivations, and content preference were also examined in the recent research. Li and his colleagues studied NBA fans and found that when compared to Twitter users, Chinese Weibo users had higher motivations in information gathering, entertainment, technical knowledge, passing time, and escape.17 It was also revealed that Chinese sports fans were more likely to use social media to fulfill their content gratification, while Twitter users were more interested in using social media for expressing their support to their favorite teams. Sports fans from China and the United States also differ in their social media usage and experience. American sports fans spent more time using social media, but Chinese sports fans had a greater satisfaction level after leaving the social networking services (SNS) experience.18 The rise of social media has also fundamentally changed the practice of sports media professionals. The majority of Chinese sports journalists found that social media have weakened their gatekeeping role since more information is being posted by citizen journalists on many social media platforms.19 Social media usage also changes the relationship between journalists and athletes. Since athletes are able to directly communicate with their supporters through social media outlets, they were more likely to break news themselves, rather than using traditional media to disseminate information. However, with more information being posted by citizen journalists, fake news, exaggeration, or other incorrect information have become a new challenge for Chinese social media platforms. For instance, when Chinese soccer star Wu Lei tested positive for COVID, there were many misinformational messages disseminated on social media. Li and Scott found that the less control over the distribution and gatekeeping of information creates more opportunity for the spread of false information.20 Also, these digital media platforms allow 317

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misinformation to disseminate quickly while being difficult to refute any mistruths in a timely manner.21 Correcting misinformation or fake news has become harder because it is difficult to ensure correct information is able to reach every user who has received incorrect information.22 Athletes and sports teams benefit from engaging in social media for developing their personal brands. Chinese athletes have little autonomy, with the majority growing up in a state-run sports system where they have been educated to focus more on winning glory for the nation, rather than emphasizing their individual achievements.23 However, social media enables Chinese athletes to share their personalities and create their personal brands. Chinese table tennis players were found to primarily use Weibo to interact with their teammates and coaches and express their emotions. Although they used social media for promotional purposes, they still try to market themselves under the frame of “the whole nation system”.24 In addition to Weibo, other social media platforms such as Douyin, the Chinese version of TikTok, have also been used by athletes for self-branding. Unlike other social media platforms, Douyin hosts features to help users become more creative on its platform. Some China-based athletes have displayed a more sophisticated approach of using the platform through applying visual effects on their posts and creating complex promotional content for their sponsors and events.25 One of the examples is from Minxia Wu, a five-time Olympic diving gold medalist, developing her own commercialized workout program during the COVID pandemic lockdown. This illustrated how Douyin became a new commercial platform for athletes.26 To communicate directly with Chinese sports fans, the majority of international sports organizations, such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC), FIFA, and professional sports leagues and teams from around the world fully embrace Chinese social media platforms such as Weibo, WeChat, Douyin, Kuaishou, Dongqiudi, and Xiaohongshu. However, using social media to enhance sports fan loyalty in China is not an easy task because Chinese sports fans often follow a player rather than a club.27 Therefore, when a player transfers from one club to another, their supporters will very likely shift their support on social media.

New Trends and Challenges in the Chinese Social Media Market The rapid change in the social media market in China creates more reach for sports organizations, particularly for international sports brands. For instance, live and social commerce, particularly purchasing through social media, is a fast-growing industry in China, with projected sales reaching $423 billion in 2022.28 Working with social media influencers, brands not only effectively interact with their customers across geographic boundaries, but can also generate revenue from directly selling their products. This seismic shift has provided a unique commercial platform for sports brands to engage on multiple fronts with their fans. Tottenham Hotspur of the English Premier League was one of the first sports businesses to leverage this trend with social commerce. They created video content with products and worked with social media influencers to engage with their fan base starting in 2019.29 It is likely that more international sports organizations will follow this lucrative trend in the near future. The Chinese social media market provides more business opportunities to sports brands, but might also restrict their freedom of expression. China has “the most extensive, technologically sophisticated, and broad-reaching system of Internet filtering in the world”.30 All information being posted on social media needs to go through the Chinese government censorship system. Inappropriate content could cause these organizations to lose their market share in China. One of the most recent examples was the NBA, losing nearly $400 million revenue in China after Daryl Morey, the former Houston Rockets’ general manager, posted on a message on his Twitter account advocating for pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong (O’Donnell, 2020).31 Former Arsenal player, Mesut Ozil, was also banned on Chinese social media after criticizing China’s policies in Xinjiang. The Arsenals had to distance themselves from the player in order to win back consumers in the Chinese market.32 318

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These recent incidents highlight how social media is a double-edged sword for fostering the relationships between sports stakeholders and their consumers. Given the ‘exporting’ censorship in China, it posts unique challenges for Western entertainment businesses as their employees, such as athletes and celebrity CEOs, might have a large following on social media. Any negativity towards China could make Chinese audiences feel offended, and the organization may face consequences that may include the loss of an entire market. As White noted, “to succeed in China, a brand will now have to either play by China’s rules or give up on this market … there is no middle ground.”33

Notes 1 Kevin Filo, Lock Daniel, and Karg Adam, ‘Sport and Social Media Research: A Review’, Sport Management Review 18, no. 2 (2015): 166–181. 2 Carp, S., ‘Making an Impression: How the Likes of PSG, the NHL, UFC Are Tackling Social Media in China’, The Official Website of SCMP, September 25, 2017. Accessed October 20, 2022. https://www.sportspromedia.com/ insights/features/from-the-magazine/china-social-media-strategy-weibo-wechat-douyin-psg-nhl-ufc-drl-panini/. 3 Bo Li, Stokowski, Sarah, Dittmore, Stephen W. and Scott Olan KM, ‘For Better or for Worse: The Impact of Social Media on Chinese Sports Journalists’, Communication & Sport 5, no. 3 (2017): 311–330. 4 Lee G., ‘Weibo Files for Hong Kong Secondary Listing, as China’s Answer to Twitter Joins March by Chinese Stocks to List Nearer Home’, The Official Website of SUMP, November 19, 2021. Accessed February 23, 2022. https:// www.scmp.com/business/companies/article/3156621/weibo-chinas-answer-twitter-files-secondary-listing-hongkong. 5 Wenhao, Chen, Kin Keung Lai, and Cai Yi, ‘Exploring Public Mood toward Commodity Markets: A Comparative Study of User Behavior on Sina Weibo and Twitter’, Internet Research 31, no. 3 (2020): 1102–1119. 6 Lee G., ‘Weibo files for Hong Kong Secondary Listing, as China’s Answer to Twitter Joins March by Chinese Stocks to List Nearer Home’, The Official Website of SUMP, November 19, 2021. Accessed February 23, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/business/companies/article/3156621/weibo-chinas-answer-twitter-files-secondarylisting-hong-kong. 7 Deng I., ‘Tencent Draws a Line between WeChat and Weixin, Telling Users to Choose as China’s Strict New Data Laws Come into Effect’, The Official Website of SCMP, September 9, 2021.Accessed June 7, 2022. https:// www.scmp.com/tech/big-tech/article/3147880/tencent-draws-line-between-wechat-and-weixin-telling-userschoose. 8 Bo Li, Stokowski, Sarah, Dittmore, Stephen W. and Scott Olan KM, ‘For Better or for Worse: The Impact of Social Media on Chinese Sports Journalists’, Communication & Sport 5, no. 3 (2017): 311–330. 9 Cui Di and Guangsheng Huang, ‘The Displacement Effect between Competing Social Network Services: Examining Uses-and-gratifications of WeChat and Weibo’, China Media Research 14, no. 1 (2018): 19–25. 10 Chunmei Gan, ‘Gratifications for Using Social Media: A Comparative Analysis of Sina Weibo and WeChat in China’, Information Development 34, no. 2 (2018): 139–147. 11 Mooij De, Marieke, Global Marketing and Advertising: Understanding Cultural Paradoxes. London: Sage, 2021. 12 Xiaoran Sun, A Pheneomenological Exploration on Chinese Sports Fans’ Experience of Using Social Media to Maintain Fanship (PhD diss., University of New Brunswick, 2020). 13 Ibid. 14 Jae-Ahm Park, Li Bo, and Dittmore Stephen W., ‘What Motivates Chinese Sports Fans to Subscribe to Athletes’ Social Networking Service Accounts?’, Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial Cooperation Society 16, no. 2 (2015): 1064–1072. 15 Qingru Xu and Billings Andrew C, ‘When Sports Challenge Authority: A Case Study of Gatekeeping During the 2017 Chinese Ping-Pong Boycott’, International Journal of Sport Communication 11, no. 4 (2018): 529–551. 16 Ibid. 17 Bo Li, et al. ‘Why We Follow: Examining Motivational Differences in Following Sport Organizations on Twitter and Weibo’, Sport Management Review 22, no. 3 (2019): 335–347. 18 Qingru Xu and Billings Andrew C., ‘When Sports Challenge Authority: A Case Study of Gatekeeping During the 2017 Chinese Ping-Pong Boycott’, International Journal of Sport Communication 11, no. 4 (2018): 529–551. 19 Bo Li, et al. ‘Why we follow: Examining Motivational Differences in Following Sport Organizations on Twitter and Weibo’, Sport Management Review 22, no. 3 (2019): 335–347. 20 Bo Li and Scott Olan, ‘Fake News Travels Fast: Exploring Misinformation Circulated around Wu Lei’s Coronavirus Case’, International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 3 (2020): 505–513.

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Bo Li and Brody J. Ruihley 21 Sharma, et al., ‘Zika Virus Pandemic—Analysis of Facebook as a Social Media Health Information Platform’, American Journal of Infection Control 45, no. 3 (2017): 301–302. 22 Southwell Brian G. and Thorson Emily A., ‘The Prevalence, Consequence, and Remedy of Misinformation in Mass Media Systems’, Journal of CommunicationVolume 65, no. 4 (2015): 589–595. 23 Qingru Xu, and Billings Andrew C, ‘When Sports Challenge Authority: A Case Study of Gatekeeping During the 2017 Chinese Ping-Pong Boycott’, International Journal of Sport Communication 11, no. 4 (2018): 529–551. 24 Yanfan Yang, ‘Self-Presentation, Interaction, and Marketing of Chinese Athletes on Social Media: A Study of Men’s National Table Tennis Team’, In Manuel Alonso Dos Santos, eds., Integrated Marketing Communications, Strategies, and Tactical Operations in Sports Organizations (Hershey, PA: IGI Global, Business Science Reference 2019), 48–67. 25 Yiran Su, et al. ‘Fan Engagement in 15 Seconds: Athletes’ Relationship Marketing During a Pandemic via TikTok’, International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 3 (2020): 436–446. 26 Ibid. 27 Reed A., ‘China’s ‘Icon market’ Is Creating More Fans of Soccer Stars- not the Clubs they Play for’, The Official Website of CNBC. January 25, 2019. Accessed August 10, 2022 https://www.cnbc.com/2019/01/25/china-iconmarket-creating-more-fans-of-soccer-stars-not-clubs.html. 28 Ibid. 29 Carp S., ‘Tottenham Launch Chinese Ecommerce Stores Ahead of Pre-season Trip’, The Official Website of Sportspromedia, July 9, 2019. Accessed May 18, 2022. https://www.sportspromedia.com/news/spurs-pre-seasonchina-online-store-tmall-wechat/. 30 Opennet Initiative, ‘Internet Filtering in China in 2004–2005’, The Official Website of OPENNET, November 20, 2021. Accessed April 23, 2022. https://opennet.net/sites/opennet.net/files/ONI_China_Country_ Study.pdf. 31 R. O’Donnell, R, ‘Daryl Morey’s Automated James Harden Tweet Lead to a $50k Tampering Fine’, The Official Website of SBNATION, December 28, 2020. Accessed March 16, 2022. https://www.sbnation.com/nba/2020/ 12/28/22203324/daryl-morey-james-harden-tweet-tampering-fine. 32 White J., ‘European Soccer Is Winning Chinese Social Media Despite Controversies’, The Official Website of Inkstonenews, December 28, 2020. Accessed June 3, 2022. https://www.inkstonenews.com/sports/ronaldobarcelona-and-chelsea-win-european-soccer-grows-chinese-social-media-despite-controversies/article/3048040. 33 Ibid.

Bibliography Andrew C., et al. ‘Untangling International Sport Social Media Use: Contrasting US and Chinese Uses and Gratifications Across Four Platforms’, Communication & Sport 7, no. 5 (2019): 630–652. Bo, Li, et al. ‘For Better or for Worse: The Impact of Social Media on Chinese Sports Journalists.’ Communication & Sport 5, no. 3 (2017): 311–330. Carp, S. ‘Making an Impression: How the Likes of PSG, the NHL, UFC Are Tackling Social Media in China.’ The Official Website of SCMP, September 25, 2017. Accessed October 20, 2022. https://www.sportspromedia.com/ insights/features/from-the-magazine/china-social-media-strategy-weibo-wechat-douyin-psg-nhl-ufc-drl-panini/. Carp, S. ‘Tottenham Launch Chinese Ecommerce Stores Ahead of Pre-season Trip’, The Official Website of Sportspromedia.’ July 9, 2019. Accessed May 18,2022. https://www.sportspromedia.com/news/spurs-pre-seasonchina-online-store-tmall-wechat/. Chen, Wenhao, Kin Keung Lai, and Cai Yi. ‘Exploring Public Mood toward Commodity Markets: A Comparative Study of User Behavior on Sina Weibo and Twitter.’ Internet Research 31, no. 3 (2020): 1102–1119. De, Mooij and Marieke. Global Marketing and Advertising: Understanding Cultural Paradoxes. London: Sage, 2021. Deng, I. ‘Tencent Draws a Line between WeChat and Weixin, Telling Users to Choose as China’s Strict New Data Laws Come into Effect.’ The Official Website of SCMP, September 9, 2021. Accessed June 7, 2022. https://www. scmp.com/tech/big-tech/article/3147880/tencent-draws-line-between-wechat-and-weixin-telling-users-choose. Di, Cui and Guangsheng Huang. ‘The Displacement Effect between Competing Social Network Services: Examining Uses-and-gratifications of WeChat and Weibo.’ China Media Research 14, no. 1 (2018).19–25. Filo, Kevin, Lock Daniel, and Karg Adam. ‘Sport and Social Media Research: A Review.’ Sport Management Review 18, no. 2 (2015): 166–181. Gan, Chunmei. ‘Gratifications for Using Social Media: A Comparative Analysis of Sina Weibo and WeChat in China.’ Information development 34, no. 2 (2018): 139–147. Lee, G. ‘Weibo files for Hong Kong Secondary Listing, as China’s Answer to Twitter Joins March by Chinese Stocks to List Nearer Home.’ The Official Website of SUMP, November 19, 2021. Accessed February 23, 2022. https://www. scmp.com/business/companies/article/3156621/weibo-chinas-answer-twitter-files-secondary-listing-hong-kong.

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Social Media Marketing in China Li, Bo and Scott Olan. ‘Fake News Travels Fast: Exploring Misinformation Circulated around Wu Lei’s Coronavirus Case.’ International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 3 (2020): 505–513. Li, Bo, et al. ‘Why We Follow: Examining Motivational Differences in Following Sport Organizations on Twitter and Weibo.’ Sport Management Review 22, no. 3 (2019): 335–347. Mckinsey. ‘It’s Showtime! How Live Commerce Ss Transforming the Shopping Experience.’ The Official Website of Mckinsey. October 25, 2022. Accessed October 30, 2022. https://www.mckinsey.com/capabilities/mckinseydigital/our-insights/its-showtime-how-live-commerce-is-transforming-the-shopping-experience. O’Donnell, R. R. ‘Daryl Morey’s automated James Harden Tweet Lead to a $50k Tampering Fine.’ The Official Website of SBNATION, December 28, 2020. Accessed March 16, 2022. https://www.sbnation.com/nba/2020/ 12/28/22203324/daryl-morey-james-harden-tweet-tampering-fine. Park, Jae-Ahm, Li Bo, and W. Dittmore Stephen ‘What Motivates Chinese Sports Fans to Subscribe to Athletes’ Social Networking Service Accounts?.’ Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial Cooperation Society 16, no. 2 (2015): 1064–1072. Reed, A. ‘China’s ‘Icon Market’ Is Creating More Fans of Soccer Stars- Not the Clubs They Play for’, The Official Website of CNBC. January 25, 2019. Accessed August 10, 2022 https://www.cnbc.com/2019/01/25/china-iconmarket-creating-more-fans-of-soccer-stars-not-clubs.html. Sharma, et al. ‘Zika Virus Pandemic—Analysis of Facebook as a Social Media Health Information Platform.’ American Journal of Infection Control 45, no. 3 (2017): 301–302. Su, Yiran, et al. ‘Fan Engagement in 15 Seconds: Athletes’ Relationship Marketing During a Pandemic via TikTok.’ International Journal of Sport Communication 13, no. 3 (2020): 436–446. Xu, Qingru and C. Billings Andrew ‘When Sports Challenge Authority: A Case Study of Gatekeeping During the 2017 Chinese Ping-Pong Boycott.’ International Journal of Sport Communication 11, no. 4 (2018): 529–551. Yang, Yanfan. ‘Self-Presentation, Interaction, and Marketing of Chinese Athletes on Social Media: A Study of Men’s National Table Tennis Team.’ In Manuel Alonso Dos Santos, eds. Integrated Marketing Communications, Strategies, and Tactical Operations in Sports Organizations. Hershey, PA: IGI Global, Business Science Reference, 2019.

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39 THE NATURALIZATION OF ATHLETES IN MAINLAND CHINA Tobias Ross

Introduction The article explores China’s public and institutional attitudes towards the naturalization of athletes over time, the laws and eligibility criteria framing different sports associations’ responses to these attitudes, as well as differences between athlete and association-driven naturalization efforts. Despite being common practice in large parts of the world for decades, for most of its modern history, mainland China did not allow the naturalization of foreign athletes. This attitude has shifted slightly in recent times, mainly due to pressure to deliver at the Beijing Olympic Games 2022 and within the ‘Chinese Football Dream’ development programme, resulting in a number of hand-picked naturalized athletes in eight Olympic sports. But while China’s approach to athlete naturalization remains deeply politicized and prioritizes the national teams, the efforts of the respective sports associations vary greatly in both their scope and nature. Among the Chinese public, we can see a growing acceptance of naturalized athletes, while being positively influenced by their cultural adaptation and sporting success.

The Naturalization of Athletes The naturalization of athletes – i.e., the admittance of foreign athletes to citizenship of a country so that they can compete for that country – is a rapidly expanding practice in many sports around the world. In the 2018 FIFA World Cup, 22 of the 32 competing nations had a total of 82 foreign-born players on their squads (roughly 10% of all players).1 A similar situation can be observed at the Summer Olympic Games and slightly less so at the Winter Games.2 As some of these naturalized athletes are regarded as ‘mercenaries’ with no ‘real link to the nation,’ the switching of citizenship for sporting reasons can spark public controversy, sometimes leading to racist animosity towards the athletes. Further complicated by each nation’s immigration laws, the specific sport’s eligibility criteria, and an individual country’s need and/or capacity to naturalize athletes, we can see a wide spectrum of attitudes towards athlete naturalization in play. For most of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) modern history, the naturalization of athletes has not formed part of its political or public discourse. Due to the strong politicization of sports in China as a manifestation of ideological supremacy under Chairman Mao, combined with the PRC’s long absence from international sports governing bodies and their competitions, it is unsurprising that China did not naturalize athletes during that period. But while political attitudes have shifted over the years, and China has become an integral part of the global (sporting) world, the possibility for naturalizing athletes remains complicated. 322

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-47

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It was not until the 1990s that China slowly started exploring the concept of athlete naturalization, following the successful attempts of its Asian neighbours Japan and South Korea in football. The first concrete moves by local football club Dalian Shide in the early 2000s, however, did not result in any naturalized players, and the debate subsided when China qualified for the football World Cup for the first and only time in 2002. Several years later, another attempt on a smaller scale finally paid off, when UK-born ethnic Chinese equestrian Hua Tian 华天 (born Alex Hua Tian) changed citizenship in 2006 to become China’s first naturalized athlete, competing at the Beijing Olympics in 2008 and consequently completing China’s participation in all 28 sports. Although the door to naturalization had been cracked open at last, it took more than ten years for China to naturalize its next group of athletes due to a lack of political will, institutional support, and clear political processes, as well as mixed popular attitudes towards naturalization. To date, China has 42 naturalized athletes in a total of eight Olympic sports who are (or have been) members of the national teams (athletics [1], artistic gymnastics [1], equestrian [1], football [7], figure skating [2], freestyle skiing [1], ice hockey [28], speed skating [1]),3 while several others have switched citizenship without yet being called up.4 While most of these athletes are foreign-born ethnic Chinese with family links to the country (31 athletes), recent cases in football, ice hockey, and ice skating have resulted in several non-ethnic foreigners switching citizenship (11 athletes). Overseen by the General Administration of Sport (GAS) and executed by their individual national sporting associations, China’s naturalization efforts have been strongly driven by the Beijing Olympic Games 2022 and the ‘Chinese Football Dream,’ but they remain highly political and selective. Influenced to varying degrees by pressures to deliver, the availability of suitable athletes, and the relevant laws and eligibility criteria, each association’s efforts vary greatly in both their scope and nature, resulting in what seems to be a rather ambivalent Chinese naturalization programme.

Literature A substantial literature exists on naturalization in sports, primarily concerning Western cases, providing significant discussion of its economic, cultural, and political impacts;5 actual prevalence;6 and studies in various fields, such as labour migration patterns.7 The emergence of naturalization in sports across Asia in the 1990s has widened the empirical literature, while acknowledging the political and cultural specificities of the region. Chiba et al.8 for instance, examine the interaction between local and global cultures through the lens of Canadian-born players in Japanese ice hockey. Less has been written on the topic in the PRC itself, but there is now a growing Chinese-language literature, predominantly focusing on the international experience of sports migration and its relevance for national policy.9 Football predominates in the more recent literature. For example, Xu et al. and Zhang et al. analyse naturalization scenarios, weighing up the advantages, disadvantages, and potential contributions to the development of Chinese football and performance outcomes.10 Many of these studies suggest that nationalist resistance among the Chinese public is a major variable hindering the more widespread adoption of naturalization practices, sometimes distinguishing between ethnic and non-ethnic Chinese foreign athletes, favouring the former. These public attitudes have been tested in studies by Leng et al. and Sullivan et al., among others. The latter study shows a mostly supportive, though nonetheless ambivalent attitude towards naturalization in China, which is echoed in the Chinese Football Association’s (CFA) execution of its naturalization programme.11 This sentiment of ambivalence is further supported by Newman et al. in their study on the embodiment of the state in three aspects of contemporary Chinese football.12

Eligibility and Chinese Immigration Law Eligibility criteria for competing in sporting events vary between sports and competitions according to the rules of the national and international sports associations. Combined with the nationality laws and 323

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regulations of each country, they build the regulatory framework within which athlete naturalization operates. In the vast majority of sports, but not exclusively, when athletes compete for a particular country at the international level, they need to be citizens of the nation they represent. To obtain Chinese citizenship is particularly difficult. To do so, foreigners need to meet one of three conditions: that they are the near relative of a Chinese national, that they have settled in China, or that they have other legitimate reasons.13 The third condition is deliberately vague, and in practice it has been interpreted in utilitarian terms and selectively applied to regime-supporting ‘foreign friends’ or highly skilled experts who have contributed to development areas prioritized by the government. More recently, under President Xi Jinping, China’s legislative bodies have begun pushing for a relaxation of these immigration laws; so far, however, this has had little impact, while causing public criticism. In 2021, the country counted fewer than 17,000 naturalized citizens among its 1.4 billion inhabitants.14 Additionally, since China does not allow dual citizenship (an option available in many countries around the world), acquiring Chinese citizenship essentially means giving up one’s original nationality, which causes significant reluctance among many athletes. Alongside proof of citizenship, to be eligible to compete for a new nation often requires additional qualifications. Exact conditions vary extensively between sports, leagues, and associations, sometimes even genders, and are constantly updated. For example, FIFA’s current regulations on naturalization (updated in 2019) are relatively strict. According to these, a naturalized player is only eligible to play for a new association if one of their biological parents or grandparents were born on the territory of the relevant association, or if they have lived on the territory for an extended period of time – five years in the case of players aged 18 and above.15 Given that only a very small number of foreign football players reside in China for an extended period of time (mainly due to the league’s low global appeal and imposed limit on foreign player numbers), and that ethnic Chinese football talent in China’s diaspora is seemingly rare, China’s potential pool of footballers for naturalization is extremely limited. In many other sports, however, the rules are less strict and provide more options for athletes to switch nations (although many of the rather relaxed eligibility criteria have now been tightened). The international ice-skating governing body, International Skate Union (ISU), for example, allows athletes to compete for a nation if they are either a citizen of that nation or have resided in that country for a minimum of 12 months. In pairs skating and ice dance this requirement only needs to be fulfilled by one of the two athletes.16

Athlete Naturalization Efforts in Mainland China Moves to naturalize athletes in China can broadly be divided into athlete-driven efforts and efforts predominantly promoted by the respective national sports associations and GAS. Because athletes need to be accepted by their new association if they intend to switch nations, there are obviously many interactions between the two parties, who can thus influence each other. Furthermore, as individual associations are required to submit an application for approval to GAS’ External Relations Department for every naturalized athlete intending to participate in the Olympics, the government agency will always have the last word over which naturalized athletes will be allowed to compete for Team China. Following the CFA’s decoupling from GAS in 2015, it appears that China’s football governing body does not follow this process.

Association-Driven Efforts The first sporting body to initiate internal government discussions and a subsequent pilot programme to naturalize foreign athletes was the CFA. Driven by increased political pressure emanating from the country’s prestigious football development programme (launched in 2015), the CFA asked three of its 324

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most successful clubs to include naturalized players in their teams, which all three clubs successfully did in 2019. Initially, clubs were given a relatively free rein in their naturalization efforts. However, following the naturalization of some players who were ineligible to represent China (the programme’s clear priority), in 2019, the CFA introduced tighter rules concerning recruitment as well as obliging clubs to teach naturalized players Chinese language and culture.17 To date, the programme has produced 13 naturalized football players, of whom 7 have been called up to the national team (3 with Chinese heritage), mostly delivering mixed performances in China’s (unsuccessful) World Cup 2022 qualification campaign. The financial burden for introducing these players has been carried by the clubs themselves. For example, Guangzhou Evergrande FC reportedly paid approximately USD 130 million to cover the transfers, resettlement costs, and salaries for their five Brazil-born naturalized players. Given that many of China’s professional football clubs are currently experiencing acute financial difficulties, football’s nascent naturalization programme appears to be in jeopardy. The Chinese Ice Hockey Association (CIHA) has followed a similar approach in its naturalization programme when China was awarded the Olympic Games in 2015. There immediately followed a huge push to develop the sport locally (including establishing Chinese teams in international leagues in Canada and Russia), and in 2017 several try-out sessions were organized in Europe and North America to recruit foreign-born ethnic Chinese players for these teams (and by extension, Team China).18 The teams were largely privately funded but instructed by the CIHA and GAS to become the breeding ground for China’s 2022 hockey teams, which ultimately consisted of local Chinese, foreign-born Chinese heritage, and nonheritage players (at the 2022 Olympics, of the 15 men’s team’s foreign-born players, 11 have Chinese heritage; of the 13 women’s team’s foreign-born players 11 have Chinese heritage). The majority of players on both teams consisted of naturalized athletes, giving the naturalization programme great importance. Despite their respectable performances at the 2022 Olympics and the following World Championships, as their players only compete outside of China, the country’s ice hockey naturalization programme hardly brings any improvement to its local league and grassroots development. Furthermore, since both teams are dominated by naturalized players, non-naturalized players only get very limited playing time for the club and country, further limiting the spillover-effects from the programme.

Athlete-Driven Efforts A very different narrative appears in the essentially athlete-driven naturalization cases of foreign-born athletes like freestyle skier Eileen Gu, pentathlon athlete Nina Schultz, her brother and ice hockey player Ty Schultz, figure skaters Ashley Lin and Beverly Zhu, gymnast Guo Meilin, and previously mentioned equestrian Alex Hua Tian. All of these athletes have strong connections to China through their family ties and are vastly familiar with the Chinese language and culture. Different to the association-driven efforts, these athletes have initiated their change in nationality themselves and are welcomed by GAS if deemed useful for China’s performance/participation record and/or sports development. Often their strong bond with China and decision to switch citizenship is widely celebrated in the Chinese media, nurtured by patriotic stories of homecoming and a wish to serve the motherland. These athletes fit perfectly with the sports administration’s preference for ethnic-Chinese over non-ethnic Chinese recruits. As part of a growing group within the Chinese diaspora, they see China as offering a viable route to competing at the highest international level in their particular sport, while at the same time – if successful – being celebrated by the Chinese public and state. Probably the most high-profile case to date is that of U.S.-born Eileen Gu (now Gu Ailing 谷爱凌), who has been on the winners’ podium three times at the 2022 Beijing Olympics (2 gold, 1 bronze) since joining the national team in 2019, and has quickly become the poster girl of Team China. Less successful though has been figure skater Beverly Zhu (now Zhu Yi 朱易), who could not match expectations and has been widely scrutinized by the Chinese public for her underperformance. 325

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Discussion and Conclusion When analyzing China’s nascent naturalization programmes and the efforts made by individuals and their sports associations to naturalize athletes, we can identify certain common features. Because China’s highest sports governing body, GAS, retains the final say over whether naturalized athletes will be allowed to participate in the Olympics (this doesn’t apply to football, where the CFA has introduced own regulations), it is little surprise that the PRC’s approach to naturalizing foreign athletes remains highly utilitarian, hand-picked, and politicized – a trend echoed in the government’s general attitude towards naturalization of foreigners. There is a great deal of variation in both the scope and nature of such efforts (whether athlete- or association-driven) due to the varying degrees of pressure to deliver, the availability of suitable athletes, and the relevant laws and eligibility criteria in place, resulting in what seems a rather ambivalent Chinese naturalization programme overall. The strong focus on naturalizing athletes in the run-up to the 2022 Beijing Olympics and the 2022 FIFA World Cup qualifiers shows that China’s sport governing bodies use the naturalization of athletes to meet the increased political pressure to deliver results at these events. However, in sports at a very early development stage, associations are not necessarily looking for gold-medal success, but rather participation or to avoid embarrassment at global stage.19 If we look at today’s figure of 42 naturalized athletes, we see that almost all of them have been recruited to sports either where China is at an early stage of development (e.g., football, ice hockey, equestrian), or where the naturalized athletes provide short- to mid-term title hopes for the nation (e.g., Eileen Gu, Ashley Lin, Beverly Zhu, Lim Hyo-jun, Nina Schultz, and Guo Meilin). The performances of some of these (non-ethnic and ethnic Chinese) athletes have been celebrated by the public and media and in the case of Eileen Gu, even earned recognition by President Xi Jinping, further boosting popular acceptance. This growing receptiveness among the public is mirrored by the more recent empirical studies of Sullivan et al. and Leng et al.20 and strongly contrast earlier works21 that explained China’s resistance to athlete naturalization by an assumed unpopularity within society. Both studies further suggest a higher acceptance of athletes that show cultural adaptation, while Leng et al. reported how a good performance on the pitch can positively influence public sentiment – both themes largely illustrated by the contrasting acceptance of Gu and Zhu as well as Elkeson and Fernandinho in recent years.

Notes 1 Berkowitz B., Alcantara C., Ulmanu C., and Esteban C., ‘How Foreign-born Players Put the ‘World’ in World Cup’, The Official Website of Washington Post, June 18, 2018, Accessed April 21, 2022, https://www. washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/sports/world-cup-countries-of-birth/. 2 Bigalke Z., ‘Wintertime Mercenaries: Contextualizing Foreign-Born Athletes at the Winter Olympics, 1924–2018’, Journal of Olympic Studies 2, no. 2 (2021): 63–83. 3 China’s baseball national team has also included several foreign-born athletes with Chinese heritage, but due softer eligibility rules, these athletes did not obtain Chinese citizenship. 4 The naturalization of China-born athletes, in contrast, has been practised since the 1990s in sports like table tennis and badminton and, more recently, in weightlifting – all sports in which China excels. Often these cases caused controversy in China, with the athletes concerned enduring substantial criticism for their perceived ’treasonous betrayal.’ 5 Bale J. and Maguire J., eds., The Global Sports Arena: Athletic Talent Migration in an Interdependent World (London: Routledge, 2013). 6 Bigalke Z., ‘Wintertime Mercenaries: Contextualizing Foreign-Born Athletes at the Winter Olympics, 1924–2018’, Journal of Olympic Studies 2, no. 2 (2021): 63–83. 7 Bale J. and J. Maguire, eds., The Global Sports Arena: Athletic Talent Migration in an Interdependent World (London: Routledge, 2013). 8 Chiba N., Ebihara O., and Morino S., ‘Globalization, Naturalization and Identity: The Case of Borderless Elite Athletes in Japan’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 36, no. 2 (2001): 203–221.

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Naturalization of Athletes in Mainland China 9 Liu Z., ‘Athletics Concept’, ‘Immigration and Naturalized Players’ and ‘Multi-racial Athletics’—Taking Germany as a Mirror’, Sport Research, no. 4 (2015): 1–8. 10 Xu W., Chen C., and Zheng F., ‘Dilemma and Choice: Legal Analysis of Chinese Football’s Naturalized Foreign Players’, Journal of Tianjin Institute of Physical Education 34, no. 2 (2019): 120–124. 11 Leng T., Bairner A., Hu J., and Yang S., ‘Social Identity of Naturalized Footballers in China: Social Media Contents Based Sentiment and Thematic Analysis’, China Sport Science 41, no. 2 (2021): 59–68. 12 Newman J., Xue H., Chen R., Chen Y., and Watanabe N.M., ‘Football and Cultural Citizenship in China: A Study in Three Embodiments’, Sport in Society 24, no. 12 (2021): 2222–2245. 13 National People’s Congress, The Official Website of Nationality Law of the NPC, December 11, 2000, Accessed September 16, 2022, http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/gongbao/2000-12/11/content_5004393.htm. 14 National Bureau of Statistics, ‘China Statistical Yearbook 2021’, The Official Website of STATS, Accessed May 16, 2022, http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2021/indexch.htm. 15 FIFA, ‘FIFA Statutes: Regulations Governing the Application of the Statutes, Section 3, Article 7 & 8’, The Official Website of FIFA, June 2019, edition, Accessed June, 5, 2022, https://digitalhub.fifa.com/m/784c701b2b848d2b/ original/ggyamhxxv8jrdfbekrrm-pdf.pdf. 16 International Skating Union (ISU), ‘Constitution and General Regulations, Rule 109’, The Official Website of ISU, June 2021, Accessed May 13, 2022, https://www.isu.org/speed-skating/rules/ssk-constitution/file. 17 The rule stipulates the recruitment of non-ethnic Chinese foreign athletes only if between the age of 18 and 26 at the point of naturalization. Furthermore, players should be of excellent sporting quality, voluntarily wish to become Chinese citizen and renounce their original citizenship, comply with PRC laws and FIFA eligibility rules, and have played or lived in China for four and five years, respectively – all being reviewed by a newly founded commission set up by the CFA. 18 Dreyer M., Sporting Superpower: An Insider’s View on China’s Quest to be the Best (China Sports Insider: e-book, 2022). 19 The naturalization of athletes in equestrian and ice hockey meant that China would participate in all disciplines at their two home Olympics 2008 and 2022. 20 Leng T., Bairner A., Hu J., and Yang S., ‘Social Identity of Naturalized Footballers in China: Social Media Contents Based Sentiment and Thematic Analysis’, China Sport Science 41, no. 2 (2021): 59–68. 21 Huang L., ‘National Boundary Problems in Athletes’ Transnational Movement: Honour Outsourcing vs National Sentiment’, Journal of Chengdu Sport University 40, no. 11 (2014): 27–33.

Bibliography Bale, J., and J. Maguire, eds. The Global Sports Arena: Athletic Talent Migration in an Interdependent World. London: Routledge, 2013. Berkowitz, B., Alcantara, C., Ulmanu, C., and Esteban, C. ‘How Foreign-born Players Put the ‘World’ in World Cup.’ The Official Website of Washington Post. June 18, 2018. Accessed April 21, 2022. https://www. washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/sports/world-cup-countries-of-birth/. Bigalke, Z. ‘Wintertime Mercenaries: Contextualizing Foreign-Born Athletes at the Winter Olympics, 1924–2018.’ Journal of Olympic Studies 2, no. 2 (2021): 63–83. Chiba, N., Ebihara, O., and Morino, S. ‘Globalization, Naturalization and Identity: The Case of Borderless Elite Athletes in Japan.’ International Review for the Sociology of Sport 36, no. 2 (2001): 203–221. Dreyer, M. Sporting Superpower: An Insider’s View on China’s Quest to be the Best. China Sports Insider: e-book, 2022. FIFA. ‘FIFA Statutes: Regulations Governing the Application of the Statutes, Section 3, Article 7 & 8.’ The Official Website of FIFA, June 2019, edition. Accessed June, 5, 2022. https://digitalhub.fifa.com/m/784c701b2b848d2b/ original/ggyamhxxv8jrdfbekrrm-pdf.pdf. Huang, L. ‘National Boundary Problems in Athletes’ Transnational Movement: Honor Outsourcing vs National Sentiment.’ Journal of Chengdu Sport University 40, no. 11 (2014): 27–33. International Skating Union (ISU). Constitution and General Regulations, Rule 109, The Official Website of ISU. June 11, 2021. Accessed May 13, 2022. https://www.isu.org/speed-skating/rules/ssk-constitution/file. Jansen, J., and Engbersen, G. ‘Have the Olympic Games Become More Migratory? A Comparative Historical Perspective.’ Comparative Migration Studies 5, no. 1 (2017): 1–15. Jansen, J., Oonk, G., and Engbersen, G. ‘Nationality Swapping in the Olympic Field: Towards the Marketization of Citizenship?’ Citizenship Studies 22, no. 5 (2018): 523–539. Lanfranchi, P., and Taylor, M. Moving with the Ball: The Migration of Professional Footballers. Oxford: Berg, 2001.

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Tobias Ross Leng, T., Bairner, A., Jiashu, H., and Shuo, Y. ‘Social Identity of Naturalized Footballers in China: Social Media Contents Based Sentiment and Thematic Analysis.’ China Sport Science 41, no. 2 (2021): 59–68. Liu, Z. ‘Athletics Concept’, ‘Immigration and Naturalized Players’ and ‘Multi-racial Athletics’—Taking Germany as a Mirror.’ Sport Research 33, no. 4 (2015): 1–8. Maguire, J. ‘Blade Runners: Canadian Migrants, Ice Hockey, and the Global Sports Process.’ Journal of Sport and Social Issues 20, no. 3 (1996): 335–360. Miao, L., Guosheng, S., and Jidong, L. ‘The Essential Characteristics, Logical Basis and Implementation Strategies of Naturalized Foreign Players in Chinese Football.’ Research in Sports Studies 2, no. 5 (2019): 65–70. National Bureau of Statistics China. ‘China Statistical Yearbook 2021.’ The Official Website of STATS. Accessed May 16, 2022. http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2021/indexch.htm. National People’s Congress. ‘Nationality Law of the PRC.’ The Official Website of NPC. December 11, 2000. Accessed May 16, 2022. http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/gongbao/2000-12/11/content_5004393.htm. Newman, J., Xue, H., Chen, R., Chen, Y., and Watanabe, N. M. ‘Football and Cultural Citizenship in China: A Study in Three Embodiments.’ Sport in Society 24, no. 12 (2021): 2222–2245. Sullivan, J., Ross, T., and Chaojin, W. ‘Representing the Nation: Exploring Attitudes toward Naturalized Foreign Football Players in China.’ Soccer & Society (2022). DOI: 10.1080/14660970.2022.2069100. Taylor, M. ‘Global players? Football, Migration and Globalization, c. 1930–2000.’ Historical Social Research 31, no. 1 (2006): 7–30. Wan, W., Wang, Z., and Dong, M. ‘The Dilemma and the Way out of Naturalized Foreign Players in Football Matches under the Background of Sports Globalization.’ Capital Sport Institute Journal 29, no. 2 (2017): 114–117. Xu, W., Chen, C., and Fang, Z. ‘Dilemma and Choice: Legal Analysis of Chinese Football’s Naturalized Foreign Players.’ Journal of Tianjin Institute of Physical Education 34, no. 2 (2019): 120–124. Zhang, B., Min, G., and Weidong, L. ‘Risk Attribution, Identification and Prevention and Control of Naturalized Players in Chinese Football.’ Journal of Shenyang Sport University 39, no. 6 (2020): 81–86.

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40 INHERITANCE AND ENRICHMENT The Cultural Heritage of Beijing Olympic Games Zhong Yuting

Introduction ‘Aoyun’ was widely known by the Chinese since 1991, when China first put forward a bid for the Olympic Games. At that time, a common view was that ‘Aoyun’ was the Olympic Games. With the Olympic knowledge spreading, Beijing became the first city to hold both the Summer and the Winter Olympic Games in world history. We know that ‘Aoyun’ was not only the Olympic Games every four years, it was the Olympic movement. It is also a permanent and universal programme that unites sports with culture, and it is a measure of social progress,1 and the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games meant this to China. The 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games took place over ten years ago, and the Beijing Winter Olympic Games took place in February 2022. This paper reviews the impact of Beijing Olympic Games on Chinese culture and focuses on three arguments: what the Olympic culture was; how the Beijing Games enriched the Olympic culture; and how the Beijing Games created the Olympic culture with Chinese characteristics.

The Olympic Culture It is evidenced that the Olympic Games is the most watched cultural event in the world, especially the opening ceremony.2 Taking the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games as an example, there were 4.7 billion people that watched some element of the Beijing Games from a world population of 6.5 billion with 94% of Chinese and South Koreans, and 93% of the Mexican viewing populations tuning in. It showed that the opening ceremony tended to attract the highest viewing figures, rather than sports events themselves.3 The cultural importance cannot be ignored during the whole process of the Olympic Games, cultural elements of the post–Olympic Games were also culturally significant. Culture in a broad sense should be understood in terms of the whole of knowledge, belief, and behaviour.4 To Olympism, it also possesses a moral force, an educational value, and an aesthetic perception.5 The Olympic Movement has created its own unique culture, the Olympic culture, through its charter and its activities. Its connotations include striving to create a peaceful and beautiful world, promoting mutual understanding among people; opposing all forms of political, religious, or racial discrimination; universality; fair competition; respecting others; seeking perfection; protecting the environment; gender equality; and opposing doping.6 In short, the goal of Olympic culture is peace, friendship, justice, and progress.7 It is the soul of the Olympic movement. If we deviate from it, the Olympic movement will lose its reason for existence. The goal of DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-48

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the Olympic Movement is to contribute to building a peaceful and better world by educating youth through sport practised in accordance with Olympism and its values.8 In terms of reaching the goal, the Commission for Culture and Olympic Education was set up by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to encourage and promote the practice of physical education and sports, so as to teach life values and skills, particularly to young people.9 The former instance of the Commission for Culture and Olympic education was the Cultural Commission which was created in 1969 with Polish IOC Member Włodzimierz Reczek serving as the first chairman of the commission. The goal of Olympism is to place sport at the service of the harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned … Olympic Charter - Fundamental Principles of Olympism 2 (Committee)10 In December 1999, the Cultural Commission, the Commission of Education, and the International Olympic Academy Commission were merged into a single commission, called the Culture and Olympic Education Commission. This was approved at the 110th IOC session. As a result of this fusion, the Commission comprised 32 members at the time of its creation.11 This makes it one of the largest commissions of the IOC. In 2000, the department of Culture and Education was created by the IOC as a new department, and the commission was renamed into the Commission of Culture and Education. The commission promotes comprehensive exchange between sport and culture, with a focus on cultural exchange and cultural diversity, by organising special events with the National Olympic Committee and developing an Olympic education programme.12 He Zhenliang was the president of the Commission of Culture and Education from 1995 to 2009. During his presidency, he also participated in hosting the 1997 and 2000 International Sport and Culture Forums. The commission was renamed the Culture and Olympic Heritage Commission under President Thomas Bach’s tenure. The IOC previously described its mission as: ‘The Commission aims to promote cultural and Olympic education by providing advice and recommendations to the IOC and by supporting and carrying out projects and activities to educate young people through sport.’13 It primarily addresses all the culturerelated activities of the Olympic movement, including art, history, focus values, academic research, and heritage collections, in order to promote the Olympic ideal as widely as possible, especially among young people around the world. In addition to this, it regularly organises and hosts international events related to sports and culture to show the important role of culture in the Olympic movement and sports.14 The World Sports, Education and Culture Forum is held every two years. The fifth forum was held at the Beijing International Convention Centre in October 2006. It was also a special moment for the official start of the countdown to the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. The theme of this session was ‘Sport and a World of Harmony: the role of Olympic Education and Culture’. The forum was held in China for the first time, and it discussed the key role of education and culture in giving meaning to sports, thus making an effective and positive contribution to the coordinated development of teenagers’ physical and mental health. At the same time, it emphasised the role of sports in promoting world peace and in its contribution to the construction of a harmonious world by the international community. It also expressed the common desire of the sports community to promote the development of a multicultural world and an inclusive society.15

The Position and Practice of the Culture within the Beijing Olympic Games: The People’s Olympics In 2001, at the beginning of Jacques Rogge’s term of office, Mr. Rogge put forward a new concept named ‘Cleaner, More Human and More United’, which was a supplement to the old motto of ‘Faster, 330

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Higher and Stronger’, reflecting the theoretical consciousness of the IOC. Twenty years later, a new Olympic motto, which now reads ‘Faster, Higher, Stronger — Together,’ was unanimously approved at the 138th session of the International Olympic Committee on Tuesday 20th July 2021. This is the first update of the Olympic motto since 1894, when it was proposed by the ‘father of the modern Olympic Games’, Coubertin. The IOC describes the motto as having been created to express the excellence of sports, and this update, more than 120 years later, is intended to refine the IOC’s goal of encouraging greater global solidarity through sports, based on the values surrounding sports. In August 2008, under the slogan of ‘New Beijing, Great Olympics’ and the concept of ‘Green Olympics, high-tech Olympics and People’s Olympics’, the City of Beijing and China united to host an Olympic Games for China and the world. The Olympic motto changed to ‘Faster, Higher, Stronger - Together’, which is an evolution of the old motto of ‘Faster, Higher and Stronger’. The IOC President Bach explained the basis for the change: ‘Solidarity fuels our mission to make the world a better place through sport. We can only go faster, we can only aim higher, we can only become stronger by standing together — in solidarity’.16 The Olympic Games are not only a sporting event, but also a cultural feast. Through the participation of athletes from all over the world in competitive sporting events, the Olympic Games have become an important indicator for assessing the impact of the Games by spreading different Olympic cultures and promoting multicultural exchanges around the world. ‘Renwen Aoyun’ was one of the main objectives of Beijing’s bid. In the official report of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games (BOCOG) did not translate the general term in Chinese ‘Renwen Aoyun’ as the ‘Humanistic Olympics’ in English, but ‘People’s Olympics’ after careful consideration. It was explained that the term ‘People’s Olympics’ was to use the humanistic spirit to care for the Olympic movement and the Olympic Games. The focus was to be on the people’s position and situation in the Olympic movement so as to adjust the operation mechanism and direction of the Olympic movement for the realisation of people’s values. Therefore, the term of ‘People’s Olympics’ rather than the ‘Humanistic Olympics’, the Western countries would prefer, was interpreted by Beijing as an Olympic operation mode that adheres to people-oriented values, and which aims to safeguard human dignity, and promote human all-round development and social harmony.17 As the home of a historic Eastern civilisation, China would help promote cultural exchange by bidding for and hosting a variety of distinctive Olympic cultural promotion activities with Chinese characteristics under the theme of ‘Harmony, Exchange and Development’. Feng Huiling, vice president of Renmin University at the time, stated that the Beijing Olympics should include more cultural elements. It should become a Cultural Olympics. She argued that it was an open and innovative concept and that Chinese culture and the Olympics would enrich each other.18 Jin Yuanpu, a professor at Renmin University, proposed the famous slogan ‘the world gives us sixteen days, we will return to the world five thousand years’. He argued that the Beijing Games should include oriental culture, especially of the Chinese civilisation.19 It was a creative strategic practice based on culture, which had strong practical significance. It was a necessary non-material guarantee for Beijing to hold the Olympic Games.20 ‘People’s Olympics’ was not only a cultural idea, but also an exploitable and sustainable development strategy with practical characteristics, feeding into strategies including Beijing sports development strategy, urban development strategy, human quality development strategy, cultural development strategy, and economic development strategy.21 The ‘People’s Olympics’ manifested itself in three aspects: Firstly, in the distinguishing features of the people and the time.22 The modern Olympic movement was widely recognised by people all over the world because it was based on a universal humanistic spirit.23 The Olympic Games were not only the accumulation of history, but also the display of people’s wisdom.24 The Olympic movement’s origins are Western and would have had the unique cultural traditions of Western States. With the arrival of the Olympic Games in China, the historic Western civilisation and the harmonious concepts of the 5,000-year-old Eastern civilisation have mirrored each other,25 bringing Western and Eastern philosophies into play in sports and other areas, deepening understanding and friendship between the people of the world. 331

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Secondly, there is the aspect of the Olympic image with Chinese characteristics. The Beijing Olympics was an opportunity and a platform for China to display its historical and cultural heritage and Beijing’s innovative, open, and inclusive human environment. It was a great showcase of China’s beautiful natural environment, while at the same time the Beijing Olympic Games opened a window for the world to learn about Chinese history and culture. Professor Sun Daguang, who was a member of the bid group of the 2000 and 2008 Olympic Games, stated that: ‘The 2008 Beijing Olympic Games was not only a ‘booster’ of China’s reform and opening up, but also a ‘golden key’ of reform and opening up. It showed the results of China’s reform and opening up to the world, and at the same time promoted China’s Open-Door policy and strategy.’26 During the second bid for the Games, the colour of the cover of the bidding report was ‘Forbidden City Red’, which is a darker shade of red. It was chosen to represent the history of China, the enthusiasm and dignity in modern times. Female members of China’s Olympic Propaganda Team also wore ‘Qipao’, the Chinese traditional female dress, to symbolise China’s traditional culture to foreign guests, and to show Chinese traditional costumes to the world. Thirdly, there is the aspect of the principle of ‘People First’. It was reflected as a principle of the Beijing Games in the planning of venues and facilities for the Beijing Olympic Games and in the provision of quality services for all participants, including people with disabilities. The Beijing Olympic and Paralympic Games took an inclusive approach to 60 million inhabitants with disabilities and provided a platform from which to raise awareness and stimulate action on advancing the rights of people living with disabilities and furthering the opportunities available to them.27 During the Beijing Olympics, Beijing acquired 2,000 wheelchair-friendly ‘kneeling buses’, installed crossing signals to assist people with visual impairments, and built wheelchair ramps on city streets, in shopping centres, and at major cultural attractions. Accessible parking was also introduced at the airport, while the Great Wall was made more accessible and Olympic volunteers were trained in how to assist spectators with special needs.28 Therefore, the Olympic movement must pay attention to people, to study people, and to constantly adjust the strategy and goals of the Olympic development to the fundamental purpose of ‘the all-round development of people’. In order to make a good atmosphere of humanistic care in Beijing and adapt to the requirements of the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games, the Olympic venues and their surrounding areas, such as roads, public buildings, and residential buildings, along with important tourist attractions and transportation hubs were the focus of barrier-free construction and renovation. Barrier-free facilities were facilities that were built to ensure safe passage and ease of use for people with disabilities. These barrier-free facilities were referred to as a sign of social civilisation and reflected care for people with disabilities. In addition to giving priority to special buildings used to serve the elderly, women and children, and people with disabilities, were retrofitted with barrier-free facilities, as well as the living facilities, cultural facilities, and public media were provided with accessibility and means to enable the disabled people to access information and communicate socially without barriers. At present, the construction of barrier-free facilities in 20 major tourist attractions in Beijing has been completed. People can enjoy more perfect service guides, foreign language tour guides, automatic tour guide machine languages, and bank card swipe machines and other barrier-free tourism services in the Summer Palace, Temple of Heaven, Xiangshan Mountain, Beijing Oceanarium, Yonghe Palace, Tao Ran Ting, and Shijingshan Amusement Park. In addition, most of the pedestrian footbridges and large shopping malls in Beijing have set up ‘disabled access’ and many public toilets have installed special toilets for the disabled.

Harmony – the Important Aspect of the Olympic Culture in the Beijing Games ‘Harmony’ was one of the important parts of Olympic culture and also a core of Chinese ancient philosophy.29 ‘Harmony’ is a people-oriented harmony aimed to achieve harmony in the Olympic 332

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movement itself and with the living environment.30 The Olympic Charter clearly points out: ‘The purpose of Olympism is to make sports serve the harmonious development of human beings, so as to promote the establishment of a peaceful society that maintains human dignity’.31 In other words, the ultimate goal of the Olympic movement is to promote the harmonious development of people and society. The idea of ‘Hexie’ (Harmony) in China ran through the history of the development of Chinese thought and was one of the very important elements in the history of Chinese thought. In Chinese culture, ‘He’ and ‘Xie’ were synonymous, and ‘Hexie’ appeared in ancient times under the category of ‘He’, which was at the heart of traditional Chinese culture, and it is what we call harmony at present. The Chinese harmony referred to four aspects: harmony between man and nature, harmony between man and man, harmony between man and body, and harmony between man and the world. The Chinese idea of ‘Harmony and love’ was a reflection of the Western sports culture and ‘Harmonious’, ‘Faster, Higher and Stronger’ were vivid supplements to the Olympic spirit. China had a traditional ‘harmonious culture’, and the Olympic culture also includes the aspect of harmony. The combination of Olympism and the Chinese traditional philosophy of harmonious spirit constituted the best combination of Olympic culture.32 The Olympic Games are, however, a special phenomenon during which, even if the world as a whole is not working well, there is an oasis at which the youth of the world can gather for peaceful competition, free from the tensions which their elders have created and with which they will be required to cope before and after the Games. Of course, the Games ‘bubble’ will not last, but each time the Olympic Games are celebrated, a small step is taken – if the Games can work, even if only for 17 days, perhaps, someday, so might the world.33 Richard W. Pound, IOC member & IOC doyen Between the Asia-based Olympics of Tokyo 1964, Seoul 1988, and Beijing 2008, the Olympic Games and the Olympic movement have come to serve multiple interests, while Eurocentric notions of self and other continue to curtail the representational power of the ‘Oriental’ nations on display. John Horne and Wolfram Manzenreiter argued that the Olympic utopian promise of ‘One World’ actually was a major point of contention – creating and sustaining essentialised perceptions of the East.34 Staging a mega-event can thus be seen as an opportunity to catch up or modernise, to challenge (Western) modernity, and to project distinctive forms of hybrid modernity.35 As Bach stated, ‘The role of the Olympic Games and the goal we are trying to achieve is to unite the world in peaceful competition, regardless of race, society, culture or politics’.36

Conclusion There were mixed views of the Beijing Olympic Games. In general, politically, the Beijing Games served the purpose of raising national identity, pride, reinforcing political allegiance, and increasing popular consent for the continuance of the CCP’s leadership. Economically, it stimulated China’s economic reform and further extended China’s commercial network globally. On the sports field, it firmly established China on the international sporting stage in the top three sports countries in the world. Ian Henry commented that major events, in particular the Olympic Games, become part of a shared cultural memory, one which might be in part positive, in part negative, but which was undeniably significant. The Olympic TOP sponsors literally buy into an association of their brands with aspects of the cultural meanings of the Games and the Olympic movement. Cultural meanings (positive and negative) are also conveyed unconsciously within the system, in, for example, messages in relation to gender, ethnicity, and religion.37 Ian Henry stated that the Olympic Games could be used to promote positive cultural messages such as positive inter-cultural engagement. For example, the International Inspiration programme,38 with its focus on aiding the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, could if it 333

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was able to steer between the dangers of cynical self-interest and post-colonial paternalism, result in mutual benefits.39 Susan Brownell and Ren Hai argued that in cultural terms the Games were perceived as Euro-centric, promoting Western sports, but the construction of Olympic culture and image through the Beijing Games was successful (Brownell and Ren 2008).40 The 2008 Olympic Games left Beijing with finished sport facilities, development of transport systems, and revitalisation of urban areas.41 It also left an Olympic heritage of the concept and practice of physical fitness for all. The Chinese government named 8 August as ‘Fitness for All Day’ to raise the country’s awareness of healthy living. The establishment of the Beijing Olympic City Development Association (BODA) was a move that confirmed China’s desire to keep the Olympic culture alive. ‘Carry on Olympic Spirit Build a Better City’. BODA mobilised forces to continue the promotion of Olympic sports, values, and culture across Beijing and beyond. In 2008, Beijing called its Games the ‘People’s Olympics’ and chose ‘harmony’ as its core concept. It used an Olympic Education Programme to popularise Olympic knowledge and spirit. It systematically established the Volunteer Project to provide strong support to the Games and social and cultural development.42 All of these measures together created an Olympic culture with Chinese characteristics. For this reason, the 2014 Nanjing Youth Summer Olympic Games and the 2022 Winter Olympic Games have inherited and enriched these measures and will also have a profound impact on sports in the future.

Notes 1 Helen Jefferson Lenskyj, ‘Olympic Education and Olympism: Still Colonizing Children’s Minds’, Educational Review 64, no. 3 (2012): 265–74. 2 Ian Henry, ‘The Olympics: Why We Should Value Them’, in Helen Jefferson Lenskyi and Stephen Wagg, eds, The Palgrave Handbook of Olympic Studies (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012): 551–69. 3 Ibid. 4 Wolfram Manzenreiter, ‘Olympic Education--How Tokyo 2020 Shapes Body and Mind in Japan’, in Barbara Holthus and Isaac Gagné, eds, Japan Through the Lens of the Tokyo Olympics (Tokyo: Routledge, 2020): 97–103. 5 Cléret, Léa and M. Mcnamee, ‘Olympism, The Values of Sport, and the Will to Power: De Coubertin and Nietzsche Meet Eugenio Monti’, Sport Ethics & Philosophy 6, no. 2 (2012): 183–94. 6 Yinya Liu, ‘The Development of Social Media and Its Impact on the Intercultural Exchange of the Olympic Movement, 2004–2012’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 12 (2017): 1395–410. 7 Yinmin Wang, and N. Masumoto, ‘The Aims and Objectives of Olympic Education in China a Theoretical and Historical Review’, Journal of the Philosophy of Sport and Physical Education (2007). 8 This was ‘The Olympic Charter’ in Force as from 17 July 2020, Published by the International Olympic Committee (2020). 9 Schnitzer, M., et al, ‘Perception of the Culture and Education Programme of the Youth Olympic Games by the Participating Athletes: A Case Study for Innsbruck 2012’, International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 9 (2014): 1178–93. 10 This was ‘The Olympic Charter’ in force as from 17 July 2020, published by the International Olympic Committee (2020). 11 IOC/IODE, ‘Review of the International Oceanographic Data and Information Exchange (IODE)’, UNESCO (2005). 12 This was ‘The Olympic Charter’ in force as from 17 July 2020, published by the International Olympic Committee (2020). 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Hong Fan, ‘China’, in Steven W. Pope and John Nauright, eds., Routledge Companion to Sports History (London: Routledge, 2009), 405–19. 16 IOC, ‘Faster, Higher, Stronger – Together” - IOC Session Approves Historic Change in Olympic Motto’, The Official Website of IOC, July 20, 2021, Accessed May 5, 2022. https://olympics.com/ioc/news/-faster-higherstronger-together-ioc-session-approves-historic-change-in-olympic-motto. 17 Theresa H. Wang, ‘Trading the People’s Homes for the People’s Olympics: The Property Regime in China’, Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal 15, no. 2 (2006): 599–626.

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Inheritance and Enrichment 18 Jing Wen, ‘The Humanistic Olympics Research Centre of Renmin University of China: Helping the Beijing Olympic Games Convey Humanistic Ideas to the World’, The Official Website of RUC, October 31, 2008, Accessed May 6, 2022, https://news.ruc.edu.cn/archives/29457. 19 Jiang Zheng, ‘China Has Fulfilled the World’s Promise of Giving China 16 Days and Returning the World’s 5000 Years’, The Official Website of SOHU, August 17, 2008, Accessed May 17, 2022, http://news.sohu.com/ 20080817/n258941613.shtml. 20 Hong Fan, Ping Wu and Huan Xiong, ‘Beijing Ambitions: An Analysis of the Chinese Elite Sports System and Its Olympic Strategy for the 2008 Games’, International Journal for the History of Sport 22, no. 4 (2005): 510–29. 21 Ibid. 22 BOCOG, Official Report of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games (Beijing: Beijing Sports University Press, 2010). 23 Hong Fan and Zhouxiang Lu, Sport in Asia – Routledge Handbook (London: Routledge, 2020). 24 Hong Fan and Yuting Zhong, ‘China and Olympic Games’, in Fan Hong and Zhouxiang Lu, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Sport in Asia (London: Routledge, 2020), 118–25. 25 Davies D. J., ‘Go China! Go!’: Running Fan and Debating Success During China’s Olympic Summe’, International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 8 (2009): 1040–64. 26 Interview with an expert in BOCOG, interviewed on 8 January 2020. 27 IOC, Final Report of the IOC Coordination Commission -- Games of ⅩⅩⅨ Olympiad, Beijing 2008 (Beijing: International Olympic Committee, 2013). 28 Ibid. 29 Thomson S. B., Wei W.X. and Swallow P., ‘Equality and Harmony: Diversity Management in China’, Chinese Management Studies 13, no. 1 (2019): 113–27. 30 Dyreson Mark, ‘World Harmony or an Athletic’ Clash of Civilizations’? The Beijing Olympic Spectacle, BMX Bicycles and the American Contours of Globalisation’, International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 9 (2012): 1231–42. 31 Ren Hai, ‘Art and Sport Art and Sport the Ideal Policy to Link Sport with Culture and Education’, Olympic Review and Revue Olympique, Accessed October 22, 2022, https://digital.la84.org/digital/collection/p17103coll1. 32 Ibid. 33 Richard W. Pound, ‘Free Speech for Olympic Athletes’, The Official Website of IOC, February 11, 2020, Accessed September 14, 2022, https://www.olympic.org/news/free-speech-for-olympic-athletes. 34 John Horne and Wolfram Manzenreiter, ‘Olympic Tales from the East: Tokyo 1964, Seoul 1988 and Beijing 2008’, in Helen Jefferson Lenskyi and Stephen Wagg, eds., The Palgrave Handbook of Olympic Studies (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012): 103–19. 35 Ibid. 36 Tavares O., ‘Olympic Values in the Twenty-first Century: Between Continuity and Change. (Essay)’, International Symposium for Olympic Research, International Centre for Olympic Studies, 2006. 37 Ibid. 38 UK Sport, ‘UK Leads ‘International Inspiration’ as Developing Countries Get Sporting Boost’. 39 Ibid. 40 Susan Brownell and Hai Ren, Beijing’s Games: What the Olympics Mean to China, 2008. ‘2008 Olympic Games and Their Social Impacts’, China Sport Science 28, no. 9 (2008): 12–15. 41 Dikaia Chatziefstathiou and Ian P. Henry, The Discursive Construction of Modern Olympic Histories (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). 42 Yuting Zhong and Fan Hong and Peter Herrmann, ‘The Impact of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games on China and the Olympic Movement: The Legacy’, International Journal of the History of Sport 38, no. 18 (2022): 1863–79.

Bibliography BOCOG. Official Report of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. Beijing: Beijing Sports University Press, 2010. Brownell, Susan and Ren, Hai. ‘2008 Olympic Games and Their Social Impacts.’ China Sport Science 28, no. 9 (2008): 12–15. Chatziefstathiou, Dikaia and Henry, Ian P. The Discursive Construction of Modern Olympic Histories. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Cléret, Léa and Mcnamee, M. ‘Olympism, The Values of Sport, and the Will to Power: De Coubertin and Nietzsche Meet Eugenio Monti.’ Sport Ethics & Philosophy 6, no. 2 (2012): 183–194. Davies, David J. ‘Go China! Go!’: Running Fan and Debating Success During China’s Olympic Summe.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 8 (2009): 1040–1064.

