Religious Education at Schools in Europe: Part 2: Western Europe 9783737002684, 9783847102687, 9783847002680

Citation preview

Wiener Forum für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft / Vienna Forum for Theology and the Study of Religions

Band 10, 2

Herausgegeben im Auftrag der Evangelisch-Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien und der Katholisch-Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien von Karl Baier und Christian Danz

Die Bände des Wiener Forums für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft sind peer-reviewed.

Martin Rothgangel / Robert Jackson / Martin Jäggle (eds.)

Religious Education at Schools in Europe Part 2: Western Europe

in cooperation with Philipp Klutz and Mûnika Solym‚r

V& R unipress Vienna University Press

www.rel-edu.eu

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-8471-0268-7 ISBN 978-3-8470-0268-0 (E-Book) Veröffentlichungen der Vienna University Press erscheinen im Verlag V& R unipress GmbH. Ó 2014, V& R unipress in Göttingen / www.vr-unipress.de Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Printed in Germany. Titelbild: Ó Erich Foltinowsky Druck und Bindung: a Hubert & Co, Göttingen Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier.

Contents

Martin Rothgangel, Robert Jackson and Martin Jäggle Preface: Religious Education at Schools in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7

Robert Jackson Introduction: Diversity and Change regarding “Religious Education” in Western Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

15

Robert Jackson The European Dimension: Perspectives on Religious Education from European Institutions, Professional Organisations and Research Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

19

Henri Derroitte, Guido Meyer, Didier Pollefeyt and Bert Roebben Religious Education at Schools in Belgium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

43

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson Religion and Education in England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

65

Jean-Paul Willaime Religious Education in French Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

99

Andrew G. McGrady Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Thom Geurts, Ina ter Avest and Cok Bakker Religious Education in the Netherlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171

6

Contents

Norman Richardson Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 James C. Conroy Religious Education at Schools in Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Tania ap Siún and Leslie J. Francis Religion and Education in Wales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Oddrun Marie Hovde Br”ten New social patterns: old structures? How the countries of Western Europe deal with religious plurality in education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 Contributors

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315

Preface: Religious Education at Schools in Europe

At a time when educational issues are increasingly determining social and political discourse and major reforms of the education system are being discussed and implemented, and a time when migration has become a significant phenomenon, contributing to changes in the religious landscape of the European continent, it is highly appropriate to focus our attention on the concrete situation regarding religious education (RE) in Europe. Of course, the subject area is conceived and organised in different ways across the continent, including the 47 member states of the Council of Europe. With few exceptions, religious education has been established as a specific subject in publicly funded schools, while, in a few cases, studies of religion are included as a dimension of other parts of the curriculum. At the same time, it is a subject area that is undergoing considerable change. (In this series, authors use the term “religious education” in a variety of ways, partly according to the history of their own education systems). Beyond the all-important tasks of taking stock and making international comparisons, the aim in this series of books is to create a foundation for further action in the field of education, especially with regard to interfaith expertise. In stark contrast to a move in the direction of religion being a “private matter” and towards “religion-free schools”, supranational organisations are, for the first time in Europe, addressing issues relating to religion and education. While 9/11 may be seen as the triggering event here, there are wider reasons for such a development. When the OSCE (Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe) deals with the issue of religion and belief in education within the scope of its programme “Tolerance and Non-Discrimination”, the topic has obviously become an important one for the future of Europe and for security and cooperation on the continent. In their Toledo Guiding Principles (OSCE 2007), the OSCE sees teaching about religions and beliefs as part of a high-quality education system that expands pupils’ horizons, makes the complexity of religions and world views comprehensible for pupils in an interdisciplinary way, and provides them with suitable information and skills to develop an impartial

8

Preface

approach, as well as encouraging freedom of religion and belief, as reflected in the human rights codes. The Council of Europe in turn, in several of its documents, has focused on the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue, paying particular attention to the issue of dealing with religious diversity in schools. It values religious diversity highly and demands that it be given appropriate space, rejecting any restriction of religion to people’s private lives as well as rejecting the notion of “religionfree” schools. The Council of Europe publication Religious Diversity and Intercultural Education: a Reference Book for Schools (Council of Europe 2007) provides a checklist that makes clear the extent to which the whole school is required to play a part, while the 2008 Recommendation from the Committee of Ministers, the Foreign Ministers of the 47 member states, is a major step in encouraging policy makers, schools and teacher trainers to prioritise the development of inclusive forms of education about religions and beliefs in their countries (Council of Europe 2008). It is expected that guidance on implementing the Recommendation, for policy makers, schools and teacher trainers in the member states, will be published in 2014 (discussed in Jackson 2014). The phenomenon of migration is triggering contentious discussions on suitable responses to the challenges it sometimes creates. Irrespective of the topicality of this issue, it is becoming increasingly clear that education and religion can play an important role in clarifying issues such as identity and belonging, ethnicity and culture. Such clarifications are important both for the future of migrants as well as for the attitude of the population of a country towards migration. Since religion is, for many people, a crucial element in how they interpret themselves and the world around them, its recognition and appropriate representation is critical for the recognition of the individual. The complex issue of religious education in public schools also concerns the school in its entirety as well as many of its subjects of instruction and projects. We will focus our attention on the organisational form of religious education, i. e. the subject of religion or its alternatives, in which the issue of religion(s) is an integral part. We acknowledge here that we are not dealing with the topic exhaustively, even though we are making an important contribution towards an understanding of the issues involved. The project “Religious Education at Schools in Europe” (REL-EDU), which is divided up into six volumes (Central Europe, Northern Europe, Western Europe, Southern Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Eastern Europe) (cf. www.rel-edu.eu), aims to research the situation with regard to religious education in Europe. The chapters in each regional volume outline, first of all, the organisational form of religious education in the particular countries covered. This is done on the basis of thirteen key issues, which were clarified with the authors from the various

Preface

9

countries at two symposia held at the University of Vienna in 2011 and 2012, in order to achieve as much coherence as possible for the publications. The formulation of key issues allows specific points of comparison between different countries in Europe, thereby facilitating a comparative approach and further research into specific aspects of the comparison. The publication by Rothgangel and Schröder (2009) served as a kind of predecessor project, one which was also conducted based on key issues. In addition, earlier internationally oriented predecessor projects should be referred to. Since a comprehensive discussion of the corresponding literature is being undertaken in the methodological contribution by Friedrich Schweitzer (2013) in volume 1, at this point four published projects will be mentioned as examples. The following five-volume work from the mid-1970s was a pioneering publication on the subject of religious education: – Schultze, H. / Kirchhoff H. (1975 – 1977) (ed.), “Christian Education in Europe” (German title: Christliche Erziehung in Europa), Stuttgart, 5 volumes (England, the Netherlands, Sweden, France, Poland). – The fact that research into the area of religious education has become more international in recent years and that comparative research on the topic is uncircumventable is shown by the following three publications: – Jackson, R. et al. (2007) (eds.), Religion and Education in Europe. Developments, Contexts and Debates, Münster ; – Kuyk, E. et al. (2007) (eds.), Religious Education in Europe. Situation and current trends in schools, Oslo; – Lähnemann, J. / Schreiner, P. (2009) (eds.), Interreligious and Values Education in Europe. Map and Handbook, Münster. Below, the thirteen key issues mentioned above are introduced briefly. The first three key issues examine the frameworks of society, law and politics. Here, historical explanations should be very useful in helping us understand the status quo.

10

1.

Preface

The socio-religious background of the country

This brief insight into the socio-religious situation deals, in particular, with important changes, such as those that follow in the wake of migration.

2.

Legal framework for religious education and the relationship between religious communities and the state

The relationship between churches, religious groups and the state is regulated differently in each country, with consequences for the different legal frameworks that exist for religious education.

3.

Developments in the country’s education policy

Across Europe, efforts at reform to the education system are being made, which also have direct and indirect effects on religious education. After outlining these framework conditions, in addition to the issues four to six key aspects of religious education come to the fore:

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

The place of religiously sponsored schools in the education landscape of each country reveals much about state and societal recognition of the importance of churches and religious groups in the education system, as well as about the commitment to education of the churches and religious groups.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of religious education

The conceptions and tasks of religious education expresses how it is typically positioned between the religious communities, the school and young people – as well as society as a whole. It is in the interrelationship between these different players that the challenge of religious education lies.

11

Preface

6.

Practice / reality of religious education in different schools

Depending on the type of school in question, religious education can present different frameworks, challenges and difficulties. In issues seven to ten, important contextual phenomena in religious education at the level of the school are addressed, and a targeted concentration on ecumenical and interfaith cooperation and the education of religion teachers undertaken.

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

Consideration of subjects / learning areas offered “parallel” to religious education is important, as their availability or non-availability as well as their relationship to religious education (e. g. as an alternative subject or as an elective subject) has not only an indirect effect on the way in which religious education is provided, it also affects what kind of ethical and religious education those pupils who do not attend religion class receive.

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

The question of how to deal with diversity and which forms of cooperation the different religious players within society can come up with has become a critical challenge in European countries.

9.

Religion in school outside of religious education

Does religion have a role to play in school beyond that of a specific subject offered to pupils? The answer to this question reveals to what extent the whole climate of the school is religion-friendly.

12

10.

Preface

Training of teachers of religious education: institutes, structures, priorities issues

This point addresses an important structural determinant which, based on the empirically proven importance of the character of the religion teacher for the religious education of pupils, deserves special attention. Since the aim here is not merely to take stock of the situation but instead to make suggestions for the next steps required in the area of religious education, it was important to formulate concrete desiderata as well as challenges for each country and direct the reader towards further sources of information.

11.

Empirical Research concerning religious education

For a long time empirical research concerning religious education was neglected. In the last ten years, however, there have been more and more empirical studies. Of special interest are the relevant studies in the respective country and the different areas addressed in empirical research.

12.

Desiderata / challenges for religious education in a European context

Here, the results for each country from the analysis of the key issues mentioned above are examined with a view to finding out which topics or issues would be important for further work in the area of religious education in Europe.

13.

Further information (e. g., relevant literature on religious education, institutions, websites)

The selection of additional sources of information should facilitate further research in the field of religious education in the respective countries. Based on these key issues, the articles listed here lead to interesting results, the comparative analysis of which is reserved for a later publication. We would like to thank Ms. Claire Ulbrich, Mr. Friedrich Schumann, Dr. Mûnika Solym‚r and Dr. Thomas Weiß for preparing the script as well as Ms.

Preface

13

Karin Sima, Ms. Katrin Gregshammer and Ms. Marietta Behnoush for taking care of the layout. Vienna, 12/2/2014

Martin Rothgangel / Robert Jackson / Martin Jäggle

References Council of Europe, eds. 2007. Religious Diversity and Intercultural Education: A Reference Book for Schools. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Council of Europe. 2008. Recommendation CM / Rec(2008)12 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the dimension of religions and non-religious convictions within intercultural education. https://wcd.coe.int//ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=CM/Rec(2008)12& Language=lanEnglish& Ver=original& BackColorInternet=DBDCF2& BackColorIntranet= FDC864& BackColorLogged=FDC864 (accessed 12 September 2013). Jackson, R. 2014 (forthcoming). The Development and Dissemination of Council of Europe Policy on Education about Religions and Non-religious Convictions, Journal of Beliefs and Values: Studies in Religion & Education. OSCE. 2007. The Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about Religion or Belief in Public Schools. Warsaw: Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. Rothgangel, M. / Schröder, B., eds. 2009. Evangelischer Religionsunterricht in den Ländern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Empirische Daten – Kontexte – Entwicklungen. Leipzig: Evangel. Verl.-Anst. Schweitzer, F. 2013. Religionsunterricht in europäischen Schulen im Vergleich – Herausforderungen für international-vergleichende Forschung. In Religiöse Bildung an Schulen in Europa. Teil 1: Mitteleuropa, eds. M. Jäggle, M. Rothgangel and T. Schlag. (Wiener Forum für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft Vol. 5.1), Göttingen: V& R unipress.

Robert Jackson

Introduction: Diversity and Change regarding “Religious Education” in Western Europe

This book charts the histories of and debates concerning “religious education” in the countries of Western Europe identified, for the purposes of this series, as Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, England, Wales and Scotland. “Religious education” is put into inverted commas since this term, and its equivalent in other languages, has different and often shifting meanings, according to context. The very ambiguity of the term shows that the subject of religion in Western European schools (and indeed of schools in many democracies) is in the process of change or is the subject of educational debate at both public and academic levels. What are the reasons for change and for debate? These undoubtedly include processes of secularisation and reactions to secularisation, especially post 9/11, through an acknowledgement of the increased visibility of discussions about religion in the public sphere. The pluralisation of the religious and cultural landscape of many countries, mainly through the migration of peoples, is a second key factor, bringing a range of different religious traditions to European states, many of which previously were associated, primarily, with one or more sub-traditions of Christianity. Globalisation is a third factor. The reactions to such plurality at the individual level are various. These include the formation of individualised and often eclectic religious or spiritual worldviews; re-configured traditional religious positions (sometimes taking account of on-going adaptations to ethnicity and culture, as well as issues related to citizenship); fundamentalist positions, sometimes influenced by transnational factors; overtly atheistic stances; and indifference. Each country has its own very particular history of religion and state which remains a vital influence on, and ingredient of, change, whether that be constructive adaptation to new circumstances or conservative reaction. The encounter of secularisation and supranational influences, on the one hand, and of structures related to specific histories of religion and state, on the other, accounts for the diversity of policy and practice in the countries covered in this volume, and in other books in the series. Regarding religious education in state funded

16

Robert Jackson

schools, there are those who try to maintain some form of religious “nurture”, sometimes related to the idea of national or cultural identity, while others embrace plurality, seeing the state school as a provider of education about religions and other worldviews, with religious teaching being the prerogative of families, religious communities and private schools. Some variations on these themes can be read in the chapters below, with more than one variant sometimes occurring at the same time in the same country. Changing views of educational policy are also influential on religious education in many states, sometimes indirectly so. Increased attention to testing and league tables, and the prioritisation of so-called “core” subjects, can have a negative effect on fields such as religious education. The OECD’s (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) has concentrated attention on 15-year-old school pupils’ performance in mathematics, science, and reading and, in practice, has reduced attention to subjects such as religious education and the arts. Such trends have also influenced teacher training. Readers will be able to see how these themes recur in individual countries, covered both in this volume and in others such as that on Northern Europe. Turning to examples, a range of justifications for the inclusion or exclusion of particular forms of religious education can be found across different European countries. In some, there has been an appeal to the democratic right of parents to choose a form of religious education which is consistent with their own belief. Thus, the Netherlands has had a history of “pillarised” education in which state funding supports schools nurturing young people in a wide range of religious and philosophical traditions, according to parental choice. Religious education in the Republic of Ireland traditionally has been determined by the Roman Catholic Church, while in Northern Ireland historic religious, cultural and political divisions have led to separate educational provision along the Catholic / Protestant divide and continuing controversy about the role of religion and religious education in public schooling. Policy and practice in examples such as these are the subject of, sometimes intense, debate. Belgium is an especially complex case, in that the country has three official languages, related to three specific geographical areas. Roman Catholicism is the dominant religious tradition nationally, although adherence has been declining. Schools can be organised and financed by communities, or may be organised by cities, municipalities or provinces, with full state subsidy. The latter type may be Catholic, Protestant, Jewish or non-confessional, although most in Flanders are Catholic. Religious education in the former type is expected to offer teaching in (usually) six officially recognized religions, with pupils concentrating on one tradition according to background, while there is a specific confessional approach in the latter.

Introduction

17

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has borders with Belgium, France and Germany. Three languages – Luxembourgish, French and German – are spoken in this tiny country of just over half a million in population. In the nineteenth century almost the entire population was Roman Catholic and all state-run schools were Catholic. Following significant changes in the 20th century, the inhabitants of Luxembourg recognize religious and secular plurality, a development that continues to influence religious education significantly. The situation in France is unique and reflects the distinctive French history of religion and state. Historically, the school system was secularised in the 1880s, followed by a formal legal separation of Church and State in 1905. Religious education, understood as nurture within a particular faith, is prohibited in French state education. However, time has been allocated for children from religious backgrounds to receive instruction privately, with responsibility for this given to families and religious institutions. An objective study of religions is permitted in state funded schools and can be taught through various curriculum subjects, such as French language or art, but there is no separate subject devoted to religion. In some states, there has been a move towards education about the variety of religions to be found in society, or towards examining the contribution of religions to the development and expression of culture. This has been the case, for example, in England, Wales and Scotland, all of which include the study of religious diversity as an important element of religious education, sometimes combining this with the aim of assisting young people in formulating their own viewpoints, whilst respecting the right of others to express different religious or non-religious positions. In the case of Scotland (compare Norway discussed in the Northern Europe volume), the subject has been broadened to include nonreligious, as well as religious, perspectives on moral issues. In these cases, the intention is not to nurture all students in a particular religious faith, but rather to give them an educated understanding of the religious beliefs, practices and values of their own tradition and those of their fellow citizens. Balancing the liberal education argument of including all aspects of human experience and culture (including religion) within the curriculum with arguments about increasing tolerance towards others, or increasing social cohesion, or with arguments concerned with the personal or moral development of pupils, is a topic of on-going discussion in many European countries. In all national cases, “religious education” is in a state of change and flux. Although there are theological conservatives who argue for a return to traditional forms of religious instruction, the general trend is one of liberalisation, with many confessional approaches moving in an inclusive direction, influenced by religious and secular plurality within their own countries and by associated inter faith and inter worldview dialogue. In those countries which concentrate

18

Robert Jackson

on educating “about” religions, there is on-going discussion about the aims of the subject (for example, how can one achieve a balance between education about religions and helping young people to formulate their personal worldviews?) and about the inclusion of non-religious worldviews as well as religions. Discussions and projects within wider European institutions, such as the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), provide a backdrop for debates within individual states, and are a potential reference point and resource for consideration of new developments. These are discussed in Chapter 1. Some points of comparison between the different national examples represented in the book are discussed by Oddrun Br”ten in Chapter 11, using Br”ten”s methodology developed specifically for making national comparisons in this field. Finally, it is important to note that the views of politicians, policymakers, teacher trainers, teachers and parents are not the only ones to take on board. It is especially important to listen to the views of the young people who receive “religious education”. In a cross-European research project (REDCo), involving eight European countries from most of the regions of Europe represented in this series (England, Estonia, France, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, the Russian Federation and Spain), the majority of 14 to 16-year-olds surveyed desired the opportunity for dialogue and discussion with peers, in order to increase knowledge and understanding of one another’s religions and worldviews under the supervision and guidance of well prepared teachers and in the safe space of the classroom (see Chapter 1).

Robert Jackson

The European Dimension: Perspectives on Religious Education from European Institutions, Professional Organisations and Research Networks

Introduction The European debate is very important to religious education (RE) in individual states. When looked at from the point of view of European institutions such as the Council of Europe, we find a creative tension between national and local cultural assumptions / practices and European human rights standards which underpin the Council’s work on “the Dimension of Religions and Non-Religious Convictions within Intercultural Education” (Council of Europe 2008a). Of the many developments related to religious education within public education that have taken place in Europe, three key areas are selected for discussion. The first concerns important European institutions and their role in fostering particular rationales for studying religions in public education and in developing standard setting policy recommendations. The second is the professionalisation of RE and related fields, through the formation of European professional organisations and through the establishment of the European Wergeland Centre, a European educational centre, based in Oslo, including religious diversity in its remit to cover human rights, citizenship and intercultural education (http://www.theewc.org/). The third is European research on RE, with particular reference to a European Commission Framework 6 project – the REDCo Project – conducted between 2006 and 2009, and to TRES, a European research network that has conducted a study of religion in European schools; the growth of doctoral research in RE in Europe; and a European book series on “Religious Diversity and Education in Europe” in which many publications on research and theory in RE in different parts of Europe appear, including books from the REDCo Project. The present series on religious education in Europe published by the University of Vienna is a further landmark in European collaboration in exploring religious education issues. As a preliminary, it is important to recognise that the term “religious education” is contested, and means different things in different national contexts (and sometimes within them); there is a range of terms used to identify the study

20

Robert Jackson

of religions within public education. Thus, there are some very diverse understandings and approaches to “religious education” across Europe, as well as some emerging patterns of overlap and commonality (Jackson et al. 2007; Kuyk et al. 2007). Issues about the study of religions in public education are being discussed at a European level and more widely internationally as never before. The discussions include specialists in religion and religious bodies, but also politicians, civil servants, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and other groups within civil society as well as educators concerned with fields such as citizenship and intercultural education. This is partly due to the global attention given to religion as a result of the events of September 11, 2001 in the USA, their causes, on-going consequences and associated incidents that have affected people in many parts of the world. In Europe, it also relates to the challenge of transcultural diversities and the climate of racism in some states, much of it directed against Muslims, exacerbated by 9/11 and subsequent related events. These negative events have helped to push discourse about religions into the public sphere, even in countries like France where religion has been regarded strongly as a private concern. There are also some very positive reasons for studying religions in public education articulated in European discussion. For example, the Delors Report considers that education should include learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and learning to be (UNESCO 1996). It is arguable that RE should be concerned with all of these, especially the fourth, although policy developed within some key European institutions has particularly focused on the third.

1.

European Institutions: The Council of Europe

The Council of Europe is an inter-governmental organisation founded in 1949 and based in Strasbourg, France. It comprises 47 member states currently and its aims include protecting human rights, pluralist democracy and the rule of law and seeking solutions to problems such as discrimination against minorities, xenophobia and intolerance. The Council’s work leads to European conventions and agreements in the light of which member states may amend their own legislation. The key political bodies of the Council are the Parliamentary Assembly (made up of cross party members of national parliaments from the member states), the Committee of Ministers (the Foreign Ministers of member states, each of whom has a diplomatic representative resident in Strasbourg) and various specialist conferences of Ministers, including one on Education. The powers of the Parliamentary Assembly extend to investigation, recommendation and advice.

The European Dimension

21

At the same time as promoting and encouraging the development of Europe’s cultural identity, cultural diversity is also valued highly. The Council of Europe recognises that each state has its own history and cultural traditions, its own language or languages and its own religious traditions. Thus, there is a creative tension between developing a European cultural identity based on shared human rights values whilst preserving distinctive cultural traditions. Moreover, no state is homogeneous culturally. Some states have long established ethnic and religious minorities with very long histories, sometimes preceding the formation of the state. Many states have substantial ethnic and religious minorities as a result of migration from other countries within Europe and beyond, mainly during the 20th and current centuries. Diversity within states is complex and connects with global as well as regional, national and local issues. The Council of Europe connects directly with member states through certain government ministers, especially the Foreign Ministers, and through selected members of Parliament who serve on the Parliamentary Assembly. Each member state also has a diplomat permanently based in Strasbourg who engages in activities in support of ministers. The statutory institutions of the Council of Europe are the Committee of Ministers, made up of the Foreign Ministers of every member state, the Parliamentary Assembly composed of MPs from the parliament of each member state (that is, they are members of the state parliament not members of the European Parliament), and the Secretary-General, who heads the secretariat of the Council of Europe. The Commissioner for Human Rights is an independent institution within the Council of Europe, mandated to promote awareness of and respect for human rights in the member states. The Secretariat of the Council of Europe includes a number of Directorates General, including the Directorate General of Democracy (DGII), which includes the Directorate of Democratic Citizenship and Participation whose remit includes education. The remit of the Directorate General of Democracy is very broad, but it includes promoting social cohesion, cultural diversity, intercultural dialogue, democratic citizenship and participation of all, including that of children, minorities and young people. It has the task of preparing and implementing programs, policies and standard-setting mechanisms, and to cooperate with key outside partners including civil society organisations and other international institutions. Thus, the Council of Europe offers a structure which integrates the development of new ideas – from educational projects, for example – and political processes. Project proposals are approved by the Council’s political institutions and project findings and Ministerial Recommendations are considered and eventually approved by them. They are then transmitted to the member states.

22

Robert Jackson

There is an expectation that member states will consider them seriously in their own policy development at national level.

1.1

Intercultural Education and the Challenge of Religious Diversity and Dialogue in Europe

In 2002 the Council of Europe launched its first project on teaching about religions in schools – “The New Challenge of Intercultural Education: Religious Diversity and Dialogue in Europe”. The rationale for this was concerned with the relationship of religion to culture. It was argued that, regardless of the truth or falsity of religious claims, religion is a part of life and culture and therefore should be understood by all citizens as part of their education. This is essentially a cultural argument for the study of religions. However, human rights remain the bedrock of Council of Europe policy. It was on the basis of the “cultural argument” that the Council of Europe launched its project on the study of religions as part of intercultural education. There were several outcomes. One was the publication of a reference book for schools, aimed especially at those countries with little or no study of religions in public education (Keast 2007). But, most importantly, the Committee of Ministers agreed to a policy recommendation that all member states should include the impartial study of religions within the curricula of their schools (Council of Europe 2008a). A team was brought together to draft the Recommendation on behalf of the Committee of Ministers on the management of religious and “convictional” diversity in schools, based on the project’s approach, and incorporating ideas from the White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue (Council of Europe 2008b). Although the original 2002 project had been related to religion specifically, the Recommendation was broadened to include non-religious convictions alongside religions. The Ministerial Recommendation was adopted by the Committee of Ministers in December 2008, and provides a set of principles that can be used by all member states. The Recommendation can be used as a tool in discussing policy in fields including RE and citizenship education. For reasons of space it is possible here to do no more than indicate the general “flavour” of the document. For example, its underlying principles include the view that intercultural dialogue and its dimension of religious and non-religious convictions are an essential precondition for the development of tolerance and a culture of “living together” and for the recognition of different identities on the basis of human rights.

The European Dimension

23

Its objectives include: – developing a tolerant attitude and respect for the right to hold a particular belief, (recognising) the inherent dignity and fundamental freedoms of each human being; – nurturing a sensitivity to the diversity of religions and non-religious convictions as an element contributing to the richness of Europe; – ensuring that teaching about the diversity of religions and non-religious convictions is consistent with the aims of education for democratic citizenship, human rights and respect for equal dignity of all individuals; – promoting communication and dialogue between people from different cultural, religious and non-religious backgrounds. Its educational preconditions include: – sensitivity to the equal dignity of every individual; – recognition of human rights as values to be applied, beyond religious and cultural diversity ; – communication between individuals and the capacity to put oneself in the place of others in order to establish an environment where mutual trust and understanding is fostered; – co-operative learning in which peoples of all traditions can be included and participate; – provision of a safe learning space to encourage expression without fear of being judged or held to ridicule. With regard to teacher training, member states are requested to: – provide teachers with the training and means to acquire relevant teaching resources with the aim to develop the […] skills (for teaching about) religions and non-religious convictions; – provide training that is objective and open minded; – develop training in methods of teaching and learning which ensure education in democracy at local, regional, national and international level; – encourage multiperspectivity in […] training courses, to take into account […] different points of view in teaching and learning. Thus, both the “intercultural” and “human rights” ethos of the document is clear.

24

Robert Jackson

1.2

Why has the Council of Europe taken an interest in the place of religion in education?

The Council of Europe has had various projects on topics such as intercultural education, education for democratic citizenship and human rights education. For quite a long period, the Council of Europe took the view that religion was largely a private matter, and that each member state was responsible for its own policies, related to its particular history. General debate about the place of religion in the public sphere began to change that view, against a shifting background of globalisation in which religion was often a factor. The events of 9/11 in the United States of America were a symbol of the entry of religion into general public discussion, both within and beyond individual states. As a result of the migration of peoples, and as a consequence of other features of globalisation, European states have become more religiously pluralistic, and more alert to religion as a phenomenon of both local and global significance. The issue of social cohesion – of living together in harmony within diverse democratic societies – has been complicated by these factors. However, currently, education about religious diversity, and about non-religious worldviews, is approached in various different ways across Europe. Some states have educational systems in which religious education is understood primarily as the transmission of religious beliefs and values from one generation to the next. Some states have no specific provision for teaching about religions in the curriculum of the school. Others include some teaching about religions, or teaching about religions and non-religious worldviews as part of the curriculum for all students. The Council of Europe aims to encourage member states to develop appropriate teaching about religions in order to increase understanding of religious diversity in Europe and more widely, and to encourage genuine dialogue between people having different religious and non-religious worldviews. This is not intended to replace the teaching offered by religious organisations on behalf of parents, but as a general feature of education for all students. The Council of Europe particularly relates its work in this field to its long-standing contributions on intercultural education.

1.3

Teaching about non-religious convictions

Although the 2002 project was about “Religious Diversity and Dialogue in Europe”, the Committee of Ministers took the view that the remit of the Recommendation should be extended to include “non-religious convictions” as well as religions. There was a recognition that, while many people belong to religious

The European Dimension

25

traditions that are sources of inspiration and value, there are many others within European societies whose values are not grounded in religions. This extension reflects international debates and also changing educational policies in some European countries. Overall, the work on religions and non-religious convictions is complementary to the Council of Europe’s contributions on human rights education and education for democratic citizenship (Jackson 2013).

1.4

Towards a Council of Europe Dissemination Document: “Signposts”

In 2011, the Council of Europe, in partnership with the European Wergeland Centre, appointed a committee of experts from different parts of Europe to work on a document facilitating the use of the 2008 Recommendation by policy makers, schools and teacher trainers across Europe. This document, which will have the title “Signposts”: Policy and Practice for Teaching about Religions and Non-Religious Worldviews in Intercultural Education has been drafted by the present author on behalf of the committee of experts from various member states, and should be available in Autumn 2014. The committee hopes that initial uses of “Signposts” will draw a wide range of stakeholders into the discussion, including policy makers, schools and teacher trainers. The document addresses various issues considered problematic by respondents to a questionnaire relating to national responses to the Recommendation, completed by members of the Council of Europe Education Committee. These include issues of terminology, competence and didactics, creating “safe space” for dialogue in the classroom, handling media representations of religions, teaching about nonreligious worldviews, as well as various issues associated with human rights, and the relationship of schools to wider communities (Jackson forthcoming a and b). It is hoped that the document will be used widely as a basis for discussion and development across Europe.

2.

European Institutions: the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe

Independently from the Council of Europe, another major European institution concerned with human rights also considered the place of the study of religions and beliefs in public education. This is the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), based in Vienna. The OSCE is the largest regional security organization in Europe. Its 56 participant states include most European countries plus the United States and Canada. It was set up in the 1970s to create a

26

Robert Jackson

forum for dialogue during the Cold War. The OSCE uses the concept of “three dimensional security”. Security is not only considered in politico-military terms but also through its human dimension and an environmental and economic dimension. Because of the human dimension to security, OSCE has an Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), which is based in Warsaw. As with the Council of Europe, the ODIHR conducted a project to identify principles on which participant states could develop policy and practice for teaching about religions and non-religious beliefs in schools across its huge geographical region. The result was the production of a standard setting document, the Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about Religions and Beliefs in Public Schools (TGPs), named after the city in which the drafting team first worked on the text, and in recognition of Toledo’s historical role in communication between those of different religions (OSCE 2007).

2.1

The Toledo Guiding Principles

The Toledo Guiding Principles (TGPs) were prepared in order to contribute to an improved understanding of the world’s increasing religious (and philosophical) diversity and the growing presence of religion in the public sphere. Their rationale is based on two core principles: first, that there is positive value in teaching that emphasizes respect for everyone’s right to freedom of religion and belief, and second, that teaching about religions and beliefs can reduce harmful misunderstandings and stereotypes. The primary purpose of the TGPs is to assist OSCE participating States whenever they choose to promote the study and knowledge about religions and beliefs in schools, particularly as a tool to enhance religious freedom. The TGPs focus solely on an educational approach that seeks to provide teaching about different religions and beliefs as distinguished from instruction in a specific religion or belief. They also aim to offer criteria that should be considered when and wherever teaching about religions and beliefs takes place (OSCE 2007, 11 – 12). The TGPs offer guidance on preparing curricula for teaching about religions and beliefs, preferred procedures for assuring fairness in the development of curricula, and standards for how they could be implemented. The TGPs were developed by an inter-disciplinary team including members of the ODIHR Advisory Council of Experts on Freedom of Religion or Belief. The members were picked for their particular expertise. However, they happened to be from a cross section of religious and philosophical backgrounds. Thus there were Christians, Jews, Muslims and Humanists plus one member of a “new religious movement”.

The European Dimension

27

In the TGPs, the underlying argument for the inclusion of the study of religions and beliefs in public education has a human rights emphasis. The first premise is that freedom of religion or belief predicates plurality : if freedom of religion or belief is a given for society, then society inevitably will be plural. The next premise is that, if society is to be cohesive, plurality requires tolerance of difference. The conclusion is that tolerance of difference requires at least knowledge and understanding of the beliefs and values of others. This would be so whatever the approach specifically taken to RE or intercultural education in particular countries. In other words, the document supports the inclusion of a just and fair approach to religious difference, whatever the system of RE or education about religion in particular states. The TGPs include a substantial chapter on the human rights framework – including legal issues in relation to the state and the rights of parents, children, teachers and minorities, as well as chapters on preparing curricula and teacher education, plus conclusions and recommendations. The Toledo Guiding Principles, were approved by the Ministerial Council and launched at the 15th OSCE Ministerial Council held in Madrid in November 2007. In concluding this section, it should be clear that both the Council of Europe and OSCE documents are intended as tools for those discussing the place of religion in education within European democracies. They are not intended as finished programmes or syllabuses, and are expected to be adapted and developed in different ways within different systems of education.

3.

The Professionalisation of Religious Education

A second feature of the European RE scene is an increasing professionalisation of the subject and related fields, enabling international networking, and professional contact, as well as collaborative development and application of ideas. This has happened especially through the formation of European professional organisations – in particular through their conferences, websites and publications – and through the establishment of the European Wergeland Centre, a European educational facility, based in Oslo, including religious diversity in its remit to cover human rights, citizenship and intercultural education. I will mention two European professional associations whose work has a bearing on RE within public education and will make some remarks about the European Wergeland Centre.

28 3.1

Robert Jackson

The European Forum for Teachers of Religious Education (EFTRE)

The European Forum for Teachers of Religious Education brings together various national professional organisations in Europe. EFTRE is a non-confessional forum which represents the interests of RE teachers in Europe, aiming to serve and strengthen the work of national RE teachers’ associations. EFTRE aims to contribute to the international co-operation of teachers of RE in theoretical and practical aspects of their work in order to strengthen the position of the subject in schools in the member countries and across Europe. Member organisations represent teachers in schools, colleges and universities and work together to provide a forum for the exchange of ideas and working methods. EFTRE holds conferences, with delegates attending from across Europe, and arranges seminars and teacher exchanges. EFTRE has an elected Executive which meets twice a year, a board which meets annually and a general assembly which meets every three years. Each member country is entitled to one member of the board and each institution is entitled to send a representative to the general assembly. EFTRE publishes a journal / newsletter twice per year in April / May and November / December (http://www.eftre.net/).

3.2

The Co-ordinating Group for Religion in Education in Europe (CoGREE)

The Co-ordinating Group for Religion in Education in Europe (CoGREE) brings together a range of European professional RE associations in the field, and includes both non-confessional and Christian organisations (www.cogree.com/). Member organisations share some common values (including embracing religious diversity in democratic societies, upholding the principle of freedom of religion or belief and regarding any education taking no account of religion and spirituality as incomplete). Its members include the European Forum for Teachers of Religious Education in Schools (EFTRE), the Inter-European Commission on Church and School (ICCS), the European Association for World Religions in Education (EAWRE), the International Association for Christian Education (IV) and the European Forum for Religious Education in Schools (EuFRES). CoGREE holds conferences every three years, and engages in various development and publication projects.

3.3

The European Wergeland Centre (EWC)

The European Wergeland Centre (EWC) (Henrik Wergeland was a 19th Century Norwegian poet who stood up for religious freedom) is a European resource

The European Dimension

29

centre on education for intercultural understanding, human rights and democratic citizenship, incorporating such cross-cutting topics as religion, history, language and gender. The idea for the Centre came from the Council of Europe, where separate proposals for a European Centre concentrating on citizenship and another concentrating on religion and education were merged (Jackson 2007). The Norwegian Government took up the opportunity to establish the Centre in co-operation with the Council of Europe. The EWC, which caters for all the member states of the Council of Europe, and uses English as its working language, is situated in Oslo and was opened officially in May 2009. The main target groups are teachers, teacher trainers, decision makers and multipliers within education for intercultural understanding, human rights and democratic citizenship. From the point of view of RE, the EWC acts as a partner in European research projects and, via its website and through conferences and meetings, assists in the dissemination of research findings to users such as teachers. An important feature of the EWC is its “Share & Connect” database through which teachers, teacher trainers and researchers can form networks and contact one another. Share & Connect provides various opportunities, including the facility to look for experts in particular specialisms throughout Europe and beyond, to explore potential co-operation and partnerships and to connect with peers from theory and practice, for example, forming networks on particular research themes, networks of PhD students, or partnerships between academic specialists and teachers to produce high quality materials (go to www.theewc.org for more information). By providing in-service training, carrying out and supporting research, creating networks, serving as a platform and disseminating information and good practice, the EWC is establishing itself as a leading professional body.

4.

European Research in Religious Education

4.1

Research Networks

Empirical research has become increasingly important in informing the development of policy and practice in European RE (Jackson 2004a, 2004b). There are several international and European research networks in the RE field.

30 4.2

Robert Jackson

International Seminar on Religious Education and Values (ISREV)

The International Seminar on Religious Education and Values (ISREV) is an association of over 240 religious education scholars from around 36 countries. It includes scholars from various religious traditions, and secular specialists in religious studies and education, and has met every two years since 1978 (mainly alternating venues between Europe and North America). ISREV includes many empirical researchers in RE from around the world, with many from different European countries (http://www.isrev.org/). Recent European based ISREV conferences have been held in York, England (2014) and Turku, Finland (2012). Recent publications including papers from ISREV conferences include Astley et al. (2007, 2012) and Parker et al. (2012).

4.3

European Network for Religious Education through Contextual Approaches (ENRECA)

The European Network for Religious Education through Contextual Approaches (ENRECA) is a specifically European research network, having a particular interest in the relevance of “context” to the development of RE (eg. Heimbrock et al. 2001). ENRECA was set up in 1999 as a forum for mutual co-operation and reflection on the changing role of religious education in Europe. The issues of “contextuality”, focusing on religious life in particular cultural (and especially local) contexts, and “religious competence”, understood as a student’s ability to negotiate about religious meanings, have been central to the group’s concerns (Miedema et al. 2004). ENRECA has also published Researching RE Teachers: RE Teachers as Researchers (Bakker and Heimbrock 2007) and its latest publication is Exploring Context in Religious Education Research: Empirical, Methodological and Theoretical Perspectives (Skeie et al. 2013).

4.4

European Association for the Study of Religions (EASR)

The European Association for the Study of Religions (EASR) (http://easr.eu/) is a professional association which promotes the academic study of religions through the international collaboration of (mainly) European scholars working in the field of the study of religions. The EASR is affiliated to the International Association for the History of Religions (IAHR) which is active globally. EASR includes a group of Religious Studies scholars who have a particular interest in education, and these researchers provide an important link between the worlds of academic religious studies and RE in Europe. For example, the link facilitates

The European Dimension

31

contact between academic specialists in particular religions, whose work is at the cutting edge of scholarship and research, and those preparing material on the religions for use by young people in schools. The 2007 EASR conference, held in Bremen, Germany, was focused on education, and was entitled “Plurality and Representation: Religion in Education, Culture and Society”. A selection of papers relevant to RE (e. g. Alberts 2008; Jackson 2008; Jensen 2008) is available in a special double issue of the journal Numen: International Review for the History of Religions (vol. 55, 2/3). The EASR working group on “Religion Education (RE) in Public Schools and the Academic Study of Religions” was established at the 2007 Bremen conference. Since then there have been regular panel sessions on the academic study of religion and RE at all EASR conferences. The panel discussed papers on “The Study of Religions and Religion in Secular Education” at the EASR conference on “Religion and Pluralities of Knowledge” held in Groningen, Netherlands in May 2014. The conveners of the EASR working group reviewed research done to date, and led discussions on new directions in research on RE from the perspective of the academic study of religions.

4.5

The International Network for Interreligious and Intercultural Education (IRE)

In 1994, following Nelson Mandela’s election as President of South Africa, Professor Wolfram Weisse of the University of Hamburg set up the International Network for Interreligious and Intercultural Education (IRE) with the specific aim of promoting links between Southern African and Northern European research groups working in fields related to religion and education in culturally diverse democratic societies. The first meeting in Hamburg in September 1994 was attended by colleagues from the Institute for Comparative Religion in Southern Africa (ICRSA) based at the University of Cape Town and from the University of Namibia in Windhoek. European colleagues came from Germany, the UK and the Netherlands. Papers from the meeting were published in Weisse (1996). The group met again in 1996 at the University of Utrecht in the Netherlands (Andree, Bakker and Schreiner 1997), and the first meeting in South Africa was held at the University of Cape Town in 1998, under the leadership of Professor David Chidester (Chidester, Stonier and Tobler 1999). By this time, more colleagues had been added to the group from our various countries, with the addition of members from Norway. I and my colleagues in Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit hosted the next meeting at the University of Warwick in 2001, focusing on citizenship and religious education – a theme equally important to South Africans and Europeans (Jackson 2003). In March

32

Robert Jackson

2004, Dr Cornelia Roux hosted the meeting of IRE at the University of Stellenbosch, which concentrated on the contribution of religious education to intercultural education. The papers were published in a special issue of the South African journal Scriptura. Papers addressed the theoretical underpinnings and concepts of intercultural education, elaborated new pedagogies and critical approaches to the subject, and reported empirical research (Roux 2005). The most recent meeting of IRE was in 2006 in Leeuwarden in the Netherlands, with a strong European and South African presence, and new colleagues from Malawi, Botswana and Zambia (ter Avest 2011). There are also important European regional research groups and conferences, notably the Nordic Conference on Religious Education (publications include Gunnarsson 2000 and Skeie 2009), which had its 12th meeting at the University of Iceland in June 2013. All of these international, European and regional networks have facilitated the assembly of cross-national teams to conduct research at a European level, including PhD students.

4.6

The REDCo Project

There have been a number of collaborative European research projects in RE, and more are planned. However, the first to obtain substantial funding from the European Commission for a major mixed methods study was the REDCo (Religion, Education, Dialogue, Conflict) project, funded by the Framework 6 initiative (http://www.redco.uni-hamburg.de/web/3480/3481/index.html). REDCo was a 3 year project (2006 – 2009) involving universities from eight European countries (University of Warwick, England; Universities of Hamburg and Münster, Germany ; VU University, the Netherlands; University of Stavanger, Norway ; Russian Christian Academy for Humanities, St. Petersburg, Russia; Tartu University, Estonia; the Sorbonne, Paris, France and the University of Granada, Spain). The project aimed to establish whether studies of religions in schools could help to promote dialogue and reduce conflict in school and society. The main research focused on young people in the 14 – 16 age group, but there were also some studies of teachers, of primary pupils and of the place of religion in different educational systems. The key concepts of the interpretive approach (Jackson 1997, 2011) were used as a stimulus to method and theory. Core studies included a mapping exercise of religion and education in Europe (Jackson et al. 2007); a qualitative study of teenagers’ views on religion in schools (Knauth et al. 2008); a cross-national quantitative survey of young people’s views in the eight countries (Valk et al. 2009); studies of classroom interaction (ter Avest et al. 2009); and a study of teachers of RE (van der Want et al. 2009).

The European Dimension

33

Several individual studies were also completed in the different countries. For example, the Warwick team produced action research studies, based in schools and teacher training institutes, applying key concepts from the interpretive approach (Jackson 1997). These were conducted by a “community of practice” which included teachers, teacher trainers and a CPD provider (Ipgrave, Jackson and O’Grady 2009). An overview of the REDCo project is Jackson (2012). 4.6.1 Selected Findings from Qualitative and Quantitative Studies Each of the REDCo national studies gives a flavour of the particular national situation where it was located and needs to be examined in some detail. However, some broad trends emerged from the data. Qualitative questionnaires and interviews completed by 14 – 16 year olds and a quantitative survey, conducted with the same age group in the eight countries participating in the REDCo Project, revealed some general trends that are of relevance to the evaluation and implementation of the policies advocated by the Council of Europe and the Office for Democratic Institution and Human Rights of the OSCE. These might be summarised very briefly as follows: – Students wish for peaceful coexistence across differences, and believe this to be possible. – For students peaceful coexistence depends on knowledge about each other’s religions and worldviews and on sharing common interests / doing things together. – Students who learn about religious diversity in school are more willing to have conversations about religions/beliefs with students of other backgrounds than those who do not. – Students wish to avoid conflict: some religiously committed students feel vulnerable. – Students want learning to take place in a safe classroom environment where there are agreed procedures for expression and discussion. – Most students would like school to be a place for learning about different religions / worldviews, rather than for instruction into a particular religion / worldview (respondents tended to support the system of which they had personal experience). Having made these points, the various REDCo studies suggest that approaches to the study of religious diversity would need to be implemented differently in particular national contexts. For example, in some countries (e. g. England) religious diversity would be covered mainly in a separate subject devoted to the study of religion, while in others (e. g. France) religious diversity would be covered through several subjects, with none dedicated specifically to religion. In

34

Robert Jackson

some countries, religious diversity could be linked to students’ discussion of their personal views (e. g. Netherlands, Norway, England, Germany), while in others, this would be more difficult (e. g. France and Estonia). In some countries (e. g. Estonia, France, Norway) religious diversity would be covered in a nonconfessional setting, while in others (e. g. Spain), religious diversity would be taught in a confessional context, and steps would need to be taken to ensure fairness, balance and objectivity in teaching and learning. In some countries, religious diversity would be taught in both confessional and non-confessional contexts (e. g. Netherlands, England).1

4.7

Teaching Religion in a Multicultural European Society (TRES)

Although concerned mainly with higher education, mention should be made of TRES, a European network of academic institutions and other professional organisations engaged in teaching religion. The partner institutions and organisations are confessional or non-confessional and their representatives have a range of professional and religious backgrounds. The participating countries are the 27 EU countries, plus Turkey, Iceland, Norway and Switzerland. TRES is concerned with how learning and teaching in the religion field, as well as different institutional and social forms of transmission of religion, are shaped by the multi-religious and multi-cultural nature of societies in Europe. In its first period of research (TRES 1, 2005 – 2008), one of its key themes was “Multicultural situations and religious education in school”. In 2007, 3,500 teachers in sixteen European countries participated in a cross-cultural study “Teaching Religion in a multicultural Europe”. The empirical survey researched existing teaching procedures in religion and theology. The results catalogue different approaches, strategies, and ways of thinking in relation to teaching religion in a multicultural context (Ziebertz and Riegel 2009). How Teachers in Europe Teach Religion includes chapters reporting research from Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Sweden and Switzerland, as well as overview and comparative chapters, and a discussion of the concepts and methods used in the empirical study. Other publications from Hans-Georg Ziebertz and colleagues associated with the project, some dealing with more general issues concerning attitudes, beliefs, values and life perspectives of young people, include Kay and 1 At the time of writing (January 2014), a series of small scale quantitative follow up studies (REDCo II) have been completed by all the REDCo partners, with the addition of Finland, Ukraine, Mexico and South Africa. Findings are likely to be published from 2014, with publication co-ordinated by Dr Gerdien Bertram-Troost and Dr Olga Schihalejev.

The European Dimension

35

Ziebertz (2006); Ziebertz and Kay (2005, 2006, 2008, 2009) and Ziebertz, Kay and Riegel (2009).

4.8

The European Values Study

Although not concerned primarily with education in general or religious education in particular, mention should be made of the European Values Study, a large-scale, cross-national, and longitudinal survey research programme on basic human values, which includes material on the ideas, beliefs, attitudes and values of people across Europe. Findings are available from 1991, 1990, 1999 and 2008. There are various publications relating to religion (e. g. Br¦chon 1999; Davie 2002; Halman and Pettersson 1998; Hornsby-Smith and Procter 1995; Kerkhofs 1995; Pettersson and Riis 1994; Riis 1997; Zrinshcˇak 2004). The latest Atlas of European Values (Halman et al. 2011) provides an enormous amount of information from the more recent studies in the programme.

4.9

Doctoral Research

There has been a growth in doctoral research in Europe in RE over the last ten years or so, much of it directly relevant to the improvement of practice in schools. This is partly due to the growth of collaborative research projects in which PhD students have been able to participate as researchers. For example, several PhDs emerged from the REDCo Project (e. g. Schihalejev 2009, 2010; von der Lippe 2010), and several PhD students have shared their work in conferences organised by ENRECA. Moreover, there has been an internationalisation of some of this research, with international collaboration in publications and with research students being based in universities in countries other than their own. Several Norwegian students have been based at the University of Warwick, for example, with one applying ethnographic methods used in the UK to the study of children from a religious minority in Norway (Østberg 2003), another pioneering a methodology for comparative RE, using Norway and England as examples (Br”ten 2010, 2013) and a third analysing and comparing Norwegian policy and practice in RE in relation to issues of national identity (Iversen 2012). A special issue of the American journal Religion & Education (40, 1, 2013) features 8 articles written by former doctoral students in religions and education at the University of Warwick and the University of Tartu, while Miller, O’Grady and McKenna (2013) includes 14 chapters reporting research by former Warwick doctoral students in religions and education.

36 4.10

Robert Jackson

European Book Series

The development of research networks, research projects and doctoral research has also stimulated the publication of research, through books and journal articles. Academic journals such as the British Journal of Religious Education (http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/bjre) have become international in outlook, and report a good deal of European research. One particular book series, Religious Diversity and Education in Europe, published by Waxmann, was initiated in 2006 and is now a major source of European research findings on RE. At the time of writing (January 2014), no less than 26 volumes have been published, with more on the way (http://www.waxmann.com/?id=21& cHash=1& reihe=1862 – 9547). The series publishes significant new research in RE in Europe, including revised versions of recent PhD theses. Recent titles include Jenny Berglund’s book Teaching Islam: Islamic Religious Education in Sweden (Berglund 2010), which extends the range of research on Islam and education in Europe. Much of the REDCo Project’s research is published through volumes in the Religious Diversity and Education in Europe series (e. g. Ipgrave, Jackson and O’Grady, 2009; Jackson et al. 2007; Knauth et al. 2008; McKenna, Ipgrave and Jackson 2008; Schihalejev 2010; ter Avest et al. 2009; van der Want et al. 2009; and Veinguer et al. 2009). Peter Schreiner’s PhD thesis Religion im Kontext einer Europäisierung von Bildung (Religion in the context of a Europeanisation of Education) was published in German as volume 22 in the series (Schreiner 2012). Schreiner’s research focuses on concepts of religion and education in documents of the Council of Europe and the European Union as the two important political organisations concerned with European integration. His analysis underlines the inter-relatedness of religion and education as explicitly mentioned in Council of Europe documents and implicitly in European Union documents. Schreiner differentiates between three different perspectives on religion: religion as a private matter, as collective and organised and as a cultural phenomenon. Schreiner’s study underlines the need for an increased exchange on issues of religion and education between organisations of civil society and the European institutions. The study provides insights and material for a dialogue among the different stakeholders, including religious communities.

5.

Conclusion

The Europeanisation – part of a broader internationalisation – of debates and research about religious education is to be welcomed, despite the ambiguities of the term “religious education”. Its outcomes have been very positive, whether in

The European Dimension

37

opening up discussion about the rationale for the study of religions in public education, building networks of communication for exchanging ideas on pedagogy and policy and for collaborative research, fostering new, outward looking, doctoral research, and extending the publication of research on RE. These developments are highly relevant to discussions at a national level, which can become over-focused on particular issues. For example, research from REDCo (e. g. Knauth et al. 2008) and elsewhere on comparative RE (e. g. Br”ten 2013) shows that the relationship between theory, policy and practice in particular countries is highly complex; it is not simply “top down”, and a range of both supra and sub national influences are also part of the picture. This research shows that a particular trend in practice in a particular state is very unlikely to be explained by a single “top down” influence or factor.

References Alberts, W. 2008. Didactics of the study of religions. Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 55, 2/3: 300 – 334. Andree, T., C. Bakker, and P. Schreiner, eds. 1997. Crossing Boundaries: Contributions to Interreligious and Intercultural Education. Münster : Comenius Institut. Astley, J., L. J. Francis, and M. Robbins, eds. 2007. Peace or violence: the ends of religion and education? Religion, Education and Culture series. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Astley, J., L. J. Francis, M. Robbins, and M. SelÅuk, eds. 2012. Teaching religion, teaching truth: Theoretical and empirical perspectives. Oxford, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt am Main, New York, Wien: Peter Lang. Bakker, C., and H.-G. Heimbrock, eds. 2007. Researching RE teachers: RE teachers as researchers. Münster : Waxmann. Berglund, J. 2010. Teaching Islam: Islamic religious education in Sweden. Münster : Waxmann. Br”ten, O. M. H. 2010. A comparative study of religious education in state schools in England and Norway. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Warwick. Br”ten, O. M. H. 2013. Towards a methodology for comparative studies in religious education: A study of England and Norway. Münster : Waxmann. Br¦chon, P. 1999. Integration into Catholicism and Protestantism in Europe: The impact on moral and political values. In Religion in secularizing society, ed. L. Halman and O. Riis, 105 – 130. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press. Chidester, D., J. Stonier, and J. Tobler, eds. 1999. Diversity as ethos: Challenges for interreligious and intercultural education. Cape Town: Institute for Comparative Religion in Southern Africa. Council of Europe. 2008a. Recommendation CM / Rec (2008) 12 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the dimension of religions and non-religious convictions within intercultural education. https://wcd.coe.int//ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=CM/

38

Robert Jackson

Rec(2008)12& Language=lanEnglish& Ver=original& BackColorInternet=DBDCF2 & BackColorIntranet=FDC864& BackColorLogged=FDC864. Council of Europe. 2008b. White paper on intercultural dialogue: Living together as equals with dignity. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Davie, G. 2002. Europe: The exceptional case. Parameters of faith in the modern world. London: Darton, Longman and Todd Ltd. Gunnarsson, G. ed. 2000. Kundskabog Oplevelse. Reykjavik: Islands Paedagogiske Universitet. Halman, L., and T. Pettersson. 1998. A north south divide in basic value profiles? Comparative analyses of values among the mass publics in northern protestant and southern catholic european countries. In Informationes theologiae europae. Internationales ökumenisches Jahrbuch für Theologie, ed. U. Nembach, H. Rusterholz and P. M. Zulehner, 189 – 209. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Halman, L., I. Sieben, and M. van Zundert. 2011. Atlas of European values: Trends and traditions at the turn of the Century. Leiden: Brill. Heimbrock, H.-G., P. Schreiner, and C. Scheilke, eds. 2001. Towards religious competence: Diversity as a challenge for education in Europe. Hamburg: Lit Verlag. Hornsby-Smith, M., and M. Procter. 1995. Catholic identity, religious context and environmental values in Western Europe: Evidence from the European values surveys. Social Compass 42, no. 1: 27 – 34. Ipgrave, J., R. Jackson, and K. O’Grady, eds. 2009. Religious education research through a community of practice: Action research and the interpretive approach. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Iversen, L. L. 2012. Learning to be Norwegian: A case study of identity management in religious education in Norway. Münster : Waxmann. Jackson, R. 1997. Religious education: An interpretive approach. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Jackson, R., ed. 2003. International perspectives on citizenship, education and religious diversity. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Jackson, R. 2004a. Current issues in research in religious education. In Towards a European perspective on religious education, ed. R. Larsson and C. Gustavsson, 19 – 35. Stockholm: Artos and Norma. Jackson, R. 2004b. Rethinking religious education and plurality : Issues in diversity and pedagogy. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Jackson, R. 2007. European institutions and the contribution of studies of religious diversity to education for democratic citizenship. In Religion and education in Europe: Developments, contexts and debates, ed. R. Jackson, S. Miedema, W. Weisse and J.-P. Willaime, 27 – 55. Münster : Waxmann. Jackson, R. 2008. Teaching about religions in the public sphere: European policy initiatives and the interpretive approach. Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 55, 2/3: 151 – 182. Jackson, R. 2011. The interpretive approach as a research tool: Inside the REDCo project. British Journal of Religious Education 33, no. 2: 189 – 208. Jackson, R., ed. 2012. Religion, education, dialogue and conflict: Perspectives on religious education research. London: Routledge. Jackson, R. 2013. Why education about religions and beliefs? European policy recom-

The European Dimension

39

mendations and research. In Toward mutual ground: Pluralism, religious education and diversity in Irish Schools, ed. G. Byrne and P. Kieran, 41 – 53. Dublin: Columba Press. Jackson, R. forthcoming a. The development and dissemination of Council of Europe policy on education about religions and non-religious convictions. Journal of Beliefs & Values: Studies in Religion & Education. Jackson, R. forthcoming b. “Signposts”: Policy and Practice for Teaching about Religions and Non-Religious Worldviews in Intercultural Education, Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Jackson, R., S. Miedema, W. Weisse, and J.-P. Willaime, eds. 2007. Religion and education in Europe: Developments, contexts and debates. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Jensen, T. 2008. RS based RE in public schools: A must for a secular state. Numen: International Review for the History of Religions 55, 2/3: 123 – 50. Kay, W. K., and H.-G. Ziebertz. 2006. A nine country survey. British Journal of Religious Education 28, no. 2: 119 – 129. Keast, J., ed. 2007. Religious diversity and intercultural education: A reference book for schools. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Kerkhofs, J. 1995. Western european attitudes to death and the hereafter. Louvain Studies 20, 282 – 293. Knauth, T., D.-P. Jozsa, G. Bertram-Troost, and J. Ipgrave, eds. 2008. Encountering religious pluralism in school and society. A qualitative study of teenage perspectives in Europe. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Kuyk, E., R. Jensen, D. W. Lankshear, E. Löh Manna, and P. Schreiner, eds. 2007. Religious education in Europe. Oslo: IKO & ICCS. McKenna, U., J. Ipgrave, and R. Jackson. 2008. Inter faith dialogue by email in primary schools: An evaluation of the Building E-Bridges project. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Miedema, S., P. Schreiner, G. Skeie, and R. Jackson. 2004. The european network for religious education through contextual approaches (ENRECA): Its policy and aims. In Panorama: International Journal of Comparative Religious Education and Values 16 (Summer/Winter), 10 – 14. Also published in 2004. Informationes Theologiae Europa 13, 227 – 232. Miller, J., K. O’Grady, and U. McKenna, eds. 2013. Religion in education: Innovation in international research. New York and London: Routledge. OSCE. 2007. The Toledo guiding principles on teaching about religions and beliefs in public schools. Warsaw: Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. http://www.osce.org/item/28314.html. Østberg, S. 2003. Cultural diversity and common citizenship: reflections on ethnicity, religion, nationhood and citizenship among Pakistani young people in Europe. In International perspectives on citizenship, education and religious diversity, ed. R. Jackson, 93 – 108. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Parker, S., R. Freathy, and L. J. Francis, eds. 2012. Religious education and freedom of religion and belief. Oxford, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt am Main, New York, Wien: Peter Lang.