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Zhong Yuting Dyreson, Mark. ‘World Harmony or an Athletic’ Clash of Civilizations’? The Beijing Olympic Spectacle, BMX Bicycles and the American Contours of Globalisation.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 9 (2012): 1231–1242. Fan, Hong and Lu, Zhouxiang. Sport in Asia – Routledge Handbook. London: Routledge, 2020. Fan, Hong, Wu, Ping and Xiong, Huan. ‘Beijing Ambitions: An Analysis of the Chinese Elite Sports System and Its Olympic Strategy for the 2008 Games.’ International Journal for the History of Sport 22, no. 4 (2005): 510–529. Fan, Hong. ‘China’, in Steven W. Pope and John Nauright, eds. Routledge Companion to Sports History. London: Routledge, 2009, 405–419. Holthus, Barbara and Isaac Gagné, eds. Japan Through the Lens of the Tokyo Olympics. Tokyo: Routledge, 2020. IOC. Final Report of the IOC Coordination Commission -- Games of ⅩⅩⅨ Olympiad, Beijing 2008. Beijing: International Olympic Committee, 2013. IOC. ‘Faster, Higher, Stronger – Together’ - IOC Session Approves Historic Change in Olympic Motto.’ The Official Website of the IOC. July 20, 2021. Accessed May 5, 2022. https://olympics.com/ioc/news/-faster-higherstronger-together-ioc-session-approves-historic-change-in-olympic-motto. Lenskyi, Helen Jefferson and Stephen, Wagg, eds. The Palgrave Handbook of Olympic Studies. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Lenskyj, Helen Jefferson. ‘Olympic Education and Olympism: Still Colonizing Children’s Minds.’ Educational Review 64, no. 3 (2012): 265–274. Liu, Yinya. ‘The Development of Social Media and Its Impact on the Intercultural Exchange of the Olympic Movement, 2004–2012.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 12 (2017): 1395–1410. Pound, Richard W. ‘Free Speech for Olympic Athletes.’ The Official Website of IOC. February 11, 2020. Accessed September 14, 2022. https://www.olympic.org/news/free-speech-for-olympic-athletes Schnitzer, Martin ‘Perception of the Culture and Education Programme of the Youth Olympic Games by the Participating Athletes: A Case Study for Innsbruck 2012.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 9 (2014): 1178–1193. Tavares, Otávio ‘Olympic Values in the Twenty-first Century: Between Continuity and Change. Essay.’ International Symposium for Olympic Research. International Centre for Olympic Studies, 2006. Thomson, Stanley B., Wei, Wei X. and Swallow, Phillip ‘Equality and Harmony: Diversity Management in China.’ Chinese Management Studies 13, no. 1 (2019): 113–127. Wang, Theresa H. ‘Trading the People’s Homes for the People’s Olympics: The Property Regime in China.’ Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal 15, no. 2 (2006): 599–626. Wen, Jing. ‘The Humanistic Olympics Research Centre of Renmin University of China: Helping the Beijing Olympic Games Convey Humanistic Ideas to the World.’ The Official Website of RUC. October 31, 2008. Accessed May 6, 2022. https://news.ruc.edu.cn/archives/29457. Zheng, Jiang. ‘China Has Fulfilled the World’s Promise of Giving China 16 Days and Returning the World’s 5000 Years.’ The Official Website of SOHU. August 17, 2008. Accessed May 17, 2022. http://news.sohu.com/ 20080817/n258941613.shtml. Zhong, Yuting, Hong, Fan and Herrmann, Peter. ‘The Impact of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games on China and the Olympic Movement: The Legacy.’ International Journal of the History of Sport 38, no. 18 (2022): 1863–1879.

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PART VIII

Sports Economy, Commerce, Business, and Management Min Ge

The reform and opening up of China happened not only in the Chinese economy, but Chinese sports also went through a similar process. Chinese scholars have illustrated different stages of the development of China’s sports industry, including the Exploratory Stage from 1978 to 1992, the Formative Stage from 1993 to 1996, and the Development Stage from 1997 to the present (Zhang, 2015). Throughout these stages, there were remarkable achievements that have been accomplished in the industry. Chinese sports have become a ‘sunrise industry’ in the economy and certainly marked its contribution to the economic growth in China (Zhang, 2015). According to the reports by China’s National Bureau of Statistics (2018; 2019), the sports industry accounts for 1.1% of China’s total GDP and reached 370 billion U.S. dollars, and this number has increased by 10.9% in 2019. The industry’s growth has also brought opportunities to sports and non-sports organisations in China and overseas. Although there are challenges to face, it is no doubt that China has become a new territory for sports business (Liu, Zhang and Desbordesm, 2017). In this section, scholars have provided their studies and insights regarding various areas of the Chinese sports industry, including sports commerce and management, grassroots sports organisations, sports economy and urban development, policy and practice in leisure sports, Generation Z consumers in Chinese sports, and media studies in the sports industry. In particular, Boucher analysed the relationship between Chinese and foreign entities, being competitors, collaborators, as well as adversaries, in the context of the global commodity chain. While Xue conducted her studies on Generation Z and examined their characteristics and role as a consumer cohort in the development of the Chinese sports market. Chen analysed the role of grassroots sports organisations in the strategies of rural revitalisation in China. He elaborated on the three paths for grassroots sports organisations to support and improve rural revitalisation strategies. In Feng’s study, she focused more on urban development and its relationship with the development of sports economy in China. This study suggested that sport economy has become a new driving force for urban development in China, particularly through three major projects: sports city construction, the boom of marathon events, and sports park construction. Su’s study mainly focused on leisure sport in China and its policy and practice. The study explored the development of leisure sports policy, illustrated different categories of the leisure sports industry, and predicted its leading role in promoting sports-related consumption in Chinese society in the future. Liang took a different angle and focused on the elite sports side. Through the study of a television documentary series on the Beijing Olympics Games, this study explored the role of sports media in this industry. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-49

Min Ge

Altogether, this section consists of six pieces of studies that reflect the vast range of research that has been conducted by numerous scholars and experts in this field. It is our intention to provide an overview and understanding of this newly developing industry in Chinese society.

Bibliography China’s National Bureau of Statistics. ‘Report on the total scale and added value of the national sports industry in 2018.’ The Official Website of China’s National Bureau of Statistics, January 20, 2020. Accessed September 21, 2022. http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/202001/t20200120_1724122.html China’s National Bureau of Statistics. ‘Report on the total scale and added value of the national sports industry in 2019.’ The Official Website of China’s National Bureau of Statistics, December 31, 2020. Accessed September 22, 2022. http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/202012/t20201231_1811943.html Liu, Dongfei, Zhang, James J. and Desbordes, Michel. ‘Sport business in China: current state and prospect.’ International Journal of Sports Marketing and Sponsorship 18, no. 1 (2017): 2–10. Zhang, Jie. ‘Reality and dilemma: the development of China’s sports industry since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 32, no. 8 (2015): 1085–1097.

41 SPORT COMMERCE AND EVENT MANAGEMENT IN THE GLOBAL COMMODITY CHAINS Aurélien Boucher

Introduction In China, the exchange of sporting goods and services on a large scale and the organisation of events aimed at sustaining those exchanges are both recent and rapidly growing phenomena. It is also a multi-faceted “total social fact”1 since it is interdependent of the transformation of the entire Chinese societal transformations. This chapter analyses how the Chinese and foreign entities integrated into the global commodity channel and led to a high degree of interdependence. It ultimately explains how those Chinese and foreign entities are competitors when they have to be, collaborators when opportunities exist, but also sometimes have adversarial relationships.

Globalisation of the Sporting Goods Commodity Channel in Post-WTO-China Sporting goods manufacturing and commercialisation remain the most economically prominent segment of the Chinese sports industry. According to the joint report published by the National Bureau of Statistics and the National Sports Bureau “Report on the scale and the growth of sport national industry in 2019”, the entire sports industry generated an added value of 29,483.4 billion Renminbi (4,273 billion USD), out of which sporting goods contribute to 46.2%.2 In other words, sporting goods production and commercialisation contributed 0.508% of China’s GDP in 2019. The stable economic growth and the importance of sporting goods in the Chinese sports industry can be explained by the early integration of the ‘made in China’ sporting goods in the global commodity chain.3 During the past two decades, the “Report on the Development of the Sports Industry” published by the Academy of Social Sciences, as well as the World Federation of the Sporting Goods Industry continuously estimated that China had produced 60% to 65% of the sporting goods in the world market. Comparatively, even at the peak of the made in China in 2015, China’s overall share of world manufacturing exports was only at 15.8%. To this extent, the worldwide demand for sporting goods is highly dependent on the Chinese production capacity, while the Chinese sports industry has been developing thanks to its competitiveness in the global market. More precisely, after joining the WTO, Chinese sporting goods exports have grown quite rapidly to reach 509.94 billion USD in 2012, according to the data of the CSMAR (China Stock Market and Accounting Research)4 (see Figure 41.1). The influence of China joining the WTO on sporting goods production and exports is particularly obvious starting from 2002 and 2003. For those two years, the growth in sporting goods exports was, DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-50

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Aurélien Boucher Evolu on of Chinese sports goods export 1999-2012 in billion RMB 600.

450.

300.

150.

0. 1995

2003

2010

2018

Figure 41.1 Evolution of sporting goods export from 1999 to 2012 in China. Source: China’s National Bureau of Statistics.

respectively, about 30.45% and 52.41%. Over the first decade of the twenty-first century, the growth of sporting goods exports that occurred in a larger context of “openness” to the global supply channel, accounted for slightly more than 2% of the total value of the nation’s exports. Even if this dynamic of growth of export goods has changed since 2015, China remains a strategic place for the production of sporting goods for the world market. Famous brands like Nike—which established its first factory in China in 1981 and which already had a long tradition of delocalisation of the labour-intensive tasks in Asia—took benefit from China entering the WTO.5 Indeed, despite the recent delocalisation in other Asian countries,6 Nike still reports employing 140,866 employees in China and having 107 factories (19% of the company’s factories).7 This amount does not include the many local sub-contracting companies with which Nike used to deal. Nike and Adidas remain dominant brands in the national market. Together, they represented 43% of the sportswear market in China in 2019.8 It should be noted that Adidas and Nike are direct competitors to capture the upper segment of the sportswear market, while the Chinese brands such as Anta, Li Ning, and Peak are more likely to compete for the medium segment market. To conclude, for those foreign brands, China has become both a place of manufacturing sporting goods and a booming national market where they compete against each other. This competition for the national market also supports investing in Chinese celebrities and the localisation of the collection line. Since China joined the WTO, its sporting goods brands have diversified their role in the global commodity chain. From the early 1990s to the Beijing Games, the Chinese sportswear brands mostly focused on the domestic market, while in other segments of the sporting goods industry, many Chinese companies first acquired knowledge and know-how by becoming sub-contractors for foreign brands. Put differently, Chinese sports companies have played different possible roles in the global commodity chain since the earliest stage of the “openness and reform” era. Some of them, such as Li Ning or Anta, focused on the domestic market. Others were sub-contractors for either or both Chinese and international brands and were much more dependent on the international market. While Li Ning, 360°, or Anta sold most of their sneakers in China, many sports items such as golf balls or skis made in China by subcontractors are still more likely to be sold on the international market.9 The integration of the Chinese sporting goods brands in the global commodity channel has become more complex since Chinese sports companies have diversified their strategies. Indeed, prominent Chinese sports 340

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brands have launched their internationalisation and have encountered different successes. Like many Chinese companies willing to develop abroad, Li Ning entered the Hong Kong stock exchange market in 2004. This operation enables the company to get access to foreign currency more easily and to foreign investment. In 2005, Li Ning obtained the exclusive right to be the distributor of AIGLE’s product (French companies). In 2006, Li Ning was the first brand to internationalise its image by signing NBA key players. The company first signed Damon Jones and Shaquille O’Neal. This move is particularly interesting because basketball is the most popular sport among Chinese urban youth. It demonstrated Li Ning’s capacity to invest in the international symbol to strengthen its symbolic value in China. In 2010, two years after Li Ning lit the Beijing Olympics flame, the company opened an R&D centre and a retail store in Portland in the United States. While this test on the U.S. market was not particularly successful (the retail store closed just two years after opening), Li Ning continued to sell on the U.S. market through Amazon and other online shops. More recently, in 2019, LN Distribution INC, the official sporting goods distributor for the U.S. and Canadian market, located in Burlington, opened retail showrooms in Ottawa and Toronto. Li Ning is also organising a network of dealers, which are distributing the company sports products in badminton, table tennis, and pickleball. With franchised dealers and online sales, Li Ning limits the financial investment and progressively penetrates the North American market. A similar strategy is adopted for the Asian market. Li Ning strategically invested in countries such as Singapore and Malaysia, where the proportion of badminton players and Chinese overseas population is quite large. Finally, Li Ning invested in losing steam foreign brands such as the Italian Lotto (2008) and the U.K. brand Clarks, while establishing a collaboration with the U.S. brand Danskin for yoga and women sportswear (2016). To this extent, it can be said that the brand is becoming a global player during the second decade of the twenty-first century. Thanks to the online market, a network of dealers, and strategic investments abroad, Li Ning cannot be seen anymore as a middle segment brand competing against other Chinese brands for the domestic market. Li Ning is also a distributor of foreign brands, a new and discrete player on the Western market, and a well-capitalised group able to establish a partnership and/or to buy foreign companies. The same conclusion can be made for Anta.10 According to the report published by the group Anta, the group made 35.5 billion RMB of revenue in 2019, while only 44.3% of this revenue comes from Anta-branded products.11 Almost half of the revenue of the group comes from the FILA brand, whose revenue increased by 18.1% despite the COVID-19 pandemic. This fact is particularly interesting because FILA was initially an Italian brand before FILA Korea acquired it in 2007. In 2009, Anta sports acquired the right to the brand in China, including Hong Kong and Macao, while creating a joint venture with Belle International (a group specialised in footwear). In the 2020s, FILA shops are flourishing in the huge shopping malls of the Chinese first-tier cities. According to the Anta group annual report, FILA has become the flagship brand of the group for the sportswear high segment. Put differently, thanks to its established sportswear distribution in China and having acquired the right of the FILA brand in China, Anta succeeded at making tremendous profits in the Chinese market. More recently, the group continued on its multi-brand strategy, by buying the Finnish firm Amer sport for 4.6 billion Euros. This deal made Anta the proprietor of the brands Wilson, Salomon ski boots, and the famous baseball bat Louisville slugger. While acquiring the brand Louisville Slugger seems strange given the limited popularity of baseball in China, investing in the group Amer sport and the brand Descent might be related to the perspective of the Beijing 2022 Winter Games. For this event, Anta will be both a partner of the Chinese Olympic Committee and the Chinese Sports Delegation and a distributor of the highly profitable Salomon and Descente’s winter sports products. In the specific context of state investment for the popularisation of winter sports, Anta’s strategy is possibly both an economic investment and a political one, since it shows the company’s commitment to the government’s goal. In sum, during the last three decades, Chinese and foreign sports companies have become more independent competitors and/or partners. While China was first a country manufacturing products for the world market, it has progressively become a major market for foreign brands, which had to localise their 341

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brand storytelling, products, and symbols. The success of Nike and Adidas in China did not undermine the emergence of Chinese giants that proved capable of developing within China, buying foreign groups abroad, and establishing fruitful partnerships with foreign companies.

Chinese Companies, the Chinese Market, and Sports Events Business The creation and the development of international mega-sporting events in China have substantiated the glocalisation of foreign sports brands and the internationalisation of Chinese sports products and services. Without a doubt, the Beijing Olympics were a milestone for the internationalisation of sports business in China and with Chinese companies. First, for the IOC, the organisation of the Beijing Summer Olympics was profitable and explicitly presented as a mean to strengthen the popularity of the Olympic brand in China.12 Four years before the game, while Beijing’s second bid was under preparation, the Chinese brand Lenovo already became one of the 12 official worldwide partners of the Olympic Partnership (TOP) programme, which generates 40% of the IOC revenue. In addition to the global TOP Program, several domestic companies such as Bank of China, China Mobile, CNC, State Grid, Sinopec, PICC, and Air China supported the “Beijing 2008”.13 Within the Chinese national media and the public sphere, advertisements connecting the brands Tsingtao Beer, Yanjing Beer, and Haier with the logo “Beijing 2008” were visible everywhere. At the same, many multinational companies such as Adidas, which was the official sportswear partner of Beijing 2008, or Coca Cola, which was another major sponsor of the Olympic brand (TOP program), benefits from the audience of the Games. To this extent, the Beijing Summer Games exemplify the changing status of the Chinese companies in the production of sports events and services. While they were invisible in the twentieth century, they have become vital for the Olympic movement. The Beijing Games Organisation also shows the efforts made by international brands to strengthen their popularity in China through mega-sport events. While Western media mainly presented the Beijing Games as a demonstration of power from the communist regime, the Games resulted in the congruent interests of a myriad of transnational actors, all having an interest to localise the global and/or to internationalise the local. For the Beijing 2022 Olympics, a similar dynamic of contention and interdependency between Chinese and foreign entities has already started to shape the Games. As was the case for Beijing 2008, the Chinese and foreign sponsors were particularly attracted by the broadcasting potential of the Games. Indeed, the worldwide Olympics Partners and the official sponsors of Beijing 2022 will benefit from the efforts made by the government to popularise the winter sports in the previous years, including the plan aiming at having 300 million Chinese experiencing winter sports. They will also probably capitalise on the government efforts to glorify an event making Beijing the first city to welcome both the summer and the winter Olympics. As was the case for the Summer Olympics, the foreign companies that will support the games are essentially the Worldwide Olympics partners, while several domestic companies can be found among the Beijing 2022 official partners. More precisely, except Alibaba and Mengniu, all the Worldwide Olympics partners were non-Chinese and included six American companies. Among the Games official partners, the Chinese state companies, such as SINOPEC, China Unicom, CNPC, Bank of China, State Grid, and Shougang, will be the main sponsors. A difference can still be observed from the perspectives of sportswear companies supporting the two Olympics. While Adidas was the official partner of Beijing 2008, Anta will equip the officials and the volunteers in 2022. It demonstrates that the organising committee that is strongly connected to the state power is more confident and more willing to support the internationalisation of the domestic sport good brands than before. In addition, with the Olympics, several foreign franchises and companies have invested or organised sports events in China to broaden their audience and increase their revenue. The most famous case is certainly the NBA, which reportedly generates around 500 million USD of revenue in China every year. David Stern, the former commissioner of the NBA, pushed for the organisation of the NBA-China 342

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friendship tour as soon as 1985. These touring events, which became an annual event in 1994, as well as the advantageous broadcasting agreement passed with the CCTV in 1990, played a key role in the popularisation of the NBA in China. While the popularity of the NBA exploded after the Houston Rockets drafted Yao Ming in 2002, it can be assumed that the events were precursors. Indeed, Huang14 shows that 43% of the sports fans who followed the NBA in 2013 started to watch it before Yao Ming was drafted. Even after Yao Ming’s retirement, the number of events organised in China by the NBA teams continued to increase. Before the COVID-19 pandemic and before the Houston Rockets’ general manager expressed his support to Hong Kongers’ protest against the Extradition Law Amendment Bill, NBA teams such as the Orlando Magic, the Lakers, Utah Jazz, or the Houston Rockets were regularly touring in China, sometimes more than one time per year. These touring events marginally participated in the increase of NBA’s Chinese revenue, which already accounts for 10% of the revenue of the league.15 While the broadcast agreement passed between the NBA and Tencent for 1.5 billion USD is generating more revenue than the touring events, touring events are still crucial for the fan experience, teams’ popularity, and the NBA brand image. Analysing the NBA-China relationship is also a good way to point out how Chinese companies are also internationalising their brands by supporting major sports events or leagues organised abroad. As mentioned, several sporting goods brands such as Li Ning, Anta, and Peak signed famous NBA players starting from 2006. Yanjing Beer signed a 7-million-dollar contract with the Houston Rockets in 2002;16 those companies principally aimed at showing their worldwide influence and fame to the Chinese consumer. The equation is slightly different for Chinese companies like Haier and Lenovo. For Haier, whose principal activity is the production and the distribution of electrical appliances, the investments into NBA were more for supporting its development in the U.S. market. Indeed, between 2002 and 2005, the Haier refrigerator market share in the United States increased from 2% to 10%.17 For Lenovo, a multinational company that produces technological devices and services sold in around 180 countries, the target is not exclusively the Chinese audience.

Conclusion Since China joined the WTO, Chinese companies have become interdependent with the world economy. The same phenomenon can be observed for the design, conception, distribution of sporting goods, and the organisation of major sports events. Chinese sporting goods brands are no longer solely focused on the domestic market or subordinated sub-contractors. They are playing a more prominent role in the global commodity chain. They built fruitful partnerships with international brands, have proven their capacity to buy some groups, and developed more complex multi-branding and multi-national strategies. At the same time, they still compete against each other for the domestic market or to sign sports celebrities. To this extent, the transformation of the global commodity chain illustrates well how the dualist vision of the world presenting China as the challenger of the Western economy and value is poorly heuristic. Indeed, Chinese entities and foreigners have collaborated in various and not necessarily dissymmetric ways. Despite ideological and episodic tensions such as Nike and Adidas declaration on Xinjiang’s cotton, or the restriction on NBA broadcasting after the Houston Rockets’ general manager’s comments on Hong Kong’s situation, the interdependency between foreign and Chinese entities is still strengthening. Therefore, in the twenty-first century, successful sports business and event organisation necessarily presupposes the integration of Chinese and transnational actor’s skills, knowledge, and interests.

Notes 1 For Marcel Mauss a Total Social Fact Is “An Activity that Has Implications Throughout Society, in the Economic, Legal, Political, and Religious Spheres”, See, Mauss Marcel, The Gift; Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies (London: Cohen & West, 1966).

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Aurélien Boucher 2 Luo Jie, Jiao Ni and Wang Tao 罗杰，焦妮，王涛, ‘2019–2020 年体育用品发展报告 (Development Report on Sports Goods Industry in 2019–2020). In 中国体育产业发展报告（2020)’, In Report on the Development of Sports Industry of China 2020, Edited by Li Yingchuan 李颖川, 115–136. (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2020). 3 Stephen Frenkel, ‘Globalization, Athletic Footwear Commodity Chains and Employment Relations in China’, Organization Studies, 22 (2010): 531–62.; Gasmi, Nacer and Grolleau Gilles, ‘Nike face a la controverse ethiaue relative a ses sous-traitants’, Revue Francaise de Gestion, no. 157 (2005): 115–136. 4 Wei Hao, Li Chao and Liu Shibin, 魏浩，李超，刘士彬, ‘中国体育用品制造业出口就业效应的实证分析 (An Empirical Research of the Effects on Employment of China Sports Products Export)’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 北京体育大学学报36, no. 10 (2013): 21–26. 5 Locke Richard, ‘The Promise and Perils of Globalization: the Case of Nike’, Industrial Performance Center, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Working Paper Series 2, no. 7 (2002): 1–36. 6 Manzenreiter Wolfram, ‘Playing by Unfair Rules? Asia’s Positioning within Global Sports production networks’, Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 2 (2014): 313–325. 7 ‘Nike Manufacturing Map’, Nike Sustainability, May 15, 2021, Accessed October 27, 2022. http:// manufacturingmap.nikeinc.com/ 8 ‘Breakdown of the Sportswear Market in China in 2021, by Brand’, Statista, August 10, 2022, Accessed Oct 27, 2022. https://www.statista.com/statistics/432292/leading-sportswear-brands-in-china/ 9 In the chapter Report on the Development of Sport’s Goods (体育用品发展报告), in Report on the Development of Sports Industry of China 2019 中国体育产业发展报告（2019）further details are provided about the proportion of the exported goods for different sports. 10 Ibid. 11 Anta Annual Results Presentation 2020, The Official Website of Anta, April 1, 2021, Accessed October 29, 2022. https://files.services/files/394/2021/0401/20210401164502_09836587_en.pdf 12 Xu Guoqi, Olympic dreams: China and Sports 1895–2008 (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2008). 13 IOC, ‘International Olympic Committee Marketing Report Beijing 2008’, The Official Website of International Olympic Committee, Accessed October 21, 2022. https://stillmed.olympic.org/Documents/Reports/EN/en_ report_1428.pdf 14 Fuhua Huang, ‘Glocalisation of Sport: The NBA’s Diffusion in China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 3 (2013): 278. 15 https://finance.yahoo.com/news/nba-needs-china-revenue-growth-leverage-170102327.html 16 Fuhua Huang, ‘Glocalisation of Sport: The NBA’s Diffusion in China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 3 (2013): 279. 17 ‘Haier Group’s Strategy in the US Market’, IBS Center for Management Research, 2003, Accessed October 27, 2022. https://www.icmrindia.org/casestudies/catalogue/Business%20strategy1/Haier%20Groups%20Strategy%20in %20the%20US%20Market.htm.

Bibliography Frenkel, Stephen. ‘Globalization, Athletic Footwear Commodity Chains and employement relations in China’, Organization Studies, 22 (2010): 531–562. Gasmi, Nacer and Gilles, Grolleau. ‘Nike face a la controverse ethiaue relative a ses sous-traitants’, Revue Francaise de Gestion 157, no. 1 (2005): 115–136. Huang, Fuhua. ‘Glocalisation of Sport: The NBA’s Diffusion in China’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 3 (2013): 267–284. Li, Yingchuan 李颖川, eds. 中国体育产业发展报告（2020）(Report on the development of sports industry of China 2020). Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2020. Locke, Richard. ‘The Promise and Perils of Globalization: the Case of Nike.’ Industrial Performance Center, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Working Paper Series 2, no. 7 (2002): 1–36. Manzenreiter, Wolfram. ‘Playing by Unfair Rules? Asia’s Positioning within Global Sports Production Networks’, Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 2 (2014): 313–325. Mauss, Marcel. The Gift; Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. London: Cohen & West, 1966. Wei, Hao, Li, Chao and Liu, Shibin, 魏浩，李超，刘士彬. ‘中国体育用品制造业出口就业效应的实证分析 (An Empirical Research of the Effects on Employment of China Sports Products Export).’ Journal of Beijing Sport University北京体育大学学报 36, no. 10 (2013): 21–26. Xu, Guoqi. Olympic Dreams: China and Sports 1895–2008. Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2008.

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42 THE PROMOTION OF RURAL REVITALISATION IN CHINA THROUGH GRASSROOTS SPORTS SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS Chen Congkan, Wang Sibei, and Liang Ming

Introduction The Fifth Plenary Session of the Nineteenth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China proposed that ‘resolutely take the resolution of the ‘issues relating to agriculture, rural areas and farmers’ as the top priority of the Party’s work, accelerate the modernisation of agriculture and rural areas, take the road of socialist rural revitalisation with Chinese characteristics, and fully implement the rural revitalisation strategy’. ‘The countryside rejuvenates the country and the people prosper the country.’1 The implementation of the rural revitalisation strategy is not only an objective requirement for agricultural and rural modernisation, but also a major task for accelerating the realisation of socialist modernisation. Among them, grassroots sports social organizations, as an important component of grassroots social organisations, are an important group and rural organisation with a high degree of participation, great synergy, and a wide range of radiation. In recent years, grassroots sports organisations have developed rapidly and have expanded their coverage and influence. By holding a variety of cultural and sports activities and sports events in the countryside, grassroots sports social organizations have played an indispensable role in accelerating rural construction and promoting rural development. However, due to the various historical and practical reasons that exist in the development of rural society, there are problems such as unbalanced and insufficient development of grassroots sports social organizations in rural areas. Their development level needs to be improved and high-quality development paths need to be explored. On the basis of expounding the connotation of rural revitalisation strategy, this chapter attempts to analyse the important role of grassroots sports social organizations in advancing the rural revitalisation strategy, and proposes a path reference for grassroots sports social organizations to promote the rural revitalisation strategy.2

Important Goals and Missions of Rural Revitalisation Strategy The rural revitalisation strategy was put forward by Comrade Xi Jinping in the report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2017. The report pointed out that the issue of agriculture, rural areas, and farmers was a fundamental issue related to the national economy and the people’s livelihood. The contradiction between the people’s growing need for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development was the most prominent in the countryside. China is still and will be in the DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-51

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primary stage of socialism for a long time, and its characteristics are largely reflected in the countryside. To build a moderately prosperous society in an all-around way and to build a modern and powerful socialist country in an all-around way, the most arduous and onerous task lies in the rural areas; the most extensive and deepest foundation lies in the rural areas, and the greatest potential and stamina lies in the rural areas. The implementation of the rural revitalisation strategy is an inevitable requirement for resolving the main social contradictions of our country in the new era, realising the ‘two centuries’ goals and the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.3 It is of great practical significance and far-reaching historical significance. In short, the implementation of the rural revitalisation strategy is an important foundation for the construction of a modern economic system, a key measure for building a beautiful China, an effective way to inherit the excellent Chinese traditional culture, a solid policy to improve the governance structure of a modern society, and an inevitable choice to realise the common prosperity of all people. To realise the strategy of rural revitalisation, we must reshape the relationship between urban and rural areas and take the road of urban-rural integration; consolidate and improve the basic rural management system and take the road of common prosperity; deepen the structural reform of the agricultural supply side and take the road of quality agriculture; living in harmony with nature; taking the road of rural green development; inheriting and developing the agricultural civilisation and taking the road of rural culture prosperity; innovating the rural governance system and taking the road of good rural governance; and fighting the tough battle against poverty and taking the road of poverty reduction with Chinese characteristics.4

The Role of Grassroots Sports Social Organizations in Advancing the Strategy of Rural Revitalisation Activate the Vitality of the Rural Sports Industry The development of the rural sports industry is not only a due meaning and an important measure for rural revitalisation, but also a brand-new channel for promoting rural economic and social development. Among them, the rich natural resources located between mountains and rivers are the material basis and unique advantages for the development of the rural sports industry. In recent years, grassroots sports social organizations have organised a series of rural sports events such as rural marathons and triathlons according to local conditions. They have gathered various rural sports resources and attracted a large number of tourists from all over the country to participate and watch the games, which has driven the villages. The construction of sports towns has stimulated consumption in rural sports, tourism, accommodation, catering, and sales of special agricultural products and promoted the rapid development of industries such as ‘sports + tourism’, ‘sports + leisure’, ‘sports + health care’, and formed a new development trend of ‘demand-supply-participation’. For example, since the State General Administration of Sports announced the first batch of 96 national sports and leisure characteristic towns in 2017, various characteristic sports towns across the country have developed rapidly and have shown vigorous vitality.5 Among them, the sports towns in Zhejiang Province are the most representative. Among the first eight best sports and leisure towns in 2018, the number in Zhejiang Province reached four, which was a strong promotion and demonstration effect. The construction of sports characteristic towns is a typical portrayal of the development of the rural sports industry and the promotion of rural economic growth. By playing the beneficial role of various grassroots sports social organizations in the construction of sports towns, it will help to further promote the innovation and coordination of multiple businesses around the town and input strong economic momentum for the rural revitalisation strategy.

Promote the Development of Rural Ecological Sports Sports are a green industry and environmental protection industry. They are in harmony with the basic requirements of rural revitalisation and the ecological background. Ecological sports are a sustainable 346

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development concept and one of the important contents of people’s livelihood construction. Building a resource-saving and environment-friendly countryside is also the responsibility and mission of the development of grassroots sports social organizations. Grassroots sports social organizations can organise and carry out rich and diverse cultural and sports activities that are pollution-free and environmentally friendly, such as mountaineering, camping, recreational greenway cycling, etc., while protecting the rural ecological environment, propaganda, and appeals to the people-oriented ecological concept. In recent years, Qinghai Province has accelerated the promotion of ecological sports construction and promoted the development of sports and rural tourism. This reflects a relatively good development situation. It has successively held a series of Qinghai native competitions, such as the Qinghai Lake International Road Cycling Race and the International Yellow River Crossing Extreme Challenge. The event organically combines sports events with national culture and natural landscapes, allowing sports to gradually become the endorsement of tourism and environmental protection in Qinghai Province. In addition, vigorously promoting the construction of ‘sports+’ characteristic villages (residentials), with Long yang xia Town in the Yellow River Corridor as the core area, and through the radiation and leading role of grassroots sports social organizations, adhere to the ‘one small game in one month, one big game in one season’.6 The concept of organising cultural and sports activities has continuously attracted tourists to come. These measures not only provide a platform for the rural population to exercise and enjoy the body and mind, but also contribute sports wisdom and sports programs to environmental protection, and effectively promote national fitness and in this way, healthy China takes root in the countryside.

Exploring Traditional Rural Sports Culture The traditional sports culture of the Chinese nation has a long history, and is heavily planted in grassroots and villages. The grassroots of Chinese society are rural, and rural culture is the soil for the construction and development of rural society. Sports culture is the core of rural sports revitalisation and reflects the inherent needs of farmers’ sports. As an important activity carrier formed by the spontaneous association of rural masses, grassroots sports social organizations have unique advantages in inheriting Chinese traditional, folk, national, and local sports culture. In particular, it can play an irreplaceable role in the promotion of traditional Chinese festival sports culture, including acrobatics, duck catching, and other festive cultural sports activities. Grassroots sports social organisation is an important way to promote the health and happiness of rural people. By holding various sports events to promote traditional sports culture, grassroots sports social organizations have a lot to do. For example, the ‘Hometown of Traditional Chinese Dragon Boats’ has a long history of dragon boat racing in Tongren City, Guizhou Province. Since its rise in the 1950s, dragon boats have become a representative symbol of local ethnic culture. As a traditional sports event, the Tongren Dragon Boat Race has been included in the third batch of national intangible cultural heritage list. The local dragon boat association has played an important role in promoting the spirit of the dragon boat, planting the feelings of the dragon boat, and promoting the dragon boat race. At present, unique traditional dragon boat water cultures such as dragon boat sacrifice, finishing touches, and a series of fishing have have begun to take shape, attracting more and more people to participate in it, and continue to enrich the cultural life of the rural people, becoming a shiny business card in the local cultural heritage.7

Improve Rural Sports Governance China’s rural society has a strong tradition of ‘autonomy’. Rural residents take households and villages as units and conduct self-management in accordance with customs and regulations. Creating a vigorous grassroots sports social organisation development pattern is conducive to enriching the governance form of rural society, mobilising rural people through participation in sports and cultural activities. Through the 347

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development of rural sports guidance, providing fitness services, and holding various group competitions to bring people together, grassroots sports social organizations promote communication and exchanges among the people, enhance the grassroots people’s sense of identity and belong to rural development, and strengthen the cohesion and centripetal force of grassroots social groups by cultivating rural social capital, promoting orderly rural governance, and creating a good governance atmosphere in rural areas. In this field, some researchers took 40 grassroots sports social organizations in the pilot villages of beautiful rural construction in seven counties and cities in western Fujian as their research objects. The importance was of elites in grassroots sports social organizations participating in rural sports governance. In addition, to change the single ‘village self-government’ tradition, integrate the grassroots government administrative departments, market organisations, and village sages and other governance entities, and jointly provide advice and suggestions for grassroots sports social organizations to participate in grassroots sports governance. Through the construction of a grassroots sports social organisation governance pattern featuring autonomy, rule of law, and the ‘three governance integration’ of the rule of virtue, a new vision of rural governance of ‘orderly governance and social stability’ will be created.

Open the Door to Wealth in Rural Sports By digging deeply into the composite functions of grassroots sports social organizations, the important value of sports as a new driving force for rural development can be brought into play. Vigorously organising grassroots cultural and sports activities promote the common development of culture, sports, tourism, leisure, health, and other industries. Fully demonstrate the radiation and charisma of grassroots sports social organizations, expand the influence and publicity of grassroots sports social organizations, enhance the cohesion between rural sports activities and sports consumption, develop the commercial value of rural sports activities, and increase rural sports activities added value. For example, Lian’an Village, Shanwei City, Guangdong Province, was originally one of the 20 provincially designated poor villages in Luhe County. In recent years, by actively playing the role of grassroots sports social organizations, it has fully demonstrated the resources and advantages of sports assistance. Helping villages, supporting towns, and assisting counties highlight the ‘sports+’ characteristics, through improving the village collective economy to increase income, preventing poor households from returning to poverty, the sustainable development mechanism of sports assistance projects, and holding influential sports events. Both social and economic benefits have been harvested, and its beneficial practices are worth borrowing and absorbing. At the same time, identify the entry point for the integration of tourism, catering, shopping, accommodation, viewing, entertainment, and other related industries with sports and the focus in rural construction, and stimulate the rural economy through the ‘sports platform, multi-industry singing’ to develop and expand the scale of the rural economy, broaden the income channels of farmers, promote farmers to become rich and increase their income, and meet the growing sports needs of the grassroots people for a better life.

The Ways to Realise the Strategy of Rural Rejuvenation Promoted by the Grassroots Sports Social Organizations Improve the Macro Layout: Strengthen the Top-Level Design and System Guarantee for the Development of Grassroots Sports Social Organizations In the context of rural revitalisation, efforts should be made to provide guarantees for the promotion of the development of grassroots sports social organizations from the level of policies and regulations, and make a good development plan for grassroots sports social organizations, highlighting the promotion of the prosperity of rural industries, ecological livability, rural civilisation, and effective governance. Clarify 348

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the relationship between different levels of government, increase the importance of government departments at all levels on cultivating the development of grassroots sports social organizations, strengthen the government’s support for grassroots sports social organizations, and clarify the role of the grassroots government in promoting the development of grassroots social organisations service functions. In terms of policies, funds, conditions, venues, and personnel, a certain degree of preference should be given to organisational development, and its registration and filing conditions should be relaxed, and the cultivation efforts should be strengthened. Improve the level of external supervision to ensure the standardisation, orderliness, and legitimacy of grassroots sports social organizations in rural development. In addition, speed up the formulation of laws and regulations to ensure the development of grassroots social organisations, increase grassroots legal power, implement the governance of grassroots sports social organizations with the rule of law as the core, and promulgate the rural social organisation law as soon as possible to clarify the nature, status, obligations, and responsibilities of grassroots sports social organizations. Based on the development status of different rural areas, rationally formulate grassroots local regulations and incentive systems for the development of grassroots social organisations, fundamentally provide institutional support for the healthy development of grassroots sports social organizations, and help rural revitalisation strategies.

Focus on Micro-Governance: Improve the Autonomy of Grassroots Sports Social Organizations Improving the level of self-management and self-regulation is the only way to promote sustainable and sound development of grassroots sports social organizations and integrate into the rural revitalisation strategy. History has shown that although in a traditional society, the government’s control over the villages is not thorough and complete, the Chinese villages have not enjoyed true autonomy. Facing the basic characteristics of grassroots sports social organizations, such as strong flexibility and high mobility, it is necessary to promote the transformation of grassroots government functions, improve service levels, and promote the endogenous motivation of the organisation through external assistance. In particular, it is necessary to increase the internal management of the organisation by encouraging grassroots sports social organizations to establish self-discipline conventions, issue organisational constitutions, and implement internal supervision. At the same time, strengthen the publicity and training of the rural masses participating in the activities of grassroots sports social organizations, and enhance the comprehensive quality and self-discipline awareness of the organisation members by activating the organisation’s own governance function; meeting the needs of organisational autonomy; promoting grassroots sports and social organisations to become an organic carrier to rebuild rural unity and social unity; and promoting rural industry, ecology, rural customs, and life with effective organisational governance to continuously improve at a new level. In this regard, some scholars’ research on the grassroots sports social organisation named ‘Dawn Footsteps Organization’ shows that volunteers of this organisation use new media methods to implement independent management, through the official website, QQ group, etc., to better the autonomous role of the organisation has been brought into play, and these practices are worth learning and promoting.

Play a Synergistic Role: Create a New Pattern of Grassroots Sports Social Organisation Governance That Builds, Governs, and Shares Together The Fifth Plenary Session of the Nineteenth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China pointed out that ‘improving the social governance system of co-construction, co-governance and sharing … promotes the all-round development of people and the all-round progress of society’. It puts forward overall requirements for participating in social construction, participating in social governance, and sharing governance results. It is also an important action strategy that can be used for reference in the construction 349

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of grassroots sports social organizations. Give full play to the co-construction and co-governance role of grassroots governments, grassroots party organisations, grassroots sports social organizations, and rural masses, etc., and use innovative methods, coordinated methods, green concepts, open actions, and a shared pattern to make good use of the three starting points of rural venues and facilities, nongovernmental events, and grassroots sports social organizations to strengthen the construction of digital villages, help the construction of the ‘Six Sides’ project of mass sports, improve the public sports service system for national fitness in rural areas, and solve the ‘difficulty in fitness’ of the grassroots. Promote different governance entities to adopt a diverse and collaborative approach to participate in grassroots sports social organizations in an orderly manner to promote the development of rural industries, create a livable environment for rural areas, enrich rural multiculturalism, seek a wealthy life in rural governance scenarios, and promote equal and common enjoyment by all rural people.8 Realise the modernisation of rural governance capabilities through guiding, service-oriented, networked governance methods and the concept of diversified governance entities, and use the construction of grassroots sports social organizations as the starting point to continuously promote the rural revitalisation strategy to a higher-quality development platform. In the new development stage, hand in a ‘sports answer sheet’ for rural revitalisation, and embark on a ‘sports road’ for rural revitalisation.

Conclusion The implementation of the rural revitalisation strategy is a major decision and deployment made by the party and the state to solve the unbalanced development of urban and rural areas and insufficient rural development, and to comply with the aspirations of hundreds of millions of farmers for a better life. It is necessary to fully follow the general objectives and general principles of the rural revitalisation strategy, further accelerate the construction of grassroots sports social organizations, develop and cultivate the multiple functions of grassroots sports social organizations, and give play to the important role of grassroots sports social organizations taking root in the countryside, serving the grassroots and benefiting the masses. Provide more dynamic and more down-to-earth sports activities for the prosperity of rural industries, ecological livability, rural civilisation, effective governance, and affluent life; plan better sports programs; and contribute more solid sports power to make agriculture stronger and rural areas stronger, prettier, farmers richer.

Notes 1 Ramirez B.I. and Arregui, J.A., ‘The Necessary Connection between Sport and Rural Development: Some Reflections from the Basque Case’, Revista de Humanidades, no. 34 (2018): 107–128. 2 Tonts M and Atherley K, ‘Rural Restructuring and the Changing Geography of Competitive Sport’, Australian Geographer, no. 36 (2005): 125–144. 3 Caput Jogunica Romana and Glaser Tara, ‘Sport and Recreational Activities in Rural Tourism of Zagreb County’, Agroeconomia Croatica 10, no. 1 (2020): 130–135. 4 Jixing Wu and Jo Woogyeon, ‘The Effects on the Sense of National Community and the Ethnic Identity according to the Participation of Traditional Leisure Sports: Focused on the Korean Village (Sunamchon) in China’, Korean Journal of Leisure, Recreation & Park 42, no. 2 (2018): 25–38. 5 Rich K and Misener L, ‘Playing on the Periphery: Troubling Sport Policy, Systemic Exclusion and the Role of Sport in Rural Canada’, Sport in Society 6, no. 22 (2019): 1005–1024. 6 Hsu Bryan, et al., ‘How Sport Tourism Event Image Fit Enhances Residents’ Perceptions of Place Image and Their Quality of Life’, Sustainability 12, no. 19 (2020): 8227. 7 Alireza Jalalzaei, ‘The Role of Athletic Tourism in Economic Evolution and Sustainable Development in Rudbar-e Ghasran Village’, International Journal of Culture and Tourism Research 7, no. 1 (2014): 21–34. 8 Xiaofeng Shi, ‘Value Expression and Development Path of Sports Tourism under the Strategy of Rural Revitalization’, Journal of Human Movement Science 2, no. 2 (2021): 37–43.

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Bibliography Cheadle, C. ‘Overtraining Athletes: Personal Journeys in Sport.’ Sport Psychologist 24, no. 4 (2008):558–559. Daniel, William Barker. Rural Sports. US: Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018. Jalalzaei, Alireza. ‘The Role of Athletic Tourism in Economic Evolution and Sustainable Development in Rudbar-e Ghasran Village.’ International Journal of Culture and Tourism Research 7, no. 1 (2014):21–34. Shi, Xiaofeng. ‘Value Expression and Development Path of Sports Tourism under the Strategy of Rural Revitalization.’ Journal of Human Movement Science 2, no. 2 (2021):37–43. Tony, Collins, John Martin and Wray Vamplew. Encyclopedia of Traditional British Rural Sports. London: Routledge, 2010. Wu, Jixing and Jo Woogyeon. ‘The Effects on the Sense of National Community and the Ethnic Identity according to the Participation of Traditional Leisure Sports: Focused on the Korean Village (Sunamchon) in China.’ Korean Journal of Leisure, Recreation & Park 42, no. 2 (2018):25–38.

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43 SPORT ECONOMY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT Feng Jing

Introduction Sports not only have an impact on people’s health, but also on urban and economic development. Various research studies have explored the relationship between sports economy and urban development which highlight the way in which China is strongly reflected by the sports city construction, booming with marathon events and sports parks construction. Sports city construction reflected the vision of local governments on developing the sports economy. The boom of marathon events is a symbol of the transformation of ordinary people’s lifestyles within sports market development. Sports park construction shows the determination and working focus of sports development at the national level, which aims to stimulate economic development and further provide a better sporting environment for the society.

Sports Industry and Urban Development in China In the field of sports and urban research, the relationship between sports and the city is the dominant focus of scholars’ research. From the perspective of Western countries, whether it is the United States or Europe, scholars have successively begun to study sports and cities since the 1980s. These early studies on cities and sports mainly focused on the changes of sports in cities from the perspective of historical development, such as Richard Holt and Steve A. Riess.1 From the 1990s to the present, a large part of the research on sports and cities has focused on the economic role of sports. The role of sports in promoting urban economic development has been increasingly recognized, especially in the post-industrial era, with the rapid development of the service industry and economic development led by sports, such as the connection between the construction of sports venues and economic development. In China, the development of the sports event industry is regarded as the core that drives the development of urban development, sports culture, and economy, especially after 2014. Mass sports participation also results in the consumption of sports-related facilities, clothes, foods, drinks, etc., in order to promote the sports industry development and enrich people’s leisure time recreation, and finally stimulate economic growth. In 2014, the State Council of China promulgated the ‘Several Opinions on Accelerating the Development of the Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption’ (关于加快体育产业发 展促进体育消费的若干意见） (hereinafter referred to as ‘Circular 46’), and China’s sports industry has also launched a round of rapid growth. Since then, the sports industry has quickly become a new economic outlet with the help of policy incentives and resource agglomeration. It has shown a very strong 352

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momentum of development in the past five years. In 2016, the 13th Five-Year-Plan of Sport Development was released and an aim of 3,000 billion RMB total scale of the sports industry was proposed to be reached in 2020. In order to achieve the goal, a series of related measures were also promoted in this plan. Under the blessing of a series of policies, the sports industry in China was in the fast lane. These were represented by worldwide sports city construction and development of marathon events.

Construction of Sports Cities Some cities in the world are recognized as sports cities, such as Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, Los Angeles, Barcelona, London, Manchester, Melbourne, and so forth. These cities are renowned for their home sports club/teams or sports events held in the city. More importantly, these cities benefit from the sports. It is difficult to discuss whether to the chicken or egg came first, but it is commonly recognized that to become a sports city, there are several features that the city should have. For example, according to Liu, the following are characteristics that a city should have. These features are, firstly, a city should be recognized by the world with a high level of economic and social development and strong overall strength. Secondly, a city should have organized/hosted top-level events with major international influence. Thirdly, sports are highly socialized. Fourth, the sports industry should be highly developed and sports consumption should be vigorous. Fifth, professional sports should be highly developed and often have first-class professional sports clubs. Sixth, a city should have world-class sports facilities and internationally renowned stadiums. Seventh, a city should be the location of the global or regional heads of many international or regional sports organizations, well-known sports companies, or companies, and eighth, it has worldwide influence on the sports culture.2 As one of the most authoritative city rating agencies in the world, GaWC (Globalization and World Cities) has released the ‘World Cities List’ from time to time since 2000. It determines a city in the world by examining the flow of financial, professional, and innovative knowledge between cities. This list is considered the world’s most authoritative ranking of world cities. GaWC uses its unique perspective to divide cities into Alpha, Beta, Gamma, and sufficiency (+/-) (i.e., global one, two, three, and four lines) to show the position and integration of cities in the global economy. According to GaWC List 2018, six Chinese cities were listed, among which Beijing and Shanghai was ranked Alpha+, Guangzhou was listed as Alpha with Shenzhen Alpha-, and Chengdu and Hangzhou at the level of Beta. The economy of these cities increased rapidly between 2017 and 2019 (see Table 43.1). Based on the economic development, these cities proposed urban development plans to promote the geography, transportation, public service and culture, ecological environment, and urban security. For

Table 43.1 List of national economic status of the country and representative cities (Unit: 100 million) Region/City

Nation Beijing Shanghai Guangzhou Shenzhen Nanjing Chengdu

2017

2018

2019

GDP

Growth rate

GDP

Growth rate

GDP

Growth rate

827122 28000.4 30133.86 21503.15 22438.39 11715.10 13889.39

6.9% 6.7% 6.9% 7.0% 8.8% 8.1% 8.1%

900309 30320 36011.82 22859.35 24221.98 12,820.40 15342.77

6.6% 6.6% 10.2% 6.2% 7.6% 8% 8%

990865 26927.09 38155.32 23628.60 26927.06 14030.15 17012.65

6.1% 6.1% 6.0% 6.8% 6.7% 9.44% 7.8%

Source: Data from official websites of the Statistics Bureau and Municipal Government of Nanjing and Chengdu.

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Document

Released by/Year

Nanjing

‘Build Nanjing into a large-scale sports event center with international influence’ in Implementation Opinions of Nanjing City on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption The Outline of the Construction of Shanghai’s World- Famous Sports City Several Measures on Speeding up the Innovation and Development of Sports Industry N/A

Nanjing Development and Reform Committee, 2017

Shanghai Shenzhen Guangzhou

Chengdu

Outline for the Construction of Chengdu World Tournament City

General Office of Shanghai Municipal People’s Government, 2020 General Office of Shenzhen Municipal People’s Government, 2020 first publicly proposed at 2021 Sport Expo by speech of the Director of Guangzhou Sport Bureau Chengdu Municipal Government, 2021

Source: Data from the official websites of local government of Nanjing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Guangzhou, and Chengdu.

example, Shanghai released its Overall Plan of Shanghai Urban 2017–2035（上海市城市总体规划 2017–2035 年）(hereinafter referred to as ‘Shanghai 2035’) in 2018. In Shanghai 2035, it planned to ‘build 15 minutes community life cercle … and aims that the 15-minute walk coverage rate of the public service facilities of health, elderly care, sports, culture, and education reach around 99%’.3 Shanghai also aims to host more than 40 international cultural and sporting events by 2035 and to have 10 professional football fields in the city by 2035, to reserve high-level special stadiums and training bases to meet the needs of holding international largescale sports events.4 Shenzhen released its plan to carry out the renewal of the villages in urban areas to improve the quality of urban development and enhance urban competitiveness5 (see Table 43.2).

Boom of Marathon Events Previously, marathon events in China were very limited and experienced slow development. In 1981, there was only one marathon event and 86 people participated. Until 2003, there were only eight marathon events held in China. From 2004 to 2011, the marathon events held in China increased from 10 to 40, and the participant number reached 400,000 in 2014. The participant number increased to 4.98 million in 2017.6 In 2019, the total participants of different types of marathon events (marathon, half marathon, mini-run, trail run, ten-km run, etc.) reached 7.13 million.7 In 2019, 334 prefecture-level cities and 4 municipalities held marathon events, among which 187 cities held certified marathon events. Besides four municipals, Chengdu, Hangzhou, and Nanjing ranked the top three cities holding different scales of marathon events. In 2019, they, respectively, held 57, 55, and 55 marathon events.8 Marathon event development in China has increased significantly since 2015. In 2011, a total of 22 marathon events were held. In 2014, the events held increased to 51. However, since the Circular 46, marathon events rocked to 993 in 2016, which included 328 certified events and in 2019, the total marathon events increased to 1,828, among which 357 were certified events. Compared to 2018, the events held increased 15.62%. A total of 31 provinces and municipalities held certified marathons in 2019.9 Nineteen prefecture-level cities held certified marathon events in 2019. From 2008 to 2019, WA-certified marathon events increased from 2 to 24. In 2020, the total WA-certified events increased to 35, which included 13 international gold-level marathon events.10 354

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To explore the reasons for the boom of marathons events, on one side, might be the result of the reform of management of sports events. Several Opinions of the General Administration of Sports on Promoting the Reform of the Approval System for Sports Events（体育总局《关于推进体育赛事审批制度改革的若干 意见》) in 2014 stated that: Except for the national comprehensive sports games and a few special events, the approval of national sports events, including commercial and mass sports events, will be cancelled. Improve the supervision measures during and after the event, strengthen the service of sports events, and effectively prevent the risks of running the games.11 This document delineated the institutional barriers of social forces to organize and host sports events. The cancellation of the approval system for commercial and mass sports events has lowered the threshold for city marathon events, simplified the event bidding process and procedures, and made domestic marathon events transformed from ‘organized by the government’ to ‘government assistance and guidance, third-party sports organization organize and operate’. On the other side, the increase of marathon events reflected the reality and requirement of ordinary people participating in marathon events. Participation in marathon events not only become a way of life for certain social stratifications, but also reflected the transformation of people’s concepts of health and sports. Further, this trend stimulated people’s demand for outdoor sports space.

Urban Space and Sports Parks Construction With the enthusiasm of people participating in sports, it was quite common to see different groups of people fighting for outdoor sports exercise spaces. This was normally reflected by conflicts between a group of people who participated in guangchangwu (广场舞，guangchang: square; wu: dancing) and others. Several areas of research have discussed this social phenomenon that disturbs people.12,13 The results of many studies point to one main reason, that is, there is a serious lack of public space for sports and leisure. On October 10, 2020, the General Office of the State Council issued the ‘Opinions on Strengthening the Construction of National Fitness Facilities to Develop Mass Sports’（关于加强全民健身设施建设发展群众 体育的意见）. On October 23, 2021, Guiding Opinions on Promoting the Construction of Sports Parks（关于 推进体育公园建设的指导意见） was also released. Both documents aim to improve the urban space to meet people’s demand for sports and fitness, and finally to promote people’s quality of life. As Deputy Director Peng Fuwei of the Department of Social Development at National Reform and Development Commission said at the press conference: The more developed the economy, the denser the population, and the tighter the land, the greater the demand for sports and fitness, and the greater the gap in fitness facilities. Therefore, according to the population size layout, it can highlight the role of population as a ‘locator’, so that localities can clearly know how many debts they still have, and guide localities to make up for the shortcomings of fitness facilities in a targeted manner.14

Conclusion The relationship between sports and city, the role of sports on economy, and urban development has been discussed by researchers, both foreign and domestic. Sports have been regarded as the new driving force of urban development, economic development, and cultural soft power and play a unique role in urban competition in China. The features of sports economy and urban development in China is concentrated on three aspects, which include sports city construction, expansion of marathon events, and sports park construction. Although the role of sports on the economy is obvious and evidenced, the role of sports on 355

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urban development should be rationally treated. Regardless of whether the goal of a world sports city can be achieved or not, efforts to achieve this goal hope to provide more convenient and better conditions for ordinary people to participate in sports. The role that the government can play is to set goals and provide guidance, and the rest needs to be left to the market.

Notes 1 For example, Riess express his opinions in his works ‘City Games: The Evolution of American Urban Society and the Rise of Sports’ (1989), ‘Sport in Industrial America, 1895–1920’ (2013), etc., Holt, ‘Sport and the British: A Modern History’, and Holt& Mason, ‘Sport in Britain 1945–2000’(1989). Ian Henry et al discussed the relation between sport and city in the Book ‘Sport in the City: The Role of Sport in Economic and Social Regeneration’, 2002. 2 Liu，Dongfeng.刘东峰, ‘论全球体育城市的内涵、特征与评价’ (Discussion on Connotation, Feature, and Evaluation of World Sport City)’, 体育学研究 (Journal of Research on Sport)1, no. 4 (2018): 58–65. 3 ‘Shanghai Municipal Government, Shanghai Overall Urban Plan 2017–2035’, The website of Shanghai Government, January 4, 2018. Accessed December 10, 2021.2035001.pdf (shanghai.gov.cn). 4 Ibid. 5 ‘Shenzhen City Planning and Natural Resources Bureau. Shenzhen City Village (Old Village) Comprehensive Renovation Plan (2019–2025)’, The Website of Shenzhen Government, May 27, 2019, Accessed December 10, 2021. 1344686.pdf (sz.gov.cn). 6 Yingzhi Ma, Research of Marathon Events Governance in China (Master thesis, Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics, China, 2018). 7 Chinese Athletics Association. 中国田径协会, ‘Blue Book of Chinese Marathon 中国马拉松赛事蓝皮书 2019’. 8 Ibid, 23. 9 Ibid, 20–21. 10 Ibid, 8–9. 11 ‘General Administration of Sports of China’, Several Opinions on Promoting the Reform of the Approval System for Sports Events, Accessed December 10, 2021. http://www.sport.gov.cn/n315/n331/n403/n1956/c782895/conent.html. 12 Jifang Yuan, ‘Seeing the Lack of Urban Sports Leisure Public Space from the Disturbing People by Square Dance’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 48, no. 9 (2014): 34–38. 13 Li and Shi, The Deep Reason of Square Dancing Disturbing People and its Treatment, 26. 14 ‘National Reform and Development Commission’, The National Development and Reform Commission Held a Press Conference on the Promotion of the Construction of Sports Parks, October 29, 2021. Accessed December 10th, 2021. www.china.com.cn/zhibo/content_77838703.htm.

Bibliography Chinese Athletics Association 中国田径协会. Blue Book of Chinese Marathon 中国马拉松赛事蓝皮书 2019. ‘General Administration of Sports of China’, Several Opinions on Promoting the Reform of the Approval System for Sports Events. Accessed December 10, 2021. http://www.sport.gov.cn/n315/n331/n403/n1956/c782895/conent.html. Liang, Qinchao 梁勤超, Li, Yuan 李源, Shi, Zhenguo 石振国. ‘广场舞扰民的深层原因及其治理’ (The Deep Reason of Square Dancing Disturbing People and its Treatment).’ 北京体育大学学报 Journal of Beijing Sport University 39, no.1 (2016):26–31+111. Liu, Dongfeng. 刘东峰. ‘论全球体育城市的内涵、特征与评价’ (Discussion on Connotation, Feature, and Evaluation of World Sport City).’ 体育学研究 (Journal of Research on Sport) 1, no.4 (2018):58–65. ‘National Reform and Development Commission’, The National Development and Reform Commission Held a Press Conference on the Promotion of the Construction of Sports Parks, October 29, 2021. Accessed December 10, 2021. www.china.com.cn/zhibo/content_77838703.htm. ‘Shanghai Municipal Government, Shanghai Overall Urban Plan 2017–2035’, The Website of Shanghai Government, January 4, 2018. Accessed December 10, 2021. 2035001.pdf (shanghai.gov.cn). ‘Shenzhen City Planning and Natural Resources Bureau. Shenzhen City Village (Old Village) Comprehensive Renovation Plan (2019–2025)’, The Website of Shenzhen Government, May 27, 2019. Accessed December 10, 2021. 1344686.pdf (sz.gov.cn). Yuan, Jifang 袁继芳, Chen, Jianguo 陈建国. ‘从广场舞扰民看城市体育休闲空间的缺失’（Seeing the Lack of Urban Sports Leisure Public Space from the Disturbing People by Square Dance).’ 武汉体育学院学报（Journal of Wuhan Sports University) 48, no.9 (2014):34–38.

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44 LEISURE SPORTS IN CHINA Policy and Practice Su Xiaoyan, Shi Qing, and Liu Yiwei

Introduction Different from competitive sports, which are more connected to the elite sports, leisure sports are part of mass sports with the functions of fitness, recreation, and economic development. However, the economic function was not well recognized before 1978.1 With Deng Xiaoping’s Economic Reform and Opendoor Policy post-1978, more and more leisure sports policies have been issued by the China State Sports Commission and other national administrations. Along with the strategy of Health China in the report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2017, leisure sports, as a significant content of Health China, have drawn increasing attention both in policy and practice. This chapter introduces the development of leisure sports in China from 1978 to the present.

Leisure Sports Policy in China According to the time when the relevant contents of China’s leisure sports industry policy appeared, the development process of leisure sports policy in China can be divided into four stages: starting stage (1978–1991), exploration stage (1992–2001), deepening stage (2002–2015), and rapidly developing stage (2016 to the present).

Starting Stage (1978–1991) The period from 1978 to 1991 just saw the beginning of the sports industry in China. Before 1978, the industrial status and economic function of sports was not recognized by most people, and the concept of leisure sports had not been formed in China at that time.2 After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee in 1978, the China State Sports Commission proposed developing the sports industry and some policies were issued by the sports administrative department to promote the sports industry. For example, in 1979, the China State Sports Commission and the National Tourism Administration jointly issued The Request for Instructions on Opening Up Mountain Areas and Carrying Out International Mountaineering Activities 《关于开放山区、开展国际登山活动的请示》 ( ). To some extent, these policies drove the leisure sports development. At the same time, people began to recognize the fitness values of leisure sports and have the demand for sports fitness and sports skill guidance. The stadiums and gymnasiums were gradually opened to the public. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-53

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The government dominated the development of leisure sports through the relevant sports industrial policies at this period. Deng’s reform and opening-up policies drove the beginning of sports marketization. However, the sports industry developed slowly due to two reasons. Firstly, sports administrations directed the industries whilst irrelevant to sports. For example, they just developed catering industries, shopping businesses, and renting industries. Secondly, only a few people recognized the fitness and recreation value of leisure sports due to the low economic level of China at that time. It can be seen that leisure sports were just at the starting stage towards marketization from 1978 to 1991, both in policy and practice just like most emerging industries.

Exploration Stage (1992–2001) The period from 1992 to 2001 saw the exploration and development of China’s leisure sports industry. More sports industry policies and tertiary industry were issued to deepen the Economic Reform and Open-door Policy. In 1992, the China State Council issued The Decision on Accelerating the Development of the Tertiary Industry 《关于加快发展第三产业的决定》 ( ), in which sports and tourism industries were identified as part of the tertiary industry to improve people’s scientific and cultural levels and quality of life. The significance of leisure sports was emphasized to promote and support from the perspective of economic to social development, and fitness and recreation to individuals. One year later, the State Sports Commission issued The Opinions of the State Sports Commission on Deepening Sports Reform 《国家体委关于深化体育改革的意见》 ( ) to promote sports industry through the means of marketization and industrialization in 1993. These policies drove the development of the sports and leisure industry under which more people participated and enjoyed leisure sports activities. This period witnessed some sports with high consumption levels entering the field of fitness, which promoted the development of the leisure sports industry. In 1994, The Notice of the State Sports Commission on Strengthening Sports Market Management 《国家体委关于加强体育市场管理的通 ( 知》) was issued to regulate the scope and management of sports market. The country’s emerging sports industry was classified into three categories in line with The Outline of Sports Industry Development (1995–2010) 《体育产业发展纲要（1995–2010） ( 》) in 1995, in which leisure sports belonged to the first category, sports-dominated industry. The sports-dominated industry included athletic contests and performance, sports training and consulting, sports fitness, entertainment, etc. This outline emphasized the necessity of developing a sports industry in China from economic and social aspects and provided the strategic developmental direction of the industry 15 years into the future. The outline also regulated the deepened reform of the sports industry in which the investment principle of the sports industry was “who invest, who own, and who benefit (谁投资、谁所有、谁获益)”. These policies promoted the development of the sports industry greatly. The policies stimulated the sports industry to develop rapidly whilst the implementation effect of the policy gradually decreased with time. For example, The Announcement of the State Sports Commission on Further Strengthening the Management of Sports Business Activities 《 ( 国家体委关于 进一步加强体育经营活动管理的通知》) was issued in 1996 to regulate the sports industry market, in which some irregular operations were listed, such as cheating consumers, gambling, operating sports business without the permission of sports administrations, etc. Clearly, the policies accelerated the development of the sports industry on one hand, and also led to some irregular consequences on the other hand. These policies and consequences indicated that leisure sports were still on the stage of explored development. In practice, leisure sports were gradually accepted as a sector of the public health industry, which became increasingly popular. More and more infrastructure and facilities relevant to leisure sports activities were arranged for the public, such as golf courses, bowling alleys, fitness centers, and discotheques. The framework of the leisure sports industry in China has gradually formed under the policies and practice. 358

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Deepening Stage (2002–2015) The period from 2002 to 2015 saw the rapid development of leisure sports in China. On the one hand, Beijing’s successful bid for the Olympic Games aroused people’s enthusiasm for sports in 2001 and thereafter. On the other hand, the improvement of economic income and increase of people’s disposable income provided bases for leisure sports consumption since China’s per capita GDP exceeded 1,000 U.S. dollars in 2003. At the same time, The Promulgation of the Administrative License Law of the People’s Republic of China 《中华人民共和国行政许可法》 ( ) was issued in 2003 to change the role of government, under which the government eased administrative permissions to leisure sports items with more policies of reforming the sports industry. The role of government has shifted gradually from domination to governance. Additional policies were issued to promote the leisure sports industry from 2002. The Opinions of the CPC Central Committee and The State Council on Further Strengthening and Improving Sports Work in New Period 《中共中央、国务院关于进一步加强和改进新时期体育工作的意见》 ( ) were issued in 2002, in which extensive mass fitness program and institutional reforms of sports administration were emphasized. As part of mass sports with an industrial feature, leisure sports developed rapidly. Later in 2009, an administrative law and regulation about the mass fitness program, The Regulations on Extensive Mass Fitness 《全民健身条例》 ( ), was promulgated by the State Council to promote mass fitness and leisure services through legal means. This regulation played a positive role in ensuring the development of the leisure sports industry since it requires governments at all levels to put an extensive mass fitness program in local development planning and provide public fitness infrastructure. It also encourages and supports the development of sports consumption and sports industry to meet the suitable sports needs of people. Clearly, the Opinion and Regulation effectively promoted and guaranteed the development of the sports industry. This period witnessed the institutional transformation of the industry’s administrative role from the government-dominated to the government-guided. Two significant policies were issued to support this transformation. The first one was The Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry 《关于加快发展体育产业的指导意见》 ( ) issued in 2010 by the State Council to vigorously develop the sports market. The second one was The Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption 《关于加快发展体育产业促进体育消费的若干意见》 ( ) issued in 2014 by the State Council to develop leisure sports industry. Both documents noted the institutional reform of the role of government in the sports industry from domination to guidance. Under the above policies, leisure sports gradually became popular activities with growing numbers of participants throughout China. Together with the establishment and continuous improvement of the economic market system in China, more and more enterprises invested in the Chinese leisure sports market. The leisure sports industry became an important method to meet Chinese people’s leisure sports needs and promote mass fitness.

Rapidly Developing Stage (2016 to the Present) The period after 2016 has seen the rapid development of leisure sports with more supported policies and people’s needs for mass fitness. Due to the insufficient supply of leisure sports services and low levels of consumption of leisure sports in China for a long time,3 the central government issued many significant policies to support the strategy of Health China in this period. There were 23 relevant policies issued by the central government or relevant national administrations to develop leisure sports from 2016 to 2019.4 China’s leisure sports market has entered a stage of rapid development and gradually standardized growth, and the implementation effect of relevant policies also tends to be stable. In 2016, the State Council issued The Plans on Extensive Mass Fitness 2016–2020 《全民健身计划 ( (2016–2020年）》) and The Planning Outline of Health China 2030 《健康中国 ( 2030 规划纲要》) to 359

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support mass fitness and leisure sports. The Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Fitness and Leisure Industry 《关于加快发展健身休闲产业的指导意见》 ( ) was issued by the General Office of the State Council in 2016 to note the significance, principle, goal, and key scope of developing fitness and leisure sports. The policy points out that it is an inevitable requirement of accelerating the development of the leisure sports industry to enhance people’s physique and livelihood, tap consumption potential, cultivate new economic growth points, and improve mass fitness and national health. Influenced by the above state policies, many city governments have subsequently issued relevant implementation plans to support the development of leisure sports. The policies have driven the rapid development of leisure sports in practice in China. According to the Development of Sports Consumption in 2017 released by the National Development and Reform Commission, the total output value and added value of the leisure sports industry grew rapidly in 2017 as the growth rate exceeding 30%. This shows that the consumption capacity and vitality in the field of the leisure sports industry of Chinese people have increased rapidly. It can be seen that China needs to enhance the supply capacity, enrich the supply content, and improve the supply quality of leisure sports.5

Leisure Sports Practice in China In line with some scholars’ suggestions6,7 and the key scopes of leisure sports in the Guiding Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Fitness and Leisure Industry 《 ( 关于加快发展健身休闲产业的指 导意见》), leisure sports include four categories in China, outdoor sports, special sports activities, tourism sports, and everyday fitness activities. The following part of this chapter will focus on the introduction of the practice of the four categories of leisure sports in China.

Outdoor Sports As a significant part of leisure sports, outdoor sports have attracted more and more people since 2000. In line with the time, location, and feature, outdoor sports include mountain outdoor sport, aquatic sports, winter sports, car racing sports, aero sports, and cycling sports. According to the statistics of 2017, China’s Resident Consumption Development Report 《 ( 2017中国居民消费发展报告》) released by the National Development and Reform Commission, outdoor sports population reached 130–170 million in 2017, in which the population regularly participating in mountain outdoor sports reached 60–70 million. In recent years, the mountain outdoor sports market in China has developed rapidly, mainly including rock climbing, skiing, mountaineering, paragliding, hiking, camping, and cross-country.8 In recent years, the scale of aquatic sports consumption and investment in China has been expanding. Activities related to aquatic sports in China mainly include sailing, rowing, kayaking, motor boating, water skiing, diving, surfing, rafting, and so on.9 According to 2017 China’s Resident Consumption Development Report, the total output of rowing projects reached RMB4.214 billion and kayaking projects reached RMB14.5 billion; the total social investment of water skiing project reached RMB17 million and motorboat project reached nearly RMB140 million; the consumption driven by the event reached RMB30 million and by the event was more than RMB3 billion. Dividing between ice and snow venues, winter sports have attracted more and more steadily increasing numbers of consumers in recent years.10 Both ice sports and snow sports have various types in China. Ice sports include speed skating, figure skating, skating, short track speed skating, curling, and so on, while snow sports include alpine skiing, cross-country skiing, ski jumping, figure skiing, sled, snowmobile, and so on.11 According to 2017 China’s Resident Consumption Development Report, the total sale of China’s ice and snow industry has reached RMB397.6 billion, and the number of people participating in skiing has reached 17.5 million. 360

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Recently, aviation sports have also developed rapidly in China. Generally, aviation sports include the hot-air balloon, sports aircraft, skydiving, gliding, light UAV driving, and aircraft model with a total of 26 projects in six categories.12 At present, there are more than 150 aviation flight camps named by the China Aviation Sports Association, with 30,190 members and 18,045 registered members. Car racing sports and cycling sports have attracted more and more fans in China. From field races, gokart races, formulas to cross-country races and rally races, more and more Chinese people gradually realize the fun of racing.13 According to the 2017 China’s Resident Consumption Development Report, there were 119 auto and motorcycle championships in China, and 256 auto-driving camps were approved to construct. As for cycling sports, more than 4,000 cycling events were held in China in 2017, and there were more than 100,000 cycling clubs and nearly 10 million people participate in cycling.

Special Sports Activities Consistent with the timeline, special sports activities include two kinds, fashion sports and traditional sports. Traditional sports include martial arts, dragon boat, dragon and lion dance, and some intangible sports heritage activities. Fashion sports refer to sports with strong public participation and a wide range of popularity, including not only competitive sports but also fitness and entertainment activities.14 Aiming to fitness, mental health, intelligence, entertainment, leisure, and social networking, fashion sports are both entertaining and interesting, including many kinds of sports, such as extreme sports, electronic sports, equestrian, horseback riding, golf, fencing, yoga, hip-hop dance, and so forth. Recently, certain new kinds of sports activities, such as extreme sports and electronic sports, have become popular. Extreme sports is a general term combining some challenging sports, divided into five categories: ground, snow, water, air, and comprehensive. Extreme sports have come into China and experienced rapid development since the 1990s. Especially after the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the prospect of some extreme sports is promising in China.15 Electronic sports (Esports) is yet another popular special activity which takes the software and hardware of computers as the instrument and realizes the confrontation among the participants under the rules of the sport.16 The scale of the Esports market reached RMB77 billion and more than 500 E-sports events were held in 2017. In the past three years, the annual growth rate of Esports users in China has remained above 20%.17 Different from the challenging features of extreme sports and electronic sports, some highconsumption sports activities, such as golf and equestrian, attract growing numbers of people. According to The Research Report on the Development Status and Investment Strategy of China’s Golf Industry 《中国高尔夫行业发展现状及投资战略研究报告》 ( ), there were 438 golf courses in China by the end of 2016 with the golf population at nearly 5 million. According to The Report on the Development of China’s Equestrian Market in 2017 《中国马术市场发展状况报告2017》 ( ), there were 1,452 equestrian clubs in China with an average annual sales of RMB6.37 million. The consumption of equestrian is relatively high, while it still attracts lots of people. According to the statistics of the China Equestrian Association, the annual bonus of China Malaysia International Series events in 2017 exceeded RMB 10 million with the combination of participants and horses exceeding 3,000 groups and the audience exceeding 50,000.

Sports Tourism As an integrated type of tourism and sports, sports tourism has been supported to develop rapidly since 2000.18 Leisure sports characteristic towns have become the focus of sports tourism development in China, which are dominated by leisure sports industry, gathering industrial development elements, innovating industrial development mode, and integrating with related industries such as health, culture, tourism, pension, and big data.19 The Notice of the General Office of the State General Administration of 361

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Sports on Promoting the Construction of Leisure Sports Characteristic Towns 《国家体育总局办公厅 ( 关于推动运动休闲特色小镇建设工作的通知》) was proposed in 2017 to support the construction of characteristic towns with distinctive sports characteristics. At present, the number of sports leisure characteristic towns has reached about 200. The average investment of each characteristic town that has been completed and put into operation is about RMB6 billion. Leisure sports characteristic towns have become among the most popular tourist destinations in China.

Everyday Fitness Activities Due to the significant meanings of mass fitness to the strategy of Health China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has directed much attention to mass fitness and everyday fitness activities.20 It is significant for the public to participate in everyday fitness activities to enhance the level of mass health. Generally, everyday fitness activities refer to activities that could be undertaken in daily life, such as playing basketball, football, sports dancing, walking, road running, square dancing—activities which have wide popularity, easy access, low cost, and public participation.21 Different from the outdoor sports, special sports activities, and tourism sports with economic effect, everyday fitness activities have more social and public meanings at low cost or free.

Conclusion As a way to lead and promote human health, leisure sports have entered the sight of Chinese people, and as a new lifestyle and cultural phenomenon, it has become an important direction and trend of social development today. Leisure sports represent a new form of physical activity, which are different from the concept of traditional sports. It is closely related to competitive and mass sports. It can be predicted that in the future, China’s leisure sports industry and leisure sports activities will enter more families, and play an important leading role in promoting family sports and sports consumption.

Acknowledgement This chapter is part of research achievement of The National Natural Science Foundation of China (42071198).

Notes 1 Yimin Su, ‘Situation and Countermeasures of Fitness Industries in China’, Journal of Xi’an Institute of Physical Education 27, no. 6 (2010): 662–665. 2 Aihui Chen, Study on the Changes of Policy of Sports Industry in China (PhD thesis, Beijing Sport University, 2015). 3 Wenjuan Cheng and Wenjing Cheng, ‘On Development of Fitness and Leisure Industry in China’, Shandong Sports Science & Technology 38, no. 6 (2016): 87–90. 4 Lili Zhang and Xiangzhi Wu, ‘Evolution, Characteristics, and Prospects of Fitness and Leisure Industry Policy in China’, Sports Culture Guide 1, no. 7 (2021): 98–103. 5 Wenzhong Xue, ‘Bottlenecks and Breakthroughs in Leisure Sports Development in China in the New Era’, Journal of Physical Education 26, no. 3 (2019): 45–49. 6 Zhongping Xie and Hong Zou, ‘An Analysis of the Evolution and Characteristics of China’s Winter Sports Policy Since the Reform and Opening-up’, Sports & Science 41, no. 1 (2020): 28–33. 7 Quan Liu and Yong Zhang and Zhixue Wang, ‘Characteristics, Development Trend and Strategy of Modern Leisure Sport’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 40, no. 11 (2017): 22–27. 8 Rui Luo and Jun Xu, ‘Research on Exploitation of Resources of Mountain Outdoor Sports in Impoverished Area of Southwest China’, Sports Culture Guide 1, no. 1 (2018): 92–96. 9 Chunlong Xie and Haitao Yang, ‘Research on the Market Development of Water Sports in China’, Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports 30, no. 3 (2018): 239–243.

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Leisure Sports in China 10 Suxu Lin and Yuancheng Huang, ‘Research on the Integration Strategy of Technological Innovation and Business Model Innovation in the Ice and Snow Sports Industry’, Journal of Guangzhou Sport University 40, no. 2 (2020): 20–23. 11 Guang Li and Yanling Li, ‘Study on Realization of the Ice and Snow Sport Tourism Resources Value in MidSouth Region of China’, China Sport Science and Technology 51, no. 4 (2015): 117–124. 12 Li Wang, ‘Study on the Development of Aero Sports Industry in China’, Sports Culture Guide 1, no. 1 (2020): 80–86. 13 Meng Sun and Nan Zhang, ‘Present Situation and Countermeasures of China’s Car Racing’, Value Engineering 29, no. 13 (2010): 231. 14 Shihua Pan and Gang Chen, ‘Analysis of the Fashion Sports Connotation, Project Characteristics, Current Situation and Research on Its Industrial Development Path’, Sports & Science 39, no. 1 (2018): 101–107. 15 Zhuang Xue and Wengang Yan, ‘Research on the Characteristics and Development Trend of Extreme Sports’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 12 (2018): 30–34. 16 Jundi Pang, ‘Research on the Current Situation of the Development of E-sports in China’, Journal of Guangzhou Sport University 40, no. 1 (2020): 13–17. 17 Gang Chen and Bingcheng Wu, ‘Leisure Sports: Endless Leisure—Based on Jiangsu Leisure Sports Industry Development Practice Exploration’, Journal of Sports Research 1, no. 4 (2018): 1–7. 18 Jian Min, ‘Sports Tourism and Its Definition’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education, no. 6 (2002): 4–6. 19 Yingman Ye and Zuoqiong Peng and Xuemin Han, ‘Research on the Construction of Hainan Leisure Sports Characteristic Towns Under the Background of The Free Trade Zone’, Journal of Guangzhou Sport University 40, no. 5 (2020): 48–51. 20 Wenyun Lu, ‘Research on General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Discourses on National Fitness’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 43, no. 11 (2020): 1–8. 21 Jieyou Zhou and Hua Cao, ‘Research on the Seven Main Logics in the Evolution of the Policy System of National Fitness Program’, Journal of Guangzhou Sport University 41, no. 4 (2021): 1–8.

Bibliography Chen, Aihui. Study On the Changes of Policy of Sports Industry in China. PhD Thesis, Beijing Sport University, 2015. Chen, Gang and Wu, Bingcheng. ‘Leisure Sports: Endless Leisure—Based on Jiangsu Leisure Sports Industry Development Practice Exploration.’ Journal of Sports Research 1, no.4 (2018):1–7. Cheng, Wenjuan and Cheng, Wenjing. ‘On Development of Fitness and Leisure Industry in China.’ Shandong Sports Science & Technology 38, no.6 (2016):87–90. Li, Guang and Li, Yanling. ‘Study on Realization of the Ice and Snow Sport Tourism Resources Value in Mid-South Region of China.’ China Sport Science and Technology 51, no.4 (2015):117–124. Lin, Suxu and Huang, Yuancheng. ‘Research on the Integration Strategy of Technological Innovation and Business Model Innovation in the Ice and Snow Sports Industry.’ Journal of Guangzhou Sport University 40, no.2 (2020):20–23. Liu, Quan and Zhang, Yong and Wang, Zhixue. ‘Characteristics, Development Trend and Strategy of Modern Leisure Sport.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 40, no.11 (2017):22–27. Lu, Wenyun. ‘Research on General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Discourses on National Fitness.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 43, no.11 (2020):1–8. Luo, Rui and Xu, Jun. ‘Research on Exploitation of Resources of Mountain Outdoor Sports in Impoverished Area of Southwest China.’ Sports Culture Guide 1, no.1 (2018):92–96. Pan, Shihua and Chen, Gang. ‘Analysis of the Fashion Sports Connotation, Project Characteristics, Current Situation and Research on its Industrial Development Path.’ Sports & Science 39, no.1 (2018):101–107. Pang, Jundi. ‘Research on the Current Situation of the Development of E-sports in China.’ Journal of Guangzhou Sport University 40, no.1 (2020):13–17. Su, Yimin. ‘Situation and Countermeasures of Fitness Industries in China.’ Journal of Xi’an Institute of Physical Education 27, no.6 (2010):662–665. Sun, Meng and Zhang, Nan. ‘Present Situation and Countermeasures of China’s Car Racing.’ Value Engineering 29, no.13 (2010):231. Wang, Li. ‘Study on the Development of Aero Sports Industry in China.’ Sports Culture Guide 1, no.1 (2020):80–86. Xie, Chunling and Yang, Haitao. ‘Research on the Market Development of Water Sports in China.’ Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports 30, no.3 (2018):239–243. Xie, Zhongping and Zou, Hong. ‘An Analysis of the Evolution and Characteristics of China’s Winter Sports Policy Since the Reform and Opening-up.’ Sports & Science 41, no.1 (2020):28–33.

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45 GENERATION Z CONSUMERS AND NEW TRENDS IN THE CHINESE SPORTS INDUSTRY Xue Wei

Introduction Generation Z is usually defined as those born between 1995 and 2010. It has been a consensus that the consumer cohort with substantial spending power is becoming the driving force for the development of the Chinese sports market. This chapter examines the growing background of Chinese Generation Z and several new trends that have appeared in the Chinese Sports Industry. In comparison with the older generations, these young people attach a deeper importance to health and fitness and have more disposable income with which to engage in various kinds of sports activities without the worries of basic living needs. In order to cater to Generation Z’s special needs of convenient services, diversified options, entertainment experience, and fashionable style, domestic sports brands continue to make new attempts in recent years.

The Growing Background of Chinese Generation Z Generation Z refers to the cohort of young people born between 1995 and 2010. These teens and young adults who are currently 11–26 years old can also be called as ‘post-1995’ and ‘post-2000’ in the Chinese discourse. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the population of Generation Z in China was 229 million in 2019, accounting for approximately 16.23% of the total population. It is expected that this group of people will become trend leaders and mainstream sports consumers with strong spending power, and have a significant impact on the entire sports market in the coming years. Generation Z are also widely regarded as digital natives.1 In China, the first internet-connected commercial computer network was established in 1995. Therefore, similar to Generation Z members in other countries, those Chinese people now aged 11–25 grow up simultaneously with the dynamic internet technology. Continuous exposure to the Internet and smartphones from childhood makes them feel comfortable with new technologies and intellectual products. The 48th statistical report on China’s internet development2 reveals that by June 2021, China had more than 1 billion internet users and people who are between 10 and 29 years old occupy around 29.7% of all internet users. And the data from QuestMobile3 indicates that per capita mobile internet usage time of Chinese Generation Z is about 174.9 hours per month, which is significantly longer than other groups. Convenience is the top priority and thus the young generation are accustomed to do everything online including booking gyms, searching for training courses, and so on. Furthermore, with the purpose of enjoying better sports experiences, they tend to have great interests in the latest sports science and technology products like wearable devices and smart equipment. 364

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Generation Z Consumers & New Trends in Chinese Sports Industry Table 45.1 Sports policies launched by the Chinese government in 1995–2021 Date

Policy

June 1995 June 1995 August 1995 April 2007 March 2010 February 2011 October 2014

1995–2010 Outline of National Fitness Plan 1995–2010 Outline for the Development of Sports Industry Sports Law of The People’s Republic of China National Student Physical Health Standard Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry 2011–2015 National Fitness Plan Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption 2016–2020 National Fitness Plan Outline for Building a Leading Sports Nation Opinions on Promoting Mass Sports, Sports Consumption and High-Quality Development of Sports Industry 2021–2025 National Fitness Plan

June 2016 August 2019 September 2019 July 2021

Source: The official website of the GASC.

During the period of 26 years from 1995–2021, China has grown into the world’s second-largest economy and become a middle-income country. Based on the official data, the per capita disposable monthly income of Chinese residents was 32,189 yuan (about 5,042 U.S. dollars) in 2020. Coupled with the rapid economic growth and the increase of living standard, Chinese Generation Z has a growing sense of national confidence. Supporting domestic products is a way for them to express patriotism. Besides, the young generation also experiences the era of vigorous sports development in China. According to sports policies launched by the Chinese government in 1995–2021 (see Table 45.1), it is shown that the development of sports starts to play an increasingly important role in China during this time. Strong policy guidance fitness has become a national strategy.4 Moreover, the sports industry has become a sunrise industry and a new economic growth point in China after making substantial progress over the years 5,6 (see Figure 45.1). The first Chinese modern fitness club with a chain operation model appeared in the late 1990s. And by the end of 2020, the total number of fitness club stores in China has reached 44,305.7 In 2019, the per capita area of sports venues in China exceeded 2 square meters for the first time. And since 2019, China has become the largest fitness market in the world. Surrounded by various kinds of public sports facilities and commercial fitness gyms, sports have been integrated into Chinese Generation Z’s daily life. 37500 29483 26579

30000 21988 19011

22500

17107 13500

15000

9532

11000

7500 0 2012

Figure 45.1

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

The total scale of China’s sports industry (total output) in 2012–2019 (billion yuan).

Source: The official website of the GASC.

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Influenced by China’s one-child policy existing from 1979 to 2015, the young generation is independent and ‘lonely’, which makes them pay more attention to self-care. Motivated by growing awareness of health and fitness, Chinese youngsters of Generation Z continue to show a keen interest in eating healthy diets and doing workouts regularly. In addition, participating in sports activities is widely acknowledged as a modern lifestyle and conforms to the social trend, which provides a channel for them to get on the bandwagon and show their identity. Under group-based incentives, these young consumers tend to imitate similar consumer behavior in accordance with group norms.8

New Trends in the Chinese Sports Industry Consumers’ brand association and perceived value are crucial factors for their final purchasing decisions.9,10 Generation Z consumers like to display individuality and demonstrate identity through the choices of sports activities and fashion brands. As a result, brands closely consistent with their personal image and social identity will gain popularity and earn high loyalty among these young people.11 Given the unique characteristics of Chinese Generation Z primarily shaped by historical events and social environment, a better understanding of their psychological needs, sports interests, and spending habits is essential in order to bring positive market outcomes. Although Generation Z members are new participants of the Chinese sports market, a considerable number of sports companies in China have taken actions in order to build long-term relationships with these prospective buyers. To expand market shares and earn profits, identifying core motives of their sports consuming behavior and satisfying their needs of sports consumption are the most important things sports marketers are focusing on. Deeply influenced by Generation Z consumers, there are several new trends appearing in the Chinese sports industry recently. Nowadays, emerging sports like skiing, surfing, yoga, and e-sports have an enormous number of fans among Generation Z tribes. In order to connect with young people, e-sports and breakdancing have been confirmed as official events at the 19th Asian Games Hangzhou 2022. Besides, surfing, breakdancing, skateboarding, and sport climbing have also been included at the Olympic Games Paris 2024. Most Chinese Generation Zs are students and white-collar workers. Under the rat race at school and ‘9-9-6’ work culture in urban life, trying out new sports activities and exploring completely different fields help them escape a boring daily routine and heavy life pressure. Based on Chinese Public Fitness Behavior and Consumption Research Report 2020,12 yoga, skiing, cycling, and aerobics have higher youth participation and show sizable growth potential. Chinese Generation Z prefers to look for professional fitness guidance and personalized sports service rather than take exercise by self-study. Statistics showed that in 2020, 12.6% of fitness enthusiasts under the age of 25 spent more than 2,000 yuan (about 314 dollars) a month on fitness, which is significantly higher than other groups.13 Besides, professional sports equipment and functional sports nutrition are gradually becoming necessities of young sports enthusiasts. In recent years, fascia guns have been used to relax muscles, and basketball shoes that have absorbed shock and protected ankles have been hot items among young consumers. In addition, more and more sports nutrition food brands in China are accurately targeting the group of Generation Z. It is widely believed that healthy ingredients, diverse options, and great taste are primary determinants to attract this youthful segment. For instance, along with scientific diet guidance and customized meal plans, Boohee Health provides more than 100 types of healthy staple foods and snacks, all of which are low calorie and low fat but still delicious. Besides, Ffit8 aims to let protein bars become a kind of healthy snack involved in young people’s daily food choices and Shark Fit focuses on innovating instant sports nutrition that can be conveniently stored under normal temperature. Generation Z have strong aspirations and high expectations for entertainment experiences and social communications during workouts. At the same time, innovative gym brands that represent a modern way of living are required by these young consumers. Around 2015, several new retail gym brands such as SuperMonkey, SunPig, and Lefit began to emerge in the sports and fitness market of China. In the past 366

Generation Z Consumers & New Trends in Chinese Sports Industry

few years, the three brands have experienced rapid growth and occupied a big share of the overall fitness market. Compared with traditional fitness gyms, the outstanding features of the new-style gyms are that they provide fashionable store designs, diversified theme activities, online booking systems, enjoyable group classes, and monthly membership cards. Some of them even offer 24-hour self-service and pay-peruse models. For a sports and fitness clubs, service quality is a key driver of novice customers and overall satisfaction is highly related to existing customers’ brand loyalty.14 Through engaging in sports activities at the new-style gyms, people are able to improve athletic abilities and acquire a sense of accomplishment; release life-related stresses and enhance their mood; and engage in social activities and chances to meet new friends. The fulfillment of hedonic need, self-actualization need, and social need is critical to enhance sports experiences and strengthen consumers’ stickiness.15 Distinct from the older generations, young people are more willing to pay premiums for high-quality consumption experience.16 There is no doubt that flexible payment, convenient services, relaxed atmosphere, and interesting courses are attractive to Generation Z members. For these young people, going to the gym will be regarded as a part of their entertainment and social activities, just like watching a movie at the cinema in the future following the boom of the new-style gyms in China. Under the support of new technologies and streaming media, interacting with fitness instructors online is another alternative for Chinese young people who may only have fragmented leisure time or prefer to do exercise at home. Without the constraints of time and space, smart fitness equipment for home workouts, along with fitness apps covering various kinds of sports and different categories of online training courses continue to grow in popularity and attract Generation Z sports enthusiasts. It is worth noticing that there are dozens of brands entering the Chinese smart fitness mirror market, both including sports start-ups and some commercial giants like Huawei and Baidu. In addition, a large number of sports investors also hold a positive attitude towards the development of online fitness services and the new-style offline gym stores in China (see Table 45.2). In 2020, the leading fitness app brand Keep completed an $80 million Series E financing and gained its unicorn status thereafter. Founded in 2014, Keep has accumulated more than 0.3 billion registered users until now. The one-stop fitness solution involves online training courses, social platform, sports nutrition food, self-designed sportswear, and smart fitness equipment that makes it different from other competitors. And Keep successfully obtains great attention from Generation Z users because of its diversified products and services matrix that is possible to meet people’s different needs such as losing weight, getting in shape, keeping fit, and so on. Young consumers are influential trendsetters who are easily obsessed with following fashion trends and purchasing the latest products.17 Chinese Generation Z has distinctive definitions of sports fashion and unique judgements of stylish products. In today’s marketplace, products incorporating different cultural symbols are common.18 As global citizens, chasing international fashion trends does not prevent them from being crazy about novel domestic products with innovative culture integration.19 Driven by growing patriotic enthusiasm, Generation Z buyers in China have natural favoritism towards homegrown brands, which creates good opportunities for the development of Chinese sports companies. A possible reason is that products from the domestic market are more suitable for Chinese people’s temperament and appearance. Besides, sports consumers attach great importance to functional benefits, experiential benefits, and symbolic benefits related to a sport consumption activity.20 The preference for products imprinted with Chinese cultural features is also an external expression of Generation Z’s national confidence and cultural pride. After a long period of tough times, top Chinese sports apparel brands such as ANTA, Li-Ning, and Xtep have experienced successful transformations for the past few years by means of jumping out of stereotypes, finding distinctive business models, and renewing brand orientations. There is a tendency that these brands are trying to form emotional connections with Generation Z consumers; upgrade the quality of products; and blend modern fashion styles and Chinese elements derived from traditional cultural properties (TCPs) into designs. As the official partner of the Chinese Olympic Committee, ANTA has released several licensed collections of national flag-themed sportswear since 2009 and constantly strives to 367

Xue Wei Table 45.2 Financing events in China’s sports and fitness market in 2018–2021 Type

Brand

Date

Series

Fitness apps

Codoon Aidong

February 2018 February 2018 July 2019 April 2020 February 2021 July 2021 July 2018 May 2020 December 2020 June 2021 January 2018 January 2019 January 2021 December 2017 January 2018 February 2019 May 2021 April 2019 August 2019 September 2018 August 2019 April 2019 March 2020 July 2018 November 2018 August 2020

C+ A A+ B C C+ D E F C C A+ B C C+ D E Pre-A Pre-A A A+ Pre-A A Pre-A A A+

Keep

New-style gyms

Hotbody Liking Fit SunPig SuperMonkey

24KiCK Happy Cycle Livo Fitness Justin &Julie Fitness Shape

become an outstanding national brand. Starting from 2018, Li-Ning has introduced its collections by combining a stylish look and Chinese cultural elements at the New York Fashion Week and Paris Fashion Week several times and successfully draws Chinese young people’s attention. And interestingly, Xtep chooses a different direction by concentrating on promoting Chinese street dance culture and has become the first official sponsor of Chinese national breakdancing team.

Conclusions Social-contextual events and historical environments have a profound effect on Chinese Generation Z’s traits and values. They’ve grown up in a time when China’s economy and sports industry has developed rapidly with unprecedented speed. With superior living conditions, this cohort has access to rich sports resources and place great emphasis on healthy lifestyles. For the contemporary young generation, doing regular exercise and eating low-fat food can be seen as group norms. In addition, their daily lives have been rooted in the internet from birth. Surrounded by smartphones, social media platforms, and e-commerce, these digital natives are experts of technical products, and have great interest in sportsrelated online serves. Chinese Generation Z has started to play a vital role in the Chinese sports market and gradually became the most important prospective consumers for sports marketing practitioners. Different from the older 368

Generation Z Consumers & New Trends in Chinese Sports Industry

generations, members of Chinese Generation Z are more likely to be curious about new things, such as emerging sports and intelligent fitness equipment, pay for high-quality services and creative products, and embrace traditional culture and domestic sports brands. Besides the new-style gyms, online fitness apps and household sports equipment are popular among young sports enthusiasts by means of creating entertainment experiences, providing convenience, and increasing social interactions. In line with Chinese Generation Z’s spending habits and sports interests, there is a tendency that they will have great potential for development and contain unlimited business opportunities.

Notes 1 You-Kyung Lee, ‘Impacts of Digital Technostress and Digital Technology Self-Efficacy on Fintech Usage Intention of Chinese Gen Z Consumers’, Sustainability 13, no. 9 (2021): 5077–5077. 2 China Internet Network Information Center, ‘The 48th Statistical Report on China’s Internet Development’, 2021. http://n2.sinaimg.cn/finance/a2d36afe/20210827/FuJian1.pdf 3 ‘Generation Z Insight Report’, The Website of Quest Mobile, January 12, 2021, Accessed October 31, 2022. https://www.questmobile.com.cn/research/report-new/140 4 Jian Wang and Bin Lu, ‘Big Data Analysis and Research on Consumption Demand of Sports Fitness Leisure Activities’, Cluster Computing 22, no. 2 (2019): 3573–3582. 5 Jie Zhang, ‘Reality and Dilemma: The Development of China’s Sports Industry since the Implementation of the Reform and Opening-Up Policy’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 32, no. 8 (2015): 1085–1097. 6 Xinhuan Zhan, ‘From Budding to Developing: The History of China’s Sport Industry Policy’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 18 (2017): 2238–2252. 7 ‘2020 China Fitness Industry Data Report’, Trinity Cloud Data Center, May 27, 2021. Accessed Oct 31, 2022. https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/360296330 8 Defeng Yang, Yue Lu and Yu Sun, ‘Factors Influencing Chinese Consumers’ Brand Love: Evidence from Sports Brand Consumption’, Social Behavior and Personality an International Journal 46, no. 2 (2018): 301–311. 9 Erfan Severi and Kwek Choon Ling, ‘The Mediating Effects of Brand Association, Brand Loyalty, Brand Image and Perceived Quality on Brand Equity’, Asian Social Science, no. 3 (2013): 125. 10 Stephen L. Shapiro, Lamar Reams and Kevin Kam Fung So, ‘Is It Worth the Price? The Role of Perceived Financial Risk, Identification, and Perceived Value in Purchasing Pay-per-view Broadcasts of Combat Sports’, Sport Management Review 22, no. 2 (2019): 235–246. 11 Jinzhao Lu and Yingjiao Xu, ‘Chinese Young Consumers’ Brand Loyalty Toward Sportswear Products: A Perspective of Self-congruity’, Journal of Product & Brand Management 24, no. 4 (2015): 365–376. 12 ‘Chinese Public Fitness Behavior and Consumption Research Report’, China Sporting Goods Industry Federation (CSGF), October 14, 2020. Accessed Oct 31, 2022. https://cn.csgf.org.cn/hysj/5307.html 13 Foresight Industry Research Institute. ‘2021–2026 China Fitness Industry Market Foresight and Investment Strategic Planning Analysis Report’, 2021. https://www.qianzhan.com/analyst/detail/220/210714-adbeb6f1. html 14 Sevastia Avourdiadou and Nicholas D. Theodorakis, ‘The Development of Loyalty Among Novice and Experienced Customers of Sport and Fitness Centres’, Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014): 419–413. 15 Jeeyoon Kim, Yukyoum Kim and Daehwan Kim, ‘Improving Well-being through Hedonic, Eudaimonic, and Social Needs Fulfillment in Sport Media Consumption’, Sport Management Review 20, no. 3 (2016): 309–321. 16 Raffaele Filieri and Zhibin Lin, ‘The Role of Aesthetic, Cultural, Utilitarian and Branding Factors in Young Chinese Consumers’ Repurchase Intention of Smartphone Brands’, Computers in Human Behavior 67, no. 1 (2017): 139–150. 17 Jin Su and Xiao Tong. ‘An Empirical Study on Chinese Adolescents’ Fashion Involvement’, International Journal of Consumer Studies 44, no. 3 (2020): 232–242. 18 Hean Tat Keh, et al. ‘Integrative Responses to Culture Mixing in Brand Name Translations: The Roles of Product Self-Expressiveness and Self-Relevance of Values Among Bicultural Chinese Consumers’, Journal of Crosscultural Psychology 47, no. 10 (2016): 1345–1360. 19 Zhenzhen Qin, Yao Song and Yao Tian, ‘The Impact of Product Design with Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs) on Consumer Behavior Through Cultural Perceptions: Evidence from the Young Chinese Generation’, Sustainability 11, no. 2 (2019): 426. 20 Xiaochen Zhou, et al. ‘Dress for Fit: An Exploration of Female Activewear Consumption’, Sport Management Review 21, no. 2 (2017): 403–415.

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Bibliography Avourdiadou, Sevastia, and Nicholas D. Theodorakis. ‘The Development of Loyalty Among Novice and Experienced Customers of Sport and Fitness Centres.’ Sport Management Review 17, no. 4 (2014):419–413. ‘Chinese Public Fitness Behavior and Consumption Research Report.’ China Sporting Goods Industry Federation (CSGF), October 14, 2020, Accessed October 31, 2022. https://cn.csgf.org.cn/hysj/5307.html Filieri, Raffaele, and Zhibin Lin. ‘The Role of Aesthetic, Cultural, Utilitarian and Branding Factors in Young Chinese Consumers’ Repurchase Intention of Smartphone Brands.’ Computers in Human Behavior 67, no. C (2017):139–150. ‘Generation Z Insight Report’, The Website of Quest Mobile, January 12, 2021. Accessed October 31, 2022. https:// www.questmobile.com.cn/research/report-new/140 Keh, Hean Tat, et al. ‘Integrative Responses to Culture Mixing in Brand Name Translations: The Roles of Product Self-Expressiveness and Self-Relevance of Values Among Bicultural Chinese Consumers.’ Journal of Cross-cultural Psychology 47, no. 10 (2016):1345–1360. Kim, Jeeyoon, Yukyoum Kim, and Daehwan Kim. ‘Improving Well-being through Hedonic, Eudaimonic, and Social Needs Fulfillment in Sport Media Consumption.’ Sport Management Review 20, no. 3 (2016):309–321. Lee, You-Kyung. ‘Impacts of Digital Technostress and Digital Technology Self-Efficacy on Fintech Usage Intention of Chinese Gen Z Consumers.’ Sustainability 13, no. 9 (2021):5077–5077. Lu, Jinzhao, and Yingjiao Xu. ‘Chinese Young Consumers’ Brand Loyalty Toward Sportswear Products: A Perspective of Self-congruity.’ Journal of Product & Brand Management 24, no. 4 (2015):365–376. Qin, Zhenzhen, Yao Song, and Yao Tian. ‘The Impact of Product Design with Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs) on Consumer Behavior Through Cultural Perceptions: Evidence from the Young Chinese Generation.’ Sustainability 11, no. 2 (2019):426. Severi, Erfan, and Kwek Choon Ling. ‘The Mediating Effects of Brand Association, Brand Loyalty, Brand Image and Perceived Quality on Brand Equity.’ Asian Social Science 9, no. 3 (2013):125. Shapiro, Stephen L., Lamar Reams, and Kevin Kam Fung So. ‘Is It Worth the Price? The Role of Perceived Financial Risk, Identification, and Perceived Value in Purchasing Pay-per-view Broadcasts of Combat Sports.’ Sport Management Review 22, no. 2 (2019):235–246. Su, Jin, and Xiao Tong. ‘An Empirical Study on Chinese Adolescents’ Fashion Involvement.’ International Journal of Consumer Studies 44, no. 3 (2020):232–242. ‘2020 China Fitness Industry Data Report.’ Trinity Cloud Data Center, May 27, 2021. Accessed October 31, 2022. https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/360296330 Wang, Jian, and Bin Lu. ‘Big Data Analysis and Research on Consumption Demand of Sports Fitness Leisure Activities.’ Cluster Computing 22, no. 2 (2019):3573–3582. Yang, Defeng, Yue Lu and Yu Sun. ‘Factors Influencing Chinese Consumers’ Brand Love: Evidence from Sports Brand Consumption.’ Social Behavior and Personality an International Journal 46, no. 2 (2018):301–311. Zhan, Xinhuan. ‘From Budding to Developing: The History of China’s Sport Industry Policy.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 18 (2017):2238–2252. Zhang, Jie. ‘Reality and Dilemma: The Development of China’s Sports Industry since the Implementation of the Reform and Opening-Up Policy.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 32, no. 8 (2015):1085–1097. Zhou, Xiaochen, et al. ‘Dress for Fit: An Exploration of Female Activewear Consumption.’ Sport Management Review 21, no. 2 (2017):403–415.

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46 “AN ART OF REGRETS” Creativity and Constraints in Olympic Documentary Making in China Liang Limin

Introduction Olympic-themed sports documentary production within the Chinese context is an enterprise that involves the interaction of multiple institutions. First, it is an encounter of two cultural institutions: sports and media.1 In turn, this entails the entanglement of the market and the state, as both the sports and the media sectors in China are heavily state controlled despite their recent drive towards marketization. The dominant role of the state is obvious in elite competitive sports, whose organizing principle in China follows “ju guo ti zhi,” a top-down administrative system in which the selection and training of talent is “supported by the whole country.”2 Meanwhile, this is paralleled by an increasing role of the market in the promotion of sports at grassroots levels and the concomitant growth of sports industries. On the other hand, while broadcast television is among the most heavily controlled media sectors in China,3 the marginal status of both sports television and documentary television due to their close lineage to entertainment means their production enjoys greater leeway than genres occupying the center, such as political news. Given the complex intertwining of state and market forces in the production of sports media, as well as the competing requirements of sub-genres within sports media itself, an ethnographybased study of the birth of a sports documentary offers an opportunity to uncouple the various institutional tensions at play. The Beijing Games helped generate an on-rush of Olympic-related documentaries on China’s TV screen. This chapter focuses on a ten-series TV documentary (China and the Olympics) that seeks to draw the contours of China’s engagement with the Olympic movement spanning over a century and is a joint production of the Chinese Olympic Committee, the highest organizing body for the practice and promotion of Olympic sports in China, and China Central Television, China’s Olympic TV rights holder. Initially, the State Sports Administration to which the Chinese Olympic Committee is affiliated wanted to create “a TV documentary that would reflect the progress China made in the Olympic Games over the past six decades along with the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.”4 The state broadcaster became its natural partner. Together the two organizations have a virtual monopoly over the resources required for the making of such a documentary: sports and athletic resources and the ownership of Olympic broadcasting rights in China. The series constituted an important part of the broadcaster’s warming-up programs in the run-up to the mega-event. Eventually they were shown during primetime about half a month before the opening of the Games. The audience share hit an average of 1.578% with the most watched episode reaching a high DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-55

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of 2.595%,5 establishing the series among the most-watched Olympic-related feature programs in 2008. The Chinese Olympic Committee was likewise satisfied with the eventual production. This chapter tries to unpack how creativity and constraints are dialectically factored into the scripting, shooting, and production of the series based on my ethnographical work, which included shadowing key creators in post-production and attending review or pre-broadcasting screening sessions during which feedback was gathered from organizational leaders. The material for analysis is based on the broadcasted series, my fieldnotes, and interviews with key creators. Two research questions were addressed. First, how did the creators try to shape the memories of Chinese participation in the Olympic movement? What kind of narrative strategies did they adopt? Second, what kind of creative constraints did the documentary makers experience? How did they cope with them? As the chapter shows, sports documentary production is a “puzzle-piecing” process,6 whereby obstacles from multiple sources are dealt with, sometimes constraining, and other times energizing creativity.7 While offering a quintessentially Chinese story of how individual creators negotiate the state’s preferred narrative, the article also sheds light on some generalizable lessons on the creative constraints experienced by professionals in sports media.

In Search of a Coherent Meta-Narrative China and the Olympics covers a history from the turn of the twentieth century when China was still under imperial rule up to the PRC era. One key objective of the documentary is to reveal the changes of the Chinese society through sports.8 Its creative energy zeroes in on the three decades after China’s normalization of relations with the International Olympic Committee, during which China made rapid progress in Olympic sports. Within CCTV Sports, the project particularly attracted A, who was the producer of a sports feature program that profiles Chinese Olympians. Prior to this, he had established himself as a talented news documentary maker. He was transferred to CCTV Sports in 2006 and had big hopes of bringing his expertise in documentary production to sports coverage. He became the ideal candidate for the series. After the project kicked off, A brought another well-known documentary maker B and a veteran sports journalist C on board. B is an accomplished director with a track record of historical documentary making. C is known in the sports circle for his ability to cultivate close personal ties with top-notch Chinese athletes and earns the nickname of a “walking encyclopedia.” A also recruited a team of young TV makers, some of whom he had known since his days as a news magazine producer. It took the team one year to come up with a script, which was penned by C. They spent the remaining year doing shooting and post-production. The first few episodes follow a chronological approach by locating key historic moments. For instance, the first episode on China’s involvement in the Olympics before 1949 revolved around Liu Changchun, the first Chinese Olympian, and the Chinese delegation that took part in the Berlin Olympics in 1936. The next few episodes focused respectively on China’s severance of relations with the IOC in 1958, its return to the Olympic family through the Los Angeles Games (1984), and China’s “Waterloo” in Seoul (1988). In these episodes, triumphs and defeats were portrayed as potent symbols intimately connected to national morale and identity. Later episodes veered towards a thematic approach exploring different aspects of the Olympic spirit, such as the importance of participation and the contribution by unsung heroes. The series closed with a return to the chronological theme and focused on Beijing’s two Olympic bids and preparation for the 2008 Games. According to key creators, the rationale of combining a chronological with a thematic approach was to capture “China’s gradual learning of the Olympic spirit,” from a desire to participate in the Games irrespective of the outcome, to a confluence of traditional Chinese and western worldviews.9 For instance, Chinese culture’s disrespect for individuality and over-emphasis on result were seen to be challenged by Western notions of individualism and a sense of participation through the Olympic encounter.10 372

“An Art of Regrets” Table 46.1 Episode titles before-and-after (script vs. actual production) Original Title

Final Title

Confrontation and Confluence Glories and Dreams Fleeting Moments and Lasting Memories

I Can Compete (Episode 1) Stadium Road (Episode 2) Breakthrough – 1984 (Episode 3) Grace under Pressure –1988 (Episode 4) Removed Unsung Heroes (Episode 7) Removed The True Spirit (Episode 6) Removed Removed Journey to Beijing (Episode 9) Our 2008 (Episode 10) Growing Pains (Episode 5) Memories of the Winter Olympics (Episode 8)

Individuality and Freedom Front-stage and Back-stage Loving Your Country, Loving Your Hometown Time and Tides Make Heroes Wisdom and Innovations Fairness and Competition China and the World

Source: Data from the COC.

C, who had erudite knowledge of Chinese sports and was the de facto “sports historian” on the team, penned the first draft by October 2006. In the following months, he turned out three more drafts. After every draft, the producer would call together a story conference to gather feedback from sports officials, playwrights, and sports media professionals. Upon the fourth and the final draft ( June 2007), the team had about one year to do the shooting and post-production. By this stage, executive directors A and B took over. In some instances, the revision to the script was substantial. Since C did not have any documentary production experience, the script had not been written in a way to accommodate documentary filming. A script could be packed with too many characters or issues to be accommodated within 45 minutes. Eventually, some episodes were dropped due to the difficulty of visual representation. The illustration above shows how the initial plans contrasted with the final episodes (see Table 46.1).

Narratives of Individual Episodes – Heroes in Pursuit of National Glory While the meta-narrative follows a combination of chronological and thematic order – a compromise between the broader perspectives of historical documentaries and concerns with specific issues within the sports domain, the narrative of individual episodes also reflects a tug of war between different aesthetic traditions. At a formal level, the creators drew on humanistic storytelling, which is a common method used in Western commercial documentary production, the essence of which lies in telling compelling stories of archetypal figures. Here, sports and documentary form a natural partnership. The human drama that sport offers in abundance readily lends itself to resonant storytelling.11 However, this tradition that privileges dramatized individual experience to the exploration of broader social context is at odds with the aesthetics of socialist era film making (1949–1978), which foregrounded role models stripped of personal emotions that served larger political causes, be it class struggle or socialist nation building.12 Here, creators aptly appropriated the Western format in telling Chinese stories. Each episode zeroed in on three or four protagonists that embodied the theme of the episode. While individual stories were primarily portrayed as competing for the glory of the nation, they also conveyed profound changes taking place in the Chinese society in the era of marketization. I will select one episode, Grace under Pressure,13 which later won a major international sports TV award, for further analysis. 373

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Grace Under Pressure – Individual Heroes in Pursuit of National Glory The Seoul Olympics was a key moment in Chinese Olympic history. China’s victorious comeback in Los Angeles inspired the public, who were unaware that the result was largely a pay-off from the Soviet-led boycott. During the next Olympiad in Seoul, China’s gold medals dropped to five. At a time when sports victory was a potent symbol of national power, many Chinese found the result unacceptable. There was an outpouring of bitterness towards athletes with poor performances. Grace under Pressure revisited this era. But instead of dwelling on the sullen mood, creators approached the topic through three glimmers of smiles captured via video archives, respectively, of Li Ning (the defending champion who was defeated), Lou Yun (the vault champion), and Gao Min (the diving champion). The assistant director explained that smiles were chosen to enhance the artistic tension because they were “more powerful than tears.”14 The contextualization of each smile illustrated the tension between the results-oriented Olympic ideal of celebrating the most extraordinary human performance and the process-oriented value of honoring the spirit of participation, as well as between sports individualism and the collectivism-oriented value of winning for national glory. In the opening sequence, a photo of a smiling Li Ning being developed in a dark room gradually became clear, as Li’s voice emerged in the soundtrack, “The 1988 Olympiad was the second Olympics I took part in. It was also my last.” It was followed by the TV footage capturing Li Ning’s fall after his foot hit a ring, after which he still gave a broad smile. The second sequence captured the last routine of Gao Min during the diving final followed by Gao’s signature smile, “That smile was really from the bottom of my heart.” Meanwhile, the third sequence featured Lou Yun, Li Ning’s teammate, ascending the gold medal podium with a restrained smile. According to the champion, “I wasn’t able to smile. I wasn’t in the right mood.” Of the three, Li was the defending champion but lost the event. “During those years, Li Ning was like the incarnation of God. He could only win. He never lost,” recalled Yang Ming, a sports journalist featured in the episode. Yet Li met his defeat with good humor. Here, Li was set up as the maverick of his time, but a visionary in hindsight. On the contrary, Lou Yun was portrayed as a victor who appeared as if he had lost. Lou was a rising star in 1988 and pocketed the only gold medal for the Chinese gymnastics team. However, immersed in a culture where individual glory had to succumb to collective victory, he felt ill-disposed to celebrate and mourned along with the team. He even made the decision to retire at the prime of his career. Gao Min was a rookie in 1988 and hadn’t learned to fear yet. But in the rest of the film, her first gold medal was to haunt her until she defended her title in 1992. To put the athletes’ reaction in perspective, the episode introduced the social-cultural context of the Chinese society during the 1980s, one in which sports played a pivotal role in boosting national morale. The episode’s director commented: The 1988 Games is probably one of the most important Olympics that Chinese ever experienced … In the 1980s, sports carried far more significance than today. It was a time when there were few channels to engage the world and sport was one of them, a time when China’s power was weak but the wishes to see the nation strong were high. These hopes culminated in sports, but they did not always materialize.15 One later sequence captured the larger-than-life significance sport carried in China in the 1980s. At the time, the Chinese women’s volleyball team won five successive world championships, making the team a legend and the volleyball girls the icons of an era. In that sequence, soundbites from media commentators were superimposed on one another, accompanied by images of public fervor: “Congratulations to the Chinese women’s volleyball team! Learn from their spirit!” (Footage of the volleyball girls winning a victory.) 374

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“The dedication of the volleyball girls towards the motherland inspired great confidence among the Chinese, the Dragon’s offspring.” (Footage of thousands of Chinese gathering to celebrate.) “Glory, the Chinese women’s volleyball! Rise, China!” “Wherever they went, they received a hero’s welcome!” (Footage of the volleyball girls being awarded medals.) When individual sports victory was closely coupled with the destiny of a nation, one could only imagine the level of pressure an athlete had to deal with. In such a context, Li’s smile after loss bordered on being “scandalous.” However, in his words, “I am excited when I succeed, but I won’t be carried away. I will be sad when I lose, but I won’t be crestfallen.” Lou Yun recalled, “It was Li Ning who came up to cheer me up after his loss.” The episode further revealed that Li actually had worsening physical condition by 1988 and took part only because “the younger athletes had not kept pace, while the officials hoped that I could still serve as a leading figure.” However, the public was unforgiving, making him like “a rat scampering in the street that everybody wants to beat up.” Amidst the mounting vitriol, Li Ning started his own sportswear company in 1989, which by 2008 had grown into the country’s largest sportswear empire. In the opening ceremony of the Beijing Games, Li’s stature in Chinese sports earned him the much-coveted role of the last torch bearer.16 Thus Li Ning was portrayed as a “hero’s hero”: Once a most shining star, he was yet willing to compete for the nation in his low ebb when there was a shortage of talent. He bore his imperfect swan song with grace and returned as a successful businessman. His charisma seems to fit all ages – whether the era prizes collectivism or individualism. Lou Yun, by comparison, was portrayed as a victor who lost himself in the midst of collectivismoriented culture. He was so “humiliated” by the collective defeat that he retired prematurely, after which he failed to find a new anchor. For Gao Min, her role in the film was to “pick up the story where Lou Yun ended.”17 Gao, too, was a champion in 1988. But the ensuing years became a nightmare for her. Domestic media pursued her as if she were a goddess: Every newspaper said Gao Min was the only Chinese that was sure to win a gold in Barcelona. But at the time, I actually had multiple injuries … I was severely depressed. I cried on the springboard … as if I wasn’t jumping into the water but into an iron board. Eventually, Gao would still defend her title in 1992 but soon retired to a peaceful life. Towards the end of the film, Li Ning’s generation was contrasted to a new generation of Chinese athletes with more assertive individuality. Liu Xiang, China’s track-and-field star and the poster-boy of the Beijing Olympics, said he enjoyed competing overseas as a form of travel and teased the veterans that he was very different from them. Overall, the structure and the technical features of the episode followed the model of commercial documentary-making by focusing on well-chosen Olympic heroes whose stories ran parallel to each other and yet were interconnected. The narration was juxtaposed with expert voices to lend an aura of objectivity to the program. Historical footage was mingled with meticulously shot sequences using reenactment, a popular technique in commercial documentary-making. Meanwhile, the heroes’ stories were situated in a social-cultural context and embodied the change of that culture. If the episode contained criticism of the gold-medal driven mentality of officials and a highly concentrated elite sports system, it was conveyed in a veiled manner.

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Creative Constraints Since the documentary project brought together a consortium of actors including a state media organization, a state sports regulatory organization, as well as numerous personalities in the Chinese sports sector, the creative constraints were manifested as inter- or intra-organizational struggles over different interests and institutional logic. The most explicit form of constraints involved direct intervention of creative autonomy from power holders. Second, within the creative team, there were negotiations over competing creative impulses, which reflected genre-specific requirements. Creators from a background of social/ historical documentary-making found themselves at odds with counterparts working exclusively for sports media. Third, there were organizational conflicts over material and human resource management. These constraints would in turn have a bearing on the content and form of the series.

Interorganizational Tension Between Art and Sports Politics Documentaries often present alternative narratives of an event to the mainstream representation of history.18 However, the nature of the project under study means the series would be part of official history. On the other hand, amidst media marketization, the state broadcaster had introduced a “producer responsibility system” since 1993, which allows “producers to recruit their own crew, outsource projects to freelance filmmakers and manage their own budget.”19 This gave individual creative makers considerable artistic autonomy, even as they juggled with media and sports authorities over content. This contention applies as much to “what content to keep in” as “what to keep out.” One example of “keeping content out” was the removal of one key supporting figure, Zhao Yu, in Grace under Pressure. Zhao wrote several influential monographs in the 1980s with a scathing critique of the centralized sports management system and the obsession with gold medals.20 The ideas were provocative at the time and earned the enmity of sports officials.21 But the Chinese society in 2008 had become more tolerant and triumphs in international events were no longer seen as the only path to glory. In reexamining China’s performance in Seoul, Zhao Yu came to the creators’ attention and seemed an ideal candidate for comments. They interviewed Zhao, who became a key supporting figure in the first edition. However, during a pre-broadcast screening, some officials expressed reservation. While the filmmakers tried to argue their case, Zhao’s footage was eventually removed. With his removal, the filmmakers had to find an alternative voice while keeping the original message. Their choice was Song Shixiong, a well-known sports anchor who likewise witnessed the ups and downs of Chinese sports. Eventually, Song played a very similar role to what Zhao would have done. This was a typical strategy of how creators dodged a sensitive issue but managed to get the message out, with a “haha we said it” element of self-congratulation. On numerous occasions the executive producers stated they wanted the stories to speak for themselves and not end up like an ode to the sports system. One of them reflected on the situation of documentary makers in China, “It’s like pushing the envelope while at the same time minding the gap. You don’t want to cross it.” The art is to strike a balance between maintaining individual artistic freedom and accommodating the official narrative. But for a few creators, the subdued critique was the series’ biggest disappointment: Anything that is a bit sharp was removed, or polished to lose its edge … If you look closely, we scratched on almost all the problems within the system, but not hard enough to make it bleed. Now that we think about it, the people that are most likely to applaud our work are not intellectuals or under-informed public, but sports insiders. As insiders they are quick to sense the subtlety: an image, a clip or a sound-bite – and they would know what we were alluding to.22

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When it comes to content control, a reverse scenario to censorship may happen, as when sports officials insisted that certain elements be added, while creators had second thoughts. Here, the authorities were less driven by overt political calculations than by different organizational values. I was told that from a documentary maker’s viewpoint, rather than offering a “comprehensive picture,” one prefers the portrayal of a few representative characters. However, the sports officials preferred a “bigger” picture. In Unsung Heroes, the original characters include a fitness coach, a team doctor and an official who authored China’s Olympic advancement strategy. However, after the preview, officials insisted that ladder players be added – “since so many of them sacrifice so much for their teammates, their contributions must be acknowledged.” Since the officials were adamant to have their opinion prevail, eventually the director had to add a subplot of two ladder players and do some last-minute shooting before the airing of the episode. Corners had to be cut elsewhere to maintain the original length. In the above examples, from a creator’s perspective, succumbing to authorities’ views and making the modification compromised the aesthetics of the film. Substituting Zhao, who was to speak on behalf of intellectuals, with a media commentator, resulted in an overlap of supporting roles, since the episode already featured a journalist whose role was to bear witness to changing sports culture. Arguably, it compromised both the story’s persuasiveness and its structural elegance. Similarly, one could say the addition of ladder players compromised the artistic strength of the narrative, even though the addition would have been more faithful to the collectivism-oriented sports policy, one that sees “the whole country supporting the elite sport system.” To accommodate other requests that couldn’t be met, the director came up with the idea of adding a few lines in the title sequence to acknowledge all those that have contributed to the Olympic Movement in China: In the Olympic firmament, Our eyes are drawn To the brightest of the stars; But there are many more unassuming heroes Who with their wisdom and hard work Together forged China’s engagement with the Olympic Movement. While conflicts inevitably arise due to competing interests, they can also be resolved through compromise – be it an eleventh-hour concoction of a lead that satisfies all sides, or “scratching on a problem without making it bleed.” With an ingenious touch, the compromise may itself be considered a creative expression. When the optimal solution is not viable, a second best becomes acceptable, or even the best available, with all constraints being registered.

Intraorganizational Tension Between Sports Media and Documentary Media The heated debate amongst key creators in the production stage resulting in the split of the team is a telling example of “intra-organizational conflict,” which are driven by different professional values and artistic judgments. The initial team composed of both veteran sports journalists and social/historical documentary makers pointed to two divergent creative approaches. While the former represents “sport-for-sport’s sake” ethos that favor individual drama, the latter tends to embed the universally human sports motif within a more parochial social-cultural context. These two approaches illustrate the perennial “structure vs. antistructure” theme when we study sport in society.23 The tension between these two schools was manifested in the debate on the proper “meta-narrative” and resulted in a compromise. A few creators had reservations about such an arrangement: “We should either go along with the chronological line or the 377

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thematic line. Likewise, we may either stick to a ‘sports for sports sake’ motif, or delve into a broader discussion of the social meaning of sports. But we try to do both and fail to be consistent.”24 The same assistant director went on to explain the reason behind such a rift: Since the writer and the directors are experts in their own areas, they had conflicting ideas as to how the documentary should proceed. C prefers to see things through a sport’s perspective, while the directors, coming from a humanistic tradition, prefer using sport as a way to study broader social issues. Only one view can prevail to maintain the stylistic and content coherence. Eventually, the difference was resolved through C’s voluntary withdrawal from the team.25 However, even though substantial changes were made to the script penned by C, the executive director still gave C much credit: Why having a script ahead of time? It helps us structure the series before going to the field and allow us time to dwell on cinematography … It helps achieve better effect within the given amount of time. Below are his further reflections on the craft of documentary-making: The unfolding of events will always introduce more obstacles than what we envisioned. But they also give us pleasant surprises. The inevitable changes as production proceeds do not diminish the value of a preset agenda. It’s precisely the interaction between the script and reflections on possible changes that inspire us along the way. Through constant revisions we feel that each step moves us closer to the ideal product image we have in mind.26 Thus, documentary making is full of serendipity. That the eventual film would substantially deviate from the script does not negate the value of the latter, as on-the-spot experimentation27 based on an initial script helps the creators fine-tune their ideas so their final work could approximate the ideal product image.28 Again, this is part and parcel of the “puzzle-assembling” process.

Material and Human Resource–Driven Constraints Athletes and sports officials are the primary resources of the documentary. With the Chinese Olympic Committee as a co-producer, the creators had privileged access to athletic resources. But still, the access proved to be haphazard. The closer the Games approached or the closer a sport is to the core of China’s competitive strength, the more difficult the access. As always, sports superstars were difficult to reach. Anticipating these scenarios, the director brought up the issue in the very first coordination meeting between leaders of the two organizations and got some leeway. However, as the project progressed, the rules around the national teams’ preparation for the Olympics became more formidable and no green light could be allowed even for the state television. The creators had an easier time accessing retired athletes or athletes in sports with less gold medal potential. They also had a much easier time approaching athletes training outside the national system, or the government sponsored channels, such as the colorful cast of personalities featured in The True Spirit (Episode Six), including Lin Bo and Yang Shanfeng, two selffinanced sailors (both retired members of the national sailing team) who volunteered for the 2008 Olympic qualifying race, and Alex Hua Tian, the first Chinese event rider to compete in an Olympics. Something counterintuitive emerged from my fieldwork related to the episode Unsung Heroes. Since the term refers to support personnel such as team doctors, fitness coaches, and sports psychologists, one would assume they would be easier to reach. However, the episode turned out to be among the most difficult to produce. Since the support personnel featured were affiliated with national teams that were gold medal hopefuls, covering them proved as difficult as covering sports stars. Moreover, since they were 378

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involved in developing research and training strategies that must be kept confidential, the creators faced the dilemma of not being able to show the footage even if they procured it. In the end, they had only a couple of occasions to film each main character, which constrained the chance of getting good footage.29 Finances posed another constraint. For instance, originally for the episode that explored Beijing’s two Olympic bids, the assistant director had planned to revisit the two cities where the IOC convened to select the Olympic city, Monte Carlo (1993) and Moscow (2001). But the crew had to cancel their trips due to inadequate financing and instead made do with old TV footage. Individual episode duration (45 minutes) proved another “hurdle,” particularly for those episodes spanning a long period of time, such as No. 1 (from 1890s to 1949), No. 2 (from 1949 to 1979), and No. 8 (the entire history of winter sports). Most of visual material the creators gathered had to be left out of the final cut. Also, the short production cycle hindered creativity. They only had two years, in which one year was spent on script writing. As such, the final structure – with the first four and the final two episodes exploring sports in a larger societal context, the three episodes in the middle addressing sports-specific topics, and one stand-alone episode addressing all of winter sports – was the best compromise creators came up with, after all constraints were registered.30

Conclusion – TV Making Being an “Art of Regrets” China and the Olympics marks the first major TV documentary in China that prominently features the country’s engagement with the Olympic Movement, with considerable investment, cutting-edge equipment and the employment of new documentary making concepts, such as oral history and reenactment. With most Chinese under-informed about this part of history, the creators had the privilege of shaping public memories almost from a blank slate. For audiences who either accessed the series via TV or the Internet, this is a piece of work that helps shape their Olympic memories for a long time to come. In this chapter, I first examined the narrative structure creators adopted to retell China’s Olympic history and analyzed their rationale for doing so. Then, as a case study, I specifically looked at how creators of an award-winning episode select representative characters and tell their stories. Finally, I enumerated the various constraints that were imposed on the creators throughout the production process. They ranged from sports politics to cultural politics to resource problems at inter- or intra-organizational levels and worked to both stimulate and diminish creativity. As Ettema argued, the contexts in which these constraints play out, the negotiations they generate as well as the final compromise the creators reach are but different puzzles of the same creative process.31 Ultimately, documentary production, as any form of television production, is “an art of regrets.”32 The following words by the executive director, when I interviewed him after one episode that won a major international award, are worth pondering. The director described television production as “the order of chaos,” in that events progress with virtual chaos, but conclude with order upon the moment of broadcasting: Until the final moment, the crew never stops arguing. But once it is on air, bang! Face the reality. Shelve the disputes. If you are in charge, I will defer to your judgment. Whether it’s a good or bad judgment is of secondary concern. This is a rule for any form of television production. We spent two years on each episode and we kept polishing till the very last minute. As the executive director, I have many reservations even now. But the broadcasting plan overrules anything. Often, I would say, we should make the changes even after the broadcast. But chances are we don’t, because new projects would soon overwhelm us. This being said, we still manage to reflect on our works constantly. We have our own evaluations and review sessions, so we avoid similar risks in the future and make our operation more efficient. There will always be problems but we also always have more solutions than the problems.33 379

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Notes 1 David Rowe, Sport, Culture and the Media (2nd Edition). (Berkshire: Open University Press, 2004). 2 Hong Fan, Ping Wu and Huan Xiong, ‘Beijing Ambitions: An Analysis of the Chinese Elite Sports System and Its Olympic Strategy for the 2008 Olympic Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 22, no. 4 (2005): 510–529. 3 Yuezhi Zhao, Communication in China: Political Economy, Power and Conflict (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008). 4 Meeting minutes: Briefing by key documentary creators of China and the Olympics to State Sports Administration leaders. September 6, 2006. 5 Interview with an assistant director, July 31, 2010. 6 James Ettema, ‘The Organizational Context of Creativity: A Case Study from Public Television’, in James Ettema and Charles Whitney eds., Individuals in Mass Media Organizations: Creativity and Constraint (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1982): 91–106; Charles Whitney and James Ettema, ‘Media Production: Individuals, Organizations, Institutions’, in A. Valdivia eds., A Companion to Media Studies (London: Blackwell Publishing, 2003): 157–187. 7 Horace Newcomb and Robert Alley, The Producer’s Medium: Conversations with Creators of American TV (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983); Muriel Cantor, The Hollywood Television Producer (New York: Routledge, 1971[2015]). 8 Zhaoxi Zhang, ‘Tiyu Ticai Jilupian de Shehui Zhuliuxushi: Daxing Jilupian Women de Aolinpike Chuangzuo Shijian yu Sikao’ (Crafting Mainstream Narratives through Sports Documentaries: Thoughts on the Creation of TV Documentary Series China and the Olympics), Modern Communication 2, no. 1 (2009): 89–93. 9 Interview with a producer, January 5, 2009. 10 Interview with an assistant director, May 19, 2010. 11 Rowe, Sport, Culture and the Media. 12 He Suliu, Zhongguo Dianshi Jilupian Shilun:1958–2004 (A History of Chinese Television Documentaries: 1958–2004), (Beijing: Communication University of China Press, 2005); Lu Xinyu, Rethinking China’s New Documentary Movement: Engagement with the Social’, in Chris Berry and Lu Xinyu eds., New Chinese Documentary Film Movement: For the Public Record (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010). 13 Grace under Pressure is the episode’s English title when it entered for competition in a major international sports TV festival. Its original Chinese title is translated as Olympic Smiles – 1988. 14 Interview with an assistant director, January 15, 2009. 15 Ibid. 16 The Beijing Games opened after the broadcasting of the series, during which Li Ning’s performance as “a running man” above the upper rim of the Bird’s Nest stadium before lighting the cauldron became a lasting image in Olympic history. 17 Interview with an assistant director, January 15, 2009. 18 Gary Edgerton, ‘Introduction: Television as Historian: A Different Kind of History Altogether’, edited by Gary R. Edgerton and Peter C. Rollins., Television Histories: Shaping Collective Memory in the Media Age (Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 2001); Marita Sturken, Tangled Memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS Epidemic, and the Politics of Remembering (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). 19 Yingchi Chu, Chinese Documentaries: From Dogma to Polyphony (London: Routledge, 2007), 95. 20 Zhao Yu, Qiang Guo Meng (Aspirations for a Powerful Nation), China Writers Publishers, 1988; Zhao Yu, Bing Bai Hancheng (Encountering China’s Waterloo in Seoul) (Beijing: China Social Science Publisher, 1988). 21 Guoqi Xu, Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008). 22 Interview with an assistant director, January 15, 2009. 23 Victor Turner, ‘Social dramas and stories about them’, in W. Mitchell ed., On Narrative, pp. 137–164 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). 24 Interview with an assistant director, March 31, 2010. 25 Interview with an assistant director, May 25, 2009. 26 Zhaoxi Zhang, ‘Tiyu Ticai Jilupian de Shehui Zhuliuxushi: Daxing Jilupian Women de Aolinpike Chuangzuo Shijian yu Sikao’, (Crafting Mainstream Narratives Through Sports Documentaries: Thoughts on the Creation of TV Documentary Series China and the Olympics), Modern Communication 2, no. 1 (2009): 89–93. 27 Donald Schon, The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action (New York: Basic, 1983); James Ettema and Theodore Glasser, Custodians of Conscience: Investigative Journalism and Public Virtue (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). 28 Richard A. Peterson and N. Anand, ‘The Production of Culture Perspective’, Annual Review of Sociology 30, no.1 (2004): 311–334.