40

Robert Jackson

Pettersson, T., and O. Riis, eds. 1994. Scandinavian values: Religion and morality in the nordic countries. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International. Riis, O. 1997. The dispersion of unorthodox religiosity in Western Europe. In New religious movements in Europe, eds. H. Meldgaard and J. Aagaard. ærhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag. Roux, C. ed. 2005. International network for interreligious and intercultural education, special issue of Scriptura 2005: 2. Schihalejev, O. 2009. Estonian young people, religion and religious diversity: Personal views and the role of the school. PhD Thesis, University of Tartu. Schihalejev, O. 2010. From indifference to dialogue? Estonian young people, the school and religious diversity. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series, Münster : Waxmann. Schreiner, P. 2012. Religion im Kontext einer Europäisierung von Bildung. Münster : Waxmann. Skeie, G. ed. 2009. Religious diversity and education in Europe: Nordic perspectives. Münster : Waxmann. Skeie, G., J. Everington, K. H. ter Avest, and S. Miedema, eds. 2013. Exploring context in religious education research: Empirical, methodological and theoretical perspectives. Münster : Waxmann. ter Avest, I., ed. 2011. Contrasting colours: European and African perspectives on education in a context of diversity. Amsterdam: Gopher B.V. ter Avest, I., D.-P.Jozsa, T. Knauth, J. Rosûn, and G. Skeie, eds. 2009. Dialogue and conflict on religion. Studies of classroom interaction on european countries. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series, Münster : Waxmann. UNESCO. 1996. Learning: The treasure within (the Delors Report). The Report to UNESCO of the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century, Paris: UNESCO. Valk, P., G. Bertram-Troost, M. Friederici, and C. B¦raud, eds. 2009. Teenagers’ perspectives on the role of religion in their lives, schools and societies: A European quantitative study. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series, Münster : Waxmann. van der Want A., C. Bakker, I. ter Avest, and J. Everington, eds. 2009. Teachers responding to diversity in Europe: Researching biography and pedagogy. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Veinguer, A. A., G. Dietz, D.-P. Jozsa, and T. Knauth, eds. 2009. Islam in education in European countries: Pedagogical concepts and empirical findings. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series, Münster : Waxmann. von der Lippe, M. 2010. Youth, religion and diversity: A qualitative study of young people’s talk about religion in a secular and plural society : A Norwegian case. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Stavanger. Weisse, W., ed. 1996. Interreligious and intercultural education: Methodologies, conceptions and pilot projects in South Africa, Namibia, Great Britain, the Netherlands and Germany. Münster : Comenius Institut. Ziebertz, H-G., and W. K. Kay, eds. 2005. Youth in Europe 1: an international empirical study about life perspectives. Münster : Lit Verlag. Ziebertz, H-G., and W. K. Kay, eds. 2006. Youth in Europe 2: an international empirical study about religiosity. Münster : Lit Verlag.

The European Dimension

41

Ziebertz, H-G., and W. K. Kay. 2008. Attitudes and values of adolescent Europeans towards Europeanisation. Journal of empirical theology 21, no. 2: 209 – 239. Ziebertz, H-G., and W. K. Kay, 2009. A key to the future: The attitudes and values of adolescent Europeans. Globalisation, Societies and Education 7, no. 2: 151 – 165. Ziebertz, H-G., W. K. Kay, and U. Riegel, eds. 2009. Youth in Europe 3: An international empirical study of the significance of Religion for Life Orientation. Münster : Lit Verlag. Ziebertz, H.-G., and U. Riegel, eds. 2009. How teachers in Europe teach religion. Münster : Lit Verlag. Zrinshcˇak, S. 2004. Generations and atheism: Patterns of response to communist rule among different generations and countries. Social Compass 51, no. 2: 221 – 234.

Henri Derroitte, Guido Meyer, Didier Pollefeyt and Bert Roebben

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

Introduction Belgium is a rather small country in Europe. But it turns out to be great in complexity, when visitors try to understand its societal, cultural and religious organizational framework. The diversity of official languages (Dutch, French and German), the presence of different religions and world views, the permanent flow of newcomers and people just passing-by on this small surface and the variety of political institutional levels to manage this diversity, often create an image of Belgium as a complex knot of relationships which can hardly be unraveled. This was also our first impression as authors of this chapter, originating from the three linguistic communities and all being involved in research on religious education in and around Belgium. However, in our gatherings we exchanged information and communicated about the finesses of the respective educational systems and didactical options at work. We became more and more interested in the larger and smaller differences and gradually aware of the mutual benefits and boundaries of the different provisions of religious education in the different parts of the country. The writing process in itself was an intercultural journey and the mutual use of languages – French, German and Dutch, mostly ending up in a sort of common Belgian English – was our guide on the road. We are aware of the fact that our conversation could have been more inter-religious, including fellows of other worldviews, but then the group would have been too complex. What follows is the result of our inter-cultural and inter-linguistic discourse.

1.

Socio-religious background

Belgium is a federal state composed of three linguistic communities (Gemeenschappen, Communaut¦s, Gemeinschaften) – which have assigned duties, of which education is one – and three geographical regions: Flanders, Wallonia and

44

Henri Derroitte et al.

Brussels-Capital Region (Worldbank Belgium). Belgium is a country with 10,879,159 inhabitants, according to the 2010 census. 6,251,983 citizens live in the (northern) Flemish Region, 3,498,384 live in the (southern) Walloon Region, including the 75,222 inhabitants of the German-speaking community in (the eastern part of) Belgium. 1,089,538 citizens reside in the (bilingual) BrusselsCapital Region (Portal Belgium). Historically Belgium is a Catholic country. Over the last decades however the number of members of the Catholic church is declining dramatically. According to the European Value Study (EVS) of 1981 75 % of all Belgians declared to be part of the Catholic community, while 24 % was part of no community at all. 1 % of the population was part of another religious community. In 2008 though, only 50 % declared to be part of the Catholic church, while the number of nonbelievers and atheists increased up to 43 %. Another 7 % belonged to another religion (Voy¦ 2012, 3 – 27). Church practice within the Catholic church decreased from 42 % in 1967 to 11 % in 1998 (Hooghe, Quintelier and Reeskens 2006, 115). In 2009 merely 5 % of the population attends church services regularly (Dobbelaere, Billiet and Voy¦, 13 f). The number of baptized Catholics decreased from 93.6 % in 1967 to 54.6 % in 2007 (Hooghe and Bottermann 2009, 18). While the number of Catholics is decreasing, the number of non-believers and members of other religions, especially Islam, increases (See www.uclouvain.be/cps/ucl/doc/laap/documents/BAROMETRE.pdf). As a consequence of the active labour migration in the sixties and early seventies, Belgium might be called an “immigration society” (Loobuyck and Jacobs 2009, 19 – 27). Before the migration stop in 1974 there has been a major inflow from Southern Europe, Morocco and Turkey (Attar 1992, 139 – 170). More than 300.000 people, descendants of the original Italian immigrants, now form the largest foreign population in Belgium, especially situated in Wallonia. Since 2003 the so called “citizenship trajectories” were established and new citizens were received. This group is very heterogeneous. The spectrum goes from political refugees to people working at the European Institutions in Brussels. They are the new immigrant inhabitants of Belgium. In 2010 a total amount of 1,057,666 people or around 10 % of the Belgian population had a different nationality (Hanseeuw 2012, 3). If one adds to this the Belgian inhabitants who were born outside the country (7.74 % of the Belgian population) and their respective children, one can argue that almost 25 % of the Belgian population has one or two parents “n¦s ¦trangers” (Rocour 2012). It goes without saying that this demographic evolution – Belgium as an immigration society – will have thorough consequences for schools and their educational goals (Bastenier, Dassetto 1990; Feld, ManÅo 2000). Since education is a duty of the Communities, the number of people taking part at the different provisions of “world view courses” in school needs to be

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

45

differentiated.1 In total 82 % of all pupils in all secondary schools (both private and public schools) in Flanders take classes in Catholic religion, 0.3 % in Protestant religion, 0.2 % in Jewish religion, 5 % in Islam and 13 % in NonConfessional Moral Education (Niet Confessionele Zedenleer) (Onderwijs Vlaanderen 2010, 430 – 431). For the Brussels and Walloon region a recent study has shown that in private (i. e. mostly Catholic) schools Catholic religious education is dominant (92.7 % to 99.6 %). In the public school system in Brussels however most students attend Islamic religious education (in primary 43 %, in secondary 41.4 %), followed by moral education (27.9 % in primary and 37.2 % in secondary education) and Catholic religious education (23.3 % in primary and 15.2 % in secondary schools). In Wallonia 52.8 % of the primary school pupils in public education attend Catholic religious education, against 37.3 % moral education and 8 % Islamic religious education (Sägesser 2012, 2140 f). In secondary schools, the course of morality with its 64.2 % of attendance is dominant, against 26.4 % for Catholic and 7.8 % for Islamic religious education. The general spread of secondary school pupils in the German-speaking community over world view courses in 2005 was as follows: 83.3 % took part in Roman-Catholic religious courses, 5.15 % in Protestant, 1.9 % in Islamic, 0.21 % in orthodox courses and 9.29 % in non-confessional moral education (Godolt 2012).

2.

Legal frameworks of RE and the relationship of church and state

Officially the relationship between church and state is defined by the freedom of religion proclaimed in article 19 of the Belgian Constitution. As a consequence a clear church and state separation is at stake, which means that no religion is favoured (Van Stiphout 2010, 126). The state though is not completely neutral since she actively supports a plurality of world views (Eurybase 2009 – 2010, 17 f). Therefore it may be stated that on the vertical level world views are treated equally, but on the horizontal level the state attempts to stimulate dialogue and tolerance (Van Stiphout 2010, 133 – 134). Specifically for education article 24 of the Belgian Constitution safeguards the freedom of education, to which freedom of religious education belongs as an important element. The constitution guarantees the right of every child in primary and secondary school to a mini1 We use the English term “world view courses” as a general common denominator for the school subject, since this is the best possible translation of the Dutch term “levensbeschouwelijke vakken” (life stances) and the French term “cours philosophiques” (philosophical courses).

46

Henri Derroitte et al.

mum of two hours of religious lessons every week. The actual execution of this section of the law depends on the educational institution – public or private – the citizen is opting for. In Belgium, a distinction is made between education organized and financed by the Community and education offered by a private- or public-law legal person, but fully subsidized by the state (Simon 1993, 206 – 239). In this last category there are schools established by public-law legal persons (cities, municipalities, provinces or inter-municipal companies), called “subsidized official education”, and schools established by private-law legal persons. These can have a Catholic, Protestant, Jewish or non-confessional background and offer “subsidized private education” (Eurybase 2009 – 2010, 46). Due to the historical presence of Catholicism in Flanders most of these schools have a Catholic background. 75.33 % of the Flemish speaking secondary school students attends private schools, of which the large majority are Catholic (Onderwijs Vlaanderen 2010, 110 – 111). 62.98 % of all Flemish speaking primary school students attend private Catholic schools (ibid., 32). Generally considered one French speaking pupil out of two is attending a private Catholic school, against 36.3 % for subsidized official education and 14.7 % for Community schools. The organization of religious education depends on the type of educational system. The public schools (operated by the Communities and cities, etc.) are compelled by constitution to offer religious courses in all of Belgium’s six officially recognized religions plus the officially recognized freemasonry. For the moment Flanders adopts these seven for being taught in the public school in courses of Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Judaism, Anglicanism, the Orthodox creed and Non-Confessional Morality. In Wallonia and Brussels six of them are taught at school: the Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, Jewish and Orthodox religion, together with Non-Confessional Morality. Students in public schools can freely select one of those seven in Flanders and one of those six in the French speaking part of the country (Van Stiphout 2007, 36). In the private sector on the other hand the private-law legal persons can offer students the world view education they consider as educationally preferable. They are not obliged to offer all of the seven / six officially recognized perspectives. For that reason a Catholic school will mainly opt for Catholic religious education. In opposition to other courses, in religious education the state has limited authority when it comes to the content of the course and the appointment of teachers. An important role is therefore allocated to the organising authorities of the different religions and non-religious belief systems themselves. Catholic religious education teachers for example need the intervention of their diocese twice before they even can be appointed by a school (ibid., 22). In the first place they need a mandate, which can only be given by the bishop of the diocese. In Flanders one has to be baptized and has to sign a statement of commitment

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

47

(engagementsverklaring). This mandate opens the possibility to work as a religious education teacher, but does not give any access to a concrete appointment yet (ibid., 22 – 26). Therefore the vicar-general in the Catholic diocese, an independent commission or the leader of a religious order has to evaluate the prospective teacher (his / her confessional background, the need for additional formation, etc.) and can then submit him / her for a specific job at a specific school (ibid., 26 – 28). This procedure is the consequence of the church and state separation in which the government is not supposed to judge someone’s qualifications for religious offices (ibid., 28). The application of teachers for other world views happens in a similar way. The German-speaking community has its own ministry of Education, which is responsible for the organization of religious education in cooperation with church authorities, as is also the case in the other two communities. The inspector of religious education is responsible for religious studies on all levels, and on the bishop’s authority he is also responsible for counseling, advanced vocational training, supervision and the official representation of religious education. In the last part of this section we offer a brief insight in how religion in general and confessional schools more specifically are financed. The Belgian federal government is competent for the salaries of the religious ministers, while the Regions pay for the material provision (Dankaers 2011). Consequently all officially recognized religions and freemasonry are financed by the state. In the current model 80 % of all the financial resources in Flanders are used for the Catholic church, since only for this faith community the government does not count the actual members, but starts its calculations from all inhabitants in a parish, notwithstanding their actual belief. In order to adjust this distorted calculation a commission wrote the report Magits, which is a plea for granting equal financial rights to all world views (Werkgroep Magits 2010). The same discussion occurred in schools in the French speaking community. Here was the focus rather on the question whether or not the complete range of six worldviews should necessarily be provided in every public school (CSC-Enseignement 2004, 69 – 75).

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

Four developments determine the future of religious education in Flanders. First there is the changing societal context. As a consequence of secularization and migration, the impact of Catholicism on societal and educational issues is declining. The focus of the education model in Flanders has shifted towards a diversity model, with equal participation of all target groups. Even within

48

Henri Derroitte et al.

Catholic schools many of the students do not consider themselves Catholic anymore, even if they are baptized Catholics. Practising Catholic students belong to the absolute minority even within their own schools. Therefore the Catholic education system shifted from a monologue to a dialogue model, in which the Catholic identity remains the point of departure, but where other life stances are welcomed (VSKO 26th of October 2011; Pollefeyt and Bouwens 2013). Another consequence of the decline of Catholicism is the changing financing methods of the officially recognized worldviews. More importantly a discussion about the content of religious education courses arises. In 2010, a group of politicians introduced a bill in parliament in which they proposed to spend in a compulsory way one of the two hours of religious education in the third grade of secondary school on comparative religion. The Council of State (Raad van State, Conseil d’Êtat) though gave a mixed advice, defended both the autonomy of confessional courses in religion and the need to limit this autonomy when important democratic values are at stake. The advice hold that when democratic values can be realized without intervening in the autonomy of confessional course of religion, the autonomy should be respected. As a consequence the parliament rejected the bill in 2012. In the aftermath of this discussion, the different courses in religion themselves opted to work closer together on a voluntary basis (Ysebaert 2nd of May 2012). A last issue is the future of Catholic religious education, not as a consequence of state pressure, but as a result of inner reflection. In the Flemish Church a debate is going on between those who want religious education to be more Catholic again, and those who prefer a dialogue model (Godsdienstonderwijs.be). In the French speaking community the Minister of Education, Marie-Dominique Simonet, proposed in early 2012 the idea to install at the beginning of the school year 2013 – 2014 a common trunk for the six courses in religious education and non-confessional moral education. This common trunk would include three dimensions: the philosophical question, the dialogue between world views and the focus on citizenship education. This well-reflected project should be elaborated by an inter-confessional task force. Central point of concern should be the description of particular competences related to each worldview and the definition of so called “transversal” competences and contents, common to all the worldviews. This project however has not yet resulted in a final decision. The particular part of every singular worldview has been finalized and the report was presented on the 17th of May 2013. In this report every worldview points to possible common competences and contents, but the final agreement is not achieved yet (Berhin 2013, 17 – 19; Ernens 17th of May 2013). The German speaking community’s autonomous academy (Autonome Hochschule) (www.ahs-dg.be) trains religious teachers for primary schools. The Autonome Hochschule of the German-speaking community was established in

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

49

2005 as a result of the merger of two smaller academies, one was subsidized by the community, the other was privately funded. It was Belgium’s first merger of two schools from different educational backgrounds and consequently it attracted a great deal of attention. It is of interest to note the new academy’s basic philosophy, which is described as “articulate plurality” and whose self-confessed aim it is to provide the associated academies with a solid basic structure for the years to come.

4.

Role of denominational schools

Due to the historical Catholic background of Flanders most of the subsidized private schools have Catholic roots. However, the freedom of education allows also other religions and worldviews to organize their own schools. The most famous example in Flanders are the 30 schools of the Jewish educational system in the city of Antwerp (Leraar Worden). Most of them are allied to the large Jewish Orthodox community in this city. The Protestant community runs seven schools in Flanders, the so-called “Schools with the Bible” (Scholen met de Bijbel) (IPCO). In the Francophone Belgium seven Protestant primary schools can be found, mainly in the province of Hainaut (Vrij Onderwijsplatform).The other three officially recognized religions (Anglican, Orthodox and Islamic) do not possess own schools in Belgium (yet). Besides these schools with a religious background there are a lot of non-confessional schools in Belgium. Fourteen schools are lead by free-thinkers (Vrij Onderwijsplatform) and most schools that offer alternative education (Freinet, Steiner, Experience Based Education, Life school, etc.) are non-confessional as well (Eurybase 2009 – 2010, 78). Even within the Catholic educational system distinctions are to be made, since, besides the diocesan schools, also five congregations and religious orders set up their own schools. The Jesuits run seven Flemish schools, the Salesians of Don Bosco 17, the Josephites three and the Brothers of Charity 50. Also the Brothers of the Christian Schools are present in the Flemish educational landscape. The superiors of these religious are not allowed to give mandates to prospective teachers, but they can submit them in order to get an appointment2. As a consequence one cannot speak of denominations in the strict sense since a Catholic bishop has the highest authority in these schools. The same situation can be found in the southern part of the country, in which these congregations have gathered in 2012 in the ASSOEC (Association des Ecoles Congr¦ganistes Francophones) (Van De Werve 2012, 22). 2 For the situation of the congregations, see Van Stiphout 2007, 28 and 37.

50

5.

Henri Derroitte et al.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

In accordance with Canon Law, Roman Catholic religious education is an expression of being part of the Christian communio and of the universal mission of the Apostolic Church (Van Stiphout 2007, 18). For the implementation of this vision in the contemporary Flemish society the “Statement of Intention of Roman Catholic Religious Education” (Leerplan Rooms Katholieke Godsdienst) has one general objective: creating openness for and insight in what it means to be a Christian in the present-day plural society (Erkende Instantie 1999, 13 – 17). This general objective can be subdivided into three basic aims. First of all pupils need to be made aware of and challenged by the multitude of life perspectives and world views in a pluralistic society. Moreover they are to be motivated to take a critical stance towards the “economisation” of the western society. A second aim is to situate the Christian belief within a context of religious diversity. And finally pupils have to render account for their own world view profile in dialogue with the Christian faith tradition (Boeve 1999, 287 – 311; Onderwijs Vlaanderen 2003, 16). From September 2005 onward this intention and related curriculum became binding for all Catholic religious education classes in Flanders. Since then new text books are officially examined and can only be used after their official approval (Radermacher-De Ridder and Verkest 2007, 26). The Roman Catholic line of approach which welcomes both Christian believers and non- or other-believers differs a lot from the point of departure of the statements of intention and curricula of the other officially recognized world views (Onderwijs Vlaanderen 2003, 5 f.). The statement of intention of the Islamic religious education course offers religious instruction to Muslim pupils through the knowledge and praxis of the sources of Islam. The Protestant statement of intention puts stress on learning Biblical themes, while the Orthodox tradition wants its pupils to appropriate a metaphysical mode of thought and to build up a religious personality. The emphasis of Anglican religious education lays on church history, bible studies, the church and religious service. The Jewish religious authorities stress the Jewish history, reading, praying, blessing, sense of public responsibility and the Hebrew language. Finally, nonconfessional moral education aims at developing moral reflection and practice of pupils within a pluralistic society. In the French speaking part of Belgium the secondary school curriculum of religious education adopted by the bishops in 2003 describes the aim of the course as follows: awakening a sense of quest for the meaning of life in existential issues – in confrontation with the many voices and especially the voice of Christianity. This confrontation is considered to be a personal articulation in the field of tension between existential issue, cultural material and Christian resources (Programme de religion catholique 2003; Deroitte 2009).

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

6.

51

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

In their above mentioned 1999 vision the Flemish bishops (Erkende Instantie 1999, 13 – 17) recognize and valorize the new situation. The growing pluralization and de-traditionalization of society have a strong impact on churches and congregations and therefore on classroom. The spontaneous connection or “correlation” between faith in community and the daily life experiences of young people does not function anymore, so that the one-dimensional correlative religious education that was based on this is running out of order3. A new model is developed: the “hermeneutic-communicative” model (Lombaerts, Pollefeyt 2004; Lombaerts, Roebben 2000). Young people are trained in the perception and interpretation of moral and religious phenomena in society, they learn to define their own stance (hermeneutic) and they learn to deepen, clarify and articulate their position with and in the presence of others (communicative) – and this within the framework of the Christian tradition. In the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies of the KU Leuven this model is developed with strong multi-correlational ways (Pollefeyt 2004, 142 – 146) of appropriation by pupils and with an intense link to interreligious learning processes (Pollefeyt 2007). For the support of this model in teacher training and in in-service training the successful Thomas website (www.godsdienstonderwijs.be) was launched in 2001 with several theoretical, didactical and media-related impulses for religious education. Two educational models are mostly developed in the Francophone part of Belgium. The oldest one, the p¦dagogie d’appropriation, has been implemented by an inspector of religious education, Eddy Ernens in the late 1970s (Ernens 1998). This structures religious education classes in five stages: awareness, documentation, confrontation, interiorisation and synthesis. Since the mid2000s, a second method is also frequently used: the p¦dagogie de la figuration. It was designed by a Belgian Jesuit, Jean-Paul Laurent, and inspired by the philosophy of Ricœur to conceptualize the course in three phases: figuration, configuration, and transfiguration (Laurent 2005, 325 – 339).

3 In Germany this process was for the first time explicitly articulated by Englert 1993, 97 – 110. For Flanders, see Roebben 2001, 146 – 149 and Boeve 2012, 229 – 257.

52

7.

Henri Derroitte et al.

Observation on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

In Wallonia and in the French speaking schools in Brussels an alternative course of ethics and/or philosophy is not scheduled. Neither in Flanders such an alternative or parallel course to religious education exists. One can take lessons in one of the seven or six officially recognised worldviews, including Non-confessional Moral Education, the latter focusing more on philosophy and ethics pur sang. The curricula of some of the other world views, like the one for Catholic religious education, both in Flanders and in Wallonia/Brussels pay attention to philosophical and ethical themes as well, but always more or less from within a confessional point of view4. Recently, in 2004, the Flemish Government introduced the Vrije Ruimte, classes freely introduced by the schools themselves for which no statement of intention nor final achievement levels exist (Experimenteren in de vrije ruimte 2007). This gives the pupils the possibility to acquire skills in a more relaxed atmosphere. For the moment the Vrije Ruimte only exists for the 2nd and 3rd grade of General Secondary Education. In some schools the Vrije Ruimte is used to introduce pupils into the basic principles of philosophy (VVKSO 2004). During the discussions about the future of religious education in the Flemish Parliament mentioned above some politicians suggested the introduction of a course on life stances, ethics and philosophy (LEF : Levensbeschouwing, Ethiek en Filosofie)5. This course would replace the courses on religious education, or would make them optional.

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

In the French speaking part of Belgium the concern has been uttered to create an official space for moral and religious dialogue in society and schools, based on the assumption that young people need to learn to deal with diversity and that adults in society cannot leave them alone with that huge task. On the 3rd of June 2005 this council was created officially, the Conseil consultatif sup¦rieur des cours philosophiques. Three main goals were fixed: to formulate advice and propositions in the realm of world view education, to promote exchange and dialogue between the different world views at school and finally to keep the philosophical awareness awake, including in confessional religious education. In 2006 this 4 See the analysis of Sägesser 2012, nr. 2140 – 2141. 5 Vlaams Parlement trekt debat over godsdienstonderwijs op gang, in De Morgen, 1st of February 2012.

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

53

council was consulted intensively on the issue of the relationship between religions and education for democratic citizenship. Since the 1960s the organizing authorities (Inrichtende machten) for religious education in Flanders meet regularly to make practical arrangements for the organisation of world view education in public schools (Van Stiphout 2010, 125). These conferences are a practical outcome of the separation of church and state and are essential for the functioning of religious education on a state school level (ibid., 133 f). The meeting of the organising authorities does not meddle in the content of religious courses and does never go into questions about ecumenism and religious diversity (ibid., 134). Out of this meeting a new commission arose: the Commission of world view education (Commissie Levensbeschouwelijke Vakken), composed by the official inspectors-coordinators of the different world views. This organ does not only gather with regard to practical problems and does not only write advices about the organization of religious education (Onderwijs Vlaanderen 2003), but also attempts to promote the dialogue between the different life stances in the schools. Therefore projects on social problems are developed on a regularly basis. In a first step pupils of the same life stance can gather around these problems in order to form an opinion within their group. Afterwards these opinions can be brought together into a respectful interreligious dialogue. On the other hand the commission promotes an everyday dialogue between all world views present at schools. Nowadays this organ only has authority for public schools (Gemeenschapsonderwijs), in which pupils have to choose for a specific life stance education (see §2). The Ministry of Education has the intention to extend this dialogue model to all the schools in Flanders (Vlaams Parlement 2010 – 2011, 5). Recently, this same commission produced a document on interreligious competences concerning dialogue and collaboration of world views at school. It contains competences which all pupils should acquire in the religious education course (See www.kuleuven.be/thomas/page/historisch-engagement-over-interlevensbeschouwelijke-competenties). In Flanders, most of the schools established by the Roman Catholic church already left the monologue model and use a dialogue model in their general policy and in the organization of their religious education courses. The statement of intention of Roman Catholic religious education, that seems to take the diverse society as a starting point, stresses that religious education has to be taught “in the way of the school”, with an eye on dialogue with other life stances (Erkende Instantie 1999, 13 and 29). The encounter with other life stances is an opportunity for Christians to get aware of their own tradition and identity, says the statement of intention (Erkende Instantie, 30). This opinion is a consequence of the hermeneutic-communicative model underlying Catholic religious education in Flanders today (see §6) (Godsdienstonderwijs.be).

54

9.

Henri Derroitte et al.

Religion in schools outside of RE

On demand of the VSKO, the organisation coordinating all Catholic schools in Flanders, many schools offer their pupils and staff members a range of pastoral projects to deal with (VSKO 2010). The point of departure is a complete approach in which metaphorically “head, hands and heart” are united into one educational project. Attention is paid to Jesus Christ, his message and the Catholic tradition. Religious life is part of the Catholic identity of the school and of the general educational project. According to the VSKO, the aims of religious life and pastoral ministry at school are to provide children and young with the opportunities to be introduced to, nourished by and inspired with the Christian tradition in daily school life. At most schools some parts of the pastoral project are obligatory for all pupils, while others are organized on a voluntary basis6. In Wallonia and Brussels there is hardly any research been conducted on the issue of pastoral ministry at school. An inter-diocese commission reflects on its goals and creates materials for concrete projects, but the main responsibility in this regard remains in the hands of the local organizing authorities (Pouvoir Organisateur) (Villers 2005). If one should analyze the activities in this respect, one could perceive a shift from celebration and spirituality in the direction of social and humanitarian work. Another evolution in the Francophone Belgium is the focus on the teacher, rather than on the pupils, because of his/her exemplary role as (Christian) educator in school. Pastoral ministry and initiatives to introduce this type of support remain rather limited in the German speaking community, though it is in place in Catholic educational establishments. An interesting new development which should be mentioned here is the creation of new sacred spaces in schools, mainly replacing the traditional place of Eucharistic worship (such as a chapel or prayer room). Some school boards have been very creative in this respect and renovated and recontextualized these spaces into “open” sacred spaces, both for liturgical use and broader meditative events at school7.

6 One initiative to be mentioned here are the so called days of reflection, see B. Roebben 2001, 97 – 114. 7 Cf. the work of architect Tom Callebaut at www.tcct.be/PDF/TCCT_SacraleRuimtes.pdf.

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

10.

55

Training of teachers of RE

The Belgian universities and university colleges invest intensively in education for prospective teachers of religious courses. In this part we will mainly focus on Catholic religious education and their view on religion teachers. In the Flemish job specification for teachers of Catholic religious education a distinction is made between those elements religious teachers have in common with others and those specifications characteristic for religious teachers in Catholic schools. In the latter three main requirements are mentioned: teachers have to know and use the statement of intent, have to be able to coach their pupils in search for religious growth and have to communicate about their Catholic belief (VSKO, FUNCTIEBESCHRIJVING). Consequently one can summarise the task of the teacher as being a witness of his own tradition, a moderator in religious communication and a professional specialist in the Christian tradition, in other world religions and world views (Godsdienstonderwijs.be; see also Roebben 2013, 191 – 194). In order to prepare teachers for this demanding job, various teacher training and continuing education programmes are in place. In Flanders teacher training is offered on three different levels. First there is a university teacher training offering a master in theology and religious studies combined with the so called Specific Academic Teacher Training (SLO). Students with this educational background are allowed to teach Catholic religious education in all levels of secondary schools. Teacher training is also offered by several college universities in Flanders which provide diploma’s on the level of a professional bachelor degree. Teachers with this degree can teach religious education in the lower levels of secondary school and in the primary school. A third way to become a teacher in religious education is the certificate handed over by the dioceses themselves. After a teaching package, the student will receive a degree comparable to a professional bachelor. Continuing education programmes for Catholic religious education are offered by IDKG, a coordinating organization, founded by the Flemish dioceses (IDKG, Nascholing). As was mentioned before, teachers also use the website Thomas (www.godsdienstonderwijs.be) of the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies at the KU Leuven, in collaboration with the Flemish Office of Catholic Education (VSKO), the bishops’ conference, the training institutions for teachers in Flanders and the inspectors for Catholic religious education. In the Francophone part of Belgium, there are four ways of becoming a secondary school teacher of Catholic religious education. First of all there is the master degree in theology and/or biblical studies at the Universit¦ Catholique de Louvain (Facult¦ de th¦ologie). In combination with this master the students fulfil a praxis part in schools, which offers them the degree of agr¦gation de

56

Henri Derroitte et al.

l’enseignement secondaire sup¦rieur (AESS). A second possibility is the university college, in which the students receive a bachelor degree for French and religion in the lower level of the secondary school. The third level is the diocesan level with the institutes of religious studies, together with the Institute Lumen Vitae (created by the Jesuits) (www.lumenvitae.be), who deliver the so called graduate in religious studies. And finally the fourth and most successful way consists in providing students of other disciplines with the Certificat universitaire de didactique du cours de religion catholique (CDER) after completing 30 ECTS of extra course work. Continuing formation and specific courses in religious and interreligious learning is offered by the CECAFOC (www.cecafoc.be/religion). In-service teachers have access to different online support systems, among others www.coursdereligion.be, www.lumenonline.net and www.eyn-mayim.be. The shortage of religious teachers in the German speaking community increases steadily. By now it is exceptional for schools in this community to employ fully trained secondary school teachers for religion. Very few young religious teachers graduate from the national Belgian religious teacher training colleges and the same applies to the community’s own Autonome Hochschule (see §3), that is hardly able to provide any religious teachers for primary schools. Opportunities for advanced religious training, as well as pedagogical and didactic materials for religious education are mainly available in the neighboring French speaking community or can be obtained from the Catechetical Institute (Katechetisches Institut) of the Aachen diocese (http://ki-aachen.kibac.de).

11.

Empirical research concerning RE

Extensive empirical data sets are available on religious education in Flanders. The KU Leuven published data on religious education in primary (Henckens, Pollefeyt, Hutsebaut, Maex and De Boeck 2011) and secondary (Pollefeyt, Hutsebaut, Lombaerts, De Vlieger, Dillen, Maex and Smit 2004) schools. The main result of the secondary school research was lying in the fact that teachers support the actual confessional understanding of religious education and are willing to combine witnessing of the Christian tradition with respect for and openness to the societal plurality in view of the support of the student. Students appreciate teachers in religious education as far as they have a post-critical cognitive belief style, this means, when they give witness to an open Christian identity. The main result of the primary school research was that even primary school children (age 10 – 12 years) show capacities for symbolic thinking and

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

57

acting, and that teachers with a post-critical belief style are best equipped to stimulate these symbolic competencies in children8. Under the auspices of the GRER, a research group on Education and Religion at the Universit¦ Catholique de Louvain (Louvain-la-Neuve), an extensive survey was conducted in 2011 – 2013 among professors currently teaching Catholic religious education at the secondary level in the Francophone part of Belgium. This project had three goals clearly identified: (1) understand the need for training and support for teachers of religion; (2) analyse their positions about their job, the program they teach, the way they describe the main goals of the Catholic religion class, the link between their own religious beliefs and content they offer to students, etc.; (3) identify theological questions underlying the professional practice of teachers of religion, related to religious content, plausibility of religious speech in the public space, language of religious discourse in schools, inculturation, articulation in religious education between inter-religious and inter-confessional dialogue, etc. (Derroitte 2013).

12.

Desiderata and challenges for religious education in a European context

Religiosity in Belgium is in many ways a patchwork tapestry – woven together out of traditional Catholic Church related elements, new religious experiences introduced by immigrant communities and an undefinable complex set of late modern world views of younger generations. Religious education in Belgium, in the public realm of the school, is dealing with this broader European and global diversity, but because of the small surface of the country and its deep history, the discourses on religious education seem to be even more intense. In an attempt to reach a provisional conclusion we bring together our four different voices and frame them in three common challenges. 1. We believe that the aim of religious education should be first of all humanisation and not socialization (for this distinction, see Pourtois, Desmet 2009, 13 f). It should be a place of reflection on the humanizing character of religions and belief systems in an open society and school environment. Churches and humanistic organizations (Leleux, Rocourt 2010) can provide young people with helpful resources to understand and exercise this task. In this respect Catholic religious education can no longer be considered from an integrative catechetical point of view. Nor the alternative of a mere objective juxtaposed presentation of different world views would be sufficient. Young 8 For empirical research on the identity of catholic schools, see Pollefeyt and Bouwens 2010, 193 – 210.

58

Henri Derroitte et al.

people have the right to be deeply involved in religious education, to raise important questions and to be existentially confronted with the wisdom of old traditions, without being indoctrinated by these traditions. Both the mere mono-confessional (learning in religion) and the multi-confessional (learning about religion) approaches to religious education do not seem to take the longings and quests of young people serious. We believe that a well organised hermeneutical communication9 on these life issues (learning from religion) can foster the human flourishing of future young people (Derroitte 2011, 217 – 239; Roebben 2013, 154 – 164; Roebben to be published 2014). This will be a major challenge for future school development and teacher training. 2. It is our contention that a clear, solid and deontological safe space for religious education can be built in a dialogical and open minded confessional setup of religious education. We believe that young people have the right to orientate themselves in confrontation (positive or negative, but not in indifference) with the tradition of the Catholic school and / or Catholic religious education (See e. g. Joblin 2012, 333 – 347). This will imply a renewed reflection on the actually lived and authentic convictions within this tradition, both empirically and hermeneutically (Roebben 2011, 245 – 253). Once again: this will be a major challenge for future school development and teacher training. 3. Important questions will need to be solved in the future, more specifically about the organization of religious diversity in the contextual framework of religious education in Belgium. Probably different regional conclusions will need to be drawn10. Probably the coexistence of different organizational models will need to be explored, depending on the actual context of the school and its curriculum. Many theological and educational-didactical questions will need to be solved (Derroitte 2012, 57 – 85). And once again: this will be a major challenge for future school development and teacher training.

13.

Further information

Derroitte, H. 2009. Donner cours de religion catholique. Comprendre le Programme, Brussels / Louvain-la-Neuve: Lumen Vitae / De Boeck. Derroitte, H. 2013. Les professeurs de religion catholique de Belgique francophone (Haubans 6), Brussels: Lumen Vitae. 9 See the Leuven hermeneutic-communicative model in §6. 10 For different views on Flanders, see Loobuyck and Franken 2011, 17 – 30; Coene 2011, 195 – 207; Juchtmans and Nicaise 2013, 132 – 163.

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

59

Derroitte, H. 2013. Cours de religion et citoyennet¦ en Belgique, in Revue th¦ologique de Louvain 44, 539 – 559. Meyer, G. 2007. Das katholische Unterrichtswesen in Belgien – Identitätssuche in einem veränderten gesellschaftlichen Kontext. In Belgien im Fokus, Geschichte, Sprachen, Kulturen, ed. A. Begenat-Neuschäfer, 349 – 360, Frankfurt: Verlag Peter Lang. Meyer, G. 2012. Die “Dritte Dimension” und ihre Bedeutung für die religiöse Bildung – Annäherungen an Dany-Robert Dufour. In Keryks: Religionspädagogisches Forum, 307 – 326. Meyer, G. 2013. L’apprentissage de l’interreligieux dans le contexte de post-s¦cularisation des soci¦t¦s europ¦ennes. In Croire, Savoir. Quelles p¦dagogies europ¦ennes?, ed. L. CollÀs and H. Derroitte, 135 – 148, Brussels: Lumen Vitae. Pollefeyt, D. 2007. Religious Education and the Opportunities and Challenges of Interreligious Learning. In Interreligious Learning (BETL 201), ed. D. Pollefeyt, xi-xxv, Leuven: Peeters. Pollefeyt, D. 2008. The Difference of Alterity. A Religious Pedagogy for an Interreligious and Interideological World. In Responsibility, God and Society. Festschrift Roger Burggraeve (BETL 217), eds. J. De Tavernier et al., 305 – 330. Leuven: Peeters. Pollefeyt, D., and J. Bouwens. 2010. Framing the Identity of Catholic Schools: Empirical Methodology for Quantitative Research on the Catholic Identity of an Education Institute. In International Studies in Catholic Education 2, 193 – 210. Roebben, B. 20123. Religionspädagogik der Hoffnung. Grundlinien religiöser Bildung in der Spätmoderne (Forum Theologie und Pädagogik 19), Münster : Lit-Verlag. Roebben, B. 20132. Seeking Sense in the City. European Perspectives on Religious Education, Münster : Lit-Verlag. Roebben, B. and M. Warren, eds. 2001. Religious Education as Practical Theology. Essays in Honour of Professor Herman Lombaerts (ANL 40), Leuven / Paris / Sterling (VA): Peeters.

References Attar, R. 1992. Historique de l’immigration maghr¦bine en Belgique. In Histoire de l’immigration en Belgique, ed. A. Morelli, 139 – 170. Bruxelles : E.V.O. / C.B.A.I. Bastenier, A., and F. Dassetto, eds. 1990. Immigration et pluralismes nouveaux, une confrontation de soci¦t¦s. Bruxelles: De Boeck-Universit¦. Berhin, Ch. Cours de religion(s): du neuf — la rentr¦e! L’Appel, nr. 359 (September 2013): 17 – 19. Boeve, L. 1999. Godsdienstonderricht op school als oefenplaats?Achtergronden bij het nieuwe leerplan S.O. Collationes 29: 287 – 311. Boeve, L. 2012. Het leerplan revisited – 10 jaar later. In Tegen-woordig. Jeugd en geloofscommunicatie vandaag, ed. D. Pollefeyt and E. De Boeck, 229 – 257. Leuven / Den Haag: Acco. Coene, G. 2011. The Challenges of multiculturalism. Educational dilemmas for humanists in Flanders. In Education and humanism. Linking autonomy and humanity, ed. W. Veugelers, 195 – 207. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers.

60

Henri Derroitte et al.

CSC-Enseignement 2004, quoted by H. Derroitte, Donner cours de religion catholique. Comprendre le Programme. 2009. Bruxelles / Louvain-la-Neuve : Lumen Vitae & De Boeck, 69 – 75. Dankaers, T. De koek is te katholiek in Belgie. Ongelijke financiering erediensten en levensbeschouwing. Mo. Mondiaal Magazine, 30th of March 2011. Derroitte, H. 2009. Donner cours de religion catholique. Comprendre le Programme, Bruxelles / Louvain-la-Neuve: Lumen Vitae / De Boeck. Derroitte, H. 2010. Cours de religion catholique et pluralit¦ religieuse. Revue th¦ologique de Louvain 41: 57 – 85. Derroitte, H. 2011. Cours de religion confessionnel dans un espace d¦mocratique. In GRER, Religion et ¦ducation citoyenne, 217 – 239. Bruxelles: Lumen Vitae. Derroitte, H. 2013. Les professeurs de religion catholique de Belgique francophone (Haubans 6). Brussels: Lumen Vitae. Dobbelaere, K., J. Billiet, and L. Voy¦. Religie en kerkbetrokkenheid in een veranderende samenleving. In Ethiek, religie en institutioneel vertrouwen in EVS, ed. K. Abts. 13 – 14. Leuven: Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek, s.d. (non published lecture). Englert, R. 1993. Die Korrelationsdidaktik am Ausgang ihrer Epoche: Plädoyer für einen “ehrenhaften” Abgang. In Religionsunterricht im Abseits? Das Spannungsfeld JugendSchule-Religion, eds. G. Hilger and G. Reilly, 97 – 110. München: Kösel. Erkende Instantie 1999. Leerplan rooms-katholieke godsdienst voor het secundair onderwijs in Vlaanderen. Brussel: Licap, 13 – 17. Ernens, C. Les cours de religion sortent de l’obscurantisme. L’Avenir, 17th of May 2013. Ernens, E. P¦dagogie d’appropriation et changement de modÀle. A propos du cours de religion catholique et de sa mise en œuvre dans l’aujourd’hui. MinistÀre de l’¦ducation, de la recherche et de la formation. Inspection de l’enseignement secondaire. Religion catholique, June 1998. Eurybase, Organisation of the Education System in the Flemish Community of Belgium, 2009 – 2010. http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/eurybase/eurybase_full_reports/BN_EN.pdf. Experimenteren in de vrije ruimte, in Klasse voor Leerkrachten 172 (2007) 50 – 51. Feld, S., and A. ManÅo. 2000. L’int¦gration des jeunes d’origine ¦trangÀre dans une soci¦t¦ en mutation. L’insertion scolaire, socioculturelle et professionnelle en Belgique francophone, Paris: L’Harmattan. Godolt, N. 2012. Religiöses Lernen im Kontext. Religionsunterricht in der Deutschsprachigen Gemeinschaft Belgiens und in Nordrhein-Westfalen – ein Vergleich. Berlin: Logos-Verlag. Godsdienstonderwijs.be, Discussie over het Godsdienstonderwijs www.kuleuven.be/thomas/page/discussie-over-het-godsdienstonderwijs/. Godsdienstonderwijs.be, Eenheid of diversiteit. www.kuleuven.be/thomas/page/eenheidof-diversiteit/#66477. Godsdienstonderwijs.be, Godsdienstleerkrachten vandaag. www.kuleuven.be/thomas/ page/godsdienstleerkrachten-vandaag. Godsdienstonderwijs.be, Van monoloog naar dialoog. www.kuleuven.be/thomas/page/ van-monoloog-naar-dialoog/#11420. Hanseeuw, L. Belgique, terre d’immigration: statistiques et evolutions. In Itinera Institute Analysis, 15th of May 2012, 3. www.itinerainstitute.org.

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

61

Henckens, R., D. Pollefeyt, D. Hutsebaut, J. Maex, and E. De Boeck. 2011. Geloof in kinderen? Levensbeschouwelijke groei bij kinderen in kaart gebracht. Leuven: Peeters. Hooghe, M., and S. Botterman. 2009. Religieuze praktijk in Belgie. 2007. Rapport ten behoeve van de Belgische Bisschoppenconferentie. Leuven: Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. Hooghe, M., E. Quintelier, and T. Reeskens. 2006. Kerkpraktijk in Vlaanderen. Trends en exploraties. In Ethische Perspectieven 16, 113 – 123. IDKG, Nascholingen. www.idkg.be/nascholing.htm. IPCO, Scholen. www.ipco.be/scholen-met-de-bijbel/. Joblin, J. 2012. Identit¦ chr¦tienne dans un monde global, multiculturel et pluraliste. Gregorianum 93: 333 – 347. Juchtmans, G., and I. Nicaise. 2013. Religion and Immigration. The acculturation attitudes of Muslim primary school children attending Flemish schools. In Religious Education in a Multicultural Europe. Children, Parents and Schools, eds. E. Smyth, M. Lyons and M. Dermody 132 – 163. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Laurent, J.-P. 2005. Du cút¦ de la pastorale: pour une p¦dagogie de la figuration. Lumen Vitae 60: 325 – 339. Leleux, C., and C. Rocourt. 2010. Pour une didactique de l’¦thique et de la citoyennet¦. D¦velopper le sens moral et l’esprit critique des adolescents. Bruxelles: De Boeck. Leraar worden, Joodse Scholen. www.leraarworden.be/sol/joodse.htm. Lombaerts, H., and B. Roebben, eds. 2000. Godsdienst op school in de branding. Een tussentijdse balans (Cahiers voor Didactiek 7). Deurne: Wolters Plantyn. Lombaerts, H., and D. Pollefeyt, eds. 2004. Hermeneutics and Religious Education (BETL 180). Leuven / Paris / Dudley (MA): Peeters. Loobuyck P., and L. Franken. 2011. Towards Integrative Religious Education in Belgium and Flanders: Challenges and Opportunities. British Journal of Religious Education 33: 17 – 30. Loobuyck, P., and D. Jacobs. 2009. Migration and Integration Policy in Belgium and Flanders, in Belgian Society and Politics. The Diversity Challenge for the Left, no. 3: 19 – 27. Villers, M., Sur le lien Êglise-Êcole, in Bulletin d’Informations (diocÀse de LiÀge), June 2005. Onderwijs Vlaanderen. 2003. Levensbeschouwelijke Vakken. Onderwijs Vlaanderen. 2010. Statistisch Jaarboek Vlaams Onderwijs. Onderwijs nietconfessionele zedenleer en godsdienst. Basis- en Secundair onderwijs 2009 – 2010, s.l., 430 – 431. Pollefeyt, D. 2004. Het leven doorgeven. Religieuze traditie in de katholieke godsdienstpedagogiek. Ontwikkelingen en toekomstperspectieven. In Pedagogiek en traditie, opvoeding en vernieuwing, eds. H. van Crombrugge and W. Meijer, 133 – 149. Tielt: Lannoo. Pollefeyt, D., and J. Bouwens. 2010 Framing the Identity of Catholic Schools: Empirical Methodology for Quantitative Research on the Catholic Identity of an Education Institute. International Studies in Catholic Education 2: 193 – 210. Pollefeyt, D., and J. Bouwens. 2013. Dialoog als toekomst. Een katholiek antwoord op de verkleuring van het onderwijslandschap [unpublished research text], Leuven. Pollefeyt, D., D. Hutsebaut, H. Lombaerts, M. De Vlieger, A. Dillen, J. Maex, and W. Smit,

62

Henri Derroitte et al.

2004. Godsdienstonderwijs uitgedaagd. Jongeren en (inter)levensbeschouwelijke vorming in gezin en onderwijs. Leuven: Peeters. Pollefeyt, D., ed. 2007. Interreligious learning (BETL 201). Leuven / Paris / Dudley (MA): Peeters. Pourtois, J.-P., and H. Desmet. 20095. L’¦ducation postmoderne. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France. Programme de religion catholique. Enseignement secondaire. Humanit¦s g¦n¦rales et technologiques. Humanit¦s professionnelles et techniques. 2003. Bruxelles : Licap. Radermacher-De Ridder, G., and H. Verkest. 2007. Art. Belgium. In Religious Education in Europe. Situation and Current Trends in Schools, eds. E. Kuyk et al. 23 – 29. Oslo: IKO Publishing House. Rocour, V. La Belgique, terre d’immigration. In La Libre Belgique, 12th of May 2012. Roebben, B. 2001. Art. Belgien (katholisch). In Lexikon der Religionspädagogik (vol. 1), eds. N. Mette and F. Rickers, 146 – 149. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. Roebben, B. 2001. Youth, Modernization and the Identity of the Catholic School. The Case of “Days of Reflection” in Flanders. In Religious Individualization and Christian Religious Semantics, eds. H.-G. Ziebertz et al., (Empirische Theologie 8), 97 – 114. Münster : Lit-Verlag. Roebben, B. 2011. Vormen – ontvormen – omvormen. Over de dringende noodzaak van een volwassen geloofsgesprek over katholiek onderwijs. In Identiteit in-zet. Ontvangen, dialogeren, beslissen en handelen, eds. J. Claeys and K. Vanspeybroeck (eds.), 245 – 253. Antwerpen / Apeldoorn: Garant. Roebben, B. 2012. Living and learning in the presence of the other. Defining religious education inclusively. International Journal of Inclusive Education 16: 1175 – 1187. Roebben, B. 20132. Seeking Sense in the City. European Perspectives on Religious Education, Berlin: Lit-Verlag. Roebben, B. Taking life into consideration. Challenges for religious education as human flourishing in the European school context. In Redefining Religious Education: Spirituality for Human Flourishing, eds. S. Gill and G. Thomson. New York: Palgrave MacMillan [to be published in 2014]. Sägesser, C. 2012. Les cours de religion et de morale dans l’enseignement obligatoire. CRISP – Courrier hebdomadaire, nr. 2140 – 2141. Simon, M. 1993. L’enseignement de la religion catholique en Belgique francophone. In L’enseignement de la religion catholique — l’¦cole secondaire. Enjeux pour la nouvelle Europe, eds. J. Bulckens and H. Lombaerts, 206 – 239. Leuven : Peeters / Leuven University Press. Van De Werve, C. 2012. Cr¦ation de l’Association des Ecoles Congr¦ganistes. Entr¦es libres, nr. 68. Van Stiphout, M. 2007. Functie-erkenning: de godsdienstleerkracht op het snijvlak van twee juridische werelden. In Niets nieuws onder de zon. De competenties van de leerkracht levensbeschouwelijke godsdienst, ed. L. Braekmans, 17 – 38. Antwerpen: UCSIA. Van Stiphout, M. 2010. Scheiding van kerk en staat als achtergrond en oorzaak van de vele vormen van samenwerking tussen de organisatoren van de levensbeschouwelijke vakken in Vlaanderen. In De toekomst van de levensbeschouwelijke vakken. De eerste

Religious Education at Schools in Belgium

63

stappen naar gelijkberechtiging, eds. L. Devuyst and C. Van Waerebeke, 123 – 142. Brussel: VUB-Press. Vlaams Parlement trekt debat over godsdienstonderwijs op gang, in De Morgen, 1st of February 2012. Vlaams Parlement, Beleidsbrief. Onderwijs. 2010 – 2011, 26th of October 2010, 5. Voy¦, L. 2012. Une d¦culturation annonc¦e. De la marginalisation de l’Êglise catholique en Belgique. Revue th¦ologique de Louvain 43, 3 – 27. Vrij Onderwijsplatform, Vrij Onderwijsplatform. www.voop.be. VSKO 2010. Herbronning visie op Pastoraal voor basisonderwijs, buitengewoon onderwijs en secundair onderwijs. Brussel:VSKO. VSKO, Functiebeschrijving leraar rooms-katholieke godsdienst in het vrij katholiek gewoon en buitengewoon secundair onderwijs. http://www.ond.vlaanderen.be/inspectie/lbv/ files/FB-rkg.pdf. VSKO, Scholen verkleuren. Of wat betekent intercultureel samenleven op school vandaag, Brussel, VVKSO, 26th of October 2011. VVKSO. 2004. Syllabi – Werken in de Vrije Ruimte Nascholingsproject 3/04/12. Schooljaar 2004 – 2005, Brussel. Werkgroep Magits, Hervorming van de wetgeving met betrekking tot de erediensten en de niet-confessionele levensbeschouwelijke organisaties, October 2010. Worldbank, Belgium (http://data.worldbank.org/country/belgium). Portal Belgium, A statistical overview of the Belgian population (http://www.belgium.be/ nl/over_belgie/land/bevolking/). Ysebaert, T. Doorbraak in het godsdienstonderwijs, in De Standaard, 2nd of May 2012. www.uclouvain.be/cps/ucl/doc/laap/documents/BAROMETRE.pdf. www.ahs-dg.be www.godsdienstonderwijs.be www.kuleuven.be/thomas/page/historisch-engagement-over-interlevensbeschouwelijkecompetenties. http://ki-aachen.kibac.de. www.lumenvitae.be www.cecafoc.be/religion www.tcct.be/PDF/TCCT_SacraleRuimtes.pdf.

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

Religion and Education in England

Introduction The authors have each been engaged in teaching and research for over forty years. Their experience includes working directly with primary and secondary school pupils, with undergraduate and post graduate students studying religion, and especially with those preparing to become teachers of religious education (RE) or those already qualified who subsequently embark on research degrees. They have each also been involved in international empirical research and national and international developments in the subject and related organisations. RE in England has a distinctive form. It is constitutionally grounded to be inclusive and non-denominational. It is alive to different theological and philosophical perspectives. It has high expectations of all pupils and teachers in both primary and secondary years. In practice, however, this vision depends upon an economic resource and priority which politicians have often, as especially now, been slow to put in place, especially in regard to teacher education and training. The model which deliberately brings together, at both local and national levels, representatives of faith communities, professional teaching, academic scholarship and political interests continues to be significant and healthy for any social democracy.

1.