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“An Art of Regrets” 29 Interview with an assistant director, September 7, 2009. 30 Richard Caves, Creative Industries: Contracts Between Art and Commerce (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002); David Hesmondhalgh, The Cultural Industries (4th Edition) (London and Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2019); Paul Hirsch, ‘Processing Fads and Fashions: An Organization-set Analysis of Cultural Industry Systems’, American Journal of Sociology 77, no. 4 (1972): 639–659. 31 James Ettema, ‘The Organizational Context of Creativity: A Case Study from Public Television’, in James Ettema and Charles Whitney eds., Individuals in Mass Media Organizations: Creativity and Constraint. Sage Annual Reviews of Communication Research (Vol. 10). pp. 91–106 (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1982). 32 Interview with an executive director, November 25, 2009. 33 Interview with an executive director, November 24, 2009.

Bibliography Cantor, G. Muriel. The Hollywood Television Producer. New York: Routledge, 1971 [2015]. Caves, Richard. Creative Industries: Contracts Between Art and Commerce. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002. Chu, Yingchi. Chinese Documentaries: From Dogma to Polyphony. London: Routledge, 2007. Edgerton, Gary. ‘Introduction: Television as Historian: A Different Kind of History Altogether.’ in Gary R. Edgerton and Peter C. Rollins eds., Television Histories: Shaping Collective Memory in the Media Age. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 2001. Ettema, James. ‘The Organizational Context of Creativity: A Case Study from Public Television’, in James Ettema and Charles Whitney eds., Individuals in Mass Media Organizations: Creativity and Constraint. Sage Annual Reviews of Communication Research (Vol. 10). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1982. Ettema, James and Glasser, Theodore. Custodians of Conscience: Investigative Journalism and Public Virtue. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998. Fan, Hong, Wu, Ping and Xiong, Huan. ‘Beijing Ambitions: An Analysis of the Chinese Elite Sports System and Its Olympic Strategy for the 2008 Olympic Games.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 22, no. 4 (2005): 510–529. Giddens, Anthony. The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1984. Hesmondhalgh, David. The Cultural Industries (4th Edition). London and Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2019. He, Suliu. Zhongguo Dianshi Jilupian Shilun: 1958–2004 (A History of Chinese Television Documentaries: 1958–2004). Beijing: Communication University of China Press, 2005. Hirsch, Paul. ‘Processing Fads and Fashions: An Organization-set Analysis of Cultural Industry Systems.’ American Journal of Sociology 77, no.4 (1972): 639–659. Lu, Xinyu. ‘Rethinking China’s New Documentary Movement: Engagement with the Social’, in Chris Berry and Lu Xinyu eds., New Chinese Documentary Film Movement: For the Public Record. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010. Newcomb, Horace and Alley, Robert. The Producer’s Medium: Conversations with Creators of American TV. New York: Oxford University Press, 1983. Peterson, Richard A. and Anand, N. ‘The Production of Culture Perspective.’ Annual Review of Sociology 30, no. 1 (2004): 311–334. Rowe, David. Sport, Culture and the Media (2nd Edition). Berkshire: Open University Press, 2004. Schon, Donald. The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action. New York: Basic, 1983. Sturken, Marita. Tangled Memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS Epidemic, and the Politics of Remembering. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997. Turner, Victor. ‘Social Dramas and Stories about Them.’, in W. Mitchell, eds. On Narrative. pp. 137–164. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Whitney, Charles and Ettema, James. ‘Media Production: Individuals, Organizations, Institutions’, in A. Valdivia eds. A Companion to Media Studies. pp. 157–187. London: Blackwell Publishing, 2003. Xu, Guoqi. Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2008. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008. Zhang, Zhaoxi. ‘Tiyu Ticai Jilupian de Shehui Zhuliuxushi: Daxing Jilupian Women de Aolinpike Chuangzuo Shijian yu Sikao.’ (Crafting Mainstream Narratives Through Sports Documentaries: Thoughts on the Creation of TV Documentary Series China and the Olympics).’ Modern Communication 2, no.1 (2009): 89–93. Zhao, Yu. Qiang Guo Meng (Aspirations for a Powerful Nation). Beijing: China Writers Publisher, 1988. Zhao, Yuezhi. Communication in China: Political Economy, Power and Conflict. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008.

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PART IX

Sports in Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan Guan Zhixun

Since 1840, the introduction of Western sports into China has promoted the rapid development of competitive sports, school physical education, and social sports. Especially in the field of Olympic sports, athletes in China often achieve excellent results in large-scale sports events. In addition, the folk games that best characterise the brand and characteristics of traditional Chinese sports culture have also been valued and developed. The sport exchanges between various regions in China have ushered in a new stage. The results of exchanges have become the basis for the high-quality development. This section focuses on sport in Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. It gives overviews on sports history, tradition, and development in these three regions. It discusses sport exchanges and strategic partnerships among Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and mainland China at governmental and non-governmental levels, particularly after China released its Outline to Develop China into a Strong Sports Country by 2050. This outline puts forward new tasks on strengthening sport communication with Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan and serving China’s diplomacy and ‘One Country Two Systems’ policy. It explores Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan’s participation in international competition in the past decades. Prof. Haichen Yang looks into the sports development in Taiwan from a historical perspective. The development of sports in Taiwan represented a profound historical imprint of traditional Chinese culture. At the same time, because China’s Taiwan and the mainland are not completely the same in terms of politics, economy, society, and culture, the characteristics of their sports development are also somewhat different from those of mainland China. Dr. Liu Huaxuan and Prof. Wang Runbin review the change of sports before and after 1997 in Hong Kong from three aspects: the policy, the financial support, and the achievements. It was found that after the handover, Hong Kong developed a relatively mature and complete administrative system to manage sports. With the autonomy of making political decisions, putting forward a project agenda, and allocating funds, positive results have been achieved both in mass sports and elite sports. Comparatively speaking, with the efforts of the government and society, the development of mass sports is better than that of elite sports. Financial support for elite sports is largely dependent on government grants. The flushing of mass sports and the beyond-expectation achievements of the 2020 Olympic Games have proved the effectiveness of the current direction for sports development. Dr. Glos HO and Edmond YIU highlight the three approaches chosen to promote a sports-for-all culture in post-colonial Hong Kong: putting in substantial investment and resources; hosting local and international sporting events; and exploiting the soft power of sports celebrities and sporting achievements. However, Hong Kongers’ busy lifestyle and the lack of sporting facilities have presented many DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-56

Guan Zhixun

challenges over the years. To truly promote a sports-for-all culture in Hong Kong, much more should be done, from funding and training policies to building a more supportive sporting environment. Dr Bonnie Pang and Siufung Law provide an overview of the sporting culture in Hong Kong. Specifically, the outline the development of modern sports in Hong Kong in relation to the British and Chinese influences and then explore the impetus for and challenges of the successful bidding for the Gay Games Hong Kong 2023. The chapter discusses diversity and inclusion issues of this mega-sporting event and concludes that Hong Kong is increasingly progressive and diverse, but far from inclusive and the sporting culture with LGBTQ+ communities requires transformation. Prof. Chia Chaun Cheng and Tu Chuanfei discuss the sports industry. The Taekwondo training market is a typical Cross-Strait sports industry. Since the 2000s, after Taekwondo became an official event of the Olympic Games, the Taekwondo training market has shown a blowout development in the Cross-Strait; the Olympic aura also brought a new dawn to the Taekwondo training market. At the beginning of 2020, the COVID-19 epidemic swept the world, but it has not yet completely subsided. Under the epidemic, all kinds of markets have suffered a serious impact, and taekwondo practitioners are also facing the dilemma of ‘temporarily changing jobs’ or ‘going out of business’. Coupled with the poor performance of taekwondo on both sides of the strait in the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games, it is even worse for the development of the grassroots taekwondo training market. In view of the changes, the paper leads to the thinking of ‘where to go’ for taekwondo practitioners on both sides of the strait. Prof. Chia Chaun Cheng and Tu Chuanfei also analyse the Olympic sports from Habermas’s point of view. This part intends to take the reform and opening up of the mainland as the background of the times. Based on the interactive relationship between the Cross-Strait Olympic Committees from the past zerosum opposition to today’s exchanges and cooperation, under the general policy of ‘exploring a new road for the integration and development of the two sides of the Strait’ issued by the mainland, and under the guidance of Habermas’s communication rational theory, this paper explores the way of exchanges between the Cross-Strait Olympic Committees and sports. Prof. Lau, Wing-chung Patrick, Zhen Cheng, and Wu Wen focus on the development of sports policy in Hong Kong, a former British colony and a current special administrative region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China. As one of the most distinctive non-sovereign cities in the world, within the framework of Basic Law and the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ principle, Hong Kong enjoys a high degree of autonomy, which is also reflected in its sport development. More details will be explored in the following sections, namely the background of Hong Kong sports development since the 1950s, sports policy after 1997, the key actors in Hong Kong sports policy, the key features during the sports policy transitions, and the recommendations for the Hong Kong elite sports advancement.

47 A REVIEW OF TAIWAN SPORTS Yang Haichen

Introduction Whether in ancient or modern times, the sports culture in Taiwan has represented a profound historical imprint of traditional Chinese culture. At the same time, because China’s Taiwan and the mainland are not completely the same in terms of politics, economy, society, and culture, the characteristics of their sports development are also somewhat different from those of mainland China. Since 1840, the introduction of Western sports into the country has promoted the rapid development of competitive sports, school physical education, and social sports in Taiwan. Especially in the field of competitive sports, athletes in Taiwan often achieve excellent results in large-scale sports events. In addition, the folk games that best characterize the brand and characteristics of traditional Chinese sports culture have also been valued and developed in Taiwan. Therefore, Taiwan sports have attracted the attention of many scholars, the relevant historical works are ‘Contemporary Taiwan Sports Research’1 and ‘Sports Dictionary’.2

Competitive Sports Competitive sports is an important part of sports. It mainly refers to the social activities with the main goal of improving the level of sports technology, creating excellent sports performance and winning the competition through scientific and systematic training, on the basis of giving full play to the potential of human body in physical fitness, technology, psychology, intelligence and sports ability.3 Competitive sports are widely important in Taiwan and are the focus of its development. The development of competitive sports in Taiwan can be roughly divided into two periods, with 1997 as a watershed. Before that, sports affairs were dominated by Taiwan’s education authority. Since July 16, 1997, the day when the Sports Committee, an administrative organization of Taiwan, was formally established and listed for operation, Taiwan’s sports affairs have been administered by the Sports Committee. Training systems and selective training mechanisms are two important aspects that affect the development of competitive sports in Taiwan. In terms of training system, Taiwan currently adopts a four-level training system. The first level is the Taiwan representative team, whose training units are the Training Center and individual associations of Taiwan with athletes for the Asian Games and the Olympics as its main training targets. The second level is the Taiwan Reserve Team. The training units are the Taiwan Training Center, individual associations, and sports colleges. The main training targets are the Taiwan DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-57

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representative team and reserve team, as well as outstanding players from individual associations. The third level is for outstanding athletes. The training units are individual associations and high school professional sports. The main training targets are outstanding young athletes. The fourth level is grassroots athletes. The training units are individual associations, primary and middle school sports, and the main training targets are characteristic athletes from every city and school. Regarding the selection and training mechanism, the entire selection and training process is conducted by the Asian Games and the Olympic Games Organization Advisory Committee, the training team and the evaluation team or the ad hoc team, etc.4 With the establishment of the Sports Administration in 2013, the ‘Sports Policy Document’ published that year pointed out that it is necessary to take ‘For Healthy Taiwan People, Excellent Sports and Vigorous Taiwan’ as the main orientation and promote Taiwan’s competitive sports to achieve breakthroughs in international competitions through planned development.5 In the competitive realm of Taiwanese sports, most of the athletes are trained through attending physical education classes from elementary school to high school. Under this system, the main problems facing the development of competitive sports in Taiwan are as follows. First, there are fewer sports professionals. Second, the number of competitive players at all levels has decreased. Third, the number of coaches and referees is insufficient, especially the number of A-level and international-level referees. Fourth, private investment in sports is less than that of the government.6 To solve the above problems, we need to optimize the quality of physical education and promote the development of school sports.

School Physical Education School physical education is one of the important components of school education. School physical education refers to the sports teaching and sports activities that schools at all levels (including primary schools, high schools, high vocational schools and colleges, and so forth) conduct to improve students’ physical fitness and sports skills and promote the overall development of their body and mind.7 It mainly includes the following aspects of sports and health courses: after-school sports training, sports competitions, and extracurricular sports activities. School physical education also plays an important role in the development of Taiwan’s sports. Sports in Taiwan have long been managed by its education authority. Therefore, school physical education has naturally become the main body of Taiwan’s sports. According to the ‘Measures for the Implementation of School Physical Education at All Levels’ promulgated by the education authority, the physical education goals of each school are clearly defined as follows: Cultivate students’ necessary skills to participate in sports activities, establish correct sports concepts, and cultivate students’ interest in sports and sports ethics. The above-mentioned educational objectives of school physical education are more in line with the ‘Taiwan people’s education phase 9-year consistent curriculum’ promulgated by the education authorities in 1987. The new curriculum is to cultivate human-oriented spirits, integration capabilities, democratic literacy, local and international awareness, as well as the healthy people of Taiwan who are capable of lifelong learning. Among them, the core content of human-oriented spirits, democratic literacy, local and international awareness, and healthy people can only be achieved through the implementation of school physical education, which also confirms the importance of school physical education in Taiwan.8 Education is both a right and an obligation shared by the people of Taiwan. In 1968, Taiwan society was facing industrial transformation and the progress of science and industry, which made the six-year public education unable to fully meet the needs of society. Therefore, relevant legislative departments in Taiwan passed the ‘Nine-Year People’s Education Implementation Regulations’, turning the six-year public education into a nine-year system. The implementation of the nine-year public education has had a rather great impact on school physical education in Taiwan. From the starting point of the 5th Taiwan Education Conference in 1970 till the 8th Taiwan Education Conference in 2010, Taiwan’s school physical education could be roughly divided into three stages. The first period is from 1970 to 1988, when 386

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Taiwan’s school physical education was under the rule of authorities; the second period is from 1988 to 1994, when Taiwan’s school physical education became a mere formality; and the third period is from 1994 to 2010, when school physical education gradually attracted attention within Taiwan. Since 2010, Taiwan’s school physical education has been basically in the development stage.9 In the first period, due to the government’s implementation of the nine-year public education, a large demand for teachers was generated. However, because physical education was not the subject of the entrance examination at that time, the quality of physical education teachers was uneven. In the second period, in order to listen to the opinions of various parties on the education issue in Taiwan, the education authority held the sixth education conference in 1988. In this meeting, the resolutions related to sports mainly included suggesting that the administrative department set up a department in charge of sports affairs, strengthen school sports teaching and activities, promote the establishment of sports associations in schools at all levels, strengthen physical education, and improve sports facilities.10 However, the sports policy of this education conference had a lack of clarity while the participants were required to endorse the conference, which caused dissatisfaction among some members. In the end, relevant discussions were mere formalities, and there were fewer resolutions that could be implemented in school physical education practice. In order to change the situation of ‘much cry and little wool’, the seventh education conference was held in 1994. In terms of school physical education, the suggested measures of the regional symposium included the six major items of establishing physical education teaching goals and mastering physical education teaching directions, improving physical education teaching methods and comprehensively enhancing the quality of physical education, developing various physical education materials to meet the requirements of the times, improving school physical education policies to promote the routinization of school physical education, improving physical education measures, and improving the physical education environment.11 It can be seen that at this stage, the importance of school physical education has been gradually emphasized, but due to the enrollment pressure, the policy vision on school physical education has not been fully realized. In the third period, due to the change of political power, Taiwan carried out a new round of educational reforms. Among them, the main direction of curriculum reform was to reduce the number of subjects, replace subjects with the seven learning areas of disciplines, and replace curriculum standards with a syllabus so as to reduce the excessive differentiation of learning content caused by numerous courses, among which, physical education and health education were integrated into the health and sports learning field. With the advancement of the curriculum reform process, some parents in Taiwan gradually began to pay attention to performance outside the subjects of entrance examinations, and physical education subjects gradually attracted attention, and some scholars even proposed that sports competition performance be included in the examination scope.12 In August 2010, the education authority held the eighth education conference, and students’ physical activities became the focus of the conference. In terms of school physical education policy, the relevant contents of this conference mainly included fighting for the number of physical education hours, increasing physical activity time and space, strengthening the professional skills of physical education teachers and teacher assessment methods, developing characteristic school sports, and improving the sports environment.13

Mass Sports Since the 1960s, Taiwan’s economy has developed rapidly. The improvement of Taiwan’s economic living standards has stimulated people’s awareness and demand for participating in sports activities. Mass sports (or known as social sports/sports for all) have gradually become popular in people’s daily lives. In addition to popular sports such as baseball, softball, basketball, volleyball, and football, as well as folk sports such as rope skipping and bell pulling (diabolo in the mainland), new sports such as golf, skating, and extreme sports have also gradually emerged. For example, there were 12 spring sports competitions held in 387

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Miaosu County in 1992. In addition to the more popular traditional sports such as basketball, volleyball, softball, and skating, ethnic sports such as rope skipping and shuttlecock kicking were also included in the competition. ‘Sports for all, always and everywhere’ has become the slogan for Taiwan people to participate in mass sports activities.14 Taiwan’s mass sports have a relatively wide range of influence, and mass sports are also called sports for all in Taiwan. The ‘Taiwan Sports Law’ stipulates that everyone ‘should actively participate in appropriate sports activities based on individual needs to promote the balanced development and popularization of sports.’ Therefore, except for school physical education, the rest can be regarded as mass sports. The rise of mass sports in Taiwan has provided development opportunities for private enterprises. Mass sports venues have been expanded accordingly, such as basketball courts, billiard rooms, swimming pools, and so forth. The continuous addition of sports facilities has provided Taiwan people with convenience to participate in various sports. In the process of promoting mass sports, Taiwan’s relevant institutions have also played an active role. From 1998 to 2003, the sports affairs authority has built or renovated a total of 1,476 sports venues, including 126 county (city) sports venues, 81 township (town, city, district) sports venues, 36 township (town, city, district) swimming pools, 32 township (town, city, district) sports parks, 758 simply equipped community sports venues, 341 sets of night lighting equipment for sports venues, 50 bicycle-riding venues, and 52 other venues such as shooting ranges, and sports and leisure promotion centers in many counties and cities.15 In addition to construction of sites, relevant institutions also focus on the development of mass sports in terms of policies. In 1975, they proposed to fully promote community sports. In 1976, they promoted the ‘Key Implementation Plan for Sports’. And in 1979, the education authority and internal affairs authority jointly promoted the ‘key points for community sports implementation’ to call on people to participate in sports to improve their health and quality of life. Regarding Taiwan’s mass sports funding, on the one hand, mainly relies on government subsidies, which are funded by the county, city government, and township (town, city, district) offices; on the other hand, it is mainly sponsored by enterprises.16 Some companies hold regular employee sports games every year and provide material rewards to athletes with outstanding performance. Many sports teams sponsored by Taiwan industrial and commercial enterprises also participate in some international competitions, which not only enhances the company’s influence, but also promotes the development of mass sports in Taiwan.

Folk Sports Folk sports mainly refer to a kind of physical sports cultural habit that a nation creates and inherits in the place where it lives. They have a common national outlook on life: inherit past living habits and typical behaviors.17 Folk sports mainly have the following two characteristics. First, folk sports exist among the general public, who are not only the creators, enjoyers, and inheritors of it, but also the carriers of it. Second, folk sports are inherited by the general public. It is a cultural form that can be extended in time and spread and expanded in space.18 Folk sports is a product under a specific time and space background. It is not only a carrier of culture, but also a long-term accumulation of historical culture. Therefore, Taiwan’s folk sports can be discussed from the perspective of historical sociology. Taking historical time as the axis and the period from 1949 to 2010 as the time limit for discussion, the development of Taiwan folk sports can be divided into the three stages of authoritarian system and cultural diplomacy (1949–1974), marginal sports and national sports (1975–1998), and development dilemmas and cultural identity (1999–2021).19 During the period of authoritarian system and cultural diplomacy, folk sports began to be included in the curriculum standards in 1962. At that time, there were only two items: rope skipping and shuttlecock kicking. In 1967, in order to improve the visual decline of elementary school students, the education authority included the shuttlecock and rope skipping of the physical education program in the examination and selected some colleges and universities to implement it. However, due to the fact that this 388

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proposal was not fully implemented, it has formed a short-lived scene in the absence of follow-up promotion.20 The content of folk sports did not have much weight in the curriculum standards of Taiwan’s schools and there were only rope skipping and shuttlecock kicking, since the government did not really pay attention to it. Other folk sports, such as aboriginal dance, dragon, and lion, and folk art array, etc. were left to run their own courses. However, in terms of cultural diplomacy, folk sports changed from a marginal class to the core of the development of the revival of Taiwan culture. In order to break through the dilemma of diplomacy, hoping to promote localized sports activities abroad, the Youth Friendly Visiting Group was established in 1974 and a youth-friendly visiting group was dispatched to foreign countries every year. Through folk sports and other forms, it took the role of the public and students to take the responsibility of expanding diplomacy, enhancing friendship, and so on. Generally speaking, during this period, folk sports were marginalized on the one hand and became a tool of diplomacy on the other. During the period of marginal sports and national sports, the education authority emphasized the promotion of folk sports activities in 1975. In 1976, the education authority held the first folk sports championship at Tainan Municipal Stadium, and folk sports gradually developed in various places.21 In 1979, the education authority and the internal affairs authority promulgated the key points for strengthening the promotion of community sports for all. The main contents included all kinds of boxing, weapons, rope skipping, shuttlecock kicking, dragon dance, lion dance, Song-Jiang Battle Array, and dragon boating, etc.22 In 1980, the office of the administrative agency in Taiwan promulgated the ‘The Implementation Plan of Important Measures for Actively Promoting Popular Sports’ and once again emphasized the importance of folk sports and clearly stipulated that it should guide the establishment of a folk sports association to join the sports association as a group member,23 but the training center mainly focused on boxing and weapons training. Generally speaking, folk sports developed to a certain extent during this period, but they still served as a foil or even marginal sports. In the period of development dilemmas and cultural identity, the sports affairs authority revised the Sports Law and commissioned Tainan University to conduct a basic research on ‘Folk Sports Status and Development Strategies’ in 1999. Tainan University drafted and implemented the ‘Intermediate Plan for the Development of School Folk Sports’ entrusted by the education authority, developed folk sports teaching materials, trained folk sports teachers, and promoted folk sports so as to cultivate young students’ love for their hometown and native land. Although the ‘Intermediate Plan for the Development of School Folk Sports’ was relatively complete, due to financial factors, the university received only a small amount of funding each year. When implementing folk sports activities, it sometimes became unsustainable due to funding problems. School folk sports faced a development bottleneck after many years of implementation. In order to further promote the development of folk sports, folk sports were officially included in the sports competitions in Taiwan in 2000. Some folk sports projects have evolved into regular carnival activities with the help of local food and scenery. For example, in 2001, with the participation of the Tourism Bureau, the combination of Neimen’s Song-Jiang Battle Array and sightseeing and delicacies has created one of Taiwan’s 12 major folklore sightseeing festivals.24 Folk sports play a certain role in promoting cross-strait exchanges. For example, in 2015, under the promotion of the Song-Jiang Battle Array Cultural Research Association of Xiang’an District, Xiamen, the Song-Jiang Battle Array Folk Culture Festival of Fujian and Taiwan was held in Liantang Village, Xiang’an District, Xiamen. A total of 12 Song-Jiang Battle Array teams from Taiwan, Xiamen, Zhangzhou, and Quanzhou were invited to participate in the festival, which promoted in-depth cultural exchanges between the two sides of the Strait.25

Concluding Remarks Because sports have the unique function of uniting people and promoting people’s health, it has been paid attention to in Taiwan for a long time. Taiwan sports generally include competitive sports, school sports 389

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education, social sports, and folk sports. Among them, competitive sports are the focus of its development. School sports were not paid much attention at first. With Taiwan’s education reform and curriculum reform in 1994, the importance of school sports has been continuously improved. On the basis of the gradual development of Taiwan’s economy, social sports have rapidly become popular in Taiwan, improving people’s health and quality of life. Folk sports is the product of specific time and space background, with distinct cultural and regional characteristics. It is not only the carrier of Taiwan culture, but also the result of long-term accumulation of Taiwan culture. In order to promote the development of folk sports, Taiwan’s education department promotes it in primary and secondary schools. In general, after years of development, Taiwan’s sports have made great progress, but there are still some problems. In the future development process, we should pay attention to cultivating professional sports talents, optimizing the teaching quality of physical education, developing characteristic school sports, improving the service efficiency of social sports, and promoting the in-depth exchange of folk sports across the Taiwan Strait, so as to promote the further development of Taiwan.

Notes 1 Zili Lan, Contemporary Taiwan Sports Research (Beijing: People’s Sports Press, 2004). 2 Ministry of Education Sports Dictionary Compilation Committee, Sports Dictionary (Taibei: Taiwan Commercial, 1984). 3 Zhicheng Weng, The Study of Sustainable Development Strategy on Taiwan Elite Sports (PhD thesis, Beijing Sport University, 2009). 4 Shiang-Ming Wei, ‘Strategies of Selection, Training and Competition for Sports in Taiwan’, Journal of Colleges Physical Education,10, no. 4 (2008): 1–15. 5 Sports Department of the Ministry of Education, ‘The 2017 Taipei World University Games Player Training and Implementation Plan’, 2013. 6 Shiang-Ming Wei, ‘Objective Orientation and Strategies Implementation for the Development of Competitive Sports in Taiwan’, Journal of Colleges Physical Education,17, no. 1 (2015): 1–17. 7 Chia-Wen Hung and Chih-Fu Cheng, ‘A Study on the Development of Sports Policy in Schools in Taiwan’, Journal of Colleges Physical Education,6, no. 1 (2004): 31–43. 8 Shiang-Ming Wei, ‘An Approach to Physical Education Reconstruction’, Physical Education Journal 29, no. 1 (2000): 59–70. 9 Andy Lin and Hung-Shih Chou, ‘The School Physical Education Policy View in Taiwan: A Historical Sociological Interpretation(1970–2010)’, Journal of Taiwan Sport Pedagogy 12, no. 1 (2017): 73–92. 10 Kao-WenMao, Report of the Sixth National Conference on Education (Taipei City: Ministry of Education, 1988). 11 Wei-fan Kuo, Report of the 7th National Conference on Education (Taipei City: Ministry of Education, 1994). 12 Lixue Lin, Basic Test Sports Written Test, Relying on Memorizing (Beijing: Minsheng Publishing House, 2002). 13 Taiwan Ministry of Education, Education Report: Golden Decade, One Hundred Years to Educate the People, Taipei City, 2011. 14 Jiayong Zhu and Wenming Guan, ‘The Present Condition of Taiwan’s Sports and the Trend of Its Development’, Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 35, no. 4 (2001): 28–30. 15 Sports Committee of the Executive Council, Sports White Paper ( Taipei: Sports Committee of the Executive Council, 2005), 36. 16 Ping Chen and Wenming Guan, ‘The Development and Characteristics of Taiwan Modern Sports’, Journal of Physical Education, no. 5 (2002): 136–138. 17 Tsung-Hsin Tsai, ‘Discussion on the Category and Characteristics of Folk Sports’, Nationals’ Physical Education Quarterly 24, no. 3 (1995): 68–77. 18 Guochang Yin, Chuanfei Tu, Wei Yan, ‘A Preliminary Probe into the Research Status of Folk Sports in Taiwan’, Journal of Xi’an Physical Education University, no. 5 (2007): 1–5. 19 Hsien-Wei Kuo and Chin-Fang Kuo, ‘Inheritance and Fracture of Taiwan Folk Sports (1949–2010):A Perspective of Historical Sociology’, Academic Research on Sports in Taiwan 55, no. 1 (2013): 79–99. 20 Zhengzhi Fan, ‘The Development and Current Situation of Folk Sports Activities in Taiwanin the Past Thirty Years’, Collection of Educational Materials 10, no. 1 (1985): 225–262. 21 Dapeng Liao, ‘Record of the Development of the Chinese Folk Sports in Taiwan is’, Nationals’ Physical Education Quarterly 20, no. 1 (1991): 29–34.

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A Review of Taiwan Sports 22 Changqi Cai, ‘Review and Prospect of Local Sports in China (Taiwan)’, Nationals’ Physical Education Quarterly 24, no. 3 (1995): 4–11. 23 Taiwan Provincial Government Education Department, Compilation of The History of Taiwan’s Education Development-Physical Education (Volume I) (Nantou: Nantou County government,1988). 24 Yen-Lih Liu and Zhongwen Wang, Taiwan’s History and Culture (Taipei County: New Wenjing Development, 2008). 25 Chun-I Tsai, ‘The Characteristic Analysis of Song-Jiang Battle Array across the Taiwan Strait: Taking 2015 Fujian-Taiwan Song-Jiang Battle Array Folk Cultural Festival in Xiang’an, Xiamen as an Example’, Body Culture Journal 24, no. 4 (2017): 1–24.

Bibliography Cai, Changqi. ‘Review and Prospect of Local Sports in China (Taiwan).’ Nationals’ Physical Education Quarterly 24, no.3 (1995): 4–11. Chen, Ping and Wenming Guan. ‘The development and Characteristics of Taiwan modern sports.’ Journal of Physical Education, no.5 (2002): 136–138. Fan, Zhengzhi. ‘The Development and Current Situation of Folk Sports Activities in Taiwanin the Past Thirty Years.’ Collection of Educational Materials, no.10 (1985): 225–262. Hung, Chia-Wen and Chih-Fu Cheng. ‘A Study on the Development of Sports Policy in Schools in Taiwan’, Journal of Colleges Physical Education 6, no.1 (2004): 31–43. Kao, Wen-Mao. Report of the Sixth National Conference on Education. Taipei City: Ministry of Education, 1988. Kuo, Hsien-Wei and Chin-Fang Kuo. ‘Inheritance and Fracture of Taiwan Folk Sports (1949–2010):A Perspective of Historical Sociology.’ Academic Research on Sports in Taiwan, no.55 (2013): 79–99. Kuo, Wei-fan. Report of the 7th National Conference on Education. Taipei City: Ministry of Education, 1994. Lan, Zili. Contemporary Taiwan Sports Research. Beijing: People’s Sports Press, 2004. Liao, Dapeng. ‘Record of the Development of the Chinese Folk Sports in Taiwan is’, Nationals’ Physical Education Quarterly 20, no.1 (1991): 29–34. Lin, Andy and Hung-Shih Chou. ‘The School Physical Education Policy View in Taiwan: A Historical Sociological Interpretation(1970–2010)’, Journal of Taiwan Sport Pedagogy 12, no.1 (2017): 73–92. Liu, Yen-Lih and Zhongwen Wang. Taiwan’s history and culture. Taipei County: New Wenjing Development, 2008. Tsai, Chun-I. ‘The Characteristic Analysis of Song-Jiang Battle Array across the Taiwan Strait: Taking2015 FujianTaiwan Song-Jiang Battle Array Folk Cultural Festival in Xiang’an, Xiamen as an Example.’ Body Culture Journal, no.24 (2017): 1–24. Tsai, Tsung-Hsin. ‘Discussion on the Category and Characteristics of Folk Sports’, Nationals.’ Physical Education Quarterly 24, no.3 (1995): 68–77. Wei, Shiang-Ming. ‘An Approach to Physical Education Reconstruction.’ Physical Education Journal, no.29 (2000): 59–70. Wei, Shiang-Ming. ‘Objective Orientation and Strategies Implementation for the Development of Competitive Sports in Taiwan.’ Journal of Colleges Physical Education 17, no.1 (2015): 1–17. Wei, Shiang-Ming. ‘Strategies of Selection, Training and Competition for Sports in Taiwan.’ Journal of Colleges Physical Education 10, no.4 (2008): 1–15. Yin, Guochang, Chuanfei Tu and Wei Yan. ‘A Preliminary Probe into the Research Status of Folk Sports in Taiwan.’ Journal of Xi’an Physical Education University, no.5 (2007): 1–5. Zhu, Jiayong and Wenming Guan. ‘The Present Condition of Taiwan’s Sports and the Trend of its Development.’ Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education 35, no.4 (2001): 28–30.

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48 SPORTS AND HONG KONG’S IDENTITY IN TRANSITION SINCE 1997 — SPORTS PLAYED AS A BINDER OR NOT? Liu Huaxuan and Wang Runbin

Introduction The handover in 1997 led to a complicated social situation and indistinct belongings in Hong Kong sports have long been used as a means to eradicate feelings of social exclusion, minimize social conflict, and help identity-building, and thus had become the focus of government interest at that time. Under the ‘One Country, two systems’ formula, Hong Kong was able to enjoy a high degree of autonomy,1 while without any previous experience, the new SAR government needed to develop its own sports system, and explore a new direction for sports development. What is the difference in the sports development between the pre- and post-handover? Is there any achievement successfully reached after 1997, on the basis of the newly raised developing direction? These questions are essential to be clarified, so that the effect of sports on the social environment at a particular stage could be explored subsequently. Experience for developing sports in different contexts could also be obtained. Hence, the current chapter reviewed the sports development after 1997 in Hong Kong with the brief introduction on the situation of pre-handover Hong Kong sports. The review was structured around three elements: policy, financial support, and achievements, including both elite sports and mass sports in Hong Kong.

Policy Before returning back to China, Hong Kong had existed as a British colony without enjoying the right to choose its own leaders for 140 years. At that stage, the colonial Hong Kong government treated sports as a marginal item (which catered mainly to Westerners) on the policy agenda. It wasn’t until 1950 that Hong Kong established the Amateur Athletic Federation (AAF), which embraced all sports activities. The AAF was primarily established so as to work with the International Olympic Committee (IOC) that had begun to accept colonial teams.2 Consequently, after the AAF changed its name to the Amateur Sports Federation & Olympic Committee of Hong Kong (ASF&OC), it was formally recognized as a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Thereafter, the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) and the East Asian Games Association (EAGA) in 1951 and 1952 guided the Hong Kong delegation to the Olympic Games, Asian Games, and East Asian Games.6 However, without sovereignty, sports in Hong Kong were underdeveloped during the colonial era.2 It was proved by a panel of British sports experts 392

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-58

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Figure 48.1

Hong Kong sports structure before 1997.

Source: The Sports Federation and Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, https://www.hkolympic.org/.

who were invited by the Hong Kong government to investigate into Hong Kong sports developments.3 A quasi-governmental organization, the Hong Kong Sports Development Board (HKSDB) was therefore developed.4 Although the HKSDB did play a big role for elite sports development in Hong Kong, the legacies of the colonial authorities’ lack of vision to create a well-organized structure and integrated policies for sports development still led to Hong Kong’s limited success in global sports. Similar limitations existed in the development of mass sports (sports for the public). Policy for mass sports did not step up to the plate until the Star Ferry Riots in 1966 and the 1967 riots. Mass sports was then conceived of as a desire by the government to combat social disturbances and distract public attention from political issues.5 The Council for Recreation Sport (CRS) was therefore established in 1973 (see Figure 48.1). Having evolved from the HKSDB, the CRS helped raise the policy status for mass sports and enhanced the public health at that stage.6 After the handover in 1997, Hong Kong began to be governed under the formula of ‘One country, two systems”. The previous capitalist system in Hong Kong was allowed to be reserved, with ‘a high degree of autonomy’ and ‘independent judicial power’.7 It was found that Hong Kong’s approaches to sports development in the colonial era remained largely unchanged after the handover in 1997,8 except the government sports structure. A reform was made post-handover. The previous HKSDB was dissolved because of the overlap of responsibilities with the Leisure and Cultural Services Department;9 the ASF&OC was formally renamed Sports Federation & Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, China (SF&OC), with a continuation of a former function.10 New organizations were thereafter established; the administrative system of sports development in Hong Kong became increasingly mature and complete after the handover. According to Ma and Lau and Chan,12,13 there are five organizations that constructed the system of sport management in Hong Kong, which included the Home Affairs Bureau (HAB), the Leisure and Cultural Services Department (LCSD), the Hong Kong Sports Institute (HKSI), Sports Federation & Olympic Committee of Hong Kong (SF & OC), and Sports Council (see Figure 48.2). The Home Affairs Bureau, as the government organization responsible, leads the orientation of sports development, whose roles include policy-making, funding allocation, and decision making.11 The Leisure and Cultural Services Department, as one branch of the Home Affairs Bureau, promotes mass sports participation and funds the National Sports Associations by a Sports Subvention Scheme.15 The Sports Council provides advice to the Home Affairs Bureau concerning sport policies and funding allocation, based on citizen’s actual need for sports.13 The Hong Kong Sports Institute is the delivery agent of government support, implementing policies, distributing funds, and training athletes, and also collaborates with the SF&OC, NSAs, and other sport-related organizations in Hong Kong and overseas.13,12 SF&OC’s remit is to select talents for International multisport events with the help of HKSI and publicize the Olympic movement together with the Home Affairs Bureau 393

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Figure 48.2 Hong Kong sports structure after 1997. Source: W. Wu, P.W.C. Lau, and J.M. Zheng, ‘A Historical Review of Elite Sport Development in Hong Kong’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 37, no. 17 (2020): 1777–1806.

and the Leisure and Cultural Services Department.5 The five organizations work efficiently with their respective responsibilities and cooperate to promote Hong Kong sports development. Meanwhile, although the British forces and expatriates established sporting clubs from the midnineteenth century, sporting activities for the general public in Hong Kong were haphazard and limited13 due to the limited space available for sporting facilities, the lack of government guidance on physical activity maintenance, and the dominant societal pressures in the local Chinese community to concentrate on study rather than sports.14 Against this background, the Home Affairs Bureau conducted a project in 2002, reviewed the Hong Kong sports development, based on which, three main pivotal themes were raised to guide the development direction. The three themes were named (a) promoting “Sports for All,” (b) fostering high-performance sports, and (c) equipping Hong Kong to host international sports events.15

Financial Support Before the handover, the sports development was mainly managed by the Hong Kong Sports Development Board, while the income of it mainly relied on government funds. From 1994 to 1996, the government allocated HK$63 million per year to HKSDB. Meanwhile, commercial sponsorship also counted as a dominant source of total funds for organizing sports activities.15 For instance, from 1991 to 1995, the HKSDB received HK$500 million commercial funds from sports associations and wealthy merchants as sponsors.16 Furthermore, some social and individual foundations also supported the sports development in Hong Kong, among which the Hong Kong Jockey Club (HKJC) had taken a leading position. From 1957 to 1996, the HKJC donated more than HK$1.4 billion to build sports facilities and developed sports activities consecutively.12 394

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After 1997, the major funding resources for Hong Kong sports had not changed much. The government subvention still played a key role, as it was supplemented by other sponsorships from business or private sectors. Anyhow, different kinds of funds strongly supported the previously mentioned three main pivotal themes of Hong Kong sports development.17 In terms of the ‘Sports for All’ promotion, an Arts and Sport Development Fund (ASDF) was developed by the Hong Kong government with an amount of HK$300 million allocation. With the four-time injection of funds during the years that followed, the ASDF had gradually become one of the major funds for Hong Kong sports which also supported athletic training, events hosting, as well as the development of local sports. Although it is a more elite-sports-oriented funding, the contribution of the ASDF for promoting sports participation among the society should not be underestimated.18 Moreover, the Home Affairs Bureau has also run a project named the Phoenix Project since 2011, injecting HK$20 million per year for all-level football development.19 Additionally, the Leisure and Cultural Services Department (LCSD) administers and manages a Sports Subvention Scheme that offers annual subvention to the National Sports Associations for developing each individual sport. It was reported that over 64% of the fundings that the National Sports Associations and other sports organizations received from the LCSD was used for organizing community sports activities.20 The business sectors also created lots of opportunities for people of all ages to have participated in physical activities, and to some extent help build a sports culture in Hong Kong. For example, the Bank of China (Hong Kong) has initiated a Badminton Development and Training Scheme since 1999.21 Till 2016, more than 80 corporations jointly sponsored major sports events in Hong Kong (e.g., the Hong Kong Marathon, the Hong Kong Rugby Sevens, and the Hong Kong Cricket Sixes).22,23 Events supported by title sponsors also became popular (e.g., the Longines Hong Kong Masters, the Yonex-Sunrise Hong Kong Open Badminton Championships, and the Standard Chartered Hong Kong Marathon).23 In terms of fostering high-performance sports, a huge economic input was made by the ASDF. As the delivery agent of the government’s elite sports development system, the Hong Kong Sports Institute has enjoyed a notable increase in the government subvention figure, from the initial HK$95.8 million in 2004–2005 to HK$596.2 million in 2018–2019.19 Moreover, the business and private sectors also provided special award schemes for talented elite athletes, especially for those medal winners in high-profile or large-scale events. Hang Seng Bank, Hong Kong Bank Foundations, Bank of China Scheme, and independent trusts such as the Hong Kong Jockey Club, have been highly generous in financially supporting Hong Kong’s elite sports development.15,23 As for equipping Hong Kong to host international sports events, the funds for it mainly came from the government. Unlike other regions, such as mainland China, taking Olympism promotion as one of the event hosting aims, the Hong Kong SAR government casted their efforts realistically, convincing the Hong Kong public that hosting events could improve the sporting infrastructure, raise the standards of sporting performance, and bring economic benefits to Hong Kong.2 Therefore, the government allocated more than HK$100 million for major sports events, and subsequently injected more than HK$2 billion for hosting the Fifth East Asia Game, including HK$1.3 billion for building and upgrading sports venues and fields, and over HK$700 million for facility improvement.24,25 Individual foundations from prominent business families have also donated funds to general sports affairs and elite sports development, such as the Li Ka Shing Foundation, Tsang Hin Chi Sports Foundation, and most notably the Henry Fok Sports Foundation.12

Achievements Promoting “Sports for All” Compared to limited sports activities for the general public as well as insufficient sports facilities back in the colonial period, after the handover, the Hong Kong government played an active role in funding the development of sports; consequently several achievements had been reached.2 Specifically, a wide range of 395

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sports facilities had been developed for the general public, and a series of sports events and programs for residents’ well-being had also been organized. Till 2015, there are four extensive hiking trails (The MacLehose Trail, Lantau Trail, Hong Kong Trail, and Wilson Trail) that are at least 50 kilometers long throughout the city. Residents of Hong Kong can also access 25 sports grounds, 43 swimming pool complexes, 41 bathing beaches, 95 sports centers, 230 hard-surfaced minisoccer pitches, 256 volleyball courts, 259 tennis courts, 295 squash courts, 699 children’s playgrounds, and many other sports facilities such as turf pitches, hockey pitches, horse riding schools, and golf driving ranges.26 Additionally, different sports activities had been organized and supported. Since 2007, the Hong Kong Games have been held every alternate year to encourage active public participation. The Corporate Games are also held biennially for the employees of the industrial and commercial organizations or public sectors in Hong Kong. Moreover, the Major Sports Events Committee (MSEC) was supervised by the Sports Commission which aimed, encouraged, and promoted the organization of major sports events.27 Since 2004, the MSEC developed the “M” Mark System, and awarded the “M” Mark status to the recognized major sports events held in Hong Kong, whereafter it helped them transform into regular, market-oriented and profitable events. Currently, the “M” Mark events include, among others, the Hong Kong Marathon, the Hong Kong Sevens (Rugby), the FIVB Volleyball World Grand Prix, the Hong Kong Squash Open, the Hong Kong Open Championship (Golf), the BWF World Super Series (Badminton), the Hong Kong Cricket Sixes, and the International Dragon Boat Races.28

Fostering High-Performance Sports Although Hong Kong had been recognized as a member of the IOC early in 1951, it was not until the Atlanta 1996 Olympic Games that Hong Kong got its first ever Olympic medal.29 With the limited success in winning medals at international sports mega-events, Olympism as a concept was not widely understood or concerned among Hong Kong residents.2 Because of the underdeveloped sports culture, as mentioned before, the HK SAR government put extra effort in global sports. With political concerns after the handover, the Hong Kong government decided to no longer participate in the Commonwealth Games,30 and shifted to attend other regional and global games, especially the Olympic Games.31 The policy agenda specifically toward developing elite sports had been arranged and the funds had been raised. The traditional advantage sports such as football, swimming, and windsurfing attracted extra attention, and with more interaction with mainland China, Hong Kong has also been able to make progress in badminton, table tennis, cycling, and fencing.4 After winning its first gold medal at the Atlanta 1996 Olympic Games (Lee Lai-shan in windsurfing), Hong Kong had won its first silver medal in table tennis in 2004 (Li Ching and Ko Lai-chak), and the first bronze medal in women’s keirin in 2012 (Lee Wai-sze).32 In the Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games, Hong Kong got one gold medal (Cheung Ka-long, men’s foil), two silver medals (Siobhán Haughey, Women’s 100m freestyle and 200m freestyle), and three bronze medals (Doo Hoi-kem, Lee Ho-ching, and Minnie Soo, table tennis; Grace Lau Mo-sheung, karate; Sarah Lee Wai-sze, cycling), which, the number of medals was twice as many as the previous 17 Olympics combined.33 In addition, as a city located in a tropical area, Hong Kong has participated in the Winter Olympic Games events of short-track speed skating and alpine skiing since 2002. Moreover, it is worth mentioning that in recent years, Hong Kong achieved pretty outstanding grades at the Paralympics, including three gold medals in 2012, two gold medals in 2016, and a record of five gold medals at the Beijing Paralympic Games in 2008.31

Equipping Hong Kong to Host International Sports Events During the colonial era, colonial authorities twice discouraged any attempts for Hong Kong to bid to host the Commonwealth Games.3,4 After the return to China, the Hong Kong government became 396

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increasingly interested in bidding for the hosting of mega-sports events, for by doing so, it can not only brand Hong Kong’s image to the world as a ‘cosmopolitan’, but also enhance residents’ national identity.2 From 1999 to 2008, Hong Kong had bid for three international sports: the 2006 Asian Games, the 2009 East Asian Games, and the 2011 IOC Session. The city won the second one, but failed the other two events.34 On the side of the HKSAR government, the main reason for the local authorities to activate those events was that, as the new authority, the local government needs to elevate the city’s international status, and convince the Hong Kong residents to be confident in their governance competence.2,3 As said by Tung Chee Hwa, ’Ours is a cosmopolitan city. Our ability to embrace the cultures of east and west is one of the secrets of our success, shaping a unique social culture of our own’.35 Since Hong Kong had long been seen as a Westernized east city, it was natural for investors or commercial institutions to doubt that, if the economic environment would change after the handover. The HKSAR government therefore perceived the essentials to construct a global image for the city to preserve its competitiveness in the world, and holding a sports event could be an opportunity to brand the ‘world city’ image of Hong Kong.2,3 Moreover, sports events could also create job opportunities, attract foreign investments, stimulate consumption, and bring economic benefits to Hong Kong.33,36 However, the mainland government was not always an enthusiastic supporter during the bids.33 For the bid for the 2006 Asian Games, since Hong Kong has just returned to China, in order to strictly adhere to the ‘One Country Two System’ formula and avoid being misunderstood as a violation toward the formula, mainland authorities had to remain neutral during the bid.37 Similar silence was taken by Chinese authorities in the bid for the 2011 IOC Session, because at that time Beijing had been accepted as the host city for 2008 Summer Olympics, and the supporting words or actions from mainland China would very likely be criticized as violating the hosting neutrality.38 However, the reason for Chinese authorities to give up its neutrality and begin to support Hong Kong in the bid for the 2009 East Asian Games was that the government had to strengthen Hong Kong society’s confidence in Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa from the post-demonstration political crisis, because residents were dissatisfied with the HK government’s slow response to the SARS epidemic. By supporting the bid, the mainland government hoped the sports event could benefit the city’s economy and image, and subsequently facilitate the recovery of Tung.39,40 The result of this bid reflected China’s massive influence in the international sports community; meanwhile, the three bids revealed that the SAR government was able to enjoy a high degree of autonomy, and the support from the mainland government if needed. Additionally, if a paradox between defending political stability in China’s parts and enhancing the country’s international image and reputation appeared, the mainland government would surely stand on the side of the former rather than that of the latter.33

Discussion and Conclusion This chapter reviewed the change of sports before and after 1997 in Hong Kong from three aspects: the policy, the financial support, and the achievements. It was found that after the handover, Hong Kong developed a relatively mature and complete administrative system to manage sports. Three main pivotal themes were raised, including (a) promoting “Sports for All,” (b) fostering high-performance sports, and (c) equipping Hong Kong to host international sports events. Those three themes were consistently carried out by different sports organisations. With the autonomy of making political decisions, putting forward project agenda and allocating funds, some positive results had been achieved both in mass sports and elite sports. Comparatively speaking, with the efforts of the government and society, the development of mass sports is better than that of elite sports. Financial support for elite sports is largely dependent on government grants. The flushing of mass sports and the beyond-expectation achievements of the 2020 Olympic Games have proved the effectiveness of the current direction for sports development. However, 397

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hidden limitations were also found, including citizen’s greater attention on local sports compared with other larger-scale events, the straightforward support directed to local athletes alongside the disconnection with the Chinese national team, and the dilemma publicity strategy for bid mega-events – whether to rely on the support from mainland, and whether to claim Hong Kong as a ‘world city’ over a ‘Chinese city’. Sports, at the very beginning, was supposed to be a modest means for identity-building at the socialcultural level, and for promoting communication and collaboration. That was also one of the intentions of the HKSAR government developing sports for the post-handover society.2,3 However, it is hard to say whether sports played an efficient role. Due to issues left over from history, Hong Kong finds itself in a hard situation, and needs to reconfigure their relationship with mainland China. While most residents in Hong Kong had accepted that they are indeed part of China and draw pride – and quite often profit – from the economic growth record of the rising China, lots of debates within Hong Kong claimed and even strengthened the own special identity of Hong Kong in the international system.41,42 The current Hong Kong sport system, to some extent, reinforced Hong Kong people’s complicated feelings towards identity.2 For example, Hong Kong has retained its separateness from China in a wide range of international sports organizations; thus, when in sports events, Hong Kong residents might be less likely to identify the Chinese national team as ‘our team’, for they might share the identity with the Hong Kong’s team. One actual example was that in 2015 when teams from Hong Kong and China were assigned to compete in the same group of the 2018 FIFA World Cup qualifiers, in the end, capturing the gaze of the world was not the games but the proHong Kong supporters’ vocal disapproval of Chinese national anthem.43,44 The diverting of local identification from the national belongings also presented citizens’ increasing attention and interest to local sports and local matches.45 It is noteworthy that, according to Wu’s research,44 the Hong Kong SAR government aligns local sporting events (including the Hong Kong Games) with the theme of “sports for all” that pins down sports as leisure activities, by carefully not reinforcing any local identification, whereas the dual identity seems inevitable, even at the government level. No matter from the speech of the chief executive or the bids for mega-sports events, it could be found that Hong Kong has sought to retain both its cosmopolitan appeal and its international role as signs of distinction and difference from the rest of China.2 Emphasizing the characteristic of ‘world city’ instead of ‘Chinese city’ could help highlight the core competitiveness of Hong Kong as a role facing the world, but might also lead to the reinforcement of non-belonging.43 However, we still can find some evidence of the sports’ effects on ‘re-nationalization’. On some major issues, Hong Kong people still hold a sense of pride in and identity with China. One solid piece of evidence was provided by the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games. The University of Hong Kong had provided regular six-monthly polls, asked participants to choose between four categories – Hong Kong citizen, Chinese Hong Kong citizen, Hong Kong Chinese citizen, and Chinese citizen,46 and got a result of very high percentage (38.6%) for Chinese citizens on the eve of the Beijing Olympics in 2008 (only 18% of those interviewed identified themselves as Hong Kong citizens). In the words of Choy So-yuk, a leader of the pro-Beijing political party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, ’the whole Olympics has raised Hong Kong people’s sense of being part of China and their sense of pride in being Chinese’.47 A similar situation happened in the Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games, as the New York Times reported, Olympic success gave Hong Kong an emotional lift and rare unity, and large crowds out in Hong Kong waved the national flag with loud chants for medal winners.48 According to Anderson,49 sports could help build an ‘imagined political community’ through the ‘image of communion’, which makes sports workable for nationalism-building. The current research believes that sports can hardly eliminate the dual identity, which naturally exists, but still can encourage a greater sense of belonging, and promote more fruitful and sincere communications without angry words or extreme political orientation. Suggested by Xu,50 nationalism will not isolate China from the global village, and it is the combination of nationalism and internationalization that makes sports so attractive. 398

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Taking sports as a lens, the same might be true of Hong Long’s dual-identity issue. A Hong Kong comedian, Dayo Wong Tze Wah, had once described the Hong Kong-Mainland relationship as the relationship between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, with a different cultural background and frictions in getting along, yet still families. If so, hopefully, that a shared interest in sports that may help ease conflicts and improve communication.

Notes 1 ‘Hong Kong – The Facts’, GovHK. Accessed December 10, 2021. https://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/facts.htm/. 2 Jinming Zheng, A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Process of Elite Sport Development in China and the UK (in Relation to Three Olympic Sports of Artistic Gymnastics, Swimming and Cycling) (PhD diss., Loughborough University, 2015), 321–338. 3 Calvin Ng, ‘The Western Influence on Sports Development in Hong Kong’, 19–22. 4 Jinming Zheng, A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Process of Elite Sport Development in China and the UK (in Relation to Three Olympic Sports of Artistic Gymnastics, Swimming and Cycling) (PhD diss., Loughborough University, 2015). 5 Gary Ka-wai Cheung, Hong Kong’s Watershed: The 1967 Riots (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009). 6 Bridges, ‘A Bid Too Far: Hong Kong and the 2023 Asian games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 4 (2012): 652–665. 7 Home Affairs Bureau, Towards a More Sporting Future (Hong Kong: Home Affairs Bureau, 2002). 8 Wu, W., P.W.C Lau, and J.M. Zheng, ‘A Historical Review of Elite Sport Development in Hong Kong’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 37, no. 17 (2020):1777–1806. 9 Ma, ‘The General History of Chinese Sports’, 11. 10 ‘History’, Sports Federation and Olympic Committee of Hong Kong. Accessed December 10, 2021. http://www. hkolympic.org/about-us/history/. 11 Home Affairs Bureau, Policy Address: Policy Initiatives of Home Affairs Bureau (Hong Kong: Home Affairs Bureau, 2014). 12 Leisure and Cultural Services Department, ‘About School Sports Programme: Objectives and Actives’, the Official Website of Leisure and Cultural Services Department, Accessed December 12, 2021. http://www.lcsd.gov.hk/en/ssp/ about_ssp/intro.html/. 13 David Johns and Patricia Vertinsky, ‘The Influence of Physical, Cultural and Social Environments on Healthrelated Activity’, in McManus AM, eds., Physical Activity and Health in Hong Kong Youth (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2006), 183–196. 14 Brian Bridges, ‘Hong Kong’s Dual Identities and Sporting Mega-event Policy (CPPS Working Paper Series no.192)’, Accessed December 09, 2021. http://commons.ln.edu.hk/cppswp/94/. 15 Calvin Ng, ‘The Western Influence on Sports Development in Hong Kong’, 19–22. 16 Lihua He and Lunhong Dong, ‘Research on Sports Management System and Operation Mechanism in Hong Kong’, Journal of Physical Education 9, no. 6 (2001): 32–34. 17 P.W.C. Lau and E.C.H. Chan, ‘A Comparison of Australia, Singapore & Hong Kong Sport Policy’, Asian Journal of Physical Education & Recreation 18, no. 1 (2012): 58–75. 18 ‘Arts and Sport Development Fund’, Home Affairs Bureau, Accessed December 12, 2021. https://www.hab.gov. hk/en/policy_responsibilities/sport_policy/sport_policy_fund.htm. 19 Ibid. 20 ‘Contact Information of Subvented National Sports Associations’, Leisure and Cultural Services Department, Accessed December 12, 2021. https://www.lcsd.gov.hk/sc/programmes/programmeslist/sss/nsa.html. 21 Eddie T. C. Lam, ‘Sport Culture of Hong Kong: Recent Development and Prospects’, Journal of Arts & Humanities 5, no. 4 (2016): 39–61. 22 Eddie T. C. Lam, ‘Sport Culture of Hong Kong: Recent Development and Prospects’, Journal of Arts & Humanities 5, no. 4 (2016): 39–61. 23 ‘Sponsors’, Major Sports Events Committee, Accessed December 15, 2021. https://www.mevents.org.hk/en/ app.php. 24 Hong Kong Sports Institute, ‘Annual Report 2011–2012’, The Official Website of Hong Kong Sports Institute, Accessed June 10, 2022. https://www.hksi.org.hk/f/publication/491/AnnualReport11_12_9.pdf. 25 Major Sports Events, ‘“M” Marks Events Calendar’, Major Sports Events Committee, Accessed December 15, 2021. https://www.mevents.org.hk/en/calendar-2019.php. 26 Leisure and Culture, ‘Hong Kong Fact Sheets’, in Information Services Department (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Special Administration Region Government, China, 2015).

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Liu Huaxuan and Wang Runbin 27 Promoting Sports Development in Hong Kong, ‘Motion Debate at the Meeting of the Legislative Council on 6 January 2010’. The Official Website of Promoting Sports Development in Hong Kong, Accessed June 10, 2022. http:// www.legco.gov.hk/yr09-10/english/counmtg/ motion/cm0106-m3-prpt-e.pdf. 28 Ibid. 29 Sports Federation and Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, China (SF&OC), Sixty Years of Sporting Excellence (Hong Kong, 2011). 30 Li YW. ‘Two Tales of China’s Sport Diplomacy: Post-Handover Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions Compared’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 11 (2016): 1284–1302. 31 Brian Bridges, ‘The Making of a Modest Mega-Event: Hong Kong and the 2009 East Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 16 (2011): 2384–2397. 32 Sports-Reference, ‘Hong Kong’, The Official Website of Sports-Reference, Accessed June 10, 2022. http://www. sports-reference.com/olympics/countries/HKG/. 33 Nathan Erickson. ‘These are Hong Kong’s Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games Medalists. Lifestyle Asia’, LifeStyle Asia, Accessed June 15, 2022. https://www.lifestyleasia.com/hk/culture/entertainment/hong-kong-olympics-medalwinners-tokyo-2020/. 34 Marcus P. Chu, ‘Post-Handover Hong Kong’s International Sporting Bids: A Win-Less-Lose-More Journey’, The International Journal of the History of Sport, 33, no. 11 (2016): 1193–1208. 35 Tung Chee Hwa, ‘Policy Address’, The Standard, 10 October 1997. 36 G. Ho, E.Y.M Yiu, and M.H.S. Lam, ‘The Hong Kong Games in the Eyes of Local Sports and Recreation Students’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 11 (2016): 1209–1225. 37 Michael Yahuda, Hong Kong: China’s Challenge (London: Routledge, 1996), 131–134. 38 Gungwu Wang, ‘The First Decade: Historical Perspectives’, in The First Decade: The Hong Kong SAR in Retrospective and Introspective Perspectives (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2007), 13–14. 39 Anonymity, ‘Gang Budi Nanfei Deban’ Hong Kong was Defeated by Durban of South Africa, Hong Kong Economic Times, 8 August 2008, A23. 40 Yiu-chung Wong, ‘Super-Paradox or Leninist Integration: The Politics of Legislating Article 23 of the Basic Law in the Post-Handover Hong Kong SAR’, Asian Perspective 30, no. 2 (2006): 65–95. 41 Sonny Lo, ‘The Mainlandisation and Recolonisation of Hong Kong: A Triumph of Convergence over Divergence with Mainland China’, in The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in its First Decade (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong Press, 2007), 198. 42 Ho, Glos and Alan Bairner, ‘One Country, Two Systems, Three Flags: Imagining Olympic Nationalism in Hong Kong and Macao’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 48, no. 3 (2012): 349–365. 43 Yiu-chung Wong, “One Country, Two Systems” in Crisis: Hong Kong’s Transformation since the Handover (Book Review) (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2004). 44 Wong, A, ‘Hong Kong Soccer Fans Celebrate Draw with China’, New York Times, 17 November 2015. https:// sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/11/17/hong-kong-soccer-fans-celebrate-draw-with-china/ (Retrieved on 12 December 2021). 45 Brian Bridges, ‘Booing the National Anthem: Hong Kong’s Identities Through the Mirror of Sport’. Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations, 2(2), (2016): 819–843. 46 Wu, Helena. ‘Sports as a Lens: The Contours of Local and National Belonging in Post-handover Hong Kong.’ Global Media and China 5.2 (2020): 138–153. 47 Peter So, ‘Enduring Identity Crisis a Challenge to Resolve’, 15 Years On supplement to South China Morning Post, 29 June 2012, 47. 48 Keith Bradsher, ‘A victory lap in Hong Kong for China’s gold medalists’, The New York Times (2008). Accessed December 18, 2021. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/21/sports/olympics/21hong.html. 49 Hannah Beech, ‘Olympic Success Gives Hong Kong an Emotional Life in Hard Time’. The New York Time (2021). Accessed December 18, 2021. https://www.nytimes.com/2021/07/30/sports/olympics/hong-kongchina-olympics-democracy.html. 50 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1991).

Bibliography Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities. London: Verso, 1991. Bridges, Brian. ‘Booing the National Anthem: Hong Kong’s Identities Through the Mirror of Sport.’ Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations 2, no.2 (2016): 819–843.

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Sports and Hong Kong’s Identity in Transition Bridges, Brian. ‘The Making of a Modest Mega-Event: Hong Kong and the 2009 East Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 16 (2011): 2384–2397. Cheung, Gary Ka-Wai. Hong Kong’s Watershed: The 1967 Riots. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009. Chu, Marcus P. ‘Post-Handover Hong Kong’s International Sporting Bids: A Win-Less-Lose-More Journey.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no.11 (2016): 1193–1208. He, Lihua and Lunhong Dong. ‘Research on Sports Management System and Operation Mechanism in Hong Kong.’ Journal of Physical Education 9, no. 6 (2001): 32–34. Ho, G., E.Y.M. Yiu, and M.H.S. Lam ‘The Hong Kong Games in the Eyes of Local Sports and Recreation Students’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no.11 (2016): 1209–1225. ‘Hong Kong – The Facts’, GovHK. Accessed December 10, 2021. https://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/facts.htm/. Johns, David and Patricia Vertinsky. Physical Activity and Health in Hong Kong Youth. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2006. Lam, Eddie T.C. ‘Sport Culture of Hong Kong: Recent Development and Prospects.’ Journal of Arts & Humanities 5, no. 4 (2016): 39–61. Lau, P.W.C. and E.C.H. Chan. ‘A Comparison of Australia, Singapore & Hong Kong Sport Policy.’ Asian Journal of Physical Education & Recreation 18, no. 1 (2012): 58–75. Li, Y.W. ‘Two Tales of China’s Sport Diplomacy: Post-Handover Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions Compared.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no.11 (2016): 1284–1302. Lo, Sonny. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in its First Decade. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong Press, 2007. Wang, Gungwu. The First Decade: The Hong Kong SAR in Retrospective and Introspective Perspectives. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2007. Wong, Yiu-Chung, eds. “One Country, Two Systems” in Crisis: Hong Kong’s Transformation since the Handover (Book Review). Lanham: Lexington Books, 2004. Wong, Yiu-chung. ‘Super-Paradox or Leninist Integration: The Politics of Legislating Article 23 of the Basic Law in the Post-Handover Hong Kong SAR.’ Asian Perspective 30, no. 2 (2006): 65–95. Wu, Helena. ‘Sports as a lens: The Contours of Local and National Belonging in Post-Handover Hong Kong.’ Global Media and China 5, no.2 (2020): 138–153. Wu, W., P.W.C. Lau, and J.M. Zheng. ‘A Historical Review of Elite Sport Development in Hong Kong.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 37, no.17 (2020): 1777–1806. Xu, Guoqi. Olympic Dreams: China and Sports, 1895–2020 (in Chinese). Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 2021. Yahuda, Michael. Hong Kong: China’s Challenge. London: Routledge, 1996. Zheng, Jinming. A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Process of Elite Sport Development in China and the UK (in Relation to Three Olympic Sports of Artistic Gymnastics, Swimming and Cycling) (PhD diss., Loughborough University, 2015).

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49 THE DEVELOPMENT OF SPORTS-FOR-ALL CULTURE IN POST-COLONIAL HONG KONG Glos Ho and Edmond Yik Ming Yiu

Introduction Hong Kong became a British colony in 1842 and later became a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China on 1 July 1997 under the principle of ‘one country two systems’. After World War II, Hong Kong transformed itself from a fishing village into an industrial colony and global trading economy. Despite having the world’s most renowned deep-water harbours and 40% of its land area being taken up by country parks and nature reserves, Hong Kong has always been known as ‘a place for doing business’1 and has a relatively under-developed sporting culture. Long-standing constraints have remained a factor. With a total land area of 1,110.18 square kilometres, Hong Kong is now home to approximately 7.51 million people. Hong Kong is a densely populated, highly urbanised, and modern city with an excellent infrastructure. However, part of the ‘bottleneck’ in boosting Hong Kong’s sporting culture is the lack of sporting facilities, according to Yeung Tak-keung, commissioner for sports, in an interview with the South China Morning Post. According to Yeung,2 Hong Kong is also widely viewed as a society that puts academic and career advancement ahead of sports, while some even consider sports a ‘secondary to other things’. The lack of knowledge about physical activity and adults’ busy lifestyles are among the main barriers to participation in sports,3 while a lack of time and a habitually sedentary home lifestyle obstruct parents’ involvement in their children’s physical activities.4 In 2002, the annual Sports Participation Survey from 1996 to 2000 conducted by the Hong Kong Sports Development Board suggested that between 1996 and 1998, sports participation had grown rapidly, rising from 40% of the population to 54%.5 However, two decades later, in 2016 the Centre for Health Protection (CHP) found that 55.9% of citizens in Hong Kong failed to meet the recommendation on the level of physical activity by the World Health Organization. The most recent report in the Legislative Council (2020) revealed that low participation in sports remains an issue in Hong Kong. The survey suggested that about 20% of teenagers and adults were seated for 10 or more hours per day due to work. Since 2019, the COVID-19 pandemic has made sports participation even more challenging in Hong Kong due to the closure of sports facilities and the cancellation of various sporting events. Has the government of the Hong Kong SAR done enough to develop and promote sports in Hong Kong? This chapter briefly explains the structure of sports in Hong Kong. It examines the SAR government’s determined efforts to cultivate a mainstream sports culture in Hong Kong using three approaches: pouring investment and other resources into developing sports in Hong Kong, hosting and staging local and international sporting events, and cultivating the celebrity effect by celebrating sporting 402

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achievements. The major challenges of land scarcity and the lack of sporting facilities are also discussed as hurdles to the development and promotion of sports in Hong Kong. The participation of the disabled in sporting activities remains another emerging topic and is excluded from this paper.

The Structure of Sports in Hong Kong After the 1997 handover, the Hong Kong SAR government restructured the departments related to culture, sports, and recreation. It combined urban and regional councils and established the Leisure and Cultural Services Department (LCSD) in 2000 under the jurisdiction of the Home Affairs Bureau (HAB), setting the following clear policy objectives on sports development to ‘promote sport-for-all, to support elite athletes and to promote Hong Kong as a centre for major sports events.6 Beneath this umbrella, the HAB provides support to the Sports Commission and its committees, as well as subventions to the Sports Federation and Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, China and the Hong Kong Sports Institute. The LCSD has executive responsibility in promoting community sports and administering funding support to the relevant bodies in accordance with policy directives. In addition, the Major Sports Events Committee was set up to advise the Secretary for Home Affairs (SHA) on strategies and initiatives through a close collaboration with sports associations, the tourism industry, and the private sector, as well as advising on funding priorities.

Investment and Resources in Sports The HKSAR government has also poured additional resources into promoting a ‘sports for all’ culture and fostering high-performance, elite sports, such as badminton, cycling, fencing, squash, and table tennis in Hong Kong. According to the HKSAR government website, in the three periods of 2018–19, 2019–20, to 2020–21, the government spent HK$4.3 billion, HK$4.8 billion, and HK$5.1 billion, respectively, on promoting sports in the community, accounting for 85% of the government’s total expenditure on sports development each year. The estimated expenditure for promoting sports in the community in 2021–22 is HK$5.4 billion. Given the better performance of Hong Kong athletes at an international level, as well as the tremendous economic benefits that are triggered by organising sporting mega-events,7 the Legislative Council Panel on Home Affairs (2019) has outlined its plans to improve the situation and promote sports in the community, support elite sports, and develop Hong Kong as an international sports city. To achieve this, the SAR government has invested over HK$60 billion in building new facilities and resources, such as spending HK$31.9 billion on developing the Kai Tak Sports Park project, which is expected to be ready in 2023. In addition, the government has spent almost HK$20 billion on building sports and recreation facilities in all of Hong Kong’s districts, and around HK$8 billion to promote the sustainable development of both elite and community sports. Other plans have been rolled out to help build a sports culture within the community. In 2019, the SAR government launched the Five-Year District Sports Programme Funding Scheme and allocated HK $100 million to organise more sports programmes for the 21 district sports associations in the region’s 18 districts. The LCSD subsidises eligible national sports associations (NSAs) through the Sports Subvention Scheme to develop sports for young people aged 5 to 19. Ninety percent of the local schools in Hong Kong have joined the School Sports Programme (SSP), gaining opportunities to participate in sports on a regular basis. Agreements on sports exchanges and cooperation have also been made between the Home Affairs Bureau (HAB) and the State Sports General Administration in mainland China. During the 2018/19 school year, 36 retired athletes were employed as school sports promotion coordinators under the Retired Athletes Transformation Scheme to help boost the level of sports in schools. From 2014 to 2019, about HK$27 million were allocated to the Student Athlete Support Scheme 403

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to help students with financial needs develop their sporting potential and pursue their goals. The HKSAR government has also provided subsidies to schools that open up their facilities to outside sports organisations with the aim of increasing the provision of sporting facilities in the community. The long-term development of local soccer and other team games has also received special attention. Since 2015–16, the HAB has allocated a maximum of HK$25 million annually to the HKFA to implement a five-year strategic plan to enhance the HKFA’s administrative and technical capabilities. The District Football Funding Scheme (DFFS) has been running since 2011–12 to provide funding support to the 18 district-based teams to improve their performance. In January 2018, the HAB also implemented the Five-Year Development Programme for Team Sports, covering those that were featured in the Asian Games or Asian Winter Games: baseball, basketball, handball, hockey, ice hockey, softball, volleyball, and water polo. This programme provides funding for eight relevant NSAs to formulate and implement training programmes for Hong Kong to compete in the Asian Games. In addition, the HKSAR government has injected a total of HK$6 billion into the Elite Athletes Development Fund, managed by the Hong Kong Sports Institute (HKSI), to train qualified athletes for international sporting events. Hong Kong has not relied solely on the SAR government to cultivate a sports culture. Business has also played a vital role. The Bank of China (Hong Kong) initiated the Badminton Development and Training Scheme to promote interest in and knowledge of badminton among students. Since 1993, the Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust, one of the world’s top 10 charity donors, has proactively identified and initiated projects that anticipate the community’s future social needs. The trust donated more than HK $1billion to sports, recreation, and cultural projects for the year 2020/21. A number of sports and social services organisations are benefiting from the donations and are promoting sports as a means of tackling social issues. Aware of Hong Kong’s relatively under-developed sporting culture, the post-1997 HKSAR government is beginning to seek a more prominent role in global sports. Following the achievements of the Hong Kong, China Delegation at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, the SAR government, and the Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust together set up a HK$300 million special fund to increase the competitiveness of athletes in upcoming international sporting events.8 The fund was designed to support sports-related scientific research, medicine, and equipment, including the athletes’ gear and facilities in the Scientific Conditioning Centre and the Sports Medicine Centre of the Hong Kong Sports Institute (HKSI), a training centre for elite athletes.

Hosting and Staging Local and International Sporting Events In addition to enhancing sporting facilities and cultivating a sports-for-all culture, the SAR government is committed to a second approach: hosting and staging local and international sporting events. In recent years, some remarkable major events, including the 2008 Summer Olympics Equestrian Event and the 2009 East Asian Games, have been hosted in Hong Kong. The LSCD has also organised community-level activities (such as sports training courses, competitions, and recreational activities), the annual Sport for All Day in the 18 districts of Hong Kong, and the biennial Hong Kong Games, as well as the Corporate Games for the working population and the Masters Games for those aged 35 or above. The Hong Kong Games (HKG) is seen as one of Hong Kong’s most comprehensive territory-wide sporting events in promoting sports participation. Since 2007, the HKG has been held biennially, seeking to encourage friendly exchanges within the 18 districts of Hong Kong. The Games cover eight sporting events, namely athletics, badminton, basketball, futsal, swimming, table tennis, tennis, and volleyball, and are supported by 22 sports venues under the management of LCSD. The Major Sports Events Committee (MSEC) was also established under the Sports Commission (SC) to support major sporting events in Hong Kong. In November 2004, the ‘M’ Mark System and Support Packages were launched to recognise and support major sporting events held in Hong Kong. Currently 404

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there are 12 ‘M’ Mark events, which include the FIVB Volleyball Nations League, Harbour Race, HK Masters (Equestrian), HK Sevens (Rugby), HK International Dragon Boat Races, Hong Kong Marathon, HK Open (Golf), and UCI Track Cycling Nations Cup Hong Kong, China.9 In 2019, in terms of market prices that also cover taxes and subsidies on products concerned, the sports and related activities contributed HK$59 billion to the economy, equivalent to 2.1% of Hong Kong’s gross domestic product (GDP), according to the Hong Kong Monthly Digest of Statistics (2021). One notable example is the Standard Chartered Hong Kong Marathon, which has taken place annually since 1997. The number of participants has increased hugely, rising from 1,076 people in 1997 to about 74,000 people in 2019. The event has been characterised as a Gold Label Road Race by World Athletics. The involvement of the business sector undeniably enhances public participation in sports and facilitates philanthropy, benefiting all segments of the community. The increasing popularity of the Standard Chartered Hong Kong Marathon not only helps to promote a sports culture in the community, but also serves as a marketing platform for commercial sponsorships, encouraging more Hong Kong citizens to participate in jogging and compete in other marathons around the world. Hong Kong Sevens, on the other hand, which kicked off with 12 teams in front of 3,000 people at the Hong Kong Football Club in 1976, has morphed into today’s three-day extravaganza of international rugby, with 40 teams playing in front of 120,000 spectators at the Hong Kong Stadium, more than half of them from overseas (HK Sevens 2021). CNN Sports10 reported that audiences got dressed up for the rugby revelry in Hong Kong Stadium, which was described as the world’s biggest sports party. ‘The event, with its cross-cultural and international crowd charisma, is perhaps the last vestige of our claim to be Asia’s World City. It remains a unique expression of Hong Kong’s soft power’.11

Celebrity Effects of Sporting Achievements Capitalising on the remarkable accomplishments of local athletes in the Olympic Games and in international sports competitions, the SAR government is committed to a third ‘soft-power’ approach to promoting sports by celebrating sporting achievements and medals. To provide Hong Kong citizens with an Olympic experience and a platform to cheer for Hong Kong athletes, the SAR government purchased the broadcasting rights to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, allowing citizens to access the competition free of charge through five different licensed TV channels. These included TVB, Viu TV, Open TV, and the pay-per-view broadcasters Now TV and Cable TV.12 The LCSD also designated areas as ‘Olympics Live Zones’,13 open to the public in the island’s 18 districts, where the competitions were televised. According to Yu,14 sporting achievements have contributed to popularising sports and have brought a great sense of pride to the city. For example, Olympic medalist Sarah Lee Wai Sze has inspired a wave of enthusiasm for cycling in Hong Kong and fostered the expansion of the shared economy in sports. In 2017, bike-sharing services were introduced to Hong Kong by organisations such as LocoBike, Ofo, and Hobabike. In what has been dubbed ‘the Ka-Long effect’, fencing schools in Hong Kong have seen a surge in class enquiries and sign-ups since Hong Kong fencer Edgar Cheung Ka-Long won a gold medal at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics.15

Major Challenges and Moving Forward However, despite increased funding and resources, better talent identification programmes for Hong Kong athletes and the hosting of local and international events, questions have been raised regarding whether these efforts really contribute to the development of sports for society as a whole. Ho, Yiu, and Lam16 revealed that a lack of community support has made it difficult to inculcate the concept of ‘sportsfor-all’ into Hong Kong. According to Wilson,17 the former president of the Hong Kong China Rowing Association, sports development in Hong Kong has been going round in circles. He pointed out that 405

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major obstacles include the shortage of sporting facilities for those with natural abilities and the lack of a broad-based platform of club-organised competitions. Even for soccer, in which the SAR government has invested heavily, stakeholders have said that the clubs have never benefited.18 The desire for more sporting facilities also remains at the top of the agenda. The public has been calling for more dedicated sports centres; for example, ice-skating rinks for ice hockey and archery ranges for archery competitions. These are sports that are particularly suitable for Hong Kong as they can be played indoors throughout the year. However, the provision of sports facilities will depend on Hong Kong Planning Standard Guidelines from the Planning Department, which focuses on providing venues for conventional sports according to the population of each district. Sports facilities such as an indoor cycling venue that meets international standards will need to compete with other land uses, and justification will be an extremely lengthy process. It took almost ten years and HK$600 million to build the Tseung Kwan O Indoor Velodrome cum Sports Centre, which is equipped with a 250-metre wooden cycling track that meets international standards. However, the indoor track is only open to those who can prove that they are experienced riders or who have attended and passed the track cycling training course organised by the LCSD or Hong Kong Cycling Association.19 The COVID-19 pandemic has certainly given rise to an approach of ‘stay home to exercise’. Decathlon Hong Kong (2021) said in an interview that the pandemic had stimulated demand for innovative sporting equipment such as portable badminton nets, inflatable football goals, and zip-off trousers that can be converted into shorts as local citizens have become more aware of their health and well-being. The LSCD in Hong Kong also promoted ‘National Movement Day 2020’ by shooting video demonstrations of various sports for different age groups. However, between August 2020 and 21 September 2021, the largest number of total hits racked up by ‘the physical and mental stretch’ video was just 9,163.20 Despite growing concern over the local populace’s work-life balance and lifestyle, and regardless of the SAR government’s sports policy and its strategic initiatives in recent years, sports participation in Hong Kong remains low. The efforts to host local and international sporting events are frequently cast in terms of improving sporting infrastructure, raising the standards of sporting performance and bringing economic benefits to Hong Kong. However, the questions over land use, cramped living conditions, and inadequate space all remain challenges. In the long term, much more needs to be done, from funding and training policies to building a more supportive sporting environment, to truly promote a sports-for-all culture in Hong Kong.

Notes 1 SCMP, ‘Hong Kong’s Attitude to Sport Is Changing for the Better, Insists First Government Official Solely Dedicated to It.’ Hong Kongs Attitude Sport Changing Better Insists First Government, July 2, 2017, Accessed December 4, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/sport/hong-kong/article/2096363/hong-kongs-attitude-sportchanging-better-insists-first-government. 2 Ibid. 3 Stanley Hui, ‘Health and Physical Activity in Hong Kong: A Review’, Journal of Physical Activity and Health 12, no. 1 (2001): 33–45. 4 A. Ha, Macdonald, D., Pang, B, ‘Physical Activity in the Lives of Hong Kong Chinese Children’, Sport, Education and Society 15, no. 1 (2010). DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2010.493313. 5 HKSI, ‘Economic Impact of Sport’, Business and Economic Research Limited, August 11, 2002, Accessed December 4, 2021, https://www.hksi.org.hk/f/page/611/economicimpactofsportinhk.pdf. 6 GovHK, ‘2020 Policy Address - Sports Developments’, GovHK, November 25, 2021, Accessed December 16, 2021, https://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2020/eng/policy.html. 7 KPMG, ‘Major Sports Events in Hong Kong Generated HKD$2.1 Billion Economic Impact in 2017’, KPMG and the Business of Sport Network, 2018, Accessed December 14, 2021, https://home.kpmg/cn/en/home/news-media/ press-releases/2018/09/major-sports-events-in-hong-kong-generated-hkd2-1-billion-economic-impact-in-2017. html.

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Development of Sports-for-All Culture 8 GovHK, ‘2020 Policy Address - Sports Developments’, GovHK, November 25, 2021, Accessed December 16, 2021, https://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2020/eng/policy.html. 9 KPMG, ‘Major Sports Events in Hong Kong Generated HKD$2.1 Billion Economic Impact in 2017’, KPMG and the Business of Sport Network, 2018, Accessed December 14, 2021, https://home.kpmg/cn/en/home/news-media/ press-releases/2018/09/major-sports-events-in-hong-kong-generated-hkd2-1-billion-economic-impact-in-2017. html. 10 CNN, ‘Hong Kong Sevens: Fans Get All Dressed up for Rugby party’, CNN, April 7, 2019, Accessed December 21, 2021, https://edition.cnn.com/2018/04/11/sport/gallery/hong-kong-rugby-sevens-fans-spt/index.html. 11 Hong Kong Free Press, ‘The Rugby Sevens: A Unique Expression of Hong Kong’s Soft Power, and Crosscultural Charisma’, Hong Kong Free Press, April 5, 2019, Accessed December 16, 2021, https://hongkongfp.com/ 2019/04/05/rugby-sevens-unique-expression-hong-kongs-soft-power-cross-cultural-charisma/. 12 Radio Television Hong Kong, ‘Five TV Stations to Show Tokyo Olympics for Free’, Radio Television Hong Kong, 2021, Accessed December 16, 2021, https://news.rthk.hk/rthk/en/component/k2/1590258-20210511.htm. 13 GoVHK, ‘About LCSD: Mission, Vision and Values’, Leisure and Cultural Services Department, November 29, 2018, Accessed December 14, 2021, https://www.lcsd.gov.hk/en/aboutlcsd/mission.html. 14 KPMG, ‘Major Sports Events in Hong Kong Generated HKD$2.1 Billion Economic Impact in 2017’, KPMG and the Business of Sport Network, 2018, Accessed December 14, 2021, https://home.kpmg/cn/en/home/news-media/ press-releases/2018/09/major-sports-events-in-hong-kong-generated-hkd2-1-billion-economic-impact-in-2017. html. 15 Hong Kong Free Press, ‘The ‘Ka-long Effect’: Hongkongers Rush for Fencing Lessons Following Historic Olympic Win’, Hong Kong Free Press, July 27, 2021, Accessed December 21, 2021, https://hongkongfp.com/ 2021/07/27/the-ka-long-effect-hongkongers-rush-for-fencing-lessons-following-historic-olympic-win. 16 Ho G., Yiu, E. and Lam M, ‘The Hong Kong Games in the Eyes of Local Sports and Recreation Students’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 11 (2017): 1209–1225. 17 Hong Kong, China Rowing Association, ‘The Report of the Sport Policy Review Team’, January 2, 2002, Accessed March 14, 2021, https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr01-02/english/panels/ha/papers/ha0709cb2-2526-2escan.pdf. 18 KPMG, ‘Major Sports Events in Hong Kong Generated HKD$2.1 Billion Economic Impact in 2017’, KPMG and the Business of Sport Network, 2018, Accessed December 14, 2021, https://home.kpmg/cn/en/home/news-media/ press-releases/2018/09/major-sports-events-in-hong-kong-generated-hkd2-1-billion-economic-impact-in-2017. html. 19 YP Discovery, ‘Let’s Rode at Velodrome! But Only Indoors, Please’, YP Discovery, 2015, Accessed December 16, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/yp/discover/news/hong-kong/article/3059903/lets-ride-velodrome-only-indoorsplease. 20 Sing Tao Daily, ‘Where Will the Development of Anti Epidemic New Normal Sports Go?’ Sing Tao Daily, September 28, 2020, Accessed August 10, 2021, http://www.bauhinia.org/index.php/zh-HK/analyses/1025.

Bibliography China Daily. ‘A Sports City to Create Olympic Stars.’ China Daily, October 12, 2021. Accessed December 12, 2021. https://www.chinadailyhk.com/article/242679. CNN. ‘Hong Kong Sevens: Fans Get All Dressed up for Rugby Party.’ CNN, April 7, 2019. Accessed December 21, 2021. https://edition.cnn.com/2018/04/11/sport/gallery/hong-kong-rugby-sevens-fans-spt/index.html. GovHK. ‘2020 Policy Address - Sports Developments.’ GovHK. November 25, 2021. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2020/eng/policy.html. GoVHK. ‘About LCSD: Mission, Vision and Values.’ Leisure and Cultural Services Department, November 29, 2018. Accessed December 14, 2021. https://www.lcsd.gov.hk/en/aboutlcsd/mission.html. GoVHK. ‘Hong Kong Monthly Digest of Statistics. Census and Statistics Department, HKSAR.’ Sports and Related Activities in Hong Kong. August 3, 2021. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://www.censtatd.gov.hk/en/data/ stat_report/product/FA100281/att/B72108FB2021XXXXB0100.pdf. GoVHK. ‘Level of Physical Activity by WHO Recommendations.’ Centre for Health Protection, April 11, 2016. Accessed December 21 2021. https://www.chp.gov.hk/en/statistics/data/10/280/6626.html. Ha, A., Macdonald, D., & Pang, B. ‘Physical Activity in the Lives of Hong Kong Chinese Children.’ Sport, Education and Society 15, no.1 (2010). DOI: 10.1080/13573322.2010.493313. HKSI. ‘Economic Impact of Sport.’ Business and Economic Research Limited, August 11, 2002. Accessed December 4, 2021. https://www.hksi.org.hk/f/page/611/economicimpactofsportinhk.pdf.

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Glos Ho and Edmond Yik Ming Yiu Ho, G., Yiu, E., & Lam, M. ‘The Hong Kong Games in the Eyes of Local Sports and Recreation Students.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no.11 (2017): 1209–1225. Hong Kong Free Press. ‘The ‘Ka-long Effect’: Hongkongers Rush for Fencing Lessons Following Historic Olympic Win.’ Hong Kong Free Press. July 27, 2021. Accessed December 21, 2021. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/07/27/ the-ka-long-effect-hongkongers-rush-for-fencing-lessons-following-historic-olympic-win. Hong Kong Free Press. ‘The Rugby Sevens: A Unique Expression of Hong Kong’s Soft Power, and Cross-cultural Charisma.’ Hong Kong Free Press. April 5, 2019. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://hongkongfp.com/2019/04/ 05/rugby-sevens-unique-expression-hong-kongs-soft-power-cross-cultural-charisma/. Hong Kong SAR Government. ‘CE Announces Measures to Further Promote Sports Development.’ Hong Kong SAR Government, August 10, 2021. Accessed December 21, 2021. https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/202108/10/ P2021081000680.htm. Hong Kong Stadium. ‘Hong Kong Sevens.’ Hong Kong Stadium. 2022. Accessed December 16, 2021. https:// hksevens.com/about-us/the-hong-kong-sevens. Hong Kong Trade Development Council. ‘Playing to Win in Hong Kong: Making Sporting Goods Accessible.’ The Official Website of the Hong Kong Trade Development Council. May 17, 2021. Accessed December 13, 2021. https:// research.hktdc.com/en/article/NzQ1ODc2NjA1. Hong Kong, China Rowing Association. ‘The Report of the Sport Policy Review Team.’ January 2, 2002. Accessed March 14, 2021. https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr01-02/english/panels/ha/papers/ha0709cb2-2526-2e-scan.pdf. Hui, S. ‘Health and Physical Activity in Hong Kong: A Review.’ Journal of Physical Activity and Health 12, no. 1 (2001): 33–45. KPMG. ‘Major Sports Events in Hong Kong Generated HKD$2.1 Billion Economic Impact in 2017.’ KPMG and the Business of Sport Network. 2018. Accessed December 14, 2021. https://home.kpmg/cn/en/home/news-media/ press-releases/2018/09/major-sports-events-in-hong-kong-generated-hkd2-1-billion-economic-impact-in-2017. html. Legislative Council. ‘Promoting Physical Activity.’ Legislative Council. February 2, 2021. Accessed December 14, 2021. https://www.legco.gov.hk/research-publications/english/essentials-2021ise17-promoting-physical-activity.htm. MSEC. ‘The Major Sports Events Committee.’ Major Sports Events. 2022. Accessed December 16, 2021. https:// www.mevents.org.hk/en/index.php. Radio Television Hong Kong. ‘Five TV Stations to Show Tokyo Olympics for Free.’ Radio Television Hong Kong, 2021. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://news.rthk.hk/rthk/en/component/k2/1590258-20210511.htm. SCMP. ‘Hong Kong’s Attitude to Sport Is Changing for the Better, Insists First Government Official Solely Dedicated to It.’ Hong Kongs Attitude Sport Changing Better Insists First Government. July 2, 2017. Accessed December 4, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/sport/hong-kong/article/2096363/hong-kongs-attitude-sport-changing-better-insistsfirst-government. SCMP. ‘Sports Development Is Going Round in Circles as Hong Kong Chases Olympic Success.’ Sports Development Going Round Circles Hong Kong Chases, August 30, 2016. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/ comment/insight-opinion/article/2011100/sports-development-going-round-circles-hong-kong-chases. Sing Tao Daily. ‘Where Will the Development of Anti Epidemic New Normal Sports Go?’ Sing Tao Daily. September 28, 2020. Accessed August 10, 2021. http://www.bauhinia.org/index.php/zh-HK/analyses/1025. Sportsroad. ‘The Star Trend of Hong Kong Athletes.’ Sportsroad. December 31, 2017. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://www.sportsroad.hk/archives/184764. ThinkHK. ‘Sports Events Are Indispensable for Business Investment.’ Think Hong Kong. September 9, 2017. Accessed August 10, 2021. https://www.thinkhk.com/article/2017-09/19/23213.html YP Discovery. ‘Let’s Rode at Velodrome! But Only Indoors, Please.’ YP Discovery. 2015. Accessed December 16, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/yp/discover/news/hong-kong/article/3059903/lets-ride-velodrome-only-indoors-please.

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50 THE DEVELOPMENT OF SPORTING CULTURE IN HONG KONG Hong Kong Gay Games 2023 Bonnie Pang and Siufung Law

An Overview of Mega-Sporting Events Development in Hong Kong As one of the leading international financial centres, Hong Kong has often been characterised as being ‘underdeveloped’ in sporting culture, lacking experiences in hosting mega-sporting events, and lacking government funding and public appreciation for sports.1 In the recent two decades, however, Hong Kong has hosted the East Asian Games in 2009, the yearly Rugby Sevens tournament, and more locally the Hong Kong Standard Chartered Marathons (held yearly since 1997) and the Hong Kong Games (held biennially since 2007). Hong Kong has also competed regularly in international sporting competitions and has gained two Olympic Games gold medals. The first one was by Lee Lai-Shan in windsurfing in the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games, and the other was by Cheung Ka Long in badminton in the 2021 Tokyo Olympic Games. Hong Kong as a postcolonial city retains many British influences in the development of its modern sporting culture.2 For example, the Hong Kong Jockey Club and the Hong Kong Cricket Club was established by British expatriates in the nineteenth century, with little involvement from local Chinese residents in, and often being excluded from, those ‘foreign’ sports.3 By the twentieth century, local Chinese began to set up their own sporting clubs or joined in the British clubs, and with missionary schools introducing sports into the school curricula. Since the 1990s, the Sports Federation and Olympic Committee, the Hong Kong Sports Institute, and Hong Kong Sports Development Board were established to organise and develop Hong Kong’s local and international sporting participation. On a local level, the Leisure and Cultural Services Department carries out executive responsibilities of promoting community sport. Furthermore, a Major Sports Events Committee4 was set up in November 2004 to provide strategies and work in collaboration with sports associations, the tourism industry, and the private sector and on funding priorities in the development of sports in Hong Kong.5 Despite the continuous work of these local sporting organisations, it has been argued that the British colonial government was avoiding sports engagement within local Chinese citizens to keep control of things that might stimulate nationalism or anti-British activism.6 This ‘political depoliticisation’ strategy has created a lack of vision to create an established structure and long-term policies for sports development and is coupled by the local constraints as part of the Hong Kong identities.7 Long-standing challenges including traditional Chinese Confucian culture that encourages academic studies, the financial status that emphasises economic success, and limited space for sporting facilities have left little opportunities8 in developing Hong Kong citizen’s physicality, interests, and employment prospects in sports.9 DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-60

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Sports are closely linked to belongingness and nationalism.10 Since returning to China’s ruling in 1997, people in Hong Kong have navigated their national and local identities under the constitution of the Basic Law of ‘one country, two systems’. Against this historical and contemporary backdrop in the ruling from British to China, the tension and ambivalence in Hong Kong’s dual identities is also reflected through sports. For example, Hong Kong hosted the Olympic equestrian event as part of the bigger Beijing 2008 events11 and arguably was used by the government to foster national pride and patriotism towards China.12 The Olympics are normally hosted by single cities, but Hong Kong was able to act as a host for the equestrian event. This sporting event was seen by China as a successful reflection of Hong Kong’s autonomy within the ‘one country, two systems’ constitutional principle. This chapter draws on Gay Games Hong Kong (GGHK) 2023 as a case study to explore the sociocultural influences on the process of this mega-sporting event and its related diversity and inclusion issues in Hong Kong.

The Creation of Gay Games in Hong Kong LGBTQ+ Rights and The Birth of Gay Games Hong Kong (GGHK) Tongzhi, an umbrella term for LGBTQ+ people in Hong Kong since the 1990s, first appeared in the Chinese encyclopedia Cihai to mean ‘people sharing a common will’, was adopted by revolutionary leader Sun Yatsen (1866–1925) to address members of the revolutionary forces. as ‘comrades’.13,14,15 The word tongzhi was popularized by the first Hong Kong Lesbian and Gay Film Festival in its Chinese title in 1989, and was then used as a synonym for people with non-normative genders and sexualities.16,17 A few critical moments are worth mentioning in the development of LGBTQ+ rights in Hong Kong. For example, sodomy was introduced as criminal under the British colonial governance of Hong Kong in 1842.18 The death of police inspector John MacLennan (died from five bullet shots) in 1980 triggered public debates about homosexuality, leading to decriminalization of male homosexual conduct in 1991. Subsequently, there was an emergence of tongzhi organisations, a creation of pink economy, and an increasing visibility of representation of tongzhi in queer cinema.19,20,21 Since the 1990s, tongzhi has been developed as a selfpositive identity22 and the Tongzhi movement has led to the demand of rights of same-sex marriages and rights to access social and legal benefits.23 In the past decade, Dennis Philipse, the founder of Out in Hong Kong, has been organising sports, fitness, and outdoor events for LGBTQ+ members since 2014.24 With the backdrop of the Tongzhi movement and inspired by his sporting experience at Gay Games Amsterdam in 1998, Philipse filed an application to the Federation of Gay Games (FGG) in 2014 to apply Hong Kong as the host city of the 11th Gay Games in 2022.25 On November 30, 2016, the bidding committee submitted a 300-page final bid book that detailed the planning of 36 sports and 11 art and cultural events, and proposed new sports such as dragon boating, trail running, and tower running (later replaced by e-sports and dodgeball) for the mega-event. Under the theme ‘Unity in Diversity’, the organisation anticipated there would be 12,000 participants and 75,000 spectators attending the games. On February 28, 2017, three host cities, Hong Kong, Guadalajara, and Washington D.C., were shortlisted at the Federation of Gay Games General Assembly.26 A 3.5-day site inspection took place in Hong Kong during June 18–21, 2017. The FGG team inspected the venues of 36 sports and were welcomed with a community reception. The final vote took place on October 30, 2017, at FGG’s Annual General Assembly meeting in Paris, France. Hong Kong won the bid and became the first Asian city to host the Gay Games.27 The organizers of GGHK aimed to positively mobilise the local LGBTQ+ community by the potential economic revenues generated through pink tourism while deemphasizing the political impacts of the event. For instance, the GGHK did not invite local prodemocratic queer leaders Anthony Wong, Denise Ho, or Raymond Chan as their ambassadors, and by emphasizing that Gay Games did not involve politics in response to Taiwan’s withdrawal of GGHK. 410

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After Hong Kong was announced as the host city of the Gay Games 2022, the Equal Opportunities Commission responded to the successful bid by stating the mission of the Gay Games as relevant to the ongoing work of the commission. The commission’s legal counsel, Peter Reading, further substantiated the significance of Gay Games by referring to the event’s role in elevating Hong Kong’s status as a world city ‘that fully embraces diversity and equality’.28 The Home Affairs Bureau also agreed to help with securing sporting and cultural venues for the event. Despite all these positive initiatives and support, immediate backlash from conservative religious organizations and parents’ groups rose in response, with the Family School Sexual Orientation Discrimination Ordinance Concern Group voicing its concern on Gay Games being a pride parade in disguise. As the games get closer to the date, these earlier supportive comments were rejected by conservative and pro-establishment legislators, arguing that government support for the Gay Games would lead to legislation of same-sex marriage for the city. On June 9, 2021, lawmaker Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee asked the government at the legislative council meeting if they could help the organizers of Gay Games Hong Kong in securing venues for the sporting event and encouraging local national sports associations to participate in the event. Pro-establishment legislators Junius Ho claimed that homosexuality was disgraceful, arguing that government support would mean to agree with and promote same-sex marriage.29,30 Despite the fact that GGHK might bring HK$1 billion worth of revenue to the city, Ho contended that he did not want the ‘dirty money’. Lawmaker Priscilla Leung further argued that the government should remain neutral as the event would attract oppositional voices from religious and family-oriented groups and divide society.31 Ho’s controversial speech ignited debates over the event on social media platforms. GGHK addressed their respect to the diverse views of the event in a follow-up statement, and they were dedicated to ‘change hearts and minds’ of people of opposite views.32 On June 15, 2021, Chief Executive Carrie Lam criticised the ‘emotional’ views of the legislators, and stressed that her government supports the event in terms of renting venues to the organisers of GGHK.33 It is uncommon that the chief executive holds an opposing viewpoint from pro-establishment lawmakers. Nonetheless, the legislative debate on the Gay Games has increased visibility of the event, leading to more inquiries from potential corporate sponsors and private venue partners. As the event mainly relies on corporate sponsorship and private donations, it provides certain space for event organisers and their supporters to speak up against homophobia and to dispel myths surrounding LGBTQ+ persons and communities.

COVID-19 and Postponement to 2023 On September 15, 2021, organizers of Gay Games Hong Kong announced that they will postpone the event to November 3–11, 2023, due to COVID-19-related travel restrictions. A month before the postponement, Taiwan Gay Sports and Movement Association announced that they will not send national delegation to GGHK due to ‘personal safety of the athletes’, but will not discourage Taiwanese individuals from participating in the Games.34 The Taiwanese organization believed that their athletes’ rights will not be protected, as their national flag and country name ‘Taiwan’ will be replaced by ‘Chinese Taipei’ under ‘one China’ policy. Taiwan’s withdrawal of the event is interpreted as the effects of the national security law.

Academic Landscape There is limited research that discusses the ongoing processes and implications of GGHK. Khor, Tang, and Kamano compare how both the Japan and Hong Kong governments manage progressive recognitions of sexual and gender diversity in times of the Tokyo Olympics and GGHK.35 They argue that the successful bid of GGHK was of ironic timing as the government was accused of being conservative, regressive, and contradictory in advancing gay and lesbian rights. Chief Executive Carrie Lam addressed 411

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the controversial nature of same-sex marriage multiple times,36,37 and cited her Catholic faith as an implication of having no intention to legalize same-sex marriage. The government also has a record of stalling the call for public consultation on anti-discrimination legislation against sexual minorities.38 Tseng and Sum, meanwhile, focus on comparing attitudes of collegiate coaches towards gay and lesbian athletes in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China.39 They argue that coaches in Hong Kong express no support to lesbian and gay athletes due to their Catholic or Christian religious background and there is a lack of gender training in coaches’ learning environment.40 When the coaches encounter lesbian and gay athletes, they usually implement the strategy of ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ and treat all athletes equally on their performance in training and competitions.

Media Landscape GGHK generally has an overwhelmingly positive reception in the local media, such as South China Morning Post (SCMP), hk01, and Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP). These three media sources represent three distinct political tendencies (pro-China, neutral, and pro-democracy), which give a comprehensive overview of the communities’ perception of GGHK. South China Morning Post was known as the most credible English newspaper in the 1990s and early 2000s,41 whose audiences are mostly expatriates and English-speaking readers. Despite the newspaper’s objectivity being questioned since Jack Ma, the Chinese business magnate and founder of Alibaba Group, acquired SCMP in 2015, the newspaper is still considered one of the more neutral media outlets in Hong Kong. SCMP has the most extensive reports of GGHK, with a special feature page (Hong Kong Gay Games 2022) and more than 30 news articles dedicated to the event. The newspaper reports GGHK since its early bidding stage (April 2016) maintains optimistic views of the event’s capacity to change LGBTQ+ movement in Hong Kong, while emphasing the economic benefits that GGHK will generate through pink tourism. In the SCMP’s Letters and Opinion sections, reporters stand by the event when conservative legislators degraded GGHK and the postponement of Gay Games to 2023.42 HK01, a pro-China Chinese online media43 whose audiences are mostly local blue and white collars, reports LGBTQ+ events and movement such as the pride parade and sexual and gender minorities in Hong Kong in a supportive manner. The online media has more than 20 news articles on GGHK; its earliest report of Gay Games dated back to July 2016. The report tone of HK01 on the event is generally more neutral, with balanced views on both conversative legislators’ opposition to the event and positive response from the Gay Games organization. In its earliest two reports on GGHK (July 2016 and October 2017), hk01 translated the event as ‘tungjiwandungwui (tongzhi-sport-event)’ in its Chinese title. Since 2018, the media started to translate it as ‘tunglokwandungwui’ (play-together-sport-event). The change in its Chinese title aligns with the official Chinese name, neutralizing GGHK from being exclusive to LGBTQ+ to open to all gender and sexuality. HKFP, on the other hand, positions itself as an independent, reader-based English-language newspaper that aims to cover Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement. HKFP adopts a neutral tone in its 12 news articles on GGHK. The Opinion sections are supportive and positive towards the hosting of Gay Games in Hong Kong, as reporters comment directly on their disagreement of conversative legislator Junius Ho’s degradation of the event.44 It is also the only English newspaper that highlighted Taiwan’s rejection to participate in GGHK due to the imposition of the city’s national security law.45

Conclusion Despite the history of colonisation and the process of Westernisation, Hong Kong continues to embody Chinese traditional values towards sexuality and LGBTQ+ rights. Rights affecting LGBTQ+ communities 412

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in Hong Kong seem to have evolved over the years in workplace, education, and mass media, yet sports is still overlooked. This chapter focused on the development of the sporting culture in Hong Kong, specifically on how the successful bidding of GGHK has created an impetus to diversity and inclusion through an international mega-sporting event. Indeed, Hong Kong is diverse, but far from inclusive and the sporting culture with LGBTQ+ communities require transformation. To promote LGBTQ+ rights in sporting culture, changes could be made in the areas of coaching and education and research. In education, professional coaching bodies could include diversity and inclusion training as a required qualification for coaches’ professional registrations. In research, there is a need to understand the contemporary challenges LGBTQ+ sports peoples are experiencing and the sociocultural and economic impacts of GGHK on people’s perceptions of LGBTQ+ people.

Notes 1 Brian Bridges, ‘The Making of a Modest Mega-event: Hong Kong and the 2009 East Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 16 (2011): 2384–2397. 2 Ibid. 3 Brian Bridges, ‘Booing the National Anthem: Hong Kong’s Identities through the Mirror of Sport’, Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal 2, no. 2 (2016): 819–843. 4 Ho Glos, Edmond Yik Ming Yiu, and Michael Huen Sum Lam, ‘The Hong Kong Games in the Eyes of Local Sports and Recreation Students’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 11 (2016): 1209–1225. 5 Wu, Wen, Patrick Wing Chung Lau, and Jinming Zheng, ‘A Historical Review of Elite Sport Development in Hong Kong’, The International Journal of the History of Sport (2021): 1–32. 6 Brian Bridges, ‘The Making of a Modest Mega-event: Hong Kong and the 2009 East Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 16 (2011): 2384–2397. 7 Patrick WC, Lau, Michael HS Lam, Beeto WC Leung, Choung-rak Choi, and Lynda B.Ransdell, ‘The Longitudinal Changes of National Identity in Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan before, During and after the 2008 Beijing Olympics Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 9 (2012): 1281–1294. 8 Brian Bridges, ‘The Making of a Modest Mega-event: Hong Kong and the 2009 East Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 16 (2011): 2384–2397. 9 Amy S, Ha, Doune Macdonald, and Bonnie OH Pang, ‘Physical Activity in the Lives of Hong Kong Chinese Children’, Sport, Education and Society 15, no. 3 (2010): 331–346. 10 Alan Bairner, Sport, Nationalism, and Globalization: European and North American Perspectives (Albany: Suny Press, 2001). 11 Brian Bridges, ‘The Beijing Olympics and Hong Kong Sporting Culture’, Procedia-Socialand Behavioral Sciences 2, no. 5 (2010): 7145–7150. 12 Marcus P. Chu, ‘International Sporting Games in China’s Hong Kong’, In Politics of Mega-Events in China’s Hong Kong and Macao (New York: Palgrave Pivot, Cham, 2019), 61–97. 13 Kong, Travis S.K., Sky H.L. Lau, and Amory H.W. Hui, ‘Tongzhi’, In Howard Chiang, eds., Global Encyclopedia of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) History (Farmington Hills, Mich: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2019), 1603–1608. 14 Kong, Travis S.K., Sky H.L. Lau, and Eva C. Y. Li, ‘The Fourth Wave? A Critical Reflection on the Tongzhi Movement in Hong Kong’, In Mark McLelland and Vera Mackie, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sexuality Studies in East Asia (London: Routledge, 2015), 188–201. 15 Chuanyu Fang, ‘Tongzhi yici de shehuiyuyanxue yanjiu’, [A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Theterm tongzhi]. Yuyan Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu [Language teaching and research], no. 1 (2007): 2833. 16 Kong, Travis S.K., Sky H.L. Lau, and Amory H.W. Hui, ‘Tongzhi’, In Howard Chiang, eds., Global Encyclopedia of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) History (Farmington Hills, Mich: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2019), 1603–1608. 17 Song Hwee Lim, ‘How to Be Queer in Taiwan: Translation, Appropriation, and the Construction of a Queer Identity in Taiwan’, In Fran Martin, Peter A. Jackson, Mark McLelland, and Audrey Yue, eds., AsiaPacifiQueer: Rethinking Genders and Sexualities (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008), 235–250. 18 Lethbridge, H. J, ‘The Quare Fellow: Homosexuality and the Law in Hong Kong’, Hong Kong Law Journal 6, no. 3 (1976): 292–326. 19 Chan, Phil C. W, ‘Same-Sex Marriage/Constitutionalism and their Centrality to Equality Rights in Hong Kong: A Comparative–Socio-Legal Appraisal’, International Journal of Human Rights 11, no. 1–2 (2007): 33–38.

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Bonnie Pang and Siufung Law 20 Day Wong, ‘(Post-)Identity Politics and Anti-Normalization: (Homo)sexual Rights Movement’, In Agnes S. Ku and Pun Ngai, eds., Remaking Citizenship in Hong Kong (London: Routledge, 2004), 195–214. 21 Kong, Travis S. K., Sky H. L. Lau, and Eva C. Y. Li, ‘The Fourth Wave? A Critical Reflection on the Tongzhi Movement in Hong Kong’, In Mark McLelland and Vera Mackie, eds., Routledge Handbook of Sexuality Studies in East Asia (London: Routledge, 2015), 188–201. 22 Kong, Travis S.K, Chinese Male Homosexualities: Memba, Tongzhi and Golden Boy (London and New York: Routledge, 2011). 23 Day Wong, ‘(Post-)Identity Politics and Anti-Normalization: (Homo)sexual Rights Movement’, In Agnes S. Ku and Pun Ngai, eds., Remaking Citizenship in Hong Kong (London: Routledge, 2004), 195–214. 24 ‘Gay Games Hong Kong’, GGHK, November 15, 2021. Accessed July 21, 2022. https://gghk2022.com/en/ 25 Rachel Duffell, ‘2022 Gay Games: the Man behind Hong Kong’s Winning Bid to Host the Event’, SCMP, August 10, 2018. Accessed June 12, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/ 2158960/2022-gay-games-man-behind-hong-kongs-winning-bid 26 Federation of Gay Games, ‘Federation of Gay Games Announces Hong Kong as 2022 Gay Games XI Presumptive Host’, FGG, October 20, 2017. Accessed October 17, 2022. https://www.dropbox.com/sh/2pfv5a8v1qdqa5w/ AABwJ9y_mW-XF_Y2J_3XFL59a?dl=0&preview=FGG+PR+103017+GGXI+Host+City+Final.pdf 27 Ibid. 28 Chris Lau, ‘Lesbian Expatriate Wins Landmark Appeal Against Hong Kong Immigration Department to Secure Spousal Visa’, SCMP, September 25, 2017. Accessed May 13, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/ politics/article/2112727/lesbian-expatriate-wins-landmark-appeal-against-hong-kong 29 Danny Mok, ‘Hong Kong Gay Games Needs More Support, Lawmaker Regina Ip Says as Event Struggles to Find Venues’, SCMP, 9, 2021. Accessed May 13, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/society/article/ 3136702/hong-kong-gay-games-needs-more-support-lawmaker-regina-ip 30 Candice Chau, ‘It’s Disgraceful … I Don’t Want Dirty Money’- Hong Kong Lawmakers Urge Gov’t not to Support 2022 Gay Games’, HKFP. June 10, 2021. Accessed May 13, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/06/ 10/its-disgraceful-i-dont-want-dirty-money-hong-kong-lawmakers-urge-govt-not-to-support-2022-gay-games/ 31 Ibid. 32 ‘Gay Games Hong Kong’, GGHK, November 15, 2021. Accessed July 21, 2022. https://gghk2022.com/en/ 33 Chris Lau, and Lillian Cheng, ‘Hong Kong Leader Carrie Lam Says City Will Support Gay Games, and Calls Lawmaker’s Hate-filled Outburst ‘Unnecessarily Divisive’, SCMP. June 15, 2021. Accessed July 21, 2022. https:// www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3137333/hong-kong-leader-carrie-lam-says-city-will-support-gay 34 Hong Kong Free Press, ‘Same-sex Partners Can Own Subsidized Housing as Court Overturns Hong Kong’ antiLGBT Housing Policy’, HKFP. June 25, 2021. Accessed July 23, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/06/25/ same-sex-partners-can-own-subsidised-housing-as-court-overturns-hong-kongs-anti-lgbt-housing-policy/ 35 Khor, Diana, Denise Tse-Shang Tang, and Saori Kamano, ‘Global Norms, State Regulations, and Local Activism: Marriage Equality and Same-sex Partnership, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Rights in Japan and Hong Kong’, In Michael J. Bosia, Sandra M. McEvoy, and Momin Rahman, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Global LGBT and Sexual Diversity Politics (USA: Oxford University Press, 2020), 283–300. 36 Tom Grundy, ‘Gay Games 2022: Carrie Lam and Gov’t Offer Lukewarm Response to Hong Kong Group’s Successful Bid’, HKFP, November 1, 2017. Accessed July 23, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2017/11/01/gaygames-2022-carrie-lam-govt-offer-lukewarm-response-hong-kong-groups-successful-bid/ 37 Jennifer Creery, ‘Hong Kong Is No Closer to Legalizing Same-sex Marriage, Says Chief Exec. Carrie Lam’, HKFP, March 21, 2019. Accessed July 23, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2019/03/21/hong-kong-no-closerlegalising-sex-marriage-says-chief-exec-carrie-lam/ 38 Khor, Diana, Denise Tse-Shang Tang, and Saori Kamano, ‘Global Norms, State Regulations, and Local Activism: Marriage Equality and Same-sex Partnership, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Rights in Japan and Hong Kong’, In Michael J. Bosia, Sandra M.McEvoy, and Momin Rahman, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Global LGBT and Sexual Diversity Politics (USA: Oxford University Press, 2020), 283–300. 39 Yu-hsien Tseng, and Raymond Kim-Wai Sum, ‘The Attitudes of Collegiate Coaches toward Gay and Lesbian Athletes in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 56, no. 3 (2021): 416–435. 40 Ibid. 41 Centre for Communication and Public Opinion, ‘Public Evaluation on Media Credibility’, Chinese University of Hong Kong 2019. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://ccpos.com.cuhk.edu.hk/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/PublicEvaluation-on-Media-Credibility-ENG.pdf 42 Alice Wu, ‘Hog Kong Politics: the Toxic Storm in a Teacup over Gay Games’, SCMP, August 30, 2021, Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3146636/hong-kong-politics-toxic-stormteacup-over-gay-games

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The Development of Sporting Culture in Hong Kong 43 Primrose Riordan, ‘Hong Kong’s Loyal Critic Faces Tough Test as Beijing Targets Media’, Financial Times, September 29, 2021. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.ft.com/content/bd413b3d-83bf-403e-95dbbe3244698b13 44 Stephen Vines, ‘Hong Kong’s Gay Games Success Blighted by Obsession with Sex’, HKFP, June 19, 2021. Accessed July 26, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/06/19/hong-kongs-gay-games-success-blighted-byobsession-with-sex/ 45 Hong Kong Free Press, ‘Same-sex Partners Can Own Subsidized Housing as Court Overturns Hong Kong’ AntiLGBT Housing Policy’, HKFP, June 25, 2021. Accessed July 4, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/06/25/ same-sex-partners-can-own-subsidised-housing-as-court-overturns-hong-kongs-anti-lgbt-housing-policy/

Bibliography Agnes, S. Ku and Ngai Pun. Remaking Citizenship in Hong Kong. London: Routledge, 2004. Bairner, Alan. Sport, Nationalism, and Globalization: European and North American perspectives. Albany: Suny Press, 2001. Bridges, Brian. ‘Booing the National Anthem: Hong Kong’s Identities Through the Mirror of Sport.’ Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal 2, no. 2 (2016): 819–843. Bridges, Brian. ‘The Beijing Olympics and Hong Kong Sporting Culture.’ Procedia-Socialand Behavioral Sciences 2, no. 5 (2010): 7145–7150. Bridges, Brian. ‘The Making of a Modest Mega-event: Hong Kong and the 2009 East Asian Games.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 28, no. 16 (2011): 2384–2397. Chan, Phil C. W., ‘Same-Sex Marriage/Constitutionalism and Their Centrality to EqualityRights in Hong Kong: A Comparative–Socio-Legal Appraisal.’ International Journal of Human Rights 11, no. 1–2 (2007): 33–38. Chu, Marcus P. ‘International Sporting Games in China’s Hong Kong.’ In Politics of Mega-Events in China’s Hong Kong and Macao, pp. 61–97. New York: Palgrave Pivot, Cham, 2019. Fang, Chuanyu. ‘Tongzhi yici de shehuiyuyanxue yanjiu’ [A sociolinguistic analysis of theterm tongzhi].’ Yuyan Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu [Language Teaching and Research], no. 1 (2007): 2833. Grundy, Tom. ‘Gay Games 2022: Carrie Lam and gov’t Offer Lukewarm Response to Hong Kong Group’s Successful Bid.’ HKFP. November 1, 2017. Accessed May 10, 2022. https://hongkongfp.com/2017/11/01/gaygames-2022-carrie-lam-govt-offer-lukewarm-response-hong-kong-groups-successful-bid/ Ha, Amy S., Doune Macdonald, and Bonnie OH Pang. ‘Physical Activity in the Lives of Hong Kong Chinese Children.’ Sport, Education and Society 15, no. 3 (2010): 331–346. Ho, Glos, Edmond Yik Ming Yiu, and Michael Huen Sum Lam. ‘The Hong Kong Games in the Eyes of Local Sports and Recreation Students.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 11 (2016): 1209–1225. Kong, Travis S. K., Sky H. L. Lau, and Eva C. Y. Li. ‘The Fourth Wave? A Critical Reflection on the Tongzhi Movement in Hong Kong.’ In Routledge Handbook of Sexuality Studies in East Asia, Edited by Mark McLelland and Vera Mackie, 188–201. London: Routledge, 2015. Kong, Travis S.K. Chinese Male Homosexualities: Memba, Tongzhi and Golden Boy. London and New York: Routledge, 2011. Lau, Chris and Lillian Cheng. ‘Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam Says City Will Support Gay Games, and Calls Lawmaker’s Hate-filled Outburst “Unnecessarily Divisive”.’ SCMP. June 15, 2021. Accessed May 27, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3137333/hong-kong-leader-carrie-lam-says-city-willsupport-gay Lau, Patrick W.C., Michael H.S. Lam, Beeto W.C. Leung, Choung-Rak Choi, and Lynda B. Ransdell. ‘The Longitudinal Changes of National Identity in Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan before, During and After the 2008 Beijing Olympics Games.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 9 (2012): 1281–1294. Lethbridge, H. J. ‘The Quare Fellow: Homosexuality and the Law in Hong Kong.’ Hong Kong Law Journal 6(3) (1976): 292–326. Mok, Danny. ‘Hong Kong Gay Games Needs More Support, Lawmaker Regina Ip Says as Event Struggles to Find Venues.’ June 9, 2021. Accessed June 20, 2022. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/society/article/ 3136702/hong-kong-gay-games-needs-more-support-lawmaker-regina-ip Riordan, Primrose. ‘Hong Kong’s Loyal Critic Faces Tough Test as Beijing Targets Media.’ Financial Times. September 29, 2021. https://www.ft.com/content/bd413b3d-83bf-403e-95db-be3244698b13 Tseng, Yu-hsien and Raymond Kim-Wai Sum. ‘The Attitudes of Collegiate Coaches toward Gay and Lesbian Athletes in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China.’ International Review for the Sociology of Sport 56.3 (2021): 416 –435.

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51 THE COLLABORATIVE INNOVATION OF TAEKWONDO HALLS IN THE CROSS-STRAITS UNDER THE BACKGROUND OF CHINESE MAINLAND’S TAIWAN POLICY Cheng ChiaChuan and Tu Chuanfei

Introduction Since 2014, President of the people’s Republic of China Xi Jinping has made important expositions on ‘creating a common market across the Cross-Strait and expanding the Chinese nation’s economy’ on various occasions, pointing out the core goals of advancing Cross-Strait economic complementary advantages, sharing benefits, and sharing risks; both the mainland and Taiwan should actively promote deepening development to maximize the interests of each other.1 In the grand structure of the Cross-Strait common market and the Chinese national economy, the sports industry is an important part of it, and the taekwondo training market is a typical Cross-Strait sports industry. Since the 2000s after taekwondo became an official event of the Olympic Games, the taekwondo training market has shown a vigorous development in the Cross-Strait, the Olympic aura also brought a new dawn to the taekwondo training market. At the beginning of 2020, the COVID-19 epidemic swept the world, and it has not yet completely subsided. Under the epidemic, all kinds of markets have suffered a serious impact, and taekwondo practitioners are also facing the dilemma of ‘temporarily changing jobs’ or ‘going out of business’ coupled with the poor performance of taekwondo on both sides of the Strait in the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games. It is even worse for the development of the grassroots taekwondo training market. In view of the changes, the paper leads to the thinking of ‘Decide on what path to follow ‘ for taekwondo practitioners on both sides of the Strait. The concept of innovation was first proposed by Schumpeter (1912).2 With the changes of the times and social progress, innovation has become the core driving force for promoting the country’s economic transformation and industrial upgrading.3 The main theme of the policy, as the concept of innovation is becoming more and more prosperous, as the complexity and uncertainty of innovation in various fields have gradually increased, and the coordination mode between innovation subjects has become more and more diversified, taekwondo has many practitioners and learners on both sides of the Strait, and it has a different development history between the Chinese mainland and Taiwan. The current epidemic situation in Chinese mainland is gradually under control, and there are also opportunities and challenges for collaborative innovation in the taekwondo training market on both sides of the Strait. Taekwondo practitioners on both sides of the Strait should have a more open, cooperative, and shared 416

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-61

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collaborative innovation model. Therefore, this chapter analyzes the Cross-Strait taekwondo training market and attempts to identify the possible modes of collaborative innovation in the Cross-Strait taekwondo training market from the practical and academic levels.

The Origin and Practical Problems of Taekwondo Training Market in Taiwan Taekwondo was founded by South Korean military officers Choi Hong Hi on April 11, 1955;4 in March 1959, Choi Hong Hi led the Korean National Army Taekwondo delegation for the first Asian tour, the first stop went to Vietnam and the second stop went to Taiwan. After visiting Taiwan, he immediately returned to South Korea. At that time, the news reporters in Chinese Taiwan called this type of Korean boxing ‘hand-splitting’.5 Chiang Ching kuo, the head of Taiwan’s military, learned of the outstanding performance of Korean taekwondo in during the Vietnam War, which facilitated the introduction of the first group of taekwondo coaches from South Korea to the Taiwan Marine Corps in January 1967. This has written a historic chapter for the development of taekwondo in Taiwan. Through the Korean taekwondo coach in Taiwan, and inherited by the Korean taekwondo Grade and Dan system, and the teaching and opening methods of Taekwondo Hall, this laid the foundation for the future development of taekwondo in Taiwan. At present, there are two major mainstream systems of taekwondo, namely the International Taekwondo Federation and the World Taekwondo. The ITF was established on March 22, 1966, with Choi Hong Hi as the first president. WT was established on May 28, 1973, with Kim Un Yong as the first president. After the establishment of ITF, it adhered to the martial arts route, defined taekwondo as Asian martial arts, and WT was committed to bringing taekwondo into the Olympic Games and becoming a competitive sport. Taiwan introduced taekwondo in 1967, which was the ITF system at that time. Later, after the establishment of WT, it gradually became the WT system. Therefore, the development of taekwondo in Taiwan has experienced the changes of the two major taekwondo systems in the world. Most senior taekwondo coaches in Taiwan understand the reasons. It is precisely because Taiwan is one of the few regions that developed taekwondo earlier, has experienced the transition of the training system from ITF to WT, and has also learned the development system of Korean taekwondo. Most of the taekwondo associations have the characteristics of Korean taekwondo in terms of organizational structure, Taekwondo Hall’s operation, technical teaching, stage system, and event planning. In this context, Taiwan’s taekwondo has a solid foundation, promotion system, and teaching technical norms. However, Taiwan has introduced taekwondo for more than 50 years, and the structural system of taekwondo has not undergone breakthrough changes, which has led to such practical problems as rigid operation of the stadium and poor returns. At present, most of the income sources of Taiwan’s taekwondo gyms are tuition fees, grade examinations, examinations, sales of uniforms and equipment, and competitions. The framework of the promotion system is Chinese Taipei Taekwondo Association, taekwondo associations in all counties and cities, basic taekwondo gyms, and taekwondo classes in all schools. After the establishment of Taiwan’s Taekwondo Gymnasium, they usually join the Taekwondo Association as group members, enjoying certain rights and undertaking certain obligations. However, Taiwan’s taekwondo federations at all levels are non-governmental organizations with no official functions. The implementation of these laws and regulations still needs to be improved.

The Development and Opportunity of Taekwondo on the Chinese Mainland On June 10, 1986, Choi Hong-Hi went to Beijing to meet Xu Cai, the chairman of the Chinese Wushu Association, expressing his desire to spread taekwondo in China. In 1988, he went to Yanbian University to meet and give the first taekwondo lecture, starting the development of taekwondo in China;6 417

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taekwondo became an Olympic demonstration event in 1988 and 1992, and became an official event in 2000. Taekwondo practitioners and learners have also been increasing. At that time, ITF taekwondo was brought to the northeast of the Chinese mainland by Choi Hong Hi, and began to be promoted in a small scale among Korean ethnic groups, and ITF taekwondo coaches were sent from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) to teach in northeast China. In 1988 and 1992, WT taekwondo became an Olympic demonstration event, and in 2000, it became an official Olympic event. Chinese mainland incorporated WT taekwondo into the national competitive sports development system, and began to vigorously promote it among the people. In this context, WT practitioners grew rapidly, and ITF became a martial arts event with a small number of participants. In order to achieve good results in the Olympic taekwondo competition, the Chinese mainland also introduced WT coaches from South Korea to coach the national team, and trained many WT coaches and athletes, laying a good foundation for the future development of Chinese mainland taekwondo venues. Up to now, taekwondo halls on the Chinese mainland have spread throughout most provinces, cities, and autonomous regions. In response to taekwondo becoming the official competition event in the 2000 Olympic Games, the Chinese mainland actively selected athletes from other events in the early taekwondo development stage, directly carried out special training, and achieved certain results in the Olympic taekwondo competition. However, many athletes engaged in the taekwondo training market in the society after retiring cannot meet the current social needs, causing conflicts in working ability about ‘Only focus on the competition and yet Neglect teaching guidance’; it significantly affects the satisfaction of consumer in the taekwondo market. In this context, the taekwondo hall on the Chinese mainland has also developed a variety of innovative operation models. In addition to basic tuition fees and grade examinations, there are usually travel, expansion activities, summer camps, etc. All provinces, cities, and autonomous regions on the Chinese mainland have taekwondo associations, but taekwondo halls can only be opened after applying for qualification certificates from local government agencies, such as commerce, fire protection, education, sports, etc., and abiding by laws. In other words, the operation of a taekwondo hall on the Chinese mainland is a commercial activity protected by law. Many policies have been introduced to support the sports market, and taekwondo gyms also benefit from them. However, the market access threshold is still low and fake certificates disrupt the market, which has aroused the concern of relevant units.

The Collaborative Innovation of Taekwondo Practitioners in the Cross-Strait With the support of the mainland’s Taiwan policy, an increasing number of Taiwan companies are going to the mainland for development, and there are also many opportunities for complementary and collaborative innovation between the Cross-Strait and collaborative innovation is based on enterprises, universities, and related institutions as the core elements. The diversified main body collaborative network innovation model with government, finance, and non-profit organizations as auxiliary elements, if viewed from the cross-strait location, it is necessary to recognize the new development pattern, further optimize the collaborative innovation development environment, refine the industrial division of labor, and improve regional development competitiveness;7 the establishment of a collaborative innovation model between entities is conducive to the realization of value sharing of innovative products and the promotion of the development of innovative capabilities of the enterprise;8 collaborative innovation is a kind of innovation as the goal, with multiple subjects and multiple elements. Multi-stage interaction is the center, complementary, comprehensive, and in-depth cooperative innovation behavior and process;9 under the background of innovation-driven development strategy, collaborative innovation is an important driving force for regional economic development, which helps to give play to the concentration advantages of regional innovation elements and the role of the ‘first driving force’ of innovation, which enhances 418

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regional economic coordination. Collaborative innovation also plays a two-way role of ‘bringing in’ and ‘going out’, and promotes innovation cooperation and exchanges between regions.10 The development of the taekwondo market on both sides of the strait has different historical backgrounds, and it has created a differentiated operating style of taekwondo gyms between the Cross-Strait. Under the current opportunity of the mainland’s Taiwan policy, it happens to build a complementary platform and structure for the taekwondo market. Due to different historical backgrounds, the time gap between the development of taekwondo on both sides of the Taiwan straits is about 20 years. In terms of the training system of instructors, most of Taiwan’s taekwondo coaches have professional experience in athletes, referees, coaches, etc., and then they are promoted to the operators of taekwondo halls. They have a high degree of persistence and enthusiasm for the taekwondo market, and pay great attention to the technical progress and competition results of the students of the taekwondo halls. However, the management of taekwondo hall is relatively lacking; taekwondo on the Chinese mainland has been promoted in Yanbian University since 1988, mainly for students of Yanbian University and Chinese and Korean athletes. With the development of taekwondo in the Olympic Games, it has gradually spread from the northeast to Beijing, Shanghai, and other big cities. With the rapid development of taekwondo on the Chinese mainland, the management and operation methods of taekwondo halls often ‘take priority’ over the teaching quality. Therefore, the overall quality and coaching level of the taekwondo coaches on the Chinese mainland have hidden worries. From the perspective of collaborative innovation, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits have complementary space. With the support of policies, the taekwondo hall has become the main body of innovation. With government policies, financial credit, and non-governmental organizations as auxiliary elements, it has established a collaborative innovation model between the main bodies through geographical advantages. From the interconnection of taekwondo practitioners on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, it has combined its own experience to exchange. In the ’post epidemic era’, it can not only ’introduce’, but also ’go out’. Through the teaching technology of the Taiwan taekwondo hall, relying on the national policies of the Chinese mainland and the operation and management mode of taekwondo hall, we will create an innovative situation in the cross-strait taekwondo market.

Conclusion With the change of the times, the taekwondo market on both sides of the Taiwan Straits has developed its own characteristics. Taiwan has a mature teaching technology and promotion system, while the taekwondo halls on the Chinese mainland have stricter market management regulations and systems. From a macro perspective, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits should form a pattern of collaborative innovation and complementarity based on their respective characteristics and advantages. On the micro level, the development of taekwondo on the Chinese mainland is relatively late; most taekwondo coaches have transferred from other sports, and lack complete teaching and training experience. However, Taiwan has a complete taekwondo echelon and has trained many athletes, coaches, and judges, which can provide reference for the development of taekwondo on the Chinese mainland. In other words, the development of taekwondo on both sides of the Taiwan Straits has its advantages and disadvantages. With the friendly support of the current policy of the Chinese mainland towards Taiwan, Taiwan taekwondo practitioners can think about how to use existing technology and resources to gain a development position in the broad market of the Chinese mainland. Taekwondo practitioners on the Chinese mainland should also weigh the shortcomings of their own taekwondo halls, actively promote the exchange and cooperation between non-governmental taekwondo halls across the Straits, and lay a foundation for the taekwondo training market to ‘build a common market across the Straits and strengthen the Chinese national economy’. 419

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Notes 1 Jun Chen, Wei Zhou and Huali Huang, ‘Exploration of Taekwondo and Korean Nationalism’, Sports Culture Guide, no. 2 (2014): 110–113. 2 Gang Fang and Jiahui Wang, ‘Research on Knowledge Sharing of Collaborative Innovation Based on Block Chain Technology’, Science & Technology Progress and Policy, The Official Website of CNKI, June 15, 2022. Accessed September 16, 2021. 1-102021-08-28. http://kns.cnki.net/kcms/detail/42.1224.g3.20210615.1013.010.html 3 Shaochong Gao, Research on the Fit Relationship between the Node and Structure in Collaborative Innovation Project Governance Network (PhD thesis, Shandong University,2020). 4 Huan Huang, Jiaxin Kuang, Qiufeng Zhang and Xuejing Qin, ‘Research on the Collaborative Innovation Development Ability of the Chengdu-Chongqing Twin-City Economic Circle’, Technology Economics 40, no. 6 (2021): 31–38. 5 Yan Li and Mingque Ye, ‘Research on the Evolution and Influencing Factors of the Collaborative Innovation Network of Zhejiang Urban Agglomeration—Based on the Perspective of Innovation Network’, Lanzhou Academic Journal, no. 10 (2021): 49–64. 6 Leavy B, ‘Collaborative Innovation as the New Imperative Design Thinking, Value Cocreation and the Power of ‘Pull’.’ Strategy and Leadership 40，no. 2 (2012): 25–34. 7 Wanlong Piao, Studies on the Popularization and Development of Chinese Korean Taekwondo (PhD thesis, Yanbian University, 2010). 8 Schumpeter J A., The Theory of Economic Development (New Brunswick and New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2004), 117–118. 9 Jiuyuan Sheng and Yunhua Hu, ‘A Study of Xi Jinping’s Important Exposition on ‘Building the Cross－Strait Common Market and Strengthening the Chinese National Economy’, Taiwan Research Journal, no. 4 (2021): 1–10. 10 Xuanxiong Xie, ‘Introduction to Han Chopping Palm Technique’, Taiwan’s Zhongyang Ribao, no. 5 (1959).