Socio-religious background

The English may be an island people, but their diversity is not new. Bede in his 8th century Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Bede 2003) describes successive waves of settlement from continental Europe since Roman times. More recent genetic research suggests a much earlier shared diversity, from the time when the British land mass was continuous with mainland Europe. The novelty of the 2011 Census (Office for National Statistics) is therefore less the fact of

66

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

diversity itself and much more its greater variety. This is evident both of countries of origin and religious identity. The latest figure for England’s population is 53,012,450 – four times the combined total for all the other countries of the British and Irish Isles. 86 % of the 53 million were UK born, including 1.3 % from Scotland, 1 % from Wales, 0.7 % from the Irish Republic and 0.4 % from N Ireland. Of the 14 % born outside the UK, the great majority are from Commonwealth countries. Some 3.8 million of them have arrived in the UK since 2001, including more than four fifths of the overall 579,000 from Poland joining their forbears who settled here in the years immediately following World War 2. Although the diversity is most evident in London and SE England, the census shows it also in most major towns and cities, and especially in Birmingham, Bradford and Leicester. Diversity with regard to religion reflects this range of backgrounds, but is also the result of longstanding Christian diversity and an increasing disaffection from institutional religious belonging. The 2011 Census included the voluntary question “What is your religion?”. All but 7.2 % responded. The responses were both revealing and concealing for Christians. They reveal that Christianity is the largest religion, with 33.2 million people (59.3 per cent of the population). This is down by 12 % from 2001 – an age-related trend, since most of those dying in the decade since the previous census had identified themselves Christian and a larger number of those under 30 are now affirming “no religion”. Concealed, however, is the variety within the self-ascription of “Christian”. Denominational allegiance is not actually requested, and there are very different degrees of institutional association. These range from weekly church attendance to more “occasional conformity”, and include both non-attenders who pray intermittently and others for whom being Christian is simply a cultural given. Actual denominational belonging is best revealed by the Census of Regular Church Attendance showing Anglicans 28 %, Catholics 28 %, Methodists 9 %, Baptist 8 %, Independent Churches 6 %, New Churches 6 %, United Reformed 2 %, and Orthodox 1 % (Evangelical Alliance 2005). The 2011 Census confirms Muslims as the next largest religious identity, and growing; the numbers have almost doubled to 2,660,116 since 2001 – now 4.8 % of the population. Again, as with Christians and all the other religions, no “denominational” breakdown is given, nor details of the range and degree of personal adherence or participation involved. The figures for the “nine principal religions” recognised in the constitution of the Inter Faith Network UK (IFNET website) are:

67

Religion and Education in England

Baha’i Buddhist Christian Hindu Jain

5,021 247,743 33,243,175 816,633 20,288

Jewish Muslim Sikh Zoroastrian

263,346 2,706,066 423,158 4,105

Data relating to other religious identities are also given: Jedi Knight Pagan Spiritualist Agnostic Atheist Mixed religion Humanist Spiritual Other religion Ravidassia Wicca Rastafarian Druid Taoist Believe in God

168,373 53,172 36,061 30,572 27,761 21,907 14,252 12,991 12,830 11,045 11,026 7,657 3,946 3,916 2,827

Scientologist Heathen Own Belief Satanist Witchcraft Deist Shinto Universalist Theist New Age Shaman Tradit African Druze Free Thinker Animist

2,361 1,867 1,842 1,800 1,193 1,142 1,041 862 791 665 612 584 504 490 487

Occult Unification Church Brahma Kumari Church of All Religs Eckankar Realist Reconstruction Vodun Mysticism Thelemite Chinese N. American Indian Confucian

474 435 434 380 367 320 223 198 192 176 174 119 116

As a snapshot of the wider diversity than has previously been nationally documented, this is highly significant. So called “cults” are less present than long-standing traditions. The 70,000 cluster of Pagans, Wiccans, Druids and Witchcraft suggests residual vitality in this tradition. Jedi Knights, though less numerous than when they made a surprise appearance in the 2001 Census, may be intended as “spoof” by many and by others as an affirmation of the Star Wars mythology of the Force for Good. In addition to the few who characterised themselves as Agnostics, Atheists or Humanists, many more reported that they have no religion. 13,114,232 say this is their position – a rise of some 10 %. Quite what is entailed by this ascription is as open to interpretation, as is each of the named religious descriptors. At very least it indicates repudiation of institutional religious belonging or labelling. Whether it also means indifference or active hostility regarding any or all religious questions and concerns is debatable. The range of this religious diversity across England is not evenly distributed. For instance, London is the most diverse region with the highest proportion of people identifying as Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu or Jewish. The north has the highest proportion of Christians. Examples of extremes of local variations are Knowsley (near Liverpool), with 80.9 % reporting as Christians, Tower Hamlets (East London), with 34.5 % Muslims, and Norwich (East Anglia) with 42.5 % No Religion. The overall picture of the socio-religious background of England may at first

68

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

sight appear to challenge the status quo of a country with an established church of which the monarch is symbolic head. That would certainly be the case were Church of England and Queen Elizabeth II to be seen to be operating with an exclusivist agenda. That would certainly be the case were there a vociferous chorus of those associated with other religions and of no religion clamouring for a republican disestablishment. This may yet emerge. At present however the popular acclaim of the present monarch, from all sections of society and across the nation, is strong. Her starting point, rooted in Christianity and reciprocating the faith of others, is appreciated.

2.

Legal Frameworks of RE and relationship between religious communities and state

From its inception, state education in England (combined with that for Wales until the disaggregation by the Government of Wales Act 2006) was dually conjoint with the churches and included RE for all. Funding for schools from taxation was introduced by the 1870 Education Act; hitherto, such schools as existed had almost entirely been provided by churches. The Act required that RE should be taught in all the newly created “board” schools, with the proviso that it should not be denominational. In effect, content comprised Biblical material. There was also a conscience clause in respect of participation in RE to safeguard the interests of teachers and parents. Though not mentioned in the legislation, daily collective worship became a norm. This persisted for the next fifty years. Any catechising or denominationallyspecific RE was permitted only in the schools still sponsored by the churches – Church of England (CE), Free Churches (FC) and Roman Catholics (RC). During the 1939 – 1945 War, awareness of the importance of education became heightened. It was also clear that the quality of church school provision was suffering from limited congregational budgets. The 1944 Education Act was therefore designed to resolve this by reinforcing the Dual System of churches and state, together providing for the nation’s educational needs. Board schools, now described as local education authority/county schools, received total funding from the state. So too did church schools which were content with non-denominational RE (termed “controlled schools”). But those which wanted to retain their catechising prerogative had to find half of funds needed for new development or refurbishment (termed “voluntary aided”). The RC church opted for the latter status, whereas most CE dioceses (with two major exceptions) and local trusts, and virtually all FC managing bodies, accepted the former alternative. Whatever the category, however, church schools were also state schools.

Religion and Education in England

69

The distinctiveness of this position for RE was remarkable in three ways. Firstly, RE was the only curriculum area made compulsory in all schools – the wartime context left no-one in any doubt as to its strategic importance at the heart of educational reconstruction. Secondly, RE was understood as needing inter-denominational collaboration. Syllabuses had to be agreed in each local area between representatives of the CE, other denominations, teachers and politicians; their content remained mainly biblical – the highest common denominator available. Alongside these, Agreed Syllabus Conferences (ASC) there was the option to create local Standing Advisory Councils for Religious Education (SACREs) in support of the subject. Thirdly, RE was understood as comprising Religious Instruction – the taught part, and daily Collective Worship (CW) – the school ethos. This legislative position continued until 1988, but during the intervening decades there were several significant shifts. These included secularisation and pluralisation. There was diminution in the strength of the churches and an increasingly vociferous minority seeking to reduce or eliminate the influence of religion in public life. Many university departments of Theology (implicitly understood as Christian) broadened their scope to become Religious Studies (RS), Theology and RS, or simply Religion. There was also the settlement of increasing numbers of people from different religious backgrounds, principally from Commonwealth countries. Thus, Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs in largest numbers, along with smaller numbers of Buddhists, joined with the Jewish community to comprise the plurality of English national life. And Christian diversity was itself enhanced from the Caribbean and South Asia (as more recently from Eastern Europe). These shifts were reflected in the law for RE in the Education Reform Act (ERA) of 1988. This specifies that any new Agreed Syllabus “shall reflect the fact that religious traditions in Great Britain are in the main Christian, whilst taking account of the teaching and practices of the other principal religions represented in Great Britain” (UK Parliament 1988, Section 8.3). All new syllabuses must heed this, regardless of their location. Long before the global shock of 9/11, even in primary schools, it was made illegal for RE in England and Wales to ignore Islam and other religions. The Act also sets RE in the context of the whole curriculum of maintained schools –“balanced and broadly based” and promoting “the spiritual, moral, cultural, mental and physical development of pupils at the school and of society” (UK Parliament 1988, 1 (2) para 2). RE then, as well as being broad, balanced and open, should not simply be a study of religions but, like the rest of the curriculum, should relate to the experience of pupils in such a way that contributes to their personal development. Syllabus conferences for local agreement should include representatives of other religions (named as denominations), not only Christians. The existing

70

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

option to create a local SACRE now became a requirement in every local authority ; each must produce an annual report. The opportunity was extended to other religious communities to develop their own schools, a facility previously only available to the Jewish community alongside the churches. In addition, for the first time CW was given specification of religious content: “wholly, or mainly, of a broadly Christian character”, a phrase that can be interpreted liberally. The right of withdrawal from both RE teaching and CW was also maintained – for teachers and for parents, vicariously for their children up 16, and thereafter for students themselves. Academic, administrative and professional support for RE provision has been variously available throughout these developments. This has taken the form of subject-based national organisations, government agencies and departments. Subject based organisations include Christian Education (formerly Christian Education Movement), which is the sponsor of the National Association of Teachers of RE (NATRE) and the two journals: Resource and the British Journal of Religious Education (BJRE). Other key organisations are the Association of RE Inspectors, Advisers and Consultants, the Association of University Lecturers in Religion and Education, the National Association of SACREs, and the Shap Working Party for Education in World Religions. In 1973 these or their antecedents joined with the national organisations of the churches and other faith communities to constitute on a voluntary basis the RE Council of England and Wales (REC) with the deliberate priority of collaborating to strengthen the provision for RE in schools, colleges and universities. Since its inception the REC has been a reference point for successive governments. Government funded agencies have included RE in their curriculum responsibilities. First was the Schools Council which sponsored successive RE projects (1969 – 75), and the publication of the influential Working Paper 36: RE in secondary schools (Schools Council 1971). Then in succession until 2010 came Secondary Examinations Council, National Curriculum Council, School Curriculum Assessment Authority (SCAA), Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA) and Qualifications and Curriculum Development Agency (QCDA). In 1994, SCAA published two model syllabuses, including material on six religions in Britain (Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism) which were produced in consultation with the academic and professional associations and faith communities which were REC members. The two models (SCAA 1994a, b) were non-statutory ; they were for the use of ASCs – to ignore, edit or borrow from them. The model syllabuses used the terms “learning about religion” and “learning from religion” (AT1 & AT2) as the two attainment targets for RE. In 2004, under direct invitation by the then Labour

Religion and Education in England

71

Government’s Minister of Education, following discussion with the REC, the QCA produced the non-statutory National Framework for RE (NF) (DFES 2004). The NF was commissioned for QCA development by the Government Education Department. It was to be prepared in consultation with faith communities and professional RE associations, for use by ASCs and others responsible for denominational schools – i. e. for the entirety of state funded schools 3 – 19 years. Although it was non-statutory, the degree of consensus achieved was highly significant. It indicates RE standards by setting out expectations for pupils’ learning at each Key Stage (ages 3 – 5, 5 – 7, 8 – 11, 11 – 14, 14 – 16, and 16 – 19). It shows the contribution RE makes to pupils’ spiritual, moral, social and cultural development and explains how RE can contribute to intercultural understanding and citizenship education (CitEd). As an aid to teacher friendliness and general intelligibility, the NF structure closely follows that of the then national curriculum requirements. The NF makes explicit acknowledgement of UK religious plurality. Like the 1994 Model Syllabuses, the NF lists Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism and Sikhism as the principal religions that should be studied in addition to Christianity. “It is important that ASCs and schools ensure that by the end of Key Stage 3 pupils have encountered all of these five principal religions in sufficient depth” (DFES 2004, 12). Christianity should be studied across the Key Stages. The NF also states “To ensure that all pupils’ voices are heard and the RE curriculum is broad and balanced, it is recommended that there are opportunities for all pupils to study other religious traditions such as the Bah‚’† faith, Jainism and Zoroastrianism” and “secular philosophies such as humanism” (DFES 2004, 12). Its critics (and occasionally writers of syllabuses and textbooks) have mistaken this indicative scope for equally weighted and formally required content, missing the more important emphasis on ambitions for pupil understanding and discernment in religion. Alongside government curriculum agencies there has been each government’s own Education Department which has included Her Majesty’s Inspectorate now entitled the Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted). RE has been included in the reports on individual schools and colleges as well as annual overviews of all subjects. It has also been responsible for producing advisory circulars on individual subjects. Of these, the most significant for RE have been Circulars 3/89 and 1/94, providing interpretative advice on RE and CW following the 1988 ERA. The first of these took full account of views expressed by the national REC organisations; the second largely ignored them, especially in regard to CW. Circular 1/94 remained the latest advisory note until 2009 (DES 1989; DfE 1994). As a follow-up to the NF, the REC lobbied the Labour government with £60 m long term National Strategy proposals which were designed to reinforce the

72

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

quality of RE provision in every school (REC 2007). No such funding followed, but there was agreement on partnership between the Department and the REC. This partnership had built-in tensions. Faith communities and the humanist association each have their own prerogatives and sensitivities, so too do academic and professional associations, and government has special political power and discretion. These had all to be respected in various partnership activities between 2006 – 11, with funding of around £1 m. They included research on resources for teaching world religions (Jackson et al. 2010), development of new curriculum materials and an on-line handbook for teachers, plus support for SACRE recruitment and training. This was all additional to the joint production of new non-statutory Guidance for RE (DCSF 2010) to replace the RE (but not the CW) section of Circular 1/94. There was yet another investment of government funding in RE via the REC. On behalf of its member organisations, the REC won the contract for a two year project to assist individual secondary schools and their RE teachers to tackle contentious issues, including the religious roots of violent extremism. This was the REsilience project http://resilience-england.recouncil.org.uk. Such evident esteem for RE and close co-operation between government and REC suddenly ended however. The new Minister of Education in the 2010 Coalition Government was not inclined to renew the partnership. The new Guidance for RE was left in limbo and the REsilience project was suspended in midlife. By implication too, the NF, along with any QCA/QCDA supporting resources, disappeared as associated with yesterday’s lineage of educational agencies – terminated at a stroke. Still continuing, however, is the primary legislation dating back through the 1988 and 1944 Education Acts to 1870, which makes RE statutory for all state funded education. Still in place is the distinction between the RE which is proper to a parental faith community and that which is common school provision. Denominational schools come closer to induction into a particular faith community ; common schools have a more preliminary role, with no implication that their RE provision is a substitute for that which reaches the full heights of any one faith. And teachers in the midst of this retain conscience rights, though educationally grounded RE makes the need for their invocation largely superfluous. Other links between religious communities and the state have been jeopardised by government economies. These include a reduction in funding the Inter Faith Network’s annual Inter Faith Week (introduced 2007) and for local inter faith projects. However supportive of religious diversity verbally, budget cuts by the Department of Local Government and Communities (DCLG) for faith relations work suggest less commitment than from the previous government (Home Office 2004; DCLG 2008).

Religion and Education in England

3.

73

Developments in the country’s education policies

There is presently more uncertainty regarding education policies generally, and specifically relating to RE, than for over 25 years. It was a Conservative government which introduced the first National Curriculum (NC) in 1988. Since then, there have been some shifts in subject specification, including prioritisation of ICT skills, Sex education and Citizenship Education, but the overall approach has been one of change within continuities. The successive Labour governments 1998 – 2010 were supportive of NC agencies, greater flexibility in public examinations, and a higher participation rate in higher education. However, the Conservative-led Coalition government is opting for radical change. Michael Gove as Minister of Education believes that dramatic differences are called for in the interests of ensuring better quality of knowledge and skills. Accordingly, the following changes are in process: – the creation of Free Schools based on local initiative (Free Schools can appoint unqualified teachers) – the promotion of Academy status for existing primary and secondary schools in preference to Local Authority (LA) management (Labour policy had favoured Academies not to promote LA opt-out, but as an option for failing secondary schools to incentivise their improvement) – a singular focus on phonetic learning of reading in primary schools – the introduction of an English Baccalaureate (EBacc) which prioritises the study of certain subjects in 16+ exams, namely the Natural Sciences, English, Maths, a Foreign Language (choice includes Latin and Ancient Greek), Geography and History – the creation of new NC specifications, slimmer and more permissive in teaching content, and reducing CitEd and vocational elements before 16+ – a much higher proportion of teacher education and training to be provided in schools rather than universities. How far all of these changes will be fully implemented and whether they will have the desired effect of raising England’s standing in education performance tables (notably PISA), relative to the favoured likes of Singapore and Hong Kong, remains to be seen. The 2015 election will have a major effect on what happens. The impact of these changes on RE as well as shifts in policy specific to RE are potentially no less dramatic. Michael Gove has consistently affirmed that he is fully supportive of RE and has no intention of changing its statutory nature. However, his actions have given a quite contrary impression: – free schools and academies will no longer fall within the legal umbrella of local authority agreed syllabus or the monitoring and support scope of SACREs

74

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

– head teacher discretion to decide on RE content and provision presupposes prior knowledge and understanding of the subject on his/her part, which is not guaranteed – the exclusion of RE from the EBacc is having a negative effect on the number of schools offering the subject in 16+ examinations – the number of places for students to train as RE specialists has been drastically cut and bursaries eliminated in preference for students of Geography, History and Classical Languages – several universities which were previously active in RE teacher education have withdrawn as providers because allocated numbers made the subject nonviable – the partnership established between the government’s Education Department and the REC has still not been renewed. The RE Council and its national member bodies have set up a Review of RE in parallel with Michael Gove’s NC Review. It remains to be seen whether the government will give credence to the recommendations. In the meantime, uncertainty is itself having a damaging effect.

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools: legal standing, changes and developments

The legal term for religiously sponsored schools in England is “schools of a religious character”. Until 1988 they were predominantly church schools, along with a small cluster of Jewish schools. Since then, a tiny number of other religious minority schools has been created. Especially in the course of Labour government administration the term “faith school” came into official use and this is now extended to “faith academies”. Moreover, the extent of available public funding for them has changed dramatically, from nil in 1870, to half in 1944 to now virtually all. In England the dichotomy between state schools and faith schools does not apply ; in making public provision for 5 – 19 education, they are all state schools. Supplementary education in Sunday Schools or Madrasas is a different matter. A classic distinction regarding the role of faith schools was made in the influential Durham Report: The Fourth R in 1969. On the one hand is a domestic role expressly designed to prepare children and young people for adulthood in a particular faith community, on the other a service role wherein the school provides education for its neighborhood. Typically, RC and Jewish schools pursued the former role and CE the latter.

Religion and Education in England

75

The CE had most schools, more especially primary rather than secondary ones. Many of them were single village schools, but whether in a rural or urban setting the norm was for them to welcome children of whatever faith background. RE provision would usually be that of the locally agreed syllabus, supplemented by material from the local diocese or determined by the school trustees, often chaired by the vicar of the parish. This has continued to be the case though after 1988, when the NC was introduced, the Board of Education began to produce relevant supplementary materials at a national level. Another change also followed early in the Millennium: a move to develop more Anglican secondary schools. Hitherto, there were many fewer CE (estimated at 135 – 40 in 1999) than RC secondary schools, and of these some 40 had controlled rather than voluntary aided (VA) status. The Way Ahead (Archbishop’s Council 2001) recommended creating 100 new VA secondary schools in the course of the next 7 – 8 years. The RC position has consistently been to match the number of schools to the number of children and young people in parish records. There was some discussion in the 1970s and 80s regarding the extent to which admissions might be opened to non-Catholics, whether other Christians or of other faiths. .In practice, this was more likely to happen in a local context when falling rolls meant that a school might be under financial pressure, but the present situation is that it is not unusual for Catholic schools to have relatively small numbers of pupils from these other backgrounds. Parents are expected to disavow any conscience clause so that RE teaching and rituals, including attendance at mass, are the same for their offspring as they are for the Catholic majority. Syllabus content has been largely determined nationally, with some variations within dioceses. The creation of several joint Cof E-RC secondary schools in the 1980s and 90s was an encouraging ecumenical development. In dealing with the many practical challenges involved, theologically inspired creative imagination usually won over defensive obstructions, but not always (Chadwick 1994). The prerogative to operate a beliefs test in staffing appointments in faith schools is legally guaranteed. VA schools and academies may fill all of their teaching staff places from staff that are of their particular faith and may apply a faith test for appointment of support staff if there is a genuine occupational requirement. Controlled and Foundation faith schools are required to reserve up to a fifth of their teaching posts as religious posts, where those teachers are specifically appointed to teach RE. This can include head teachers. These schools may not discriminate in relation to support staff or teachers who are not reserved (Department for Education 2013). In practice, this right is operated mainly with senior management appointments and those teaching RE, more in secondary than primary schools, and within some RC and CE dioceses more than others.

76

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

The continuing existence of any faith schools is a matter of contention (Jackson 2003a). The principal arguments against are that they : – privilege one faith community over others – encourage “bunker” mindedness on the part of those associated – are open to “middle class” exploitation, permitting “back-door” selection to the detriment of other schools. Evidence in support of these arguments is widely cited, but of mixed strength. That of privileging churches over other faith communities is less strong now that schools in other faith traditions are easier to establish, but still real because of inherited numbers. It may be possible to detect elements of “bunkerdom” in some VA faith schools, but the attention to other faith traditions, the positive attitudes required of them towards wider society, and their openness to independent inspection, ensure a very different situation from that which prevails in N Ireland. However, “back-door” selection is harder to deny, wherein parents willfully develop a specific denominational identity so that their offspring qualify for a school (based on inspection grades, ethnicity mix) reputed as better than one(s) otherwise available. The strongest articulation of opposition to faith schools comes from the British Humanist Association: no faith community should be privileged with specially associated state-funded schools. Not all the opposition to faith schools comes from those rejecting religious belief; reservations come from within all the religious traditions, most especially their more liberal exponents. Thus the Accord Coalition is led by Jews and Christians as well as Humanists. At very least, they demand an entirely open admission policy in all maintained schools. The current legal position on admissions is that although faith schools may give priority to applicants who are of the faith of the school, they must admit other applicants if they cannot fill all of their places with children of the faith; and ensure that their admission arrangements comply with the School Admissions Code. In recent decades there has been greater flexibility regarding the position of children from an RC background attending non-Catholic schools. The norm used to be that they would be formally withdrawn from RE in such schools by their parents; RE without episcopal control is theologically invalid. For many now, whether in agreement with local priestly discretion, or simply following parental judgement in conscience that they see no reason for withdrawal, this no longer commonly happens. During the same period a greater readiness on the part of RC dioceses to have representation on ASCs and SACREs has been evident. This recognises a duty of Christian care not only for pupils from an RC background in local authority schools, but also for all other pupils. This wider concern was already evident in the continuous membership of the

Religion and Education in England

77

Catholic Bishops’ Conference and Catholic Education Service (CES) in the RE Council of England & Wales from its inception in 1973. They were represented in the development of the NF in 2004, and subsequently in 2006 reiterated that approval. The CES published its own matching 8-level scale of desirable outcomes from RE in RC schools (Bishops’ Conference 2006). The current (2013) statistics are as follows. Of some 20,000 state maintained schools around 7,000 are faith schools, and of these over two thirds are CE and just under one third RC. The remainder are: “Joint Christian Faiths” 61, Jewish 38, Methodist 26, Muslim 11, Sikh 3, Hindu 1, “Christian” 32, United Reform 1, Quaker 1, Greek Orthodox 1, Seventh Day Adventist 1. The categories of “Christian” and “Joint Christian” are indicative of schools which are wary of identification with a singular denomination. Their inspiration may be nondenominationally evangelical or expressly inter-denominational. Support for the further development of faith schools and academies has been continued and extended by the Coalition government. Of the 629 academies open in 2011, 91 have a faith designation: CE 49, ‘Christian’ 31, RC 5, ‘Inter-/nondenominational’ 1, Sikh 1, Muslim 1. In addition 14 new Free School proposals are from faith groups. This is not yet the totality of religiously sponsored schools. There are many other schools which exist independently of state funding, including those traditionally known as ‘public schools’ though in fact “private”. These Independent Schools number some 2400, and of these 999 are faith-related as follows: “Christian ethos” / Interdenominational 827, Muslim 125, Jewish 42, Hindu 2, Sikh 2, Buddhist 1. The changing economic context is presently having an effect. Fee costs are rising whilst affordability by some parents is reducing. Accordingly, some independent schools may shift into the maintained sector and the procedure involved has been simplified. Independent faith schools can also enter the maintained sector as Free Schools. RE development in community schools in England, and also the provision of state-funded schools with a religious character, has been evolutionary. Although there has been some expansion of schools with a religious character, the great majority of state-funded schools continue to be community schools. Although VA schools within the maintained sector may teach forms of RE which promote a particular faith, there has been agreement that the NF is an important tool in facilitating forms that are outward looking. Although independent schools can make their own RE arrangements, they are required to promote principles which ‘assist pupils to acquire an appreciation of and respect for their own and other cultures in a way that promotes tolerance and harmony between different cultural traditions’. RE in all types of English schools is thus potentially an arena for

78

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

learning about the different religions represented in the country and for dialogue between pupils from different religious and secular backgrounds.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

From its outset, provision for RE in public education in England has been wary of indoctrination, sensitive to the divisive potential of religion and at the same time mindful of its fundamental part in desirable learning. There was guard against indoctrination, along with exposure to the Bible as common ground. Though it was no substitute for what might be taught in the home or a local church, learning from this RE would surely be grounding for life after school. In the 1960s and 1970s, towards a century after this pattern became established, the need for a rethink became clear. Some secondary pupils lost interest in the subject, especially, but not only, when it was poorly taught. The voices of “secularisation” were a serious challenge to any taken-for-granted assumptions regarding religious belief. There was greater pluralisation of English society through the increasing settlement of minorities from countries of the former Empire. And in universities philosophers of both education and of religion began directly to address the changed operational context. To exemplify this academic shift, RE writing from the mid 1960s to the early 1970s began to take account of secularity and plurality, notably Edwin Cox’s book Changing Aims in RE (Cox 1966) and Ninian Smart, Secular Education and the Logic of Religion (Smart 1968). In their own ways, they expressed a general move (consistent with contemporary work in the philosophy of education and of religion) towards an epistemological justification of the place of RE in the curriculum based, not on religion’s self-evident or publicly agreed truth, but on its role as a distinctive area of experience, or “realm of meaning”. Smart’s ideas were influential partly because they underpinned the Schools Council Secondary Project on RE (established in 1969 and based at Lancaster University under Smart’s direction) but also because they responded to the increasing dissatisfaction of many RE professionals with the narrow contentdriven approach to their subject still being adopted by some Agreed Syllabuses. RE in Secondary Schools, the project’s widely-read working paper (Schools Council 1971), advocated a “phenomenological” or undogmatic approach to RE which saw the subject as developing understanding of religions without promoting any particular religious stance, a process drawing on scholarly methods to generate empathetic understanding of individual religious worldviews. Although phenomenologists of religion themselves have characterised their discipline in different ways, the main proponents aimed to “bracket out” their own presuppositions when attempting to understand another’s faith and to

Religion and Education in England

79

study parallel phenomena in different religions in order to expose basic structures and forms which give insight into the essence of religious reality. The first of these aspects of phenomenology had very much more influence on religious educators than the second. The notion of an impartial study, with both teacher and pupil attempting to suspend their own presuppositions in empathising with the diverse otherness of religious believers, was appealing to the many teachers who found presumption of singular theologically loaded approaches to RE distasteful. A recent attack on phenomenology, asserting that it has propagated a liberal Christian approach to RE in which all religions are regarded as basically the same (Barnes 2009) misses the point that few educators were moved by a theologised phenomenology, and greatly overestimates its long term influence as a theoretical discipline. More specifically, Smart’s phenomenological emphasis was on the human grounding of religions in all their multidimensionality and particularity (Gates 1995); his scholarship is far more subtle and wide ranging than Barnes realises (Shepherd 2005). Religions are as real as Mt Everest and no less inviting of exploratory climbs. The reconceptualization of RE as more open in its attention to religions globally, and inclusive in acknowledgement of UK’s religious diversity, became normative from the mid-1970s onwards. It was reflected in the changing content of local agreed syllabuses and the different features of 16+ and 18+ examinations in RS. These all addressed the shared priority of respecting difference and promoting mutual understanding. They left space for complementary learning outside the school. In this process, several component tasks are involved, each of which has generated distinctive responses and conceptual debate. Running through them has been the tension between information transmission and student search for meaning – as configured in the title of the 1982 Berkshire Agreed Syllabus Religious Heritage and Personal Quest. The tasks are worth remarking in turn. Knowledge The acquisition of accurate knowledge about any religion is important from both the insider perspective of a particular faith and independent scholarship. It matters equally in regard to Christianity as it does to any other religion. This emphasis is clear in Trevor Cooling’s Concept Cracking approach (Cooling1994) in relation to Christianity, or that of the Shap Working Party on Education in the World’s Religions (Hayward 2010). The two most immediate questions which arise in respect of this task are which knowledge should be selected and how can it best avoid reduction to the level of “Trivial Pursuit”. The balance of “teaching about and learning from” as developed by Michael Grimmitt and subsequently adopted by national curriculum bodies is one response. Robert Jackson’s interpretive approach, integrating the development of students’ knowledge and

80

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

skills with reflexivity is another (Jackson 1997, 2004). Andrew Wright’s emphasis on “Critical Realism” continues the thrust towards testing any knowledge (Wright 2011). Scriptural Text One important knowledge component is scripture. Perhaps in reaction to the pre-1960s position in which “Scripture Knowledge” was a term used for exams in RE, attention to Biblical text in RE has greatly diminished. However, learning about the existence of other scriptures and special writings is not the same as engaging with the texts themselves. The Three Faiths Forum addresses this by programmes focused on textual extracts from Tenak, Bible and Qur’an. Feedback from schools and students is positive. The principle of extending this to other religious traditions is inherently fair, but highlights the attendant challenges of the varying nature and status of scriptures within individual traditions, which ones to select, and necessary teacher competence in managing the process effectively. Hermeneutics In recognition of the person-centeredness of religion and as a warning against the superficiality of surface meanings, the Warwick interpretive approach highlights the need for interpretation in any attempt to understand religious beliefs, behaviour and belonging. Teachers need to have the capacities both to understand and interpret the religious material under scrutiny from the viewpoints of believers and scholarship and to facilitate young people’s reflexive engagement with others’ language and experience. This is a significant extension of the hermeneutical process well known in relation to literary texts. Initiation A sharp contrast is often drawn between RE tasked to initiate and nurture towards adult maturity in confessing a particular faith, and RE whose direction is more deliberately open ended. The former task is attributed to faith schools and the latter to all others. If faith is domesticated in a way which is careless of public scholarship and anti-rational, then indeed the closed-minded induction process is radically distinct from open RE. However, depending on the respective theologies of education held by those governing faith schools, it is possible for Christian, Jewish, Muslim and other faiths’ approaches to be simultaneously centred and open. One way of expressing this complementarity is to affirm the common desirability that every young person leaves school not just literate and numerate but also religiate, along with the hope that they will also arrive at their own intelligent stance in regard to personal belief. Such a position is adopted by the NF (Gates 2005a).

Religion and Education in England

81

Experience A possible bi-product of the determination to study religion impartially is a false objectification of both the subject matter and the student. Religion becomes inert, the student coldly neutral. Edward Robinson spoke of this risk as “hollowheartedness” and tasked RE to be more appreciative of the human spirit (Robinson 1977). Feeling and imagination are recognised as vital ingredients in the Arts and Sciences without any necessary loss of impartiality. Although there are debating points raised, three particular RE initiatives celebrate this point. Firstly, the work of John Hammond and colleagues in promoting active learning in RE (Hammond 1990). Secondly, the use by Sue Phillips of theatrical devices in the RE classroom to conjure direct experience (Phillips 2003). And thirdly, the annual invitations from Lat Blaylock to participate in Spirited Arts competitions with painting and writing on religious themes (www.natre.org.uk/spiritedarts). Vibrancy and vitality in RE are amongst the characteristics which explain its currently enhanced popularity. Dialogue Religion in the public square and globally is a plural condition – one of continuous challenge from others who believe differently. Religion in school and individual classroom may not reveal that same scale and variety of challenge, but nevertheless entails plurality. One of the tasks recognised for RE in England since the 1960s is to provide opportunity for dialogue in the classroom (Loukes 1965). That was already true when the exchanges were largely framed in terms of a predominantly Christian context; it has become progressively more so as diversification has increased. At an adult level, organised engagement in Inter Faith Dialogue at local, regional and national levels is now extensive (IFNET 2009). Realisation that schools are public arenas for preliminary entry to this process, even from the infant classroom onwards, may not yet be widespread. However, the potential contribution of skilled RE teachers is well documented (Ipgrave 2001, 2013; McKenna et al. 2008). Here RE is providing a safe place to develop capacities for thoughtful appreciation of difference without loss to the integrity of developing individual identity. The popularity of social networking technology only accentuates the urgent need that this should be given greater priority. Spiritual Education According to the prevailing Education Acts of 1944 and 1988, the school curriculum should include the spiritual. The term is given no legal definition and has often been ignored. However, for some it is preferable (Best 1996), not least because of the negative connotations of institutional religions in the media. Because it is not a term commonly used by curriculum philosophers (White

82

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

2003), some in RE hesitate over any association with it, lest it perpetuate a message of unthinking blur. Others say that for RE not seriously to address it would be self-defeating, since in popular and professional minds alike RE will be seen as a prime contributor. Erricker’s highlighting of “children’s spirituality” includes attention to conceptual development, but his deconstruction of religion leads to a focus on an alternative concentration on developing pupils’ own narratives within which religion is but an instrumental aid (Erricker and Erricker 2001). By contrast, Wintersgill has documented the responsiveness of secondary students to the term once explicated as also engaging with religious claims (Wintersgill 2008). Evidently there is a task here for RE open to further development. Moral Education Just as some would replace religion with ethics, so would some replace RE with moral education. This is a known risk and largely explains the ambivalence in England regarding too close an association between them. Affirmation of the autonomy of ethics is presented as a necessary guard against moral matters being left to the irrational whim of religious believers (Dawkins 2003). That same animus goes a long way towards explaining the apprehensions within English RE regarding the development of CitEd: might it be advanced as a fully rational alternative to RE (Jackson 2003b; Gates 2006)? Such reductionist pressures fail to recognise the interdependence of beliefs and values. It was this that informed the thinking of politicians in 1944 when they made RE central to plans for postwar educational reconstruction. It is this that explains the persistence of the ethics ingredients in agreed syllabuses and 16+ and 18+ RS exams. Although it is no less important to refer to the autonomy of religion as to the autonomy of ethics, it is probably wiser to speak instead of the relative autonomy of the one in relation to the other (Gates 2007, ch. 18). Without arrogating the shared cross curriculum task of ME exclusively to RE, the education of conscience, arousing of moral sense and art of making moral judgements remain amongst its significant priorities (Gates 2012). Perhaps distracted by headier theoretical debate, the rich range is a characteristic of English RE sometimes missed by critics near and far. A recent set of 20 case studies in schools shows a variety of approaches – including textual, philosophical and experiential – in widespread use in English schools (Jackson et al. 2010). Other pedagogical approaches have been developed by educators and researchers and are in use via teacher training and development programmes (e. g. Grimmitt 2000; Ipgrave, Jackson and O’Grady 2009).

Religion and Education in England

6.

83

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

Overall the reality of RE in academies, colleges and schools in England is “patchy”, ranging from the excellent to the unsatisfactory. This is evident from the main inspection agencies. For local authority maintained schools, many academies and all free schools, RE inspection is the responsibility of Ofsted. It includes RE in every school inspection and every two years a national report collating its findings. Inspections of RE in faith schools and academies are the responsibility of the education authorities of the faith communities themselves – principally the CE Board of Education, the Education Department of the Catholic Bishops Conference and the Board of Deputies of British Jews. To these reports can be added those from special initiatives, such as the UK wide Project Does religious education work? (Conroy et al. 2013) or the REC’s National Celebration of RE (REC 2011). However, the relatively small number of schools covered makes them less representative and in the case of Does RE Work? probably too negative and that of the REC perhaps too positive. “Patchiness” is no surprise since the REC has documented underprovision in primary and secondary schools, as in teacher education, since the 1970s (Gates 1982, 1993; APPG 2013). This can mean that in some primary schools not only do most class teachers lack any specific training in RE but there is also no qualified RE specialist. In Ofsted’s judgement, weaknesses include teachers’ lack of knowledge and confidence to plan and teach high quality RE lessons. RE may feature as an occasional Bible story, or less usually from another religious tradition, and the related activity may be merely colouring in candles on pre-drawn handouts. Similarly, in a few secondary schools there are no qualified specialists and, in rather more, one specialist for a school population ranging from 500 – 1250 pupils. Time-tabled RE may be less than 35 minutes in a week, diminishing to non-existent at 16+, with only limited opportunity for examination entry. According to Ofsted the impact on RE of recent changes to the wider curriculum, particularly at Key Stage 3 (11 – 14) was negative and the quality of learning for short course GCSE RS was often poor (Ofsted 2010). Copying material from the internet without evidence of accompanying understanding is found in pupil assignments and sometimes by teachers. The recent research project specially funded by government at REC prompting exposed a need for higher quality materials on the various religions studied, informed by sound scholarship and pedagogy (Jackson et al. 2010). In contrast, evidence of the existence of excellent RE provision is clear from the inspection reports. It is set out in the revised Guidance on RE (DCSF 2010), the Celebrating RE Compendium (REC 2011), and in successive Ofsted Reports, including the most recent one of 2013 (Ofsted 2013). Attestation to this is also clear from the increasing improvement in pupils’ attitudes towards RE, recorded

84

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

throughout the last decade. Entry levels to RS examinations at both 16+ and 18+ have never been higher (NATRE and REC 2013). This variability in RE quality is not confined to one particular category of schools. It is there in schools and academies, including faith-related ones. One constant determinant throughout is the attitude and understanding of the subject among senior management, most especially the headteacher. This affects both quantity and quality of provision.

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

Within England there has not been a tradition of providing an alternative curriculum for pupils withdrawn from RE by parents. The number of withdrawals is quite small. For many years the withdrawal option was principally taken up by Jehovah’s Witness parents. This has happened less and less, as it has become apparent that the school is not engaging in missionary activity. Conversations with head teachers have shown respect towards the parents’ beliefs and, especially in primary schools, provided reassurance of sensitivity regarding Christmas-based activities. When withdrawal has taken place, especially in secondary years, the usual arrangement has been for the pupil / student to be encouraged to read or do work arising from another subject. As already indicated, learning areas like ethics and philosophy are now popular features within RE itself. This may be because they are understood by the teachers to be intrinsic to the study of religion and of inherent interest to students. Sometimes it may reflect the academic strengths of the teacher, greater here than in other aspects of RS / Theology. Sometimes, a teacher may simply prefer to call the subject Ethics or Philosophy rather than Religion. Historically in England, beliefs and values, religious and moral education, have been intimately related. The Bible was recognised as a source of moral teaching, conveying an incentive to moral action. When in the 1960s evidence of student disinterest in Bible-based RE became noticeable in unruly classroom behaviour, Loukes (1961) devised a problem-based syllabus, which started with their interests and what was “relevant” to them, including topics such as sex and money. This was not instead of the subject matter of Religion; rather the problems became the prompt for bringing in Biblical or other religious material. Whilst it is true that in the late 1960s there was an active campaign to replace RE with Moral Education, it faded for lack of support. The pattern of Ethics within RE continued in the CSE and GCSE syllabuses at 16+, and subsequently in Advanced Level at 18+.

Religion and Education in England

85

In recent years, however, there has been a significant shift. For more than 25 years, A Level RS has offered several routes – Biblical and / or Christian Theology, World Religions (minimally two) and Philosophy of Religion / Ethics. The first of these (in part because of RC school preferences) for many years had the most entries, then the other two routes began to increase. Now, however, Philosophy of Religion / Ethics has become the most popular. That need not necessarily be other than welcome from an RE perspective, but it is diminishing if the religious ingredients and references become exclusively those of Western Philosophy.

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

Response to religious diversity from within the English RE tradition has been less problematic than in some other European countries. Acknowledgement of the risk of contention from religion is apparent in the 1870 warning against doctrinally loaded teaching. Awareness of the destructive potential of religious disagreement was behind the emergence of locally agreed syllabuses, as endorsed in the 1944 and 1988 Education Acts – initially between Christian denominations, then between religions. Similarly, response to religious diversity by the English population at large has been partly rehearsed in exposure to the cultural diversity of Irish, Scottish and Welsh settlement within England, and the visiting presence of the English (mainly, but not exclusively, males) in African and Asian countries of the British Empire. Local horizons have been stretched by exposure to more global ones. However, responses have not been unanimously positive. Instead of welcoming the settlement of people from different Commonwealth countries as reciprocating English presence in theirs, attitudes of suspicion and hostility smacking of racial and religious prejudice remain strong. Instead of welcoming the inclusion of religious traditions alongside Christianity as part of England’s global inheritance and contemporary context, presumptions of Christian superiority have combined with a narrow nationalism in an attempt to justify a more singular focus (Thompson 2004). Until 9/11, the prevailing attitude towards religious diversity by the media and across academe was probably one of relative indifference. Far more attention was given to cultural and ethnic diversity. Teachers were not immune to it. Thus in many schools the diversity of religious backgrounds and personal beliefs of children and young people may well have been allowed to remain largely invisible. This subsequently changed not only in respect of Islam, but more generally with other religions. Realisation of the potency of religious beliefs came as a surprise.

86

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

Almost coincidental with this has come documentation of sexual abuse within institutional religions. Ironically, for religious believers, at the very time the significance of religion was gaining greater public appreciation, the negative manifestations of religion in sexual behaviour and international conflict gained high news profile. The position of the Muslim community in England warrants further comment since it is experiencing a similar vulnerability to that historically of Jews throughout Europe. It is evident that Muslims, particularly since 9/11, have experienced Islamophobia (http://www.fairuk.org/intro.htm). This has mainly been in areas of relatively high concentration of Muslim settlement, less so when scattered – and it has resonated with fears and resentments relating to separateness, to housing and employment. There is a small number of independent / private Muslim schools, plus several 100 “after-school” madrasas for teaching the Qur’an and sometimes an ethnic language such as Urdu. However, most Muslim boys and girls are educated within state schools, including the tiny number of Muslim schools. Within these state schools, governors and headteachers are aware of Muslim sensitivities about clothing, food, sex education, and preference for single sex secondary schooling. Thus, typically, halal food will be available in schools with large numbers of Muslim pupils, the hijab will be permitted, secondary boys and girls will be separated for physical education and swimming. Increasingly more Muslim students (but far more women than men) are training as teachers – and being employed as such in both primary and secondary schools. Many are employed in multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-faith schools, but some in less diverse settings. These teachers who are Muslims, with or without the hijab, teach the full NC as required in all state funded schools; they also usually teach RE (few opt out) – and that means not only understanding Islam, but other religions as well. It may be that changing responses to British Islam have had a particular impact on perceptions of the nature of English RE (Ipgrave 2014). The foundations in English education for successful dealing with religious diversity are already in place. The challenge is to ensure that they are effectively built on by teachers and schools, showing openness and sensitivity to the full range of religious and non-religious starting points which children bring into their classrooms from their diverse home backgrounds.

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

Alongside RE, religion is present in schools in three main ways: special interest groups, collective worship, and individual teacher beliefs and behaviour. Special interest groups such as the Christian Union have long featured in English sec-

Religion and Education in England

87

ondary schools. They have usually been initiated by teachers wanting to provide opportunities for Bible Study and prayer, not regarded as appropriate within mainstream curriculum provision. Their incidence may be less now than before, but the principle of their happening, provided no pressure is involved, is the same as that for other clubs and societies. Far more important is the continuing provision for collective worship. Though reported as a daily universal in schools from the inception of publicly funded education in 1870, it only became legally prescribed in 1944. Though generally understood to be Christian, it was only specified as such in 1988, when the conscience clause was reiterated and the provision to include other religious and secular ingredients was extended. Expressly to avoid an unrepresentative but well placed attempt to convert the legal specification into one requiring corporate Christian worship, the more permissive formulation was enacted: “wholly or mainly of a broadly Christian character”. A subsequent attempt to prescribe deference to Jesus as Christ was successful in so far as it was included in government non statutory guidance in 1994 (Robson 1996). In spite of academic and professional representation for change, including a joint initiative of the REC, NASACRE and the Inter Faith Network (REC 1998), both law and guidance remain in place. No Minister of Education from either Conservative or Labour governments has judged it right and feasible to move towards any alternative arrangements or even abolition, irrespective of such changes elsewhere in Europe. The consequences are far from satisfactory. Since the mid-1970s, the dominant view amongst teacher educators in universities and colleges has been to affirm the educational grounds for RE rather than specifically theological ones. Little attention has therefore been given to collective worship. It has also been largely missing from training of head teachers. In spite of this, many primary schools maintain a tradition of whole school assemblies which include some combination of religious or moral story, words and songs of thankfulness or regret. In secondary schools, colleges and academies this is more exceptional, almost never daily, rarely the whole school together, and usually with only a few teachers present. Arguably, because relatively little attention has been given to the legal specification for “collective” rather than “corporate” worship, its potential contribution to both RE and community cohesion has been missed. Schools in all their intrinsic diversity are licensed to collect together round the “worth-ship” of what is most valuable for the curriculum, the school and wider community. Here is an opportunity for principal religious beliefs and values, along with their nonreligious equivalents, to be acknowledged explored and celebrated. Key festivals can be remarked, hymns and prayers heard, rituals performed, along with the specialties of individual curriculum subjects and extra-curricular interests

88

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

(Gates 2007, ch. 21). However, this requires imaginative understanding, vision and leadership; in their absence the termination of any reference to worship in public education seems more sensible. That does not apply in the same regard to schools, colleges and academies of a religious character, where the facility for worship in both law and common practice continues largely unchallenged. Some increase in pressure to take account of the presence of pupils from different religious backgrounds is now found within RC institutions; many find themselves in a similar position to CE ones regarding belief diversity. What provision should they make for those of non-RC background (Walbank 2012)? One further significant area where religion features in schools outside RE is that of every teacher’s own attitudes. Positive or negative, well informed or superficial, rooted in a particular faith or otherwise, they will likely be conveyed to pupils. The REC’s Professional Code for Teachers (REC 2009) is strategically informative in this regard for all teachers, not just those formally teaching RE.

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities, issues

Education and training for RE teaching for much of the last 100 years has been provided by colleges of education (many church-related) (Gates 2005b), university departments of education and schools. This position has never been entirely static, and is presently changing dramatically. Thirty years ago, the provision was well established. It took both concurrent and consecutive forms, that is either academic subject study alongside professional education and training, or subject studies coming first, usually to degree level followed by professional studies, often certificated as a one year Post Graduate Certificate in Education. On the concurrent model, a basic component in RE, obligatory for all student teachers, was included within all the four year Primary Bed / BA (with qualified teacher status) degree courses as taught in Colleges of Education. Alongside this there was often provision for main subject specialism in Theology / RS. The consecutive model was the only form found within university departments of education. Many included “introductory RE” within the core of their Primary PGCE courses; a few offered an option to specialise in RE. Most of these same universities offered a secondary PGCE specialising in RE. They might also be offering degrees in RS and / or Theology, but where this happened, the links between the lecturing staff in the subject and those involved in teacher education

Religion and Education in England

89

were rarely strong. “Education” has suffered from a long-standing view that it is a lower level activity than subjects that are properly and purely “academic”. The changes to this position in the intervening years are not peculiar to RE. Colleges of Education have disappeared, through either closure or amalgamation, to become part of an existing university or to become such in their own right. Towards half of all teacher education has shifted to school-based courses. The remaining half, though university provided, prioritises school experience over university teaching, and concurrent secondary degree courses have virtually disappeared. The classroom emphasis of Secondary PGCE courses allows little time either for compensatory subject study to supplement a previous degree course, or for complementary work in philosophy or psychology of education. The negative effect on RE has been compounded by the diminution, often to nil, in student contact with specialist RE tutors within their PGCE primary courses and primary class teachers, who become their mentors, may have little confidence or competence in the subject. This has deteriorated further since Lorna Crossman exposed the disappointment of enthusiastic primary specialist students meeting widespread indifference to RE from the teachers serving as their mentors (Crossman 1993; Revell 2005). The investment needed in RE teacher education was assessed at £60 million (REC 2007). This was before the international financial crisis; the prospects now make that even less likely. In spite of all these changes, RE specialist provision with appropriately qualified staff continues in as many as 25 universities. Opportunities for studying master’s degrees in RE have never been greater, albeit entirely “part-time”.

11.

Empirical Research regarding RE

Much empirical research in RE has been by individual scholars such as Goldman (1965), Loukes (1965), Cox (1966) and Hull (2013). More recently, groups of academics have worked together. For example, various quantitative studies were conducted by Francis and his colleagues, while qualitative studies were carried out by the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit (WRERU) (some discussed in Jackson 1997, 2004, 2012). WRERU has been in existence since 1994, extending its approaches into ethnography and mixed methods, as listed on its website (http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/ces/research/wreru). Less well known is empirical research conducted for research degrees or by newly established scholars. What follows is an indicative listing of publications and university research theses since 2000. Details are accessible as follows: books and articles are listed in the references (below), and research reports / theses via library websites of individual universities (Uni: , and the REC website).

90

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

Evaluation of delivery mechanisms Conroy et al. Does religious education work? 2013. Davies: schools motivation of students’ moral activity (Uni: Oxford 2003). Hemming: Religion and spirituality in the spaces of a primary school (Uni: Leeds 2009). Ofsted 2012: SACREs. Rose 2006: reactions of Standing Advisory Councils to centralising influences. Storr 2009: governing Catholic schools. Woods: headteachers (Uni: Open University 2004). Zamorski: RE syllabus implementation (Uni: E. Anglia 2001).

Religious nurture Arweck and Nesbitt 2008: Peace education derived from religious movements. Babington: nurture in school and church (Uni: Birmingham 2002). Jawoniyi: Black Pentecostal nurture (Uni: Warwick 2002). Smalley : Islamic nurture and parenting (Uni: Leeds 2002). Troupe: Black culture and faith (Uni: Birmingham 2005). Worsley 2008: CofE schools, nurture or abuse? Worsley : Inner child and adult faith (Uni: Birmingham 2000).

Children’s understanding of religious concepts Aylward: young people’s conceptions of Jesus (Uni: Exeter 2009).(as Walshe 2005). Clutterbuck: the complexities of concept mapping (Uni: Imperial College 2002). Heynes: girls’ perceptions of the representation of gender in RE (Uni: Manchester 2008). Jepson: death and afterlife (Uni: Durham 2005). Partington: how children with severe intellectual disabilities understand death (Uni: Southampton 2006).

Pupils’ beliefs and attitudes Alfailakawi: attitude to religion and morality (Uni: Birmingham 2003). Arweck and Nesbitt 2012: children from mixed faith families. Kay 2006: an overview of shifting worldviews of secondary pupils. Kay and Smith 2002: attitude to six world religions. McKenna et al. 2009: student world views and RE. Sahin: Muslim pupils’ religious subjectivity (Uni: Birmingham 2002). Savage et al. 2006: world views of Generation Y. Thanissaro 2012: measuring pupils attitudes towards RE.

Religion and Education in England

91

Classroom pedagogy and teaching methods Clemmey : contribution of on-line communication for secondary learning (Uni: Kings 2011). Copley 2005: Young People, Biblical Narrative and “Theologizing”. Eaude: teacher understanding of young children’s spiritual development (Uni: Oxford 2003). Eke et al 2005: whole class interactive teaching. Hayward 2007: Christianity in RE at Key Stage 3. Lawlor : construction of Islam in secondary RE Uni: (Uni: Brighton 2010). Ipgrave: inter faith encounter in developing religious understanding in primary school Uni: (Warwick 2002). Ipgrave et al (2008) Action research linked to pedagogy. Knee: action research on “democratic space” in RE (Uni: E.Anglia 2003). McKenna: building e-bridges for interfaith dialogue amongst pupils (Uni: Warwick 2007). O’Grady : encouraging motivation (Uni: Warwick 2006, and O’Grady 2003). Plint: using narrative to support ethical self-determination (Uni: Gloucestershire 2007).

Resources for teaching and learning

Jackson, R. et al (2010) Materials used to Teach about World Religions

Assessment

Fancourt: self assessment in RE (Uni: Warwick 2008) and Fancourt 2010. Stern and Backhouse (2011) assessment feedback for children and teachers.

Collective worship

Gill: nature and justifiability of collective worship (Uni: Plymouth 2000).

Teacher education

Feeney : the making of Catholic secondary headteachers (Uni: Birmingham 2003). McCreery 2005: preparing primary RE teachers. Mead 2006: black African RE trainees. Revell 2005: student primary teachers’ experience of RE in schools. Revell and Walters 2009: Christian student RE teachers, objectivity and professionalism.

Faith schools

Badger : transmission of values in a church school (Uni: Oxford 2000). Gent: Hifz classes (Uni: Warwick 2006) Gent 2011. Gilbert: “Here I Am” in the RC school curriculum (Uni: Hull 2002). Jelfs: paradigm and pedagogy in CE schools (Uni: Bristol 2008). Leviton: impact of Jewish primary school on non-observant parents (Uni: Institute of Education 2005). Sigel: teaching Midrash explicitly in the primary school (Uni: Institute of Education2008). Walbank: Educational inclusion: issues facing leaders and managers in Catholic schools (Uni: Cumbria 2009).

92

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

The Impact of RE in private schools

Baker “Citizenship” in Independent Christian Schools (Uni: Warwick 2009). Bone: teaching other faiths in a Muslim secondary school (Uni: Warwick 2009). Francis 2005: Independent Christian schools and pupil values. Patel: Ismaili RE and modernity (Uni: Oxford 2002).

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

During the joint development by government’s education department and REC of the revised Guidance on RE, the issue of the recognition to be given to Humanists on SACREs arose. Representation from minority faith communities on ASCs and SACREs was approved in the primary legislation of the 1988 ERA. But this did not explicitly include Humanists. Opposition to the inclusion of Humanists in the local arrangements was strong in some quarters, as evidenced in Birmingham in 1975 and in the development of Circular1/94. In local practice, however, LEA / LA SACREs had increasingly involved Humanists in their membership – by co-option. The REC working group drafting the new Guidance pressed for including positive affirmation of Humanist interests. This would be consistent with the BHA membership of the REC from its establishment in 1973 and the inclusion of a reference to non-religious worldviews, such as Humanism in the NF in 2004. It would also match the usage of “Religions and Beliefs” in human rights codes. On advice from senior government lawyers however, the department’s officers balked at this change, for that would involve a change in statutory law on RE, which ministers did not want to entertain. How quickly this might change is even less predictable in light of the negative impact of current Euro-scepticism in some circles. Whether publication of the Council of Europe’s ministerial recommendation on teaching about religions and non-religious convictions, and the Signposts document, which the Council will publish to help disseminate it (Jackson forthcoming), will reinforce the inclusive message of the Toledo Guiding Principles remains to be seen (Miller 2009).

13.

Further information

One of the distinctive features and strengths of RE nationally is the REC. (At the moment the Welsh conjunction remains the wish of the 65 national organisations which make up REC membership.) There is no exact equivalent body anywhere in Europe since it is inclusive of each of the main Christian denominations, all the other principal religious traditions including Baha’is, Jains,

Religion and Education in England

93

Pagans and Zoroastrians, plus the British Humanist Association. And alongside these is each of the relevant academic and professional associations representing teachers, universities, inspectors and SACREs. For details see the REC website www.religiouseducationcouncil.org. The Council’s prime purpose is to represent RE’s interests to government and general public. It has the continuous challenge of holding together different theological, philosophical, educational and institutional perspectives which are variously in tension with each other. Its reports are the basis of representation to government departments. These priorities have taken all the REC’s available energies, since until very recently its officers have all been volunteers. From 2007 – 11 it enjoyed the novelty of a partnership with the Education Department of the then Labour Government. This was not renewed under the Coalition Government, but thanks to grant support from trust funds, since 2012 it has been able to facilitate the creation of the All Party Parliamentary RE Group of Members of Parliament (APPG 2012). There is no doubt more generally that trust funds have provided much of the regular support for RE research projects and postgraduate studies. This is the more fitting since many of these trusts were created by the assets from the sale of church colleges of education following their closure in the 1970s and 1980s. Amongst them are the Culham and St Gabriel’s Trusts, now united as one. They are responsible for a major national RE teacher conference, bursaries for RE students, and the website RE: www.reonline.org.uk. Another trust – Christian Education – underwrites RE Today Services, the National Association of Teachers of RE, plus the termly publications Resource and the British Journal of Religious Education (BJRE).