Bibliography Chen, Jun, Zhou, Wei, and Huang, Huali. ‘Exploration of Taekwondo and Korean Nationalism.’ Sports Culture Guide, no. 2 (2014): 110–113. Fang, Gang, and Wang, Jiahui. ‘Research on Knowledge Sharing of Collaborative Innovation Based on Block Chain Technology.’ Science & Technology Progress and Policy, The Official Website of CNKI. June 15, 2022. Accessed September 16, 2021. http://kns.cnki.net/kcms/detail/42.1224.g3.20210615.1013.010.html Gao, Shaochong. Research on the Fit Relationship between the Node and Structure in Collaborative Innovation Project Governance Network. PhD Thesis, Shandong University, 2020. Huang, Huan, Kuang, Jiaxin, Zhang, Qiufeng and Qin, Xuejing. ‘Research on the Collaborative Innovation Development Ability of the Chengdu-Chongqing Twin-City Economic Circle.’ Technology Economics 40, no. 6 (2021): 31–38. Leavy, B. ‘Collaborative Innovation as the New Imperative Design Thinking, Value Cocreation and the Power of ‘Pull’.’ Strategy and Leadership 40, no. 2 (2012): 25–34. Li, Yan and Ye, Mingque. ‘Research on the Evolution and Influencing Factors of the Collaborative Innovation Network of Zhejiang Urban Agglomeration—Based on the Perspective of Innovation Network.’ Lanzhou Academic Journal, no. 10 (2021): 49–64. Piao, Wanlong. Studies on the Popularization and Development of Chinese Korean Taekwondo. PhD Thesis, Yanbian University, 2010. Schumpeter, J. A. The Theory of Economic Development. New Brunswick and New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2004. Sheng, Jiuyuan and Hu, Yunhua. ‘A Study of Xi Jinping’s Important Exposition on ‘Building the Cross－Strait Common Market and Strengthening the Chinese National Economy.’ Taiwan Research Journal, no. 4 (2021): 1–10. Xie, Xuanxiong. ‘Introduction to Han Chopping Palm Technique.’ Taiwan’s Zhongyang Ribao, no. 5 (1959).

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52 OLYMPIC MODEL Consensus on Cross-Strait Sports Communication Since the Reform and Opening Up of the People’s Republic of China Cheng ChiaChuan and Tu Chuanfei

Introduction After 1949, there were two political systems on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. The Chinese mainland was actually ruled by the Communist Party of China (CPC), while Taiwan was ruled by the Kuomintang (KMT). In 1978, the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China decided to carry out reform and opening up, which made the concept of international order in mainland China continue to change significantly.1 The communication and exchanges between Chinese mainland and Taiwan have also ushered in a new stage. Cross-strait relations were ‘not afraid of slow’, ‘not afraid of chaos’, ‘afraid of broken’, and everything is urgent.2 Over the years, the achievements of crossstrait exchanges have created a foundation for peaceful development. For the people of the Chinese mainland and Taiwan, it is vital to maintain smooth communication channels. With the change of the times, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits have changed from confrontation to exchange and from exchange to integration. This change has affected the cooperation and interaction between the Chinese mainland and all walks of life in Taiwan. As far as the sports circle is concerned, the ‘Olympic Mode’ is a typical case of Cross-Strait sports communication and even Taiwan’s participation in international sports activities. Through the ‘Olympic Mode’, the two sides can put aside disputes, conduct normal sports exchanges, and have normal seats in international sports organizations. National and regional Olympic committees are important promoters of global Olympic activities. Past disputes over the seats of the International Olympic Committee and international individual sports federations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait have left a historical mark. From zero-sum competition in the past to today’s communication and cooperation, after several consultations and negotiations, mutual understanding has finally been reached. As Habermas’s theory of communicative rationality implies, language is the medium, emphasizing dialogue and reaching consensus is the goal, which provides a new theoretical perspective for the study of Cross-Strait communication.3 From Habermas’s point of view, it is the proper meaning of Cross-Strait to strengthen exchanges, seek understanding, form norms, and finally reach a consensus through universal, demonstrable, and procedural dialogue and negotiation in Cross-Strait interaction.4 As such, this chapter intends to take the reform and opening up of the mainland as the background of the times, based on the interactive relationship between the Cross-Strait Olympic Committees from the past zero-sum opposition to today’s exchanges and cooperation, under the general policy of ‘exploring a new road for the integration and development of the DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-62

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two sides of the Strait’ issued by the mainland, and under the guidance of Habermas’s communication rational theory, explore the way of exchanges between the Cross-Strait Olympic committees and sports.

Habermas’s Theory of Communicative Rationality Daily communication is a necessity in human life, in which to achieve a higher level of cultural construction of human society, Habermas put forward three kinds of views: validity, rationality, and rational subject.5 The ‘validity’ of human social communication is the basic condition to ensure discussion and dialogue, the ‘rationality’ refers to the main part of language and behavior ability, and the ‘validity’ and ‘rationality’ of communication depend on a certain consensus and knowledge background formed by human social communication itself; in the process of communication, the ‘rational subject’ can successfully complete the communication activities according to the requirements of the effectiveness and rationality of the communication behavior; the ultimate goal of communicative action theory is not the communicative action itself, but the pursuit of ‘consensus’ and ‘identity’.6 Habermas believes that to form a true consensus, it is necessary to provide a completely sincere communication situation, ‘which also means that a free, democratic, fair and just communication platform’ must be provided for all parties;7 and move towards a communication mode of mutual subjectivity.8 After 1949, the Chinese mainland and Taiwan area situation changed from antagonism to relaxation, and the macro pattern of ‘integrated development across the strait’ was formed. Since the reform and opening up, Cross-Strait exchanges have become more frequent, and sports exchanges have become more active. In Cross-Strait sports exchanges, the ‘Olympic Model’ (or also called the ‘Olympic Games Model’) laid an opportunity for Cross-Strait sports cooperation. The Cross-Strait Olympic Committees negotiations on the ‘Olympic Model’ several times reflected the ‘effectiveness’ and ‘reasonableness’ characteristics of Habermas’s rational theory of exchanges and it became a typical case of international Olympic activities.

The Basis of Cross-Strait Sports Communications Since the ‘Olympic Model’ Although the world war has ended, human society still faces many changes and ideological disputes. The separation of Chinese mainland and Taiwan is a typical ideological difference, and such disputes also involve the field of sports.9 After 1949, the Chinese mainland and Taiwan in the international sports arena on the ‘ Chinese representation ‘ issue struggled for many years; January 1, 1979, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the United States formally established diplomatic relations. In the same year, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the PRC issued the ‘Letter to Taiwan Compatriots’, stressing that the Chinese mainland’s policy of resolving the Taiwan question and achieving the peaceful reunification of the motherland has laid a political foundation for future Cross-Strait exchanges. In the 1980s, the Taiwan authorities still adhered to the ‘three no’ policy of ‘no contact’, ‘no compromise’, and ‘no negotiation’, and failed to further develop Cross-Strait sports exchanges. Although the Chinese mainland has been reforming and opening up in the 1980s, due to the special background of the times, the Taiwan authorities still have various restrictions on exchanges with the Chinese mainland, resulting in the inability to freely communicate across the Taiwan Strait; in spite of this, it cannot resist the desire and action ability of the two people to communicate. With the tacit cooperation of the sports circles on both sides of the Taiwan Straits and overseas Chinese, a few Taiwan compatriots living abroad have come to the mainland in the name of unofficial individuals for sports exchanges.10 Therefore, since the separation of the two sides of the Taiwan Straits, the door of sports exchange and interaction between the two sides has been opened. After the increasing non-governmental exchanges, the ruling authorities on both sides of the Taiwan Straits have also begun to make preliminary official contacts. The Taiwan Olympic Committee and the International Olympic Committee have 422

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reached the ‘Lausanne Agreement’ and decided to use the ‘Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee’ as the English name of the Taiwan Olympic Committee. In 1989, Li Qinghua (representative of Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee) and He Zhenliang (representative of Chinese Olympic Committee) held a meeting on the Chinese translation of ‘Chinese Taipei’ in response to the 1990 Beijing Asian Games, and finally named it ‘Chinese Taipei’ (中华台北).11 The specific content of the Cross-Strait sports exchange agreement signed by Li Qinghua and He Zhenliang in Hong Kong on April 6, 1989, is that ‘sports teams and sports organizations’ in Taiwan will go to the mainland to participate in competitions, conferences, or activities in accordance with the relevant provisions of the International Olympic Committee, and the general assembly (i.e., the organizer) The documents, manuals, letters, famous brands, and broadcasts compiled and printed, when referring to sports teams and sports organizations in Taiwan in Chinese, are called ‘Chinese Taipei’.12 The evolution of the Chinese and English names of ‘Chinese Taipei’ is commonly known as the ‘Olympic model’ in the sports circle. Since then, the Taiwan region has also participated in several international organizations according to this model. In October 1987, mainland China opened family visits, which means that Cross-Strait exchanges have reached a new level. Since then, Cross-Strait exchange policies have been introduced, and exchanges between mainland China and Taiwan have become increasingly frequent. However, there have been some unofficial folk sports exchange activities before.13 With the establishment of the Olympic model, Taiwan uses the name of ‘Chinese Taipei’ to participate in various international sports activities, and sports exchanges across the Taiwan Strait have also made great progress. On January 5, 1997, Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee Chairman Zhang Fengxu and Chinese Olympic Committee Chairman Wu Shaozu met in Beijing, which opened a new chapter in the history of exchanges and cooperation between the Olympic Committees across the Taiwan Strait; with the change of the political situation on both sides of the Taiwan Straits and the track of the exchange between the Olympic Committees of the two sides, it can be found that the Chinese mainland and Taiwan have moved from opposition to exchange in the past. The two sides put aside ideological disputes and seek consensus in various ways. Until now, athletes on both sides of the Taiwan Straits can compete in the international sports arena, deepen the friendship between compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, and lay the foundation for future integration and development. Such results are not easy; as Habermas said, the sincerity and tacit understanding of the communication subject is an important mechanism for the communication subject to rationalize their behavior.14 Therefore, the emergence of the Olympic model has found a new opportunity for cross-strait sports exchanges. Although there are still some differences between mainland China and Taiwan on the Chinese name of ‘Chinese Taipei’, in most cases, it has reached the ‘effectiveness’ and ‘rationality’ of Cross-Strait sports exchanges. Specifically, after the reform and opening up of China’s mainland, the ‘Olympic model’ has played a key role in the history of Cross-Strait exchanges. The two sides have faced long-standing ideological differences through rational exchanges, formed a consensus on ‘effectiveness’ and ‘rationality’, realized the communication practice of ‘rational subjects’, and promoted exchanges in other fields across the Taiwan Straits under this consensus.

Conclusion In the context of the political and ideological differences between mainland China and Taiwan, the ‘Olympic model’ provides a platform for Cross-Strait sports exchanges and has become the main channel for Taiwan to participate in various international activities in the future. In the development of global Olympic activities, this is an innovation measure. The two ‘rational subjects’ originally have different political positions. Through the communication of ‘effectiveness’ and ‘rationality’, they have formed a typical model of global sports communication and exchange. Although there are still different opinions between China’s mainland and Taiwan in some aspects, in general, the ‘greatest common divisor’ of sports 423

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circles on both sides of the Taiwan Straits has been formed. Under the framework of the Olympic model, the two sides can communicate freely. At present, the mainland’s policy towards Taiwan is based on ‘exploring a new path of cross-strait integration and development’, which provides a broad space for the development of Taiwan compatriots. In this environment, we should deepen Cross-Strait sports exchanges, strengthen the sense of identity based on the ‘Olympic model’, and actively respond to the policies and guidelines of Cross-Strait integration and development.

Notes 1 Xiao Bi, ‘A Re-Critique of Habermas’ Theory of Interaction Behavior and the Establishment of a Dialogue Theory of Difference’, The Journal of Humanities, no. 6 (2021): 96–106. 2 Shaojian Chen, ‘Retrospect and Prospect of the Cross-strait Competitive Sports Events from 1979 to 2012’, Journal of Xi’an Institute of Physical Education 30, no. 5 (2013): 526–530. 3 Hua Tang, ‘Construction of the Cross-Strait Community with a Shared Future: From the Perspective of Communicative Rationality of Taiwan Compatriots.’ Taihai Studies, no. 4 (2020): 31–40. 4 Mingying Fan and Xiaodong Bai, ‘The Transmutation of China’s View of International Order in the 40 Years of Reform and Opening Up’, Changbai Journal, no. 2 (2012): 21–27. 5 Habermas, J., The Theory of Communication Action, Vol. 1. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984). 6 Junjie Li, Review and Prospect of Cross Strait Sports Exchange under the Change of Globalization (Taipei: Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee, 2003). 7 Qinghua Li, Manuscript of Cross-strait Sports Exchange Agreement, 1989. 8 Yanzuo Li, How Modern Is Nietzsche–Find the Answer from the Debate with Habermas (Taichung: Donghai University, 2017). 9 Guoshen Liu, ‘Study on the Experience of Cross-Straits Exchange in the Past 30 Years’, Taiwan Studies, no. 1 (2018): 13–19. 10 Ge Qiu, ‘The Origin and Boundaries of Communication: Based on the Thinking of Habermas, Husserl and Levinas’, Journal of Zhejiang University (Humanities and Social Sciences) 50, no. 5 (2020): 119–128. 11 Taiwan Regional Sports Authority (Sports Commission), ‘Thematic Research Program (VIII): Cross-Strait and International Relations and Sports’, 2006. 12 Mingxin Tang, The Educational Values of The Olympic Games (Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee, 2007), 201–202. 13 Yiming Zhang, The Study of Cross-strait Relations of Habermas From the Perspective of Communicative Rationality (PhD thesis, Guangxi Normal University, 2014). 14 Youqi Zheng and Wei Wang, ‘Analysis of Habermas’s Idea of Interaction Rationality’, Seeking, no. 12 (2015): 90–94.

Bibliography Bi, Xiao. ‘A Re-Critique of Habermas’ Theory of Interaction Behavior and the Establishment of a Dialogue Theory of Difference.’ The Journal of Humanities, no. 6 (2021): 96–106. Chen, Shaojian. ‘Retrospect and Prospect of the Cross-strait Competitive Sports Events from 1979 to 2012.’ Journal of Xi’an Institute of Physical Education 30, no. 5 (2013): 526–530. Fan, Mingying and Ba, Xiaodong. ‘The Transmutation of China’s View of International Order in the 40 Years of Reform and Opening Up.’ Changbai Journal, no. 2 (2012): 21–27. Habermas, J. The Theory of Communication Action, Vol. 1. Boston: Beacon Press, 1984. Li, Junjie. Review and Prospect of Cross Strait Sports Exchange under the Change of Globalization. Taipei: Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee, 2003. Li, Yanzuo. How Modern Is Nietzsche--Find the Answer from the Debate with Habermas. Taichung: Donghai University, 2017. Liu, Guoshen. ‘Study on the Experience of Cross-Straits Exchange in the Past 30 Years.’ Taiwan Studies, no. 1 (2018): 13–19. Qiu, Ge. ‘The Origin and Boundaries of Communication: Based on the Thinking of Habermas, Husserl and Levinas.’ Journal of Zhejiang University (Humanities and Social Sciences) 50, no. 5 (2020): 119–128. Taiwan Regional Sports Authority (Sports Commission). ‘Thematic Research Program (VIII): Cross-Strait and International Relations and Sports.’ 2006.

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Olympic Model Tang, Hua. ‘Construction of the Cross-Strait Community with a Shared Future: From the Perspective of Communicative Rationality of Taiwan Compatriots.’ Taihai Studies, no. 4 (2020): 31–40. Tang, Mingxin. The Educational Values of The Olympic Games. Taiwan: Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee, 2007. Zhang, Yiming. The Study of Cross-strait Relations of Habermas from the Perspective of Communicative Rationality. PhD thesis, Guangxi Normal University, 2014. Zheng, Youqi and Wei, Wang. ‘Analysis of Habermas’s Idea of Interaction Rationality.’ Seeking, no. 12 (2015): 90–94.

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53 THE TRANSITION OF HONG KONG ELITE SPORTS POLICY BEFORE AND AFTER 1997 Lau Wing-chung Patrick, Zhen Cheng, and Wu Wen

Introduction This chapter focuses on the development of sports policy in Hong Kong, a former British colony and a current Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China. As one of the most distinctive non-sovereign cities in the world, within the framework of Basic Law and the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ principle, Hong Kong enjoys a high degree of autonomy, which is also reflected in its sports development. More details will be explored in the following sections, namely the background of Hong Kong sports development since the 1950s, sports policy after 1997, the key actors in Hong Kong sports policy, the key features during the sports policy transitions, and the recommendations for the Hong Kong elite sports advancement.

Background of Hong Kong Sports Development Since the 1950s It has been a long journey for the development of Hong Kong’s elite sports, from its germination (from 1842 to 1950) to its matured development (after its return to the People’s Republic of China in 1997). Prior to 1950, the British colonists left distinctive marks on Hong Kong sports by introducing cricket, tennis, football, swimming, and other sports, which were popular in Britain at that time. However, at that point, due to the restricted resources and backward economy, sports were a form of entertainment for foreigners (e.g., military, businessmen, and administrators), while the government of the time exhibited no interest in promoting sports to local Chinese residents.1 In 1951, as a watershed in the progress of Hong Kong sports, the Amateur Sports Federation and the Olympic Committee of Hong Kong (ASF&OC) were established.2 Hong Kong was officially recognized as a member of the International Olympic Committee in 1950 and made its Olympic debut at the Helsinki Olympic Summer Games in 1952. The main task of ASF&OC is not only restricted to the selection of eligible athletes to participate in major sports events, such as the Olympic Games and Asian Games, but also the promotion of sports to the public.3 However, because of the government’s indifference to prospering elite sports with a lack of financial support, the progress of elite sports has been lagging behind that of mass sports. Social movements swept through Hong Kong in the 1960s. The breakout of the Star Ferry Riot and the 1967 Riot caused disastrous social influence. To subside social unrest and unleash the energy of the youths, the Commission for Recreation and Sports (CRS) was established by the government. As the sole sports governing body at the time, the CRS was responsible for 426

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promoting sports activities to the public as an outlet. The emergence of the CRS also symbolized that the priority of the advancement of sports has been raised on the administration’s policy agenda. Moreover, depending on a HK$3-million donation, the Sir David Trench Fund for Recreation was initiated by the government, aiming to propel the promotion of sports among the youths. Bridge4 described the characteristics of the sports policy of the United Kingdom during the 1990s, which was ‘irrational and incoherent’. Concomitantly, Hong Kong’s sports policy during this period was also disordered and unsystematic. In order to change the situation, in 1990, the CRS morphed into the Hong Kong Development Board, the responsibility of which was to advance sports in every aspect. Additionally, two councils, namely the Urban Council (Hong Kong Island and Kowloon) and the Regional Council (New Territories excluding New Kowloon), were in charge of sports’ daily chores including the construction of sports facilities and hosting of recreational events. Meanwhile, the Jubilee Sports Center, which was the organization taking charge of the development of Hong Kong elite sports, was transformed into the Hong Kong Sports Institute (HKSI) in 1991 to enhance the integration of resources. The establishment of the HKSI laid a solid foundation for the advancement of elite sports in Hong Kong. One of the most evident proofs is the first gold medal achieved by Lee Lai Shan at the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games. Remarkable progress in elite sports was witnessed during this period. However, amateurism in elite sports still was the dominant characteristic. And elite sports was still out of the radar of the government.

Sport Policy After 1997 After the handover, sports development in Hong Kong entered a new era. First, the government sports structure welcomed radical changes. The Home Affairs Bureau (HAB) was founded in 1997, whose responsibility is to promote culture, recreation and sports, youth development, and community liaison at the government level.5 The Leisure and Culture Services Department (LCSD), a branch department of the HAB, was established in 2000 to be in charge of sports and leisure affairs. Thus, a government-leading sports system was formed. Second, as the first Chief Executive Tung Chee-haw was elected, the significance of sports was elevated to the policy agenda. In the 1998 Policy Address, he put forward that Hong Kong is ‘pursuing international recognition of its status as an ‘Asia’s World City”.6 To achieve this objective, elite sports achievements and hosting mega-events were regarded as efficient ways. With the government’s emphasis on sports, the then Secretary for Home Affairs Ho Chi-ping articulated the objectives of sports development in Hong Kong, which were (1) promoting ‘sports for all’; (2) fostering high-performance sports; and (3) equipping Hong Kong to host international sports events. Under these directions, the government initiated a series of policies to promote sports development, including establishing supporting organizations and increasing funding. Notable examples were the establishment of the Sports Commission (SC) in 2005 and the aggressive role and functions of the HKSI with more clearly defined responsibilities and division of work. The former was responsible for making suggestions to the government concerning sports policies of community sports, elite sports, and international major sport events. The latter provided more solid support for promoting elite sports as a delivery agent of the government, taking charge of talent identification, assignment of elite coaching and training, deployment of scientific research, rehabilitation, and education for athletes. In 1997, the Hong Kong government allocated HK$300 million to set up an Arts and Sport Development Fund (ASDF), a subfund under the Sir David Trench Fund for Recreation, which provides financial support for competing in National Games and Asian Games, mass participation in communities, and local football and team sports.7 The LCSD administered and managed a Sports Subvention Scheme (SSS) that offers annual subvention to the national sports associations (NSAs) for developing each individual sport. This funding was utilized in sports areas ranging from talent identification, youth development, and elite training. In 2019–2020, 60 NSAs were recipients of the SSS funds, and the amount ranges from approximately HK$1.2 million to over HK$18 million.8 The government also set up a HK$7 billion Elite Athletes Development Fund 427

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specifically for the operation of HKSI in 2011, hoping that HKSI could use the annual investment return as a long-term and stable source of subvention. Apart from funding mass participation and elite sports, the government also initiated policies to support hosting mega-events. In 2004, the ‘M’ Mark System was launched by the Major Sports Events Committee to bolster the NSA’s capacity to host major international events. In 2018, the Major Sports Events Matching Grant Scheme was set up to encourage sponsorships from businesses and the private sector. All of these sports policies demonstrate the government’s resolution and emphasis on sports development, particularly elite sports development. Furthermore, after the outstanding performance of the Hong Kong delegation at the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games, the HKSAR government and the Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust concurred to make an injection of HK$150 million, respectively, into the Arts and Sport Development Fund (Sports Portion), which is part of the Sports Science and Research Funding Scheme, to propel the advancement of Hong Kong’s elite sports and better prepare for international sports events in the near future (e.g., Olympic Games, Asian Games and National Games).9

The Key Actors in Hong Kong’s Elite Sports Policy A lot of stakeholders get involved in and contribute to Hong Kong’s elite sports development. The HAB is responsible for culture, recreation and sport, youth development, and community liaison in Hong Kong at the government level10 by formulating sports policies and initiating funding allocations. So, the HAB is the leading role that directs elite sports development. The SC is an advisory organization offering advice on sports policies, strategies, and funding allocation. Under SC, there are three committees, namely, the Community Sports Committee, the Elite Sports Committee (ESC), and the Major Sports Events Committee. ESC is in charge of providing advice on the development of high-performance sports to the HKSI, and funding priorities for supporting high-performance sports and athletes. The HKSI is the delivery agent of the government to support elite sports development and it is regarded as the stronghold of elite athletes. The HKSI not only provides a range of world-class training facilities but also comprehensive services including advanced sports science support and accommodation, direct financial support, dual career support, and retirement support. Athletes who qualify for the criteria of the Elite Vote Support Scheme will be the legitimate recipients of the support services including getting scholarships monthly, living and training in the institute, and participating in different levels of competitions. At present, there are about 1,295 elite athletes at the HKSI, of which about 504 are full-time athletes. According to achievements and potential shown in various sports, two ladders are identified: Tier A and Tier B. Currently, there are 20 sports belonging to Tier A. And among them, six are Tier A∗ sports (i.e., badminton, cycling, fencing, swimming, table tennis, and windsurfing), and eligible athletes from the aforementioned six sports are able to receive additional support for training. Generally speaking, Tier A sports could receive more financial support compared with Tier B sports; accordingly, the athletes of these sports would get higher scholarships and more chances to train and compete overseas. To sum up, the HKSI is the cradle of champions. The Sports Federation and Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, China (SF&OC) also plays a critical role in the development of elite sports, specifically regarding Hong Kong’s participation in major sporting events such as the Olympic Games, Asian Games, and East Asian Games. The central responsibility of the SF&OC is coordinating the development of local sports organizations and leading the Hong Kong delegation when participating in major events. Furthermore, SF&OC has implemented the Hong Kong Athletes Career and Education Programme with government funding to support the serving and retired athletes by providing education consultation, life skills training, career support activities, and a mentorship programme.11 This series of initiatives provide guarantees for the future development of elite athletes. NSAs, as the local governing bodies, are significant in elite sports development. The NSAs are members of their respective Asian and international federations and of the SF&OC and are responsible for coordinating local sports organizations, promoting their respective sports in Hong Kong, organizing 428

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multi-sport competitions, and training coaches and referees.12 Many NSAs operate in the form of limited companies, but all of them are funded by LCSD via SSS. NSAs promote their sport to the public, identify the talents of the young people, and transfer them to the HKSI. Therefore, they guarantee grassroots sports development. In summary, HAB, SC and ESC, HKSI, SF&OC, and NSAs together have promoted elite sports development in Hong Kong in the last two decades.

Key Features During the Sports Policy Transition Great achievements have been made in the development of elite sports in Hong Kong since the handover in 1997. All of these achievements are attributed to the effective policies and measures adopted by the HKSAR government. The key features are as follows.

The Blending of British Heritage and Chinese Influence Hong Kong’s strongest sports and disciplines and main sources of medal success are salient examples of the blend of British heritage and Chinese influence, reflecting its distinctive history. Prominent examples of sports emerging from Hong Kong’s colonial history include football, swimming, and windsurfing, whereas table tennis, badminton, and fencing reflect the close ties between Hong Kong and mainland China. As a result, when developing the elite sports in Hong Kong, this unique feature should be considered to be utilized to produce the best result.

Significant Increase in Government Funding Support The burgeoning interest of the government in elite sports led to an increase in funding and investment to enhance the development of elite sports in Hong Kong. Therefore, as mentioned above, in 1997, the ASDF was initiated to advance the development of Hong Kong sports. Furthermore, the HKSI is also financially supported by the government. A fund named the Hong Kong Athletes Fund was established to propel the development of elite sports in Hong Kong.13 Regarding the Elite Athletes Performance Recognition Scheme (EAPRS), it was established to award those who made remarkable achievements in international competitions. Thus, since 2015, eligible elite athletes were able to apply for the EAPRS.14 Last, to lay a solid foundation for future development, the Youth Athletes Scholarship Awards was initiated by the HKSI in 2009 to encourage and stimulate athletes below 18 to train hard to offer better performance in international competitions.15

Classification of Elite Sports In 2005, the Sports Commission proposed to the government to establish a selection mechanism for elite sports to concentrate superior sources to develop elite sports to achieve breakthroughs in international sports competitions. This mechanism was mainly to divide the sports into sports with competitive advantages, sports with potential, and general sports. A different number of funds and policies were provided to sports in different categories. The first funding cycle was 2005–2009 and the second funding cycle was 2009–2013. In the second funding cycle, 16 elite projects received Grade A support under the Elite Training Scheme of the HKSI. According to the most updated list, the number of Tier A sports has been increased to 20 events. Meanwhile, there are also 13 Tier B potential sports supported by the HKSI (including sport dancing, equestrian, judo, bocce, mountain climbing, orienteering, roller sports, sailing, ice skating, and tennis).16 Through this systematic prioritization for the development of elite sports, Hong Kong made significant achievements at the recent 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games, with 1 gold medal (fencing), 2 silver medals (swimming), and 3 bronze medals (table tennis, cycling, and karatedo).17 All of 429

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these attained medals were from the events (i.e., fencing, swimming, table tennis, cycling, and karatedo) belonging to Tier A sports.

Provision of Support to Elite Sports Athletes and Promotion of Professional Full-Time Athletes The HKSI supports athletes by classification, including elite athletes (full-time, part-time, and potential), other elite athletes (IASS Individual Elite Athlete Funding Scheme athletes and SAG Sports Training Funded athletes), and disabled athletes (elite and potential). The content of support includes financial assistance, training and competition support, and athlete services. Among them, full-time athletes with elite sports scholarships receive the most support, such as (1) financial assistance: elite training grants, education grants, East Asian Games Education Fund, Youth Athlete Scholarship Program, Elite Athlete Award Program; (2) training and competition support: coaching, local and overseas competition or training grants, training equipment, insurance, training facilities, rehabilitation, and physical fitness training; (3) athlete services: athlete dormitory, elite coaching work experience program, education allowances, learning support, personal development coaching, athlete development programs, social welfare activities, and meals. According to the experiences drawn from HKSI and NSAs, it normally takes 8 to 12 years of full-time training for an athlete to meet the highest international standard.18 Thus, the aforementioned measures of increasing the number of full-time elite athletes enhanced the performance of Hong Kong’s elite sport in international competitions.

The Implementation of the ‘Quality Migrant Admission Scheme’ and Athletic Naturalization On February 23, 2006, the HKSAR government announced the ‘Quality Migrant Admission Scheme’, which aimed to improve the contradiction between the supply and demand of talent in Hong Kong’s population.19 The Hong Kong government attracted outstanding talents from abroad or mainland China to settle in Hong Kong with favorable conditions, so as to enhance the competitiveness of Hong Kong. After the introduction of the programme, some current or retired famous athletes and coaches came to Hong Kong for their sports career development. Representatives of outstanding athletes were ‘Diving Queen’ Fu Mingxia, badminton champions Wang Chen and Zhou Mi, table tennis Olympic medalists Tie Yana and Liu Xufei, Li Jing, Gao Lize, etc. The implementation of the aforementioned programme plays a significant role in the construction of Hong Kong’s elite sports culture and enhancing the competitiveness of Hong Kong’s elite sports. In terms of renowned coaches, Barry Beck, the Canadian hockey star, also came to Hong Kong through this programme to help promote the winter sport of ice hockey, serving as the head coach and general manager of the Hong Kong Ice Hockey School. In addition, in the context of globalization, the naturalization of athletes is believed to be a shortcut to the rapid development of a country/region’s elite sport.20 Concomitantly, athletic naturalization has been given priority by HKSAR since the handover as well. Two of the most salient examples are the Hong Kong Football Team and the Hong Kong Rugby Sevens Team. Sixteen players out of the 23-player list of the Hong Kong Football Team in the 2018 FIFA World Cup qualification tournament were naturalized from foreign countries (e.g., Brazil, Cameron, Ghana, and Nigeria) and mainland China.21 As for the Hong Kong Rugby Sevens Team, among the 16 players who won the gold medal at the 2018 Asian Games in Jakarta, Indonesia, there was only 1 local athlete with the other 15 players naturalized from foreign countries.22

Cooperation with Sports Universities and Institutes on Mainland China and Hong Kong Since 2009, the HKSI has strengthened exchanges and cooperation with sports universities and sports research institutes in mainland China. Among them, the HKSI has signed a multi-faceted and comprehensive 430

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memorandum of cooperation with five famous sports colleges and research institutes in China, namely Chengdu Sport University, Beijing Sports University, Wuhan Sport University, and the Institute of Sports Medicine of the General Administration of Sports of China. The main content of the cooperation is related to sport psychology, sports biomechanics, sports nutrition, sports medicine, and sport pedagogy. Regarding the involvement of Hong Kong’s universities, since 2019, the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology collaborated with the HKSI in the Sports Aerodynamics Science Initiative Project, aiming to enhance the performance of the Hong Kong Cycling Team in the 2020 Tokyo Olympics through the application of the wind tunnel laboratory.23 Additionally, in 2022, Hong Kong Polytechnic University and the HKSI deployed joint research with reference to the provision of comprehensive scientific data to the Hong Kong Cycling Team in a timely manner by virtue of the development of artificial intelligence technology in general and a vision-based analysis system in particular.24

Recommendations for Hong Kong Elite Sports Advancement 25

In Lau’s research report on the inspiration and enlightenment of the success of elite sports in the United Kingdom to Hong Kong, several short-term and long-term recommendations were proffered for the advancement of elite sports in Hong Kong. The adjusted version of these aforementioned recommendations is also applicable in this context. Details are as follows.

Emphasis on the Centralization of the Organizational Structure of Related Sports Governing Bodies in Hong Kong Currently, two organizations are responsible for the development of Hong Kong’s elite sports, the ESC offering advice and the HKSI taking charge of the training of elite athletes. They play a single role in the development progress of elite sports, functions of which were not fully put to use. Thus, the establishment of a more centralized sports governing body solely responsible for the development of elite sports in Hong Kong (including initiating related policies, allocating funds to different sports, coordinating and organizing training and competition, and so forth) should be taken into consideration.

Longer-Term Elite Sports Strategic Planning A sophisticated and deliberate strategy is regarded as the foundation of the success of the elite sports of a country/region. Evidence can be found in the countries with successful elite sports achievements: Australia (Australia’s Winning Edge 2012–2022), Japan (Suzuki Plan for 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games), and China (three consecutive versions of The Outline of the Strategic Olympic Glory Plans from the 1990s to the 2010s). Therefore, a clear goal of striving for elite sports success with concrete strategic planning (e.g., a five- or ten-year strategic plan) should be confirmed by the sports governing bodies in Hong Kong.

The Cultivation and Reinforcement of Winning Desire Before Lee Lai Shan attained the first gold medal for Hong Kong in the 1996 Atlanta Olympics, not many Hong Kong people and athletes believed that Hong Kong athletes can win a medal in the Olympics. Following the 2004 Athena Olympics, the 2012 London Olympics, and the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, more and more Hong Kong athletes stood on the Olympics medal stand, demonstrating that Hong Kong athletes can be the best in the world. A stronger mind-set in striving for medal winning in international competitions will better direct and equip athletes to achieve their excellence. Related sports governing bodies (e.g., NSAs, HKSI) should cultivate and reinforce the winning mind-set among Hong Kong elite athletes. 431

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More World-Class International Coaches for Team Hong Kong High-level foreign coaches with advanced training concepts and methods are regarded as one of the most cherished assets to the success of a country/region’s elite sport. The success of British swimming and Taekwondo at the Olympic Games cannot be separated from the dedication of coaches from Australia, the United States, and the Republic of Korea. The figure of a renowned French coach was witnessed behind the success of China’s women’s épée. At the moment, half of the Tier A sports use foreign head coaches. However, due to the employment package offer, the number of top foreign coaches is still limited. The government should consider increasing the employment package to attract world-class international coaches to join Team Hong Kong, not only instructing athletes but also cultivating domestic coaches for further advancement.

Rewards to Coaches for their Athletes’ Olympic Medals According to Zheng,26 a different number of cash rewards were provided to coaches who cultivated Olympic gold, silver, and bronze medallists. In mainland China, coaches at different stages of cultivation of an Olympic champion will receive different levels of cash rewards ranging from RMB 20,000 to 3 million. This kind of reward stimulates the enthusiasm of coaches. Currently, the reward is only offered to outstanding athletes in Hong Kong. In the future, the range could be extended to coaches and coaching assistants who serve the Olympic medallists.

The Advance of Talent Identification After the successful bid to host the 2012 London Olympics in 2005, talent identification has been set as the focus of U.K. sports and British National Governing Bodies. Various measures were taken to discover youths with great potential as home soil reserves for the Olympic Games. These deliberate and sophisticated measures of talent identification laid a solid foundation for the development of elite sport in Britain (e.g., cycling and swimming). Furthermore, China’s freestyle skiing (aerials) also provided a reference in relation to successful talent identification. With a large population of athletes in similarly skilled sports, such as gymnastics, acrobatic gymnastics, trampoline, and diving, a large pool of reserves was proffered for freestyle skiing selection.27 Though the HKSI has its own department for talent identification, the methods and measures are far from maturity. Experiences from successful countries such as Britain and China can be learnt and transferred according to Hong Kong’s own actual situation.

Conclusion In 1997, this specific year not only represented the return of the sovereignty from Britain to China and the end of the colonial history of Hong Kong, but 1997 also signified the changing attitude towards elite sports development and medal-winning desire from the government and the public. It is meant to reflect the transition of Hong Kong’s elite sports policy by the above-mentioned measures and features. Hong Kong elite athletes have become aware of their competence to stand up and compete for medals in international high-level sports competitions. Hong Kong’s elite sports is switching from amateurism to a more professional stage. These changes will continue and help build up the soft power of Hong Kong. Those recommendations enlightened by the United Kingdom’s Olympic success will be a good lesson for Hong Kong to learn and progress based upon our own unique social and cultural characteristics and background.

Notes 1 W, Wu, W.C. Lau, and J. Zheng, ‘A Historical Review of Elite Sport Development of Hong Kong’, The International Journal of the History of Sports 37, no. 17 (2020): 1777–1806.

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Transition of Hong Kong Elite Sport Policy 2 J. Zheng, S. Chen, T. Tan, and B. Houlihan, Sport Policy in China (London: Routledge, 2019). 3 Aimin Ma, 马爱民, 中国体育通史 (The General History of Chinese Sports) (Beijing: Peoples Sports Press, 2008). 4 Brian Bridges, ‘A Bid Too Far: Hong Kong and the 2023 Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 4 (2012): 652–665. 5 Home Affairs Bureau, 2014 Policy Address: Policy Initiatives of Home Affairs Bureau (Hong Kong: Home Affairs Bureau, 2014). 6 Brian Bridges, ‘A Bid Too Far: Hong Kong and the 2023 Asian Games’, The International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 4 (2012): 652–665. 7 GoVHK, ‘Arts and Sport Development Fund’, Home Affairs Bureau, July 23, 2020, Accessed September 1, 2022, https://www.hab.gov.hk/en/policy_responsibilities/sport_policy/sport_policy_fund.htm 8 LCSD, ‘Contact Information of Subvented National Sports Associations’, Leisure and Cultural Services Department, (LCSD), June 13, 2020, Accessed September 15, 2022, https://www.lcsd.gov.hk/sc/programmes/programmeslist/ sss/nsa.html. 9 HKSI, ‘Sports Science and Research Funding Scheme (SSRFS)’, Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI), Accessed September 29, 2022, https://www.hksi.org.hk/opportunities/sports-science-and-research-funding-scheme-ssrfs. 10 Home Affairs Bureau, 2014 Policy Address: Policy Initiatives of Home Affairs Bureau (Hong Kong: Home Affairs Bureau, 2014). 11 ‘To Support and Equip’. Hong Kong Athletes Career & Education Programme, Accessed September 15, 2022, http:// www.hkacep.org/en/index.php 12 Eddie T.C. Lam, ‘Sport Culture of Hong Kong: Recent Development and Prospects’, Journal of Arts & Humanities 5, no. 4 (2016): 39–61. 13 HKSI, ‘Hong Kong Athletes Fund (HKAF)’, Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI), Accessed September 20, 2022, https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/financial-support/fund-for-athletes/hong-kong-athletes-fund/. 14 HKSI, ‘Elite Athletes Performance Recognition Scheme’, Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI), Accessed September 20, 2022, https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/financial-support/fund-for-athletes/hong-kong-athletesfund/elite-athletes-performance-recognition-scheme/ 15 HKSI, ‘Youth Athletes Scholarship Awards’, Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI),Accessed September 20, 2022, https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/financial-support/fund-for-athletes/hong-kong-athletes-fund/ youth-athletes-scholarship-awards/. 16 Jianping Guo,郭建平, Zhang, Hao 张昊, Chen, Jingguo 陈靖国, ‘一国两制以来香港精英体育发展的政策措 施研究’ (Policy Research on Elite Sports Development in Hong Kong since ‘One Country, Two Systems’), 当代 体育科技 (Contemporary Sports Technique) 8, no. 19 (2018): 180–181. 17 Olympedia, ‘2022 Tokyo Olympics: Hong Kong’, Olympedia, accessed September 27, 2022. http://www. olympedia.org/countries/HKG/editions/61. 18 HKSI, ‘Road to Becoming an Elite Athlete’, Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI), Accessed September 20, 2022, https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/road-to-becoming-an-elite-athlete 19 Rongzhi Li,李荣芝, ‘香港体育节的历史沿革及发展现状 (The History and Development of Hong Kong Sports Festival)’, 山东体育大学学报 (Journal of Shandong Sports University), no.2 (2013): 41–43. 20 J. Jansen, G. Oonk, and G. Engbersen, ‘Nationality Swapping in the Olymic Field: Towards the Marketization of Citizenship?’, Citizenship Studies 22, no. 5 (2018): 523–539. 21 S. C. Yung, A. H. N. Chan, and D. R. Phillips, ‘Athletic Naturalization, Nationality and Nationalism – Naturalised Players in Hong Kong’s Representative (National) Football Team’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 56, no. 6 (2020): 1–18. 22 HKRU, ‘Hong Kong Claim First Asian Games Rugby Sevens Gold Medal’, Hong Kong Rugby Union. (HKRU), Accessed September 29, 2022, https://www.hkrugby.com/news/hong-kong-claim-first-asian-games-rugbysevens-gold-medal 23 HKUST, ‘A. Kwok Sports Aerodynamics Science Initiative: HKSI & HKUST Join Hands to Enhance Performance of Cycling Team’, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, (HKUST), April 23, 2021, Accessed September 20, 2022, https://seng.hkust.edu.hk/news/20210423/kwok-sports-aerodynamics-science-initiativehksi-hkust-join-hands-enhance-performance-cycling-team 24 PolyU, ‘PolyU Two Projects Awarded Sports Science and Research Funding Scheme to Support Athletes’, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, (PolyU), June 26, 2022, Accessed September 20, 2022, https://www.polyu.edu.hk/ rio/news/2022/20220726-sports-science-and-research-funding-scheme/?sc_lang=en 25 Patrick W. C. Lau, ‘How Can the United Kingdom’s Elite Sport Success Inspire Elite Sport Policy in Hong Kong: The Case of Cycling, Swimming and Taekwondo’, Public Policy Research Funding Scheme (2019), Project no. 2019.A2.033.19A.

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Lau Wing-chung Patrick et al. 26 J. Zheng, A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Process of Elite Sport Development in China and the UK (In Relation to Three Olympic Sports of Artistic Gymnastics, Swimming and Cycling) (PhD Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015). 27 C. Zhen, An Analysis of the Strategic Planning of Winter Olympic Sport in China (Mainland): The Cases of Short-track Speed Skating, Curling and Freestyle Skiing (Aerials) (PhD thesis, Hong Kong Baptist University, 2022).

Bibliography Bridges, Brian. ‘A Bid Too Far: Hong Kong and the 2023 Asian Games.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 29, no. 4 (2012): 652–665. GoVHK. ‘Arts and Sport Development Fund.’ Home Affairs Bureau. July 23, 2020. Accessed September 1, 2022. https://www.hab.gov.hk/en/policy_responsibilities/sport_policy/sport_policy_fund.htm. Guo, Jianping 郭建平, Zhang, Hao 张昊, and Chen, Jingguo 陈靖国. ‘一国两制以来香港精英体育发展的政策措 施研究’ (Policy Research on Elite Sports Development in Hong Kong since ‘One Country, Two Systems’).’ 当代 体育科技 (Contemporary Sports Technique) 8, no. 19 (2018): 180–181. HKRU. ‘Hong Kong Claim First Asian Games Rugby Sevens Gold Medal.’ Hong Kong Rugby Union. (HKRU). Accessed September 29, 2022. https://www.hkrugby.com/news/hong-kong-claim-first-asian-games-rugbysevens-gold-medal. HKSI. ‘Elite Athletes Performance Recognition Scheme.’ Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI). Accessed September 20, 2022. https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/financial-support/fund-for-athletes/hong-kong-athletesfund/elite-athletes-performance-recognition-scheme/ HKSI. ‘Hong Kong Athletes Fund (HKAF).’ Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI). Accessed September 20, 2022. https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/financial-support/fund-for-athletes/hong-kong-athletes-fund/ HKSI. ‘Road to Becoming an Elite Athlete.’ Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI). Accessed September 20, 2022. https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/road-to-becoming-an-elite-athlete. HKSI. ‘Sports Science and Research Funding Scheme (SSRFS).’ Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI). Accessed September 29, 2022. https://www.hksi.org.hk/opportunities/sports-science-and-research-funding-scheme-ssrfs. HKSI. ‘Youth Athletes Scholarship Awards.’ Hong Kong Sports Institute, (HKSI). Accessed September 20, 2022. https://www.hksi.org.hk/support-to-athletes/financial-support/fund-for-athletes/hong-kong-athletes-fund/ youth-athletes-scholarship-awards/ HKUST. ‘A. Kwok Sports Aerodynamics Science Initiative: HKSI & HKUST Join Hands to Enhance Performance of Cycling Team.’ Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, (HKUST). April 23, 2021. Accessed September 20, 2022. https://seng.hkust.edu.hk/news/20210423/kwok-sports-aerodynamics-science-initiative-hksi-hkust-joinhands-enhance-performance-cycling-team. Home Affairs Bureau. 2014 Policy Address: Policy Initiatives of Home Affairs Bureau. Hong Kong: Home Affairs Bureau, 2014. Jansen, J., G. Oonk, and G. Engbersen. ‘Nationality Swapping in the Olymic Field: Towards the Marketization of Citizenship?.’ Citizenship Studies 22, no. 5 (2018): 523–539. Lam, Eddie T. C. ‘Sport Culture of Hong Kong: Recent Development and Prospects.’ Journal of Arts & Humanities 5, no. 4 (2016): 39–61. Lau, Patrick W. C. ‘How can the United Kingdom’s Elite Sport Success Inspire Elite Sport Policy in Hong Kong: the Case of Cycling, Swimming and Taekwondo.’ Public Policy Research Funding Scheme (2019). Project no. 2019.A2.033.19A. LCSD. ‘Contact Information of Subvented National Sports Associations’. Leisure and Cultural Services Department, (LCSD). June 13, 2020. Accessed September 15, 2022. https://www.lcsd.gov.hk/sc/programmes/programmeslist/ sss/nsa.html Li, Rongzhi 李荣芝. ‘香港体育节的历史沿革及发展现状’ (The History and Development of Hong Kong Sports Festival).’ 山东体育大学学报 (Journal of Shandong Sports University), no. 2 (2013): 41–43. Ma, Aimin马爱民. 中国体育通史 (The general history of Chinese sports). Beijing: Peoples Sports Press, 2008. Olympedia. ‘2022 Tokyo Olympics: Hong Kong.’ Olympedia. Accessed September 27, 2022. http://www. olympedia.org/countries/HKG/editions/61 PolyU. ‘PolyU Two Projects Awarded Sports Science and Research Funding Scheme to Support Athletes.’ Hong Kong Polytechnic University, (PolyU). June 26, 2022. Accessed September 20, 2022. https://www.polyu.edu.hk/rio/ news/2022/20220726-sports-science-and-research-funding-scheme/?sc_lang=en. Wu, W., W. C. Lau, and J. Zheng. ‘A Historical Review of Elite Sport Development of Hong Kong.’ The International Journal of the History of Sports 37, no. 17 (2020): 1777–1806.

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Transition of Hong Kong Elite Sport Policy Yung, S. C., A. H. N. Chan, and D. R. Phillips. ‘Athletic Naturalization, Nationality and Nationalism – Naturalised players in Hong Kong’s Representative (National) Football Team.’ International Review for the Sociology of Sport 56, no. 6 (2020): 1–18. Zhen, C. An Analysis of the Strategic Planning of Winter Olympic Sport in China (Mainland): The Cases of Short-track Speed Skating, Curling and Freestyle Skiing (Aerials). PhD thesis, Hong Kong Baptist University, 2022. Zheng, J., A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Process of Elite Sport Development in China and the UK (In Relation to Three Olympic Sports of Artistic Gymnastics, Swimming and Cycling). PhD Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. Zheng, J., S. Chen, T. Tan, and B. Houlihan. Sport Policy in China. London: Routledge, 2019.

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PART X

Research Structure, Funding, and Management Institutes, Projects, Journals, Publications on Sports, PE, and Leisure Zhang Jie

The research on Chinese sport has been carried out from different disciplines such as culture, politics, and economy since 1980s. Against this background, China also has set up a series of academic organisations of different grades in sports studies, such as China Sport Science Society (CSSS), to provide sports science support. These organizations release research funds in a certain period of time to support studies in the field of sport and to carry on the corresponding management accorded to the funded projects. Meanwhile, a number of sports-specialised journals and publications appeared at home and abroad, which have constantly promoted the development of sports research and academic communications. This section of the handbook gives a content analysis of the major publications on Chinese sport in the West across 20 years. Then it provides an overview of the management structure in the areas of sports, PE, and leisure sports. Meanwhile, it introduces the leading sports science institutes, including the National Sports Science Institute and some leading sports journals and publications, including Chinese journals indexed by the Chinese Social Science Index. Altogether, this section consists of five chapters that reflect the research structure, funding, and the management in this field. It is our intention to provide an overview and understanding of the history and current situation of the institutes, projects, journals, conference, and publications on sports, PE, and leisure in Chinese society. The group of scholars who contributed to this section provide a systemic and comprehensive analysis of Chinese journals, conferences, and publications in both sports science and sports social science, sport science institutes, societies and organizations, public finance of sports-scientific research projects, and a content analysis of the major publications on Chinese sports in the West across 20 years (2000–2020). Each scholar approaches sports from various angles by presenting research findings derived from their work. In particular, Wang and Lin conduct a content analysis of some of the major publications on Chinese sports published outside of China from 2000 to 2020. They have focused on different perspectives of Chinese sports, such as sport system, sports history and culture, ethnic sports and traditional sports, and the Olympic Movement to bring an overall literature review and analysis in the West across 20 years. Ren, Wei, and Zhao introduce different types of sports science institutes, societies, and organizations and their managing features. Ren, Wei, and Zhao are especially notable for introducing a new type of ‘Sports Think Tank (or known as Brain Trust)’ and Sports Think Tank in China’s University. Yang discusses the role

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-64

Zhang Jie

and hotspots of sports social science in the development of Chinese sports and evaluates its development stage, while Liu, Zhong, and Xu provide a bibliometric analysis of the publications on exercise and sports science in the major Chinese sports-related journals for the period 2011–2020. Their study analyses the annual trend of publications, the most active authors, the most active institutions, etc. In Liu’s study, he takes the sports projects of the National Social Science Fund as an example to analyse the level of sports social science research in China and evaluate its current situation and development trend.

54 A REVIEW OF MAJOR PUBLICATIONS ON CHINESE SPORT WITHIN WESTERN SCHOLARSHIP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Wang Yongshun and Lin Qisen

Introduction After the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese state paid more attention to the development of sports, and Chinese sports began to gradually recover and develop. Since the reform and opening up of China in 1979, China’s sports has undergone rapid development, recording great achievements in elite sports, mass sports, youth sports, and so forth. To take competitive sports as an example, the Chinese sports delegation won 15 gold medals at the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games, the first Olympic Games after China’s return to the Olympic family, ranking fourth in the gold medal list. In the new millennium, the Chinese sports delegation has seen further improvements in its Olympic performance. Particularly after Beijing won the right to host the 2008 Olympic Games, China further enhanced its investment and attention to elite sports. This has further improved the performance of Chinese athletes in the Olympic Games and world competitions, as well as the cultural construction, international influence, and other aspects of China’s elite sports.1 China has had great achievements in the field of sports, but these achievements have also exposed certain problems, such as the conflict between the old management system and the new development trend, the conflict between the old ideas and new concepts, and the conflict between specialized sports and professional sports. These problems cannot be ignored and avoided as Chinese sports develops. Despite the rapid development of Chinese sports and the outstanding achievements of Chinese athletes in world competitions, certain problems persist in the rapidly developing field of Chinese sports.2 China’s successful hosting of the Beijing Olympic Games and the great changes in Chinese sports in recent years have attracted the attention of Western scholars. This trend has accentuated since 2000, after Beijing won the right to host the 2008 Olympic Games, as more and more Western scholars have focused on Chinese sports, paid sustained and in-depth attention to Chinese sports, and produced a number of outstanding studies. This chapter provides a brief introduction to publications published outside of China on Chinese sports research. In terms of research methods, with ‘China sports’ ‘Chinese Sports’ ‘Chinese Elite Sports’ ‘Chinese Youth Sports’ ‘Chinese Mass Sports’ ‘Chinese Professional Sports’ ‘Chinese Physical Education’ ‘Chinese Sports Industry’ ‘Chinese Sports Development’ ‘Kongfu’ ‘Wushu’ ‘Taichi’, and other words as the keywords, the SAGE website (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/home), Human Kinetics website (http://www.humankinetics.com/ home), Springer website (https://link.springer.com/), Routledge website (https://www.routledge.com/), DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-65

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and Amazon website (www.amazon.com) were searched, and a total of 40 English-language publications on Chinese sports published outside of China were retrieved.

Research on China’s Sports System After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China established a ‘whole-of-country support for the elite sport system’ to manage elite sports with reference to the Soviet Union’s sports management model and achieved certain results.3 Since the 1990s, with China’s continuously outstanding achievements in international competitions, Western scholars have become interested in China’s sports system and engaged in productive research. Sport and Physical Education in China, edited by James Riordan et al., discusses the management and development of competitive sports, the basic situation of school physical education, the formation of modern sports, and some existing social problems in Chinese sports from a cross-cultural perspective, and conducts an in-depth analysis of the history and current situation of China’s sports development. It is an important book for understanding Chinese sports. Sport Policy in China, compiled under the supervision of Professor Barrie Houlihan of Loughborough University in Britain, is the first book to systematically analyse China’s sports policies. Based on an understanding of China’s sports development in recent years, this book focuses on the analysis of China’s relevant policies and regulations around competitive sports, mass sports, professional sports, and large-scale events. This book not only analyses China’s sports policies, but also explores the globalisation of Chinese sports, China’s sports diplomacy, and the promotion of China’s soft power in the field of sports. Some studies on China’s sports system have also taken a relatively micro level of analysis. Softpower, Soccer, Supremacy: The Chinese Dream written by internationally renowned sports history expert J.A. Mangan, Peter Horton, and Christian Tagsold, which systematically analyses the development goal, development motivation, development status, and management mode of Chinese soccer. This book, with Chinese soccer as the starting point, paints a comprehensive picture of elite sports items in management mode, a subject to which the Chinese government attaches great importance.

Research on China’s Sports History and Culture The history and culture of Chinese sports is also a hot topic for Western scholarship. Susan Brownell (her Chinese name is ‘Sushan Bao’) from the University of Missouri–St. Louis is one Western scholar who has paid early attention to the history and culture of Chinese sports. An excellent scholar, Susan Brownell also has a deep personal relationship with China. Her great-grandfather was the first state judge in the United States to successfully defend the rights of Chinese workers. She studied in China in the 1980s and represented Peking University in the National University Games, winning one gold and two silver medals. Professor Susan Brownell’s ‘Training the Body for China’ is a rare book written by a Western scholar following detailed fieldwork. This book analyses the changes in Chinese popular sports participation goals and forms based on Chinese body culture. Given her knowledge of Chinese history, culture, and sports, she intended ‘Training the Body for China’ as a unique illustration of how gender, the body, and the nation are interlinked in Chinese culture. The continuous development of professional sports in China has attracted the interest of some Western scholars. As China’s most successful professional athlete, Yao Ming has attracted worldwide attention. Brook Larmer’s ‘Operation Yao Ming: The Chinese Sports Empire, American Big Business, and the Making of an NBA Superstar’ discusses Yao Ming’s growing experience and his manager in the NBA. It analyses the reasons for Yao Ming’s outstanding performance in the NBA, with a particular focus on the impact that the collision of Eastern and Western sporting cultures had on Yao Ming. The development of professional sporting events in China has also attracted a group of foreign coaches to China to teach. Jim Yardley’s ‘Brave Dragons: A Chinese Basketball Team, an American Coach, and Two Cultures Clashing’ tells such a story. 440

A Review of Major Publications on Chinese Sport

When the Shanxi Brave Dragons, one of China’s worst professional basketball teams, hired former NBA coach Bob Weiss, the team’s owner, Boss Wang, promised that Weiss would be allowed to Americanise his players by teaching them ‘advanced basketball culture.’ That promise would be broken from the moment Weiss landed in China. Former New York Times Beijing Bureau chief Jim Yardley tells the story of the resulting cultural clash with sensitivity and a keen comic sensibility. Professor Fan Hong’s team at Bangor University has a strong interest in the history of Chinese sport. Their ‘The National Games and National Identity in China: A History’ systematically examines the whole process of the emergence and development of the Chinese National Games from 1910 to 2009. The history of the Chinese National Games not only reflects the development process of elite sport in China, but also reflects the broader social influences on sports, as well as the politics, nationalism, and national identity of modern China. In addition, the book systematically analyses the reform and adjustments achieved by the Chinese National Games in service of China’s Olympic strategy and commercialisation. The team also studied the influence of Christianity on Chinese sports. Their ‘Christianity and the Transformation of Physical Education and Sport in China’ examines how Chinese popular attitudes towards sports have changed and explains how an important Western activity became a key aspect of modernisation for the Chinese state with the concepts of cultural imperialism and nationalism as the starting points.

Research on Chinese Ethnic Sports and Traditional Sports Ethnic sports and traditional sports are unique sports in China. With their unique characteristics, they have attracted the love of many Western people. Western scholars have also paid some attention to these sports. The research on Chinese ethnic sports and traditional sports has focused on the following aspects. First, researches on related boxing practice skills. Robert W. Smith’s ‘Chinese Internal Boxing: Techniques of Hsing-I and Pa-Kua’ introduces the techniques of Hsing-I and Pa-Kua. According to him, these traditional Chinese internal boxing techniques do not rely on muscle strength. Instead, they mainly rely on the internal energy of the human body, or ‘chi,’ and practitioners should constantly nurture and cultivate the body. Scott M. Rodell began to learn martial arts at the age of nine and has practiced Yang Family Taijiquan (T’ai Chi Ch’uan) for nearly 40 years. The ‘Taijiquan Classics: A Martial Artist’s Translation’ is the summary and introduction to his 40 years of practice. Many traditional Chinese practice methods are also translated and introduced in the book. Second, historical researches. In ‘A History of Chinese Martial Arts’, Fan Hong noted the long history and profound cultural foundation of Chinese martial arts. They blend the physical components of combat with strategy, philosophy, and tradition, distinguishing them from Western sports. This book covers the pre–Qin Dynasty to the present and discusses the emergence and development of Chinese martial arts in detail. Martin Boedicker’s ‘Taijiquan in the History of Chinese Martial Arts’ studies the history of Taijiquan in Chinese martial arts. While introducing ancient Chinese martial arts, this book systematically discusses the emergence of Taijiquan, the boxing methods and schools of Taijiquan, and the important figures in the development of Taijiquan. Dr. Peter A. Lorge at Vanderbilt University in the United States has taken a strong interest in the history of Chinese martial arts. In ‘Chinese Martial Arts: From Antiquity to the Twenty-First Century’, he observed that in the current era, people have practised martial arts only for selfdefence and other sporting purposes. However, in ancient China, people practised them for military purposes. The book also carefully examines the history of Chinese combat and fighting techniques, presenting the overall development in popularity of Chinese martial arts. Do monks and Taoist priests practice martial arts in China? Are there strict requirements for practising martial arts? What are the Lotus Sect and the Heaven and Earth Society? What is the ‘internal school’ of martial arts? David Ross answers these questions in his ‘Chinese Martial Arts: A Historical Outline.’ The book also introduces the philosophical basis, types, development, and influences of Chinese martial arts. 441

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Research on the Olympic Movement in China After Beijing’s successful bid to host the Olympic Games and successful hosting of the Games, Western scholars have paid more attention to China’s Olympic movement. Renowned sports history expert J. A. Mangan has published two books on the Beijing Olympic Games. ‘Beijing 2008: Preparing for Glory Chinese Challenge in the ‘Chinese Century” analyses the factors that influenced Beijing’s hosting of the Olympic Games on the international stage. ‘Post-Beijing 2008: Geopolitics, Sport and the Pacific Rim’ discusses China’s political, economic, and cultural influence in the Pacific Rim after the Beijing Olympic Games. American scholar Susan Brownell has also paid attention to the Beijing Olympic Games. Her ‘Beijing’s Games: What the Olympics Mean to China’ discusses the reasons behind Beijing’s hosting of the Olympic Games, the significance of hosting the Olympic Games in China, and the significance of hosting the Olympic Games that represent Western civilisation in ancient Eastern civilised countries. The book also discusses whether the Olympic movement has changed China or China has changed the Olympic movement. On the basis of her understanding of Chinese society and Chinese sports, the author systematically analyses the significance and value to China of hosting the Olympic Games in terms of sports, gender, national strength, nationalism, and national image, etc. She also analyses the significance of the Beijing Olympic Games to China’s communication with the outside world from a historical perspective, based on China’s participation in the Olympic movement over the last hundred years. Some researchers have also studied the influence that the Beijing Olympic Games have exercised. Kevin Caffrey’s ‘The Beijing Olympics: Promoting China: Soft and Hard Power in Global Politics’ holds that the Beijing Olympic Games were a good opportunity for China to showcase its soft power and hard power to the world. Paul Close’s ‘The Beijing Olympiad: The Political Economy of a Sporting Mega-Event’ analyses the influence of the Beijing Olympic Games on China’s politics, economy, and culture at various levels and in various regions from the perspectives of sociology, politics, economics, law, and diplomacy.

Conclusion Analysis has revealed that publications by Western scholars on Chinese sports research over the last 20 years have focused on China’s sports system, China’s sports history and culture, Chinese ethnic and traditional sports, and the Olympic movement in China, especially on issues related to the Beijing Olympic Games. With the holding of the Beijing Olympic Winter Games and the continuous progress of China’s sports reform, some future changes will occur while Western scholars pay attention to the above issues.

Notes 1 B. Wei, S., Li, Z., Wang, & H., Feng, ‘The Basic Problems Affecting the Sustainable Development of Competitive Sports in China, their Causes and Countermeasures’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 25, no. 1 (2002): 3. 2 B. Larmer, Operation Yao Ming: The Chinese Sports Empire, American Big Business, and the Making of an NBA Super Star (London: Penguin, 2005). 3 J. A., Mangan, & D. Jinxia, Beijing 2008: Preparing for Glory: Chinese Challenge in the Chinese Century (London: Routledge, 2013).

Bibliography B. Wei, S. Li, Z. Wang, & H. Feng. ‘The Basic Problems Affecting the Sustainable Development of Competitive Sports in China, Their Causes and Countermeasures.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University, 25 no.1 (2002): 3. B. Larmer. Operation Yao Ming: The Chinese Sports Empire, American Big Business, and the Making of an NBA Super Star. London: Penguin, 2005. F. Huang. & F. Hong. A History of Chinese Martial Arts: Research Institute of Martial Arts, Ministry of Sport of China. London: Routledge, 2018.

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A Review of Major Publications on Chinese Sport J. A. Mangan, & D. Jinxia. Beijing 2008: Preparing for Glory: Chinese Challenge in the’Chinese Century’. London: Routledge, 2013. J. A. Mangan, & F. Hong. ‘Special Issue: Post-Beijing 2008 Geopolitics, Sport and the Pacific Rim.’ The International Journal of the History of Sport 27, no.14/15 (2010): 2333–2650. J. A. Mangan, D. P. Horton, & C. Tagsold. Soft Power, Soccer, Supremacy: The Chinese Dream. Peter Lang: Peter Lang Academic Publisher, 2020. J. Zheng, S. Chen, T.-C. Tan, & P. W. C. Lau. ‘Sport Policy in China (Mainland)’. International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no.3 (2018): 469–491. J. Riordan, & R. E. Jones. Sport and Physical Education in China. London: Routledge,1999. J. Yardley. Brave Dragons: A Chinese Basketball Team, an American Coach, and Two Cultures Clashing. New York: Vintage, 2012. L. Li. & F. Hong. The National Games and National Identity in China: A History. London: Routledge,2017. M. Boedicker. Tai Chi Chuan in the History of Chinese Martial Arts. Charleston: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013. P. A. Lorge. Chinese Martial Arts: From Antiquity to the Twenty-first Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Q. Hao. ‘On the concept, characteristics and functions of the ‘JuGuoTiZhi’ of Chinese sports.’ Journal of Chengdu Sport University 30, no. 1 (2004): 7–11. R. W. Smith. & A. Pittman. Chinese Internal Boxing: Techniques of Hsing-i & Pa Kua. North Clarendon: Tuttle Publishing, 2006. S. M. Rodell. The Taijiquan Classics: A Martial Artist’s Translation. Hong Kong: Seven Stars Books and Video, 2017. S. Brownell. Training the Body for China: Sports in the Moral Order of the People’s Republic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995. Y. Tian. ‘Strive to Achieve the Progress from a Large Sports Country to a Strong Sports Sountry.’ China Sport Science 29, no.3 (2009): 3–8.

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55 MANAGEMENT OF CHINESE SPORTS SCIENCE RESEARCH Sport Science Institutes, Societies, and Organizations Ren Huitao, Wei Taisen, and Zhao Yao

Institute of Sports Science in China In China, institutes of sports science are divided into two levels. The first is the national-level institute established by the central government with the staff of civil servants and the financial funds from the state which is called the China Institute of Sport Science (CISS). The second is a provincial-level institute — such as the Beijing Institute of Sport Science, Jiangsu Institute of Sport Science and Fujian Institute of Sport Science — established by the local government with the staff of administrators and financial funds from the locality, and there is such an institute in more than 30 provinces in China. The CISS was founded in 1958 as a national multi-disciplinary and non-profit research institute, which is directly attached to the General Administration of Sport of China, and which is reserved and developed with the approval of Ministry of Science and Technology of the People’s Republic of China. The aims of CISS are leading and promoting the development of science and technology of sport in China, focusing on major scientific and technological issues on the national and international levels. The basic and applied research fields include national fitness methods and surveillance, elite athletes’ competitive abilities, sports policies and strategies, and sports engineering and technology, so as to provide scientific and technological support and services for the sustainable development and international competitiveness on mass sports, competitive sports, and sports industry of China.1 Sports sociology, sports engineering, degree education, training and eligibility assessment of talents, and publishing journals (e.g., China Sport Science) China promote the application and transformation of scientific and technological achievements, organizing the dissemination of sports science, and managing the administrative work of the China Sport Science Society. CISS has seven research centers and Integrated Test and Experimental Center. These research centers include Mass Sport Research Center, Competitive Sport Research Center, Exercise Biology Research Center, Physical Social Science Research Center, Sport Engineering Research Center, Sport Health & Rehabilitation Research Center, and Youth Sport Research & Development Center. Apart from those, both of the key laboratories attached to the General Administration of Sport of China, Sport Training Monitoring Laboratory, and Sport Psychology Laboratory, also belonged to CISS. Moreover, the National Fitness Surveillance Center, Secretariat of China Sport Science Society, and branches of China Sport Science Society including Fitness, Sport Biomechanics, Physiology and Biochemistry, and Sport Instrument and Equipment are affiliated CISS are the two top academic sport journals China Sport Science and China Sport Science and Technology, which are also edited and published by CISS. 444

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CISS has 112 staff members. Three of them were nominated as national candidates for New Century Talents Project, one was received as Young and Middle-aged Experts with Outstanding Contributions, six were titled as High-Tech Talents recognized by General Administration of Sport of China, ten were selected as A Hundred Talents Training Program by General Administration of Sport of China, and 53 were awarded as Senior Researchers. So far, 43 of them have been ranked as the Special Government Allowances of the State Council.2 CISS actively participates in academic exchange and cooperation domestically and internationally, and the cooperative institutions involved Europe (Germany, Austria, Belarus, UK, Russia), America (the US, Uruguay, Cuba), Asia (Japan, Korea, Singapore), Oceania (Australia), and Africa (South Africa), have established friendship with CISS. CISS has authority over master’s degrees in sports training, human movement science, sport humanities and sociology, and sports medicine. Since its founding, over 200 students have graduated from CISS with doctoral and master’s degrees. During the past 50 years, basic and applied research has enhanced people’s physical fitness and improved the level of competitive sports in comprehensive and multiple ways. As a result, 356 projects have been accredited above the ministerial level, 339 of which were led by CISS and its researchers. There is almost no difference between the provincial-level institute and CISS in service tenet and work content, but the service tenet of the former is mainly for citizens in the province, and not much connection with the international community or research fields.

Sports Science Society Sports science society is also divided into two levels in China. The first is the China Sports Science Society (CSSS)—the sole national-level society in China. There are also provincial-level sports science societies throughout China. Generally speaking, in China, sports science society and sports science institute will be in the same work site and with the same staff, which is commonly known as ‘one entity with two names’ (两块牌子、一套班子). China successively established a number of sports universities and sports scientific research institutes after CSSS during the 1960s in order to strengthen horizontal ties and promote academic exchanges. The first meeting of the Science Committee of the China Sports Commission was organized on 28 July 1964, which decided to establish the China Sports Society under the initiative of sports science and technology workers in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Xi’ an and other places, and then drafted the society constitution (draft) and the list of candidates for directors. Unfortunately, it was shelved for some reason after this meeting. In 1978, the Party Central Committee issued a call to ‘march into science’. After the reappeal from representatives attending the National Science Conference and the Second National Sports Science and Technology Working Conference, the preparatory committee of the CSSS was formally formed in August 1979 and headed by Rong Gaotang. As the highest authority of CSSS, the National Member Congress is responsible for a series of major decisions such as formulating or revising the charter, deciding on the work guidelines, and determining the key tasks of the society. The council is the executive body of and responsible for the Congress, whose members are elected by the Congress. During the adjournment of the Congress, they led CSSS to conduct various tasks. And in the course of the adjournment of it, the General Council implements various decisions of the council in accordance with the constitution. The members of the General Council are composed of the chairman and vice-chairmen, the secretary general, the leader of the branches and wellknown experts, who are responsible to the council. According to the needs of conducting business activities, the council may have a number of the Working Committees and the Branches as affiliates of CSSS based on the needs of the work, and carry out work under the leadership of the Council. Additionally, CSSS also set up an office as an administrative body, which is in charge of the secretary 445

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general, and performs the routine work under the leadership of the council and the General Council. In terms of supervision, CSSS has established a board of supervisors that takes charge of supervising the work of the council and the General Council and is accountable to the Congress.3 From the perspective of legal entity, CSSS is a voluntary organization of the science and technology workers and the related units that are enthusiastic about sports science and technology across the country, which is a national, legal, non-profit, and academic mass group.4 And its main operations mainly cover the organization of domestic and international sports academic exchange activities, sports science popularization activities, consulting and training activities relevant to sports, and so forth.

Sports Science Organization Sports Development Strategy Research Association In 1985, the first national sports development strategy seminar was held in Xining City, Qinghai Province, which put forward the guiding ideology of sports reform and development, namely, ‘regard revolution as the soul, socialization and scientification as the two wings, and realize the booming of sports’. At the meeting, the China Sports Development Strategy Research Association and its Standing Committee were formally established. As a nationally academic group and consulting organization, China Sports Development Strategy Research Association is composed of organization members and individual members, studies China’s sportss development strategy and serves for sports decision making. The new generation of research association has a total of 100 organization member representatives and 65 individual members. The individual members are usually the most authoritative and influential experts and scholars in China, whose opinions will exert influence in China’s national sports strategies and plans. The main work of the China Sports Development Strategy Research Association has been to plan the overall tasks and long-term development of China’s sports by organizing relevant personnel to undertake research projects. The strategic research association also formulated some important strategy documents, such as Chinese Sports in 2000 completed in the 1980s and Outline for Sports Reform and Development (2001–2010) released at the end of 1999. These strategic thoughts and documents have exerted a direct and profound impact on the rapid development of China’s sports industry, which has helped us to find the correct direction and ideas strategically in terms of improving the overall strength of China’s competitive sports and has provided a deal of scientific basis for the national formulation of development goals, tasks, guidelines, policies and measures, promoting the macro decision making on sports work and the development of sports enterprise. The establishment of the Sports Development Strategy Research Association can effectively use the wisdom of leaders and experts, pool their ideas, provide a scientific basis for the development of sports, and provide satisfactory or optimal development strategies. The National Sports Development Strategy Research Association is an organizational research model that is led by the department in charge of sports and is a combination of leaders, scholars, and practical workers. The research association includes members of the sports administrative department, sports project management center, sports universities, enterprises, and members of various departments from Hong Kong and Macao, which forms a relatively stable research team. With the promotion of ‘sports development’ and ‘sports strategy’ and other topics and research to the government’s sports policy, various provinces in China have also begun to initiate the establishment of provincial sports development strategy research associations. This is mainly because many of China’s provinces have vast territories and large populations. Among China’s 34 provinces, there are two provinces with a population of more than 100 million, nine provinces with a population between 50 million and 100 million, and 17 provinces with between 50 million people, whose sports participation needs good planning to support.5 446

Management of Chinese Sports Science Research Table 55.1 Think tanks of sports social organizations in China 8 Name

Main Research Scope

Hainan Free Trade Innovation Sports Industry Research academy

provide consulting services for government-related decision making; promote the promotion and transformation of technical research and development results in the sports field; old relevant forums, conferences, and so forth. research on sports development strategies and plans and provide services; research on new tropical sports formats and industry standards, train professionals and think tank construction; research on the integrated development of industry, academia, and research in sports industry, rehabilitation, tourism, leisure, and competitions. organize and carry out the study and publicity of relevant policies and regulations for sports reform and development; organize and carry out investigations, research and decision-making consultations related to sports reform and development; organize and carry out research on topics related to sports reform and development, scientific research, academic exchanges, and business Training. research and formulate relevant standards in some fields (such as stadium operation safety, scientific fitness, mass local standards, etc.), and carry out professional ability evaluations in some fields (such as national fitness, sports application, etc.); organize and carry out relevant business activities in this field (such as sports events, sports training, venue operations, digital sports activities, etc.), accumulate funds, enhance self-development capabilities, and promote enterprise development in this field.

Hainan Sports Development Strategy Research Association

Shaanxi Sports Reform and Development Research Association

Hangzhou Digital Sports Promotion Association

A New Type of ‘Sports Think Tank’ In 2014, the State Council of China issued Several Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Sports Industry and Promoting Sports Consumption, which proposed driving the sports industry to become an important force in economic transformation and upgrading, and to elevate ‘national fitness’ as a national strategy. China sports has gradually moved from its original public attributes to an industrial and market economy. As a result, a number of sports development research associations (academies) jointly organized by local universities, enterprises, and sports administrative departments have emerged throughout China to formulate sports development strategies and plans and provide decision-making consulting services for local governments, build the platform of learning and scientific research practices for enterprises, and cultivate relevant talents; to facilitate the promotion and transformation of technical research and development achievements in the sports field; to hold relevant forums, conferences, etc.6 In recent years, these social organizations (NGOs) or think tanks (e.g., Hainan Free Trade Innovation Sports Industry Research academy and Hangzhou Digital Sports Promotion Association, see Table 55.1), with ‘pro-industry’ advantages, have an accumulation of more achievements in the implementation of ‘sports +’ and ‘Internet + sports’ around the national strategy of healthy China, sports power, and education power. They also continuously promote the cross-integration and the innovation of sports and artificial intelligence, big data, big health and other innovative frontiers, contributing to the innovative, sustained and high-quality development of local sports.7

Sports Think Tank in China’s University On 20 January, 2015, the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council issued the Opinions on Strengthening the Construction of New Type of Think Tanks with Chinese 447

Ren Huitao et al. Table 55.2 List of research organization in Chinese universities 11 Type

Representative Research Organization

Sports Industry

China Sports Industry Research Center of Peking University, Sports Industry Development Research organization of Shanghai University of Sport, Sports Health Industry Research organization of Soochow University, Fujian Sports Industry Research Center of Quanzhou Normal University East China Normal University Adolescent Health Evaluation and Exercise Intervention Key Laboratory of Ministry of Education, National Child Sports Development Research Center of Chengdu University Sports Law Research Center of Xiangtan University, Sports Law Research Center of Hebei Normal University, Sports Law Research Center of Shanghai University of Political Science and Law National Sports and Health research organization of Beijing Sport University, National Physique and Health Research Center of South China Normal University, Nanjing Primary and Secondary School Students Physical Health Promotion Research Center of Nanjing Xiaozhuang university, Shanghai Students Physical Health Research Center of Shanghai University of Sport Tsinghua University Chinese Football Development Research Center, Shandong Youth Basketball Development Research Center of Shandong Agricultural University, Jiangsu Campus Football Research Center of Nanjing Sport Institute Sports Culture Research Center of Tianjin University of Sport, Ethnic Sports Culture Research Center of Xinjiang Normal University, Guizhou Minority Traditional Sports Culture Research Base of Kaili University Leisure Sports Development Research Center of Hubei University, Leisure Industry Research Center of Jishou University Sports, Leisure Sports Industry Development Research Center of Chengdu University Langping Sports Culture and Policy Research Center, Motion Quotient, Center of Nanjing University of Science and Technology

Physical Education

Sports Law

Physical Health Promotion

Sports Events

Ethnic Traditional Culture

Sports and Leisure

Other

Characteristics. Think tanks exert an increasingly important role in national governance,9 which increasingly becoming an indispensable part of the national governance system and an important manifestation of national governance capabilities.10 In October 2017, the General Administration of Sport issued the General Administration of Sports Implementation Plan for the Construction of High-end Think Tanks, suited with the General Administration of Sports Application Guidelines for the Construction of High-end Think Tanks and the General Administration of Sports Application Forms for the Construction of High-end Think Tanks. The application and construction of high-end sports think tanks are implemented in universities, research institutes and relevant units across the country (see Table 55.2). The majority of China’s ‘sports think tanks’ have formed a relatively complete management structure.12 Take the Sports Industry Development Institute of Shanghai University of Sport as an example. Its governing body is a council composed of business, academia, former government officials, and outstanding figures in other fields. The executive body of the Sports Industry Development Institute implements the dean responsibility system under the leadership of the ‘council’. The dean leads the management team to carry out work and is mainly responsible for daily administrative work. Under this management structure, this institute has formed two sectors, that is to say, policy research and administrative management. The operation and management of policy research had set up four research centers for sports events, sports lottery, sports tourism, and the international sports industry based on its research fields. The daily operation of administrative management follows the method of corporate management. 448

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Administrative management centers start-up administrative departments, project management departments, promotion service departments, and information technology departments, whose main tasks are providing services for the research center. The development of university sports think tanks is conducive to the solution of major social problems in sports in the course of social transformation.13 It will effectively integrate the superior resources of all parties and gather the wisdom of multiple parties.14 By improving the synergy of high-quality research resources and the professional division of labor of each research subject, building an interdisciplinary, multi-subject, and all-round research platform, and attaching importance to basic research, application research, and strategic decision in favor of multi-dimensional paradigm, realize the synergy of resources, teams and talent training, and contribute to the government’s sports decision making.

Conclusion The management of sports science research in China has a profound history. After the founding of the PRC, the establishment of hierarchical sports science institutes, societies and organizations which depended on financial funds from governments at all levels have been promoted in accordance with the thinking of the Communist Party of China and the central government. The institutes of sports science are mainly presented as secondary distribution channels at the national and provincial levels. The China Sport Science Society is the national and a first-level society. Each province may establish its own provincial-level society; however, some provinces have not established societies due to the relatively weak level of sports development. Meanwhile, society and institute may be the one entity with two names in some provinces, that is, both of them are operated and managed by the same team. With the ascendancy of China’s sports consumption and sports industry, the country’s sports science research has also expanded appreciably. During this time, more and more ‘sports think tanks’ have arisen with three main organizational types, which are organizations of sports research registered as social organization, folk non-enterprise agency, and those in universities and research institutes. These three types of research organizations differ in their establishment backgrounds, service objects, and research contents.

Notes 1 Lijun Du, ‘试论新形势下中国体育科学学会的地位和作用 (On the Status, Function of the China Sport Science Society under the New Situation)’, 体育科学 (China Sport Science) 21, no. 3 (2001): 7–10. 2 Bing Li and Yaling Huang, ‘中国体育科学学会的发展研究 (Research on the Development of Chinese Sports Science Society)’, 成都体育学院学报 (Journal of Chengdu Sport University) 34, no. 8 (2008): 28–31. 3 Ye Tian, et al., ‘中国体育科学发展现状与展望 (Review, Prospect of Sport Science in China)’,体育科学 (China Sport Science) 25, no. 1 (2005): 5–10. 4 Maijiu Tian, ‘亲历中国体育科学学会30年的发展 (Experience the 30-year development of the Chinese Sports Science Society)’, 体育科学 (China Sport Science) 31, no. 1 (2011):8–9. 5 Hua Yang, et al., ‘新时代我国体育哲学社会科学研究现状与发展趋势——基于国家‘十四五’体育学发展规划 调研分析 (Research Status, Development Trend of Sports Philosophy, Social Science in China in the New Era —— Analysis on the Development Plan of Physical Education in the 14th Five-Year Plan)’, 体育科学 (China Sport Science) 40, no. 8 (2020): 3–26. 6 Dehong Sun and Yupu Tian, ‘中国体育发展战略研究会之研究 (The Study of China Sports Development Strategy Research Society)’, 天津体育学院学报 (Journal of Tianjin University of Sport) 24, no. 5 (2009): 424–426+452. 7 Xuebin Wang and Jiaku Zheng, ‘中国体育智库竞争力影响因素与路径选择——基于扎根理论的研究 (Factors to Competitiveness of Sports Think Tanks, Path Choice in China——Based on the Research Findings of Grounded Theory)’, 成都体育学院学报 (Journal of Chengdu Sport University) 46, no. 3 (2020): 70–77. 8 Xuebin Wang, Jiakun Zheng, Gang Chen, ‘体育智库建设的国际经验与中国路径 (International Experience in Construction of Sports Think Tanks, China’s Road)’, 武汉体育学院学报 (Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education) 54, no. 1 (2020): 47–53. 9 Jiandong Yi, Huitao Ren, ‘中国体育智库建设研究 (Research on Sport Think Tank Construction in China)’, 武汉体育学院学报 (Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education) 49, no. 7 (2015): 5–13.

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Ren Huitao et al. 10 Nan Jiang, Hong Chen, ‘国家体育治理现代化背景下高校体育智库建设研究(Connection Sports Think-Tank form Perspective of Modernization of State Sports Governance)’, 武汉体育学院学报 (Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education) 50, no. 9 (2016): 22–26. 11 Chuanbao You, ‘我国高校体育智库发展研究 (Research on the Development of Chinese University Sports Think-tank)’, 体育文化导刊 (Sports Culture Guide), no. 11 (2018): 120–125. 12 Panpan Liu, ‘中国高校体育智库研究 (Sports Intelligence Pool of Universities in China)’, 体育成人教育学刊 (Journal of Sports Adult Education) 33, no. 6 (2017): 65–69+2. 13 Xionghui Mi, Yaping Xie, ‘新媒体视阈下我国高校体育智库建设现状与发展策略 (The Status Quo, Development Strategies of China’s New Physical Education Think Tanks in Universities Under the Perspective of New Media)’, 湖南工业大学学报（社会科学版） [Journal of Hunan University of Technology (Social Science Edition)] 25, no. 2 (2020): 116–122. 14 Tao Yang and Yanan Liu, ‘国家治理现代化视域下我国体育智库的责任与担当 (Responsibilities, Duties of Sports Think Tanks of China from the Perspective of the Modernization of National Governance)’, 河北体育学 院学报 (Journal of Hebei Sport University) 34, no. 6 (2020): 50–55.

Bibliography Du, Lijun. ‘试论新形势下中国体育科学学会的地位和作用 (On the Status, Function of the China Sport Science Society under the New Situation).’ 体育科学 (China Sport Science) 21, no. 3 (2001): 7–10. Jiang, Nan and Chen, Hong. ‘国家体育治理现代化背景下高校体育智库建设研究 (Connection Sports ThinkTank form Perspective of Modernization of State Sports Governance).’ 武汉体育学院学报 (Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education) 50, no. 9 (2016): 22–26. Li, Bing and Huang, Yaling. ‘中国体育科学学会的发展研究 (Research on the Development of Chinese Sports Science Society).’ 成都体育学院学报 (Journal of Chengdu Sport University) 34, no. 8 (2008): 28–31. Liu, Panpan. ‘中国高校体育智库研究 (Sports Intelligence Pool of Universities in China).’ 体育成人教育学刊 (Journal of Sports Adult Education) 33, no. 6 (2017): 65–69+2. Mi, Xionghui and Xie, Yaping. ‘新媒体视阈下我国高校体育智库建设现状与发展策略 (The Status Quo, Development Strategies of China’s New Physical Education Think Tanks in Universities Under the Perspective of New Media).’ 湖南工业大学学报（社会科学版） [Journal of Hunan University of Technology (Social Science Edition)] 25, no. 2 (2020): 116–122. Sun, Dehong and Tian, Yupu. ‘中国体育发展战略研究会之研究 (The Study of China Sports Development Strategy Research Society).’ 天津体育学院学报 (Journal of Tianjin University of Sport) 24, no. 5 (2009): 424–426+452. Tian, Maijiu. ‘亲历中国体育科学学会30年的发展 (Experience the 30-year Development of the Chinese Sports Science Society).’ 体育科学 (China Sport Science) 31, no. 1 (2011): 8–9. Tian, Ye, Ren, Hai, Feng, Lianshi, Zhang, Liwei, Zhang, Yun, Zhao, Xiujie, Liu, Daqing, Hao, Weiya, Wang, Mei, Zhu, Li and Luo, Yufeng. ‘中国体育科学发展现状与展望 (Review, Prospect of Sport Science in China).’ 体育 科学 (China Sport Science) 25, no. 1 (2005): 5–10. Wang, Xuebin and Zheng, Jiaku. ‘中国体育智库竞争力影响因素与路径选择——基于扎根理论的研究 (Factors to Competitiveness of Sports Think Tanks, Path Choice in China——Based on the Research Findings of Grounded Theory).’ 成都体育学院学报 (Journal of Chengdu Sport University) 46, no. 3 (2020): 70–77. Wang, Xuebin, Zheng, Jiakun and Chen, Gang. ‘体育智库建设的国际经验与中国路径 (International Experience in Construction of Sports Think Tanks, China’s Road).’ 武汉体育学院学报 (Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education) 54, no. 1 (2020): 47–53. Yang, Hua, Qiu, Jun, Chen, Qi, Sun, Jinhai, Fang, Qianhua, Han, Chunli, Zhou, Liangjun, Wang, Lei and Zhong, Jianwei. ‘新时代我国体育哲学社会科学研究现状与发展趋势——基于国家‘十四五’体育学发展规划调研 分析 (Research Status, Development Trend of Sports Philosophy, Social Science in China in the New Era ——Analysis on the Development Plan of Physical Education in the 14th Five-Year Plan).’ 体育科学 (China Sport Science) 40, no. 8 (2020): 3–26. Yang, Tao and Liu, Yanan. ‘国家治理现代化视域下我国体育智库的责任与担当 (Responsibilities, Duties of Sports Think Tanks of China from the Perspective of the Modernization of National Governance).’ 河北体育学 院学报 (Journal of Hebei Sport University) 34, no. 6 (2020): 50–55. Yi, Jiandong and Ren, Huitao. ‘中国体育智库建设研究 (Research on Sport Think tank Construction in China).’ 武汉体育学院学报 (Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education) 49, no. 7 (2015): 5–13. You, Chuanbao. ‘我国高校体育智库发展研究 (Research on the Development of Chinese University Sports Thinktank).’ 体育文化导刊 (Sports Culture Guide), no. 11 (2018): 120–125.

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56 A REVIEW OF CHINESE JOURNALS, CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS, AND PUBLICATIONS IN SPORTS SOCIAL SCIENCE Yang Haichen

Introduction Sports social science is the general term for the group of social sciences related to sports and an important branch of sports science in China. Sports social science is about the research of sports social phenomena and focuses on expounding social phenomena and development laws of sports. It is a synthesis of the disciplines of sports philosophy, sports economics, sports sociology, sports history, sports journalism, sports anthropology, sports psychology, science of ethnic traditional sports, sports ethics, and sports aesthetics and so on, which is developed from the intersection of philosophy, economics, sociology, history, communication, anthropology, psychology, ethnology, ethics, and aesthetics based on the theories of sports science. Sports social science is at the intersection of sports science and social science with its research paradigm influenced by the social science research paradigm.1 Social science, as a kind of inquiry activity different from natural science, its task orientation is to take human social existence and social activities as the research object, trying to explore and understand the law of human social development and operation, so as to better build a social order conducive to the development and progress of human society. According to the social science methodology researchers Egon G. Guba and Yvonna S. Lincoln, the paradigm of social science research is divided into positivism, post-positivism, critical theory and constructivism.2 In China, sports social science research mainly plays the role of social perspective mirror, that is, people understand and measure society through sports phenomenon. From Doctoral Dissertations of Sports Social Science in China, we could see that common research paradigms are Positivism, Constructivism and Explanationism.3

The Role of Sports Social Science in the Development of Chinese Sports In the development of Chinese sports, sports social science plays an important and irreplaceable role. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, sports social sciences have been playing an active role in exploring the laws of sports development in China, promoting the spirit of Chinese sports and providing consulting services for relevant sports decision-making departments. Active contributions have been made in popularizing basic sports knowledge, carrying out mass sports activities, developing competitive sports, and promoting the development of the sports industry.4 DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-67

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Yang Haichen Table 56.1 Sports science CSSCI source journals and extended edition catalogue (2021–2022) Journal name

Database

China Sport Science China Sport Science and Technology Journal of Beijing Sport University Journal of Chengdu Sport University Journal of Shanghai University of Sport Journal of Physical Education Journal of Shenyang Sport University Journal of Sports Research Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education Journal of Xi’an Physical Education University Physical Education Journal Sports & Science Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports Journal of Tianjin University of Sport Sports Culture Guide

CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI extension CSSCI extension CSSCI extension

Source: Institute for Chinese Social Sciences Research Assessment.

In recent years, China’s sports social science research has achieved rapid development and a group of scholars with strong research capabilities and high research levels have emerged, especially in the twentyfirst century, China has not only successfully hosted the Beijing Olympics, but also won the right to host the 24th Winter Olympics (the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics). China’s sports social science research has received extensive attention. In general, China’s sports social science research has undergone a major transition from ‘nascent to gradual maturity’ and gradually formed a complete discipline system with fruitful results along with the development of diversified disciplines, continuous expansion of research fields and continuous innovation of research perspectives. China has 22 colleges and universities with firstand second-level doctoral programs in sports science,5 and about 80 colleges and universities and scientific research institutions with master’s programs in sports science. According to incomplete statistics, from 1978 to 2022, the number of sports social science-related papers which were indexed by the Chinese Sports CSSCI6 is nearly 12,000. The total number of published academic books, textbooks, and translations is nearly 1,500 (see Table 56.1).7 As discipline construction becomes more mature, research topics tend to be more diversified such as how to treat the national system of sports in China, the relationship between mass sports and competitive sports, the role of sports in improving populace cultivation, the organic integration of sports and education, the sustainable development of Olympic gold medals and sports resources, the Olympics and the issue of nationalism, and how to look at the issue of Chinese football. Scholars in various fields have also carried out comprehensive, multi-level, and cross-cultural research around the above topics.

New Directions of Chinese Sports Social Science Research In 2008, China successfully hosted the Beijing Olympics, which brought opportunities for the development of China’s sports social science research. Its research fields have been further expanded, the research perspectives of related scholars have also been broader, the research depth has been further enhanced, and the research results have become more scientific. At present, China’s sports social science research covers a wide range of topics and has become a more dynamic research field. 452

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Sports sociology is a branch of sociology employing sociological social perspectives and research methods to study the relationship between sports and other social phenomena, sports and people as well as the internal structure of sports as a social system, and the development law of sports as a social cultural activity. This applied discipline of sociology will promote the healthy development of sports and the healthy operation of society.8 In the 1980s, China implemented the reform and opening policy, which had a greater impact on politics, economy, society, and culture. As a cultural form and social practice, sports have gradually become a topic of concern to Chinese scholars. In order to promote the development of China’s sports industry, exploring sports phenomena from a sociological perspective has gradually become a research path for some scholars. The international development of sports sociology provides ideas for the development of sports sociology in China. In 1980, the Chinese Sports Science Association was established in Beijing to further promote the development of sports sociology in China. In 1994, with the support of the Chinese Sociological Society, the Sports Sociology Professional Committee of the Chinese Sociological Society was formally established. The importance of sports sociology has been continuously highlighted. Core compulsory courses are in the curriculum system of sports colleges and universities.9 In the field of sports sociology, the relationship between sports and media, the study of gender and sports, the relationship between sports and national image, the study of sports and national identity, and the mobilisation mechanism of sports organisations have received extensive attention from scholars. With the innovation of media technology and the deepening of academic cooperation and exchanges at home and abroad, more and more Chinese scholars have emerged in the field of international sports sociology. Most sports sociology scholars focus on the social changes and social structure in the field of sports, experience social changes through sports phenomena, and combine specific research situations with the classic theories and research paradigms drawn on and absorbed from sociology to gradually form a theoretical system of sports sociology with Chinese characteristics. Sports philosophy and social sciences are the important tools for people to understand the world and transform the world. It is an important force to promote historical development and social progress. Its development level reflects a nation’s thinking ability, spiritual character and civilization quality, and reflects a country’s comprehensive national strength and international competitiveness. Sports philosophy, as an important part of philosophy and social sciences, is a basic discipline of sports science. It is guided by the basic theories and methods of philosophy, based on sports thoughts and practice and discusses the concepts, propositions, and categories in sports theories as well as the way of thinking and value judgement in sports practice and so on.10 In the field of philosophical research, sports philosophy belongs to a rather microscopic and specific research field. However, when it goes deep into sports philosophy, its research target fields are more complex, mainly including sports essence theory, sports value theory, sports epistemology, and many other sub-branches. Furthermore, it forms the focus thresholds of sports and ethics, sports and morals, sports and existence, and sports and education. The hot topics of sports philosophy mainly focus on three aspects: sports ethics research, sports significance research, and game philosophy research. The various ethical issues that appear in sports are almost all closely related to the physicality and competition of sports. Taking sports competition ethics as an example, it is generally believed that sports competitions embody fairness and justice that are difficult to reflect in other areas of society. Undoubtedly, sports competitions can go beyond personal self-improvement in the ethical dimension to a certain extent, and extend to the interrelationships between man and society, and between man and nature. However, sports competitions also involve a series of ethical issues. For example, does the fairness in sports competitions conceal the unfairness encountered by athletes outside the stadium? When serving the society through sports competitions, will there be conflicts between social interests and athletes’ rights? Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the importance of competitive sports in China has been constantly emphasised. In the early days of the founding of New China, the Central 453

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People’s Government emphasised the importance of the development of sports, put forward the requirements for the construction of ‘new sports’, and determined the overall goal of ‘to popularize sports among millions of working people’. At the same time, in the process of China’s international sports exchanges, compared with Western countries, China is regarded as a backward country in sports due to its poorer overall level of competitive sports, and even its citizens are regarded as ‘sick men of East Asia’, which led to the increasing demand for improving the overall level of competitive sports. Faced with the extremely backward situation of sports, if China wanted to change the lagging state of competitive sports in a short time, and quickly improve the overall level of competitive sports, social resources alone were obviously not enough to support and maintain its development. Therefore, through the advantages of the government’s administrative planning methods, the national resources as the guarantee, and the later development advantages as the basis and conditions, a management system centered on the sports committee was formed.11 This management system is visually called ‘the Whole-nation System’. Driven by ‘the Whole-nation System’, China’s competitive sports have achieved impressive results and China’s competitive sports level has gradually entered the forefront of the world. Therefore, ‘the Wholenation System’ has become a key research topic for Chinese scholars, which mainly includes the concept of ‘the Whole-nation System’, how to improve ‘the Whole-nation System’ of competitive sports in China and the basic content system of ‘the Whole-nation System’ of competitive sports. Since China’s reform and opening up, how to adapt to the development of the market economy and improve ‘the Whole-nation System’ has gradually become a hot topic for scholars. Chunlin Qin et al. believe that as far as competitive sports are concerned, due to the different classifications, only the part that provides public goods may adopt ‘the Whole-nation System’. Professional sports in competitive sports cannot implement ‘the Whole-nation System’ because they have an obvious industrial nature and rely on market operations to make profits. They use various methods such as ticket sales, television broadcasts, and sponsored advertisements to obtain profits.12 After that, Bingshu Zhong proposed the concept of a new ‘Whole-nation System’. The new ‘Wholenation System’ mainly refers to the new mechanism of organically combining the advantages of socialist concentration of power to do major tasks and the competitive advantages of market allocation of resources under the conditions of a socialist market economy, mobilizing resources across the country, and concentrating power to realize the country’s interests. Compared with the traditional ‘Whole-nation System’, the new ‘Whole-nation System’ presents new features and changes in terms of target objects, environmental background, participants, values, and mechanism of action.13 In terms of China’s competitive sports, in addition to studying ‘the Whole-nation System’, scholars have also further studied the socialization of competitive sports, strategies for preparing for the Olympics, training of reserve talents, and management methods of competitive sports. Compared with competitive sports, mass sports are also called social sports. They mainly refer to various forms of sports activities that are widely participated by people for the purpose of strengthening mind and body, recreational entertainment, and enhancing unity and friendship.14 With the rapid development of China’s sports industry, the important role of mass sports has gradually been discovered. Policies such as the Outline of the National Fitness Program and ‘The 14th Five-Year’ Sports Development Plan have emphasized the important role of mass sports. In the National Fitness Program (2021–2025) issued by the State Council of China, it is pointed out that ‘Popularize the nationwide fitness culture, increase the creation and placement of public service advertisements, vigorously promote the spirit of sports, and tell the story of mass fitness’. At the same time, ‘The 14th Five-Year’ Sports Development Plan pointed out that ‘Guide sports training companies to innovate the ‘Internet+ training’ model, and continue to improve the people’s sports skills and level. To construct a sports data framework system which consists of national sports big data centre and the provincial (regional, municipal) sports data centre and to gradually build a national mass sports database.’ Under the guidance of policies, mass sports have become research topics of focus for Chinese scholars. In the research of mass sports in China, there are many research results on the 454

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relationship between mass sports and competitive sports, the management of mass sports work, the overall development of mass sports in urban and rural areas, the construction of mass sports culture, the current status and experience of foreign mass sports development, and the development status of minority sports in ethnic minorities, and so forth.15 The sports industry mainly refers to the collection of the same type of economic activities that provide sports products to the society and the sum of similar economic sectors. Sports products mainly include sports goods and sports services. The economic sectors in my country mainly include enterprises and other institutions for business activities (institutions, social groups, families, or individuals)16 at the present stage. In the new era, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council of the People’s Republic of China put forward their opinions on promoting the high-quality development of the sports industry, emphasising that the country’s sports industry should be further cultivated as a medium and longterm economic growth point and a new driving force for development, and the country should promote sports industry into an important engine for improving people’s livelihood and stimulating economic growth, turning it into a pillar industry of the national economy.17 The importance of the sports industry has been constantly emphasised, and its related research has also continued to heat up. In the research of China’s sports industry, keywords such as sports market, sports economy, sports consumption, industrial policy, industrial structure, and sports goods have received great attention from scholars.18 The academic results produced around these keywords are aimed at promoting the economic growth of China’s sports industry and optimising the industrial structure to promote the high-quality development of the sports industry.

Conclusion China’s sports social science research provides theoretical support and decision-making reference for the development of Chinese sports. After years of development, its discipline construction has become more and more mature, and its research topics have tended to be diversified. There are both macro-level perspective research and micro-level case analysis; both historical vertical observation and international horizontal comparison. In general, China’s sports social science research is still in the development stage, and the research hotspots mainly focus on competitive sports, mass sports, sports industry, sports sociology, sports philosophy, and so forth.

Notes 1 Hua Yang and Hai Ren, ‘The Current Research and Development Trend of Sports Humanities and Social Science in China’, Journal of Beijing Sport University, no. 11 (2007): 1441–1448. 2 E G Guba and Y S Lincoln, Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research (London: Sage, 1994). 3 Guohua Zheng and Pingxiang He, ‘Problem and Reflection of Sport Social Science Research Paradigm in China’, Journal of Beijing Sport University 40, no. 6 (2017): 1–11. 4 ‘Opinions of the General Administration of Sports of China on the Further Prosperity and Development of Sports Social Science’, China Sport Science, no. 1 (2005): 3–4. 5 Lei Sheng, Guoyou Sun and Lei Chen, ‘Viewing the Establishment of the Direction of Sports Science in our Country’s Sports Colleges and Universities from the Research Direction of Doctoral Enrollment’, Sports & Science 38, no. 6 (2017): 42–52+80. 6 CSSCI: ‘Chinese Social Sciences Citation Index’, a database developed by the China Social Sciences Citation Index of Nanjing University and used to search the collection and citation of papers in the field of Chinese social sciences and a landmark project in the field of Chinese humanities and social sciences evaluation. 7 Yixiao Cao and Qingjun Wang, ‘The Evolution and Trend of Chinese Sports Humanistic Sociology Research since the Reform and Opening up’, Journal of Sports Research 35, no. 4 (2021): 66–75. 8 Yuanzhen Lu, Yonghui Yu, ‘Correct Discipline Orientation of Sport Sociology’, China Sport Science 26, no. 4 (2006): 3–8. 9 Yanjun Huang and Shuting Li, ‘Review of Studies on Sports Sociology in China in the Period of the 11th FiveYear Plan’, Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 35, no. 1 (2011): 55–57+87.

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Bibliography Cao, Yixiao, Qingjun Wang. ‘The Evolution and Trend of Chinese Sports Humanistic Sociology Research since the Reform and Opening up.’ Journal of Sports Research 35, no.4 (2021): 66–75. Fu, Dong, Xuemei Yang, Guangbin Xu. ‘Dynamic Evolution and Knowledge Bases of the Research on China’s Sports Industry: A Bibliometric Analysis Based on CSSCI Literature.’ Journal of Sports Research 35, no.5 (2021): 1–5. Guba, E. G. and Y. S. Lincoln. Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research. London: Sage, 1994. Huang, Yanjun and Shuting Li. ‘Review of Studies on Sports Sociology in China in the Period of the 11th Five-Year Plan.’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 35, no.1 (2011): 55–57+87. Liu, Fumin. ‘Implementing ‘the Opinions of the General Office of the State Council on Promoting the National Fitness and Sports Consumption and Promoting the High-quality Development of the Sports Industry’ to Promote Sports Industry to Become a Pillar Industry of China’s National Economy.’ China Sport Science 39, no.10 (2019): 3–10. Lu, Yuanzhen, Yonghui Yu. ‘Correct Discipline Orientation of Sport Sociology.’ China Sport Science 26, no.4 (2006):3–8. Lu, Yuanzhen, Guo Yunpeng and Fei Qi. ‘Study on Basic Theoretic Problems of Sports Industry.’ Journal of Physical Education, no.1 (2001): 41–44. Tian, Yupu, Xiaoming Yang, Kaiyun Liu. ‘Strategies for the Overall Development of Mass Sports in Cities and Towns in China.’ Journal of Physical Education 15, no.1 (2008): 9–13. Yang, Hua and Hai Ren. ‘The Current Research and Development Trend of Sports Humanities and Social Science in China.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University, no.11 (2007): 1441–1448. Yang, Hua, Chou Jun and Chen Qi. ‘Current Research and Development Trend of Sports Philosophy and Social Science in China in the New Era——Analysis on the Development Plan of Sports Science in the 14th Five-Year Plan.’ China Sport Science 40, no.8 (2020): 3–26. Yang, Hua, Shuhui Sun and Weiping Shu. ‘Upholding and Further Improving the Whole-nation System for Competitive Sports in China.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 27, no.5 (2004): 577–582. Zheng, Guohua, Pingxiang He. ‘Problem and Reflection of Sport Social Science Research Paradigm in China.’ Journal of Beijing Sport University 40, no.6 (2017): 1–11. Zhong, Bingshu. ‘New Whole-nation System: The Guarantee of Building a Sports Power.’ Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 45, no.3 (2021): 1–7.

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57 A BIBLIOMETRIC REVIEW ON THE PUBLICATIONS OF EXERCISE AND SPORTS SCIENCE IN THE MAJOR CHINESE SPORTS-RELATED JOURNALS IN THE LAST DECADE Liu Hongyou, Zhong Shisheng, and Xu Huahua

Introduction The bibliometric method is a widely used integral evaluation methodology in providing quantitative analysis of scientific production and identifying the developing or regressing trend of research in a specific field.1,2 The rapid development of bibliometric methods makes it easier to interpret scientific publications in given domains. Besides, the emergence of a wide range of databases such as Web of Science, Scopus, and Google Scholar produces reliable data sources, which accelerates the development of bibliometric research simultaneously. The data obtained from bibliometric analysis has the potential to help the researchers in building more detailed research frameworks, improving scientific documents, as well as utilizing scientific information to plan long-term strategic goals.3 In the field of sports-related science, several studies have employed a bibliometric method to evaluate the scholarly production in its sub-disciplines or specific themes, e.g., sport and exercise psychology,4 sports injuries,5 sports and exercise medicine,6 sports nutrition science,7 and so on. However, to the best knowledge of the authors, no such investigations have been conducted in the area of exercise and sports science (especially in China), which is one of the most important research areas in the field of sports-related science in China, in the name of the number of involved students, faculties, and universities.8 Therefore, performing a bibliometric study may provide useful insights about the current situation and future trends in this research area, which may inspire researchers and help guide future potential research directions. Consequently, the aim of the current chapter is to provide a bibliometric review of the publications on exercise and sports science in the major Chinese sports-related journals based on the data of the last decade (2011–2020).

Method Data Source Data was obtained from the database of the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (www.cnki.net), which is one of the most comprehensive scientific databases in mainland China, that offers access to more than 8,500 Chinese journals and more than 62 million full-text articles that could date back to the year of 1915. DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-68

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Liu Hongyou et al. Table 57.1 The major Chinese sports-related journals included in this chapter Journal

Database

Journal

Database

China Sport Science China Sport Science and Technology Journal of Beijing Sport University Journal of Shanghai University of Sport

CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI

CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI

Journal of Physical Education Sports & Science Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education Journal of Shenyang Sport University

CSSCI CSSCI CSSCI

Journal of Sports Research Journal of Chengdu Sport University Journal of Xi’an Physical Education University Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports Journal of Tianjin University of Sport Sports Culture Guide Chinese Journal of Sports Medicine

CSSCI CSSCI CSCD

CSSCI

Searching Strategy 8

According to Xu and Liu , a study that could be attributed to the area of exercise and sports science should meet the following three requirements: (1) subject of the study should be “human in movement” or “movement of human”; (2) objective of the study should be promoting the level of health, fitness, or performance; (3) type of the study should be evidence-based empirical research, or review of evidencebased empirical research. This principle was employed as the basic searching strategy in this chapter. A panel consisting of ten post-graduate students was composed to select articles meeting the abovementioned requirements from the major Chinese sports-related journals in the years 2011–2020. The major journals here are referred to the sports-related journals that are included in the Chinese Social Sciences Citation Index (CSSCI, including the extended version) and in the Chinese Science Citation Database (CSCD), as presented in Table 57.1. The detailed information of all the selected articles was extracted during the dates of 12 to 24 November 2021. The extracted information of the articles includes: title, type (empirical or review), abstract, author, author affiliation, keywords, journal, year and month published, number of citations, and downloads in the database of CNKI (see Table 57.1).

Bibliometric Analysis The following variables were included in the subsequent bibliometric analysis: annual trend of publications, average number of authors per article per year, distribution of journal and type of articles, the most active authors, the most active institutions, and the most active key words.

Results Annual Trend of Publications In the last decade, 2,987 articles have been published in the area of exercise and sports science in the major Chinese sports-related journals. The number of publications in each year is presented in the Figure 57.1. As can be seen, with 451 articles published in the area, 2011 was the most productive year in the decade. The number of publications displayed a sharp decline in the following three years, with a slight rebound in 2015, while went back to the decreasing trend and reached the lowest value in 2018 (with only 227 articles published). In general, the number of publications in the area of exercise and sport science in the major Chinese sports-related journals illustrated a remarkable downward trend during 2011–2020 (see Figure 57.1). 458

A Bibliometric Review on the Publications

Figure 57.1

Articles published per year in the area of exercise and sports science in the last decade.

Average Number of Authors of the Publications in Each Year of 2011–2020 The average number of authors of the articles published in the years of 2011–2020 has been shown in Figure 57.2. The mean number of authors contributing to articles presented an upward trend in the last decade, which increased from 2.8 authors per article in 2011 to 3.9 in 2020. This trend may probably reflect that (1) a major degree of collaboration increased gradually in the last decade, (2) more researchers have been involved in the area of exercise and sports science.

Types of the Articles and Journal Distribution The published journals and the type of the publications in the area of exercise and sports science have been shown in Table 57.2. In total, 1,243 (41.6%) empirical studies and 1,744 (58.4%) review studies have been published in the 15 major Chinese sports-related journals in the past decade. The Chinese Journal of Sports

Figure 57.2

Average number of authors of the publications in each year of 2011–2020.

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Liu Hongyou et al. Table 57.2 The published journals and the types of the publications in the fields of exercise and sports science Journal Chinese Journal of Sports Medicine China Sport Science and Technology Journal of Beijing Sport University Journal of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education Journal of Physical Education Journal of Capital University of Physical Education and Sports Journal of Xi’an Physical Education University China Sport Science Journal of Tianjin University of Sport Journal of Chengdu Sport University Journal of Shenyang Sport University Journal of Shanghai University of Sport Sports Culture Guide Sports & Science Journal of Sports Research Total

Empirical article

Review article

Total

Citations

Downloads

442(66.2%) 111(31.4%) 76(33.8%) 27(14.0%) 56(29.6%) 45(25%)

226(33.8%) 242(68.6%) 149(66.2%) 166(86.0%) 133(70.4) 134(75%)

668 353 225 193 189 179

7,360 5,237 4,123 3,100 2,701 1,807

295,939 226,024 161,924 134,462 114,432 78,921

68(39.8%) 126(77.3%) 75(47.8%) 75(48.7%) 6(4.0%) 108(76.1%) 1(0.7%) 24(44.4%) 3(5.8%) 1243(41.6%)

103(60.2%) 37(22.7%) 82(52.2%) 79(21.3%) 143(96%) 34(33.9%) 137(99.3%) 30(65.6%) 49(94.2%) 1744(58.4%)

171 163 157 154 149 142 138 54 52 2,987

1,846 3,193 1,693 1,938 1,686 2,052 1,545 887 675 39,843

74,933 204,816 74,232 78,504 65,401 96,823 45,765 53,574 23,506 1,729,256

Medicine published the largest number of articles (n=668) in those years, with 442 (66.2%) empirical articles and 226 (33.8%) review articles; meanwhile, it was also the most cited and downloaded journal. The second most active journal was the China Sport Science and Technology, which published 353 articles, of which, 111 (31.4%) were empirical articles and 242 (68.6%) were review articles, that received a total of 5,237 citations and 226,024 downloads. The Journal of Sports Research published the fewest number of articles (52), and received the fewest number of citations (675) and downloads (23,506) as well. In particular, being the most reputable sports-related journal in China, the China Sport Science only published 163 articles (ranked 7th), but received 3,193 citations (ranked 4th) and 204,816 downloads (ranked 3rd). The Chinese Journal of Sports Medicine (66.2%), the China Sport Science (77.3%), and the Journal of Shanghai University of Sport (76.1%) were the three journals that published more empirical articles than review articles, while the rest seemed to prefer publishing review articles.

The Most Active Authors The authors published more than ten articles in the area of exercise and sport science in the last decade have been shown in Table 57.3. The most productive author is Prof. Chen Peijie from Shanghai University of Sport, who published 38 articles in the past decade, that received 721 citations and 32,899 downloads in the CNKI database. With only 23 published articles (ranked 7th), Prof. Chen Aiguo received the largest number of citations (1,041) and downloads (35,914). It is worth to notice that, the top-four most active researchers are all from Shanghai University of Sport. Among the 46 active authors in the table, 19 (41.3%) researchers are affiliated with institutions of Shanghai, 18 (39.1%) researchers are affiliated with institutions of Beijing, while only 9 (19.6%) authors are affiliated with institutions of the rest cities of China.

The Most Active Institutions The institutions published more than 20 articles in the areas of exercise and sports science are presented in Table 57.4. As can be seen, the most active institution is the Shanghai University of Sport, which 460

A Bibliometric Review on the Publications Table 57.3 The list of the most active authors in the areas of exercise and sports science in the last decade Author

No. of articles

Institution

Citations

Downloads

Chen Peijie Liu Yu Wang Renwei Zhou Chenglin Hu Yang Feng Lianshi Chen Aiguo Fu Weijie Fu Li Chen Wenhe Gao Binghong Wu Ying Li Yijun Zhao Jiexiu Ji Liu Xie Minhao Li Anmin Wang Qirong Yan Yi Li Yongming Li Jianying Li Yanchun Wang Zhengzhen Ge Chunlin Li Qing Zhuang Jie Yan Jun Li Xuhong Lu Aming Wang Dexin Wu Xie Yuan Tinggang Qu Feng Tan Sijie Wang Ru Yu Dinghai Ding Shuzhe Hao Weiya Jiang Zili Li Zhijun Liu Hui Niu Yanmei Yang Jian Zhang Li Zhang Liwei Zhang Zhongqiu

38 33 30 29 28 25 23 23 22 21 21 21 20 19 18 17 16 16 16 15 15 15 15 14 14 14 14 13 13 13 13 13 12 12 12 12 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11

Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport Beijing Sport University China Institute of Sport Science Yangzhou University Shanghai University of Sport Tianjin Medical University Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport South China Normal University China Institute of Sport Science East China Normal University National Institute of Sports Medicine Shanghai University of Sport National Institute of Sports Medicine Beijing Sport University Shanghai University of Sport Shanxi University Beijing Sport University Beijing Sport University Beijing Sport University Tsinghua University Shanghai University of Sport Yangzhou University Hangzhou Normal University Soochow University Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport China Institute of Sport Science Beijing Sport University Tianjin University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport Shanghai University of Sport East China Normal University China Institute of Sport Science China Institute of Sport Science Shanghai Research Institute of Sport Science Beijing Sport University Tianjin Medical University East China Normal University China Institute of Sport Science Beijing Sport University China Institute of Sport Science

721 447 437 456 273 406 1,041 306 116 607 218 323 442 215 358 152 248 116 151 162 155 35 391 299 256 284 538 141 153 141 178 187 98 212 174 254 82 75 247 155 99 59 193 160 203 120

32,899 23,961 18,996 18,783 10,365 18,646 35,914 15,802 8,634 19,478 14,320 10,355 10,757 13,647 20,127 8,321 8,475 5,833 9,157 14,723 5,499 3,781 14,162 9,429 16,216 11,119 19,860 4,644 5,560 6,480 7,190 7,602 6,475 11,102 12,830 6,543 6,700 3,865 29,327 5,570 7,325 44,416 8,599 7,714 9,111 5,827

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Liu Hongyou et al. Table 57.4 The list of the most active institutions in the areas of exercise and sports science in the last decade Institution

No. of articles

Citations

Downloads

Shanghai University of Sport Beijing Sport University China Institute of Sport Science Wuhan Sports University Xi’an Physical Education University Capital University of Physical Education and Sports Shenyang Sport University Tianjin University of Sport East China Normal University South China Normal University Soochow University Chengdu Sport University Guangzhou Sport University Shanghai Research Institute of Sport Science Tsinghua University Beijing Normal University Nanjing Sport Institute Northeast Normal University Yangzhou University Central China Normal University Nanjing Normal University Shanxi University Zhejiang Normal University Ningbo University Fujian Normal University Jiangxi Normal University Zhengzhou University Hebei Normal University Beijing Research Institute of Sport Science Henan Normal University Jiangsu Research Institute of Sport Science Southwest University Liaoning Normal University Shanxi Normal University Jilin University

463 462 182 128 99 98 96 88 74 69 59 59 59 53 50 49 41 39 39 37 36 35 35 34 33 31 29 29 26 26 24 24 22 21 21

6,415 5,926 2,042 1,805 1,362 1,247 1,176 1,065 796 969 796 774 715 653 752 1,338 405 648 1,282 510 628 476 444 409 602 393 438 427 469 385 287 298 249 410 283

300,127 292,030 122,865 77,494 44,404 49,159 44,199 49,891 53,417 37,925 34,013 28,550 31,301 27,558 40,301 57,192 20,571 25,490 50,232 25,712 23,602 17,033 17,978 22,557 19,184 14,745 14,464 20,562 18,050 15,737 19,598 13,618 8,362 12,936 9,871

published 463 articles that received the largest number of citations (6,415) and downloads (300,127). The institution coming close is Beijing Sport University, which published 462 articles, receiving 5,926 citations, and 292,030 downloads. These two universities are the only institutions that have published more than 450 articles in the area in 2011–2020; meanwhile, their numbers of citations and downloads are also way above the rest of the institutions. In addition, the most active institutions are where the largest number of active author affiliations are, which is consistent with the previous results. It is interesting that sports universities or institutions dominated the top-ten list in the table, with only two non-sports universities coming in ninth (East China Normal University) and tenth (South China Normal University). 462

A Bibliometric Review on the Publications Table 57.5 The list of the most active key words in the last decade Key words

Frequency

Citations

Downloads

exercise/sports competitive sports athletes teenagers elite athletes college students obesity elderly people kinematics football (soccer) aerobic exercise competition and training man woman sEMG Tai Chi exercise intervention table tennis physical activity sports injury China physical exercise sports biomechanics volleyball athletic ability biomechanics body movement swimming basketball tennis

132 127 120 88 70 67 63 57 54 53 52 51 49 49 48 46 45 45 45 42 41 41 39 38 35 34 31 31 31 30

1,181 1,562 1,580 1,815 948 1,331 1,169 1,014 588 1,053 904 808 1,036 613 683 880 861 535 769 557 695 719 345 610 385 323 347 281 785 535

72,283 60,560 70,370 84,369 32,147 52,825 52,948 39,097 21,341 39,463 35,096 30,375 41,384 22,974 24,834 31,204 44,337 23,782 38,840 30,561 19,657 40,127 16,025 25,068 20,760 18,026 25,226 14,587 19,290 23,782

The Most Active Key Words The key words that were most used in the publications in the areas of exercise and sports science are presented in Table 57.5. Exercise/sports has been the most frequent key word, which appeared in 132 articles in the area in the decade that received 1,181 citations and 72,283 downloads. Exercise/sports, competitive sports, and athletes are the top-three most active key words and are the only ones that have been used by more than 100 articles. Athletes, teenagers, elite athletes, college students, and elderly people are the populations most concerned by researchers in the area. Particularly, these are the most citations (1,815) and downloads (84,369) on articles including teenagers as key words. Concerning specific sports, football (soccer) is the most widely investigated sport in the area, and football-related articles received 1,053 citations and 39,463 downloads.

Conclusion The number of publications in the area of exercise and sports science in the major Chinese sports-related journals displayed a remarkable downward trend in the last decade. The number of publications in the 463

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fewest years (2018) was merely half of the most year (2011). In contrast, the mean number of authors per article per year presented an upward trend. The Chinese Journal of Sports Medicine published the most articles in the area in the last decade, while the Journal of Sports Research published the fewest. Most of the journals published more review articles than empirical articles except for the Chinese Journal of Sports Medicine, the China Sport Science, and the Journal of Shanghai University of Sport. Prof. Chen Peijie from Shanghai University of Sport is the most productive author in the last decade, while Prof. Chen Aiguo received the largest number of citations and downloads. Among the 46 authors who published more than ten articles in the last decade, 37 (80.4%) researchers were affiliated with institutions of Shanghai and Beijing. The most active institution in the area in the last decade is Shanghai University of Sport, followed closely by Beijing Sport University. Sports universities or institutions dominated the top-ten most active institution list, with only two non-sports universities coming in ninth (East China Normal University) and tenth (South China Normal University). Based on the analysis on the frequency of key words, athletes, teenagers, elite athletes, college students, and elderly people are the populations most concerned with by researchers in the area in the last decade, while football (soccer) is the most widely investigated sport in the area. The most citations and downloads were on articles including teenagers as key words.

Notes 1 Jaime Prieto, Miguel-Ángel Gómez, and Jaime Sampaio, ‘A Bibliometric Review of the Scientific Production in Handball’, Cuadernos de Psicología del Deporte 15, no. 3 (2015): 145–54. 2 Osareh and Farideh, ‘Bibliometrics, Citation Analysis and Co-Citation Analysis: A Review of Literature I’, Libri 46, no. 3 (1996): 149–158. 3 Dulla Nisrutha, et al., ‘Global Exploration on Bibliometric Research Articles – A Bibliometric Analysis’, Library Philosophy and Practice (e-journal), (2021). 4 J. Lindahl et al., ‘Trends and Knowledge Base in Sport and Exercise Psychology Research: A Bibliometric Review Study’, International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology 8, no. 1 (2015): 71–94. 5 R. Wang et al., ‘Exercise for Low Back Pain: A Bibliometric Analysis of Global Research from 1980 to 2018’, Journal of Rehabilitation Medicine 52, no. 4 (2020), DOI: 10.2340/16501977-2674. 6 O. Khatra et al., ‘A Bibliometric Analysis of the Top Cited Articles in Sports and Exercise Medicine’, Orthopaedic Journal of Sports Medicine 9, no. 1 (2021), DOI: 10.1016/j.joen.2018.07.015. 7 A. Kiss et al., ‘Structure and Trends of International Sport Nutrition Research Between 2000 and 2018: Bibliometric Mapping of Sport Nutrition Science’, Journal of the International Society of Sports Nutrition 18, no. 1 (2021), DOI: 10.1186/s12970-021-00409-5. 8 Huahua Xu and Hongyou Liu, ‘Publications of “Exercise & Sports Science” in High-Level Chinese Journals’, Current Reports in Sports Performance Analysis 2, no. 1 (2021): 1–4.

Bibliography Khatra, O. et al. ‘A Bibliometric Analysis of the Top Cited Articles in Sports and Exercise Medicine.’ Orthopaedic Journal of Sports Medicine 9, no. 1 (2021). 10.1016/j.joen.2018.07.015 Kiss, A. et al. ‘Structure and Trends of International Sport Nutrition Research Between 2000 and 2018: Bibliometric Mapping of Sport Nutrition Science.’ Journal of the International Society of Sports Nutrition 18, no. 1 (2021). 10.1186/ s12970-021-00409-5 Lindahl, J. et al. ‘Trends and Knowledge Base in Sport and Exercise Psychology Research: A Bibliometric Review Study.’ International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology 8, no. 1 (2015): 71–94. Nisrutha, Dulla, et al. ‘Global Exploration on Bibliometric Research Articles – A Bibliometric Analysis.’ Library Philosophy and Practice(e-journal), 5779 (2021). Osareh, and Farideh. ‘Bibliometrics, Citation Analysis and Co-Citation Analysis: A Review of Literature I.’ Libri 46, no. 3 (1996): 149–158.

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A Bibliometric Review on the Publications Prieto, Jaime, Miguel-Ángel Gómez, and Jaime Sampaio. ‘A Bibliometric Review of the Scientific Production in Handball.’ Cuadernos de Psicología del Deporte 15, no. 3 (2015): 145–154. Wang, R. et al. ‘Exercise for Low Back Pain: A Bibliometric Analysis of Global Research from 1980 to 2018.’ Journal of Rehabilitation Medicine 52, no. 4 (2020). 10.2340/16501977-2674. Xu, Huahua and Hongyou Liu. ‘Publications of “Exercise & Sports Science” in High-Level Chinese Journals.’ Current Reports in Sports Performance Analysis 2, no. 1 (2021): 1–4.

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58 EVALUATION OF PUBLIC FINANCE OF SPORTS SCIENCE RESEARCH PROJECTS IN CHINA—TAKING THE SPORTS PROJECT OF NATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE FUNDS AS AN EXAMPLE Liu Wei

Introduction Sports science research projects are generally funded by applying for grants or similar public funds per the bidding requirements of relevant national departments and scientific research institutions. Currently, there are various categories of sports science research projects in China, including the National Social Science Foundation, National Natural Science Foundation, Scientific Research Fund Projects of the Ministry of Education, and other scientific research projects of various provinces and cities. From the reality of sports science research projects, the influence and attention of national social sciences have also garnered significant attention. Thus, sports science research projects approved by the National Social Science Foundation (National Social Science Fund) receive the highest funding and greater social outreach. As the research content and direction of the National Social Science Fund funded projects on sports science play a vital guiding role in the discipline, its research results also provide a basis for the reform and development of Chinese sports. Additionally, they provide theoretical support for developing Chinese sports policy, which can markedly promote the development of national sports. Meanwhile, the research results of the sports science project of the National Social Science Fund have shown considerable strength of Chinese philosophy and social science research to some extent. This is not only witnessed at the level of sports social science research in China but also seen in the current scenario and development trend of sports social science research. Thus, by assessing the use of National Social Science Fund’s financial contributions towards sports science research as an example, this study proposes practical suggestions for improving the efficiency of public financing of sports science research projects in China.1

The Use of Public Finance of the National Project Research Fund The National Social Science Fund’s finances are allocated from the Ministry of Finance or the National Office of Philosophy and Social Sciences and primarily used to conduct philosophical and social science research with 466

DOI: 10.4324/9781003204015-69

Evaluation of Public Finance of Sports Science Research Projects

crucial theoretical and practical significance for China’s socialist modernization, reform, and ‘opening up’, as well as developing and implementing disciplines.2 National Social Science Fund projects are categorized into major projects, specifically commissioned projects, annual projects, specially funded social science research projects in the western region (hereafter the western project), and subsequent projects. The Ministry of Finance or the National Office of Philosophy and Social Sciences sets up corresponding project types based on the scientific development trend and national strategic needs. Starting from the positioning and management of funds, the Ministry of Finance or the National Office of Philosophy and Social Sciences is divided into three funding series—research project series, talent project series, and environmental condition project series. In recent years, the Ministry of Finance or the National Office of Philosophy and Social Science have strictly regulated the use of relevant funds and implemented the following measures. First, it establishes and enhances the indirect cost compensation mechanism and scientific research incentive mechanism. Then, it divides the project funds into direct costs and indirect costs and elucidates that the indirect costs will be verified proportionally and not to exceed the total amount of project funding. Regarding the use and management of indirect costs, it is stipulated that the verification of indirect costs should connect with the credit rating of the responsible unit, which should be managed and used by the responsible unit. Next, it requires the responsible unit to arrange the performance expenditure openly and fairly within the approved indirect cost range per the actual contribution of scientific researchers in the project work, coupled with the project’s progress and quality following completion, and gives full play to the incentive role of performance expenditure. Furthermore, it is highlighted that the responsible unit should not repeatedly withdraw and disburse relevant expenses in the project funds in any name other than the one approved in the indirect expenses.3 Second, it explains the scope and standard of labor expenses. This expands the scope of labor service expenses, increases in postdoctorals, visiting scholars, project-employed researchers, and scientific research auxiliary personnel based on graduate students. It also includes the social insurance subsidies of projectemployed personnel. In addition, it clarifies the standard of labor cost expenditures and determines it with regards to the average wage level of local scientific research and technical service personnel and the tasks undertaken in the research project. Furthermore, the limitation on the proportion of personnel expenses, such as labor fees and expert consultation fees, should be eradicated. Third, it streamlines budget preparation subjects and delegates budget adjustment authority. Then, conference expenses, travel expenses, and international collaboration and exchange expenses are to be combined into one subject. If the total of these three expenses does not exceed 20% of the direct expenses, it does not provide a budget calculation on this basis. It is stipulated that if the total budget of the project remains unchanged, all budget adjustment authorities, except for the additional allocated funds, should be delegated to the responsible unit. However, the budget for conference and travel expenses, international cooperation and exchange expenses, expert consultation expenses, and labor expenses would generally not be increased. Finally, it improves the management of carry-over balance funds. It is stipulated that during a project’s research period, the remaining funds of the year could be carried forward and continued to be used in the subsequent year. After the research results of the project are completed and pass the review and acceptance process, the remaining funds could be used towards publication fees of the project and subsequent research. Meanwhile, if surplus funds remain two years after the project research results passes the examination and acceptance process, they should be returned to the National Social Science Fund per the original channels and carried forward to the next year for overall funding of the research project.

Project Initiation and Tendency Analysis of Sports Science Projects Funded by the National Social Science Fund Currently, the National Social Science Fund grants 50,000 USD for key projects and 200,000 RMB for general projects and youth projects. Based on the completion time limit, the theoretical research is usually 3–5 years, 467

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while the applied countermeasure research is usually 2–3 years. In the last three years, although the number of national social science sports projects has increased, the overall proportion remains low. In 2019, there were 172 physical education projects, including 12 key projects, 130 general projects, 18 youth projects, and 12 western projects. In 2020, 163 National Social Science Fund Annual projects (including general projects and key projects), western projects, and annual sports projects were approved, including ten key projects, 122 general projects, 19 youth projects, and 12 western projects. In 2021, a total of 131 general projects of the physical education discipline were approved by the National Social Science Fund, along with 18 projects of physical education for youths and 20 western sports disciplines. In 2021, a total of 169 physical education disciplines were approved by the National Social Science Foundation.4 Notably, the proportion of sports projects approved by the National Social Science Fund is lower than the average proportion of approved projects. In addition, the proportion of key projects and youth projects is relatively low, and public finance remains inclined to provide services and support for scientific research of midlevel talent. Although China’s National Social Science Fund has set up western projects to support the development of sports disciplines in remote areas, overall, a regional imbalance persists in the establishment of sports projects, among which the mid-eastern region of China is significantly higher than other regions. From the publicity results of the project materials, the National Social Science Fund is more inclined to fund the research results of monographs and research reports.1 Regarding funding areas, it is more inclined to fund competitive sports, sports industry, sports culture, national fitness, sports public services, and other fields.5

The Process and Current Situation of the National Social Science Foundation’s Sports Project Funding National Social Science Fund projects are generally announced at the beginning of each year (January), and the list of projects will be announced in the middle of the year (July). Before these announcements, the National Office of Philosophy and Social Sciences will typically consult relevant sports experts and issue project topics based on the current status of sports discipline and the needs for national and socioeconomic development. After the preliminary review by each university, the project personnel apply for the fund according to the project topic selection guide and submit applications to the provincial social science office for review. The third step involves a meeting where organizing experts conduct blind assessments of the applications submitted by each province, which then enter an evaluation stage. The fourth step is to publicize the projects reviewed at the meeting. If there are no public objections, the project is established and supporting funds are allocated accordingly. The process mentioned above is the general application and project initiation process of National Natural Science Foundation projects. From the standpoint of project initiation and application processes, the procedure is fairer and more just in comparison.2 With respect to the current project operation, the following suggestions are laid out: First, it is important to focus more on qualification than ability of applicants. Since the whole project review process involves a blind evaluation, there is no communication and defense process between the project applicant and the reviewer. In addition, the framework of the project application process has certain limitations. Specifically, the procedure requires applicants to provide preliminary results, making it relatively challenging for young scholars to apply for the project. Meanwhile, owing to the existence of academic authorities, resources are relatively centrated, and it is hard for scholars with fewer overall resources to get their projects approved. Moreover, there have been crackdowns on enthusiastic young scholars protesting the unfairness of the project approval process to some extent. Consequently, public funds did not better promote the development of disciplines but rather allowed some potential young scholars to leave academic circles altogether.