References Archbishop’s Council. 2001. The Way Ahead. Church of England schools in the new millennium. London: Church House Publishing. Arweck, E., and E. Nesbitt. 2008. Peace and non-violence: Sathya Sai education in human values in British schools. Journal of Peace Education 5, no. 1: 17 – 32. Arweck, E., and E. Nesbitt. 2012. Young People in mixed faith families: A case of knowledge and experience of two traditions? Religion and Knowledge, ed. Mathew Guest and Elisabeth Arweck, 57 – 75. Farnham: Ashgate. Accord Coalition. http://accordcoalition.org.uk. APPG. 2012. http://religiouseducationcouncil.org.uk/appg. APPG. 2013. RE: The Truth Unmasked: The supply of and support for RE teachers. London: Religious Education Council. http://religiouseducationcouncil.org.uk/appg/news/ 2013 – 03 – 18/appg-re-final-report-the-truth-unmasked.

94

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

Barnes, L. Ph. 2009. Religious Education: taking religious difference seriously, Impact 17. London: Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain. Bede the Venerable. 2003. Ecclesiastical History of the English People. London: Penguin. Berkshire. 1982. Agreed syllabus: Religious heritage and personal quest. Berkshire County Council. Best, R. 1996. Education, Spirituality and the Whole Child. London: Continuum. Bishops’ Conference Department for Catholic Education and Formation. 2006. Levels of attainment in Religious Education in Catholic schools and colleges. http:// www.nbria.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Attainment_Levels.pdf. Chadwick, P. 1994. Schools of reconciliation: Issues in Joint Roman Catholic-Anglican Education. London: Cassell. Conroy, J., D. Lundie, R. A. Davis, V. Baumfield, Ph. Barnes, T. Gallagher, K. Lowden, N. Bourque, and K. Wenell. 2013. Does religious education work? A multi-dimensional investigation. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Cooling, T. 1994. Concept cracking: Exploring Christian beliefs in school. Nottingham: Stapleford Project. Copley, T. 2005. Young people, biblical narrative and “theologizing”: a UK perspective. Religious Education 100, no. 3: 254 – 265. Cox, Edwin. 1966. Changing Aims in Religious Eduction. London: Routledge. Crossman, L. 1993. Salvation through schools? A report and reflection on trainee-teacher attitudes to Religious Education. Lancaster : St Martin’s College. Dawkins, R. 2003. A Devil’s Chaplain. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson. Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG). 2008. Face to face and side by side: A framework for partnership in our multi-faith society. London: DCLG. http:// webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20120919132719/www.communities.gov.uk/publications/communities/facetofaceframework. DCSF. 2010. Religious Education in English schools: Non-statutory guidance. London: Department for Children, Schools and Families. http://www.education.gov.uk/schools/ teachingandlearning/curriculum/a0064886/religious-education-in-english-schoolsnon-statutory-guidance-2010. DES 1989. DES Circular 3/89: The education reform act 1988 – Religious education and collective worship. London: Department for Education and Science. DFE. 1994 Religious education and collective worship, Circular 1/94, London, Department for Education. Department for Education. 2013. http://www.education.gov.uk/schools/leadership/typesofschools/b0066996/faith-schools/maintained. DFES. 2004. RE: the non-statutory national framework. London: Qualifications and Curriculum Authority. http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20090903160937/ http:/qca.org.uk/libraryAssets/media/9817_re_national_framework_04.pdf. Eke, R., J. Lee, and N. Clough. 2005. Whole-class interactive teaching and learning in RE: transcripts from four primary classrooms. British Journal of Religious Education 27, no. 2: 159 – 172. Erricker, C. and J. Erricker. 2001. Contemporary spiritualities: Social and religious contexts. London: Continuum. Evangelical Alliance. 2005. Census of church attendance. http://www.brin.ac.uk/figures/ findingsfromtheenglishchurchcensus2005.

Religion and Education in England

95

Fancourt, N. 2010. “I’m less tolerant”: Reflexive self-assessment in Religious Education. British Journal of Religious Education 32, no. 3: 291 – 305. Francis, L. 2005. Independent Christian schools and pupil values: an empirical investigation among 13 – 15 year old boys. British Journal of Religious Education 27, no. 2: 127 – 141. Gates, B. 1982. Religious Education Directory for England and Wales. Lancaster : Religious Education Council. Gates, B. 1993. Time for Religious Education and Teachers to Match: A digest of underprovision. Lancaster : Religious Education Council. Gates, B. 1995. Secular education and the logic of religion: shall we reinvent the wheel? In Aspects of Religion: Essays in honour of Ninian Smart, ed. P. Masefield. 115 – 129. New York: Peter Lang. Gates, B. 2005a. Editorial, British Journal of Religious Education 27, no. 2: 99 – 102. Gates, B. 2005b. Faith schools and colleges of education since 1800. In Faith schools consensus or conflict? ed. R. Gardner, J. Cairns, and D. Lawton. Oxford: RoutledgeFalmer, 14 – 35. Gates, B. 2006. Religion as cuckoo or crucible: beliefs and believing as vital for citizenship and citizenship education. Journal of Moral Education 35, no. 4: 571 – 594. Gates, B. 2007. Transforming Religious Education: Beliefs and values under scrutiny. London: Continuum. Gates, B. 2012. How far is the notion of “conscience” redundant and “consciencing” a better alternative? In Religious Education and Freedom of Religion and Belief, ed. S. Parker, R. Freathy, and L. J. Francis, 151 – 166. Oxford: Peter Lang. Gent, B. 2011. But you can’t retire as a Hafiz: Fieldwork within a British Hafiz class. Muslim Education Quarterly 24, no. 1 – 2: 55 – 63. Goldman, R. 1965. Religious thinking from childhood to adolescence. London: Routledge. Grimmitt, M. ed. 2000. Pedagogies of religious education: Case studies in the research and development of good pedagogic practice in RE. Great Wakering: McCrimmons. Hammond, J., D. Hay, J. Moxon, B. Netto, K. Robson, and G. Straughier. 1990. New methods in Religious Education teaching: An experimental approach. London: Oliver & Boyd. Hayward, M. 2007. Christianity in religious education at Key Stage 3. WRERU Occasional Papers IV. Coventry : WRERU. Hayward, M. 2010. Shap: a brief history. http://www.shapworkingparty.org.uk/history.html. Home Office Faith Communities Unit. 2004. Working together : Co-operation between government and faith communities. London: Home Office. Hull, J. 2013. Personal website and list of writings. www.johnmhull.biz. IFNET Website: About Us http://www.interfaith.org.uk/about-ifn/background. IFNET. 2009. Inter faith organisation in the UK: A directory. London: Inter Faith Network for the UK. Ipgrave, J. 2001. Pupil-to-pupil dialogue in the classroom as a tool for religious education. Coventry : WRERU. Ipgrave, J. 2013. The language of interfaith encounter among inner city primary school children, Religion & Education 40, no. 1: 35 – 49 and In Religion in education: Innovation in international research, ed. J. Miller, K. O’Grady and U. McKenna, 90 – 104. London: Routledge.

96

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

Ipgrave, J. 2014 forthcoming. Multiculturalism, communitarianism, cohesion, and security : The impact of changing responses to British Islam on the nature of English RE. In Civic enculturation and citizenship new religious plurality, ed. R. Heffner et al. London: Bloomsbury. Ipgrave, J., R. Jackson, and K. O’Grady, ed. 2009. Religious education research through a community of practice: Action research and the interpretive approach. Münster : Waxmann. Jackson, R. 1997. Religious education: An interpretive approach. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Jackson, R. 2003a. Should the state fund faith based schools? A review of the arguments. British Journal of Religious Education 25, no. 2: 89 – 102. Jackson, R. 2003b. Citizenship as a replacement for religious education or RE as complementary to citizenship education. International perspectives on citizenship, education and diversity, ed. R. Jackson, 67 – 92. London: RoutledgeFalmer, Jackson, R. 2004. Rethinking religious education and plurality: Issues in diversity and pedagogy. London: RoutledgeFalmer. Jackson, R., J. Ipgrave, M. Hayward, P. Hopkins, N. Fancourt, M. Robbins, L. J. Francis, and U. McKenna. 2010. Materials used to teach about world religions in schools in England. London: Department for Children, Schools and Families. https://www.education.gov.uk/publications/standard/publicationdetail/page1/DCSF-RR197. Jackson, R. ed. 2012 Religion, education, dialogue and conflict: Perspectives on religious education research. London: Routledge. Jackson, R (forthcoming). The development and dissemination of Council of Europe policy on education about religions and non-religious convictions. Journal of Beliefs and Values: Studies in Religion & Education. Kay, W. 2006. Open theism and materialism. Youth in Europe II An international empirical Study about Religiosity, ed. H.-G. Ziebertz and W. Kay, 81 – 103, 274 – 281. Berlin: Lit Verlag. Kay, W., and L.t Smith. 2002. Classroom factors and attitude toward six world religions. British Journal of Religious Education 24, no. 2: 111 – 122. Loukes, H. 1961. Teenage religion. London: SCM Press. Loukes, H. 1965. New ground in Christian education. London: SCM Press. McCreery, E. 2005. Preparing primary school teachers to teach Religious Education. British Journal of Religious Education 27, no. 3: 265 – 278. McKenna, Ursula, Julia Ipgrave, and Robert Jackson. 2008. Inter faith dialogue by email in primary schools: An evaluation of the Building E-Bridges project. Münster : Waxmann. McKenna, U., S. Neill, and R. Jackson. 2009. Personal worldviews, dialogue and tolerance: Students’ views on Religious Education in England. Teenagers’ perspectives on the role of religion in their lives, schools and societies, ed. P. Valk, G. Bertram-Troost, M. Friederici and C. Beraud, 49 – 70. Münster : Waxmann. Mead, N. 2006. The experience of black African Religious Education trainee teachers training in England. British Journal of Religious Education 28, no. 2: 173 – 184. Miller, J. 2009. So, what do the Toledo Guiding Principles have to do with me? Resource. 31, no. 2: 6 – 9. NATRE and REC. 2013. http://religiouseducationcouncil.org.uk/public-engagement/ media-releases/true-picture-of-2013-re-exam-results-not-being-told.

Religion and Education in England

97

Office of National Statistics. 2011 Census for England and Wales http://www.ons.gov.uk/ ons/infographics/what-does-the-census-tell-us-about-religion-in-2011-/index.html. Ofsted. 2010. Transforming Religious Education. .RE in schools2006 – 09. http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/transforming-religious-education. Ofsted. 2012. An evaluation of the work of SACREs. http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/id/eprint/5181. Ofsted. 2013. Religious education: Realising the potential. http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/religious-education-realising-potential. O’Grady, K. 2003. Motivation in religious education: a collaborative investigation with year eight pupils. British Journal of Religious Education 25, no. 3: 214 – 225. Phillips, S. 2003. Making Religious Education make sense: Theatre of learning, experiential RE. Bristol: SFE. REC. 1998. Collective worship reviewed. Abingdon: Culham Institute. REC. 2007. Religious Education teaching and training in England. London: REC. REC. 2009. http://religiouseducationcouncil.org.uk/educators/a-practice-code-forteachers-of-re. REC. 2011.Celebrating religious education. http://celebratingre.recouncil.org.uk/resources. Revell, L. 2005. Student primary teachers and their experience of Religious Education in schools. British Journal of Religious Education 27, no. 3: 215 – 226. Revell, L., and R. Walters. 2010. Christian student teachers, objectivity and professionalism: A Research Report. Canterbury : Canterbury Christchurch University. Robinson, E.1977. Original vision. Oxford: Religious Experience Research Unit. Robson, G. 1996. Religious Education, government policy and professional practice, 19851995. British Journal of Religious Education 19, no. 1: 13 – 23. Rose, D. 2006. Recent trends in Religious Education in England: a survey of the reactions of SACREs towards increasing centralising influences since 1988. British Journal of Religious Education 28, no. 2: 185 – 199. Savage, S., S. Collins-Mayo, B. Mayo, and G. Cray. 2006. Making sense of generation Y. The world view of 15- to 25-year-olds. London: Church House Publishing. School Curriculum & Assessment Authority (SCAA). 1994a. Model syllabuses for religious education: Model 1: Living Faiths Today. London: School Curriculum and Assessment Authority. School Curriculum & Assessment Authority (SCAA). 1994b. Model syllabuses for religious education: Model 2: Questions and Teaching. London: School Curriculum and Assessment Authority. Schools Council. 1971. Religious Education in secondary schools. London: Evans Methuen. Shepherd, J. 2005. The Ninian Smart bibliography and archive. Religion 35 no. 3: 167 – 197. Smart, N. 1968. Secular education and the logic of religion. London: Faber. Stern, J., and A. Backhouse. 2011. Dialogic feedback for children and teachers: evaluating the spirit of assessment. International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 16, no. 4: 331 – 346. Storr, Ch. 2009. Governing Catholic schools: An English case study. International Studies in Catholic Education 1, no. 2: 214 – 227. Thanissaro, P. N. 2012. Measuring attitude towards Religious Education: factoring pupil experience and home faith background into assessment. British Journal of Religious Education 34, no. 2: 195 – 212.

98

Brian Gates and Robert Jackson

Thompson, P. 2004. Whatever happened to Religious Education? Cambridge: Lutterworth Press. Three Faiths Forum. www.3 ff.org.uk. UK Parliament. 1988. Section 3 Education Reform Act. London: HMSO. Walbank, N. 2012. What makes a school Catholic? British Journal of Religious Education 34, no. 2: 169 – 181. Walshe, K. 2005. What do young people today really think about Jesus? British Journal of Religious Education 27, no. 1: 65 – 78. White, J. 2003. Rethinking the school curriculum: values, aims and purposes. London: Routledge. Wintersgill, B. 2008. Teenagers’ perceptions of spirituality – a research report. International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 13, no. 4: 371 – 378. Worsley, H. 2008. Church of England schools as centres for religious abuse or avenues for religious nurture? International Journal of Children’s Spirituality. 13, no. 1: 75 – 83. Wright, A. 2011. Critical religious education: multiculturalism and the pursuit of truth. Cardiff: University of Wales Press.

Jean-Paul Willaime

Religious Education in French Schools1

Introduction The relationship between the school system and religion in France has been a very sensitive topic in the country’s history. The Republican state and the Catholic Church were fiercely opposed with priests and teachers arguing over their influence on children’s education. Most importantly, with the laws that secularized the education system between 1882 and 1886, the separation of the Church and the school system in France preceded that of Church and State (law of 1905). Since then, the state school system has not been concerned with religious education whose responsibility has fallen on the families and religious institutions. For this reason, a day off school during the week was allowed (initially on Thursday, then on Wednesday): Primary state schools have one day off once a week, in addition to Sunday, in order to give parents the opportunity to make arrangements, if they so wish, for the religious education of their children outside the school. Unlike the rest of France, the area of Alsace-Moselle, annexed to Germany from 1870 to 1918, is remained under the Concordat of 1801 and the laws of 1802. Catholic priests, pastors and rabbis are remunerated by the State and a denominational religious education is dispensed in state schools (an hour per week). Three major contemporary developments have left their mark on the relationship between religion and the school system in France: – The integration of private schools (mostly Catholic) in the public service of national education through contracts of association in accordance with the Debr¦ law of 1959. These agreements guaranteed the recognition of the “specific character” and ensured the state financing of these schools, but in return private schools had to accept all students and follow the state curriculum;

1 Translation by Lina Molokotos-Liederman.

100

Jean-Paul Willaime

– The decision to develop the teaching of religious facts (or religious phenomena) (faits religieux) in the secular school system (Debray report 2002) in order to contribute to the students’ knowledge of civilizations and present and past evolutions; – The concern to protect the principle of school secularity (lacit¦ scolaire) by restricting the students’ expressions of religious identity. The law of 15 March 2004 banned the wearing of symbols, including a cross, a yarmulke or a veil, that ostensibly manifest a religious affiliation in school (discrete symbols were permitted).

1.

Socio-religious background

France, as the “acclaimed eldest daughter of the Church”, has been historically identified with Catholicism, particularly since the Catholic Church was a majority Church (90 per cent of French people after the Second World War). Even though, since the early nineteenth century, Protestant and Jewish minorities became part of “recognized religions”, France does not have great familiarity with religious pluralism. The official calendar of public holidays in the secular Republic remains, as far as religious holidays are concerned, a Catholic calendar. But, in the last few decades, the French religious landscape has been profoundly transformed by a large Muslim minority (7 per cent of the 65 million French citizens). Islam has also become the country’s second religion. The third one is Protestantism (3 per cent of the population), a religious minority with a slight growing trend following the expansion of Evangelical Protestantism. France also has the largest Jewish minority in Europe (approximately 600,000 people) and a sizeable community of Orthodox (350,000) and Eastern Christians. There are also Hindus and even more Buddhists (300,000) in France, as well as Jehovah’s Witnesses (120,000) and members of various new religious movements. The French religious landscape has become increasingly multicultural through the presence of, not only Muslims from North Africa and Black Africa, but also Catholic and Protestant Christians from Africa, Asia (various Chinese and Korean churches) and the French Antilles. Another characteristic of the transformation of the French religious landscape is the increasing importance, especially among young people, of the percentage of people who say they have “no religion” (50 per cent of French people and 67 per cent of young people aged between 18 and 29, according to the 2008 European survey on values). Religious pluralization is also more pronounced among young people (11 per cent say they have a religion “other” than Catholicism) than older people (only 4 per cent).

Religious Education in French Schools

2.

101

Legal Frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

According to article 2 of the Constitution (1958), “France is an indivisible, secular (our emphasis), democratic and social Republic. It ensures equality before the law for all citizens without distinction based on origin, race or religion. It respects all beliefs” (Constitution of the Fifth Republic 1958). It is a secular Republic that, in accordance with article 2 of the law of separation between Church and State of 9 December 1905, “does not recognize, nor finance any religion”, but ensures the “freedom of conscience” and guarantees the “free exercise of religion” (article 1 of the law of 1905). All religions are set on an equal footing: there is no “recognized” religion and there is no special legal status for the majority religion (Catholicism), much less so in terms of special provisions for religious minorities. The principle of secularity (lacit¦) recognizes the internal organization of each religion: the Catholic Church had refused the status of the “religious associations” of 1905 because it did not take into account its hierarchical structure and the authority of the bishops, but in 1923 there was a proposal for “diocesan associations”, a status that the Church finally accepted. The fact remains that the principle of secularity has prevailed in France in a contentious context: it is the well-known theme of the “war of the two France”, the secular and the Catholic. French style secularity cannot be understood without the dimension of conflict against clericalism, namely against the influence of the Catholic Church over society and individuals, particularly in the educational field. In the report of the “Committee of Reflection on the Application of the Principle of Secularity in the Republic”2, submitted to President Jacques Chirac on 11 December 2003, we can find a good definition of French style secularity : “The State can neither require nor constrain; it has neither an obligatory creed nor a forbidden creed. Secularity implies the neutrality of the State: it cannot privilege any spiritual or religious choice. Founded upon the principle of equality, the secular state does not privilege any denomination and its relations with them are characterized by legal separation. Freedom of religion allows expression, association, and group pursuit of spiritual goals to all religions. Thus constituted, it denies itself all anti-religious impulses. Not only does it not forbid any religious dogma, the secular state does not promote atheism or agnosticism. Likewise, the spiritual and the religious must deny themselves any ascendancy over the State and renounce a political dimension. Secularity is incompatible with any religious conception which seeks to dominate, in the name of its supposed principles, the social system or the political order.

2 This is the Stasi Committee, named after its President, Bernard Stasi, Mediator of the Republic.

102

Jean-Paul Willaime

In the framework of secularity, spiritual or religious choice is the right of the individual: that does not mean that these matters must be confined to the individual conscience, privately, and that they are denied any social dimension or capacity for public expression. Secularity distinguishes freedom of spiritual and religious expression in the public realm, legitimate and essential for democratic debate, from the ambitions mentioned above which are illegitimate. Representatives of the various spiritual bodies, like all other parts of society, are justified to participate in public debate”3

According to this view, the principle of secularity is neither an agnostic counterculture, nor the implementation of a total privatization of religion, but rather a measure for social pacification allowing the regulation of religious diversity in society, while at the same time guaranteeing the religious neutrality of the state. But in reality, things are not so simple and the French way of managing religion is often marked by a deep distrust of state power towards religion and the threat that it can entail over individual freedom and the emancipation of the spirit.

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

A decree dated 11 July 2006 in a document entitled “The Common Foundation of Knowledge and Skills”, defines “everything that it is essential to master at the end of compulsory education” (which goes up to the age of 16). This common foundation, which is represented as the “cement bonding the Nation”, is comprised of a set of essential knowledge and skills “that have to be mastered in order to successfully complete one’s schooling, continue one’s education, build one’s personal and professional future and have a successful life in society. It is structured according to the following seven skill areas: 1) Mastery of the French language; 2) Ability to use a modern foreign language; 3) Key principles in mathematics, science and technology ; 4) Mastery of common information and communication technology ; 5) Knowledge of humanistic culture; 6) Social and civic skills; 7) Independence and initiative. It is in the fifth skill set (“humanistic culture”), and to a lesser extent in the sixth “social and civic skills” that direct reference is made to religion. Through humanistic culture, the forming of judgment, taste and sensitivity is targeted, as is reflection about one’s own opinions and feelings. In this perspective, it seems essential to have historical 3 Lacit¦ et R¦publique [Secularity and the Republic], Rapport au Pr¦sident de la R¦publique de la Commission pr¦sid¦e par Bernard STASI [Report to the President of the Republic by the Committee of Reflection under the direction of Bernard Stasi], Paris, La Documentation FranÅaise, 2004, 30 – 31. English translation: Robert O’Brien, The Stasi Report: The Report of the Committee of Reflection on the Application of the Principle of Secularity in the Republic, Buffalo, New York: William S. Hein & Co., Inc., 2005, 16 – 17.

Religious Education in French Schools

103

and geographical reference points in order to “share a European culture”. According to this official document, this involves the “knowledge of key texts from Antiquity (the Iliad and the Odyssey, accounts of the foundation of Rome, and the Bible”, an introduction to “the diversity of civilizations, societies and religions” and to “religion in France, in Europe and in the world by relying on seminal texts (in particular, excerpts from the Bible and the Koran) in a general spirit of secularity that is respectful of conscience and beliefs”. Through this text, we can say that teaching religious facts is a key part of the educational objectives of school education. In the sixth skill set, entitled “social and civic skills”, although there is no reference to religion, there are references to “respecting the diversity of individual choices and personal options…”, “respecting each other (civility, tolerance, rejection of prejudice and stereotypes”, “respecting the opposite sex”, the “meaning of responsibility” and “solidarity”, and the “fundamental rules of democratic life”. More recently, in 2012, the Minister of National Education, Vincent Peillon (Socialist) wanted to strengthen “the teaching in school of a common moral education that will contribute to the development of respect, peaceful coexistence and freedom”. To this end, he commissioned a report on “teaching secular ethics” which was prepared on 22 April 2013. This report initiated a debate on the general outline of these common ethics in the context of a social situation that is characterized, not only by the plurality of religious and philosophical sensibilities, but also by a plurality of conceptions of a good life, namely a true normative pluralism. Beyond the diverse ways of life and the traditions of each other, the question is always one of seeking ways to teach and learn common rules for ensuring a peaceful coexistence. In France, the school system is viewed as having to “share with students the values of the Republic”.

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

Catholic primary, secondary (collÀge) and upper secondary (lyc¦e) schools provide schooling to 18 % of students. But in reality, there is a larger proportion of students who, during their schooling, attend a Catholic educational institution for at least one year. Catholic schools have contracts of association with the state in accordance with the Michel Debr¦ law of 1959. While preserving their “specific character”, religious schools that have contracts of association with the state must accept all students regardless of their religion and follow the entire national education curriculum (in return, the state pays the teachers and finances the operation of the school). In certain cities, such as Marseille, Catholic

104

Jean-Paul Willaime

schools accept a large number of Muslim children since their parents prefer to send them to a religious school rather than a secular state school. Only one third of Jewish students are enrolled in state schools since the other two thirds attend Jewish or Catholic schools. As for the Protestants, in the nineteenth century they handed their 1,500 schools to the state sector so there are very few Protestant schools in France. The five Protestant schools that have contracts of association with the state are Lutheran-Reformed schools. However, in the last few years, Evangelical Protestant schools are starting to appear (18 in 2013); they are small schools created upon the initiative of parents who are members of Evangelical churches. These Evangelical schools opt not to have contracts of association with the state since this gives them more freedom in their pedagogical choices. There are also Muslim schools, some of which have contracts of association with the state. The Averroes upper secondary school in Lille, which is renown for the quality of its education, is a Muslim school that has a contract of association with the state.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

Since the end of the 1980s various voices have brought back the question of religion in school. Did the secular nature of the school system not definitely settle the issue by giving back to families the freedom of choice about religions and ensure the independence of the school institution and its teachers as regards any religious authority? In many respects yes, but the question of religion in school emerged in very different circumstances compared to the period when the principle of secularity became institutionalized: it did not emerge against secularity, but within secularity itself, and besides it constituted a tangible expression of the success of the principle of secularity itself. It was not a question of introducing catechism in school but of drawing, in a secular perspective, all the consequences of the fact that “a knowledge of religious cultures is necessary for the understanding of our societies, their past and their present state, their literary and artistic heritage, and their legal and political system” (Report by the historian Philippe Joutard on the teaching of history, geography and social sciences, 1989). Various press articles, opinion polls, an international conference held in BesanÅon in 19914, a conference on training in the religious dimension of the cultural heritage held at the Ecole du Louvre in Paris in 19965, the national 4 Enseigner l’histoire des religions dans une d¦marche laque. Repr¦sentations-PerspectivesOrganisation des apprentissages, Proceedings of the international conference in BesanÅon, 20 – 21 November 1991, BesanÅon, CNDP / CRDP, 1992. 5 MinistÀre de la Culture, MinistÀre de l’Education Nationale, de l’Enseignement Sup¦rieur et de

Religious Education in French Schools

105

interdisciplinary seminar on teaching religious facts organized in November 2002 by the Department of School Education intended for General National Education Inspectors, the Association of History and Geography Teachers6, and various initiatives and work placements (Hervieu-L¦ger 1990; Boespflug and Martini 1999) attracted the attention of public opinion, primarily that of teachers, to the fact that, while school remained secular, it had to take religious cultures into account in the education it provided (a presentation of this Francocentric debate can be found in Boespflug, Dunand, and Willaime 1996; Willaime 1998). Not that it did not already do this, especially in history classes, but there was even more urgency and need to take these cultures into account more substantively, to the point even of suggesting the introduction of a real class on the history of religions after students’ increasing lack of knowledge of religion became apparent. Hence the debate: how and why, in view of what and for whom, can school, if we consider that it must undertake this task, take into account religious cultures? This was a topic of debate where various expectations concerning school and religion were combined (Willaime 1995, 17 – 35). Although this debate did not lead to the creation of classes on the history of religion, provided by a specific group of teachers, the fact remains, as Ren¦ Nouailhat (2000, 123) noted, that in France “a new insistence on religion has emerged in the history and humanities curricula since 1996”. Another indicator of this interest is the development of a “History of Religions” series published jointly by the Centre of Pedagogical Research and Documentation (Centre de Recherche et de Documentation P¦dagogique) in BesanÅon (a unit of the National Education department) and the Editions du Cerf publishing house7; it brings together works written by scholars and aims to provide secondary school teachers the pedagogical information and tools that would give them the opportunity to discuss different religions in school. By putting R¦gis Debray in charge of a working group dealing with “education on religion in the secular school system”, on 3 December 2001, the Minister of National Education, Jack Lang (in its Preface to Debray 2002, 9 – 10) acknowledged that if “a school that is truly and serenely secular” was to give each student the opportunity to gain “an understanding of the world”, this meant that la Recherche, Forme et sens. Colloque sur la formation — la dimension religieuse du patrimoine culturel. Ecole du Louvre, Paris, La Documentation FranÅaise, 1997. 6 See the dossiers of this Association in the journal Historiens et G¦ographes N8 341, October 1993, and, N8343, March-April 1994. 7 See: Ren¦ NOUAILHAT, La genÀse du christianisme de J¦rusalem — Chalc¦doine (1990) ; Michel CLEVENOT, Les religions dans le monde actuel (1991) ; Pierre LEVEQUE, MarieClaude L’HUILLIER, La cr¦ation des dieux de Lascaux — Rome (1992); Mohamed-Ch¦rif FERJANI, Les voies de l’islam. Approche laque des faits islamiques (1996); Jean-Paul WILLAIME, in collaboration with Dominique CUSENIER, Protestantisme (1998).

106

Jean-Paul Willaime

teachers should take into account “religions as influential elements, and, to a large extent, as structuring the history of mankind, sometimes as peace and modernity factors, sometimes as factors of discord, deadly conflicts and regression”. It was after 11 September 2001 that the Minister Jack Lang felt the urgent need to undertake an initiative to reinforce the broaching of religion in school. Hence, there was an urgent need to make a transition, as Regis Debray very clearly stated, “from a secularity of incompetence (lacit¦ d’incomp¦tence) (religion, by nature, does not concern us) to a secularity of understanding (lacit¦ d’intelligence) (it is our duty to understand it)” (Debray 2002, 43). To do this, the Debray report proposed a number of measures concerning the curriculum and the initial and continued training of secondary school teachers. Moreover, in Alsace-Moselle, where the Catholic, Protestant or Jewish religion is taught in state schools, we observe that in upper tier secondary schools this form of education has been redefined, with the support of regional educational authorities, and is delivered in the more general context of teaching students values and citizenship (Willaime 2000, 383 – 395; Hourmant and Willaime, 2014). Such change illustrates, in the particular regional context, the type of agreement that state authorities can make with the Churches by acknowledging their contribution in the school domain since it contributes to the provision of education in the fundamental socio-political values of democratic societies. An initial consequence of the Debray report was the organization, by the Department of School Education within the Ministry of National Education, of a national and interdisciplinary seminar intended for General and Regional National Education Inspectors from the various relevant disciplines (philosophy, history, geography, humanities, languages, fine arts): this seminar, attended by approximately 300 people, took place in Paris on 5 – 7 November 2002. Its proceedings were published under the title “Religious Education” (DESCO 2003). In a message addressed to the participants, President Jacques Chirac stressed that the teaching of religion promoted the spirit of tolerance and the development of mutual respect: “In today’s world, tolerance and secularity cannot find a more solid base than knowledge and respect for others, since withdrawal into oneself and ignorance feed into prejudice and communitarianism. Reinforcing the knowledge of religions, improving the teaching of religion in all of the relevant subject areas in secondary and upper secondary school, and tracing the manifestations of religion in history, in the arts and in the culture of each one of us is something that will strengthen the spirit of tolerance among young citizens, giving them the means to better respect each other” (in DESCO 2003, 9).

As for Xavier Darcos, the Minister of State for School Education, who opened the seminar, he specified the three great themes involved in teaching religious facts:

Religious Education in French Schools

107

“First of all, teaching about religion amounts to recognizing the specific language that gives one the opportunity to name and decipher symbols – essentially to understand one way of explaining the world. Then, teaching about religion gives young people the opportunity to gain knowledge of the endless number of masterpieces in our human heritage. Finally, teaching about religion consists of making students capable of understanding the role of religion in the contemporary world” (in DESCO 2003, 11).

We can characterize these three themes as follows: 1) education in the language of symbolism; 2) a contribution to the knowledge and understanding of our cultural heritage; 3) a contribution to citizenship education. The Minister stated that all this should be achieved within the framework of a “descriptive and comprehensive” approach, while remaining “critical and reasoned”, and that teaching about religion, as all other types of teaching, should “rely on the fundamental values of the school in the French Republic” (in DESCO 2003, 12). The fact remains, as Dominique Borne stressed when he closed the seminar, that an introduction to religion that was too focused on the historical legacy might be dangerous: “it runs the risk of removing religion from the present, considering it exclusively as a nostalgic element from “the world that we have lost” (in DESCO 2003, 369). Furthermore, Dominique Borne stressed that an approach that is overly legacy-oriented runs the risk of failing to reserve a sufficient place for Islam, which would be troublesome, considering its importance in the contemporary religious landscape in France and beyond. This seminar sanctioned the use of the term “fait religieux” and confirmed the choice of not creating a specific subject area that could be called “science of religions”, but of taking religious facts more into account in the teaching of existing disciplines. This decision, which had already been adopted in the conclusions of the conference in BesanÅon in 1991, obviously had a number of consequences. Actually, according to this perspective, teaching religious facts can occupy only a relatively small place in the context of the various disciplines, since the history of societies, literature and the arts, languages and civilizations have many more dimensions than the religious dimension alone. As a result of this decision, the issue is about stressing that religious facts are part of society and its evolution, and that they must be understood in this perspective, which does not mean that this type of teaching must be reduced to the study of the social and cultural determinations and consequences of religion: in order to get an in-depth understanding of a religious theme in a painting or a literary work, one must go into the theological reasoning and all its subtleties. Moreover, choosing to speak about “religious facts” rather than about “religions” emphasizes that religions are more than opinions. According to article 10 in the Declaration of 1789, “no one shall be disquieted on account of his opinions, including his religious views, provided their manifestation does not disturb the state order established by law.” In France there has been a tendency to reduce

108

Jean-Paul Willaime

religion to a private and personal opinion, thus forgetting that religion is a question, on the one hand, of deep convictions that strongly motivate people who believe in them, and, on the other hand, of collectively organized convictions that are expressed in a whole range of visible manifestations: monuments, gatherings, gestures and so on. Religious phenomena exist because there are men and women who experience religions (individuals), there are religious organizations and institutions, there are religious works and written, pictorial and architectural traces, in short, texts and rituals, representations and attitudes, writings, and codes of behaviour. If state school does not know if God exists, it does and should know that there are individuals and groups who believe that God exists and that this fact has all kinds of impacts on personal and social life. The option selected in the Debray report was, thus, to use texts and writings that illustrate religion as a point of departure from which to trace their meaning. As Dominique Borne, the Director of the General Inspectorate, stated in his closing speech at the seminar, “studying texts and writings always means going from form to meaning”, a meaning that “cannot be reduced to a rational and unequivocal affirmation” (in DESCO 2003, 368). The previous division in education that tended to exclude the study of religion from school in the name of a secularity of abstention was paradoxically insufficiently secular. Introducing religion to state school is to introduce it into the sphere of knowledge and critical examination, into the sphere of collective deliberation; it means being a citizen with religion. Religions are social facts that are too important to be left to the monopoly of clergies and communities. The inclusion of religion in the public sphere, in particular in the educational field, is part of “the context of the maturity of secularity” (Borne in DESCO 2003, 369), a new age for secularity that is an indication of its success. In leading to the creation of the European Institute for Religious Studies (Institut Europ¦en en Sciences des Religions / IESR) as part of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes – a higher education institution renowned for its “department of religious sciences” and great scholars such as Sylvain L¦vi, Marcel Mauss, Georges Dum¦zil, Claude Levi-Strauss, Gabriel Le Bras, Lucien Febvre and others – the Debray report represents an important and meaningful step forward. Although, scientific, multidisciplinary and secular approaches to religious facts in France are very developed in the Ecoles des Hautes Etudes (Schools of Higher Education) in certain universities and in the Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS) (French National Centre for Scientific Research), it is surprising that there is a gap in this area between higher education and secondary and primary education. The mission of the IESR is precisely to reduce this gap through diverse publications and trainings programmes. Among the publication of the IESR, special mention should be made of the series published by the Documentation franÅaise about different religions: History of Christian-

Religious Education in French Schools

109

ism (2009) written by Anna van den Kerchove, History of Judaism (2008) written by Sonia Fellous and History of Islam (2007) written by Pascal Buresi. Also, by the same editor, several booklets about important religious and mythological figures (Abraham, Mohammad, Jesus, Ulysse […]) and typical religious stories (as the stories of the creation of the world in different religions and cultures). All this offers pedagogical tools for the religious education in school. Through the IESR, the goal is to include approaches, theoretical reflection and knowledge acquired from research in religious sciences in the training of senior staff in National Education. It aims to cover, without any empty rhetoric, the epistemological, methodological, socio-political and pedagogical questions raised by all approaches to religious facts. The decision to name this Institute “European” is a very positive development: it clearly indicates the will to bring together experiences and practical and theoretical research on teaching religious facts from other European countries. In this field, as in others, the practices and reflections in France must be enriched by those in other countries. This is also the best way to give a broad European echo to the French solutions that are currently becoming a reality. In this perspective, two initiatives have been adopted: on the one hand, the creation of a European scientific council connecting various specialists in religion (historians, sociologists, legal experts, etc.) and, on the other hand, the development of a programme aiming to assess the current picture in Europe with regard to teaching about religion. At the same time, the IESR is looking to bring together regional centres (Lille, Rennes, Strasbourg, Lyon, Aix-en-Provence, Toulouse) in order to use all local academic resources that can make a contribution to the training activities in the various regions. The IESR is also tasked with “developing adequate pedagogical tools (on paper or CD-ROM) and to contribute towards a better assessment of existing publications in the school market” (9th recommendation of the Debray report). But an additional recommendation of the Debray report, the 5th one, is both great and modest, namely the introduction of a “philosophy of secularity and teaching about religion” module in the Instituts Universitaires de Formation des Ma„tres (IUFM) today called Ecoles Sup¦rieures du Professorat et de l’Education (High Schools for the Teaching Profession and for Education). This module involving more than 10 hours per year in the second year, “to be delivered by philosophy, humanities and history teachers in the respective education authority, and to other resource persons and university scholars with a relevant training”, has been set up only in a very few Academies. And we cannot fail to note the very restricted nature of this initiative because of the small number of hours planned for this course. Although the IESR uses many activities directed towards the Ministry of National Education, it also seeks to respond to requests by other Ministries (Foreign Affairs, Interior, Culture, etc.). Therefore, a conference on “Religions

110

Jean-Paul Willaime

and Politics in Asia” was organized in early October 2003 and, in 2007, a conference on “What Future for Christians in the Orient” in association with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Other projects are also under development. All these initiatives that make university research on religious worlds more accessible also indicate the social utility of this research and its contributions to the understanding of societies and their evolution.

6.

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

Since there are no regular religion classes as such in France, religious facts are taught as part of other school disciplines, particularly in history, humanities and the arts. Therefore, the realities of this type of teaching are visible in each of these disciplines. History (Laithier and van den Kerchove 2014) is the discipline in which young people hear about religion the most throughout their schooling, from primary school (classes for 6 – 11 year olds) until upper secondary school (16 – 18 year olds), but mostly in secondary school (12 – 15 year olds).8 Religious facts have always been taught in the context of history but with variations in terms of the quantity and quality of content. In the new official curriculum that was progressively put into effect in 2008, it is evident that religious facts are covered primarily in the 1st (6Àme) and 2nd (5Àme) year, namely in the beginning of secondary school, or in the 1st (seconde) year, in the beginning of upper secondary school, even if they are also covered to a lesser extent in other levels. In the 1st year (6Àme) of secondary school, history teachers cover Greek and Roman myths and the two great monotheisms, Judaism and Christianity, as well as China under the Han dynasty and India in the fourth and firth centuries. In the 2nd year (5Àme), students are introduced to Islam and the Medieval West and the role of the Church, as well as, the Renaissance and the religious reforms of the sixteenth century. In the beginning of upper secondary school, in the 1st year (seconde), students go over in more depth what was covered in the beginning of secondary school. St¦phanie Laithier and Anna van den Kerchove correctly note that religion is not taken into account sufficiently when history teachers cover the contemporary period, which could suggest that religion is only about the past. But, in general terms, the study of the religious dimension has been strengthened 8 The school system in France is structured as follows: Primary school (¦cole primaire) for 6 to 11 year olds. Secondary school (collÀge) for 11 to 15 year olds: 1st year (classe de 6Àme): 11 – 12 olds; 2nd year (5Àme): 12 – 13 year olds, 3rd year (4Àme): 13 – 14 olds; and 4th year (3Àme): 14 – 15 olds. Finally, upper secondary school (lyc¦e), which leads to the baccalaur¦at degree (allowing access to higher education studies), for 15 – 18 year olds: 1st year (classe de seconde): 15 – 16 olds; 2nd year (premiÀre): for 16 – 17 olds; and final year (terminale): for 17 – 18 year olds.

Religious Education in French Schools

111

in the school curriculum.9 The history textbooks discuss Jesus and Muhammad, as well as, the Bible and the Koran. Religious facts are also taught in French and literature classes (as well as in foreign language and literature classes). Students are sensitized to the representations of religious and spiritual experiences through literary texts, where religious dimensions are present in a more visible or regular manner. Through literary texts, students learn that there are truths that are different from scientific truths and that through representations, tales and characters, humans can express the ways in which they see the human condition, its strengths and its weaknesses. The abundance of references or allusions to Biblical themes in French and in foreign literature offer humanities teachers the opportunity to encourage students to discover the meaning of Biblical stories. The teaching of “history of art” (Saint-Martin 2014), which was implemented in 2008, offered another opportunity to strengthen the teaching of religious facts since students are encouraged to discover the different ways of seeing the world and man in the world through mankind’s works of art. Students are also sensitized to the non-discursive expressions of the human condition and religious systems (the importance of images, architecture, sculpture and music). In other words, just as through literary texts, the teaching of history of art covers the sensory and aesthetic dimensions of religious facts. Isabelle Saint-Martin notes that “history of art and the teaching of religious facts come together as part of a comprehensive introduction to civilizations, but they are also vectors of a reflection on tolerance and discovery of the other”. “Civic and moral instruction” in nursery and primary school, “civic education” in secondary school and “legal and social civic education” in upper secondary education cover religious facts through the notion of secularity and the rules of common life, in school and in society, while also respecting various cultures and religions (Gaudin 2014). Therefore, the dimension of peaceful coexistence prevails, as well as, the need to share, not only the diversity of cultures and religions, but also common values and principles (such as the neutrality of state schools and of the curriculum in relation to the different religious and nonreligious conceptions of life). It is also necessary to respect school space as a specific place where religious expression must be restricted. In upper secondary school, this type of education is defined as follows: “Legal and social civic education is nowadays an established teaching component for all students in upper secondary education. It takes its place in a process of civic citizenship training that begins in primary school and goes deeper in secondary education. The 9 The official publication of the curriculum for each discipline is accompanied by “in-class resources” whose main objective is to provide teachers with support material, in the form of fact sheets, for the implementation of the study programmes.

112

Jean-Paul Willaime

new proposed programmes of study for the 1st year (seconde) and the classes in the final year (terminale) of upper secondary education are obviously based on the contributions of those who created the Êducation Civique Juridique et Sociale (ECJS [Legal and Social Civic Education]) programme in 1999. It was and still is part of a learning process, namely internalizing the Republic’s values and principles, and gaining both knowledge and practices. It is about helping students become free and independent citizens who can use their critical reason in the democratic system in which they are called to act. The analysis of the notion of citizenship gives structure to the entire programme” (Bulletin Officiel, special issue, no. 9, 30 September 2010).

In the last year of upper secondary school (terminale), there is some discussion on “the citizen who faces important ethical questions”, namely the “pluralism of beliefs and cultures in a secular Republic” and the principle of secularity as “a legal precondition for the freedom of conscience and opinion that is a founding concept of the French Republic”. There is also some reflection on sectarian drifts and fundamentalism in the sense that they “[…] lead to intolerance and isolation”. In the final year, philosophy classes, taught by specialist teachers in this discipline, give students the opportunity to ask questions about religion, different types of truths, beliefs and ethical questions. Although in other taught disciplines there is not a great deal of discussion on religion, there are instances when this topic emerges. This is the case, for example, in biology classes when teachers cover the theory of evolution. This is an opportunity for science teachers to stress the essential differences between scientific and religious approaches. In Alsace-Moselle, the RE is still denominational in its status but today, the teaching is more oriented towards culture and the teachers understand RE as a contribution to citizenship and humanistic education in the framework of the general objectives of the public school.

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

Since in the French system there is no religion class as such, there are no alternative classes on offer. All the students in the same class take the classes taught by their teachers, including when religious facts are covered in the history, humanities and philosophy classes. However, in Alsace-Moselle, where there are religious classes in state schools, ethics classes are offered to students who are not registered in any of the religious classes (Catholic, Protestant and Jewish).

Religious Education in French Schools

8.

113

Dealing with religious diversity

Students are exposed to religious diversity both through the study of past centuries (from Antiquity to the reforms of the sixteenth century and the contemporary period) and the study of different cultural areas. But they are also exposed to religious diversity in school through the diversity of life conceptions, religious or not, of the students themselves and of their families. Since France hosts the largest Muslim and Jewish minorities in Western Europe, in certain schools, for example in the Paris region, there are de facto classes with Christian, Muslim and Jewish students. In Alsace-Moselle, where the pupils have the choice between Catholic RE, Protestant RE or Jewish RE, the lack of an Islamic RE becomes more and more problematic.

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

In accordance with article 2 of the law of 28 March 1882, which is still in effect, primary state schools must allow a day off school, other than Sunday, to give parents, if they so wish, the opportunity to make arrangements for the provision of a religious education of their choice to their children. In other words, all types of religious education or spiritual support, which are excluded from primary school, take place outside the school at the discretion of the families. However, in the secondary secular education system chaplaincies can be created in secondary and upper secondary schools if parents request them and after the approval of the appropriate educational authorities (in this case the chief education officer, thus a state official). The creation of a chaplaincy in order to offer spiritual support to students is a right that must be fulfilled in boarding schools, but it is optional and at the discretion of the chief education officer in all other schools. The activities of the chaplains in secular educational institutions of the state are restricted to the religious education of students who have been specifically assigned to the chaplains; contact between chaplains and other students who are not registered in religious education is strictly prohibited.10 Therefore, chaplaincies in educational institutions are somewhat isolated. According to the law of 15 March 2004 that went into effect on 1st September of the same year, “the wearing of symbols or clothing by which students ostensibly demonstrate a religious affiliation in primary, secondary and upper secondary schools is prohibited”. “In accordance with the internal regulations, the im10 In Toulon, a Catholic chaplain wearing a robe was banned from school and had to enter the school gates wearing plain clothes.

114

Jean-Paul Willaime

plementation of a disciplinary procedure must follow only after engaging in dialogue with the student”. In other words, although religious expression by students is not prohibited as such (which is nevertheless prohibited for teachers), it must remain discrete when students speak in class and at in terms of that they wear in school. Although the law of 15 March 2004 had initially provoked a great deal of controversy, it has finally been accepted, particularly by the students themselves who seem to be supportive.11 Nevertheless, certain veiled students left state schools to attend private schools or schools abroad. Various voices have argued that the law of 2004 should also apply to veiled Muslim mothers who help teachers accompany children outside the school gates. The argument goes that by helping teachers, mothers have a de facto participation in the public service of education and, thus, must respect the principle of secularity in state schools. However, the probability of extending the law is under discussion and does not have unanimous support.

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities, issues

All teachers are trained in universities in the framework of a specific academic discipline (mathematics, history, French, philosophy, biology, foreign languages, etc.). Therefore, they receive more or less some training on teaching religious facts as part of their specific academic discipline training. But, in reality, few teachers receive proper training on teaching religious facts. Only those who select, as part of their history training, a module on “history of religions” that is offered by a small number of universities (namely, the Universities of Montpellier, Paris IVand Strasbourg), receive a minimum amount of guidance in their initial training as teachers. However, as is often encouraged by national education inspectors themselves (who regularly assess teachers), teachers can follow training that is specific to religion as part of their continued professional development. This is what the IESR offers through a series of evening classes and sessions organized in cooperation with various education authorities. Among the themes covered in the 2013 – 2014 programme, here are a few examples: “Women, the clergy and priesthood in religious traditions today”, “Religion and society in the United States since 1880”, “Introduction to Islam”, 11 According to a survey among 14 – 16 olds conducted in France in 2008 as part of the REDCO programme, 58 per cent of the students were against the wearing of visible religious symbols (for example, headscarf or yarmulke) and only 17 per cent were in favour (25 per cent had no opinion). But, 78 per cent of students were favourable towards the wearing of discrete religious symbols (See B¦rengÀre Massignon 2009, 112; and 2011).

Religious Education in French Schools

115

“Buddhist art”, “The Stabat Mater in music and painting”, etc. The IESR also offers history and legal training pertaining to the principle of secularity. For example, the training module “Secularity and the teaching of religious facts” was put in place by the IESR in the education authority of Creteil in the outskirts of Paris. This module is in fact the direct result of one of the recommendations of the Debray report which foresaw a compulsory 10 hour initial training module, entitled “Philosophy of secularity and history of religions”, intended for teachers under training at the Instituts Universitaires de Formation des Ma„tres (IUFM) (University Institutes for Teacher Training). Unfortunately very few Academies have developed this type of module.

11.

Empirical research concerning RE

Empirical research on the current situation and practices of teaching religious facts in France is undertaken in the framework of the REDCO “Religion in Education” programme, in the aim of gaining more information on the perceptions and expectations of 14 and 16 year old students. This research led to the publication of several chapters in several edited volumes as part of the REDCO programme. More recently, upon the initiative of the IESR, research is underway on the teaching of religious facts in history, humanities and history of art, as well as, on the current situation and the religion class practices in Alsace-Moselle. The results of these studies can be found in the contributions of Isabelle SaintMartin, St¦phanie Laitheir, Anna van den Kerchove, Evelyne Martini, Philippe Gaudin and Louis Hourmant in the edited volume Le d¦fi de l’enseignement des faits religieux: r¦ponses europ¦ennes et qu¦b¦coises (The Challenge of Teaching Religious Facts in School: Responses from Europe and Quebec) (2014).

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

As in other European countries, France faces a new social and religious reality characterized by an increasing number of people who state that they have “no religion” and students that have no religious knowledge and no familiarity with the subject of religion. Additionally, there are a large number of Muslim minorities, a very pronounced religious pluralization in European societies and different types of groups and networks with different religiosities, concerns about the sectarian drifts among such groups and current international affairs that illustrate the intersections between religion and politics in various conflicts, anti-Semitism, and Islamophobia, and the question of limiting religious expression in school. This is an opportunity to reflect on the question of how

116

Jean-Paul Willaime

school deals with, treats and teaches religious facts. Faced by these challenges, it is necessary not only to understand each other and to coexist peacefully, while respecting each other’s differences, and to go beyond these differences, but also most importantly to stress the importance and need to address religious facts in school according to three priorities: 1) To integrate teaching religious facts into the objectives of school and its specific educational mission, namely to respect the prevalent ethical and pedagogical principles in different educational fields; 2) To respect the increasing religious and philosophical plurality found in class. This reinforces the preference that must be granted to a social and historical objectification of religions that gives the opportunity to take a certain distance and respect the students’ freedom of conscience; 3) Teacher training. This is the key challenge since teacher training is currently inadequate and a great deal of effort has to be made for teachers to be able to teach religious facts with calm assurance, in terms of not only required knowledge, but also of approaches and principles. Therefore, regardless of their convictions, teachers must be able to present religious facts without proselytizing, or denigrating anything. These facts can be understood objectively : students can read and learn about texts, events and people. Teaching about religion objectively means taking an interest in theologians and religious experiences, and demonstrating what the representations of God and the rituals mean for the believers themselves who experience them. Teaching religious facts through school disciplines, especially if it ignores contemporary religion, runs the risk of understanding religions only through their cultural and social dimensions, and underestimating the spiritual experience of believers who experience their relationship to the world through religious representations and practices, such as prayer, words of praise, pilgrimage and such like. But learning a socio-historical approach with its critical dimensions of studies of sources, interpretations, transmissions and evolutions, such learning when applied to religious facts is in itself an important contribution to citizenship. Why? Because it places religious facts in the space of collective deliberation, considers them outside their individual and collective religious appropriations, in other words, and even if it involves one’s own religion, it means learning to speak as if it were someone else’s religion. The simple fact of having to talk about religions in front of a diverse audience, of not being able to rely on the collusion between co-religionists, but of having to objectivise and make explicit the worlds of representations and attitudes that correspond to a religion is a position that includes religious facts in the citizenship of pluralist democracies. It recognizes from the outset that the religious world under discussion is not an all-encompassing symbolic structure for all of society that it is, even if in the majority, only one orientation among others. This does not prevent us, when

Religious Education in French Schools

117

teaching religious facts, from reserving a specific place for the most representative religions in the country in the sense that these religions have left their mark on the history, the culture and the traditions of the country in which this type of education is received. Thus teaching religious facts can also contribute to citizenship in that it is part of a national education. It is about a state school in a given place and with a given history and cultural identity. In other words, it is legitimate that, in this type of teaching in France, Christianity is discussed more than Buddhism.

13.

Further information

The IESR is a centre of expertise and advice on current and historical issues involving secularity and questions of religion. The IESR was created in response to the 2002 Regis Debray report entitled L’enseignement du fait religieux dans l’¦cole laque (Teaching Religious Facts in Secular Schools), which advocated bringing together the necessary resources to “match educational methods with scientific research”. To this end, the IESR provides key support in the teaching of religions in primary and secondary schools. In collaboration with the French Ministry of National Education, universities and teacher training schools, education authorities (Rectorats d’acad¦mie) and education inspectorates, the IESR organizes initial and long-term training programmes for the Ministry of National Education personnel. The training programmes, which are conducted in a secular framework, assist in adapting teaching methods to various subjects where religions are discussed (history, geography, French, foreign languages, philosophy, social and economic sciences, fine arts and history of art). www.iesr.fr : the IESR website offers a digital library to educators, including fact sheets on school curriculum textbooks, analyses of curricula, textbook reviews and teaching folders. www.ephe.fr : the website of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Sorbonne, Paris) in which you can find all information about the Religious Sciences Section established in 1886. This department is reputed for its original scholarship in the subject of religions, which it examines in a secular and cross-cultural spirit. By emphasizing comparative and interdisciplinary study, it is the only academic body in France to cover this field so extensively, using a wide range of scientific approaches. The Section’s teaching in the area of research extends into the most diverse cultural and linguistic fields from Antiquity to modern and contemporary times. The Section included 54 full professors and 12 assistant professors in 2010 and it welcomes a large number of foreign scholars as guest fellows every year. Topics covered may be grouped in nine broad categories: Religious ethnology (Africa, Americas, Europe, Australia / Oceania), Religions

118

Jean-Paul Willaime

of Asia, Polytheistic Religions of the Ancient World, Judaism, Christianity and its margins, Islam, Secularisms and Religions in the Contemporary World, Esoterisms, Epistemology and Methods in Religious Sciences. www.gsrl.fr : the website of the Research Team Groupe Soci¦t¦s, Religions, Lacit¦s which studies religious phenomena from the point of view of the social sciences.

References B¦raud, C., and J.-P. Willaime, eds. 2009. Les jeunes, l’¦cole et la religion [Young People, the School System and Religion]. Paris: Bayard. Boespflug, F., F. Dunand, and J.-P. Willaime. 1996. Pour une m¦moire des religions. Paris: La D¦couverte. Boespflug, F., and E. Martini. 1999. S’initier aux religions. Paris: Cerf. Borne, D., and J.-P. Willaime, eds. 2007. Enseigner les faits religieux. Quels enjeux? [Teaching Religious Facts: What Are the Challenges?], introduction by R¦gis Debray. Paris: Armand Colin. Buresi, P. 2007. Histoire de l’islam, “La Documentation photographique n. 8058”. Paris: La documentation FranÅaise, 63. Cottin, J., and J.-M. Meyer, eds. 2013. Cat¦chÀse protestante et enseignement religieux. Etat des lieux et prospectives. Bruxelles-GenÀve: Lumen Viate / Labor et Fides. Debray, R. 2002. L’enseignement du fait religieux dans l’¦cole laque [Teaching Religious Facts in the Secular School System]. Rapport au ministre de l’¦ducation nationale [Report to the Minister of National Education], Paris: Odile Jacob. “Les Actes de la DESCO” 2003. L’enseignement du fait religieux, Sc¦r¦n, CRDP Acad¦mie de Versailles. Decormeille, P., I. Saint-Martin, and C. B¦raud, eds. 2009. Comprendre les faits religieux. Approches historiques et perspectives contemporaines [Understanding Religious Facts: Historical Approaches and Contemporary Perspectives]. Dijon: CRDP Bourgogne. Fellous, S. 2008. Histoire du judasme, “La Documentation photographique n. 8065”, Paris: La Documentation franÅaise, 63. Gaudin, Ph. 2014. “Enseignement de faits religieux et lacit¦ en France” [Teaching Religious Facts and Secularity in France] in Le d¦fi de l’enseignement des faits religieux — l’¦cole: r¦ponses europ¦ennes et qu¦b¦coise [The Challenge of Teaching Religious Facts in School: Responses from Europe and Quebec], ed. J.-P. Willaime, Paris: Riveneuve ¦ditions. Hervieu-L¦ger, D., ed. 1990. La religion au Lyc¦e. Conf¦rences au lyc¦e Buffon 1989 – 1990, Paris: Cerf. Hourmant, L., and J.-P. Willaime. 2014. “L’enseignement des faits religieux dans les ¦coles publiques d’Alsace-Moselle: ¦volutions et defies” [Teaching Religious Facts in the state Schools in Alsace-Moselle: Evolutions and Challenges]. In Le d¦fi de l’enseignement des faits religieux — l’¦cole: r¦ponses europ¦ennes et qu¦b¦coise [The Challenge of Teaching

Religious Education in French Schools

119

Religious Facts in School: Responses from Europe and Quebec], ed. J.-P. Willaime. Paris: Riveneuve editions. Jackson, R., S. Miederna, W. Weisse, and J.-P. Willaime, eds. 2007. Religion and Education in Europe. Developments, Contextes and Debates, Münster / New York / Munich / Berlin: Waxmann. Knauth, Th., D.-P. Jozsa, G. Bertram-Troost, and J. Ipgrave, eds. 2008. Encountering Religious Pluralism in School and Society – A Qualitative Study of Teenage Perspectives in Europe, Münster / New York / Munich / Berlin: Waxmann. Laithier, S., and A. van den Kerchove. 2012. “L’enseignement des faits religieux dans les programmes et les manuels d’histoire en France” [Teaching Religious Facts in the French History Curriculum and Textbooks]. Massignon,B. 2009. “Les adolescents et la lacit¦”. In Les jeunes, l’¦cole et la religion, eds. C. B¦raud and J.-P. Willaime, 103 – 121. Paris: Bayard. Massignon, B. 2011. “Lacit¦ in practice: the representations of French teenagers”, British Journal of Religious Education 33, no. 2: 159 – 172. Nouailhat, R. “Le christianisme — l’¦cole”, La Pens¦e 322, April-June 2000, 123. O’Brien, R. 2005. The Stasi Report: The Report of the Committee of Reflection on the Application of the Principle of Secularity in the Republic. Buffalo, New York: William S. Hein and Co., Inc. Saint-Martin, I. 2014. “Histoire des arts et enseignements des faits religieux: concurrence et compl¦mentarit¦” [History of Art and the Teaching of Religious Facts]. In Le d¦fi de l’enseignement des faits religieux — l’¦cole: r¦ponses europ¦ennes et qu¦b¦coise [The Challenge of Teaching Religious Facts in School: Responses from Europe and Quebec], ed. J.-P. Willaime. Paris: Riveneuve editions. Valk, P., G. Bertram-Troost, M. Friederici, and C. B¦raud, eds. 2009. Teenagers’ Perspectives on the Role of Religion in their Lives, Schools and Societies. A European Quantitative Study, Münster / New York / Munich / Berlin: Waxmann. van den Kerchove, A. 2009. Histoire du christianisme, “La Documentation photographique” n. 8069. Paris: La documentation FranÅaise, 63. Willaime, J.-P. 1995. “Ecole et religions. Repr¦sentations et attentes”. In La culture religieuse — l’¦col, ed. F. Messner. Paris: Cerf. Willaime, J.-P. “Ecole et religions: une nouvelle donne?” Revue FranÅaise de P¦dagogie 125, October-December 1998, 7 – 20. Willaime, J.-P. 2000. “L’enseignement religieux — l’¦cole publique dans l’Est de la France: une tradition entre d¦liquescence et recomposition”. Social Compass 47, n. 3: 383 – 395. Willaime, J.-P. ed. 2014. Le d¦fi de l’enseignement des faits religieux — l’¦cole: r¦ponses europ¦ennes et qu¦b¦coise [The Challenge of Teaching Religious Facts in School: Responses from Europe and Quebec]. Paris: Riveneuve ¦ditions.

Andrew G. McGrady

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

Introduction Teaching religion in primary and secondary schools in Ireland is presently an issue of intense debate after decades of relative stability. This chapter seeks to map the key issues and developments at a particular moment in time – the autumn of 2013 – in full knowledge that substantial change will continue to occur in the coming years. Change is being driven by many factors the most important of which are i. the extensive and rapid secularization of Irish society, ii. a radically changed relationship between church and state (including a substantial decline in confidence in the institutional Catholic church due in part to the response of Church authorities to on-going revelations and reports relating to the sex abuse of children and the exploitation of vulnerable adults), iii. increased diversity and plurality in Irish society as a result of immigration and socio-cultural change, iv. the need to provide as far as possible for the exercise of the right of parental choice of schools under a plurality of patronage and trustee bodies, v. the need to acknowledge and provide for the exercise of freedom of religion and belief when teaching religion, vi. the need to rebalance the school curriculum to drive and sustain economic recovery, vii. the changing nature of the family in Irish society and viii. the substantial change in patterns of religious practice and affiliation. It should be noted that the author prefers to use relatively neutral terms such as “teaching religion” and “religion teachers”. This is due to the complexity of the situation as it presently exists in Ireland. Thus “religious education” reflects one (historically dominant) approach to “teaching religion” and “education about religions and beliefs” (ERB) reflect another emerging approach.

122

1.

Andrew G. McGrady

Socio-religious background

Throughout this report “Ireland” refers to the “Republic of Ireland” (that part of the island which is part of the United Kingdom is referred to as “Northern Ireland”). Ireland consists of 26 of the 32 counties on the island of Ireland and has a population of 4.59 million (2011 census) an 8.2 % increase since the 2006 census. The country’s population has increased by 30.1 per cent over the last 20 years and Ireland has the highest birth-rate in the EU. This has resulted in a rapid and continuing growth in educational provision at all levels. Inward migration and growing cultural, ethnic and religious diversity has also increased the demand not only for more primary and secondary schools but for different types of schools. The demand for higher education at undergraduate and postgraduate levels has also increased substantially.

1.1

Religious affiliation

According to the 2011 census 84.2 % of the population of Ireland describe themselves as Roman Catholic (an on-going decline from 93.1 % in the 1988 census, 88.4 % in the 2002 census, and 86.8 % in the 2006 census). 5.9 % of the population define themselves as having “no religion” (a further increase from the 2006 figure of 4.4 %, the 2002 figure of 3.5 % and the 1988 figure of 1.1 %). The majority of this group are Irish nationals and this stance is most commonly exhibited in the 20 – 49 age group (13 % of 25 – 29 year olds declared “no religion” in the 2011 census). The second largest religious grouping (2.8 % of the population) is the Church of Ireland (Anglican). Shifts in religious affiliation must be situated not only in the context of growing secularization but also reflect migration into Ireland. The Muslim community is growing quickly (presently 1.1 % of the population in 2011) and is now the second largest religious grouping in the capital city, Dublin. There has also been a rapid growth in the number of members of Orthodox Christian churches (1 % of the population in 2011) also as a result of migration. In summary there is an on-going modest decline in the percentage of the population declaring a Roman Catholic identity (and a more substantial decline in institutional religious practice within this group), a rapid growth in the percentage of the population declaring “no religion” and a growth in those declaring a Muslim or Orthodox affiliation. The table below summarises the data from the 2006 and 2011 censuses (source: Central Statistics Office, Dublin). Education: Attendance at school is compulsory from 6 – 16 years. At age 6 all children enter a primary school for a six year period after which they proceed to a second level school for a period of five or six years. The majority of school leavers proceed to higher education. The data for 2012 / 2013 academic year (most re-

123

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

Table 1: Religious Affiliation Ireland [2011 Census (1000s)]

cently available statistics) provided by the Department of Education and Skills (DES) for pupils, schools and students is summarized in tables 2 and 3 below.

Number of Pupils / Students Number of Teachers (FTE)

Primary

Secondary

Third level

526,422 32,175

362847 23,470

163,068 (estimate)

Table 2: Pupils and Teachers (2012 / 2013 Academic year)

The level of education experiencing the most rapid growth is third level. In 1971 there were 25,776 students enrolled at this level; by 1991 this had risen to 74,449 and in 2011 / 2012 had increased to 163,068. At second level the majority of pupils remain in education after the period of compulsory schooling has ended and complete senior cycle. First Level Mainstream primary

3,293 3,152

Special Schools

141 721

Voluntary Secondary Vocational

375 253

Second Level

Community and Comprehensive 93 Table 3: Schools in the Republic of Ireland 2012 / 2013 Academic Year (Source: Department of Education and Skills)

124

Andrew G. McGrady

Table 3 summaries the structure of primary and secondary schools for the 2012 / 2013 academic year. The above data concerning second level schools can be further differentiated: Approximately 94 % of Voluntary Secondary Schools are Roman Catholic in character being either linked to a number of Educational Trusts set up by the founding (but now declining) male and female religious congregations or diocesan schools under the local Catholic bishop. The number of Voluntary Catholic Secondary Schools is slowly declining due to amalgamations and redesignation as Community Schools. Community Schools are managed on behalf of the State by Boards of Management which include religious orders and / or bishop’s representatives. Number of Pupil En- Schools (First level) rolment fewer than 50 598

% of First level schools

Number of Schools (Second level)

% of Second level schools

19 %

0

0%

50 – 99 100 – 199

783 805

25 % 25 %

13 60

2% 8%

200 – 299 300 – 499

513 351

16 % 11 %

103 207

14 % 29 %

500+ TOTAL

102 3,159

3% 100 %

338 722

47 % 100 %

Table 4: School size (First and Second levels) [2012 / 2013 Academic year]

Ireland has a relatively low population density (73 per square km) and in urban areas the population is dispersed. As can be seen in table 4 the majority of the 3,159 first level schools are small (69 % of these schools have less than 200 pupils). Conversely the majority of the 722 second level schools are relatively large (78 % having over 300 pupils). The smaller schools are predominantly found in rural areas and include many of those primary schools managed by the Protestant churches. The high proportion of small primary schools especially in rural areas, and the fact that the vast majority of these are under the patronage of the Catholic Church, accentuates the problem of the exercise of parental school choice especially for parents of minority faith groups and of secular conviction. Conversely the high proportion of relatively large second level schools raises the issue of such schools being faithful to their foundational ethos or character while serving an increasing diverse student population. These problems are further accentuated in what are known as stand alone schools – those schools under denominational patronage which serve a local community where demographics make it difficult to provide a school under a different patron in the same area.

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

2.

125

Legal Frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

Constitutionally there is a close relationship between church and state in Ireland although this is increasingly under pressure and a Constitutional Review is at an early stage. Article 6 of the present Irish Constitution respects religion and acknowledges God as the source of its authority. Article 44 guarantees individual religious freedom and acknowledges the right of every religious denomination to manage its own affairs, own, acquire and administer property, and maintain institutions for religious or charitable purposes. The ethos or characteristic spirit of denominational schooling is presently supported by a number of legal instruments although these are also under review. The 2000 and 2004 Equal Status Acts states that schools “where the object is to provide education in an environment that promotes certain religious values […] can admit a student of a particular religious denomination in preference to other students” and can “refuse to admit a student who is not of that religion, provided it can prove that this refusal is essential to maintain the ethos of the school”. The Acts also note that once a student has been admitted “a school may not discriminate” (for example on grounds of religion) “in relation to the access of the student to any course, facility or benefit provided by the school”. The Employment Equality Acts of 1998 and 2004 allow “certain religious, educational and medical institutions” to give more favourable treatment on the ground of religion to an employee or prospective employee where “it is reasonable to do so in order to maintain the religious ethos of the institution”, to “take action which is reasonably necessary to prevent an employee or a prospective employee from undermining the religious ethos of the institution” and to “reserve places on specified vocational training courses […] in such numbers” (as seems necessary to the relevant Minister) “to ensure the availability of […] primary teachers”. The Irish Constitution, related state instruments and international instruments permit schools to provide “religious instruction”. In recent years the term “religious education” (to include “faith development”) has been increasingly used by Catholic educators instead. While the term “religious instruction” may no longer be the preferred term among such educators it does have legal and constitutional currency. Religious institutions have a constitutionally acknowledged right to provide and manage schools. In such faith schools religious education is seen as an essential, integrating component of full human development. The right to provide religious instruction is carefully balanced in the Irish Constitution by the right of parents to withdraw their child from such religious instruction. Thus Article 44.2.4 states that: “legislation providing State aid for schools shall not discriminate between schools under the management of

126

Andrew G. McGrady

different religious denominations, nor be such as to affect prejudicially the right of any child to attend a school receiving public money without attending religious instruction at that school”.

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

Educational policy and related practice in Ireland is currently undergoing substantial change and is being shaped by a number of key developments.

3.1

The Teaching Council

ATeaching Council was established in 2006 under the Teaching Council Act 2001. It is the self-regulating body of the teaching profession in Ireland with the key role of promoting and upholding professional standards in teaching. The Council has 37 members, 22 of whom are registered teachers. The Council is careful to differentiate its role from that of employer bodies, teacher trade unions, the school inspectorate and the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment. Since its establishment the Council has established a register of teachers and set the criteria for registration, defined the continuum of teacher education (initial teacher education, induction and probation, and in-service), promulgated a Code of Practice for teachers, set new criteria for initial teacher education programmes, specified the subject criteria a teacher must meet in order to register as a teacher of that subject at second level, and is presently piloting an induction programme for newly qualified teachers. It is also expanding its functions to include evidence of character, in-service requirements for continued registration as a teacher and to advise government on teacher supply. The impact of the establishment of the Council on the education of teachers of religion and the criteria they must meet to register has been substantial.

3.2

The Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in the Primary Sector

The Forum was established by the Minister for Education and Skills on 28th March 2011 and submitted its report in April 2012. The report has considerable significance for primary schools and the approach to teaching religion in Ireland and highlighted a number of issues including (i) the divesting of patronage of certain schools by the Catholic Church, (ii) the need to ensure that schools, particularly Stand Alone schools are as inclusive as possible and accommodate

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

127

pupils of various belief systems and traditions, (ii) the need to deal effectively with the Constitutional right to opt out of religious instruction, (iv) the need to have school policies on the conduct of religious and cultural celebrations in schools and (v) ensuring that the Boards of Management of denominational schools reflect the diversity of the local community.

3.3

Reconfiguration of the Higher Education Landscape

Presently, for historical reasons, most initial teacher education in Ireland is provided by Colleges of Education under the ownership or trusteeship of the churches. These have gradually gained the status of Higher Education Institutions funded by the state. A structural review of the higher education sector is currently underway led by the government Department of Education and Skills (DES) and the related agency, the Higher Education Authority (HEA). This will result in radical structural reform. Following input from an international review panel and discussions with Higher Education Institutions themselves it is now government policy that regional clusters of Higher Education Institutions (Universities and Institutes of Technology) will be established and that the existing denominational Colleges of Education will be merged with secular universities with a view to establishing six national Institutes of Education which will provide research led teacher education. These structural changes are to be completed by 2016.

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

The churches in Ireland have played a distinctive role in the provision of education. Article 42 of the Irish Constitution acknowledges that the primary and natural educator of the child is the family and guarantees to respect the inalienable right and duty of parents to provide, according to their means, for the religious and moral, intellectual, physical and social education of their children. Article 44 provides for State financial support for denominational schools. In general the State does not “provide” schooling at either primary or second level but “provides for” such schooling by funding private initiatives which in the majority of cases are under the patronage or trusteeship of religious groups. The 1998 Education Act (section 8) acknowledges and protects the role of the churches in the areas of school patronage and management. Thus, for historical reasons schooling in Ireland has evolved in a manner that is provided and

128

Andrew G. McGrady

managed by the churches while largely funded and inspected by the State. It is still the case that the primary sector is largely denominational in character (mainly under Catholic patronage) although recent years have also seen the rapid development of a small number of multi-denominational primary schools under the patronage of Educate Together. Free second level education was introduced in the 1960s. Prior to this religious congregations provided a system of private schools (Catholic Voluntary Secondary Schools) and the state provided “technical” schools under the management of Vocational Education Committees (VEC) at county level (Vocational Education Committees have recently been reconfigured as Education and Training Boards [ETBs]). In a greatly expanded second level sector most new schools in recent years are multi-denominational and are not under the trusteeship or patronage of the churches. The dramatic decline in the number of professed religious is also having a profound effect upon the trusteeship and management of Catholic Voluntary Secondary Schools with patterns of closures, amalgamations, incorporation into the Community and Comprehensive school sector and new trustee arrangements being strongly in evidence. The collapse in vocations to the religious life has also resulted in the almost total withdrawal of the religiously professed from the daily academic life and leadership of Catholic schools. At primary level new structures of joint-faith schools and schools under the patronage of the Education and Training Boards are under consideration or development. The area of greatest growth is in multi-denominational sector (Educate Together schools). There is no doubt that in the medium term the system will become increasingly diverse allowing for greater parental choice particularly in urban areas. It is acknowledged by the Catholic Church that, for historical reasons, it is over-represented in the patronage of primary schools (87 % of the population are Catholic but 94 % of primary schools are under the patronage of the Church).

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

There is no legal requirement for schools in Ireland to teach religion although this is permitted by the Irish Constitution and, when provided, is subject to legal requirements. At primary level religious education may be provided (presently up to a maximum of 30 minutes per day) in accordance with the patron’s curriculum (the rest of the primary curriculum is set by the state). In secondary schools up to two hours per week may presently be set aside for teaching religion. Again this may be provided in accordance with the patron’s curriculum or schools may follow the Religious Education examination syllabuses provided by

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

129

the NCCA. Religion is taught by suitably qualified registered teachers (i. e. registered with the Teaching Council). Such teachers are paid by the state in the normal way. Teaching religion in the Irish context has exhibited clear patterns of evolution in the 50 year period since the introduction of free second level education. Key moments in this evolution have been: – The new Primary Curriculum (1999) which is based upon six areas comprising eleven subjects but in which the development and implementation of the curriculum in religious education in primary schools remains the responsibility of the relevant patron bodies rather than the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA). A key principle underlying the curriculum is that of integration. – The introduction of optional state syllabuses for Religious Education at second level (developed by the NCCA) as part of the Junior Certificate (1999) and Leaving Certificate (2003) examinations. – The publication by the Catholic church in 2011 of Share the Good News – the national catechetical directory for Ireland. Over the past 50 years the understanding of teaching religion has exhibited distinctive patterns. At the time of the introduction of free second level education in 1966 it was most commonly understood through a “catechetical” lens in which the work of the school was seen as an extension of the work of the parish and of the family being part of the evangelising mission of the church. The consent for the child to participate in such religious instruction came from the parent. From the mid 1980s a second lens was applied to teaching religion which was called “religious education”. This lens focussed on the unique context in which teaching religion took place – the school – a place with different educational goals to the family or a parish. Perhaps the clearest statement of this approach is that provided for the Junior Certificate and Leaving Certificate syllabuses which are designed to be open to pupils of all faiths and none. It is not assumed, or even necessary, that the teacher and pupil share the same faith commitment. There no explicit intention (for assessment and examination purposes) to promote adherence to a particular faith or belief tradition although there is an acknowledgement that schools will continue to provide faith development initiatives in accordance with their ethos. Both the Junior Certificate and Leaving Certificate syllabuses state in their introduction that the aims for religious education for assessment and certification in the post-primary school are:

130

Andrew G. McGrady

1. To foster an awareness that the human search for meaning is common to all peoples of all ages and at all times. 2. To explore how this search for meaning has found, and continues to find, expression in religion. 3. To identify how understandings of God, religious traditions, and in particular the Christian tradition, have contributed to the culture in which we live, and how they continue to have an impact on personal lifestyle, inter-personal relationships, and relationships between individuals and their communities and contexts. 4. To appreciate the richness of religious traditions and to acknowledge the nonreligious interpretation of life. 5. To contribute to the spiritual and moral development of the student. At the turn of the millennium, the tragic events associated with the 9 – 11 attacks on New York in 2001 and subsequent attacks around the globe raised awareness that religion and belief could not be regarded as a purely private concern of the individual but have profound effects for society and for global security. Along with substantial inward migration into Ireland during the Celtic Tiger decades this led to an increasing focus on how the exploration of religions and beliefs as social and cultural “facts” could be included within formal schooling as a means of promoting mutual understanding, tolerance and inclusion (there has been little or no religious-related violence in Ireland with the obvious exception of the impact of the troubles in Northern Ireland). Parallel to this the ever-present revolution in communications technology and accelerating globalisation raised urgent questions about identity, nationality, culture, pluralism and social cohesion. In response teaching religion in Ireland began to draw upon the frameworks developed as part of inter-cultural dialogue and inter-religious engagement. In the past five years in Ireland there has also been a growing awareness that teaching religion must also be situated within a human rights frame of reference. Of immediate relevance is of course the right to freedom of religion and belief. In 1966 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which came into force from March 23, 1976. Ireland signed the covenant on October 1st 1973 and ratified it on December 8th 1989. Article 18 which relates to freedom of religion and belief is of particular relevance. As has been repeatedly pointed out freedom of religion relates to both freedom “for” religion and freedom “from” religion. There has been a growing awareness that both must be acknowledged and accommodated within any and every approach to teaching religion. The May 2011 report of the Irish Commission for Human Rights (IHRC) on Religion and Education: a Human Rights Perspective has provided a further stimulus in this regard raising key questions

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

131

about effective provision for the right of parents to exercise freedom of religion and belief in their selection of schools, the nature of the integrated curriculum at primary level and inclusion of minority groups in schools under denominational patronage and trusteeship. There is presently no state syllabus for teaching religion at primary level. The syllabus is set by the relevant patronage body which approves the related programme and sets the required teacher qualifications to teach such programmes (this is in addition to requirements set by the Teaching Council relating to teacher registration). The requirements set by Catholic patrons are available online. Those set by Educate Together (relating to a multi-denominational Learn Together programme in Ethics and Education about Religion and Beliefs) can also be found online. As part of the initial teacher education for primary teachers the main Colleges of Education provide specific programmes that enable primary teachers to teach the relevant religion or ethics programmes in schools under different patrons. Thus the Church of Ireland College of Education provides an optional Religious Education Certificate for those wishing to teach religion in schools under the management of the Church of Ireland and other Protestant denominations. The Catholic Colleges of Education also offer programmes which prepare student teachers to teach Catholic Religious Education. For instance, St. Patrick’s College, Dublin offers both a Certificate in Religious Education and Religious Studies for Catholic schools and a Certificate in Ethical and Multidenominational Education for Educate Together schools. The state syllabuses for second level Religious Education and related Guidelines for Teachers were developed by the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA). There are currently two providers of concurrent initial teacher education for second level religion teachers – Mater Dei Institute of Education, Dublin and St. Angela’s College, Sligo. In addition consecutive initial teacher education draws upon undergraduate programmes with a strong theological focus (such as that provided by the Pontifical faculty at St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth) or which adopt a religious studies approach (such as that provided by University College Cork).

6.

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

Part of the difficulty in defining the approach to teaching religion and its relationship with school patronage is the lack of an agreed definition of “denominational”, “multi-denominational”, “interdenominational” and “non-denominational schools” as well as the present lack of designation of any school in Ireland as a “secular” school. In its 2012 report the Forum on Patronage and Pluralism suggested the following definitions:

132

Andrew G. McGrady

Denominational patronage A school under the patronage of a single religious community. Such a school provides religious education according to the traditions, practices and beliefs of the specified religious community. It may also provide a wider education about religion and facilitate parents of other faith traditions to enable them to provide for religious education in their belief system. Inter-denominational patronage A school under the patronage or trusteeship of more than one religious faith community. Such a school provides for a variety of religious education opportunities. Multi-denominational patronage In the Irish context, two types of primary schools are categorised as multidenominational: – firstly, those schools that do not provide religious education as formation, during the school day, but do provide education about religions and beliefs. If they so desire, parents may arrange for denominational religious education outside school hours in such schools – secondly, those schools that provide education about religions and also provide some faith formation for different denominations, depending on parental requests, during the school day, over a 3 or 4 week period.

Non-denominational Patronage Schools under the patronage of a secular body and which has an explicitly secular ethos. This does not preclude the provision of a programme on education about religion. As yet, there are no non-denominational national schools in Ireland. The report of the forum also suggested definitions relating to teaching religion in Irish schools as an alternative to the commonly accepted distinctions for state schools in the European context of teaching for religion, teaching about religion and teaching from religion. – Denominational Religious Education: education as “formation” in a belief system which involves learning how to live a life according to religious guidelines and learning modes of thinking, values formation and moral action in the light of religious beliefs. It incorporates a dimension of critical thinking and is opposed to the indoctrination of pupils. It incorporates the constitutional and legal term “religious instruction” whose connotation is now regarded as pedagogically limiting, but whose usage was widespread in the past.

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

133

– Education about Religion and Beliefs (ERB): a programme which helps pupils to know about and to understand the rich cultural heritage of forms of religion and beliefs which have been embraced by humankind. It is not focussed on nurturing a belief or practice system of any religion, but to have an informed awareness of the main theist and non-theist beliefs and of key aspects of their cultural manifestations. It also aims to foster a respect for adherents of such religions and beliefs. The report acknowledges that denominational religious education includes the teaching of ethics as a constituent part but expresses a concern with respect to the ethical education of pupils who are withdrawn from such programmes. It highlights the need for an Ethics Programme to be provided for such pupils. The report called for the provision of a greater diversity of schools under different patrons where this was possible and highlighted the challenge of “stand alone schools” where parental school choice is difficult to exercise and the challenge is to ensure that the schools are as inclusive as possible, and accommodates pupils of varied belief systems. The development of Educate Together schools at primary level saw the introduction of the Learn Together ethical education curriculum in these schools which is taught in place of religious education. This curriculum has four strands: (i) Moral and Spiritual, (ii) Equality and Justice, (iii) Belief Systems and (iv) Ethics and the Environment. Educate Together has recently been appointed as the patron or co-patron for eight second level schools in Ireland and are engaged in a consultative process with stakeholders concerning the development of an ethics curriculum at second level. (Educate Together have also been appointed by the Department of Education in England and Wales to run their first UK primary school in Bristol).

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

The broader curriculum in Ireland at both primary and second level is undergoing change. A number of developments have a direct bearing upon the provision for teaching religion in schools including the following.

134 7.1

Andrew G. McGrady

Ethics and ERB

The Final Report of the Advisory Group of the Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in the Primary Sector (2012) recommended the introduction of both ERB and ethics in all primary schools to complement whatever denominational RE was provided. In June 2012 the Minister for Education and Skills charged the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA) with the development of programmes related to Education about Religions and Beliefs (ERB). This is the first curriculum initiative by the state relating to teaching religion in Irish primary schools and is in continuity with the previous intervention by the state in charging the NCCA with the drawing up of optional state syllabuses for Religious Education at second level. In late 2013 the NCCA appointed an Education Officer to work on the development of curriculum and guidelines for ERB in primary schools. Support for a proposal to offer Philosophy (including Ethics) as a subject in the second level curriculum is also gathering momentum.

7.2

Jewish Studies / Hebrew Studies

In September 2010 a new syllabus was introduced in the junior cycle curriculum in Jewish Studies and was examined for the first time in June 2013. This is an interesting example of the way the school curriculum in Ireland is developing to address issues of identity and religious affiliation for minority groups. The Junior Certificate syllabus in Jewish Studies consists of seven sections. Section 1 is compulsory ; four of the remaining six sections must then be studied. – Section 1: The Irish Jewish Communities and the Jewish Home – Section 2: Beliefs and Moral Teachings – Section 3: Sacredness in the Jewish Faith – Section 4: Holy Places – Section 5: The Holocaust (Shoah) – Section 6: Sacred Writings and Commentaries – Section 7: The Hebrew Language Assessment is by means of project work (20 %) and terminal written examination (80 %). For the 2013 assessment a choice of two titles was provided for project work: (i) a case study on Jewish resistance to the Holocaust as seen in the “Warsaw Ghetto Uprising” of 1943 and (ii) an examination of the protection given to Jewish citizens within the Danish State during the Holocaust (Shoah). These titles clearly illustrate the manner in which Jewish Studies is designed to

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

135

interface with other studies in Religious Education, History, Geography and CSPE (Civic, Social and Political Education). At Leaving Certificate level a syllabus in Hebrew Studies has been available for some time with the intention of enabling students to deepen their understanding of the history, religion and civilization of the Hebrew people. The course focuses in greater depth on major themes regarding institutions, religious ideas and roles as they were expressed and developed during the course of Israelite history. The Hebrew Scriptures are the primary source for this investigation. There are four sections in the syllabus: – Section A: (1) Family ; (2) Government and Monarchy – Section B: (1) Prophetic Protest; (2) Wisdom – Section C: (1) Worship (sacrifice and prayer); (2) Festivals and Symbols – Section D: (1) Election and Covenant; (2) Messianism

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

Of specific import in the Irish context is the Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by the UN General Assembly in November 1989 and in force from September 1990. The Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) monitors the implementation of the convention and in November 2006 made a significant recommendation relating to Ireland as follows: “60. The Committee reiterates the concern raised by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD / C / IRL / CO / 2) that nondenominational or multi-denominational schools represent less than 1 per cent of the total number of primary education facilities. 61. The Committee encourages the State party to take fully into consideration the recommendations made by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD / C / IRL / 2, Para 18) which encourages the promotion of the establishment of non-denominational or multi-denominational schools and to amend the existing legislative framework to eliminate discrimination in school admissions.” In February 2011, in an address to the Cambridge Group for Irish Studies at Magdalene College, the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Diarmuid Martin, stated that “the Irish Government has an obligation to ensure that parents who do not want a religious ethos in the formation of their children can, as far as possible, exercise their rights. […] I believe that there is need for a national forum to debate the issue. Plurality in management is needed to address the changed Irish culture”. In March 2011 the Minister for Education and Skills, when announcing the Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in the Primary Sector included in its terms of reference that of advising the Minister on “how it can best

136

Andrew G. McGrady

be ensured that the education system can provide a sufficiently diverse number and range of primary schools catering for all religions and none”. In its 2012 report the Forum recommended measures for promoting diversity of school provision by facilitating the Catholic Church to divest itself of the patronage of some of its schools. A consultation process with parents was commenced in 2012 and was carried out jointly by the Department of Education and Skills (DES) and the Catholic Schools Partnership in targeted areas. Surveys of parents are indicating a small demand for change of patron in some areas and also that many parents are content with the education offered by schools under Catholic patronage. In 2013 the first Catholic school diversed patronage in inner city Dublin. It should be remembered that the state does not own most primary schools in Ireland. A restricting factor concerning divesting is often the Deed of Trust of Catholic schools which specify that the premises must be used for the provision of Catholic education. A solution that is emerging is the possibility of such schools being leased to the state for a specified period of time and for the state to then entrust the school to multi-denominational patrons for that period of time. There is also a clear pattern by which the state entrusts most new primary schools to multidenominational patrons. However new primary schools under Catholic patronage are still being opened in response to parental demand. In 2012 the Minister for Education and Skills also stated his intention to draw up of a White Paper for consideration by Government which would ensure that the education system can provide a sufficiently diverse number of schools, catering for all religions and none. In the autumn of 2013 he launched a public consultation on inclusion in primary schools and invited submissions from stakeholders. This consultation is also presently on-going. When examining the issue of diversity and inclusion in schools in Ireland it is important to avoid the simplistic notion that schools under denominational patronage do not include within their community teachers and pupils of other faith traditions and none and that respect for religious diversity is only a characteristic of multi-denominational schools. This is simply not the case; all schools in Ireland now exhibit diversity as educational communities in terms of the pupils, teachers and parents and strive for inclusivity. In this sense all schools are multi-cultural and “multi–religious / multi-faith / multi-worldview”. As previously indicated terms such as “denominational” or “multi-denominational” refer primarily to the patronage structure of a school not its intake. It is the responsibility of all schools to respectfully and creatively accommodate the actual diversity of religion and beliefs manifest within their educational communities while maintaining its ethos and authenticity and being of service to parents who have chosen the school as an expression of their particular denominational identity. Further the rights of patrons should not be regarded as

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

137

absolute. The White Paper announced in June 2012 will make an important contribution in this regard. Given the majority position of the Catholic church in the provision of schools, the approach of such schools to inclusion is of particular importance. The 2007 document on Catholic Primary Schools: a Policy for Provision into the Future, issued by the Irish Catholic Bishops’ Conference states (section 4.3) “The Catholic school welcomes diversity and strives for inclusivity. It is open to people of other denominations and other faiths, welcomes them into its community and respects their beliefs. […] While it maintains its own ethos and provides religious instruction and formation in the Catholic Faith, the Catholic School sees this diversity as an opportunity for dialogue and understanding with those of different faiths. It seeks to co-operate with parents of other traditions who wish to provide religious instruction for the children in their own tradition.”

In 2008 the Catholic bishops also issued, “Vision 08: A Vision for Catholic Education in Ireland”. The Department of Education and Skills (DES) provides quality assurance for the work of recognised schools through Whole School Evaluation but this does not examine the quality of the religious education provided. The religious education provided in Catholic schools is overseen at diocesan level by Diocesan Advisors for Religious Education. Until recently there has been no formal quality assurance mechanism. In 2013 the Catholic Schools Partnership introduced a school based pilot quality assurance process.

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

Issues relating to the broader place of religion in schools are becoming increasingly evident in the Irish context. The macro issues of the patronage and management of the majority of schools by denominational bodies, the admissions policy of a school and parental rights with respect to school choice have already been referred to. Other issues emerging include the manner in which in a faith school a “religious spirit” is to characterise all aspects of the life of the school and the implication of this integrated curriculum in primary schools. An issue specifically for Catholic primary schools is the provision of sacramental preparation (first reconciliation, first Eucharist and confirmation) within the religious education class. Sub-issues relate to the expectation that the normal class teacher would provide this preparation and the withdrawal of pupils who are not Roman Catholic from these lessons. The issue of the religious dress of pupils (for example the wearing of the hijab) has not proved particularly problematic. The Irish Government has also raised the issue of ensuring that the use of religious symbols in a faith school does not contribute to exclusion.

138

Andrew G. McGrady

Most denominational schools provide retreat experiences for pupils and offer a range of opportunities for engagement in the work of social justice at national and global levels. There is no legal requirement to provide religious assembles and school prayer although many schools have oratories or other sacred spaces which are frequently used for liturgies. At second level in Community Schools and Community Colleges (but not in Voluntary Secondary Schools) the state presently funds a school chaplain – the majority of whom are lay teachers.

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities issues

Presently most initial teacher education for future primary school teachers occurs in Colleges of Education that are owned by either the Catholic Church or the Church of Ireland. As part of their initial teacher education student teachers are offered a course leading to a Certificate in Catholic Religious Education (or its equivalent). Those who wish to teach in a primary school under the trusteeship of the Catholic Church must be the holders of such a certificate. At second level the majority of RE teachers hold a specialist qualification in religious education or theology. The Teaching Council sets the subject requirements to register as a second level teacher of Religious Education. The main providers of concurrent initial teacher education for religion teachers at second level are Mater Dei Institute of Education, Dublin and St. Angela’s College, Sligo. The relevant Colleges of Education and the secular universities with which they are associated are as follows. College of Education Marino Institute of Education Mary Immaculate College

Location Foundational Ethos Dublin Catholic

Associated WWW University Trinity Col- www.mie.ie lege, Dublin

Core Focus

Limerick Catholic

University www.mic.ul.ie of Limerick

Primary

St. Patrick’s College of Education Mater Die Institute

Dublin

Catholic

Dublin City www.spd.dcu.ie University

Primary

Dublin

Catholic

Dublin City www.materdei.ie Secondary University RE

St. Angela’s College

Sligo

Catholic

NUI Galway www.stangelas. nuigalway.ie/

Primary

Secondary RE

139

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

(Continued) College of Education Church of Ireland College of Education

Location Foundational Ethos Dublin Protestant

Associated WWW University www.cice.ie Presently Trinity College Dublin Shortly : Dublin City University

Core Focus Primary

In addition a number of higher education institutions provide undergraduate degrees in Theology (for instance Trinity College, Dublin and St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth) or Religious Studies (for instance University College Cork). For teachers following this route consecutive initial teacher education programmes are also provided by University schools or departments of Education or Educational Studies. In recent years a private provider, Hibernia College, offering blended on-line teacher education programmes has also entered the market. These consecutive providers have a secular ethos.

11.

Empirical research concerning RE

Historically theology and religious education has been situated in the Colleges of Education which provided initial teacher education programmes at bachelors degree level and in which most academic staff had neither the time nor the expertise to engage in empirical research. Should an experienced teacher of religion in the Irish context wish to undertake research few opportunities were to be found in Irish universities and such teachers tended to register at universities on the east coast of the USA or in the UK. This situation has had a detrimental effect upon the establishment of a corpus of practitioner empirical research relating to religion teaching in Ireland. Things are now beginning to change. In the past 15 to 20 years the Colleges of Education in Ireland have all established strong academic linkages with their awarding universities and the vast majority of staff teaching theology and religious education now hold doctoral qualifications. This has in turn led to postgraduate qualifications (including professional doctorates) being available locally. Currently there is evidence of the beginnings of a corpus of empirical research being undertaken by Irish religion teachers in Irish higher education institutions much of which can be classified as practitioner or translational research. The Irish Centre for Religious Education (ICRE) hosted by Mater Dei Institute (http://www.materdei.ie/icre) has recently been established to promote a coordinated, inter-institutional and strategic

140

Andrew G. McGrady

approach to such practitioner research. A database of research related to religious education is being developed by the ICRE across partner institutions. At the wider level there is a long established social science research tradition which has been undertaken mainly by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ERSI) into the Irish schooling system. In 2012 for instance research was published into the varied profile of primary schools under different patrons (Catholic, Educate Together and Protestant). The ESRI has also reported (2013) on the governance and funding of the second level voluntary school sector in Ireland. Both of these recent pieces of research assist in further defining the relationship between parental and family characteristics and school choice. They indicate that the choice of a denominational or non-denominational school is far more complex than simply being based upon a parental profile of religious or secular belief. There are other sources of social science based research. Ireland has participated in the European Values Survey the data for which is held at the Irish Social Sciences Data Archive (ISSDA) at University College Dublin. This data is made available for analysis by researchers. Other education stakeholders have also commissioned independent research. The Catholic Schools Partnership has commissioned both quantitative and qualitative research which has largely related to the reasons parents send their child to a Catholic school and the levels of support among parents for their local school remaining under Catholic patronage or being divested and made available to multi-denominational groups. The Irish National Teachers‘ Organisation (INTO) has also sponsored research relating to the attitudes of primary school principals and primary teachers into the patronage of primary schools and the teaching of religion in schools (www.into.ie).

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

Guidelines relating to teaching about religion and beliefs which are emerging at a wider European level are influencing the approach taken in Ireland. This is especially the case for the OSCE / ODIHR Toledo Guiding Principles which are explicitly referred to in, and which have informed the recommendations of, the Report of the Forum on Patronage and Pluralism (2012). These are now a key resource for the initial and on-going teacher education of religion teachers in Ireland. Recent European documents also provided a key focus for two conferences on the theme of “Towards Mutual Ground” that were provided in Dublin (Mater Dei Institute) and Limerick (Mary Immaculate College) during 2012. The key issue arising in the Irish context concerning these European documents relates to their contextual relevance and to the extent to which they can be

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

141

implemented given that the primary and second level schooling systems in Ireland are not based upon the notion of the state “providing” education but rather on the state “providing for” education in recognised schools which are largely under the patronage and management of denominational groups. While documents such as the Toledo Guidelines do acknowledge the particular circumstances of “faith schools” they do not envisage a situation in which the vast majority of schools are such schools. The particular balance that emerges in the Irish context between “teaching for (into) religion and belief” (denominational religious education), on the one hand, and “teaching about religions and beliefs” (ERB), on the other hand will be of interest to the wider European debate. Another factor is the manner in which ethical formation and citizenship education are situated within the approach adopted. It is acknowledged in the Irish context that both approaches are needed and that the precise balance which emerges will depend upon the patronage structure of the school and the actual diversity present at a particular moment in time within an individual school.

13.

Further information

A good overview of the present debate in Ireland can be found in the recent publication “Towards Mutual Ground” which includes contributions from denominational, multi-denomination and secular perspectives. There is also extensive material on-line relating to teaching religion in Ireland most of which has been referred to earlier. Regarding primary schools under Catholic patronage and management, the Catholic Primary Schools Management Association (CPSMA), has a website (www.cpsma.ie). The umbrella body for Catholic primary and secondary schools is the Catholic Schools Partnership (http:// www.catholicschools.ie/). The Religion Teachers Association of Ireland (RTAI) is the national, professional association of religion teachers at second level and also has a website (www.rtai.ie).

References Byrne, G., and P. Kieran, eds. 2013. Towards mutual ground: pluralism, religious education and diversity in Irish schools. Dublin: Columba. Byrne, G. 2013. Pluralism, dialogue and religious education in Share the Good News: national directory for catechesis. In Toward mutual ground: pluralism, religious education and diversity in Irish schools, eds. G. Byrne and P. Kieran, 147 – 155. Dublin: Columba. Catholic Schools’ Partnership. 2012. A process for understanding, supporting and taking

142

Andrew G. McGrady

ownership of the characteristic spirit in a Catholic school. Maynooth: Catholic Schools’ Partnership. http://www.catholicschools.ie/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/A-processfor-Catholic-Primary-Schools-Word-document-User-Friendly-Print.pdf. Darmody, M., and E. Smyth. 2013. Governance and funding of voluntary secondary schools in Ireland. Dublin. Economic and Social Research Institute (ERSI). http:// www.esri.ie/UserFiles/publications/RS34.pdf. Darmody, M., E. Smyth, and S. McCoy. 2012. School sector variation among primary schools in Ireland. Dublin. Economic and Social Research Institute (ERSI). http:// www.esri.ie/__uuid/7c3b20b7 – 0671 – 43a1 – 8ca7 – 7d073b36e6d0/BKMNEXT221.pdf. Educate Together. Learn Together : an ethical education curriculum for Educate Together schools. Dublin: Educate Together. http://www.educatetogether.ie/about/learn-together. IHRC. 2011. Religion and education: a human rights perspective. Dublin: Irish Human Rights Commission. http://www.ihrc.ie/download/pdf/religionandeducationpdf.pdf. Ireland, Department of Education and Skills. 2000. Junior Certificate Religious Education syllabus (ordinary level and higher level). Dublin: Government Publications. http:// www.curriculumonline.ie/getmedia/c0c1f394 – 79c8 – 4455-bea5-c9e014a9945d/JCSEC22_religion_syllabus.pdf. Ireland, Department of Education and Skills. 2012. The Forum on Patronage and Pluralism in the Primary Sector : Report of the Forum’s Advisory Group. Dublin: Department of Education and Skills. http://www.education.ie/en/Publications/Policy-Reports/ fpp_report_advisory_group.pdf. Irish Catholic Bishops’ Conference. 2007. Catholic primary schools: a policy for provision into the future. Dublin: Veritas. Irish Catholic Bishops’ Conference. 2008. Vision 08: a vision for Catholic education in Ireland. Maynooth. http://www.catholicbishops.ie/wp-content/uploads/images/stories/cco_publications/Education/vision08pastoralletter.pdf. Irish Catholic Bishops’ Conference. 2011. Recognition of qualifications to teach Catholic religious education. Maynooth: Catechetics Council. http://www.catholicbishops.ie/ 2011/11/08/recognition-qualifications-teach-catholic-religious-education/. Irish Catholic Bishops’ Conference. 2011. Share the Good News: national directory for catechesis in Ireland. Dublin: Veritas. Kieran, P. 2013. Taking diversity of belief seriously in contemporary Ireland: the challenge for religious education in Irish schools. In Toward mutual ground: pluralism, religious education and diversity in Irish Schools, eds. G. Byrne and P. Kieran, 23 – 39. Dublin: Columba. Kieran, P., and A. Hession, eds. 2008. Exploring religious education: foundations for Catholic religious education in an intercultural Europe. Dublin: Veritas. Lane, D. 2013. Religion and education: reimagining the relationship. Dublin: Veritas. Looney, A. 2006. Religious education in the public space: challenges and contestations. In International Handbook on the Religious Moral and Spiritual Dimensions of Education, eds. Marian De Souza et al. Dordrecht: Springer McGrady, A. 2013. Teaching religion: challenges and opportunities for educational practice in a pluralist context. In Toward mutual ground: pluralism, religious education and diversity in Irish schools, eds. G. Byrne and P. Kieran, 79 – 91. Dublin: Columba. National Council for Curriculum and Assessment. 2009. Junior Certificate Jewish Studies

Teaching Religion at Schools in Ireland

143

Syllabus. Dublin: NCCA. http://www.curriculumonline.ie/en/Post-Primary_Curriculum/Junior_Cycle_Curriculum/Junior_Certificate_Subjects/Jewish_Studies/JC_Jewish_studies.pdf. National Council for Curriculum and Assessment. Leaving Certificate Hebrew Studies Syllabus. Dublin: NCCA. http://www.curriculumonline.ie/uploadedfiles/PDF/lc_heb_ sy.pdf. OSCE. 2007. The Toledo guiding principles on teaching about religions and beliefs in public schools. Warsaw: Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. http://www.osce.org/item/28314.html. Renehan, C. 2011. School patronage, religion and education in the Irish Republic. Journal of Religious Education 59: 4 – 14. Williams, K. 2011. Religious education in the United Kingdom and Ireland: Ireland. In Debates in religious education, ed. Ph. Barnes, 45 – 50. London: Routledge.

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

Introduction Up until the 19th Century almost the entire population of Luxembourg was Roman Catholic and all state run schools were Catholic schools. (Seiler 1980, 7) Even in 1912 the law for primary education still states that schools need to foster intellectual abilities as well as civil and social virtues in children (M¦m. n861 du 11 ao˜t 1912, 761). Following significant changes in the 20th century, the population of Luxembourg now believes in “a plurality of worldviews and ideas of the good, be those religious, esoteric or secular”. This development has significantly influenced Religious Education.

1.

Socio-religious background

1.1

Religious affilation

According to the European Value Study (EVS) of 2008, 73 % of people questioned state that they identify with a Christian religion (69 % Catholic, 1.8 % Protestant 1.9 % other Christian faith), while 2.6 % state that they belong to a non-Christian religion. Catholics, people without religious belief and “people of other noncatholic faith” make up the bigger picture of religious affiliation. The group “people of other non-catholic faith” consists of a multitude of different religious communities, a detailed statistical analysis of which is not possible. The only notable difference between EVS 1999 and EVS 2008 relates to the Islamic community. Primarily due to immigration from Bosnia and Montenegro, the proportion of Muslims in Luxembourg has risen from 0,7 % to 2 %. Every fourth person questioned states that they do not belong to any religious faith. 58 % state that religion is of little or no significance to them, while 42 % consider it to be important, or very important (Borsenberger and Dickes 2011, 8). In 2013 44.5 % of 537.039 inhabitants were foreign citizens (16,4 % Portuguese). About 30 % of

146

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Portuguese inhabitants state that religion is very important to them. This is about twice as many as among the indigenous population. Among people under the age of 25, on the other hand, the proportion of convinced atheists is considerably higher at 16 %. A further 46 % of people in this age group describe themselves as non-religious, and 38 % as religious. According to a survey conducted by the Catholic Church (November 2013) 41 % of people questioned state that they are members of the Christian Faith (39 % Catholic) 27 % that they are religious and 21 % say that they are agnostics or atheists. Just over half of Catholics state that they are practising (55 %).

1.2

Secularisation as an option

The European Value Study shows a decrease in religious affiliation, identification with religion and religious practices and thus a progressive secularisation of the population of Luxembourg. This “normalisation of the secular choice” (Joas 2012, 81) relates to a shift of values towards greater self-actualisation and more intense body experience (Joas 2012, 82). As a consequence of such processes of individualisation, moral values and religious beliefs are increasingly seen as a choice, which in turn leads to signs of so-called “patchwork religion”. According to people questioned, churches now fulfil their role in society better than in previous years, especially where spiritual questions (2008, 49 %; 1999, 38 %) or social problems (2008, 25 %; 1999, 21 %) are concerned.

2.

Legal Frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

According to the constitution of Luxembourg, the church and the state are separate. However, to compensate for the confiscation of parish property, an agreement was reached between Bonaparte and the Pope in 1801 and became part of Napoleonic law; it determined the following: all clergy were to be paid by the state, Religious Education was to be taught in all state-run schools, parish districts were to be determined by law and “church factories”1 were to be established. Consequently, the relationship between the state and the church remained very close. This relationship is frequently questioned by secular organisations and by some political parties.

1 The cost of erecting new church buldings and that involved in conducting services.

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

2.1

147

Primary School

Religious Education teachers in primary schools (as all other employees of the church) are paid in accordance with a convention agreed between the state and religious communities recognised by the state. (This convention was agreed on the 31st of October 1997 with the Jewish community, the Catholic, the Protestant, the Reformed Protestant, the Orthodox and the Anglican Church). All organisational and financial issues are regulated by this convention. The Catholic Church is the sole body responsible for Religious Education in state run schools. Although not many members of the public are aware of this, responsibility for delivering the subject has been expanded somewhat since the establishment of two European Schools in Luxembourg, which currently offer Protestant and Greek-Orthodox as well as Catholic Religious Education to their pupils. If enough pupils were interested this could be expanded further still to other faith communities (e. g. Jewish, Islamic). Until the end of the 18th century, the Catholic Church, with its convents and parishes, was exclusively responsible for all education and learning in Luxembourg. Following the French Revolution these areas were gradually handed over to the state. As a consequence of the primary school law of 1843, the church was able to regain some influence over schools, their teachers and textbooks. This proved to be anachronistic at a time of disentanglement between the state and the church and increasingly led to waves of strike action within schools, which culminated in 1912 when Religious Education was temporarily removed from the curriculum in public schools. It was reintroduced in 1921, and has only experienced one further disruption since, namely during World War Two. During the years of occupation, the totalitarian regime of the Third Reich banished Religious Education from schools into the vestries, in order to eliminate tensions against National-Socialist ideology within the public education system. The above-mentioned convention of the 31st of October 1997, agreed between the Archbishop and the government (M¦morial A N8 67 21 ao˜t 1998, 1338), is a sign of the continuously changing dynamics between church, state and society. The convention agreed to reduce the number of Religious Education lessons per week from 3 to 2 and to introduce the alternative subject “Moral and Social Education”. While pupils can now choose between Religious Education and Moral and Social Education, it is compulsory to attend one of the two. Confessionality is assured according to the Catholic understanding of “homogeneous duality” (“Zweierhomogenitaet”), which consists of the Catholic Religious Education Teacher on the one hand and the content of the curriculum for Religious Education lessons on the other. (In primary schools a church commission sets the curriculum.) According to the education law of 2009, the

148

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Religious Education curriculum is an integral part of the general national curriculum (rÀglement grand-ducal du 11 ao˜t 2011 fixant le plan d’¦tudes pour les quatre cycles de “l’enseignement fundamental”) and is, along with its textbooks, subject to approval by the education minister. Pupils belonging to other religions are allowed and welcome to participate in Catholic Religious Education lessons.

2.2

Secondary School

Religious Education has existed as a subject in secondary schools since the necessary reorganisation of the education system after Luxembourg became a new independent state (Schmit 1999, 11). Religious Education in secondary schools is the responsibility of the church. Hence the bishop needs to look at the curricula and approve them. Religious Education teachers in secondary schools are subject to the same employment regulations as all other secondary school teachers. In addition they receive a Missio Canonica from the bishop, but are nonetheless civil servants of the state and are responsible to the education minister as well as the head teacher at their individual schools. Religious Education has again and again been the focal point of controversial debates around the separation of the church and the state. Furthermore, it has frequently been under attack by secular organisations as a public symbol for religion’s intrusion into people’s private lives. In 2012 a commission of experts was called to look into the relationship between state and religion in Luxembourg. In order to do this, the commission met with representatives of religious communities as well as with relevant, non-confessional lay people and with the individual political parties. The publication of the commission’s report (Messner, Husson, Sägesser, Ghysselinckx 2012) led to much controversy as all interested parties took their individual stands on it. The report suggests three very different possible approaches to Religious Education: Firstly, the maintenance of the status quo; secondly the introduction of one subject for all pupils to replace the current system of two separate subjects pupils can choose between; thirdly a Religious Education for which the various recognised churches of Luxembourg share responsibility ; The Catholic Church supports a system in which pupils can choose between Religious Education or Ethics Education. Furthermore, other Religious Communities should be given the opportunity to offer their own Religious Education in schools, as is the case in other European countries as well as in Luxembourg’s European Schools. Religious Communities such as the Protestant and the Greek-Orthodox Church as well as the Schura share this view.

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

3.

149

Developments in the country’s education policies

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg received its first education-political law, the loiorganique in 1843 (Schmit 1999, 40). The consequent development of Luxembourg’s school system was heavily influenced by both economic and social demand and ideological consideration: Thus English as a foreign language, a subject previously only available in vocational schools (”Industrieschule”), was also offered in secondary (classic) Schools from 1908. Girls were, however, only allowed to attend these newly founded secondary schools from 1911. It was not until 1968 that secondary education experienced fundamental reorganisation in order to keep abreast with the economic and ideological situation of the time. In primary schools the effects of the fierce ideological clashes of 1912 still resonate today.

3.1

Primary school

Following a comprehensive educational reform, on the 6th of February 2009 primary schools experienced a significant restructuring, both organisationally and ideologically. The new law (loi du 10 juillet 1998 portant modification des articles 22, 23 et 26 de la loi modifi¦e du 10 ao˜t 1912 sur l’organisation de l’enseignement primaire) also regulates questions around compulsory school attendance for all children. This law is, amongst other issues, concerned with the wearing of religious symbols (including clothing) at school. With the exception of Religious Education teachers, the wearing of such symbols is prohibited to all teaching staff. According to article 4, “the education system in schools respects pupils’ freedom of conscience and outside of Religious Education lessons, does not favour any religious or political doctrine”. Education is to be based on “ethical values in accordance with the Human Rights Act”. The law which now governs primary schools (loi du 10 juillet 1998 portant modification des articles 22, 23 et 26 de la loi modifi¦e du 10 ao˜t 1912 sur l’organisation de l’enseignement primaire) retained the system introduced in 1998, where pupils can choose between “Religious Education or Moral and Social Education”, but need to attend one of the two subjects. Furthermore, primary schools have adopted a system of skills orientation and consequently all subjects need to conform to specific educational standards (“pedestals of competence”). In the wake of PISA / PIRLS, the aim of these educational reforms is to foster equal opportunities – especially since a high number of pupils come from a migrant background – as well as to increase pupils’ sense of achievement at school (Troehler 2012).

150

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

The traditional grading system was replaced by the “Bilans interm¦diaires” which is discussed with and explained to the pupils’ guardians during compulsory parent evenings. Each pupil’s learning outcome is then certified in the so-called “Bilan final” at the end of a two-year learning cycle. This system applies to all subjects, including Religious Education. As individuals actively involved and working in education were expressing concern about the new system, and in order to “follow up on a research report looking at the effects of Luxembourg’s primary education reform”, the ministry for education instructed the department for Language, Culture, Media and Identities (LCMI) at the University of Luxembourg to conduct an in-depth analysis of the interim outcomes (bilans interm¦diaires) in early 2013. The result was as follows: “The breakdown of individual areas of competence in the major subjects is perceived as overly detailed by almost everybody involved; the grading system was seen to be the most significant problem in the bilans interm¦diaires. Most people questioned feel that this current grading system is far too complicated and even largely unintelligible” (Troehler 2012, 15 f.). Religious Education had already been using a “precursor” of the non-pointbased pupil report system since 2003. This mandatory pupil report gave feedback to parents on four key areas of their child’s religious learning during the first two years of school. Unfortunately this practice, which had been very popular with both parents and Religious Education Teachers, had to be abolished when the general school reform came into force. The programme committee for Religious Education in primary schools had developed a comprehensive, skills-oriented curriculum already, two years prior to the general school reform. This curriculum was tested by around 60 % of Religious Education teachers on a voluntary basis, before it was gradually made mandatory. Since the academic year of 2011/2012, it has been used across primary schools. The enthusiasm among Religious Education teachers that had initially been triggered by the new Religious Education curriculum was dampened somewhat because of the general discontent within the wider teaching community. A representative survey in March 2013 shows, however, that Religious Education teachers are on the whole still very positive about the new curriculum. Schools were also restructured on an organisational level (loi du 6 f¦vrier 2009 portant organisation de l’enseignement fondamental). Teachers now need to elect a school committee for their school and a head of the committee to represent the school and to deal with organisational tasks. It is now also compulsory for all teachers to attend regular educational team meetings. Despite the fact that a secularly leaning teachers’ union polemicized strongly against Religious Education teachers participating in these meetings, the new law did contribute greatly to a fuller integration of Religious Education teachers. Article

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

151

2 of the 2009 law states that the Religious Education teacher is an ordinary member of teaching staff and therefore needs to attend educational team meetings. He/she can also be elected into the school committee. There are Religious Education teachers on school committees at a number of schools. The introduction of a lesson quota and the possibility of bringing pupils from two separate forms together for Moral and Social Education lessons has freed up teaching time that can in turn be used for other educational purposes. However, the reduction of the number of Religious Education lessons and the fact that some teachers work at several different schools, often in different areas, and can therefore only attend educational team meetings according to their schedule, can make the work of some Religious Education teachers harder.