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Second, it is crucial to reaffirm the underreporting of results. Based on the current situation, the difficulty of applying for National Social Science Fund–approved funding for sports projects is far greater than that of closing items. Typically, various scientific research institutions and schools compare the number of approved projects, but few administrative units can compare the number of projects. The reason for this phenomenon is that it is hard to obtain approval, and the closing items can be completed in various ways.3 Thus, scientific research results could be discounted markedly, which also leads to the failure of public financial funds to attain corresponding outputs, resulting in the decline of the efficiency of public financial funds. Third, more attention is needed on the arbitrary budgetary framework. The budget preparation process is the key factor affecting the development of scientific research projects. But in the case of an arbitrary budget structure, experts encounter the phenomenon of a high budget and funding reduction after review. In the case of an inadequate budget, these should be supplemented at the first instance. In the case of problems in applying for project funds, the budgetary framework hinders the progress of the projects and the orderly development of acceptance for publication. Fourth, the budget for scientific research projects lacks goals. In the budget reform, attention must be to the role of the budget and promote a greater breakthrough in the implementation of the budget of scientific research projects. Nevertheless, many scientific research institutions lack objectives in the budget of scientific research projects and have not yet realized the transformation from process management to objective management.4 It is challenging to give full play to the role of budgeting scientific research by focusing too much on process management. For instance, while these research institutions have established a sound budget system that plays a specific role in the financing of scientific research projects, they lack a scientific target management system, resulting in inefficiencies and poor outputs. Furthermore, many scientific research institutions have not recognized that a project budget assessment system is even needed. In turn, difficulties remain in budget evaluation and management that have failed to meet the expected goal of budget reform.

Suggestions for the Financial Improvement of Sports Science Research Projects in China Considering the current problems of China’s sports science research funds addressed above, such as emphasis on qualification over ability, reiterating reporting over results, irrational budgeting results, and lack of clear goals and objectives for efficiently management project funds, suggestions on how China’s public financial funds for sports science research projects could be improved as presented here. First, the management system for scientific research should be improved. To comprehensively improve the management of public funds for sports science research in China, scientific research institutions should first fortify the management of public funds for relevant projects, evade arbitrary abuse of funds during the application process, and use them more efficiently, thus mitigating potential losses. Second, implement training programs for sports researchers for them to better manage their own funds and exchange their experiences. This would enable them to a) fully understand the budget expenditure of scientific research projects, b) learn the budget preparation methods, and c) explicate the connotation of each fund expenditure based on the national budget management and funding characteristics of their research projects. Third, highlight the goals and objectives of public financing of sports research and their associated budgets. In this period of reforming of funding scientific research projects, the significance of “goal orientation” is constantly highlighted. Therefore, its focus should be on integrating the funding and performance budgets, which requires innovative ways in comprehensively reforming the funding and budgeting of research projects, as well as highlighting the efficacy of various funds. In sum, there is a need to devise and fully implement an effective budget management system. Attention should be given to the transformation and development of the scientific research 469

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project budget from “process management” to “target management.” Rather than focusing solely on compliance, more effort should be placed on strengthening the management of the funds used from the budget. For instance, research institutions and personnel should formulate an effective budget assessment system and focus on the management of project contract indicators. Moreover, the scientific and technological departments, financial departments, and audit departments of scientific research institutions could jointly formulate the scientific research fund management system. In a practical setting, it is essential to comprehensively design the supervision and assessment contents from the objectives of scientific research projects to maximize their benefits. Second, considerations should be given to changing the funding mode of public funds for sports science research to a ‘redemption mode’. In addition, the supporting units of relevant scientific research projects should modify the bidding process, moving away from the one-time bidding done in the past, and strive towards a multiunit cooperation mechanism that could fulfill the needs of sports research projects. Meanwhile, scientific research projects should specify the corresponding points of accomplishments in the funding methods and contents of public funds. This will ease researchers’ control over funds and give researchers more room for innovation. Once a clear redemption bonus is available for scientific research accomplishments, researchers can obtain early-stage capital investment by choosing social assistance, which raises their awareness of markets. Subsequently, the funding bodies should equip the process of funding supervision from heavy project approval to whole process supervision. Considering the phenomenon that the use of scientific research funds was monopolized by a few researchers in the past, this study suggests that scientific research management departments should focus on the process of fund use, avoid entrusting others and third parties to manage projects after project approval, and increase the fairness of funding scientific research projects. Finally, changing the method of sports science research funding to improve the government’s investment in sports science research. It should not be a one-time and long-term investment but rather executed in stages based on the maturity of those research projects. For guidance, timeframes should be categorized in stages that include data collection and acceptance, accomplishments (benchmarks), results, and conclusion. This would only guide the progress and promote innovative research but also supervise the rational use of project funds. In general, with the development of modern society, China’s sports research projects have been highly valued by all sectors of society. The state has invested more and more funds in sports scientific research projects, recognized the correlation between the funding and launching of these projects, and provided a basic guarantee for their development. At this stage, although these investments continue to increase, meeting budget management requirements remains a challenge. Therefore, sports research institutions must establish a more effective budget management system, improve researchers’ awareness of sound budget management, effectively monitor the progress of research projects, and ensure the rational allocation of funds, so as to create more benefits for all stakeholders.

Notes 1 Liang, Y. D., et al, ‘Study of Acupuncture for Low Back Pain in Recent 20 Years: A Bibliometric Analysis via CiteSpace’, Journal of Pain Research 10, no. 2 (2017): 951–964. 2 The Official Website of the National Office for Philosophy and Social Science, http://www.nopss.gov.cn/ (accessed March 19, 2022). 3 R. Li, et al., ‘Research Trends of Acupuncture Therapy on Knee Osteoarthritis from 2010 to 2019: A Bibliometric Analysis’, Journal of Pain Research 13, no. 5 (2020): 1901–1913. 4 Wenya Pei, et al., ‘Research Trends of Acupuncture Therapy on Insomnia in Two Decades (from 1999 to 2018): A Bibliometric Analysis’, BMC Complementary and Alternative Medicine 19.1 (2019): 1–9. 5 Bing Bai, Xiaofeng Bai, and Chunxia Wang, ‘Mapping Research Trends of Temporomandibular Disorders from 2010 to 2019: A bibliometric Analysis’, Journal of Oral Rehabilitation 48.5 (2021): 517–530.

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471

INDEX

Note: Page numbers in Bold refer to tables and in italic refer to figures; and page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes. Abbott A. 127 Adidas 340, 342 ageing population 225–226; and food practices 226; physical activity in 226 ‘A History of Chinese Martial Arts’ (Fan Hong) 441 Alibaba Group 129–130, 342, 412 All China Sport Federation 136 Amateur Sports Schools 208 Anderson, Benedict 398 Answers to Life Nurture (Ji Kang) 19 ANTA 367 Anta 340, 341 Anti-Christian Movement, 1920s 79 Anti-Japanese War (1931–1945) 68 Aoyun 329 aquatic sports 360 archery 15–16, 24, 25, 36 Arm Records 51 Arts and Sport Development Fund (ASDF) 395, 426 Asian Games, China’s participation in 279; Busan Asian Games, 2002 304; COVID-19, global impact of 283–284; future reforms 283–284; Guangzhou Asian Games, 2010 279, 281–283; Hangzhou Asian Games, 2022 282–283; international exchange of Oriental culture 281–283; modernisation legitimacy 280; nationalistic confidence and 280–281, 284; state power expansion, modern times 280 Asian Games 1990, bidding contest: China role in leveraging 111–113; loan, by Japanese government 110–111; quest for 2000 Summer Olympics 112–113; Treaty of Peace, and Friendship 111 Asian Games and the Olympic Games Organization Advisory Committee 386 Asian traditional sports culture 283

Association of Summer Olympic International Federations (ASOIF) 95 athlete development 287–288; difficulties, and problems 289; funds and training conditions 289–290; gold medal ranking and winning 289; government monopolized training 290; post-Olympic era 290–292; sports schools, role 289–290; studentathletes 288; Zhejiang experience 290–292 athletes with disabilities, selection of: in 1980s, and 1990s 253; Chinese features in 257; coaches, vital role in 255–256; for local municipal competitions 253–254; in national team 253; special school, role 256; through recommendations 254–255; training bases, in colleges/universities 256–257; types of selection 252; Yunnan Model 252, 254, 257 aviation sports 361 Bach, Thomas 283, 330 Baduanjin Qigong (八段锦) 45, 53 Baidu 367 Baixi skills 30 ball games: popularity of 17, 35, 38, 44, 47; traditional, decline of 51–52; YMCA’s preference for 60 Bank of China (Hong Kong) 395, 404 Bao Pu Zi 30, 31 The Basic Criterion on College Physical Education 156 Beck, Barry 430 Beech, J. 127 Beginner’s Entry（初学条目) 50 ‘Beijing 2008: Preparing for Glory Chinese Challenge in the ‘Chinese Century” (Mangan) 442 Beijing Institute of Sport Science 444 Beijing Olympic City Development Association (BODA) 334

472

Index Beijing Olympic Games 439 Beijing Olympics, 2008 296, 309, 310; barrier-free facilities 332; with Chinese characteristics 332; in cultural terms 331–334; display of historical and cultural heritage 332; Green Olympics concept 331; ‘harmony,’ people-oriented 332–334; internationalisation of sports business and 342; motto ‘Faster, Higher, Stronger - Together’ 331; Olympic culture in 332–333; philosophy of harmonious spirit 332–333; principle of ‘People First’ 332; ‘Renwen Aoyun’ 331; slogan ‘New Beijing, Great Olympics’ 331; venues and their surroundings 332 Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games (BOCOG) 331 ‘Beijing’s Games: What the Olympics Mean to China’ (Brownell) 442 Beijing Sports Competition Association 85 Beijing-Yanqing-Zhangjiakou railway link 311 Beikuo 241 Belle International 341 Belt and Road initiative 1 Berlin Olympics, China in 96 Beverly Zhu (now Zhu Yi) 325 bibliometric method 457. See also publications, bibliometric review of bidding contests and 111 Bingmu system 35, 41n3 Bingshu Zhong 454 Bird’s Nest Stadium 310 board games 17–18, 27–29, 39, 44–45, 47 Boedicker, Martin 441 Boohee Health 366 Book of Han (汉书) 16, 17 Boswell, Christina 233 boxing practice skills 441 ‘Brave Dragons: A Chinese Basketball Team, an American Coach, and Two Cultures Clashing’ (Yardley) 440, 441 Brownell, Susan 334, 440, 442 Caffrey, Kevin 442 car racing sports 361 Carrie Lam 411, 412 Chadwick, S. 127 Chan, E.C.H. 393 Changchun, Jilin Province 114 Changjia boxing (苌家拳) 50 Chen Aiguo 460, 466 Cheng Lanru（程兰如) 52 Chengting T. Wang 62 Cheng Yaojin 37 Chen Huarong 167 Chen Peijie 460, 466 Chen Shui-bian 114 Chen Weiqiang 282 Chen Xiyi 45 Cheung Ka Long 409 Chiachi Cheng 241

Chiang Ching kuo 417 Chiang Kai-shek 101 children, and physical fitness 197–198 children’s and adolescents’ participation in sports: class break exercises 272; community environment, influence 273–274; factors affecting 273–274; family environment, influence 273; forms 272; gender differences 272; hobbies, influence of 273; interest factor 273; in physical exercises 272–273; policies for 268, 269–271; at present times 272–273; school environment, influence 273; schooling period differences 272–273; sports camp activities 272 China (or People’s Republic of China) 1–2; anti-doping efforts in 168; ‘championism’ value 89; common market relation with, Cross-Strait 416–417; competitive sports in 453–454; connection to IOC 94–95; Cross-Strait policy (see Cross-Strait relations, and exchanges); development of sports sociology in 453, 455; development/promotion of sports 101, 439; economic growth 365; Far Eastern Championship Games in 100–101, 105; FECG role in, diplomacy 105; ‘feminism’ influence 67, 74; friendship sport policy (see sports diplomacy, and China); great achievements, in sports 439; HK Special Administrative Region (SAR) of 402 (see also Hong Kong identity, and sports); institutes of sports science in 444–445; international sporting bids, role of 109, 111–115; Juguo Tizhi 137; and Korea relationship 39–40; mega-events, and policies in sport 1–2; missionary institutions, sports programs impact 60, 76–80, 83; modern sports, rise of 59–60, 65, 76, 83; official relations, with other nations 119–120; Olympic journey 93–96; One Belt One Road strategy 147; one-child policy 366; Open-Door policy and strategy 332; participation history, in Olympic games 95–97; People’s Republic of China (PRC) 118–119, 422; ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ education concept 101; PRC founding, 1949 93, 109, 121, 261, 288, 439; professional sport in, defined 127; proliferation of Christian education/youth organisations 60; Russia border dispute, resolving 113; sick man of East Asia, label 88, 93, 97, 102, 105, 280, 454; sport diplomacy strategy, impact 118–121; sport history and tradition, in ancient 7–9, 15–17, 23–24, 35–36, 43–44, 49–50; sports and general affairs, management 94–95; sports events and competitions in 83–89; sports exchanges with Japan/India 39–40; sports industry 2012–2019 365, 365; sports science organization in 445–446; sports social science research 451–452; sports social science role 451; ‘sports think tanks’ 447–449, 447, 448; strategic linkage between its neighbours 111–115; urbanisation, and labourers 232; Western colonials role, in introducing modern sports 60–61; Western imperialism and 76, 81n2; Whole-nation System 454; women’s emancipation in, early age of 261–262 China and the Olympics, TV documentary 371, 372, 379

473

Index China Disabled Sports Association 253 China Institute of Sport Science (CISS) 444; aim and role 444–445; research centers and Integrated Test and Experimental Center under 444; sport journals by 444 China National Amateur Athletic Federation (CNAAF) 79, 94–95 China National Athletic Union 79 China National Knowledge Infrastructure (www.cnki.net) 457 China’s Anti-Doping Agency (CHINADA) 169 China’s Education Modernization Plan towards 2035 185 China’s ice and snow industry 310–311 the China Sport Science 460, 466 China Sport Science Society (CSSS) 444 China Sports Development Strategy Research Association 446; main work of 446; strategy documents formulated 446 China Sports Science Society (CSSS) 445–446, 449 China’s Regulation on the Protection of Olympic Symbols 166 China’s Regulation on the Public Sports Cultural Facility 166 China Welfare Lottery Distribution and Management Center 159 China Youth Sports Development Report 2015 156 Chinese Anti-doping Regulations 166, 167 Chinese Anti-Doping Regulation System 168–169, 171 Chinese chess 39 Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 165, 185, 238, 242, 261–262 Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) 177–178 Chinese Educational Mission 62 Chinese exchange students’ and sports 61–62 Chinese femininities and masculinities 177–178 Chinese Football Association (CFA) 128–131, 304, 323 Chinese Ice Hockey Association (CIHA) 325 ‘Chinese Internal Boxing: Techniques of Hsing-I and Pa-Kua’ (Smith) 441 The Chinese Journal of Sports Medicine 459–460, 464, 466 ‘Chinese Martial Arts: A Historical Outline’ (Ross) 441 ‘Chinese Martial Arts: From Antiquity to the Twenty-First Century’ (Lorge) 441 Chinese martial arts system see martial arts Chinese National Xiejin Sports Federation 95 Chinese Olympic Committee 95 Chinese Paralympic sports 252 Chinese professional basketball league 303 Chinese Professional Football League 147 Chinese Social Sciences Citation Index (CSSCI) 452, 455n6 Chinese Sociological Society 453 Chinese sports governance model 246–247; components 135–136, 138; financial resource, distribution 137; income sources 137, 138; local sports bureaus 137; political governance 137–138; relationship between stakeholders 136; systemic governance 135–137, 139n14, 139n15, n15 Chinese sports-related journals 458

Chinese Sports Science Association 453 Chinese sportswear brands 340 Chinese Taipei (‘Olympic model’) 423 Chinese women’s volleyball team 295–296 ‘Chinese Youth Asia Walking Group’ 102, 103, 104 Chinses Super League (CSL) 304 Choi Hong Hi 417, 418 Chongzhen Chronicles (崇祯记闻录) 54 Choy So-yuk 398 Christianity, and Western physical education programmes 76–79 ‘Christianity and the Transformation of Physical Education and Sport in China’ 441 Christian missions/organisations: boycott and decline of 79; impact on sports expansion 76–80; indigenisation trends, and rising nationalism 79–81; physical education advocacy 77–78; role in transforming Chinese society 77; spreading, Christianity and Western culture 77; YMCA’s work, in sports 76–79, 80 Chuiwan 44, 47, 51, 52, 55n14 Chuiwan Teaties (丸经) 44 Chunlin Qin 454 Chun Qiu (The Spring and Autumn Annals) 11 citizens’ right to sport 234 Civil Aviation University of China 156 Clarks 341 Close, Paul 442 collaborative innovation 418–419 Collection of the Carefree and Innocent Pastime (忘忧清乐 集) 44 Communist Party of China (CPC) 421 community sports 273–274 competitive sports 287, 385–386 The Complete Collection (万法宝全) 53 Confucianism 9; concept of “wen” and contempt of “wu” 16; life-nurturing ideas 18 Confucius 9 consumer service industries 144, 145 Continental newspaper (Dalu Bao) 88 Cooperation of Sport and Education model 210–211 Council for Recreation Sport (CRS), 1973 393 Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) 167–168. See also Sports Law COVID-19 pandemic 279, 283, 341; challenges 1; digital media platforms role 317–318; future reforms under 283–284; impact on global sport 122, 131, 283, 317; migrant workers affect 232; ‘stay home to exercise’ 406; taekwondo practitioners, impact on 416 Cross-Strait relations, and exchanges 421, 423; Habermas’s theory of communicative rationality 421, 422; ‘Olympic Model’(‘Chinese Taipei’) framework role 422, 423–424; sports (see taekwondo training market; Taiwan sports); sports exchange agreement 422, 423 Cross-Strait sports industry, and innovation 416 Cuju 17, 38, 44, 47, 51

474

Index cultural imperialism, and missionary-led sports 80, 81 Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) 153 Culture and Olympic Education Commission 330 cycling sports 361 Dai Chuanxian 85 D’Amato, Gianni 233 Damon Jones 341 Daoism 228 Darwent, Charles Ewart 60 Daur people 241 Dayo Wong Tze Wah 399 Decathlon Hong Kong (2021) 406 Deng Xiaoping 111, 128, 180, 280, 357; Economic Reform and Open door Policy post-1978 357; South China Tour 128, 132n12, 143; vision of China 177–178 Denise Ho 410 Denise Tse-Shang Tang 411 Dikö tter, Frank 238 diplomacy 118; public, as soft power 118; sports role in 118–119 (see also sports diplomacy, and China) Disabled Persons’: Card Registered Information System 255; Quantitative Service Platform system 255. See also athletes with disabilities, selection of Disabled Persons’ Federation 252 Dong Jinxia 178 Dongqiudi 318 Dong Shouyi 97 doping, and anti-doping mechanism 168–169 Double Ninth Festival 18, 30 Douyin 318 Dragon Boat Festival 240 dragon boat racing 18, 30 Dragon Canoe Festival 240 dragon dancing 18 East Asian Games 2009 405 East Asian Games Education Fund 430 The Eastern Capital: A Dream of Splendor (东京梦华 录) 46 ecological sports, concept 346–347 education and sports integration 210–211 Egon G. Guba 451 Eighth National Survey on Students Physique and Health 156 Eight Kings’ Rebellion 23 Eight Notes of Zunsheng (遵生八笺) 53 Eileen Gu (now Gu Ailing) 325, 326 electronic sports (Esports) 361 Elite Athlete Award Program 430 elite athletes: education and career planning for retired 209–210; training of 210–211 Elite Athletes Development Fund 404, 427 elite athlete training system 287, 288 elite sports 147; development in schools, history 208–210; education-sport training conflict 210–211;

employment opportunities 297–298; failure burden, and criticism 296–297; integration of sports and education 210–212; policy and supporting strategy 296; relationship between national honour and 295–298; three-tier training network 209, 211; training, importance of 298; women’s volleyball 295–296 elite sports development in Hong Kong 426–427; after handover 1997 427–428, 432; athletic naturalization 430; blend of British/Chinese influence 429; classification, and selection mechanism 429, 430; coaches need for, better rewards/employment package 432; Elite Sports Committee (ESC) 428; funding and investment 429; objectives of 426; recommendations for advancement 431–432; sports universities/institutes cooperation with 430–431; stakeholders in 428–429; support to athletes 430; talent identification 432; Tier A and Tier B sports 428, 429; transition of policy, features 429–431; winning mind-set, need for 431 Elite Vote Support Scheme 428 e-sport program 121 Ethnic Classification Project 239 ethnic minorities: assimilation of 239; Confucian legacy of relationship 240; maintaining national identity, with sports 238–239, 242; meetings, ‘Huli Letai’ 240; National Games, opening ceremonies 241–242; ronghe ideology 240; sports participation of 238; traditional sports of 240–241 everyday fitness activities 362 Exner, M. J. 60, 78 extracurricular sports activities and sports competitions 188, 191–192 extreme sports 361 Family School Sexual Orientation Discrimination Ordinance Concern Group 411 Fan Hong 441 Fan Xiping（范西屏) 52 Far Eastern Championship Games (FECG) 78, 94, 100, 105, 107; 6th FECG, China in 105; China and Japan conflict 100, 105; China’s social modernization, impacts of 100; Chinese society impact on 100, 107; diplomatic relations, contribution 105; important role, and rise of 100–101; ‘national concept’ in Chinese citizens 101, 105; ‘physical, intellectual and moral’ education model 101; Zhang Boling role in 101 fashion sports 361 Federation of Gay Games (FGG) 410 Fei Xiaotong 280 Fei Yong 256 feminine masculine ideal, in China 178; influences of Westernisation and modernisation 178 femininities and masculinities 177–178 ‘feminism’ term 67 Feng Huiling 331 Ferkins, L. 129

475

Index FILA 341 First Sino–Japanese War 77, 81n3 FIVB Volleyball Nations League 405 Five-Animal Exercises 19 Five-Year Plan for Sports Development 185 folk festival games 18, 30 folk sports: characteristics, and importance 388, 390; evolved into, carnival activities 389 football role, in China’s sports reform 302 footbinding 65–66, 66, 67 foreign-study movement 62 Fourier, Charles 67 Four Zi Chess Book（四子谱)52 Fu Baolu 96 Fujian Institute of Sport Science 444 Fukuzawa Yukichi (ふくざわゆきち, 1835–1901) 67 Fu Mingxia 430 Fu Taoying 256

Guangdong Dongguan Hongyuan basketball club 303 Guangdong Women’s physical education school 68–69 Guangzhou Asian Games, 2010 279, 281–282 Guangzhou Evergrande FC 325 Guan Zi Chess Book£¨¹Ù×ÓÆ×) 52 Guiding Opinions on Pushing Forward Sport Park Construction 146 Gu Jiegang 10 Guo Bailing（过百龄) 52 Guoli Liang 180 Guoqi Xu 398 Guo Shuli 169 Guterres, António 283

G7 Revolution 129 Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) 121 gamification education 216 Gansu Disability Sports Centre 255 Gao Lize 430 Gay Games Hong Kong (GGHK), 2023: backlash from, religious organizations and parents’ groups 411; diversity and inclusion issues 410, 413; Ho’s controversial speech 411; LGBTQ+ rights and creation of 410–411; media sources, reports on 412; postponement 2023, due to COVID 411; Taiwan’s withdrawal of 410, 411; theme ‘Unity in Diversity’ 410 Ge Hong 30–31, 32 gender identities, developments of 178–179; active and health-conscious identities 179; feminine masculine ideal 178; male idols 178; soft masculinity 178; ‘Wen’ or ‘Wu’ ideal masculinity 178; Westernisation and modernisation influences 178; women’s roles in society 178–179 General Administration of Sport (GAS) 144, 198, 323 General Administration of Sport in China (GASC) 129, 135, 136, 137, 138 Generation Z 364; choices of sports activities 366–368, 368, 369; consumers, focus on fitness 365–368; defined 364; growing background of 364–366; sports fashion interest 367–369; technologies and media use 367, 369 Gerrard, B. 128 globalization, refers to 121 Go game 39. See also Weiqi Golden Lotus 65, 66, 74 Gold Label Road Race by World Athletics 405 Google Scholar 457 grassroots sports social organisation 347, 348 ‘Great Leap Forward’ (GLF) 262–263 Green Olympics 312, 331 guangchangwu (广场舞，guangchang: square; wu: dancing) 355

Habermas, J. 421, 422 Habermas’s theory of communicative rationality 421, 422 Hai, Ren 334 Haier 343 Han Dynasty (202 BC–220 AD) 15, 238 Hangzhou Asian Games, 2022 282–283 Han Yong 169 Han Zhongli 38 Hao Gengsheng 89 Harbin, Heilongjiang Province 113, 114 Hardman, Alun 119 Hargreaves, Jennifer 281 Health China 203; 0 plan 203 health education 190–191 health preservation: Confucian idea of 11–12, 13n7; Ge Hong’s thought 30, 31; guided massage method 40; morality or “dao de” role 11; naturalist view on 11–12; physical exercises 11, 13; “qi” importance 10–11; and sports 30–32; “stillness” notion 11–12; Tao Hongjing’s thought 32; Taoist claim in 11–12; textual references to 11; traditional ways, and theories 10–11; Wu Qin Xi/Five-Animal Play (Hua Tuo) 32; Xiang Xiu’s thought 30; Xun Zi thoughts 12–13; Yan Zhitui’s thought 32; Zhuang Zi’s reflection on 12 ‘Healthy China’ strategy 170, 171, 311 #HEALTHYTogether 283 He Long 208 Henry, Ian 333 Henry Fok Sports Foundation 395 He Zhenliang 112, 330, 423 high intensity interval training (HIIT) 283, 292 high-performance sports: Chinese entrepreneurs’ penetration in 305; citizens’ criticism of poor performance 303–304; commercialisation and professionalisation in 302–305; government role, and funding 301–304; match-fixing issue in football and basketball 304; ‘Polaris Plan’ 304; problems in and growth plans 302–304; structural, systematic transformation in 301–302; volleyball league size and management 304 hiking trails, HK 396 HK01 412

476

Index Ho Chi-ping 426 Ho G. 405 holistic perspective of health 225 Holt, Richard 352 Home Affairs Bureau (HAB) 393, 403, 426 Hong Fan 66, 282 Honghe Academy training base 257 Hong Kong Cricket Club (HKCC) 61, 409 Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP) 412 Hong Kong Games (HKG) 405 Hong Kong identity, and sports role: ASDF economic input by 395, 426; background of development, 1950s 426–427; Badminton Development and Training Scheme 395, 404; bidding for hosting of mega-sports events 397; British influences, depoliticisation strategy 409–410, 412–413, 426, 429; change before and after 1997 in 392, 397–399, 402; coaches attitudes 412; development after 1997, themes 392, 394; District Football Funding Scheme (DFFS) 404; effects on ’renationalization’ 398, 410; Elite Athletes Development Fund 404, 427; expenditure for promoting 403–404, 426–427; Five-Year District Sports Programme Funding Scheme 403; fostering high-performance sports 396, 426; Gay Games in (see Gay Games Hong Kong (GGHK) 2023); LGBTQ+ rights development in 410, 412–413; local and international sporting events, hosting and staging 404–405, 409, 426; major obstacles, and low participation 406; medals in megaevents 396, 409; “M” Mark System 396, 404–405, 427; Olympic equestrian event, hosting 410; ‘One Country, two systems’ formula 392, 393, 410; people’s complicated feelings towards 398; policy changes, and new organizations establishment for 392–393, 403, 409, 426–428, 432; Quality Migrant Admission Scheme 430; reform post-handover 393, 394, 396, 426–427; Retired Athletes Transformation Scheme 403; SAR government’s efforts, and approaches 402–406, 426; School Sports Programme (SSP) 403; shortage of sporting facilities 406; ‘softpower’ approach, for promotion 405; special award schemes 395; sponsorship, and fundings for 394–395, 403–404; sporting achievements, role in popularising 405; ‘Sports for All’ promotion 395–396, 403, 426; sports policy development 426–427 (see also elite sports development in Hong Kong); structure, before 1997 393; structure of, after 1997 handover 394, 402, 403, 427–428; Student Athlete Support Scheme 403–404; successful bidding of Gay Games 410–411, 413; support from mainland 397, 398; talent identification 432; ‘underdeveloped’ in sporting culture 409; ‘world city’ image of 397, 398, 426 Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust 404, 409, 427 Hong Kong Sevens (Rugby) 396, 405, 406, 409 Hong Kong Sports Development Board (HKSDB) 393, 409 Hong Kong Sports Institute (HKSI) 393, 409, 428 Hongshankou Meeting 128

Hongyou Liu 458 Horne, John 333 horseback archery 16 The Horserace (Zhou Boqi) 47 horse racing, in China 60 Horton, Peter 440 hosting of Olympic Games: economic aspects of 309–310; environment and society, impacts on 312–313; infrastructure development 310; investments 310; land acquisition and demolition 313; urban development, impacts on 311; Winter Olympics demands, and impacts 311–313 Houlihan, Barrie 440 Housner Lynn 180 Houston Rockets 343 Hsing-I and Pa-Kua techniques 441 Huahua Xu 458 Huang Yanpei 88 Huan Xiong 180 Hua Tuo 19 Huawei 367 Hu Jintao 113, 114 Huli Letai 240 Hu Yaobang 111 ice and snow sports 360 Ice and Snow Sports Development Plan (2016–2025) 248 Ice Cube (Water Cube) 310 idea of ‘Hexie’ (Harmony) 333 income sources, for Chinese sports 137, 138 innovation concept 416 Internal Quan (内家拳法) 51 International Olympic Committee (IOC) 94–95, 281, 283, 294, 295, 310, 312, 318, 330, 331, 372 International Taekwondo Federation 417 International Yellow River Crossing Extreme Challenge 347 Jack Ma 412 Jacques, Martin 239 Jae-Ahm Park 317 James Riordan 178 Japan 39 Japanese physical education: athletic fields and sports equipments in schools 187; comparative analysis with China, policies in schools 185–188; curriculum 187–190; evaluation, aims to 190; extracurricular sports activities and sports competitions 188, 191–192; goals 186; health education 190–191; Outline of Learning Guidance 189; PE teachers’ coaching competencies 186; practice in schools, comparative analysis 188–192; ‘The Basic Plan for the Promotion of Sports’ 186, 188 JD.com 129 Jiangsu Institute of Sport Science 444

477

Index Jiang Xiangqing 89 Jiang Zemin 112, 113 Jiaodi 16, 20n12, 25, 46, 53 Jiao-Di (角抵) 37 Jiaoqiu (角球) 44 Ji Kang 19, 20 Jin Tianhe (金天翮,1874–1947) 67 Jin Yuanpu 331 job allocation system, for athletes 209 the Journal of Shanghai University of Sport 460, 466 The Journal of Sports Research 460, 466 Juan Samaranch 112 Juguo Tizhi 137, 166, 296 Junior Amateur Sports School Constitution’ (draft)《少 年业余体育学校章程》208 Junius Ho 411 Juzhong Secret(橘中秘) 52 Kai Tak Sports Park project 402 Kam Louie 178 Kang Youwei (康有为, 1858–1927) 67 The Key to Meditation (Pranayama’s 静坐要诀) 53 Khor, Diana 411 Kim Un Yong 417 K-pop culture 178 Kuaishou 318 Ku Hung-Ming (辜鸿铭,1857–1928) 65 Kuomintang (KMT) 421 Lai, P.C. 80 Lam, J. 80 Lam M 405 Lang Ping 295–296 Lanzhou Auxiliary School 256 Lanzhou School for the Deaf and Blind 256 Lao Zi 9, 11, 12 ‘Lausanne Agreement’ 423 Lau, P.W.C. 393 Lau, W.C. 431 Leading Group on Deepening Reform 203 Lee Lai-Shan 409, 431 Lee Myung-bak 114 Lee Teng-hui 114 Lefit 366 leftover women discourse 179 Legalism 9 Leisure and Cultural Services Department (LCSD) 393–395, 403, 409, 427 leisure sports: everyday fitness activities 362; government role in development 358; outdoor sports 360–361; policy, stages 357–360; practices 360–362; special sports activities 361; sports tourism 361–362 Lenovo 343 Lequan Cui 35, 38 Li, J. 197

Liang Qichao(梁启超, 1873-1929) 67 Liang Weijin（梁魏今) 52 Li Bo 317 Li Dunhou 144 life-nurturing arts/ideas 19, 20, 45; Baduanjin Qigong (八段锦) 45; of Confucianism 18; cultural relics in relation to 18–19, 19; Five-Animal Exercises 19; Hua Tuo, and Ji Kang of 19–20; Quegu Shiqi (却谷食气) 18–19; Sitting Qigong 45; Xiaolaoshu (小劳术) 45 Li Huitang (Asian Ball King) 105, 106, 107n11 Li Ji (Book of Rites) 10 Li Jing 430 Li Ka Shing Foundation 395 Li Keqiang 145 Li Lian 68 Linglong 68, 69, 70, 71 Li Ning 239, 340, 341, 375, 380n16 Li-Ning brand 367, 368 Li Qinghua 423 Liubo 17, 28 Liu Changchun 95, 96, 103, 105 Liu Juke 167 Liu Xiang 297 Liu Xufei 430 Liu Yu 24 Li Xiannian 112 “li yue” (“rites and music”) practice 9 Li Zhi 169 local sports bureaus 137 Lorge, Peter A. 441 Lottery Administration Regulations 160–163. See also sports lottery Lottery Law of China, 2021 163 Lottery public welfare funds 160–161 Lotto 341 lotus feet (or golden lotus) 65, 66, 74 Louisville Slugger 341 Lu Dongbin 38 Lusheng Festival 240 Lutz, J.G. 77 Lu You 45, 46 MacLennan, John 410 Major Sports Events Committee (MSEC) 396, 405, 409 ‘Ma Lin Prediction’ incident, 2006 304 Manchurian Incident 86, 90n28 Mangan, J.A. 440, 442 Manzenreiter, Wolfram 333 Mao Zedong 178, 180, 261 marathon events 354–355 Marriage Law, in 1950 262 martial arts: content and style of, richness 50; Eight Diagrams (Ba Gua,八卦) 50, 55n6; eighteen styles 50, 55n8; ethics, and basic theories of 50; examinations 38; Five Elements (Wu Xing, 五行) 50, 55n5; folk,

478

Index Jiao-Di (角抵) and Xiang Pu (相扑) 37; growth in Ming, and Qing dynasty 49–50; martial monks, emergence 37–38; system, shaping and formation of 49, 51; works, and books proliferation of 50–51; Yin and Yang（阴阳) 50, 55n7 Masayoshi Ōhira 111 mass sports (social sports): economic reforms, role in 143–145, 148; facilitating high-quality development 145, 149n34; fitness and sports services consumption, promotion 146; gender dynamics and 179–180; important role, and research 454–455; key policy documents 143; negative aspects, synergistic approach 148; ‘New Normal’ economy, role in 144–145; participation 208, 247–248, 352; policy 245–250, 249–250 (see also sports policies); Policy No. 46/ No.43 145, 146, 149n26, n27; policy released, 2016 and 2019 on promoting 245–250, 249–250; stages of, development 143; synergistic development approach 145–148; in Taiwan 387–388; transformation stages 250 match-fixing issue in sports 304 May Fourth Movement (1915–1924) 65, 74n3, 79, 94 Ma Ying-jeou 114, 115 Ma Yuehan 89 McCloy, Charles H. 60, 77 Medical First（医先) (Wang Wenlu ) 53 meditation 53 Mencius 9 Menglianglu (梦梁录) 46 Mengniu 342 Meng Zi (Book of Mencius) 10 Mesut Ozil 318 Methods of Daoyin (bamboo-made) 18 Miao New Year 240 Miao sport 240 migrant workers 232–233; acquisition of citizenship of 233; in China 232–233; in Germany 232; perceptions and attitudes towards sports 235; sport rights, reasons for lack of 234–235; sports participation 234–235; urban integration of 233 military martial skills, development 15, 35; in ancient China 15–16, 24, 35, 37, 43–44; archery 15–16, 36; armed martial skills 16; Jiaodi 16; long weapons 37; swords practice 36; unarmed combat 16 Ming and Qing dynasties 49; ball games, decline 51–52; Central Plains (中原) area 49, 54n1; Cuju, and Polo 51; famous chess players 52; folk sports activities in 53–54; healthcare sports, prevalence in 53; martial arts development during 49–51 (see also martial arts); meditation practice 53; Qigong practice 53; theoretical works on guiding fitness 53; traditional chess activities, development 52; Weiqi, game of 52; works on chess 52; wrestling, and dragon boat races 53–54 Ministry of Education (MoE) 135 Ministry of Finance see National Office of Philosophy and Social Sciences

M. Ji 197 “M” Mark System/events, for sports 396, 405–406 modern China, sports events in: benefits of holding events 88; change to, ‘Western’ to ‘Chinese’ 87, 88; and competitions, development of 83–89; educational value of 88; historical value of 89; interschool sports competitions 83–84; limitations of 88–89; national games in, overview 85–87, 86; patriotism link to 88–89; regional large-scale competitions 84–85; revenue/expenditure, of national games 87; unhealthy customs, and drawbacks 89 modern Western sports, in China: Chinese exchange students’ exposure overseas 61–63; cricket and baseball games 60–61; cross-cultural encounters impact 61, 63; missionary organisations role in 60; people’s encounter with 59–60; Western colonials role 60–61 Mo Di 10 Mohism 10 Mongolians 241 Mongolian Xiangqi 47 mountain outdoor sports 18, 30, 360 Mukden Incident (18 Sep 1931) 86, 90n28 My Life In China and America (Wing) 62 Nadam 241 Naismith, James 60 Nanjing Sport Institute Model 209 Nankai School 102 Nanking Treaty 60 Nan Yong 129 National Athletic Union 94 National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) 145 National Fitness Programme 143–144, 146–147, 167, 180, 454 National Fitness Regulations 234 National Games: non-Olympic sports in 141n38; ‘Olympic-ised’ 137, 138; Olympic performance points in 138, 141n39 National Games of Ethnic Minorities 241–242 National Minority Traditional Sports Games 241 National Natural Science Foundation 466 National Office of Philosophy and Social Sciences 466–467 National Physical Fitness Test 203 National Physical Training Standard 165 National Project Research Fund, of public finance use 466–467 National Social Science Foundation 466 National Social Science Fund: finances, for projects on sports science 466; funding series 467; measures taken, and funds regulation 467; process involved, suggestions 468–469; projects, categorization 467; projects funded, initiation and tendency analysis of 467–468 National sports associations (NSAs) 136, 403, 428–429

479

Index National Sports Commission 165 National Sports Development Strategy Research Association 446 National Student Physique and Health Survey 154, 155 National Students’ Physique Monitoring in 2011 155 National Youth Amateur Sports School Work Symposium Minutes 288 naturalization of athletes 322–323; association-driven efforts/rules 324–325, 326, 327n17, n19; athletedriven efforts 324, 325; cases, athlete-driven 325; China-born athletes 323, 326n4; eligibility criteria 323–324; emergence of 323; in football 323–324; foreign-born athletes with Chinese heritage 323, 326n3; in ice hockey 325; literature 323; by national sports associations and GAS 324–325; non-ethnic foreigners switching citizenship 323; regulations on 324 NBA-China relationship 343 Neimen’s Song-Jiang Battle Array 389 Neo-Confucianism 53, 55n20 New Book of Ji Xiao 51 New Century Talents Project 445 New Culture Movement 79 Nike 340, 342 Nora 68, 75n26 North China Games, first 85 Notice on Further Strengthening Physique Health Management of Primary and Secondary School Students 154, 155 Nuo (驱傩 or Nuo sacrifice) 18 “Old Tang Book Music History” 39 Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) 111 Olympic equestrian event, Hong Kong 410 Olympic Games 144, 170, 210–211, 283, 329; Beijing Olympics, 2008 296, 309, 310; Beijing Olympics, 2022 326, 343; Beijing Winter Olympics, 2022 146, 147, 166, 248; display of five-star red flag in 294–296; effects of hosting (see hosting of Olympic Games); flag-raising ceremony 294; Helsinki Olympics, 1952 294; Los Angeles Olympics, 1984 295; Melbourne Olympics, 1956 295; most watched cultural event 329; success of Chinese elite sports in 294–296; Winter Olympics 202, 311–313 Olympic Glorious Programme 1994–2000 (奥运争光计 划) 143, 147, 246–247 Olympic model, for Cross-Strait sports exchanges 422–424 Olympic Movement 283, 309, 329–330, 333, 377 Olympic Partnership (TOP) programme 342 Olympics: 100-year Olympic dream, of people 93–94; Article 6 of Charter 294; Beijing’s successful bid to host 439, 442; in Berlin, 1936 96; Chinese martial arts debut in 96; Chinese Olympic Committee, official recognition 95; flag-raising ceremony 294; international relations role in 119, 121; introduction to China 93, 94; Liu Changchun contribution 103, 105; in London, 1948 96–97; in Los Angeles, USA,

1932 95–96; model, ‘Chinese Taipei’ 421–423; Republic of China’s participation history in 95–97; Zhang Boling advocacy for participation 94 Olympic-themed sports documentary production 371; artistic freedom 376–377; censorship 377; creative constraints 376–377; final episodes vs. original 373; Grace under Pressure, episode 373–375; heroes depiction 373–375; historic moments 372–373; intraorganizational conflict 377–378; material and human resource–driven constraints 378–379; narratives of individual episodes 373; portrayal of representative characters 377 On Abstinence from Grains and Ingesting Qi 18 One Belt One Road strategy 147 The 135 Plan for the development of the sports industry 305 On Life Nurture (Ji Kang) 19 ‘Operation Yao Ming: The Chinese Sports Empire, American Big Business, and the Making of an NBA Superstar’ (Larmer) 440 Opium Wars (1839–42; 1856–60) 49, 59, 60, 62, 76, 77, 81n2, 83, 88, 93, 152 Orientalism 280–281 The Origin and Goal of History (Jaspers) 7, 9 outdoor sports 360–361 Out in Hong Kong 410 Outlines of Sport-for-all Fitness Programm (全民健身计 划纲要) 246–247 Painting of Daoyin (silk-made,导引图) 18, 19 Pan Deming 102, 103, 104 Pan Wenbing 101 Paoqiu (抛球) 44 Paralympic Games 252, 253; Athens Paralympic Games, 2004 256; Beijing Paralympic Games, 2008 255–256 patriarchy, defined 177 Peak 340 Pei Wen 36 Peng Fuwei 355 People’s Olympics 331 Philipse, Dennis 410 Phoenix Project 2011 395 physical education (PE) 178; athletic fields and sports equipment, policies 187; in colleges and universities, problems with 217–218; comparative analysis for China and Japan, policies 185–188; curriculum 187–190; diversification of 218; extracurricular activities and 215; extracurricular sports activities 188; family education through 218; gamified activities 216; gender dynamics of sports and 178–180; goals of 186, 213; history, at schools 213–215; ideology of ”health first” 214; impact on children’s lifestyles and interests 215; impact on healthy growth of children 196; improvement measures and suggestions 218–219; lack of innovation in 215–216; lifelong sports 214; political development of 180; practice in schools, at compulsory stage in China and Japan 188–192; problems in primary and secondary schools 213–216;

480

Index promotion of physical and mental development 214; reform measures 218–219; shortage of resources for 218; sports venues, provision 219; strategies to improve 216–217; Sunshine Sports Project 214–215; teachers or faculty 186; theoretical teaching 219; traditional sports integration into 217; valuation system of 190; for younger children 203, 204. See also Japanese physical education Ping-Pong Diplomacy 120 Plum Blossom Book(梅花谱) 52 political governance of Chinese sports 137–138 Polo 38, 44, 47, 51 ‘Post-Beijing 2008: Geopolitics, Sport and the Pacific Rim’ (Mangan) 442 ‘Practical Criticism: The Holding of the Games’ article 88 pre-Qin period 7, 9; bodily practice of 9–11; Confucian and Taoist thoughts, on health preservation 11–12; health-preserving, practice/thoughts 11–12 (see also health preservation); “li yue” (“rites and music”) practice 9, 12; militarism ethos 10; play of “qi” importance/theories 10–11; social sciences, and humanism focus 10; social structure during 9–11; Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties in 9; Xun Zi veiws 12 preschool children’s sport policy development 198–204, 199–202; characteristics 202–204; at development stage (2000–2015) 200, 200–201, 203; at formation stage (1979–1999) 198, 199, 203; at improvement stage (2016–present) 201, 202, 203; limitations 201; regional differences 201 preschoolers: motor development 197–198; physical activity (PA) level of 196–198; physical fitness and 197–198 Prescriptions Worth Thousand Golden for Emergencies (千金 要方) (Sun Simiao) 38 Priscilla Leung 411 problem betting 162 professional football: anti-corruption campaign 129; busted investment bubble 131; CFA policies 130–131; China Football Mid- and Long-Term Development Plan 2016–2050 305; collapse of clubs 131; future of 131; ‘G7 Revolution’ in 2004 129; governance perspective 129; government’s support for 305; major investors 129–130; match-fixing issue in 304; national football reform programme 129–130; present times 129–131; Reform and Opening Up initiative 128; reform journey, stages 128–129, 128–131; sponsorship and player transfer 129–130; steps in implementing professionalisation 128; ‘U-23 rule’ 130 professionalisation, defined 127 professional sports 127–128 professional team sports industry 128 professional volleyball 303 publications, bibliometric review of: authors, average number of 459; authors, most active 460, 461, 466; bibliometric analysis 458; data used 457, 458; downward trend 463–464; on exercise and sports

science 457; institutions, most active 460, 462, 466; key words, most used in 463, 466; major Chinese sports-related journals 458; publications, annual trends 458, 459; requirements, of study 458; searching strategy 458; type of publications, and published journals 459–460, 460 Pushuang (谱双) 45 Putin, Vladimir 113 PyeongChang 114 Qatar World Cup, 2022 131 Qigong (气功) 30, 53 Qin and Han Dynasty, and Three Kingdoms period: Confucianism impact 16, 18–19; Cuju 17; folk festival games 18; Go, Chinese chess 17, 39; history 15; Jiaodi 16, 20n12; life-nurturing ideas/exercises 18–19, 19, 20; military martial skills development 15–16; Quegu Shiqi 18–19; sports development in 15–17, 20; unarmed combat 16; Weiqi, Liubo and Tanqi board games 17 Qing Barnyard Banknotes·Technical Bravery Class（徐珂, 清稗类钞·技勇类) (Xu Ke) 50 Qing dynasty: dynastic decline 59, 76–77; foreign invasion, and unequal treaties 76, 81n2; militarytraining tradition 59, 60; modern sports, people’s encounter with 59–60; “New Policies” reform 59 Qinghai Lake International Road Cycling Race 347 Qin Qiong 37 Qiu Jin (秋瑾,1875–1907) 67 Quality Migrant Admission Scheme 430 Quegu Shiqi (却谷食气) 18–19 Raymond Chan 410 Raymond Kim-Wai Sum 412 Reading, Peter 411 Records of Wrestling (角力记) 46 Reczek, Włodzimierz 330 Reform and Opening Up initiative/policy 128, 159, 196, 198, 209, 232–233, 246, 279 Reform of School System’ (《壬戌学制》) 68 Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee 411 Regulations on National Fitness 145 Regulations on School Physical Education 165 Ren Hai 334 research, on Chinese sport system 440, 442; books on the Beijing Olympic Games 442; boxing practice skills 441; changes in Chinese body culture and participation goals 440; Christianity influence on 441; CSSCI source journals, sports science 452, 455n6; history and culture of 440–441; martial arts, Chinese 441; National games, emergence and development 441; Olympic movement in China 442; projects, sports science categories 466; publications by Western scholars 439–440; sports social science 451–452; Yao Ming’s performance 440 Revolution, 1911 65, 74n1, 93

481

Index Richard Xiaoqian Hu 137 Rickers, Robert 61 Riess, Steve A. 352 Riordan, James 440 Robert Ezra Park 233 Rodell, Scott M. 441 Rogge, Jacques 114 ronghe ideology 240 Rose Nikolas 226 Ross, David 441 rural revitalisation strategy: development of rural sports industry 346; goals and missions 345–346; grassroots sports social organisations promotion 347–350; measures 348–350; organising grassroots cultural and sports activities 348; promotion of ecological sports 346–347; rural sports governance 347–350; traditional sports culture, exploration 347 rural sports industry, development of 346 Sajiao, defined 179 Salomon ski boots 341 same-sex marriage 411, 412 San Zi Chess Book(三子谱) 52 Saori Kamano 411 school physical education 386–387 schools of Shaolin（少林武术) 51 school sports education, and PE 152, 268, 272; athletic fields and sports equipment in 187; education concept of ‘health first’ 154; goals of PE 186; history of development 152–155, 156–157; PE curriculum in 187–188; PE quality improvement, documents 154; primary goal 155; regional differences 155–156; role and status of university sports clubs 156; sports teams 211; students’ physique level improvement 155; teachers in 186–187; urban-rural differences 155–156 Schumpeter, J A. 416 Scientific Research Fund Projects of the Ministry of Education 466 Scopus 457 Scott, Olan 317 self-soing (ziran) 228 senior citizens: bodily decline in 228–229; cultivation of ageing body 229; health-keeping through sports participation 229; positive ageing 228; practice of whip cracking 227–228; practices of self-care and physical fitness 226–228; sports participation 227; wellbeing of 225 Shandong Luneng 130 Shanghai Base Ball Club 61 Shanghai Cricket club 61 Shanghai Shenhua 130 Shang Shu (Book of History) 11 Shang Xi (ÉÌϲ) 51 Shang Yang 9 Shaolin Patriarchal Clan（少林宗法) 50 Shaolin Temple martial arts 25, 26 Shaquille O’Neal 341

She Jing (Wang Ju) 36 Shen Buhai 10 Shen Siliang 95, 97 Shenti, term 225 Shen Zi 10 Shi Ding’an（施定庵) 52 Shi Jing (Book of Songs) 10 Shi Jing, Yi Jing (Book of Changes) 11 Shilbury D. 129 Shou Shi Bao Yuan (ÊÙÊÀ±£Ôª) 53 Shuanglu 45, 47 Shu Hong 96 Shuiqiu (水球) 44 sick man of East Asia, label 88, 93, 97, 102, 105, 280; getting rid of, efforts 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107n11; South China football team performance 105, 106, 107n11; world travel on foot 102, 103, 104 Sima Guang 45 Sima Shenzhen 38 single bamboo drifting 240 Sinification process 79 Sino-Japanese friendship 111 Sino-Russian Border Eastern Part 113 Sino-Russian Treaty of Friendship 113 Sir David Trench Fund for Recreation 427 Sister’s Meal Festival 240 Sitting Qigong 45 ‘Sixteen Kingdoms’ 24 60 Years of Sport in the New China 247 Smith, Robert W. 441 Snow and Ice Industry (2021) 310 Social Construction Committee (SCC) 166 social integration, refers to 233 social media market: benefits 318; business opportunities 318; distribution and gatekeeping of information 317–318; influencers and 318; platforms blocked, in China 316; promotional purposes 318; sports fans’ usage 317–318; sports-related content, consumtion of 317–318; trends and challenges 318–319; WeChat 316–317; Weibo 316–317 social organizations or think tanks 447 social science 451; research, paradigm of 451 soft masculinity 178 Softpower, Soccer, Supremacy: The Chinese Dream (Mangan, Horton, and Tagsold) 440 Song dynasty: ball, and board games played 44–45; exercise and entertainment, emergence 43; Jiaodi game, and racing boats 46; life-nurturing arts, development in 45–46; military martial skills, development 43–44; military school, set up in 45; physical education, in schools 45; sporting and entertainment centers growth 46 Song-Jiang Battle Array 389 Song Ruhai 95 Songshan National Nature Reserve 312 Song Shixiong 376 Song Yue Shaolin Temple Stele Record ( Pei Cui) 37

482

Index South China football team 105, 106, 107n11 South China Morning Post (SCMP) 412 Soviet sports development system 208 special sports activities 361 Sport and Physical Education in China (Riordan et al) 440 Sport-for-all Fitness Programme 1995 247 sporting goods brands: Chinese, in global commodity channel post-WTO 340–341; export evolution, 1999 to 2012 339–340, 340; famous 340–341; glocalisation, Chinese/foreign companies role 342; manufacturing and commercialisation 339; mega-sporting events impact 342–343 sporting rights: American society 234; China 234–235 sport national industry, development report 339 Sport Policy in China (Houlihan) 440 sports and education, integration of 210–211 sports characteristic towns 346 sports cities 353–354, 353–354 sports colleges 208–209 sports competition ethics 453 Sports Development Strategy Research Association 446 sports diplomacy, and China 119–122; 1990 Asian Games bidding 111–113; 2014 and 2018 Winter Olympics bidding 113–114; 2017 Summer Universiade bidding 114–115; approaches 118–119; challenge for 122; China-U.S. relationship 120; cooperation mode with sports 120–121; development of sports globalization 121; international bidding contests, leveraging 111–115; international relations, role in 119–122; model of diplomacy+sports 120; official relations, with other nations 119–120; PingPong Diplomacy, goals 120; sports as, catalyst 119; strategic linkage with its neighbours 111–115, 120–121 sports events industry 342–343, 352; institutional barriers to organize and host 355 Sports Federation & Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, China (SF&OC) 393, 428 sports governance: in globalisation 282–283; local sports bureaus role 137; systemic, and political 135–137 sports industry, importance of 455 Sports Industry Development Institute of Shanghai University of Sport 448 sports law: administrative rules, categories 167; on antidoping 168–169, 171; arbitration system 167, 171; clauses 166; Confucian values 170; development, stages 165–166; important role in promoting sports 165, 171; practices 167–169; present legislation 166–167; published in 1995 165; research 169–171; revisions 166–167, 170–171; rule of law, promotion 170; specialized legal offices, establishment 168; sports disputes resolutions 167 Sports Law of the People’s Republic of China 234 Sports Law Research Society 170 sports lottery: article 7 161; challenges to regulation of 162–163; distribution and sales 159–162; history and development 159–160; licensing system 161; online

sale of 163; problem betting, regulation 162; public welfare funds 160, 162; regulation of 160–162 Sports Lottery Management Center of the State General Administration of Sports 159 sports migration 323 sports parks 355 sports participation: children and adolescents 268–274, 269–271; ethnic minorities 238; mass 208; migrant workers 234–235; physical education and 217; as public activity 262; senior citizens 227; women’s participation 261–265. See also sports policies sports philosophy, and social sciences 453 sports policies 136, 145–146, 365; from 1949 to 1957 245; from 1958 to 1976 246; from 1995 to 2021 365; for children and adolescents participation in sports 268; content of exercise 245; domains 147; fairness and justice 245; health and cultural functions 246; for laobaixing (老百姓,ordinary people) 245; leisure sports 357–360; Order on Military Control of the National Sports System 246; Outline of Sport Industry Development (1995–2010) 145; Plan of Health China 2030 264; Policies No. 46 and No. 43 145–146; popularizing winter sports 248; for preschoolers 198–204, 199–202; promotion of sports 245; for qunzhong (群众,masses) development 245–250, 249–250; ‘Sports for All’ policy 264; U-23 rule 130; value orientation of 246 sports-related science, bibliometric method use in 453 sports research projects: funds, current problems with 468–469; “goal orientation” 468–469; management system, impovement 468; suggestions for improvement 469–470; training programs implementation 468. See also National Social Science Fund Sports Schools-Sports Colleges model 208 sports science research projects, categories 466 Sports science society 445 sports social science 451; Beijing Olympics, hosting 452; CSSCI source journals 452, 455n6; research, transition in China’s 452; role in development of Chinese sports 451; topics, of research 452 sports sociology 453 Sports Sociology Professional Committee of the Chinese Sociological Society 453 Sports Subvention Scheme (SSS) 427 ‘sports think tanks’ 447, 448, 449 sports tourism 361–362 sports venues 219 Standard Chartered Hong Kong Marathon 405, 409 Star Ferry Riots, 1966/1967 393 State Sport Commission 137 Stern, David 342 ‘struggle,’ word 102, 104 Suishu Cuipeng Biography 36 Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms 33; acrobatics and folks’ sports activities in 39; archery skills, theories of 36; ball games, popularity 38; chess

483

Index activities progress 39; cultural exchanges with foreign countries in 39–40; Fubing military system in 35; health sports, growth in 38; long weapons development 37; marital monks, emergence in 37–38; martial arts development 35, 37; military examination during 38, 41n17; operas/ troupes in 39; sports development of 33, 35, 40; sword practices, and sword dancing 36–37 Summer Olympics Equestrian Event 2008 405 Summer Universiade 2017, bidding contest: China role in leveraging 114–115; Cross-Strait relations/trade impact 114, 115; Kaohsiung and Tainan’s application 114; support for Taipei 115 Sun Daguang 332 Suning 129 SunPig 366 Sunshine Sports Project 214–215, 272 Sun Simiao 38, 40, 45 Sun Yatsen 410 Sun Yat-sen 102, 104 SuperMonkey 366 Sushan Bao 440 Su Shi 45 swimming 290–292 Sword Classics (Yu Dayou) 50, 51 swordsmanship, and sword dancing 16, 36–37 table tennis reform 303 taekwondo training market: characteristics 416, 419; Chinese Mainland, development on 417–418; collaborative innovation role, and challenges 416–417, 418–419; innovative operation models, on Chinese mainland 418; International Taekwondo Federation system 417, 418; Korean taekwondo Grade and Dan system 417; practitioners interconnection, Cross-Strait 416–419; taekwondo hall, on Chinese mainland 417, 418; in Taiwan, origin and practical problems 417; World Taekwondo system 417, 418 Tagsold, Christian 440 ‘Taijiquan in the History of Chinese Martial Arts’ (Boedicker) 441 Taiwan Gay Sports and Movement Association 411 Taiwan sports 114, 389–390; China’s mainland, difference 385, 416, 419; ‘Chinese Taipei’ (中华台北) 423; collaborative innovation model 418–419; community sports, promotion 389; competitive sports, development of 385–386; Cross-Strait communication/exchanges 421–422, 423; culture in, and China imprint on 385; educational reforms 387, 390; folk sports, development of 388–389, 390; ‘Key Implementation Plan for Sports’ 388; mass sports, rise and influence 387–388; nine-year system, public education 386–387; ‘Olympic Model’ and 422–424; physical education, stages 386–387; problems, in training system 386; role in promoting cross-strait exchanges 389, 390, 421; school physical education,

importance 386–387; selective training mechanisms 385–386; ‘Sports Policy Document’ 386; taekwondo training market in, origin/ problems 417 (see also taekwondo training market); training systems, four level 385–386; Youth Friendly Visiting Group 389 Taiwan Sports Law 388 talent pool: Chinese strategy for 208; development in elite sports 209 Tang Dynasties see Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Tang Gongsun Daniang 37 Tang Shaoyi 62 Tanqi 17–18 Tan Sitong(谭嗣同,1865-1898) 67 Tao Hongjing 32, 45 Taoism 9 television production 379 Temple of Heaven in Beijing 85 Tennis League Association 304 Ten-Year Plan for Sports 246 ‘The 14th Five-Year’ Sports Development Plan 454 ‘The Beijing Olympiad: The Political Economy of a Sporting Mega-Event’ (Close) 442 ‘The Beijing Olympics: Promoting China: Soft and Hard Power in Global Politics’ (Caffrey) 442 ‘The National Games and National Identity in China: A History’ (Fan Hong) 441 think tanks of sports: in China’s University 447–449; social organizations 447; Sports Industry Development Institute of Shanghai University of Sport 448–449 300 Million Programme 147 three-tier training network system 209 Tianzhu massage Brahman method 40 Tianzhu music 40 Tie Yana 430 Tiyu Jikan (Physical Education Quarterly) 60 Tongren Dragon Boat Race 347 Tongzhi movement 410 Touhu 26–27, 28, 45 Touhu Xinge (Sima Guang) 45 traditional Chinese sports 217, 227, 361 Training the Body for China (Brownell) 440 treaty-port cities 60–61 Tsang Hin Chi Sports Foundation 395 Tseung Kwan O Indoor Velodrome cum Sports Centre 406 Tsinghua Academy 101 Tsinghua Model 209 Tung Chee-haw 426 Tung Chee Hwa 397 Twenty-Four Qi Quan Book (苌乃周先生二十四气拳谱) (Chang Naizhou) 50 2020 Opinions 211 ‘Two Chinas’ policy 279 Two Jin and Southern/Northern Dynasties: archery

484

Index movement, women’s 24, 25; board games 27–28, 29; folk festival games 30; health preservation activities/ thoughts 30–32; instrument sports 24–25; Jiaoli(角力) 25; martial arts practice by monks 25, 26, 27; military skills, enhancement of 24; poetry related to sports 33; recreational sports, and dances 25–26; rise and development of sports in 24, 32–34; Touhu 26–27, 28; women’s rise in sports 24, 25, 34 university sports clubs 156 urban economic development, and sports 352–353, 355; marathons events boom, reasons 354–355; national economic status, countries list 353; sports cities 353–354; sports parks construction 355; world sports city construction 354 Walls Richard 180 Wang Chen 430 Wang Dengfeng 209–210 Wang Enpu 84 Wang Jianlin 305 Wang Shaoquan 84 Wang Shi 37 Wang Zhengting 94, 95, 97 Wang Zhizhi 304 Web of Science 457 WeChat 216, 220n11 Weili Ye 62 Weiqi 17, 27, 29, 47, 52, 55n15 Weiss, Bob 441 welfare lottery 159. See also sports lottery Western feminism vs. Chinese feminism 177 whip cracking 227–228 Whole-nation System, for elite sports 210 ‘Whole-nation System’ (Bingshu Zhong) 210, 454 Williams, George 60 willow-shooting 46 Wilson 341 Winter Olympics bidding contests, (2014 and 2018) 113–114; China role in leveraging 113–114; medal table, Chinese on 114, 116n17; Sino-Russian Treaty of Friendship 113; support to Russia, and South Korea 114 Witchery culture 10 The Women’s Bell (Jin Tianhe) 67 Women’s Journal 68, 69, 70 women’s liberation: bodily oppression history and 65–66, 66; ‘feminism’ influence 67, 74; footbinding ban order 68; physical liberation 68–71, 74; reformers views 67; rise of women’s physical exercises and sports 65, 67, 68–71, 69–73, 74; women’s periodicals/ magazine 68, 69–73 women’s participation in sports 68–73, 261–262; changes in attitudes and self-values 263–264; economic reformation and 264; in elite sports 262–263; at grassroot’s level 264; success of female elite athletics

263; transformation of sports and 263–265. See also women’s liberation Women’s Times 70, 72, 73 Women’s Volleyball World Cup 295 Wong, Anthony 410 World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) 166, 169 World Taekwondo 417 Wu, W. 398 Wu Daozi 36 Wuju exams 38, 41n17 Wu Lei 317 Wuqinxi (五禽戏) 53 Wu Shaozu 302 Wushu 25, 26, 27 Wushu Book (Chang) 51 Xiangpu (ÏàÆË) 37, 53 Xiangqi 44, 47 Xiangqi Luqi 47 Xiang Xiu 30, 32 Xiaodong Lin 226 Xiaohongshu 318 Xiaolaoshu (小劳术) 45 Xiao Mouwen 245, 246 Xiaowei Zang 240 Xiao Yaonan 88 Xiaoying Qi 226 Xie Yalong 129 Xi Jinping 136, 152, 203, 302, 305, 324, 326, 362, 416 Xiong, L. 197 Xtep 367–368 Xu Cai 417 Xuni Zi 9 Xu Ruisheng 282 yangsheng, and ageing 225–228 Yang Yang 169 Yangzhou Conference in 1979 153 Yanjing Beer 343 Yan Liang 38, 41n19 Yan Phou Lee 62 Yan Zhitui 32 Yan Zi 180 Yao Juan 256 Yao Ming 304, 343, 440 Yardley, Jim 440, 441 Yasuhiro Nakasone 112 Y. Diao 197 Yimen Guangshu (夷门广牍) 53 Yiu, E. 405 Yongjia Rebellion 23 Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) 60, 94; contribution to, Olympic Movement 94 ‘Youth Amateur Sports School Constitution’ (draft)《青 年业余体育学校章程》208 Youth Athlete Scholarship Program 430

485

Index Yuan dynasty: entertaining/popular sports in 46–47; history of 43; horseback archery 46, 47; Mongolians skills, and martial arts of 43, 46; sport development in 46 Yu Bixia 68 Yu Dai 250 Yue Fei 45 Yu-hsien Tseng 412 Yung Wing 62 Yvonna S. Lincoln 451 Zhang Boling 94, 95 Zhangjiakou 311 Zhang Junfang 45 Zhang Li 250 Zhang Linxiao 255 Zhang Xu 36 Zhang Xueliang 95, 102, 104 Zhang Yulin 232

Zhao Kuangyin 43 Zhao Yu 376 Zhao Ziyang 112 Zhejiang phenomenon 290–292 Zhejiang Province 346 Zhejiang Tourism Institute 88 Zheng, J. 432 Zheng Ruozeng（郑若曾) 51 Zhi Kai 38 Zhou Enlai 294, 295 Zhou Lanyu（周懒予) 52 Zhou Mi 430 Zhou Tingmei(周廷梅)52 Zhuang Zi 9 Zhuang Zi: The Inner Chapters 12 Zhu Jiahua 86 Zhu Yuanzhang 43 Zuo Zhuan (The Chronicle of Zuo) 10

486