3.2

Secondary School

A general wave of modernisation demanded that Luxembourg too stayed abreast with the social plurality and the economic challenges of the time and on the 10th of May 1968 a new law came into force that fundamentally changed the country’s secondary schools. Social sciences and English were now classed as more important than Latin and Greek; new subjects and departments were introduced; pupils’ participation and self-determination increased through the introduction of pupil committees; and psychological counselling services were newly being offered in schools. Taking social plurality into consideration strongly affected the position Religious Education held within schools. Obligatory participation in religious events at school (weekly services, pilgrimages, communion days, opportunities for confession) and the legally recognised position of “Aumúniers” (school curate) were abolished. Mandatory participation in Religious Education, which up until then had been a vital part of the curriculum, also ended. (Pupils belonging to other religions had been exempt from mandatory Religious Education since the education law of 1912.) A new subject “morale laque” was introduced as an alternative to Religious Education, but pupils had the choice to get an exemption from both “morale laque” and Religious Education “sur d¦claration ¦crite”. Consequently the subjects no longer had any relevance to pupils’ progression in school, and it was no longer possible to take examinations in them (in Quarta and Prima) (Gindt 2003, 14). In the following years the number of Religious Education lessons per week was gradually reduced. However, the status of teachers who taught both valueoriented subjects was raised to equal that of other teachers. As Luxembourg’s schools were in need of reform, the coalition statement of

152

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

2004 agreed to start a new pilot school project. This involved the sub-project of establishing the new subject of “Education aux valeurs”, which in part deals with the phenomenon of religion. This experiment of a single value-oriented subject for all was introduced at the so-called “Neie Lyc¦e” (in February 2012 they were renamed Lyc¦e Ermesinde). While this interdisciplinary project is interesting from a pedagogical point of view, it is still too early to tell if the model is transferable to other Lyc¦es (König 2011).

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

From 1845 onwards, Luxembourg was faced with the challenges of establishing itself as an independent nation state with social, charitable and educational responsibilities towards its people. During this time congregations of nuns – some newly established, some already active within Luxembourg for a long time – started to set up educational initiatives. Today the four Catholic private schools “private school Fieldgen, private school Sainte Anne, private school MarieConsolatrice and private school Notre-Dame Sainte Sophie” offer secondary education only, with the exception of Notre-Dame Sainte Sophie. The first three schools mentioned above are dedicated exclusively to the education of girls and are open to all girls, regardless of their social, religious or ethnic background. Some Catholic private schools offer all-day supervision and/or accept boarders. Lessons in private schools are taught in accordance with the national curriculum for secondary education set by the ministry for education (MinistÀre de l’Education nationale), and are designed to prepare pupils for the national diploma (higher education entrance qualification). Out of a total of 37,077 pupils in secondary education during the academic year of 2013/2014, 3,798 (10,24 %) were enrolled at a Catholic private school. As outlined in the law of the 13th of July 2003 (which regulates the relationship between the state and private schools), private schools are partially publically funded. Private schools must adhere to the national curriculum. They are, however, afforded the freedom to diverge from it during three lessons each week. These lessons are usually used for Religious Education. Other than that there is little time within the regular timetable to promote religion. Private Catholic schools, however, offer various religious facilities such as prayer services and pastoral care in addition to other extracurricular social activities. The constitution of the IV Diocesan Synod of Luxemburg elaborates further on the need for and the special status of Catholic private schools: “[The Catholic school] should enable young people to grow and develop through the power of

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

153

their faith and their connection to the church as a community of believers, both personally within themselves and in their commitment to others.” The constitution’s 5th guiding principle (Archdiocese Luxembourg 1984, 67) also reflects the founders’ vision that “people who are at a disadvantage, be that for socioeconomic, intellectual or physical reasons, deserve particular support”. Catholic schools today have integrated these core values into their founding principles. This is also reflected in the schools’ academic, personal and socio-political learning objectives. School is seen as a place of learning guided by the Christian view of humankind. A holistic approach to introducing Christian-humanitarian values to young people as the foundation for their personal development and their future working life is considered particularly important. The school as a community plays an especially vital role in this, and everybody who is a member of this community is seen as an important point of reference for achieving these goals.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

Over the course of the development of Luxembourg’s education system, Religious Education’s self-image has changed as much as the legal framework, which governs it. This has of course been influenced by societal changes, and changes within the rhetoric coming from the church. Until the Second Vatican Council, Religious Education was heavily influenced by the catechism and the dogmatic teachings of the Catholic Church. Over time the subject of Religious Education, which was once so strongly informed by Catholic doctrine, has now changed and developed into a subject (among all other subjects) informed by the EU’s and OECD’s principles of skills orientation. Religious Education lessons were increasingly seen as a space where questions of life and faith could be expressed and discussed. However, this process of moving away from catechism and dogma did not occur without conflict. In all attempts to reformulate life and religion, and despite the dwindling numbers of priests working in Religious Education, the question remained of how the church of the clergy would prevail. Religious Education today is still affected by decisions that were made then.

5.1

Primary School

Ever since a primary education system was established in Luxembourg, Religious Education was exclusively Catholic and confessional, hence it was again and again seen as a symbol for the entanglement or disentanglement between the church and the state.

154

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Under the heading “Religious Education in Schools” the constitution of the IV Diocesan Synod of Luxemburg, 1976 (Archdiocese Luxembourg 1984, 37) still came to the conclusion “that Christian nursery school nurses had to play a particularly important part in the lives of pre-school children, as this person can establish a lasting connection for the child between the nursery school as an educational setting on the one hand and the Christian Parish community on the other”. Around 40 years later a statement like this has become unthinkable. Both Luxembourg’s society and the staffing situation at nursery school have changed dramatically. Nuns (especially from the “Doctrine Chr¦tienne” order) working in nursery schools (or indeed any schools) are unheard of today. The IV Diocesan Synod of Luxemburg took place during the final stages of the concept of church catechism in schools. Consequently it declares, on the one hand, that “Religious Education in public schools cannot be developed directly from the catechism of the church” but, on the other hand, that “it is still relevant in some circumstances, depending on the school’s individual and local situation” (Archdiocese Luxembourg 1984). The job title “catechist” remained the official job title for the Religious Education Teacher until the 1997 convention. Among the aims of Religious Education, the conveyance of religious teachings was central, while the development of the child’s worldview and personality were secondary (Archdiocese Luxembourg 1984, 38): “During the first school year, the catechist needs to establish a connection between the child’s experience of the world and the life and work of Jesus”. Although “the development of the child’s personality as a whole should not be lost sight of, the primary purpose of Religious Education is to create a firm intellectual foundation, which the child requires to make informed religious decisions” (3rd guiding principle). In the spirit of the church’s inherent openness towards school and society, the diocesan meeting “Church 2005” underlines that Religious Education should serve the primary purpose to provide the young generation with practical life skills through the Christian faith. This shows how much has changed since the Diocesan Synod of 1976: A complete shift has taken place from purely catechistically oriented Religious Education to a subject that strives to help children to find their place in life based on Christian values. According to this view of Religious Education it fulfils its purpose if, and only if, it is selflessly concerned with showing young people how the Christian faith can help them to find their place and perspective in life. Both conceptually and methodologically the liberating good news of Jesus Christ should also be reflected in Religious Education. Religious Education is therefore a dialogical process, which picks up on existential questions and at the same time helps the pupil to discover a spiritual dimension in life. Consequently the young person him- or herself is at the centre of the 2009 curriculum for Religious Education. The curriculum is oriented

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

155

towards the child’s or young person’s developmental tasks and seeks to support pupils in determining their place in life and opening up their future. In all areas of life, young people are confronted again and again with challenges they have to deal with, which can significantly influence their future development. With regards to this, Religious Education fosters a process of becoming religiously literate, which helps children to develop an understanding for linguistic and symbolic modes of expression though the religious context (Archiepiscopal Ordinariate Luxembourg, department for schools 2009, curriculum, 4). The challenges schools face in the 21st century are outlined explicitly – educational reform projects, the importance of conveying ethical values to pupils, societal challenges and the importance of fostering social cohesion; Religious Education needs to make its contribution to tackle these challenges: “– to achieve interdisciplinary goals in primary schools; – to focus on children’s developmental challenges in all significant areas of their lives; – to initiate and foster religious literacy and help children to become familiar with Christianity ; – to encourage inter-religious and inter-cultural learning and become familiar with other religions; – to reach competency and skills goals in the subject of Religion.”

Religious Education understands itself “to be making a specific and significant to contribution to the holistic education of young people and to their personal development” in public schools (Archiepiscopal Ordinariate Luxembourg, department for schools 2009, curriculum, 5). While Christianity is the foundation Religious Education is built on, “its core focal point is the wider involvement with all religious, ethical and philosophical dimensions of life, which determine the value system of an individual as well as that of society in general” (ibid.). The difference between Religious Education in Schools and Catechistic Education outside of schools is not only outlined within curriculum, but also in a statement by the Catholic Church on a report of experts from the 3rd of October 2013 concerning collaborations between the state and religious communities (Eglisecatholique 2012, 17 – 19). While the Catholic Church’s aim is to initiate young people into religious practice, Religious Education in state schools, on the other hand, aims to sensitise its participants to religious, ethical and social issues that pupils are confronted with on a daily basis. Religious Education in public schools is therefore an expression of religious freedom, while the alternative subject of “Ethics”, which provides information about world religions, is an expression of the right to education and access to knowledge. A choice between Religious Education and Moral and Social Education continues to be viewed as indispensible. The Catholic Church additionally emphasises that pupils from

156

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

other religious backgrounds should also be given the opportunity to receive their own Religious Education within schools as is the case in some other EU member states and in Luxembourg’s European schools. From a societal point of view, it is noteworthy that “Religious Education might have the potential to act as a force for integration that could contribute to many foreign children ‘becoming more rooted in Luxembourg’. Around 70 % of foreign primary school children come from countries with a strong Christian cultural background. Furthermore, as Luxembourg is a country with a population that consists of over 40 % foreign citizens, there is a strong emphasis on the importance of ‘intercultural and interreligious approaches’” (Archiepiscopal Ordinariate Luxembourg, department for schools 2009, curriculum, 5 – 6). Religious Education responded to the reform of 2009 and its skills oriented approach with a gradual introduction of the new curriculum from the academic year 2009/2010 onwards. For primary schools this curriculum was developed by the commission responsible for Religious Education, which defined the skills set for Religious Education as follows: “Pupils’ ability to make structural use of knowledge acquired in its entirety ; pupils’ ability and mental aptitude to recall knowledge in a contextually appropriate fashion in order to think and act responsibly in all relevant areas of life according to the Christian faith, their own belief system and that of other religions” (Archiepiscopal Ordinariate Luxembourg, department for schools 2009, curriculum, 19).

5.2

Secondary School

Since 1975 increasingly many lay theologians, who are almost all university educated, have been responsible for teaching Religious Education, the quality of the subject has been assured and steadily improved. Hence the introduction of “morale laque” lessons had very little effect on the number of pupils attending Religious Education (Gindt 2003). Ever increasing secularisation and people’s striving towards ever-greater selfdetermination, on the one hand, and John Paul II’s hard-line approach towards moral and ecclesiastical questions on the other, proved to be a great challenge for Religious Education teachers with regard to the legitimisation, conceptualisation and didactic implementation of Religious Education. Again and again educational texts had to be reconceptualised and rewritten by the association of Religious Education Teachers. The paper “New Directions in the ‘Instruction religieuse et morale’” (2003) was intended to anchor Religious Education within our postmodern time and to lay the foundations for a concept orientated mode of teaching. According to this paper, a comprehensive contemporary educational concept can no longer limit itself to solid facts and scientific knowledge,

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

157

but needs to be actively engaged in questioning how knowledge and academic study can be dealt with ethically. Education moreover needs to enable the individual to cope with the challenging task of designing their own self and their life in a time of “reflexive modernity” (Giddens et al. 1994) and the “risk-society” (Beck 1992). It also comprises the competence to make choices in favour of moral actions and ethical decisions and to understand the aims and reasons in the design of one’s own life. An ethical framework without the ability to draw on “definitive” aims and reasons, whatever they may be, would equate to a halfhearted attempt to evade one’s own question: “Who or what is man?” Education therefore comprises a reflective examination of one’s own construct of reality as well as that of others. Which view of the world and humanity stems from what kind of backgrounds and what are their consequences? The subject of “Religious and Moral Education” investigates issues such as how to design one’s own life, reasons for acting ethically and the challenge of finding meaning in life. The skill sets specific to this subject are categorised as follows: 1. development of the individual; 2. independent thinking; 3. social life; 4. ethics; 5. spirituality ; 6. culture and history ; 7. the phenomenon of religion; 8. Christian heritage.

6.

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

All in all Religious Education is a popular subject (SESOPI, 2008). Many Religious Education teachers have been very supportive to their pupils even outside of lessons and especially in secondary schools they are known to organise extracurricular activities. Their openness to new and current teaching methods has meant that even young people with no connection to the church participate in Religious Education. However, due to the constant questioning of the relevance of Religious Education, a lack of reform within the Catholic Church, a reduction of people training for the job and a consequent lack of new people teaching the subject, some Religious Education teachers are no longer as enthusiastic as they used to be. This difficult situation prompted the Association of Religious Education Teachers to express their fears and concerns in an “analysis of the current situation in Religious Education” in 1994. Some Religious Education teachers in primary schools were also closely connected to pastoral affairs. However, the expectations some people in their parishes held in these teachers were not always met, as they also had to work their full teaching load. Additionally “modern” educational concepts for working with young people were met with very diverse reactions by priests. As a result some Religious Education teachers have withdrawn somewhat from pastoral work in the church.

158 6.1

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Primary School

In the implementation regulation of the educational law from 2009, which regulates primary schools, and in the Grand Ducal regulations (27th April 2009) further modalities for the practical organisation of Religious Education and of the alternative subject “Moral and Social Education” were decided on. For sociohistoric reasons the Catholic Church still holds sole responsibility for Religious Education in state run schools. Because of European regulations the two European schools of Luxembourg are also able to offer Religious Education in different languages and by other religious communities. At the moment this is the Protestant Church and the Greek Orthodox Church. Every year before the 15th of May parents and guardians of children in public schools have to decide for their child whether they will attend two hours per week of Religious Education or Moral and Social Education. They are given a form, available in French, German and Portuguese, which they need to fill in. Because of the administrative effort this process involves for teaching staff, a biannual process, which would be in line with the bi-annual learning cycles is often called for. According to a survey conducted in 2008 81 % of parents are very satisfied or satisfied with the choice of subject they made for their child. The strongest motives for subscribing their child to the subject of Religious Education were “tradition”, “habit” and a conviction “that Religious Education is part of a good general education” (Besch, Estgen, Legrand 2008). The implementation regulations of the law for education do not permit children to change between subjects during the school year. Furthermore, pupils are not allowed to decide for themselves which subject they want to attend. The group with the larger number of pupils remains in the classroom. Pupils from two forms within the same learning cycle (2 academic years) can be put together as long as the maximum number per group does not exceed 16. Regulations at Luxembourg’s European Schools require a minimum number of 7 pupils for Religious Education to be offered. There up to 30 pupils from different forms can be put together in one course, which of course makes working conditions in Religious Education lessons considerably more difficult. Since the law for education of 1998 (loi du 10 juillet 1998 portant modification des articles 22, 23 et 26 de la loi modifi¦e du 10 ao˜t 1912 sur l’organisation de l’enseignement primaire), every pupil attending a public school must be given the opportunity to attend the subject he/she has been subscribed to. In the first academic year after the choice between Religious Education and “Moral and Social Education” had been introduced around 86 % of pupils were subscribed to Religious Education. By the academic year of 2012/2013 this figure had sunk to around 71 %. This equates to an average reduction of 1 % per year

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

159

over the past 15 years. The rate of subscription for the academic year of 2012/ 2013 equates roughly to the 69 % of the population of Luxembourg who, according to the European Value Study survey from 2008 (Borsenberger and Dickes 2011), are members of the Catholic Church. The two weekly lessons need to be scheduled for two different days of the week, although the minister for education is entitled to issue exceptions to this regulation. Some schools have made use of such an exception. Usually exceptions are mutually agreed with the department for Religious Education in primary schools. Exceptions are granted based on the educational objectives of the whole school and usually all subjects will be scheduled as double lessons in cases where an exception is granted. Nonetheless this legal regulation can occasionally lead to controversy as some teachers and some schools are keen to circumvent it. If a Religious Education Teacher falls ill, a supply teacher who has been authorised by the church and is registered with the public local authorities will replace him/her. Because of the temporary nature of such teaching contracts there is a high turnover among supply teachers. For that reason a project has been instigated for 2014 to establish a pool of permanent supply teachers, who will be offered permanent contracts. Because of the general shortage of priests there is only a single priest who works as a Religious Education teacher 8 hours a week. Usually candidates for priesthood need to spend a few years teaching Religious Education. Lay pastors rarely take an active part in Religious Education. Among 277 people working as Religious Education teachers in primary schools during the academic year of 2013/2014, 90 % were women and 10 % men. Only teachers who have received a “missio canonica” can teach Catholic Religious Education. After completing their training, which is only offered at the “Institute for Religious Education”, the newly qualified Religious Education teachers then embark on a year of work-based learning during which the council of inspectors for Religious Education supervises them. On successful completion of this first year, teachers attend a liturgical ceremony where they are awarded the Missio Canonica by the archbishop. Prior to this each teacher has to submit a written declaration that they will teach Religious Education in accordance with the teachings and principles of the Catholic Church, that they conduct their own personal lives according these principles and that they are active members of the church. If Religious Education teachers get divorced they will not lose their job. Should Religious Education teachers no longer fulfil the requirements of the profession, they could theoretically receive a so-called Missio-Exclusion and have their ecclesiastical teaching assignment withdrawn. In practice this has,

160

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

however, never happened. Religious Education teachers usually receive the Missio Canonica at the end of their supervised first year of work.

6.2

Secondary School

In 2013 over 60 % of pupils took part in Religious Education. If more Religious Education teachers were available the numbers would be even higher. The subject is popular ; on the one hand because it offers a space for pupils’ ethical and ideological questions and on the other hand because Religious Education teachers, due to their vocational ethos, radiate a certain sense of sensitivity and warmth. Conveying “religious knowledge” is difficult both because of the skills oriented education system and because of young people’s suspicion towards theological concepts and mainstream discourses (Giddens et al. 1994).

7.

Observations on alternative subjects/learning areas

7.1

Primary school

The law for education of 1912 ranked the subjects of Religious and Moral Education as extremely important (cours d’instruction religieuse et morale). According to article 6 a pupil needed a written declaration from either their father or their legal guardian to be exempt from Religious Education lessons in primary school. This “excursion” into Luxembourg’s (school) history is significant insofar as this regulation remained unchanged until the end of the 20th century. Because of increasing numbers of pupils asking to be exempt and the resulting problem for parents to ensure their child remained supervised, and because of (partly political) demand for an alternative to Religious Education some southern regions and the city of Luxembourg introduced the alternative subject “Moral Education”. Once the convention of the 31st of October 1997 had been signed this alternative subject, which was by then called “Moral and Social Education”, was rolled out across the country as a compulsory elective subject alongside Religious Education. It is not possible to be exempt from both subjects, but neither subject is credited towards graduation. At the same time as the new law for education came into force in 2009 new teaching materials were being developed for the alternative subject and corresponding training was offered to teachers. Although this is not apparent from the subject’s name, great importance is given to philosophy “as a reflexive way of life which directly impacts on how we conduct ours” (MinistÀre de l’Education Nationale et de la Formation pro-

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

161

fessionnelle 2010, Gedankenflieger Zyklus 3, 5). Children should also gain some selective “insight into religions” (ibid., 83), but only have them introduced as “cultural and anthropological phenomena” (ibid., 84). Some people believe that the new teaching plan for “Moral and Social Education” already provides the foundation for a single new subject for all.

7.2

Secondary school

Philosophy (a compulsory subject 1968) The subject of philosophy is taught in all “secondary schools” (classic) in the 12th and 13th form, but not in the technical Lyzees (enseignement secondaire technique). In the 12th form only pupils who have chosen the educational branch, which focuses on humanities, social sciences and economics receive philosophy lessons (2 per week), but not those in the branch concerned with art, mathematics and natural sciences. In the 13th form the number of philosophy lessons per week increases to 3 for the humanities, social sciences and economics branch, while the art, mathematics and natural sciences branch now receives 2. At the final secondary school examination pupils will be given both familiar and unfamiliar texts to analyse. Moral and Social Education (Formation morale et sociale) The school reform of 1968 introduced the subject of “morale laque”. However, the system allowing pupils to get exempt from both value subjects lead to a significant reduction in numbers attending Religious Education and an even greater loss for “morale laque”. During the 1980’s the number of exemptions grew to nearly 30 %. The new law introduced on the 16th of November 1988 was able to change this unfortunate state of affairs (Gindt 2003, 15). Since then numbers have increased again in both subjects. The number of pupils taking part in formation morale et sociale lessons has been increasing slowly. In 1988 the subject was renamed from “morale laque” to “Formation morale etsociale” (FMS). In 1991 a “r¦glement grand-ducal” set guidelines for the subject, which are grounded in human rights, respect for cultural and religious plurality, democracy and civil rights. Until 2007 the subject was either taught by philosophy teachers or more often by teachers who had no specific ethical training at all. In 2007 the “examen concours” was introduced in order to train and employ teachers specifically for Formation morale et sociale. This has improved the quality of Ethics Education substantially. Nonetheless FMS, as does Religious Education, at times struggles to keep pupils motivated. Doubtlessly one of the reasons for this is that the

162

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

subjects aren’t marked and don’t count towards final grading. However, not even completely unbiased instruction in ethical values seems have been spared by the general flood of secularisation. The relevance of this subject too is now being put into question along the lines of: What value is there in values? Surveys show that there is demand for both subjects to continue. 87 % of people questioned want this (see Besch, Estgen, Legrand 2008; L’Enseignement religieux au Luxembourg Sondage TNS-ILRES, juillet 08, RED N.11, Luxembourg). Yet, for a number of reasons a movement in favour of a single value subject for all has emerged. The (socialist) minister for education has commissioned a pilot project of joint Value Education for all, in 7th forms during the academic year 2013/2014. Initially a comparative study needed to be conducted by Religious Education and Ethics teachers (assisted by external experts) to compare the content of the two subjects. In October 2013 early general elections were held in Luxembourg. The preelection campaigns showed that most parties favour the abolition of Religious Education in public schools and would like to see it replaced with a single Value Education for all. Even the Christian-Social Peoples’ Party of Luxembourg subscribes to “this modern way of thinking” and hence the “the call to abolish Religious Education” (the exception is primary schools, where they would like to keep it). “In secondary schools a dialogue should be opened up and Religious Education and Ethics Education should work together in order to fuse their subjects intone, which should be titled ‘Civilisation and Value Education’” (CSV election manifesto 2013). Remarkably none of the four suggestions for Religious Education, outlined in the expert report on the relationship between the state and the church (Messner, Husson, Sägesser, Ghysselinckx 2012), were picked up during recent debates. A future for any form of confessional Religious Education in secondary schools is therefore more questionable now than it has ever been. The new government, consisting of the liberal party, the socialist party and the green party declare in their coalition statement that both Religious Education and Moral and Social Education shall be abolished in favour of a single Value Education subject for all. According to a survey conducted by the Catholic Church, which caused considerable controversy in the media, 72 % of the population would be in favour of retaining both subjects and the ability to choose. This figure is even higher among parents with children of school age at 76 %. A very high number of people agree that young people should be taught values (93 %) and 87 % agree that questions of ethics, religion and philosophy should be addressed in school. Parents questioned were by and large either satisfied or very satisfied with the choice they had made for their children on which of the two alternative subjects they should attend. The survey shows that the question of how Luxembourg should in future convey values to its children

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

163

and how it should deal with the subject of religion in schools is splitting society. With regard to the ability to choose versus a single compulsory Ethics course, 45 % are in favour of maintaining the current system and another 45 % are for the introduction of the new Ethics course. A further 8 % want all value related subjects to be abolished entirely.

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

Constructive debates around religious diversity only started to gather momentum in primary schools after the terrorist attack on the 11th of September 2001. Because of an increase in sweeping judgements about the Muslim community the education authority developed a project in collaboration with representatives from the Islamic faith. An exchange programme for Religious Education teachers was organised at first. Together with members of the Islamic community committed Religious Education teachers in primary schools started to arrange educational excursions, during the second phase of the project. This step towards inter-religious collaboration received a largely positive response from the public and the media and was awarded a peace prize. From this point onwards, continuous professional development opportunities with representatives of other religious communities (the Jewish community in particular) were made available to teachers. The curriculum for Religious Education in primary schools considers the area of religious diversity to be particularly important: “The subject of Religious Education has its foundations in Christianity, but is extended by enabling pupils to get to know other religions and ideological convictions. The “dialogue of religions” within the framework of Christian Religious Education is indispensible in order for different cultures and religions to live together peacefully. Interreligious and intercultural learning in Religious Education is ‘learning by comparison’ without a need to denounce one’s own roots.” (Archiepiscopal Ordinariate Luxembourg, department for schools 2009, curriculum, 5). This area is dealt with in particular detail during the 4th cycle of primary school (5th and 6th form). Because of the legal situation the question of possible ecumenical collaborations within schools only arose in Luxembourg’s Europe schools, where due to low pupil numbers some “mixed” classes (Catholic and Protestant) were formed. An expert report on state and the religious communities published on the 3rd of October 2012 outlines 4 different possible future models, one of which suggests that “in order to take religious pluralism into account, Religious Education classes could take on a more inter-confessional character. The content these classes would be determined by parents, representatives of the cultures concerned and the school administration” (Messner, Husson, Sägesser, Ghysselincks 2012, 117).

164

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Another alternative which is favoured by many recognised cultural communities in Luxembourg is “to maintain the existing system (the compulsory elective subjects of Religious Education or Moral and Social Education), which is popular with pupils, but in the spirit of equality, to extend the possibility for state regulated Religious Education to all recognised religious communities, provided there are enough pupils to take it up” (Messner, Husson, Sägesser, Ghysselincks 2012, 117).

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

The education law of 2009 places particular emphasis on the individual’s freedom of conscience (art. 4 loi du 6 f¦vrier 2009 relative — l’obligation scolaire) and calls Religious Education an expression of “the privilege of religious and political doctrine”. Consequently schools are marked by strong religious neutrality. Depending on where the school is located and how it is staffed, this can even take on secularist tendencies. The education law of 1912, which at times still gets quoted today, to some extent reflects the discrepancies between the state and the church in terms of how schools were organised. Schools back then were an area of tension, pulled between the call for confessional primary schools and the “dividing wall” which was to separate General Education from Religious Education starkly (Vuillermoz 1990, 91). This separation still exists today ; although Religious Education does at times, and on a local level, get involved in school projects of a social character. In contrast the Christmas holidays have recently been renamed “winter holidays”, and any references to Christianity had to be dispensed with. School services are held either at the beginning of the school year or at the end, depending on local preferences. They are sometimes held during school hours and take place in various parish churches. In order to allow children to participate, primary schools are closed for an annual “pilgrimage day” organised by local parishes as part of the national Oktav Pilgrimage. Only private Catholic schools are able to lend a religious structure to all of school life. Up until 1968 religious life played an important part in secondary schools. Even after 1968 Religious Education teachers organised many extra-curricular activities. The Jeunesse des ¦tudiants catholique (JEC) was able to enthuse young people and encourage them to get involved in social and charitable activities, well into the 1980s. Today there are far fewer religious activities for young people, as there are so many other, often commercial, activities on offer to them, which fulfil a need that could previously only be met by enthusiastic teachers, priests, nuns and monks. There are currently very few new Christian initiatives that engage with young people.

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

10.

165

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities issues

There are two ways of training to become a Religious Education teacher in primary schools: – A three year full-time course at the “Institute for Religious Education” (formally catechistic institute) in the city of Luxembourg which leads to the PPI diploma, or an equivalent course at a training institution abroad which has been recognised by the Bishop. People wishing to train as Religious Education teachers need to hold a secondary school leaving diploma. – Participation in theological-educational introductory courses for people who already work as teachers and want to take on Religious Education as an additional subject (charg¦s de cours de religion). This comprises of a one year “Faith course” and a two-year “Religious Education and Theology course”, both are taught as weekly evening classes. Ayear of on the job work experience is also required. People who complete this second path successfully also receive the certificate from the Institute for Religious Education. Candidates for this path need to have successfully completed 5 full academic years of teaching in secondary schools before applying. These regulations form part of the convention of the 31st of October 1997, agreed between the archdiocese of the Catholic Church and the government of Luxembourg, which regulates Religious Education in Primary schools. The law came into force on the 10th of July 1998. Consequently the profession of Religious Education teacher became anchored in law. Possible further study at the institute was, however, not taken into account when the new arrangements for teachers’ pay were made. The catechistic institute where Religious Education Teachers are trained was founded in 1970. The higher education law from the 19th of June 2009 states that only students studying at an institution which is legally recognised by the state of Luxembourg, are entitled to receive financial support for their studies. As a result, the catechistic institute underwent the accreditation process and changed its name to “Institute for Religious Education”. In the academic year 2011 / 2012 it was given permission to award the degree of Bachelor in Religious Education. Religious Education teachers who had completed their training prior to this were awarded the Bachelor degree retrospectively from 2013 / 2014 onwards. In the past Religious Education teachers in primary schools were only allowed to work part-time and were on temporary contracts. A decision by the administrative court meant that from the year 2005/2006 their employers had to offer them permanent contracts. As a result of the convention of the 31st of October

166

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

1997, agreed between the archdiocese of the Catholic Church and the government of Luxembourg, which regulates Religious Education in Primary schools, Religious Education teachers are employees of the archdiocese of Luxembourg but are paid directly by the state. This became law on the 10th of June 1998. The law of the 22nd of June 1989 gave Religious Education teachers in secondary schools equal status to all other teachers. Since then interested candidates need to pass an entry exam (concours) and have to undertake teacher training after having studied theology for a minimum of 4 years (diploma theologian). The teacher training course is based on a teaching model that combines theory and practice. Part of the time students are already actively involved in teaching, while supervised by their tutors, and part of the time they are studying educational sciences and didactics at the University of Luxembourg. A great deal of emphasis is placed on students developing and evaluating their own individual teaching styles. It is based on a socio-constructive teaching model and is skills orientated. Religious Education teachers participate in both transversal courses and in courses specific to their subject. At the end of their training at the University they have to undergo an exam conducted by representatives of the ministry (their future employer), to prove their competence in the classroom and their understanding of educational law. Once they have been appointed they need to write an academic dissertation in order to improve their job prospects.

11.

Empirical research concerning RE

No empirical research has been conducted so far in Luxembourg.

12.

Desiderate and challenges for RE in a European context

Challenges for Religious Education are above all socio-political. The implementation of the curriculum is also often not without difficulty, as this needs to take place against a backdrop of increasing religious plurality, political polarisation and an expert report conducted under instruction by the ministry of culture to analyse the current situation that recognised religious communities find themselves in. A sometimes militantly secular movement, which is also represented in some party political positions, wants to see religion and private life separated completely and to establish secular neutrality. This of course would not be without consequence for a denominational oriented Religious Education in schools. This debate largely takes place without any understanding of how Religious

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

167

Education is currently conducted and without regard for the still high numbers of pupils who participate in the subject. The debate is in fact primarily based on disagreements that have grown over the course of history. Some constructive discussions regarding these questions are already underway between the head of the church, political representatives and forces within society. Furthermore, Luxembourg’s schools are confronted with the fundamental question of how important Religious Education really is, both inside and outside of schools. It would for instance be important to investigate and analyse what role Religious Education plays in a young person’s development of solidarity, open-mindedness and social engagement. In the face of ever increasing religious plurality and in a country with a high number of non-nationals (mostly from Catholic backgrounds), who do not have the right to vote, the challenges of reaching a political and social consensus needs to be tackled. The government will need to decide how to develop the current system further, and all recognised cultural communities are keen for it to do so. In the implementation of the curriculum a focus on the acquisition of skills and a way to achieve and assess the required educational standards still needs to be worked out. Retraining of existing teachers and above all training of new ones will need to play an important role in this. However, the academic studies and research required to establish and provide such training are still at an embryonic stage. The Europe wide dimension of Religious Education also needs to be looked at in more detail: – In 2014 an international conference will offer an insight into the reality of Religious Education in various European countries and their legal, political and societal frameworks. – An international exchange programme for students and teachers should be encouraged and funded. There is huge potential for further discussion about Religious Education both on a subject specific as well as a wider societal level.

168

13.

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

Further Information

Religious Education

www.reliounsunterricht.luwww.religounsunterricht.lu (primary school) www.religionslehrer.lu (secondary school)

Private Schools

www.epf.lu Ecole priv¦e Fieldgen www.epmc.lu Ecole Priv¦e Marie-Consolatrice www.epnd.web.myschool.lu Ecole priv¦e Notre-Dame (Sainte-Sophie) www.sainte-anne.lu Ecole priv¦e St. Anne

References Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society : Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage. Besch S., P. Estgen, and M. Legrand. 2008. L’Enseignement religieux au Luxembourg Sondage TNS-ILRES, juillet 08, RED N.11, Luxembourg. Borsenberger M., and P. Dickes. 2011. Religions au Luxembourg. Quelle ¦volution entre 1999 et 2008?, Luxembourg, Les cahiers du CEPS / Instead population & Emploi. Conf¦rence des professeurs et charg¦s de cours de l’instruction religieuse et morale dans l’enseignement postprimaire 2003, Neue Akzente in der ‘Instruction religieuse et morale’ im postprimären Unterricht, Luxembourg. Eglise catholique 2012. R¦ponse de l’Eglise catholique qui est au Luxembourg au rapport du Groupe d’experts charg¦ de r¦fl¦chir sur l’¦volution future des religions entre les pouvoirs publics et les communaut¦s religieuses ou philosophiques au Grand-Duch¦ de Luxembourg du 3 octobre 2012, Luxembourg. Erzbischöfliches Ordinariat Luxemburg – Schulreferat 2003. Schülerbericht Leben und Lernen im Religionsunterricht, Luxembourg. Erzbischöfliches Ordinariat – Schulreferat 2009. Bildungsplan für den Religionsunterricht in der Grundschule, Luxembourg. Erzbistum Luxemburg 1984. IV: Luxemburger Diözesansynode – Offizieller Text der Beschlüsse, Luxembourg. Giddens, A. (with U. Beck and S. Lash) 1994. Reflexive Modernisation, Cambridge: Polity Press. Gindt, J.-L. 2003. Die Entwicklung des Werteunterrichts im staatlichen Sekundarunterricht von 1968 – 2002. D’Wissbei Nr. 75, 17. 1. 2003, 14 – 17. Joas, H. 2012. Glaube als Option. Zukunftsmöglichkeiten des Christentums. Freiburg, Basel, Wien: Herder. Maclure, J., and C. Taylor. 2011. Laizität und Gewissensfreiheit. Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag. Messner, F., J.-Fr. Husson, C. Sägesser, E. Ghysselinckx. 2012. Rapport du groupe d’experts charg¦ de r¦fl¦chir sur l’¦volution future des relations entre les pouvoirs publics et les

Religious Education at Schools in Luxembourg

169

communaut¦s religieuses ou philosophiques au Grand- Duch¦ de Luxembourg, Luxembourg,MinistÀre d’Êtat D¦partement des Cultes. MinistÀre de l’Education Nationale et de la Formation professionnelle. 2010. Gedanken – Flieger Education morale et sociale Handreichung Zyklus 3, Luxembourg. Schmit, M. 1999. Regards et propos sur l’enseignement sup¦rieur et moyen au Luxembourg, Luxemburg, Publications de la Section Historique de l’Institut Grand-Ducal, volume CXVI. Schmitt, M., and G. Hellinghausen. 1990., Christentum und Kirche in Luxemburg. Vol. 2, Kirche im Werden und Wachsen eines Volkes, Lingolsheim. Schulreferat für Religionsunterricht in den Grundschulen. 2009. Kompetenzorientiertes Lernen im Religionsunterricht Zyklus 2, Luxembourg. Schulreferat für Religionsunterricht in den Grundschulen. 2010. Kompetenzorientiertes Lernen im Religionsunterricht Zyklus 3, Luxembourg. Schulreferat für Religionsunterricht in den Grundschulen. 2011. Kompetenzorientiertes Lernen im Religionsunterricht Zyklus 4, Luxembourg. Seiler, E. 1980. Der Religionsunterricht in den staatlichen Sekundarschulen. Zur heutigen Situation. Luxembourg: Editions St. Paul. Troehler, D. 2012. Rapport d’expertise sur le bilan de la r¦forme de l’¦cole fondamentale. Walferdange. Uni.lu. Vuillermoz, G. 1990. Das luxemburgische Primärschulgesetz. Eine rechtsgeschichtliche und kirchenrechtliche Untersuchung, Luxembourg. Zeien, J-L. 2001. Luxemburg, In Lexikon der Religionspädagogik, Vol. 2, ed. N. Mette and F. Rickers, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1282 – 1284.

Legislative Documents Loi du 10 juillet 1998 portant approbation de la convention du 31 octobre 1997 entre le Gouvernement, d’une part, et l’archevÞch¦, d’autre part, concernant l’organisation de l’enseignement religieux dans l’enseignement primaire, M¦morial A N8 67 21 ao˜t 1998, page 1338 www.legilux.public.lu Loi du 10 juillet 1998 portant modification des articles 22, 23 et 26 de la loi modifi¦e du 10 ao˜t 1912 sur l’organisation de l’enseignement primaire, M¦morial A N8 67 21 ao˜t 1998, p. 1338 www.legilux.public.lu RÀglement grand-ducal du 7 ao˜t 1998 portant fixation des subventions-salaires des enseignants et charg¦s de cours de religion, M¦morial A N8 67 21 ao˜t 1998, p.1341 www.legilux.public.lu Loi du 13 juin 2003 concernant les relations entre l’Etat et l’enseignement priv¦, M¦m. n890 du 07 juillet 2003, p.1650 www.legilux.public.lu Loi du 6 f¦vrier 2009 relative — l’obligation scolaire, M¦m. A-20 du 16 f¦vrier 2009, p. 198 – 200 www.legilux.public.lu Loi du 6 f¦vrier 2009 portant organisation de l’enseignement fondamental, M¦m. A-20 du 16 f¦vrier 2009, p. 200 – 215 www.legilux.public.lu RÀglement grand-ducal du 11 ao˜t 2011 fixant le plan d’¦tudes pour les quatre cycles de l’enseignement fondamental, M¦m. A-178 du 22. 8. 2011, p. 2990 www.men.lu

170

Jean-Louis Zeien and Jean-Marie Weber

RÀglement grand-ducal du 27 avril 2009 fixant les modalit¦s d’inscription au cours d’¦ducation morale et sociale et au cours d’instruction religieuse et morale ainsi que les modalit¦s d’organisation du cours d’¦ducation morale et sociale aux 2e, 3eet 4e cycles de l’enseignement fondamental. M¦m. A-98 du 14. 5. 2009, p. 1469 www.men.public.lu/ legislation/lois

Thom Geurts, Ina ter Avest and Cok Bakker

Religious Education in the Netherlands

Introduction In their overview of the Dutch situation regarding RE, the authors clarify the concept of the “pillarized society” (society’s dividing lines according to religious affiliations), and – due to developments of secularization, migration, individualization, and globalization – the transition to the “post-pillarized society”. The consequences for pedagogical strategies of RE are reflected upon. Different approaches are described: the didactical approach, the pedagogical approach and the interreligious approach. The professional journal “Narthex” has contributed significantly to the developments of being a professional RE teacher. At the end of the chapter, some recommendations for the immediate and more distant future are formulated. All three the authors work in the field of RE – as teachers and researchers in higher education and as consultants in primary, secondary and / or higher education. Their research focuses on RE in a context of a post-modern society, characterized by diversity.

1.

Socio-religious background

There is a saying that “God created the Earth but the Dutch created the Netherlands”. In this chapter we will elaborate on the way the Dutch created the Netherlands, not only because they reclaimed land from the sea, but especially because they constructed a way of living apart together, in what is known as “the pillarized society”. Even living now in a “post-pillarized” era, the specific concept of “living apart together” is of decisive influence for religious education (RE) in the Netherlands. As early as 11th century, the continuous danger of flooding in lower areas of the country had stimulated landlords to allow farmers the status of semi-free tenant. The settlement of farming and fishing communities in these areas would

172

Thom Geurts et al.

prevent the sea pushing forward. Landlords only kept a tenth part entitlement. Feudal structures were pushed back because of the protection of land. The stabilisation of the feudal hierarchies elsewhere in Europe by the end of the Middle Ages did therefore not occur in the Netherlands according to the historian Simon Schama (1987, 43). The administration of what Schama calls the “flood society” was based on functional needs and mutual interests in safety and was constructed from the bottom-up. The battle against the water, culminating in the disastrous so called Elisabeth Flooding on 18thNovember 1421, forms the start of the Netherlands (Schama 1987). Huge areas were flooded by the sea. A new, wide estuary separated the land to the north, i. e. the southern part of what was known as Holland, from the land to the south, the prosperous Flanders. Crossing the water, new ways of trade emerged from the southern part to the northern part. Relationships between traders, for business reasons, resulted in tolerance and respect for “the other” (Blockmans 2010) including the other’s religious beliefs and commitments. The conflicts in Europe during the Reformation in the 17th century between believers adhering to different interpretations of the Christian tradition were resolved by the principle cuius regio, eius religio: the religion of the sovereign determines the religion of the country. In the Netherlands however at that time there was no “owner” of the region, so free citizens and inhabitants of these lower regions at the sea found their own ways to pacify religiously related conflicts. The developing Calvinist tradition, with its rejection of centralism, offered a framework for a way of “living apart together”. The swamp delta at the North Sea developed into a location in which the characteristics of modernity emerged: aiming at effectiveness of action while doing justice to diversity in ensuring peace between a variety of religious commitments and life styles. Until the midst of the 20th century this society was held together under a “sacred canopy” (Berger 1967) of scripture, faith and mercy. In the 19th century the development of the nation-state was a new step in the process of modernisation of the Netherlands: society itself became a project. From this modern ambition finally emerges the project of compartmentalisation, coined as pillarization. Pillarization encompasses the development of subsocieties, each contained by their own religious identity or ideological credo (Hellemans 1990; Kennedy 2005). Next to each other a Protestant, Roman Catholic and socialist / humanistic1 pillar came into being. Under the umbrella of various religious traditions and other commitments, a living environment, culture and economy were constructed as interrelated spheres of life, each rooted 1 In the Dutch context the “pillars”, based on religious dividing lines, resulted in subsequent political guiding lines: a Protestant Christian party, a Roman Catholic Party and a Socialist party.

Religious Education in the Netherlands

173

in a religious or secular life orientation. Each so called “pillar” developed its own political movement, own media, trade unions and employers’ organisations, and educational institutions (ter Avest et al. 2007). The government respected the sovereignty of these pillars by creating maximum space for initiatives from citizens in these social spheres. The founding of denominational schools, financed by the government, and socialising into the religious or secular tradition the parents adhere to is an example of the government’s facilitating attitude towards diversity as institutionalised in the pillars. Then “times they are a-changing”. Until the 1960s, the Netherlands was one of the nations where almost all inhabitants committed themselves to one of the Christian denominations, attending church services every Sunday. At the beginning of that decade, eight out of ten Dutch adhered to one of the Christian denominations. Research from the Dutch “Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau” (SCP; Socio-Cultural Research Authority) shows that in 1970, 75 % of the Dutch were registered as a member of a Christian community. Thirty-five years later, in 2005, 45 % of the 16.8 million Dutch population were registered as members of a church community (Becker and De Hart 2006). It is expected that in 2020 almost three quarters of the Dutch population will be non-denominational: 10 % are expected to count themselves as belonging to the Roman Catholiccommunity ; 8 % to the Islamic community ; 4 % will regard themselves as a member of one of the Protestant Christian churches; and 7 % would belong to other denominations (ibid., 54). This research also informs us about religious socialisation in families. In 2004, the largest group of parents of children of 21 years of age and younger did not actively invite their offspring to participate in church related activities at all, in any form (42 %). A quarter of the parents sometimes included their children in some kind of religious rituals at home, and 32 % regularly involved their children in religious education in the family (ibid., 40). From this research it is clear that support for a pillarized society, mainly based on religious dividing lines is decreasing in Holland. In 1996, for example, still one-fifth of the respondents were of the opinion that a public broadcasting company should be rooted in a (religious or secular) worldview (ibid., 60). The support for pillarized schooling has decreased since 1966 as well. In that year, 55 % of the parents sent their children to a pillar-related primary school – in 2002, 34 % (ibid., 60). However, a considerable part of this group chooses the school, whether Catholic, Protestant or public school for other reasons than its pillar-related identity, such as the distance between school and home, or the influence of the parents on the board of the school (Dijkstra, Dronkers and Hofman 1997). For many parents, the attractiveness of a pillar-related school is not directly related to some form of RE, but more so when the school shows an open attitude in informing the pupils about different religious and secular

174

Thom Geurts et al.

worldviews and related life styles (Dijkstra, Dronkers and Hofman 1997, 221 f.; ter Avest and Miedema 2013a). The Netherlands are on the move from a pillarized to a post-pillarized society. At the same time religiosity and spirituality are booming. For different individuals different parts and aspects of different religious and secular traditions have appeal. People construct their own belief system, a process that is termed “bricolage” (Levi-Strauss 1969) or “modularisation” referring to a person’s subscription to separate parts of a religious or secular tradition, but not to it in its entirety (De Hart 2000; 2011; 2013). According to De Hart (2013), such a selfmade religious identity at an individual level reflects religious fragmentation, a manifestation of individuation in the field of religious identity formation. In socialisation processes, there is less extrinsic motivation and more intrinsic motivation through a search for spirituality in a variety of religious sources which cannot easily be described in traditional and tradition related categories. Commitment to a coherent religious belief system disappears and is slowly but surely replaced by the tentative construction of a life orientation and subsequently a life style focusing on existential questions and the meaning of life (De Hart 2013). This new so called “unbound spirituality” or “unaffiliated spirituality” is closely related to people’s experiences of “ultimate concern”, and “the sacred”. Religious commitment and experiences of “ultimate concern” change during a life time, due to cognitive development as well as “critical incidents”. Becoming a religious person may be elicited from many sources and a religious identity could be constructed or “composed” gathering elements from many religious or secular traditions. Being religious today is something rather personal, more than a collective happening; being religious does not necessarily require an institutional embedding (Becker and De Hart 2006; Berghuijs et al. 2013). In understanding religion in relation to life-style, the perspective shifts. From social action theory (Miebach 2010) one might describe this change of approach towards religion as a switch from an objective, religious identity transmitted within a tradition, to a subjective, personally constructed and creative religious identity. Religion itself is transforming and changing from a coherent belief system to a dynamic action-related life-orientation (Van de Donk, Jonkers, Kronjee and Plum 2006), a process in which religion will be ever more connected with lifestyle (Kronjee and Lampert 2006; Kennedy 2005). The process of modernisation in Dutch society now continues in the new phase of late modernity. Late modernity is characterised by far-reaching social differentiation, plurality, globalisation and expansion. “Society” does not appear to be a realizable project with clear aims and ways to reach set goals, but shows itself to be a network of interdependencies that can no longer shelter under the umbrella of religious or secular worldviews; that is, it cannot any longer shelter under a “sacred canopy” (cf. Berger 1969; Giddens 1991). At a personal level,

Religious Education in the Netherlands

175

post-modern everyday life appears as an increasing complexity of roles (Coser 1991). At the level of society, Weber already predicted the tendency that objective-rationality ousts value-rationality (see Gane 2002). In Weber’s footsteps, Habermas has pointed to the omnipresent decisive power of an economic method of reasoning (Habermas 1981). The current discussion in Europe on the quality of society within the context of a dominance of economic reasoning underlines a general feeling of worry, expressed in a sweeping statement by Jacques Delors, chair of the European Commission 1985 – 1995. The motivational power of religion is demonstrated through its alternative concepts and religious notions like “salvation”, “mercy” and “compassion” (Kuld and Gönnheimer 2000). However, the interpretation of these concepts seeps away from a more traditionalistic approach to religion. Religious traditions do not disappear, but, on the contrary, transform from a traditionalistic approach to an action-related approach with a focus on existential questions and “ultimate concern”. Religious traditions are not in the least superfluous, but the traditionalistic reduction of traditions as merely objective belief systems is of lesser meaning. The problem of religion in late-modern Dutch society is not the diversity of interpretations and modularisation of Christian denominations but more so the change in personal and social positioning with regard to the religious dimension of life. Religious traditions as such have become companions in adversity. Can they also become allies in adding to the realisation of humanity in the context of the Netherlands being a society in late-modernity?

2.

Legal Frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

In this section we describe the legal frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state. To understand this typical Dutch relationship it must be known that the position of RE in the current Dutch educational system is the consequence of a fundamental political debate that is reflected in changes in the Constitution. In 1848 the Constitution included the provision that, alongside public education and government state schools, the foundation of confessional schools was permitted. The provision of education became free, subject to supervision by the authorities on the quality of education. In 1917, Article 23 was included in the Constitution, which guaranteed to state schools and confessional school education equal financial rights, called “the Pacification”. This still characterizes the Dutch educational system, and the practice of RE in state schools and confessional education (Mentink and Vermeulen 2001).

176

Thom Geurts et al.

Article 23 of the Constitution describes the Dutch educational system within the framework of pillarization (ter Avest et al. 2007). In the 19th century, parents expressed their wish to align religious socialisation in the family, education in school and enculturation in the religious community in an educational setting where school RE is an extension of catechism in church and socialisation in the family. The worldview and life orientation for each pillar determined the denominational school’s RE. The government’s role as facilitator of denominational education is based on the principle of self-empowerment of the people. Apart from this pillar-oriented line of thought, another political point of view underlies Article 23 of the Constitution. In 1917, the Netherlands was a country of minorities with differing opinions on education (Idenburg 1964). According to Article 23, authorities have the task to support and control the educational system, enabling each child to develop her/himself in accordance with the religious or secular life orientation of the parents. The “National Council of Education” (Onderwijsraad) is of the opinion that authorities should see that public education guarantees the right of parents to educate their children according to their own religious or secular life orientation (Onderwijsraad 2002a, 17). So, in those days, there were no schools with an independent educational offer to society (which parents could accept or refuse), but a school almost owned by the parents (who very often were the members of the school board). The Dutch educational system is a dual system: public education (initiated by the government) and confessional / denominational education (founded by private initiative). Public education is thought to be ideologically neutral, and should be accessible and open to everyone whatever the religious or secular tradition to which the parents adhere. Confessional education is initiated by private initiative (mostly by parents and / or teachers) and makes its own arrangements with regard to the recruitment of teachers and selection of pupils (see also Westerman 2001). Confessional schools are related to a religious or a secular worldview tradition (Mentink and Vermeulen 2001, 22 f.). The worldview which the school has accepted forms the decisive frame of reference for the school’s value system, pedagogical strategy and teaching methods – not only for RE but also for the other subjects. Ultimate outcomes for each subject, set by the government, are given in an open way, and leave space for the school’s own characteristic interpretation of them. Teams of teachers are relatively free in the interpretation of the objectives, set as “final outcomes” (eindtermen) and in their choice of teaching materials. With regard to RE, there are no final outcomes set by the government, since according to Article 23 of the Dutch Constitution the principle of freedom of religion gives schools freedom in the way they include RE in their curriculum. The quality of all teaching is controlled by the “Inspection of Education” (Onderwijsinspectie). Inspectors check the quality of education but they never intervene in subjects that are directly related to the school’s world-

Religious Education in the Netherlands

177

view (whether religious or secular) nor in the school’s approach in RE, nor in issues of the competence of RE teachers. In an international comparative perspective this is remarkably and typical Dutch. Confessional education that complies with the criteria of “good education” is equally financed by the government (Onderwijsraad 2002a, 29). Both in public and confessional education, attention is paid to different worldviews. In confessional education this is related the school’s denominational identity, and, according to Article 23 of the Constitution, is not covered by the government’s responsibility. RE is compulsory for all pupils in a confessional school. In the Netherlands there is no nationwide curriculum for RE. Included in Teacher Training Colleges is the option for student-teachers to prepare for RE in the Christian (Roman Catholic or Protestant) tradition. Modules to prepare students for RE in public schools and in Islamic schools are offered in several places, but this is work-in-progress. Nationwide, and stimulated by researchers from the VU University and Utrecht University, a discussion is going on about the question of RE in a post-pillarized and secularized society. Theoretical concepts have been developed for “Worldview Education for All Pupils” (Miedema and ter Avest 2011; Bakker 2012). The basic principle of the public school is neutrality with regard to worldview and life orientation. Public schools do not include RE in their curriculum. However, by law, on the parents’ request, public schools have to offer classes in the Christian, Islamic or Humanistic tradition during school hours. Neither the school’s principal nor the school board is responsible for the quality and contents of the respective classes; they are the responsibility of religious communities. In some Teacher Training Colleges the option to prepare for religious or humanistic education in public schools is also included. Next to that, the Dutch Primary Education Act (1985) prescribes for all schools, public as well as confessional schools, the inclusion in a curriculum of a subject called “Ideological and Spiritual Movements” offering “objective” and “neutral” information about different religious and secular worldviews. Processes of modernisation and de-pillarisation have resulted in a shift in people’s positioning with regard to worldview traditions (Onderwijsraad 2002b). For many parents of young children selecting a school for their child, the importance of the school’s confessional identity has changed (ter Avest et al. 2013). However, the group of parents preferring confessional education for their children is still larger than could be expected, based on Dutch research on the people’s adherence to religious traditions. The preference for a confessional school might be due to the imagined quality of education, together with the greater influence of parents on the school board (Dijkstra et al. 1997). The “National Council of Education” states that when it comes to taking managerial responsibility, it can be said that in confessional education the position of pa-

178

Thom Geurts et al.

rents, compared to other countries, is rather unique (Onderwijsraad 2002b). Next to that, an open attitude towards the diversity in worldviews and life orientation plays a decisive role in parents’ choice; a considerable number of confessional schools, in school guides and policy documents, present the school as an “open” school – open in the sense of a welcoming attitude towards parents, socialized and socialising in other traditions than the one to which the school board adheres. With regard to public schools a shift can be observed as well. In public schools a development is taking place from passive neutrality to active multicultural and interreligious education whereby room is created for the diversity of religious and secular worldviews (ter Avest and Miedema 2010). In official documents this is expressed as follows: public education aims to contribute to the development of the pupil “with attention to religious, ideological and social values as they are practiced in Dutch society” (Article 46 Dutch Primary Education Act). It seems that in policy documents, and even more so in everyday practice, public and confessional education come near to each other with regard to their response to diversity in life orientation(s) (Onderwijsraad 2002b; Vermeulen 2006, 356 – 358; see also Everington et al. 2011). The question that keeps policy makers busy is whether or not Article 23 of the Constitution needs re-interpretation and re-formulation. The discussion is about the accessibility of education for all children, in particular children of minority groups, including children raised in the Islamic tradition. The right of confessional schools to exclude pupils socialized in a religious tradition differing from the one the school adheres to, might contribute to processes of segregation (Onderwijsraad 2002b). From a pedagogical perspective public schools – from their point of view of accessibility for all pupils – need more space to develop their policy of “active plurality” than is provided for in a strict interpretation of neutrality (Onderwijsraad 2012; see also Bakker 2012). The pillarized educational system contributes to the articulation of religious diversity, and gives parents different options to choose from when selecting a school for their child. The freedom of education is seen as very important for religious and cultural minorities to guarantee the enculturation in the characteristics of their culture in a late-modern, secularized society. In Catholic confessional educational circles a general agreement has been developed, the “General Agreement on Catholic Education” (Algemeen Reglement Katholiek Onderwijs, ARKO 1987), through a board on which the various parties interested in Catholic education agree upon shared points of view and thus upon a common policy (“Dutch Board of Catholic Schools”, Nederlandse Katholieke School Raad). These organisations develop curricula for RE, and the quality of RE in Catholic schools is monitored. Boards of Catholic schools however, are of the opinion that they have too little space to position their

Religious Education in the Netherlands

179

schools in the Catholic religious tradition in a way that reflects the changing position of religion in Dutch society. A review of the organisation is advocated, resulting in 2010 in a document on “Connecting school and church” (School en kerkverbinden). Protestant-Christian schools are represented in the “Board of Christian Education” (Besturenraad voor Christelijk Onderwijs). This board informs schools about developments in the field of pedagogics (including pedagogics of religion) that reflect the schools’ relation to the Christian tradition. The board also informs schools about their organisation and financial administration. Under the responsibility of this board, core objectives for RE in primary education have been developed, as well as topics for the final RE examination in secondary education (Kerndoelen voor het vak godsdienst/levensbeschouwing in de basisvorming aan een Protestants-christelijke school 1995).

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

At the beginning of the 21st century, the education policy of the Dutch government focuses on the role of knowledge in a late-modern society. Knowledge is no longer a closed, objective depositum; knowledge is seen as a process of “knowledge construction” (Gergen 2009): a dynamic and fluid process of interaction and communication between acting people in changing contexts. Socialisation in education no longer refers to absorbing objective knowledge, but is related to a subjective and creative process of constructing new knowledge. Socialisation theory in pedagogy shifts from a Durkheimian line of thought related to systems to an action-oriented approach as in Giddens’ structuration theory (Giddens 1984). In the learning process, the focus is now on the integration of themes-in-context (Onderwijsraad 2003a). Information technology supports this constructionist turn. At school, pupils are trained in constructing knowledge in a rich learning context that matches with their subjective interests and personal life world. As a result of this changed understanding of “knowledge”, secondary education was re-organised into a “Learning Environment” (Studiehuis; pedagogical innovation in secondary education, implemented in 1998). The constructionist approach in RE connects with the hermeneutic approach teachers are familiar with already for a longer period, in theory as well as in RE classroom practices: starting at students’ existential questions as point of departure for the introduction of religious traditions and as a trigger for their religious identity development and (Rijksen 1987; Hermans 2001). Secondary schools have the possibility to include special subjects in their final examinations, apart from the compulsory final (national) exam topics as required by the government. A number of schools make use of that possibility by

180

Thom Geurts et al.

including RE in their final examination. Examination plans have been developed for that by boards of Protestant and Catholic schools (Godsdienst / Levensbeschouwing in de Tweede Fase van het Voortgezet Onderwijs voor Katholieke scholen van HAVO en VWO, 1998; Godsdienst / Levensbeschouwing als examenvak. 2006). Training courses have been developed to equip RE teachers preparing their students for these final examinations. Proponents supporting RE as an examination subject see this development as an indication of the success of an emancipatory process; opponents consider this as a threat for RE as free space for reflection on student’s existential questions. The shift to a late-modern view on knowledge construction has resulted in competence-oriented education in which objective, standardised knowledge came to the fore. The formulation of a standard for Dutch culture and history in primary and secondary education has resulted from that (www.entoen.nu 2006). Not only for subjects like history and geography a standard was developed, but also for RE (cf. Volzin 2007). Many schools have improved the learning environment for their students in the first three years of primary education by introducing the integration of different subjects into cross-curricular fields of learning. In 2004 the Dutch Ministry of Education, by way of the “Taskforce Innovation Primary Education” (Taakgroep Vernieuwing Basisvorming) has subsequently developed curricula. RE does not always participate in these developments at school level for two reasons. The first is related to the scope of RE. If RE is incorporated in the learning environment of the theme of “Man and Society” (Mens en Samenleving, linked to geography, history, and social studies), this might hinder the links of RE with other subjects. The second reason is related to the perceived characteristic and unique approach of RE. This unique approach can easily disappear in a learning environment that focuses on bringing subjects together and less on the conversation between approaches to existential questions as they are presented by students and are related to different worldviews. The demand for the objectivity of knowledge connects to a policy that aims at enhancing “output-oriented education” (opbrengstgericht leren). In primary education, as part of “product related education”, or “outcome based education” (opbrengstgericht leren) there is a dominance of attention on language acquisition and arithmetic. The focus is on the role of education for economic positioning in society, under the influence of the economic crisis. However, pedagogical strategies still are important issues for policy makers, as this shows in core objectives for primary and secondary education, such as moral education, social identity development, and citizenship education. Because of the various religious and secular ideological movements represented in the Dutch society, and as a result in the Dutch educational system, programmes have been developed in order to bring these items systematically to the fore in integrative

Religious Education in the Netherlands

181

courses whereby RE can play a coordinating role (Friebel 1999), not in the least in learning to live together in difference (Roebben 2006).

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

In Section 2 we already described the anchoring of the Dutch pillarized educational system in the Constitution. Confessional schools are free to develop RE and position RE in their curricula, according to the religious or secular worldview tradition the school board adheres to. In this section we describe the role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, and legal relationships. With regard to facilitation, financing and control by the government, confessional and public schools are on an equal footing. Because of the freedom of religion and the by Constitution guaranteed possibility for the foundation and financing of confessional schools, in the Netherlands religious schools with private funding are a marginal phenomenon. Only recently have Islamic schools with private funding (“Qu’ran school”, koranschool, closely related to a mosque) appeared in different cities in the Netherlands (see also Maliepaard and Gijsberts 2012). The Islamic religious community bears responsibility for these schools. Questions are raised in the government about the pedagogical climate in these Qu’ran schools. These schools offer education in addition to traditional schooling; they do not replace them. And there are a few elite schools, where parents pay roughly commercial fees for the schooling of their children. This is never related to religious motivations.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

The strong cohesion that once existed between the different stakeholders in RE (family, school, church) has fallen apart in the Netherlands, resulting in a diversity of conceptions of education, approaches and interests. The process of depillarisation has accelerated the process of de-construction of the triangular relationship between family, school, and church. Reconsideration of this once so stable relationship has not yet taken place and re-construction seems far away. De-construction of the pillarized educational system opens space for a re-construction of RE, including a variety of religious and secular traditions, and the practices of people living apart and together in the multicultural society of the Netherlands. In the context of de-pillarized education, the elaboration of the pedagogic and didactic competencies of the teachers needs systematic attention

182

Thom Geurts et al.

with regard to content and goal of (interreligious) education. In the next section the focus is on this aspect. The focus of catechism in the religious communities is on socialisation in the respective religious circle of believers. The change in confessional education from continuation of the socialisation process in the family and a subsequent enculturation in the religious community, into a more open attitude towards different faith communities, has resulted in a breakdown of the triangular relationship of family, church and school. The ties between school and church, loosening first, and in the new context of de-pillarization relating to each other again, could be interpreted as a request for a type of RE that contributes to the development of a theological competence of the learner (Van der Ven 1973), including conceptual knowledge and experience-based insight in the structure of the contents of the Christian tradition, as well as the introduction of the learner in an argumentative dialogue about the contents of beliefs and ethics (Hermans 1986). Or should the position of RE in schools be approached from a pedagogical point of view (cf. Imelman and Meijer 1986; ter Avest and Miedema 2013b; Bakker 2013)? If RE teachers look at the development of RE as an ordinaryschool subject just like all other school subjects, then the aim of uniformity across different subjects is self-evident. Such an aim may be traceable in the didactic organisation of RE. In that situation, a common model for didactics would be used. In that case, the didactics of RE will follow the insights of didactical analysis, subsequently shaping curriculum designs, micro-didactics in the classroom, and accordingly testing and evaluation. The initiative for the above mentioned developments was taken by the Catholic theologian Van der Ven (1973), introducing the insights in the field of RE from learning theories and taxonomies, commonly used at that time in other school subjects. RE teachers in their classes are confronted with the results of processes of secularisation, individualisation and multiculturalisation. In response to a lack of teachers’ coping mechanisms in this changing context the “Association of Life Orientation Teachers” (Vereniging van Docenten Levensbeschouwing) published a draft for an RE-curriculum (Levensbeschouwing in de Tweede Fase van het Voortgezet Onderwijs 1995) and supported the development of teaching methods and teaching material accordingly (Van de Laar 2002; see also Vakgroepwerk 2000). Two more policy documents are of pivotal interest: the “Raamleerplan voor Godsdienst / Levensbeschouwing op Katholieke Basisscholen” (Curriculum for RE in Catholic primary schools) and the “Raamleerplan voor Godsdienst / Levensbeschouwing in het Katholiek VMBO“ (Curriculum for Catholic vocational training). The VDL has highly contributed in the developments of being professional and being a professional RE teacher (cf. Hargreaves and Fullan 2012, 80), not in the least by their journal Narthex, as a forum for

Religious Education in the Netherlands

183

discussion about innovative practices and the development of theoretical concepts for RE in a context of diversity. In the last decades of the past century RE no longer is defined solely in accord with the Christian belief system, but also understood from a broader point of view including different religious and secular traditions and worldviews (Van den Boom 1983; Imelman and Meijer 1986). Apart from Christian RE, a broader approach of RE as interreligious RE (IRE) has thus emerged. This open approach is based on theories of philosophy of religion, following Tillich’s (1951) and lines of thought on scholastic metaphysics (Berger 1986; Geurts 1997) and practical theology (Luther 1991, 1992). From this point of view, religion focuses on the context people live in and their search for answers for existential questions. This focus on existential questions results in a definition of religion as a formal object, which receives its content from how those questions are dealt with (Rijksen 1987; Geurts 1998). In this approach religion and ethics are two separate subjects. The prescriptive approach of ethics differs from the elaboration of existential questions which is central in religious traditions. The relation between ethics and religious and secular traditions is the subject of different teaching methods and teaching materials for secondary education (cf. Van de Laar 2002). Different points of view have been developed to explore the above mentioned line of thought further. In this line the publications of the Protestant theologian Ploeger (1989) are important. Ploeger found a sparring partner for the process of modernisation of RE in Habermas’s views on the relation between the institutionalized systems and the actual world people live in, in which “communicative actions” dominate (Ploeger 1993). The Catholic theologian Hermans (2001) developed a concept of RE in which attention is paid to the action dimension of religion. Hermans situates Christianity in the theoretical framework of social action theory. There is yet another approach from pedagogues of religion, such as Miedema and ter Avest. exploring the legitimacy of RE in school. They advocate a form of RE for all pupils in which diversity in religious background is the starting point for encounter and religious identity development (ter Avest and Miedema 2010; 2013c; see also Bakker 2012). Also ter Avest and Bakker (2007) have laid new foundations for RE didactics in the perspective of personal identity development. The publications mentioned above show that differences exist between Protestant and Catholic theologians’ approaches to RE, and between the points of view on RE of pedagogues and experts on didactics. This becomes even clearer after reading the publication of a mixed group of theologians and pedagogues of religion in which they describe the relationship between theoretical approaches of RE and classroom practices (Alii 2009). This publication contains a variety of approaches to RE mirroring the current sit-

184

Thom Geurts et al.

uation of diversity in RE. De-pillarisation, modernisation and subsequently the transformation of religion changed RE from a subject supportive of enculturation processes in a religious tradition into a subject exploring students’ existential questions – either or not with the help of religious concepts.

6.

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

Pedagogical support for RE teachers mainly stems from two boards, the Protestant “Board of Christian Education” (Besturenraad, Centrum voor Christelijk Onderwijs) and the Catholic “General Association of Catholic Education” (Algemene Bond Katholiek Onderwijs, ABKO). The latter organisation is related to the “Institute of Catholic Education” (Instituutvoor Katholiek Onderwijs, related to the Radboud University Nijmegen). These two organisations – rooted in and “still” mirroring the pillarized society – support Protestant and Catholic schools in developing new knowledge and sharing expertise about RE, RE policy and confessional school identity development in a post-pillarized society. Research findings on the diversity in RE (see section 11 below) are noticeable in a variety of teaching materials published nowadays. Most of the RE methods most commonly used in the Netherlands these days, do reflect a hermeneuticcommunicative approach and do relate theological content to youngsters’ life world in some way or another, and as such facilitate students’ authentic religious identity development. An RE method commonly used in primary education (“Keywords”, Trefwoord) implicitly has an inclusive pedagogical approach, treating different life orientations in an equal way by taking as its starting point both the child’s life world and (for the greater part) the Christian tradition and (to a far lesser extent) the Islamic and Humanistic tradition. In consequence this method is mostly used in Christian schools. Alongside this interreligious method, a similar approach is developed for Roman Catholic schools, called “Heaven and Earth” (Hemel en Aarde) and for public schools, called “Colour” (Kleur). Next to this more or less interreligious approach, a confessional method is in use in Protestant primary schools, called “Child on Monday” (Kind op Maandag) which is in line with catechism materials used in Protestant churches, called “Child on Sunday” (Kind op Zondag), taking its starting point in Christian theology and the rhythm of the church calendar. In secondary education, as in primary education, most RE teaching materials establish a relationship with the students’ life world. Some authors take their starting point in what is called a “pedagogy of correlation” (starting with biblical narratives and relating them to actual themes in the students’ life), others elaborate on that concept and introduce a “hermeneutic-communicative” ap-

Religious Education in the Netherlands

185

proach (actual themes of “the self”-in-context, in dialogue with responses of biblical / religious characters-in-context; see van Crombrugge and Meijer 2004). Some methods focus on themes like “I and the other”, “freedom and commitment” (like the RE method “Perspective” (Perspectief), other methods (like the RE method “Ways to Wisdom”, Wegen naar Wijsheid) have a phenomenological approach and inform students about different religious and secular traditions. Most text books aim at establishing in the students’ life and mind a correlation between the (hidden) existential questions in students’ remarks, and the narratives on sense- making in the Bible, the Qu’ran and other Holy Scriptures (Van de Laar 2002; Zengerink 2004; Borghuis 1994; Brokerhof 1997). This means that themes from the personal and social context the student lives in are related to various religious and secular traditions. Alongside that, there are Bible-oriented methods for Protestant-Christian primary schools (Gelderblom 2005) and for secondary schools (Van Biert et al. 2010), aiming at the transmission of religious stories, rituals, symbols and narratives. The Bible as a source of western culture, and essential for that reason alone, prevails in the approach of “Bible as Base” (Bijbel als Basis). The focus in this method is not on socialisation into the Christian tradition, but on the meaning of the Christian tradition in the western world and in the life of the student in particular. The school’s relationship with a particular denomination and / or religious community can show itself in the choice for a specific RE method. Some decades ago at least one hour a week was spent on RE in confessional secondary schools (VWO, “Voorbereidend Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs”, preuniversity training) with a six years’ curriculum, during each academic year. In many schools with a five year curriculum (HAVO, Higher General Secondary Education), RE lessons are scheduled during four or five successive academic years. In the first three years of some schools RE related subjects, themes or projects are integrated in the curriculum. The space for RE in the curriculum was gradually reduced in the last two decades. This reduction is balanced by extra curricular religion related activities, like visits to a church, mosque or synagogue organised by professional RE teachers (see below) or even more than one day excursions or camps (like a visit or even a short stay at a monastery). What has been lacking until now and what would be very helpful for the pupils’ development of a personal life orientation would be a longitudinal RE programme during all school years.

186

7.

Thom Geurts et al.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

In the context of the multicultural and multireligious Dutch society, many schools understand their pedagogic task with regard to students’ religious identity development in a broad sense which does not limit itself to the subject of RE, but also includes subjects like philosophy, spirituality and contemplation techniques. In this section we explore some of these alternative subjects and learning areas. Teachers organise for example extracurricular activities (e. g. a week’s stay in a monastery) and courses where contemplation techniques are trained and broad and deep reflection is practised. Below we will limit ourselves to curricular activities during school hours. In Section 9, non-curricular activities will be addressed. In primary schools Philosophy-for-Children is introduced as a technique for logical reasoning in dealing with complex subjects or situations in the child’s everyday life. This technique is practised as a search for answers to existential questions as they are experienced by the children, in their own words (Heesen 1998; Bartels 2013). Sometimes themes explored during lessons of philosophy, and subjects of conversations in RE classes overlap. Students in their final year of secondary education may choose philosophy as a topic for their final examination. Syllabi are developed to meet the requirements of a final exam (Marsman and Noordink 2013; Marsman 2010). Subjects for a final exam may be for example metaphysics or ethics (Wessels 2007). In 2007, in 185 secondary schools, philosophy was included in the curriculum. Whereas philosophy is seen as a technique for reasoning, and ethics as a view on what people ought to be and what they ought to do, RE focuses on actual dilemmas people have to deal with and the answers they construct in conflicting situations – referring to metaphoric narratives of religious or secular traditions as examples of how people feel, think and act in similar situations. Students’ contextualized biography constitutes a part of the contents of the RE classes (Hermans 2001). In 1986 the compulsory subject of “Societal Studies” (Maatschappijleer), was included in the curriculum in secondary schools, incorporating History and Civics. This subject (a so called “field of knowledge”, leergebied) focuses on the social-psychological and political education of students, enlarging their understanding of history as an influential factor for actual and future political developments (Noordink and Rennenberg 2001). Although there is an overlap with themes discussed in RE, the approach differs. RE focuses on existential questions (Rijksen 1987) and religious traditions. Societal Studies’ approach is centred around sociological and political knowledge and insights, enabling

Religious Education in the Netherlands

187

students as future citizens to participate in political bodies in the public domain of the intercultural Dutch society. In 2005 the subject of “Citizenship Education” (Burgerschapsvorming) is introduced in curricula as a compulsory subject in Dutch primary schools, with its focus on social integration (Bron 2006). This is present in the core objectives of primary education and the lower level of secondary education (Onderwijsraad 2003b). In “Citizenship Education”, three different models are distinguished by Wiel Veugelers (2003), researcher at the University of Humanistics in Utrecht (see also Hurenkamp and Tonkens 2008). Veugeler’s critical democratic citizenship explicitly includes the development of dialogicality as precondition for a conversation between citizens with different cultural and religious convictions. Schools have the freedom and the responsibility to interpret “Citizenship Education” in accordance with the school’s identity : either during separate lessons or in integrated activities like visiting elderly people or bringing flowers to patients in the hospital or living next door to the school. The “Council of Education” (Onderwijsraad) is not in favour of “Citizenship Education” as a separate subject, but prefers integrated learning areas and active participation of the learners (Onderwijsraad 2003b, 36). Religion is seen as an important aspect of citizenship education and social integration (Onderwijsraad 2002b; Miedema and Bertram-Troost 2008; ter Avest and Miedema 2013a). As a conclusion we state that in all Dutch schools “Ideological and Spiritual Movements” is a compulsory subject. Ethics, religion(s), and citizenship education in the broadest sense are part and parcel of Dutch curricula. This applies to confessional as well as to public schools.

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

Already in its early days the Dutch nation-state in the 16th century was characterized by religious diversity. In those days diversity showed itself in a variety of interpretations of the Christian tradition, for example the difference in reception of biblical narratives and everyday practices by Catholics and Protestants. In the 20th century pillarisation was a typical Dutch way for pacification and living together in difference. In the late Middle Ages, due to a situation of turmoil in France, Jews came to Amsterdam, settling down mainly as traders. In the last decades of the 20th century, Muslims came to the Netherlands, initially as a result of processes of decolonisation in Indonesia, later as “guestworkers” from Algeria, Tunisia and in particular from Morocco. The Dutch “Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek” (CBS, Central Organisation of Statistics) estimates the number Muslims nowadays in the Netherlands at 825,000 (Religie aan het begin van de 21e eeuw, 2009).

188

Thom Geurts et al.

Apart from adherents to the traditions of Christianity, Jewry and Islam, in the Netherlands 1.2 million of the people consider themselves related to a humanistic body of thought (Lammerts and Hakvoort 2004, 29 – 31). A smaller number of them are officially members of the “Humanistic Alliance” (Humanistisch Verbond). As mentioned in section 1, it is expected that by 2020 almost three quarters of the Dutch population will be either non-religious or not affiliated to any religious community. The Netherlands is a country of super-diversity with regard to religions (Crul et al. 2013). A transformation is taking place from membership of organised religious tradition to an individual non-institutionalised spiritual life-orientation, inspired by different aspects of a variety of religious and secular traditions. Becker and De Hart point to this change as individualisation of religion (2006); others coin the concept of “unaffiliated spirituality” (Van de Donk, Jonkers, Kronjee and Plum 2006). This multi-layered interpretation of diversity is mirrored in RE curriculum, in RE methods and even more so in RE classroom practices. Only in very small groups of schools (essentially mainstream Christian and Islamic schools) is RE taught to a mono-religious group of students from a mono-religious point of view. For teachers it can be a real challenge to cope with the super-diversity with regard to their students’ life orientations. In order to make use of the diversity in the classroom in a constructive way different pedagogical strategies have been developed, such as multi-religious and inter-religious learning (Hermans 2001; ter Avest 2003; 2009). A characteristic of multi-religious learning is that students are informed and discuss about several religious traditions from an outsider’s perspective. Interreligious teaching and learning is characterized by dialogicality. Interreligious teaching invites students into a conversation with each other and to have a (imaginative) dialogue with characters in narratives from different religious and secular traditions. Pupils’ biography and their dilemmas are part and parcel of these classes. Below we describe different ways public and confessional schools are dealing with cultural and religious diversity. Because of their legal position of neutrality public schools are limited, but like any other school obliged to provide for religious and / or humanistic classes on requests of parents. Although officially also Islamic education should be provided for, this only happens on a small scale, mostly in the bigger cities. This possibly is related to the limited support for Islamic education among school leaders of public schools (Bronnenman-Helmers 2011, 74 – 76). The way in which confessional schools actively include Muslim pupils and their religious background in their RE lessons varies. Different models were developed to face religious diversity in RE classes: “traditional school”, “program school” and “school of encounter” (de Ruyter and Miedema 1996). Recently this categorization, based on research amongst principals, was changed to “traditional

Religious Education in the Netherlands

189

school”, “diversity school” and “meaningful learning oriented school” (Bertram-Troost et al. 2011; ter Avest et al. 2013). Whereas in public schools all pupils are welcomed and have to be allowed to join the school community, confessional schools – because of their relationship with a specific religious denomination – have the right to refuse admittance because of a pupils’ different religious background. The percentage of Muslim pupils in public schools, however, differs only to a small extent from the percentage of Islamic pupils in confessional schools, approximately 50 % in each (Onderwijsraad 2002a, 42 – 56). External signs associated with religious convictions, like shaking hands or wearing a headscarf sometimes may cause conflicts between the schools on the one hand and Muslim pupils and their parents on the other. Some confessional schools introduce some sort of inter-religious learning programmes in which attention is paid to Christianity and Islam, on an equal footing (see e. g. ter Avest 2003, 2009). In 1988 the first Islamic primary school opened its doors; in 2012 the Netherlands counted 43 Islamic primary schools (Budak 2012). Two Islamic secondary schools had to close their doors in 2011 and 2013 respectively, because of problems regarding the quality of education and testing, in combination with financial problems. A maximum of 1 % of the Dutch pupils attend an Islamic school. The question is regularly put forward whether or not separate Islamic schools hinder integration into the Dutch society and social cohesion. This seeming contradiction with wider processes of de-pillarization in the Dutch society is another topic of discussion with regard to the founding of Islamic schools (Zoontjes 2003).

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

Recently, empirical research has been conducted the experience of inspiring activities and teachers’ inspiration at Catholic schools in the Netherlands (De Jong and Van der Zee 2008). Celebrations, ceremonies, rituals and acts of contemplation related to social and ethical dilemmas from teachers’ perspectives appear to be desirable and inspiring. Regarding celebrations, the ceremony at the beginning of the school year, the Christmas and Easter celebration, and gatherings of commemoration at a pupil or teacher’s death are experienced as spiritual moments, as moving and inspiring. Many respondents think it desirable to have a special place in school for acts of contemplation. Topics mentioned for this kind of reflection are social and ethical dilemmas, the gap between rich and poor people, discrimination and exclusion, aggressiveness, and environmental sustainability. Very often contemplation is mentioned linked with spirituality. Spirituality is defined by the Dutch Carmelite Waaijman (2000) as the person’s relation with what is called “the ultimate concern”, whereby this “ul-

190

Thom Geurts et al.

timate concern” “moves” the person – literally and metaphorically. The encounter with “ultimate concern” subsequently inspires a person to act differently. Inspired by that definition, the theologian Van Aalsum (2011) developed pedagogical strategies and didactic models within the framework of the Christian and Jewish tradition, so as to explore the experiential dimension of spirituality with pupils and students in the context of the confessional school. These models support Dutch schools in the development of a place for religion(s) in a systematic way, not only as part of RE, but also across the curriculum. Below we mention some examples of an “updated RE” in secondary schools. The transformation of religion requires a different approach to school celebrations. Except from the conservative Christian and Islamic schools, for most schools in the Netherlands it seems no longer self-evident to have these celebrations determined by only one specific religious tradition. In connection with a post-traditionalist view on religion, focussing on religion-related action, an approach to celebrations at schools emerges which connects to the pupils’ life questions. Experiences are created in ceremonies and celebrations drawing from different parts of various religious traditions so as to link them to children’s own lives within the context of the school community (Roumen 2006). Apart from such celebrations, schools could possibly organise visits to monasteries of more than a day : an experience that opens up the spiritual tradition of a monastic order in a post-traditionalistic way (Smeets 2004). Some schools have a so-called “meditation room” (stilte centrum) where pupils can withdraw from usual school activities for acts of contemplation and worship, to explore their spirituality, or share spiritual experiences. Many schools have a place for commemorating pupils and teachers who have passed away, and construct their own commemoration rituals. In 2010 an obligatory social action internship was introduced for all pupils of secondary schools (Bekkers 2010). This nationwide initiative aims at getting students acquainted with different aspects of social life and societal problems, and to develop an intrinsic motivation to participate in society actively. Internships could be carried out by volunteering for example at a social welfare institution, a sports club, an elderly home or an organisation aiming at social cohesion in the neighbourhood. Schools can select activities for their students in agreement with the school’s ethos. Inspired by the German pedagogue of religion Lothar Kuld, a number of Dutch schools chose an internship focussing on “compassion”, understood as committing to people living in less advanced social and economic contexts (Kuld and Gönnheimer 2000; Van Walstijn 2006). Citizenship education understood in this way involves participation in society and taking responsibility for fellow citizens. For the final school exams, at the initiative of Centres of Pedagogy (CPS, KPC and APS), teaching materials were developed to include an ethical perspective in

Religious Education in the Netherlands

191

pupils’ final terms (Friebel 1999). Sometimes schools invite their students to dedicate a paragraph of their final exam paper to the ethical dimension of their examination paper. For vocational training (“Middelbaar Beroeps Onderwijs”, MBO) and prevocational training “Voorbereidend Middelbaar Beroeps Onderwijs” VMBO, pre-vocational training) teaching materials were developed with regard to an ethical perspective for professional activities during students’ internship (ter Avest and Metzlar 1994; Geurts 2004; 2005).

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities issues

This section focuses on the training of teachers of RE in institutions, the characteristic structures and priorities issues. In the publication “Five centuries of education in the Netherlands” (Vijf eeuwen Opvoeden in Nederland) part IV is dedicated to developments in education and schooling (including religious education) in the Netherlands (Bakker, Noordman and Rietveld-van Wingerden 2010). In 1806 it was decreed by law that all public education should aim at preparing children for citizenship, and in this process there was no place for the church. Confessional education was seen as an exception to general public education, and subsequently was not financed by the government but by private institutions and / or parents (ibid., 456). Only in 1917 were public and confessional education equally financed by the government. Not only was separation of state and church legalized by the law of 1806, also the quality of education and teacher training was regulated, including prescription of decent text books. Teachers (predominantly males!) had to be trained in didactics for whole classes, to make use of a blackboard and to be informed about teaching materials and textbooks; they sat examinations and subsequently were registered according to their qualifications (ibid., 459). These prescriptions for the improvement of the quality of teaching, however, did not include RE in confessional schools. Currently, in Dutch Teacher Training Centres, optional training courses are set up according to the pillarized system. In Teacher Training, a module is included called “Diploma of Christian Bible-based Education” (Diploma Christelijk Bijbel Onderwijs, DCBO), preparing for RE at Protestant schools, and a Catholic course called “Catholic Christian Primary Education” (Katholiek Christelijk Basis Onderwijs, KCBO). Recently a module was started to train future teachers in humanistic education; there are ongoing discussions about a module for Teacher Training in Islamic religious education, and about the question how to deal with (some kind of) “RE” in public education.

192

Thom Geurts et al.

The “General Agreement for Catholic Education” (Algemeen Reglement Katholiek Onderwijs, ARKO, 1987) identifies Church authorities as partners in education, by sharing responsibilities for the final examinations in Teacher Training courses for Catholic primary education; the document also comments on the development of competencies by RE teachers. By virtue of the ARKO, the bishops installed a Supervisory Committee (whose members are all appointed by the bishop) supervising and controlling the quality and profile of the RE teachers’ Catholic training programmes. For RE in Protestant primary education the “Board of Protestant-Christian Education” (Besturenraad) organises the accreditation of the diploma DCBO (Diploma Christian Bible-based Education) in Christian primary education. This board develops standards and provides a testing framework and visits the respective institutes to observe and discuss the quality of the teacher training courses. At the Reformed Teacher Training Centre in Zwolle, RE is “teaching in religion” (cf. Grimmitt 1987). In the Netherlands, most courses in RE in Teacher Training Centres explore with their students a phenomenological approach, as well as an existential hermeneutic-communicative approach from a Christian perspective. That is how teacher training is organised, for example, in the Inholland University of Applied Sciences in Rotterdam, and in the Stenden University of Applied Sciences in Leeuwarden. Some of the Teacher Training Centres no longer profile their courses from a specific religious perspective, such as the University of Amsterdam. The Faculty of Pedagogics of the VU University in Amsterdam takes Christianity as its starting point, but in the metropolitan area of the “Randstad region” in the western part of the Netherlands different religious traditions are on an equal footing. More or less the same can be said of teacher education at Fontys Hogescholen in Tilburg, Utrecht University, and the Radboud University in Nijmegen. In their curricula and syllabi they promote an open attitude and train the competence of dialogicality in their student teachers. Despite many differences in relation to the content of RE, a common framework of pedagogical and didactical competencies is favoured, next to a shared vision on knowledge pupils should construct about the different religious and secular traditions, and a collective idea on outcomes for the final examination. The question thereby is what kind of structure, leadership and managerial constellations are preconditions for the realisation of a general framework, without doing an injustice to the diversity of RE courses. This question is a complex one, since the existing managerial constellations still are bound to the pillarized educational context in the Netherlands.

Religious Education in the Netherlands

11.

193

Empirical research concerning RE

In 1987 a group of pedagogues at Groningen University analysed teaching materials developed by authors linked to the different centres of expertise. The publication of their analysis (“Between teaching and peddling”, Tussen leren en leuren, Imelman and Meijer 1986) can be seen as a turning point in the development of RE in the Netherlands. In their publication, the authors analyse RE teaching materials most commonly used in those days in the Netherlands. Until then, RE teaching materials in confessional schools aimed at the continuation of the socialisation processes started at home – in a pillarized context this meant socialisation into a Christian tradition. In their publication, the authors reflected upon RE teaching materials from their theoretical point of view of a triadic pedagogy, and their pedagogical approach of RE, distinguishing this approach from a theological approach. According to the authors, RE as a school subject should provide learners with information about religious and secular worldview traditions, relate this information to the life world of the learners (meaning making / sense making), as such facilitating learners in their individual (religious or secular) identity development. The publication of Imelman and Meijer (1986) was a strong impulse for research on RE. From then on research explored new ways of integrating students’ life worlds, current societal needs and inspiring narratives from religious and secular traditions. At the Roman Catholic Radboud University in Nijmegen, the theologian Chris Hermans has held a chair in RE from 1993. In his mainly quantitative research, and the research of his PhD students, the focus is on an update of socialisation processes in schools. Also in 1993 Siebren Miedema was appointed to his chair in RE at the Protestant VU University. The Catholic theologian Chris Hermans and his team, in their mainly quantitative research projects, focus on the effects of a curricular approach of moral education in relation to the hierarchy in learning processes, following a learning theory adopted from Gagn¦ (Hermans 1986). Hermans’ approach is an elaboration of an approach treating theology as a structured belief system, as described in the PhD thesis of the Catholic theologian Van der Ven (1973). Recently empirical research into the effects of specific didactical approaches was carried out by the theologian Aad de Jong (1990). The latter approaches religion from an action- theoretical point of view, and is inspired by John Searle’s theory on language as an action which effectively conveys (verbally or non-verbally) a thought or feeling (illocutionarity, Searle 1965). This approach followed a communicative hermeneutic approach and was followed by a participative approach of RE (Hermans 2001). Vermeer et al. (1997) concluded from their empirical research with students aged 12 – 17 years that “development of religious coping is limited in a cognitive sense to the learning process of specific theo-

194

Thom Geurts et al.

logical concepts, as a precondition to religious judgement” (Vermeer et al. 1997). The discussion about the relation between cognitions and actions in religious concepts is work-in-progress. In contrast to the theological approach to RE by Chris Hermans et al., research at the VU University is characterized by a pedagogical approach. From 1993 Siebren Miedema has held a chair on RE. In his approach, together with his PhD students, Miedema elaborates on the views of the Utrecht pedagogue of religion Trees Andree (see Miedema 2006; Andree 1991). In the VU University approach, a shift can be noticed from identity development in response to internal diversity in Protestant schools, starting with the experiences of youngsters, expressed for example in a pedagogy of correlation (Lanser-van der Velde 2000), to an encounter with external diversity in society, resulting in a pedagogy of interreligious encounter (Miedema 2009; Meijer et al. 2009) and in the first decade of the 21st century further developing in a pedagogy of religious citizenship (Miedema and Bertram-Troost 2008; Miedema and ter Avest 2011; ter Avest and Miedema 2010) and recently focussing on the valuation of “the good life for all” in relation to ethical ideals (Kole and de Ruyter 2009; de Ruyter and Merry 2009; de Ruyter and Kole 2010). In the international context of the European REDCo research projects (2006 – 2009), in which the VU University and Utrecht University were intensely involved, the focus was on responding to diversity by exploring the constructive aspects of conflict and the (im)possibilities of dialogue (Jackson et al. 2007; ter Avest et al. 2009; Van der Want et al. 2009; see also the special issue of the British Journal of Religious Education, vol. 33:2, March 2011). Andree’s chair, mentioned above, was established at Utrecht University in 1989 (Andree 1990). This chair was for Religious Education in general, but it was strongly elaborated by Andree as an urgent plea to take religious diversity in school and society seriously, and to understand the urgency that educators should teach children and students to (1) be aware of their own stances, (2) have an open attitude towards “the other” in his/her otherness and (3) deal with this diversity and live together harmoniously (Andree 1991). Early in 2000, the scope of the research group around this chair slowly changed. Religious diversity as a given imperative to reflect on religious stances in education remained urgent, but the object of research became more concrete, focusing on (1) the “problem” of pillarized education in post modern times, covered by research projects on school identity and school ethos issues (Bakker 2004), and (2) the moral and possibly religious dimensions of professional development, initially focusing on the training of RE-teachers (Bakker 2004) and later focusing on professional development in teacher education in general (Bakker 2013). In the mid 1980s, Religious Education was already a topic at the Faculty of Theology in Utrecht University. Interestingly, Andree and later Bakker, held the

Religious Education in the Netherlands

195

RE-chair as pedagogues and educationalists within the Faculty of Theology. Due to managerial and societal changes the same chair continues now within the department of Philosophy and Religious Studies within the Faculty of Humanities. The Utrecht approach could be characterized as an anthropological approach to religion and religious claims in educational contexts. For instance, the exploration of the Christian identity of a school does not start with a deductive elaboration of the Christian tradition into educational practices, but preferably starts with the empirical observation that, on the one hand, professional teachers have their own stances and different interpretations of “being Christian” (if at all) but, on the other hand, that they are never neutral in their professional acting. Reflection on this normativity is the starting point to reflect ultimately on world and life view (Bakker 2013; Bakker and ter Avest 2010). Developments in RE are discussed in the “Flemish-Dutch Society of RE Pedagogues” (Vlaams-Nederlands Godsdienst Pedagogisch Genootschap), and research is carried out on pedagogical strategies and didactics. This has resulted in the publication of a “Study Guide in RE” (Godsdienst Pedagogisch Handboek; Alii 2009). As a follow-up to this Guide to theoretical pedagogical approaches, a guide on pedagogical strategies and didactics is in preparation. As far as religious socialisation is concerned, the psychologists Vergouwen (2001) and Elshof (2009) researched the structures of faith development and communication about belief systems within families. They discovered stable inter-generational belief structures. The sociologist Joep de Hart (1990) stated that the family context, compared to the context of the peer group, school, church, and mass media, is now the religious socialisation environment par excellence, which was also acknowledged in the European REDCo research (Knauth et al. 2008). The psychologist Hans Alma (1993), as well as the psychologist Jos Pieper and the theologian Paul Vermeer (2001) are of the opinion that – taking into consideration that the religious involvement of parents is still essential – that religious traditions as a source of meaning are under pressure because of the late / post modern processes of differentiation and individualisation in society (see also Vermeer 2009). In her public lecture in 2005, the psychologist Alma emphasized the role of imagination, coined as “serious play”, in the development of an authentic life orientation, in dialogue with religious and secular narratives. This approach parallels the way that the pedagogue de Ruyter, Bertram-Troost and Sieckelinck introduce the role of ideals in the development of a religious or secular worldview (2005). In this discussion on RE in the Netherlands the ambiguity of the term “religion” plays a role. In Dutch the term “religion” (godsdienst) is exclusively related to a (specific) religious tradition, or to a religious or spiritual approach of reality. The concept of worldview or life orientation is not included in the Dutch word “godsdienst”. An

196

Thom Geurts et al.

action theory might provide more insight into the connection between religion, worldview and life orientation, and their mutual relationship with regard to everyday actions and, consequently, on perspectives on RE in the Netherlands, in which religious socialisation processes have changed very significantly. At the end of the twentieth century, transmission of knowledge was shown no longer to be a solid base for faith development (Alma 1993). The theologian Dingemans underlined in his pneumatological approach that faith development, from a psychological point of view, does not differ from moral development; however, a precondition for faith development is spirituality as practised in religious communities (Timmers-Huygens 1997, 194; Dingemans 1981). The theologian Albert Ploeger, following this line of thought, articulated the dynamics of the interdependency of the interaction of thinking, willing, experiencing and hoping altogether (in: Timmers-Huygens 1997, 195; Ploeger 1993). Both authors emphasize the necessity of intergenerational dialogue, a topic that is further elaborated on by Lanser (2000).

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

Religion in the Netherlands is in a phase of transformation. For a considerable number of Dutch, the objective, institutional religious traditions are just one of the factors linked to religiously-inspired actions as building blocks for their individual and personal life orientation. This group – although they see themselves as religious persons – are termed as “unbound religious”. In this process of transformation, different approaches overlap and interact: a post-traditionalistic approach of RE goes hand in hand with a traditionalistic approach. New, post-materialistic practices do not fit into the legal and managerial frameworks that were developed for earlier days. RE teachers cannot rely anymore on consensus in the outlines of theories of RE or in the teaching materials. It may be the case that these transformational aspects are characteristic of the Netherlands. However, apart from the typical post-pillarized situation in the Netherlands, these transformational aspects also are related to processes of modernisation in general – processes that do not stop at the Netherlands’ borders. Therefore crossing borders is urgent. We are in need of deep reflection from a common European perspective. In a recent publication, the Council of Europe (CoE) Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights, states that due to economic and political migration, and other globalisation processes, the religious differences in Europe have increased and that therefore social cohesion and living harmoniously apart (and together) have to be addressed. Schools can play a role in exploring the issues and possible actions to reduce tension and conflict, and stimulate har-

Religious Education in the Netherlands

197

mony (Jackson 2014). The CoE encourages Member States to develop education that is focused on knowledge of (teaching about) religions with the view to enhancing how to deal with religious diversity. The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) also presents, in the “Toledo Guiding Principles”, (“Toledo”) a plea – addressed at authorities – to give space to religious diversity in the curriculum, for example through RE and citizenship education. The particular Dutch situation sheds its own light on this European advice and challenges the still pillarized educational system. Seen from the Dutch perspective, there are at least two ways to respond to the calls by the CoE and Toledo. In the first place are the issues of intercultural and interreligious “living together”, on which the CoE and Toledo focus. These are related to the tensions caused in many European member states by diversity of cultural and religious backgrounds and life orientations. In the documents of the CoE and Toledo this diversity is especially understood as a diversity of religious traditions and nonreligious belief systems, and therefore the call of the CoE and Toledo is easily linked to the role of institutionalized traditions. Religion, however, as we learn from the developments in the Netherlands, is a phenomenon that contains more than institutionalized religious and secular traditions. In the second place, the problems of religion as such could indeed be intrinsically linked to the problems of Europe as political phenomenon. The modernisation of European societies brings to the fore the value-oriented rationality of religion. The objective-rational approach from economics, bureaucracy, and technology, however, is dominant in the process of modernisation. The initially broad ranged social and spiritual ambition of Europe narrows down as a result of the dominance of economic perspective, which appears to be very powerful and influential – even in the domain of education. It may be that it is not primarily the diversity of religious traditions from which emerge the countless problems of our (European) society. Education plays a crucial role in preparing the next generation for their responsibilities as participating citizens in a plural society. The questions that the Toledo Guiding Principles and the CoE put to the fore challenge us to the following ambitions: 1. Our response to the Toledo Guiding Principles and the CoE is to include the topics mentioned in a “provocative pedagogy of RE”, that is to develop pedagogical strategies which challenge pupils to depart from the standpoint of their religious socialisation while at the same time caring for and empathising with the pupils for whom such a departure is frightening (ter Avest and Bertram-Troost 2009). This “provocative pedagogy” needs to be further explored in particular because of the consequences for a didactic for RE. We see this as an interesting research project for the community of professional experts on RE in Europe. Knowledge from the fields of theology, sociology

198

Thom Geurts et al.

and personality psychology has in our view to be brought together to construct new knowledge for such a new type of action-oriented approach to RE. 2. An action-oriented approach to religious and secular traditions poses the question whether in RE we can be satisfied with teaching objectives focusing on facts (“teaching about”) now that it is clear that in RE in an educational context of diversity we aim at a better understanding between people of different religious and secular life orientations. Is the aim of understanding not a communicative objective that therefore assumes communicative action? Should we in RE not pay attention more systematically to the way in which people construct their everyday worldview in living their ordinary daily lives, with or without awareness of the perspective of ultimate concern, and the role of communication between people with different ultimate concerns? This communication is – as we can learn from social personality psychology – neither primarily nor predominantly discursive in nature, but narrative. Can we in RE develop methods, teaching materials, curricula and syllabi facilitating pupils to put the stories of their actions into words borrowed from religious and secular worldview traditions, and share them? In our view it is not knowledge about traditions that unites people, but a narrative exchange crossing the borders of nations and religions which will create a community of pupils for whom being different is “business as usual”. The plurality of religious traditions is an influential factor in the development of Europe and will necessarily be one for the future of RE. Diversity in the ways that people position themselves in the plurality of religious and secular traditions includes the various ways in which people develop their personal (religious or secular) worldview-related identity. Diversity urges people to take responsibility for their own identity development in relation to a self-constructed ultimate concern. From the standpoint that RE has a specific pedagogical responsibility for the religious development of all pupils – irrespective of their religious socialisation and taking advantage of the differences in constructing a rich learning environment – then RE should listen to the developmental needs of pupils in post-modernity, or “liquid modernity” (Bauman 2000) and facilitate and support them with regard to the orientation on a self made ultimate concern. It may be true that “God created the Earth but that the Dutch created the Netherlands”, but these days “God” is possibly waiting for the Dutch to re-create RE.

Religious Education in the Netherlands

13.

199

Further information

Further information about for example relevant literature on RE, related institutions and websites will be given in this section. Relevant information about the history of RE in the Dutch context can be found in “Religion and Education in the Dutch Pillarized and Post-Pillarized Educational System” by ter Avest et al. 2007 (see list of references), as well as in the publication focussing on pedagogical strategies “Godsdienstpedagogiek”, by E.T. Alii, 2009 (see list of references). Information about actual developments on RE and world view education / life orientation in the Dutch context can be found in issues of the journal “Narthex” (www.vdlginfo.nl), as well as on the websites of the “Besturenraad” (www.besturenraad.nl), the IKO (www.vkonet.nl) and the VOO (www.vo.nl). Also the websites of the research group “Education and Philosophy of Life” (www.inholland.nl/LectoraatOenL) and “Normative Professionalism” (www.educatie.onderzoek.hu.nl>Lectoraten>Normatieveprofessionalisering).

References Aalsum, L. van. 2011. Spiritualiteit in het onderwijs. Delft: Eburon. Alma, H. 1993. Geloven in de leefwereld van jongeren. Kampen: Kok. Alma, H. 2005. De parabel van de blinden: Psychologie en het verlangen naar zin. Public Lecture at the Utrecht University of Humanistics. Amsterdam: Humanistics University Press. Alii, E.T. 2009. Godsdienstpedagogiek. Zoetermeer : Meinema. Andree, T.G.I.M. 1990. Gelovig word je niet vanzelf. Public lecture Utrecht University. Andree, T.G.I.M. 1991. Geschapen naar Gods beeld: pleidooi voor opvoeding tot eigenwaarden en zelfrespect omwille van de dialoog. Utrecht: Utrechtse Theologische Reeks nr.13. Algemeen Reglement Katholiek Onderwijs (ARKO). 1987. Utrecht: Secretariaat Roomskatholiek kerkgenootschap in Nederland. Bakker, C. 2004. Demasqu¦ van het christelijk onderwijs?; Over de onzin en zin van een adjectief. Public Lecture. Utrecht: Faculteit der Theologie – Universiteit Utrecht. Bakker, C. 2013. Het Goede leren. Leraarschap al normatieve professie. Public Lecture. Utrecht: Universiteit Utrecht / Hogeschool Utrecht. Bakker, C. ed. 2012. Levensbeschouwelijk onderwijs voor alle leerlingen. Interne publicatie van onderzoek naar vormen van levensbeschouwelijk onderwijs bij BOOR scholen in Rotterdam. Utrecht: Agilo. Bakker, N., J. Noordman, and M. Rietveld-van Wingerden. 2010. Vijf eeuwen opvoeden in Nederland – idee en praktijk 1500 – 2000. Assen: Koninklijke Van Gorcum. Bakker, C., and I. ter Avest. 2010. Self-understandings of RE-teachers in structural identity consultation: Contributing to school identity in a multi-faith context. In International

200

Thom Geurts et al.

Handbook of Inter-religious Education, eds. K. Engebretson, M. de Souza, G. Durka and L. Gearon. Dordrecht / Heidelberg / London / New York. Bartels, R. 2013. Filosoferen doe je zo. Budel: Damon. Bauman, Z. 2000 Liquid modernity. Cambridge/Malden: Blackwell Publishing Limited. Becker, J., and J. de Hart. 2006. Godsdienstige veranderingen in Nederland. Den Haag: SCP. Bekkers, R. 2010. Maatschappelijke stage en burgerschap. Utrecht: Universiteit Utrecht. Berger, P. 1969. The sacred canopy. Elements of a sociological theory of religion. New York: Anchor Books. Berger, H. 1986. Vragen naar zin. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press. Berghuijs, J., J. Pieper, and C. Bakker. 2013. Being “spiritual” and being “religious” in Europe. Journal of Contemporary Religion 28, no. 1: 15 – 32. Bertram-Troost, G.D., C. Kom, I. ter Avest, and S. Miedema. 2012. Typen van protestantschristelijk basisonderwijs in een seculiere tijd. Schoolleiders aan het woord over de eigenheid van hun school. Woerden: Besturenraad. Bertram-Troost, G.D., C. Kom, I. ter Avest, and S. Miedema. 2011. The positioning of Protestant Primary Schools in the Secular Age: Results of an Empirical Project in the Netherlands. In L. Huffaker, ed. Brain matter : neurosciences, creativity and diversity. Proceedings of REA / APPRRE Toronto pp 51 – 57. Biert, M. van, ed. 2010. De bijbel als basis. Amersfoort: ThiemeMeulenhoff. Blockmans, W. 2010. Metropolen aan de Noordzee. Amsterdam: Prometheus. Boom, M. van den, ed. 1983. Werkelijkheid en fiktie in godsdienstonderwijs en katechese. Delft: Meinema. Borghuis, J., ed. 1994.Van horen zeggen. Amersfoort: ThiemeMeulenhoff. Brokerhof, D., ed. 1997. Perspectief. Amersfoort: ThiemeMeulenhoff. Bron, J. 2006. Een basis voor burgerschap. Enschede: SLO. Bronnenman-Helmers, R. 2011. Overheid en onderwijsbestel. Den Haag: SCP. Budak, B. 2012. Identiteitsontwikkeling en integratie. Amstelveen: Inholland. Coser, R. 1991. In defense of modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Crul, M., J. Schneider, and F. Lelie. 2013. Superdiversiteit. Amsterdam: VU University Press. De canon van Nederland. 2006. entoen.nu. Den Haag: Ministerie van OCW. de Hart, J. 1990. Impact of religious socialisation in the family. JET 3, no. 1: 59 – 78. de Hart, J. 2000. De modularisering van de christelijke traditie. In Homo prudens ed. A. Kobben, K. Dobbelaere, J. de Hart and L. van Gelder, 102 – 116. Leende: Damon. de Hart, J. 2011. Maak het nieuw! Den Haag: Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau. de Hart, J. 2013. Zwevende gelovigen. Den Haag: Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau. de Jong, A. 1990. Weerklank van Job. Kampen: Kok. de Jong, A., and T. van der Zee. 2008. Inspireren tot participatie. Budel: Damon. de Ruyter, D.J., and J.J. Kole. 2010. Our teachers want to be the best: On the necessity of intra-professional reflection about moral ideals of teaching. Teachers and Teaching, Theory and Practice 16, no. 2: 207 – 218. de Ruyter, D.J., and M.S. Merry. 2009. Why education in public schools should include religious ideals. Studies in Philosophy and Education 28, no. 4: 295 – 311. de Ruyter, D.J., and S. Miedema. 1996. Schools, identity and the conception of the good. The denominational tradition as an example. Studies in Philosophy and Education 15, no. 1: 27 – 33.

Religious Education in the Netherlands

201

de Ruyter, D., G.D. Bertram-Troost, and S.M.A. Sieckelinck. 2005. Idealen, idolen en iconen van de pedagogiek. Contributions to the 12th annual meeting of Dutch and Flamish pedagogues. Dingemans, 1981. Leren bij het leven. Public Lecture. Groningen: Rijks Universiteit. Dijkstra, A., J. Dronkers, and R. Hofman, eds. 1997.Verzuiling in het onderwijs. Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff. Elshof, T. 2009. Van huis uit katholiek. Delft: Eburon. Everington, J., I. ter Avest, C. Bakker, and A. van der Want. 2011. European religious education teachers’ perceptions of and responses to classroom diversity and their relationship to personal and professional biographies. British Journal of Religious Education 33, no.2: 241 – 256 Friebel, A., ed. 1999. Over betrokkenheid gesproken. Enschede: SLO. Gane, N. 2002. Max Weber and postmodern theory. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Gelderblom, G., ed. 2005. Levend water. Zwolle: De Gids. Gergen, K. 2009. An invitation to social construction. London: Sage. Geurts, T. 1997. Leren van zin. Best: Damon. Geurts, T. 1998. Over het bezweren van levensvragen. Verbum 65, 40 – 45. Geurts, T., ed. 2004. OriÚntatie op een waardevol beroep. Den Haag: KBVO. Geurts, T., ed. 2005. Antenne. Baarn: NijghVersluys. Giddens, A. 1984. The constitution of society. Cambridge: Polity. Giddens, A. 1991. Modernity and self-identity. Cambridge: Polity. Godsdienst / Levensbeschouwing in de Tweede Fase van het Voortgezet Onderwijs voor Katholieke scholen van HAVO en VWO. 1998. Den Haag: NKSR. Godsdienst / Levensbeschouwing als examenvak. 2006. Den Haag: KBVO. Grimmitt, M., 1987. Religious education and human development. Great Wakering: McCrimmons. Habermas, J. 1981. Theorie des kommunikativenHandelns, I – II, Frankfurt: Suhrkamp. Hargreaves, A., and M. Fullan. 2012. Professional capital. Transforming teaching in every school. New York / London: Teachers College Columbia University. Heesen, B. 1998. Kinderen filosoferen. Budel: Damon. Hellemans, S. 1990. Strijd om moderniteit. Leuven: Universitaire Pers. Hermans, C. 1986. Morele vorming. Kampen: Kok. Hermans, C. 2001. Participerend leren. Budel: Damon. Hurenkamp, M., and E. Tonkens. 2008. Burgers aan het woord over binding, loyaliteit en sociale cohesie. Den Haag: NicisInstitute. Idenburg, P. 1964. Schets van het Nederlands schoolwezen. Groningen: Wolters. Imelman, J., and W.A.J. Meijer. 1986. Tussen leuren en leren. Kampen: Kok. Jackson, R., S. Miedema, W. Weisse, and J.-P. Willaime, eds. 2007. Religion and education in Europe: Developments, contexts and debates. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Jackson, R. 2014. The European dimension, (in press). Kennedy, J. 2005. Recent Dutch Religious History and the Limits of Secularization. In The Dutch andTheir Gods, ed. E. Sengers, 27 – 42. Hilversum: Uitgeverij Verloren. Kerndoelen voor het vak godsdienst/levensbeschouwing in de basisvorming aan een Protestants-christelijke school. 1995. Voorburg: Besturenraad. Knauth, T., D.-P. Jozsa, G. Bertram-Troost, and J. Ipgrave, eds. 2008. Encountering reli-

202

Thom Geurts et al.

gious pluralism in school and society, A qualitative study of teenage perspectives in Europe. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series, Münster : Waxmann, Kole, J.J., and D.J. de Ruyter. 2009. Nothing but excellence: Ideals of professional identity. Ethics and Social Welfare 3, no. 2: 131 – 144. Kronjee, G., and M. Lampert. 2006. Leefstijlen en zingeving. In Geloven in het publieke domein, ed. van de Donk, Jonkers, Kronjee and Plum, 171 – 208. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Kuld, L., and S. Gönnheimer. 2000. Compassion. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Lammerts, R., and S. Hakvoort. 2004. Humanisme in beeld. Utrecht: Verwey-Jonker Instituut. Levensbeschouwing in de Tweede Fase van het Voortgezet Onderwijs. 1995. VDL. Best: Damon. Levi Strauss, C. 1969. Totemism. Penguin Books. Lanser-van der Velde, A. 2000. Geloven leren, en theoretisch en empirisch onderzoek naar wederkering geloofsleren. Kampen: Kok. Luther, H. 1991. Subjektwerdung zwischen Schwere und Leichtigkeit – (auch) eine ästhetische Aufgabe? Neue Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie 33, no.2:183 – 198. Luther, H. 1992. Religion und Alltag, Bausteine zu einer Praktischen Theologie des Subjekts. Stuttgart: Radius Verlag. Maliepaard, M., and M. Gijsberts. 2012. Moslim in Nederland. Den Haag: SCP. Marsman, P. 2010. Vakdossier filosofie. Enschede: SLO. Marsman, P., and H. Noordink. 2013. Filosofie in de onderbouw. Enschede: SLO. Mentink, D., and B. Vermeulen. 2001. Artikel 23 Grondwet.Den Haag: Elsevier. Miebach, B. 2010. Soziologische Handlungstheorie. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag. Miedema, S. 2009. Overdracht of vorming als doel van het onderwijs. Waarom levensbeschouwing en kwaliteit alles met elkaar te maken hebben. Radix: tijdschrift over geloof en wetenschap 35, no. 4: 229 – 237. Miedema, S., and G.D. Bertram-Troost, eds. 2006. Levensbeschouwelijk leren samenleven. Zoermermeer : Meinema. Miedema, S., and G.D. Bertram-Troost. 2008. Democratic citizenship and religious education: challenges and perspectives for schools in the Netherlands. British Journal of Religious Education 30, no. 2: 123 – 132. Miedema, S., and I. ter Avest. 2011. In the Flow to Maximal Interreligious Citizenship Education. Religious Education 106, no. 4: 410 – 424. Meijer, W.A.J., S. Miedema, and A. Lanser-van der Velde, eds. 2009. Religious education in a world of religious diversity. Vol. 12 in the Series: Religious diversity and education in Europe). Münster / New York / München/Berlin: Waxman. Noordink, H., and N. Rennenberg. 2001. Vakdossiers 2000: Maatschappijleer. Enschede: SLO. Onderwijsraad. 2002a. Vaste grond onder de voeten. Den Haag: Onderwijsraad. Onderwijsraad. 2002b. Samen leren leven. Den Haag: Onderwijsraad. Onderwijsraad. 2003a. Leren in een kennissamenleving. Den Haag: Onderwijsraad. Onderwijsraad. 2003b. Onderwijs en burgerschap. Den Haag: Onderwijsraad. Onderwijsraad. 2012. Artikel 23 Grondwet in maatschappelijk perspectief. Den Haag: Onderwijsraad.

Religious Education in the Netherlands

203

Pieper, J., and P. Vermeer. 2001. Religious consciousness of Dutch youth. JET 14, no. 2: 53 – 74. Ploeger, A. 1989. Diskurs. Zoetermeer : Boekencentrum. Ploeger, A. 1993. Inleiding in de godsdienstpedagogiek. Kampen: Kok. Raamleerplan voor Godsdienst/Levensbeschouwing op Katholieke Basisscholen. 1999. Den Haag: NKSR. Raamleerplan voor Godsdienst/Levensbeschouwing in het Katholiek VMBO. 2003. Den Haag: NKSR. Religie aan het begin van de 21e eeuw. 2009. Den Haag: Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS). van Crombrugge, H., and W. Meijer, red. 2004. Pedagogiek en Traditie, Opvoeding en Religie. Tielt, Uitgeverij Lannoo nv. Volzin. 2007. Relicanon in 24 windows http://www.opiniebladvolzin.nl/relicanon.html Rijksen, H. 1987. Levensbeschouwelijke vorming in het voortgezet onderwijs. In Levensbeschouwelijke vorming, ed. J. van de Laar, 9 – 20. Best: Damon. Roebben, B. 2006. Godsdienstpedagogiek van de hoop. Grondlijnen voor religieuze vorming. Leuven / Apeldoorn: Acco. Roumen, T., ed. 2006. Vieren in het voortgezet onderwijs. Den Haag: VKO. Schama, S. 1987. The embarrassment of richness. New York: Knopf. School en kerk verbinden. 2010. Den Haag: NKSR. Searle, H. 1965. What is a speech act? In Philosophy in America, ed. M. Black. Ithaca N.Y.: Cornell University Press. London: Allen and Unwin. Smeets, W. 2004. Tegenstrijdig ongeloof. Nijmegen: Valkhof Pers. Taakgroep Vernieuwing Basisvorming. 2004. Onderbouw in beweging. Zwolle: Taakgroep Vernieuwing Basisvorming. ter Avest, I. 2003. Kinderen en God, verteld in verhalen. Zoetermeer : Boekencentrum. ter Avest, I. 2009. Dutch children and their God. British Journal of Religious Education 31, nr. 3, pp. 251 – 262. ter Avest, I. 2013. Leren van en met elkaar. Lessen jrg 7, no. 2. ter Avest, I., and C. Bakker. 2007. Leren waarderen in levensbeschouwelijk leren met kinderen. In Geloof je het zelf ?, ed. B. van den Berg, A. van Steenis and J. de Valk, 183 – 194. Bussum: Coutinho. ter Avest, I., and G.D. Bertram-Troost, eds. 2009. Geloven in samen leven. Amsterdam: Science Guide. ter Avest, I., and S. Miedema. 2013a. Levensbeschouwelijke vorming voor alle leerlingen. Narthex, 13 – 3. ter Avest, I., and S. Miedema. 2013b. Religious citizenship education. In Risky Liaisons, ed. G. Buijs, J. Sunier, and P. Versteeg, 95 – 111. Amsterdam: VU University Press. ter Avest, I., and S. Miedema. 2013c. The plural of togetherness is future. Journal of Religious Education (submitted). ter Avest, I., and M. Metzlar. 1994. Geloven in Beroepsonderwijs. Voorwerk 10, no. 3: ter Avest I., C. Bakker, G. Bertram-Troost, and S. Miedema. 2007. Religion and education in the Dutch pillarized and post-pillarized educational system. In Religion and Education in Europe, ed. R. Jackson, S. Miedema, W. Weisse, and J.Willaime, 203 – 219. Waxmann: Münster / New York / München / Berlin. ter Avest, I., D-P. Jozsa, J. Rosûn, and G. Skeie, eds. 2009. Classroom Interaction: analysis

204

Thom Geurts et al.

on (im)possibilities of diversity and dialogue in changing European countries. Waxmann: Münster / New York / München / Berlin. ter Avest, I., C. Kom, A. de Wolff, G.D. Bertram-Troost, and S. Miedema. 2013.”Als het goed voelt…”.Woerden: Besturenraad. ter Avest, I., and S. Miedema. 2010. Noodzaak tot re-contextualisering van onderwijsvrijheid vanuit (godsdienst-) pedagogisch perspectief. Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid 22, no. 1 – 2: 77 – 88. Tillich, P. 1951. Systematic Theology. Chicago: UCP. Timmers-Huygens, D. 1997. Interactieve geloofscommunicatie Ervaringsordening en de kwaliteit van intergeneratieve communicatie in de christelijke gemeenschap. Groningen: PhD thesis Rijks Universiteit. Vakgroepwerk. 2000. Utrecht: Vereniging van Docenten Levensbeschouwing. van de Donk, W.B.H.J., A.P. Jonkers, G.J. Kronjee, and R.J.J.M. Plum, red. 2006. Geloven in het publieke domein. Verkenningen van een dubbele transformatie, Amsterdam: University Press (WRR-rapport). van de Laar, J. 2002. Zin leren, Budel: Damon. van der Ven, J. 1973. Katechetische leerplanontwikkeling. Den Bosch: Malmberg. van der Want A., C. Bakker, I. ter Avest, and J. Everington, eds. 2009. Teachers responding to diversity in Europe: Researching biography and pedagogy. Religious Diversity and Education in Europe Series. Münster : Waxmann. Vermeer, P. 2009. Denominational Schools and the (Religious) Socialisation of Youths. British Journal of Religious Education 31, nr. 3: 201 – 211. Vermeer, P., J.A. van der Ven, and E. Vossen. 1997. Education for coping with suffering. JET 10, no. 1: 61 – 83. Vermeulen, B. 2006. Een schets en evaluatie van de kritiek op de overheidsfinanciering van het bijzonder onderwijs. In Geloven in het publieke domein, ed. van de Donk, Jonkers, Kronjee and Plum 353 – 365. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Veugelers, W. 2003. Waarden en normen in het onderwijs. Zingeving en humanisering, autonomie en betrokkenheid. Public lecture. Utrecht: University of Humanistics. Vergouwen, L. 2001. Een hemelsbrede gelijkenis. Geloofsopvoeding in godsdienst-psychologisch perspectief. Kampen, Kok 2001. Waaijman, K. 2000. Spiritualiteit. Kampen: Kok. Walstijn, W. van. 2006. Actief of sociaal burgerschap? Narthex 6, no. 4: 22 – 24. Wessels, H. 2007. Handreiking schoolexamen filosofie HAVO / VWO. Enschede: SLO. Westerman, W. 2001. Ongewenste objectiviteit. Kampen: Kok. Wijziging van de wet op de Voortgezet Onderwijs, Nr. 3: Memorie van Toelichting. 1996 – 1997. Den Haag: Tweede Kamer, 25 168. Zengerink, H., ed. 2004. Labyrint. Amersfoort: Thieme Meulenhoff. Zoontjes, P. 2003. “Vrijheid van” en “recht op” onderwijs. Migratie en Integratie, 1 – 26. Den Haag: SDU.

Norman Richardson

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

Introduction Religious Education in Northern Ireland bears some similarities to the situation in other parts of the United Kingdom, particularly England and Wales, but in many other respects has followed a very different path of development. It is important to set this aspect of education within the wider context of the role of religion as a social and demographic factor in the life of Northern Ireland, and it is therefore inevitable that the chapter will refer at several points to the region’s experience of political unrest and conflict and to the complex relationships between communities that are often defined in religious terms. While making every effort to be fair and balanced to different points of view, the author’s personal experience of, and engagement with, these issues will inevitably colour some of the discussion. Having worked as a teacher of RE for several years in Northern Ireland’s controlled (mainly Protestant) schools sector, and then as an ecumenical peace education officer with the Irish Churches, the author’s most recent experience has been as a university lecturer and tutor in teacher education programmes, working with student teachers from different backgrounds to develop their awareness and skills as future teachers of RE in an increasingly plural context.

1.

Socio-religious background

Northern Ireland, which was established as a separate jurisdiction from the rest of Ireland in 1920, is a semi-autonomous region of the United Kingdom with a population of just 1.8 million. It has a devolved Legislative Assembly that deals with a wide range of domestic issues, while overall policy, including foreign and defence issues, is managed by the UK Government at Westminster (London). Located in the north-eastern corner of the island of Ireland, covering some 5,457 square miles (14,134 square kilometres), it includes six of the nine counties of the

206

Norman Richardson

ancient Irish Province of Ulster. The conflicted history of this region is well known, particularly in relation to the period of civil unrest and significant intercommunal violence known as “The Troubles” (roughly 1969 to 1997) but also in relation to many other periods of intermittent conflict going back several centuries. While this history can only be touched on briefly here, it has a significant bearing on the development of community separation and its impact on education in general and Religious Education in particular. Northern Ireland is often represented as a divided society with considerable social and demographic separation based on perceived religious identity. While many people do identify themselves as either Catholic or Protestant, some on the basis of strong religious conviction and practice, this denominational terminology reflects many other dimensions of identity relating to culture, territoriality and political aspirations. The perception of the Northern Ireland conflict as a religious war, however, is highly misleading, but it is equally unhelpful to suggest, as some do, that religion is irrelevant to the complex of issues that lead to division. Churches, according to Morrow et al. (1991, 121. 3. 111), are “crucial markers of identity in Northern Ireland”, “interwoven into the social fabric of the community” and “integral to the identities of who belongs to ‘us’ and who belongs to ‘them’”; this is perhaps particularly relevant in relation to schooling, as we shall see. In the census of 2011 (NISRA 2013), 40.75 % of the population stated their religion as (Roman) Catholic1 and 41.56 % indicated that they belonged to various Protestant denominations and (in only a very few cases) other Christian traditions of various kinds; only 0.82 % indicated “other religions”, 10.11 % indicated “no religion” and a further 6.75 % did not respond to the religion question on the census. These figures nevertheless give some indication that despite materialistic and secular pressures, many people in Northern Ireland still value some sense of religious affiliation, belonging and practice, and in some respects the religious character of Northern Ireland bears more similarity to that in the United States than it does to other parts of the United Kingdom and Western Europe. Mass attendance among Irish Catholics has declined in recent decades but still remains relatively strong, notwithstanding the impact of recent clerical abuse scandals. Protestant Christianity in Northern Ireland is very diverse and there are significant theological and philosophical differences within as well as between the various denominations; many adhere to conservative evangelical theological positions, and some are clearly influenced by fundamentalist and creationist ideas. Perhaps the traditional values and conservatisms within these two branches of Christianity may be perceived as reflecting off and reinforcing each other. 1 Many Catholics in Ireland dislike the term “Roman Catholic”, preferring just “Catholic” or “Irish Catholic”.

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

207

The Peace Process established in the late 1990s initiated some important agreements towards the ideal of “a shared future” (OFMDFM 2005), but the path has not been smooth and sectarian attitudes and behaviours are still evident in some places and at certain times, with occasional violent clashes over issues such as parades and cultural symbols. One indirect outcome of the peace process has been an increase in the presence of ethnic and religious minorities; for example the 2011 Census records that there are now over 4,000 Muslims as compared with less than 1,000 in 1991. Disturbingly, however, this demographic change was accompanied by a significant increase in reported racist abuse and attacks, particularly in 2009 – 10 (OFMDFM/NISRA 2013).

2.

Legal frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

2.1

School Types and Religious Identity

Under current legislation children in Northern Ireland attend primary school for seven years (ages 4 – 11) and post-primary / secondary school for a minimum of five years (ages 11 – 16), though many remain in school until the age of 18. Government statistics (Department of Education 2012) show that over 90 % of children continue to attend separate school sectors that reflect their religious / cultural community background. In effect this means that most children in Northern Ireland experience almost all aspects of their schooling, including Religious Education, in a significantly mono-cultural and mono-religious context, thus reinforcing other aspects of demographic and social separateness. Controlled primary and secondary schools in Northern Ireland have sometimes been described as de facto Protestant schools; while not denominational schools as such they have traditionally served the Protestant community and many of the influences have been culturally and religiously Protestant (for instance with Protestant clergy serving on – and often chairing – Boards of Governors). At secondary level (for pupils aged 11 to 16+) there is also a small sector of Protestant-founded Voluntary Grammar Schools; these are mainly state-funded and based on systems of academic selection and while some such schools cater for a slightly more mixed population, the majority of pupils continue to come from Protestant backgrounds. Catholic Maintained primary and secondary schools emphasise their commitment to a Catholic ethos and to the religious formation of their pupils. They are owned by the Catholic Church but since 1991 have received full public funding. Catholic Voluntary Grammar Schools operate systems of academic

208

Norman Richardson

selection and their funding (as in the case of other Voluntary schools) is largely from the state. Almost all pupils attending Catholic schools are from a Catholic background. Since 1981 a system of integrated primary and post-primary schools has been established, intentionally catering for Catholics, Protestants and others together (ideally on a ratio of 40:40:20, though not all schools achieve this). In most cases these are newly-established schools, although in a few cases existing controlled schools have transformed their status into integrated schools; no Catholic schools have taken this option, however. Integrated schools generally emphasise their commitment to a Christian approach with a shared and inclusive ethos, and while they welcome participation from different religious groups they have been anxious to insist that no religious denomination has specific rights within their sector. At the time of writing (Summer 2013) integrated schools serve approximately 7 % of the school-going population. Other school sectors include Irish Medium schools (currently catering for just under 1.5 % of pupils), funded by the state and mostly supported by families from a Catholic background, and also a very small number of Independent Christian schools (most or all of which adhere to a fundamentalist, anti-ecumenical Protestant position) which have chosen not to receive any state funding.

2.2

An Historical Perspective

Religious factors have played a significant role in the history of educational provision in Ireland over at least two centuries and have impacted on the present shape of the education system in general and RE in particular in Northern Ireland since 1921. Government attempts to establish a unified system of education have met with significant obstacles at different points over this period, in no small way due to issues around religious education. Government plans for a system of undenominational National Schools in the early 1830s were initially successful, though by the mid-century the Catholic Church was calling for its own separate grant-aided schools and thus the National Schools continued into the early 20th century as a de facto Protestant statesupported denominational system (Akenson 1973, 12). In 1923, following the Partition of Ireland, the newly-formed government of Northern Ireland also attempted to establish a shared system of schooling in which Religious Instruction was to be taught separately, outside the main school day, by the clergy. The Churches, however, objected that their educational rights and privileges were being undermined, and in 1930 a new Act provided for “Bible Instruction”

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

209

to be part of the curriculum in county2 schools. On this basis the larger Protestant Churches (Presbyterian, Church of Ireland and Methodist) agreed to transfer control of their schools to the state via the local education authorities, while retaining responsibility for Religious Instruction and a significant involvement in management. The Roman Catholic Church continued to develop its own schools and its catechetical and confessional approach to Religious Instruction. The pattern had thus been set for the system of education, and the role of religion within it, that has largely prevailed since that time.

2.3

Legislation on Religious Education and the RE “Core Syllabus”

Northern Ireland’s 1947 Education Act made Religious Instruction (RI) compulsory in all county and voluntary3 schools. In county schools it was to be “based upon the Holy Scriptures according to some authoritative version or versions thereof, but excluding instruction as to any tenet which is distinctive of any particular denomination”4. In voluntary schools RI was to be the responsibility of the managers and was permitted to be denominational. Additionally all county and voluntary schools were required to commence every school day with an act of collective worship. Conscience clauses, permitting parents to withdraw their children from RI lessons and granting teachers the right to request not to teach RI, were also included although the Churches were clearly unhappy about granting exclusions to teachers (Hyland et al. 1995, 101 – 104). These provisions have continuously been reconfirmed by later legislation as the basis for RE (and collective worship) in Northern Ireland’s schools, notwithstanding some minor amendments such as the formal change of name to “Religious Education” in the 1989 Education Reform Order. The 1947 legislation, while distinctive in some of its language (for example, the explicit reference to “based upon the Holy Scriptures”) followed a similar pattern to developments in England. Over the next few decades, however, the changes to RE in England in response to pedagogical and philosophical challenges and the increasing religious diversity of British society were not reflected in developments in Northern Ireland. Controlled schools in the main continued to adhere to a “Bible-based” approach to RE, with little apparent interest in changes elsewhere, while Catholic schools continued to develop their cat2 The term “county school” was generally used until the late 1960s or early 1970s for what would today be described as a “controlled school”. 3 The term “voluntary” was used of all “non-county” schools, including all Catholic schools, until the late 1960s. 4 But see Section 4 below in relation to the additional possibility of denominational teaching in controlled schools.

210

Norman Richardson

echetical and “faith-formation” approach. The newly-emerging sector of integrated schools did, however, show some interest in exploring the more broadly-based approaches to RE that had become normative elsewhere in the UK and some other parts of Europe. In 1989 Northern Ireland’s Education Reform legislation, while affirming the overall patterns of previous RE legislation, proposed a new “Core Syllabus for Religious Education”, which was to be devised by “persons having an interest in the teaching of RE in grant-aided schools” in order to set out “core matters, skills and processes which are to be included in the teaching of RE to pupils” (HMSO 1989, Article 13). Although not specified in the legislation, the task of drafting the syllabus was actually granted to representatives of the four largest Christian denominations in Northern Ireland: the Catholic Church in Ireland, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, the Church of Ireland (Anglican) and the Methodist Church in Ireland, a role that they have retained since that time. The Core Syllabus is intended to be a statutory “core”, but this should “not prevent or restrict the inclusion of any other matter, skill or process in that teaching” (ibid.); in other words, schools were able to teach “beyond the core”, as, for instance, in denominational and doctrinal teaching as permitted in Catholic schools. The initial version of the Core Syllabus was issued and approved by government in 1993 and a slightly revised version was issued in 2007. The Churches made clear from the outset that their intention was to “restrict the core syllabus to a study of Christianity, while leaving individual schools […] free to add a study of other religions” (Churches’ Drafting Group 1991). The Syllabus was divided into three sections: The Revelation of God; The Christian Church; and Christian Morality. Following criticism from some quarters that this was too narrow an approach the 2007 Revised Core Syllabus made a small concession and included an additional section on World Religions, though only for pupils aged 11 – 14. Following an Equality Impact Assessment on the proposals for the Revised Core Syllabus, the Department of Education took the view that “the proposals provide an appropriate common core, suited to the religious background of the vast majority of pupils” (Department of Education 2006). Several “mitigations” were proposed in order to offset any on-going concerns about the nature of the RE Syllabus, including a promise of continuous monitoring of attitudes and processes (which, however, appears to have been forgotten). An “RE Advisory Committee”, with a membership deliberately broader than the Core Syllabus Drafting Group, was also established as part of this process with the purpose of providing guidance and some resources for teachers. Teachers of RE, for all age groups and in all kinds of schools, are employed by the state in exactly the same way as other teachers, and RE is funded as part of the general government funding of schools, not separately. In Catholic schools,

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

211

however, there is a requirement for teachers of RE to be certificated to teach the subject, as discussed in Section 4, below.

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

Following the establishment of a National Curriculum in England and Wales in the late 1980s, the Department of Education in Northern Ireland also engaged in a process of developing a prescribed curriculum for all kinds of publicly-funded schools through the 1989 Education Reform Order5. One of the intentions of this initiative was undoubtedly to attempt to ensure that the different school sectors could no longer be accused of teaching according to different political or cultural agendas – notably in the teaching of History – and in early documentation the terminology of a “Common Curriculum” was emphasised (though later this simply became “the Northern Ireland Curriculum”). In relation to History teaching in particular these Curriculum aims were very effective, and a common History syllabus was accepted with surprisingly little controversy (undoubtedly aided by significant curriculum development work by teachers and academics over the previous two decades). Other characteristics of diverse culture were less effectively impacted, however, notably in relation to sports (with schools serving the Protestant community focusing on “British sports” such as soccer and rugby while Catholic schools favoured Gaelic sports) and also in relation to the teaching of the Irish language (only in Catholic schools, and later in some integrated schools). Religious Education, which was included alongside, rather than within, the Northern Ireland Curriculum, remained very distinctive of the different sectors and was (and continues to be) publicly perceived as either Catholic RE or Protestant RE, a perception that was virtually unaffected by the development of the joint Churches’ Core Syllabus. A revised Northern Ireland Curriculum (NIC) came into force in 2007, though again RE remained outside the mainstream. The focus of the 2007 Curriculum, however, emphasised the importance of being a values-based curriculum and set out its aim as empowering young people “to develop their potential and to make informed and responsible choices and decisions throughout their lives”, in order to help them develop “as individuals, […] as contributors to society” and “as contributors to the economy and the environment” (CCEA 2007). The overall

5 During much of the period between 1972 and 2007, when there was no devolved parliament or assembly (because of the civil unrest), Northern Ireland was under “direct rule” from the UK government at Westminster. Legislation was thereby enacted by means of “Orders in Council”, in effect replacing “Acts of Parliament”.

212

Norman Richardson

style of the NIC is progressive and learner-centred, with an emphasis on connected learning, thinking skills and personal capabilities. A significant characteristic of both the original and revised forms of the NIC has been the emphasis on developing capacities and skills in personal, mutual and cultural understanding. Since the early 1980s governments have increasingly promoted curricular and extra-curricular educational initiatives in crosscommunity awareness and relationships, and some significant projects originating in the universities encouraged teachers to develop such work (including, for example, shared explorations of different church traditions developed by Greer and McElhinney, 1985). These initiatives were incorporated into the 1989 Education Reform legislation in the form of two educational cross-curricular themes, Education for Mutual Understanding and Cultural Heritage. Encouraged by funding support many schools engaged jointly with these activities, though with variable levels of success. Catholic attitudes were generally supportive of such initiatives but there was strong criticism from some Protestant fundamentalist sources and some politicians that such activities encouraged “the undermining of Protestantism” (in a pamphlet issued by the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster in 1989, cited in Richardson and Gallagher 2011, 147 – 148). It was also suggested by some observers that some controlled and Catholic schools were prepared to become involved in cross-community work as a way of avoiding the issue of fully integrated schooling, especially from a religious perspective. Some teachers of RE enthusiastically played their part in such interschool initiatives, although others deliberately avoided any religious dimensions of such work. In the Revised Northern Ireland Curriculum mutual understanding and intercultural awareness have been more substantively mainstreamed into Personal Development and Mutual Understanding in primary schools and Local and Global Citizenship in post-primary schools (CCEA 2007) and government policy continues to highlight the importance of promoting “community relations, equality and diversity” in education (Department of Education 2011). Funding for cross-community inter-school activities has, however, become more limited since 2010 but there has been a stepping up of community and political support for initiatives in shared education (see Connolly et al. 2013). These do not involve the full integration of schools (to which the Catholic Church in particular remains significantly opposed), but may include the sharing of some facilities and teachers and the joint teaching of certain examination subjects. Here again, Religious Education has not so far played a significant role and despite some positive encouragement in this regard (for example, Richardson 2010b) many schools and teachers may well still regard RE as “a subject too far” for any possibility of significant sharing.

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

4.

213

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

The significance of religion and Religious Education in the development of the educational landscape of Northern Ireland has been indicated above. In the view of Byrne and McKeown (1998, 322): “Any examination of the current education system in Northern Ireland demonstrates that, in spite of the increasing secularization of society generally, the churches have continued to assert an important and continuing influence and authority”. Particularly strong views are frequently heard in relation to the issue of religious or faith schools in Northern Ireland, not least because of the perceived impact of separate educational provision on social, cultural and political divisions. Whereas in some countries attendance at a faith school is a fee-paying alternative to state-provided schooling, school choice in Northern Ireland is based on quite different factors. For historical, geographical and demographic reasons, most children attend the school-type that is representative of their perceived cultural / religious identity. An undoubted additional factor in reinforcing the strong association between identity and school, during times of conflict and continuing to the present for many people, has been the sense of safety that is associated with “being with one’s own community”. Catholic schools are overtly faith schools and most Catholics have seen it as their right, privilege and perhaps even their responsibility to send their children to such schools. A statement issued by the Irish Catholic Bishops (2005) emphasised the importance of Catholic education: “When we see how much faithbased schools are in demand in most other countries, we must ensure that we are offering a Catholic education to all and not just a good secular education for ethnic Catholics”. Even at a time of diminishing church attendance and increasing secular influences, there remains significant support within the Catholic community for the traditional route of sending children to a primary school where they will receive sacramental preparation and then to post-primary education where faith nurture will be further developed. In Catholic education the key principle is that the home, school and parish are integrally linked; clergy play a significant role, including visits to classes and visits by classes to the local church (which is often very close to the school) for aspects of sacramental preparation and mass. Attractively-produced, thorough and detailed catechetical programmes and materials are universally used in Catholic schools and teacher preparation and support is provided by teams of diocesan-based advisers, including lay people, members of religious orders and some clergy. Catholic schools regularly point out, however, that their most important feature

214

Norman Richardson

is a Catholic ethos which is not limited to the teaching of RE but pervades all aspects of the curriculum and the life of the school. Teachers in Catholic schools, especially at the primary level, are expected to have a Catholic Religious Education Certificate which qualifies them to teach RE. This has generally meant that virtually all teachers in the Catholic schools sector are themselves from Catholic backgrounds and Northern Ireland’s schools have been exempted from equality legislation up to the present time in order to permit Catholic schools to make “religiously appropriate” appointments. Some flexibility in this practice has very recently (2013) become evident, with assurances that non-Catholics should not be excluded from appointment to Catholic schools, although the requirement for the Catholic RE Certificate remains and the appointment of teachers continues to be a contentious issue subject to some accusations of discriminatory practice. While the great majority of children attending Catholic schools are themselves from the Catholic community, some schools include a small number of non-Catholic children, including Protestants and members of other faiths or from non-religious backgrounds. In various recent statements the Catholic authorities have taken great pains to emphasise that they are “open, welcoming and inclusive to all pupils irrespective of their religious, cultural and ethnic background” (NI Commission for Catholic Education n.d.). Although almost all of the schools under Protestant management were transferred to state control following the 1930 Education Act6, the Controlled school sector continues to be perceived as generally “Protestant”, even though for many people this may mean little more than “not Catholic”. The larger Protestant denominations7, which come together under a “Transferor Representatives’ Council”, have frequently attempted to call attention to their links with controlled schools by referring to them quite overtly in the past as “Protestant schools” or, more recently, as “church-related schools” (TRC n.d.), though this term has no official status. The extent to which controlled schools may or may not choose to highlight a Christian basis or ethos varies widely and such attitudes may often be especially reflected in the school’s approach to collective worship and Religious Education. While it is emphasised that controlled schools are open to pupils of any background (and some Catholic pupils and some from other religious traditions do attend) it is inevitable that the majority of pupils are from the Protestant community in the broadest sense (including many who could perhaps be termed as “secular Protestants”). 6 At the time of writing there remain just four Protestant Maintained (mostly small) primary schools in which Protestant denominational teaching is therefore permitted. 7 The Presbyterian Church in Ireland; the Church of Ireland; and the Methodist Church in Ireland.

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

215

Protestant clergy continue to have some rights in relation to the teaching and inspection of RE in controlled schools but here again practice varies considerably. One of these rights permits “Ministers of religion and other suitable persons, including teachers of the school, to whom the parents do not object” to have access “at convenient times to pupils […] for the purpose of giving religious education, whether as to the tenets distinctive of a particular religious denomination or otherwise” (Education and Libraries Order 1986, section 21.7). This, however, is intended to be quite distinct from the undenominational RE that is required to be taught within the statutory school day, and in practice very few clergy have taken up this denominational option in recent decades, for both practical and ethical reasons; very few schools are likely to be willing to separate their pupils according to perceived Protestant denominations, which might in itself be thought undesirable, for what would in effect be an additional series of lessons beyond the regular timetable. (Issues around the inspection of RE in different kinds of schools will be dealt with in Section 6 below.) In Northern Ireland the debate about faith schools is most often focused not so much on the desirability of schools that serve a particular religious community but on the perceived negative impacts of a system that is very significantly separate and the relevance of this in terms of community conflict. Some observers, both from within and beyond Northern Ireland, have expressed strong concerns about the separate, parallel systems of schooling that result from the insistence of one community in particular to retain schools with a mono-religious identity (see, for instance, Fraser 1973; Murray 1985; Scarlett 1999; O’Connor 2002). Supporters of integrated education (including Catholics and Protestants) have been amongst the strongest critics of educational separation and it is often pointed out that when just one sizeable community insists on separate schools this actually forces separateness, whether or not it is wanted, on everyone else. Catholic educationists and church leaders make strong defence of their position and take particular offence when education in Northern Ireland is described not just as separate but as “segregated”, emphasising the inclusive and pluralist nature of Catholic Schools (CCMS 2006). They argue that most Catholic parents want their children to have a Catholic education and justify the existence of separate Catholic schools by recourse to Human Rights instruments, most notably to Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 of the European Convention, which provides that: “No person shall be denied the right to education […] the State shall respect the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religions and philosophical convictions” (ECHR 1950). It has been suggested, however, that the intention of this clause was primarily to prevent states denying the possibility of religious teaching and upbringing to citizens who wished it rather than to grant religious organisations the right to

216

Norman Richardson

establish their own separate schools (Richardson 2010a, 65). The frequentlyheard argument that separate schools have contributed to sectarian divisions in Northern Ireland is also often rejected by those who defend the Catholic education system on the grounds that separate schools are not a cause but a symptom of a much more complex pattern of factors (Catholic Bishops of Northern Ireland 2001). It could perhaps be argued, however, that both cause and symptom are inextricably bound together in relation to the reality of separate schooling in the region.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

When the Churches’ Core Syllabus Working Group confirmed and later reaffirmed (in 1991 and 2003 respectively) their decision to prepare only a Christian core syllabus, this was probably welcomed by many teachers and others, readily endorsing the view of those who drafted the 2003 Revision proposals that “there are strong educational, as well as theological, reasons for not adopting […] a rigorous multi-faith or comparative and phenomenological approach” (Churches’ Working Party 2003, 4). While this later report supported the limited inclusion in the revised Syllabus of “a study of the sincerely held religious beliefs of those other than Christians”, the overall view was that “Christianity still plays a very influential role in the lives of the majority of the population of Northern Ireland” and that it was important therefore to maintain “the essential Christian character of Religious Education for all grant-aided schools in Northern Ireland” (ibid., 3 – 4). There were, nevertheless, some who objected strongly to these decisions, as well as to the exclusive role of the Churches in the preparation of the Core Syllabus. Some objections were raised by secular and Humanist groups, some by minority faith communities and inter-faith groups, some by religious educators (teachers and academics) who favoured a more broadly-based approach and some also by Christians who were uncomfortable with the official position of the Churches. The Northern Ireland Inter-Faith Forum regularly petitioned government and the Churches and proposed a more collaborative and inclusive model for both the preparation and the content of the Core Syllabus, calling in particular on “those from the churches and the other faith communities, to commit themselves enthusiastically in dialogue and partnership to this task of developing an education system which contributes to the establishment of a fair and just society in Northern Ireland for all sections of the community” (NIIFF 2001)8. Nelson (2004, 252 – 253) has observed ambiguities in the approach of the 8 The NI Inter-Faith Forum was actually established in the early 1990s on the basis of a range of

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

217

Core Syllabus: despite an attempt to express openness to the exploration of religious and spiritual understanding it is all too often “couched in language, objectives and content which assume, and in some cases promote, Christian uniformity”. This, he argues, unless balanced with critical openness, “is in danger of being indoctrinatory and narrow and in an already segregated society can create a greater sense of ‘them’ and ‘us’, leading to the formation of stereotypes and sectarian attitudes”. In arguing against such opposition it is clear that the Churches at times adopted a particularly robust view of their role, most notably in their introduction to their revised proposals (as outlined above) and by declaring on various occasions what they called their “ownership” of RE (as, for instance, in correspondence with this author). This position, and the continuing role of the Churches as, apparently, the only group believing themselves to have the right to propose the official content of the Core Syllabus, has also been defended by the government and the Department of Education. This may perhaps be perceived as based on a desire by public servants not to get into conflict with the Churches, especially in relation to educational issues. The division of the Core Syllabus into the three main sections (originally called “Attainment Targets” but later renamed as “Learning Objectives”) of the Revelation of God (focusing on the Bible and the life of Jesus), the Christian Church (historical and contemporary) and Morality (clearly designated as being from a Christian perspective) relates to all pupils of statutory school age (4 – 16 years). The 2007 addition of World Religions, however, applies only to pupils aged 11 – 14 years. From the perspective of the Protestant Churches in particular, it could be argued that this arrangement of content effectively maintains their commitment to a predominantly “Bible-based” approach. The Catholic Church also seems to be content with such an approach because legislation permits them to include additional denominational material. Referring to the Northern Ireland Learning Objectives, however, one of the best-known writers on English RE, Terence Copley, has observed that this approach “would not have been culturally, politically or socially acceptable in more openly plural and secular England and Wales” (Copley 1997, 186). It seems clear that the clause permitting schools to teach material not included in the Core Syllabus was incorporated originally in order to reassure the Catholic schools sector that in supporting the development of a statutory Core Syllabus they would not in any way have to forgo their right to teach material of a catechetical nature. This clause has also regularly been cited by government ministers and civil servants as the means by which schools may opt to include faith communities having come together in order to make a case for an alternative approach to the Core Syllabus.

218

Norman Richardson

world religions with any age groups if desired, and in its Equality Impact Assessment of the 2007 Revised Core Syllabus the Department of Education emphasised that this was an appropriate “mitigation” to counter the criticism that the Syllabus was too narrow. Research suggests, however, that very few schools take advantage of this flexibility, often on the grounds that there is already too much content in the RE programme for them to be able to consider additional topics. During the course of the preparation of the original Core Syllabus in the early 1990s some Catholic teachers expressed concern that they were going to be asked to change their existing RE programmes in order to follow something substantively new. Reassurance was quickly given from the very highest authorities in the Irish Catholic Church that everything in the new Core Syllabus was already included in the Catholic school materials. In effect Catholic schools were being told quite clearly that they did not need to change anything in the content of and approach to RE; Catholic Schools could therefore take the Core Syllabus for granted and yet be seen to be fully supportive of the concept and part of the process. Research evidence (Richardson 2012) confirms that many Catholic teachers seem to have only a very vague awareness of the Core Syllabus. In other school sectors, perhaps most notably the Integrated schools, some teachers have made use of the opportunity to teach “beyond the core” to include greater plurality in their choice of topics for various age groups. A publication issued by the integrated schools’ support body (NICIE 2008) but intended as a resource for all kinds of schools, was particularly forthright on the importance of this: “A broadly-based and shared religious education curriculum is necessary – one that examines all religious faiths, not just Christianity. […] Children should be introduced to the ideas, beliefs and practices of the major world religions and humanist philosophies, including those that may not be represented in the classroom or the school as a whole” (NICIE 2008, 22).

The present author has also produced documentation for student teachers and serving teachers suggesting how they may use the structures of the current Core Syllabus to extend its scope in a more plural and inclusive manner. Despite constraints on opening up the content of RE in Northern Ireland there are some promising signs that at least some educational professionals are sympathetic to a more inclusive and intercultural approach. In this regard it has been particularly helpful to draw on the experience of other countries and on the work of international organisations such as the Council of Europe (for example Keast 2007; CoE 2008) and documents such as the Toledo Guiding Principles (OSCE 2007) in order to encourage new dialogue.

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

6.

219

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

Empirical research on RE in Northern Ireland’s classrooms has been rather limited, and thus the picture offered here is mainly based on general observations. A brief outline of some relevant research projects is provided in Section 11, but in addition to drawing upon these a significant factor for the present author has been the opportunity to work for about three decades with schools of all types in Northern Ireland and to observe and discuss practice with teachers. Additionally there have been many discussions with student teachers reflecting on their experience of RE both when they themselves were pupils and in relation to observations made by them about their experiences on placement in schools of different kinds.

6.1

RE in Catholic Schools

The very nature and justification of Catholic education suggests that the teaching of religion is taken very seriously in such schools. As indicated above, a major characteristic of RE in Catholic primary schools centres on the preparation of children for the sacraments of Reconciliation / first confession at around age 7, Eucharist / first communion at around age 8 and Confirmation at around age 11. RE takes place more or less every day, taught by the class teacher often at the start of the day, and the time allocated may increase significantly when sacramental-related work is at its height. Alongside sacramental preparation, teaching in primary schools focuses on: Biblical material; Church doctrine and liturgical practice; learning prayers, songs and other liturgical texts; special occasions and festivals in the Church’s year; lives of saints; and moral issues. The “Alive-O” programme, published by Veritas and approved by the Irish Episcopal Conference, provides teachers with all the resources they need to carry out their work in RE in each year, though some teachers suggest that there is too much material and that a degree of selectivity is required. Criticism has also been made from some quarters that the “Alive-O” programme is not fully faithful to Catholic Church teaching and that it “falls short of authentic Catholic faith, through incorrect statement, omissions and imbalances” (Johnson 2010), though this does not appear to be a concern of most teachers. RE at post-primary level in Catholic schools (including grammar schools) is normally taught by specialist teachers on a regularly timetabled basis, although some non-specialist teachers may be required to teach the subject in some schools. Once again the focus is on faith formation, with a similar range of topics to those in Catholic primary schools, extended appropriate to the age group and including some material on world religions. In launching the Veritas “Fully

220

Norman Richardson

Alive” programme, which was developed especially for post-primary Catholic schools in Northern Ireland, Bishop Donal McKeown (2004) set out clearly its catechetical purpose as: “to challenge and encourage faith development in students by helping them to relate to God in their own lives, in the life of the Church and in the local community, as well as in the wider world. […] [it offers] an opportunity for prayer during each lesson, and encourages celebrations of the liturgical year at class and school level”. The materials are attractively produced and take a lively and interactive approach.

6.2

RE in Controlled and Protestant Voluntary Schools

The relatively cohesive picture that can be presented of RE in Catholic schools is not reflected in the educational sector that has traditionally served Protestant communities. A range of sources suggests that while RE is treated very seriously in some controlled schools there are some – perhaps many – others where the subject is given scant attention and few, if any, resources. Inconsistency within schools can also be very evident, with some teachers showing great commitment to RE while others do their best to ignore or avoid it. A recent survey on RE in Northern Ireland’s primary schools (Richardson 2012) found that 23 % of the responding teachers in controlled schools had received no training at all in the subject. Three-quarters of controlled schools responding to the survey had teachers designated with the responsibility of coordinating RE in their school, but only approximately 12 % of these had received any specialist training in the subject. In-service training in RE for teachers in controlled schools is also extremely limited; the RE Advisers who provided at least some such training in the past have now almost entirely disappeared from the Northern Ireland Education and Library Boards (ELBs)9 or have been redesignated to other responsibilities. It seems that teachers in controlled schools who identify themselves as having a personal religious faith are overall the most likely to make some efforts with RE and, indeed, in some cases may well be the teachers who are asked to take responsibility for the subject, whether or not they have any particular professional training or experience in the field. Resources for RE in controlled primary schools are very limited and there is no comparable single resource to that used in the Catholic sector. Alongside the use of Bibles (and even these seem less available than in the past) the most common resources are in the form of sets of worksheets, most of which were produced by the ELBs in 9 Five ELBs have been the local administrative units for controlled schools in Northern Ireland since 1973, although this system seems likely to be replaced by a single administrative body in the school year 2013 – 14.

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

221

the 1990s. These are often of a very basic nature and confessional in tone, including cartoons, missing-word activities, quizzes, word-searches and some background notes for teachers. Evidence suggests that many teachers simply copy and hand out such sheets as “time-fillers” and their quality, frankly, does little to encourage positive attitudes among pupils and teachers. A series of thematic units produced by the RE Advisory Group in 2010 – 201110 took a much broader, cross-curricular and interactive approach but so far these appear to be used in only around 20 % of schools overall. RE in post-primary controlled and (Protestant) voluntary grammar schools is on the whole treated with greater seriousness, and is much more likely to be taught by specialist teachers. Some schools, however, still make use of teachers without specialist training to fill gaps in the timetable and many RE heads of department also express their concerns that the allocation of RE teaching time within the curriculum overall has been cut back in recent years. Although there is no uniform single resource used, the quality and availability of RE resources in this sector has improved in recent years, although budget limitations may remain a problem.

6.3

RE in Integrated Schools

In seeking to cater for people of all religious backgrounds and of none, the organisation of RE in integrated schools has the potential to be the most complex of all. Integrated primary schools have made great efforts to prove that they can serve the needs of Catholic families by providing the same level of teaching and sacramental preparation that their children would receive in the Catholic sector, and suitably qualified teachers (in possession of the Catholic RE Certificate) have been appointed to ensure this. Due to opposition from the Catholic Church most integrated schools receive minimal or no support from Catholic clergy, although some individual priests have been more supportive. One of the greatest surprises and concerns (often expressed by student teachers) is the fact that in many integrated primary schools pupils are actually separated for RE classes, especially due to the need to provide Catholic sacramental teaching. Many schools use the Catholic “Alive-O” programme, including with non-Catholic children, though with some minor adaptations. A programme entitled “Delving Deeper” was specially written for Protestant pupils in integrated schools, though this appears so far to have received only limited use. Most integrated schools 10 The titles are “Food for Thought” (ages 6 – 8), “Saint Patrick and People of Faith” (ages 8 – 9) and “Faith and Light” (ages 10 – 11). They are available online via the RE section of the Northern Ireland Curriculum Primary website.

222

Norman Richardson

nevertheless do set out to teach at least some RE for all pupils together, and some schools have developed their own distinctively inclusive syllabuses and resources. As in the controlled school sector, post-primary RE in integrated schools is reasonably well served by trained specialists, and some of the tensions caused by the need to provide separate classes in the primary sector are not so evident at this stage. In general, however, there is significant debate within the integrated sector about the difficulties and constraints relating to RE and some supporters of integration would clearly prefer a secular system with no religious teaching or observances. Others believe, however, that in its pioneering of fully shared schooling the integrated schools sector has great potential for exemplifying how RE could be taught to pupils from all religious and cultural backgrounds in an open, inclusive and truly educational manner.

6.4

Public Exams in Religious Studies

Pupils in all school sectors may choose to prepare for the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) examination in Religious Studies, normally at age 16, and for the more specialist Advanced Subsidiary (AS-level) and Advanced (A2-level) exams at ages 17 and 18 respectively. Schools may choose optional modules at each of these levels, normally from Biblical, historical, ethical and ecclesiastical topics. World religions topics have recently been reintroduced in Northern Ireland at GCSE level after almost two decades of absence (following the exclusion of such topics from the original Core Syllabus); at A-level the only world religions option currently available is Islam.

6.5

The Inspection of RE

One of the most common observations of student teachers following their placements in controlled schools, especially at the primary level, is that some class teachers have advised them that they seldom or never teach RE. That such a situation should be possible in the context of an education system where all grant-aided schools are required by law to provide RE is significantly due to the lack of an adequate system of inspection for the subject. Schools in Northern Ireland are regularly inspected by the Education and Training Inspectorate (ETI), but unlike practice in other parts of the UK inspection and examination rights for RE in controlled schools have been granted to “Ministers of religion and other suitable persons […] to whom the parents do not object” (Education and Libraries Order 1986, 21.7). This has normally been carried out by clergy

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

223

from the three largest Protestant (Transferor) denominations, but formal inspections of RE by clergy are increasingly rare and many are uneasy about a role in which they are asked to pass professional judgement on schools and teachers. Where clergy do visit schools this is now more usually in a pastoral capacity and the Transferor Churches currently have an official policy of recommending to controlled schools that in the event of an ETI inspection they should request to the Department of Education that RE is included (which the law now permits if a school’s Board of Governors requests it). In practice, however, very few controlled schools make such a request and RE falls outside any kind of inspection regime – thus ensuring that in the absence of quality control some schools will take a very casual attitude towards the subject. (The very different situation prevailing in Catholic schools means that full scrutiny of the subject is continuously undertaken by Diocesan Advisers and parish clergy.)

6.6

Withdrawal from RE Classes

In Northern Ireland parents may exercise their right to withdraw their children from RE; pupils have no legal rights in this regard11. Very few parents actually appear to avail of this option (mainly Jehovah’s Witnesses, some Muslims and some Humanists), but various ethical and practical concerns have been expressed about the effectiveness of this provision. In a study based in the Republic of Ireland, where the majority of primary schools are under Catholic management, Mawhinney (2007) has suggested that when schools operate a policy whereby doctrinal religious teaching and ethos are intended to permeate the whole curriculum, the opt-out provisions become inoperable. A research project based in Northern Ireland (Mawhinney et al. 2010; Richardson et al. 2013) drew attention to a number of concerns relating to the legal right of parents to withdraw their children from RE classes. Focusing on “minority belief” families (faith communities other than Christian, plus non-religious people), the research found that a key factor in the decision about withdrawal centred on the school’s approach to RE. Many of those interviewed had no objection to RE if it involved discussion, critical thinking and openness to different views but were very unhappy when they perceived teachers to be promoting a particular religious viewpoint and excluding or dismissing others. The research report also revealed that some schools were unsure of the legal right of parents in this regard and in some cases had refused to allow withdrawal. 11 It has been suggested that the lack of pupil rights in this matter may conflict with Article 12 of the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, whereby states should consider the views of children and young people on matters that affect them.

224

Norman Richardson

Serious concerns were expressed about pupils being “singled out” or made to feel different from their peers and in some cases about the lack of adequate alternative provision for those who were withdrawn. One of the recommendations made by the research team was that where RE is doctrinal or confessional in nature consideration should be given to an opt-in mechanism, rather than an emphasis on opting out (Mawhinney et al. 2010, 65).

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas

With the exception of an article on the website of the Humanist Association of Northern Ireland which argues for an integrated, secular system of education with RE and collective worship replaced by Moral Education or Education in Stances for Living (Humani n.d.) there has been little or no discussion in Northern Ireland so far of the possibility of alternative classes for those who do not want any kind of religious teaching. Over recent years, however, Philosophy of Religion and Ethics options have appeared within the public examinations for Religious Studies at age 16 (General Certificate of Secondary Education) and 18 (Advanced Level), and these have proved popular with many teachers and pupils. These, however, are optional modules rather than alternatives to the study of religion, and they are not necessarily taught in all schools. At earlier stages in the educational process, however, there has been some anticipation and concern on the part of some teachers that the areas of learning of Personal Development and Mutual Understanding (PDMU) in primary schools and Local and Global Citizenship in post-primary schools (as discussed in Section 3, above) are intended ultimately to become secular replacements for RE. While there is no evidence to support these fears it has been noted with some sense of irony that PDMU in primary schools is considerably more intercultural in its approach than RE, even to the extent of including references to the importance of exploring similarities and differences in race and religion – going well beyond the highly cautious approach of the RE Core Syllabus for primary schools. Similarly post-primary Citizenship also includes the exploration of Diversity and Inclusion as one of its key themes. Rather than perceive these areas of the curriculum to be a threat to RE, it seems much wiser to encourage teachers to collaborate on the areas of potential overlap and mutuality, in the spirit of connected learning, while continuing to value the unique and distinct contribution of each area to the learning process.

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

8.

225

Dealing with Religious Diversity

It will already be clear that the issue of dealing with religious diversity is a key consideration in relation to any discussion of RE in Northern Ireland. In a society that still experiences significant religious and cultural separation, not least in schooling, the way in which local and global diversity is (or is not) addressed in RE is of central importance. Despite suggestions in the Core Syllabus that pupils should develop “sensitivity towards the beliefs of others” these issues are barely touched upon in the topics for primary school pupils. Under the theme of Morality for older primary pupils (aged 8 – 11) it is suggested that “Teachers should provide opportunities for pupils to […] be aware of and have respect for differing cultures and faiths” (Department of Education 2007, 19), but no guidance is offered as to how teachers should do this. The view taken by the Churches’ Working Party (2003) that primary pupils are too young for, and will be confused by, such issues is undermined by research in Northern Ireland (for example, Connolly et al. 2002) and elsewhere that suggests that work to prevent the development of prejudice and stereotyping must actually begin in the early years. These findings have been very influential on other areas of education in Northern Ireland, yet have been ignored by those responsible for the Core Syllabus. Recent evidence (Richardson 2012) does suggest, however, that growing numbers of primary teachers now recognise the importance of dealing with diversity in RE. At post-primary level the Core Syllabus provides more opportunities for consideration of diversity issues and locally-written resources have been produced to support these topics (Naylor 2008; Nelson and Richardson 2005; 2006). In the 1993 version of the Core Syllabus for older pupils (aged 14 – 16) it was proposed that pupils should study “Christian practice and worship in two traditions”, by which it was hoped that Catholic and Protestant pupils would explore each other’s denominational beliefs and practices. Nelson (2004, 254 – 255), however, demonstrated that many controlled schools avoided teaching about Catholicism by focusing instead only on the “safer” option of two different Protestant denominations. Encouragingly, the 2007 Revised Core Syllabus was much more specific on this point, indicating that pupils should study “the Roman Catholic tradition and at least one Protestant tradition”. The absence of religious diversity issues from the classroom experience of many people, including future teachers of RE, is a significant cause for concern. It makes the correction of such a deficit in awareness one of the most important tasks of religious education at all levels, but also all the more difficult to achieve. Studying religious diversity in Northern Ireland still causes some concern and even opposition, especially from theologically conservative Protestant sources, sometimes through opposition to ecumenism and sometimes on the

226

Norman Richardson

grounds that it would be harmful to study “false religions”. Although the Churches’ commitment to the “essential Christian character” of RE is not reflective of these extreme views, their very cautious approach to diversity in RE is perhaps indicative of an awareness of conservative influences and attitudes in a still deeply divided society.

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

Apart from the emphasis on Catholic ethos and its intended permeation of all aspects of life in Catholic schools, the main non-RE manifestation of religion in Northern Ireland’s schools relates to collective worship, usually referred to as “Assembly”. Despite the legal requirement for schools to provide a daily act of worship, many hold their Assembly less regularly – perhaps once or twice a week – and in larger schools it may prove impossible to accommodate all pupils together in one place. While it is widely assumed that this gathering will take the form of a Christian act of worship, actual practice varies significantly ; some schools use only prayers, Bible readings, hymns and songs, while others take material from a much wider range of sources. In some schools the more overtly religious elements of the occasion are played down in favour of more general ethical exhortations, while others continue to emphasise strongly the Christian and spiritual dimension. A few schools, especially from the integrated sector, have attempted to broaden out their approach to be more inclusive of different religious faiths and traditions. Assemblies are often led by head teachers or other senior staff, though in some schools groups of pupils or whole classes may take turns to prepare and present a themed assembly, perhaps (especially in the case of primary schools) related to work carried out in RE or other curriculum areas. In some schools clergy are regularly invited to lead the Assembly and it is also quite common to find other invited individuals or groups taking part. There is some evidence of proselytising groups seeking access to schools for this purpose, though many head teachers are cautious about how they respond to such approaches. Some teachers and others are clearly uneasy about the ethics of school worship in state-funded schools; this may include RE teachers who are concerned that negative responses to “imposed” school worship may be deflected onto curriculum RE. In Catholic schools there is a tradition of sending groups of pupils away for residential religious retreats, and there are strong links with the local parish church where pupils may regularly attend mass with their class or year group. Such links are much less frequent outside of the Catholic sector, though it is still quite common for some controlled and integrated schools to take pupils to a

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

227

local church for special occasions such as a Christmas carol service. Many controlled (and some integrated) schools also have teacher-led voluntary extracurricular Christian clubs, most commonly under the auspices of the (evangelical Protestant) Scripture Union organisation.

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities issues

Five different Higher Education institutions in Northern Ireland are involved in teacher education, four of which offer training in relation to RE. The region’s two universities, Queen’s University Belfast and the University of Ulster, offer oneyear Post-Graduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) courses. RE is available as a post-primary PGCE specialist subject at Queen’s; at Ulster post-primary students may elect RE as a subsidiary to their main subject while primary students take a general course in RE and Catholic students are also able to achieve their RE Certificate. Two Belfast-based university colleges, Stranmillis and St. Mary’s, offer fouryear undergraduate Bachelor of Education programmes in primary and postprimary teaching, with degrees awarded by Queen’s University. In both colleges RE is available as a specialist subject at post-primary level and as a general curriculum subject at primary level; currently, however, only St. Mary’s offers RE as a full primary specialism and all students in St. Mary’s also study for the Catholic RE Certificate. Stranmillis was intended to be non-denominational and to serve all sections of the community, but has traditionally catered predominantly for students from the Protestant community, in part due to the insistence of the Catholic Church on maintaining its own teacher education college with a strong Catholic ethos, but also on account of attempts in the past by the larger Protestant Churches to secure a significant role in the college’s management. Currently, however, Stranmillis is serving an increasingly mixed student body and there are some joint (non-academic) programmes involving students from both colleges. The familiar arguments in Northern Ireland about faith-based schools are also frequently rehearsed in relation to teacher education (Richardson 2008), and there have been unsuccessful attempts to merge some of the institutions.

228

11.

Norman Richardson

Empirical Research on RE

Significant work on pupil attitudes to religion in Northern Ireland was carried out in the 1970s to 1990s by the late John Greer and colleagues at the University of Ulster and Greer’s tireless work to develop quality inclusive approaches to RE based on his research is worthy of much greater recognition than it has received locally. Some follow-up to Greer’s attitudinal research has been carried out (for example, Francis et al. 2006) and this continues to the present, but research on classroom practice is sparse. Research by the present author, on the attitudes of ethnic minorities towards RE and on teachers’ attitudes towards RE and diversity in primary schools, is referred to and drawn on in various journal articles and book chapters, some of which are listed in the References below, but some of this has not yet been formally published. The study by Mawhinney et al (2010) on opting out of RE in Northern Ireland has generated several articles that include observations by minority groups, mostly expressing concerns about lack of inclusion in RE. Research for the Glasgow University-based “Does RE Work?” project (Conroy et al, 2013), established in 2007, included a small number of schools in Northern Ireland but the findings published to date have been general rather than regionally specific. Research on RE in Northern Ireland has clearly been quite limited and a more rigorous and systematic approach will be required in order to support a review of current practice and assess future needs.

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

In the complex social, educational and ecclesiastical environment of Northern Ireland as outlined above is there any possibility of the emergence of a Religious Education that is genuinely more inclusive and capable of contributing positively to mutual understanding and respect locally and globally? The nature of any response to that question (or even the issue of whether it is a valid question) will depend on the respondent’s experience and current position amidst those complexities. All that can be honestly offered here is a vision and some challenges from the viewpoint of the present author, including the following suggestions: – Northern Ireland needs a genuinely inclusive partnership in the way that RE is organised within the publicly-funded education system. Exclusive control of the purposes and content of the RE curriculum by four Christian denominations is not acceptable in a plural 21st century context. Closer collaboration between Churches, other faith communities and secular groups in the de-

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

–

–

–

–

229

velopment of a renewed syllabus will be challenging for all involved but is surely desirable in the context of building a shared, intercultural future. While early agreement is unlikely on the issue of whether RE should be faithbased or more “objective” in its purposes, it is surely important to ensure that all pupils in all kinds of schools are entitled to the opportunity of studying religion in an open-ended, balanced and educationally-justifiable context. Could this eventually mean that where confessional or denominational faith teaching is offered it is provided only as a voluntary option at appropriate times without prejudice to other aspects of schooling? Perhaps such a development would make shared education – and shared RE – more possible, leading eventually to a truly integrated future system. If RE in Northern Ireland is to justify its inclusion in a modern, learnercentred curriculum, it must move away from conservative listings of basic content, as currently in the Core Syllabus, and engage through an interactive pedagogy with critical thinking and open-ended reflection, as appropriate for all age groups. The preparation of teachers for RE must include significant emphasis on extending awareness of religious and cultural diversity at local and global levels, and on developing skills in managing divergent beliefs and contentious issues in the classroom. Those responsible for the development of RE in Northern Ireland should extend their engagement with their counterparts elsewhere in the UK and Ireland and in other parts of Europe and beyond, for the purpose of mutual awareness and support. The availability of international documentation from bodies such as the Council of Europe, and agreed standards such as the Toledo Guiding Principles (OSCE 2007), is particularly helpful in this context.

13.

Further information

For a fuller examination of some issues discussed in this chapter the following texts are recommended:

Akenson, D. 1973. Education and enmity : the control of schooling in Northern Ireland 1920 – 1950. Newton Abbot: David and Charles. Barnes, P. 2007. “Religion Education in Northern Ireland”. In Religious Education in Europe: situation and current trends in schools, eds. Kuyk, E. et al. Oslo: IKO Publishing. Hyland, A., K. Milne et al., eds. 1987 and 1995. Irish Educational Documents, Volumes 1 and 3. Dublin: Church of Ireland College of Education. Mawhinney, A. et al. 2010. Opting out of religious education: The views of young people from minority belief backgrounds. Belfast: Queen’s University.

230

Norman Richardson

NICIE. 2008. ABC: Promoting an Anti-Bias Approach to Education in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. Richardson, N. 2010. Rights and Religious Education in a plural Northern Ireland. In Rights and righteousness: perspectives on religious pluralism and human rights, ed. D. Tombs. Belfast: NI Human Rights Commission.

The following websites may also be useful:

European Forum for Teachers of RE (EFTRE): http://www.eftre.net/ (click on “RE Across Europe” and on Northern Ireland in the interactive map). Northern Ireland Core Syllabus for RE: http://www.deni.gov.uk/re_core_syllabus_pdf.pdf. Northern Ireland Curriculum: http://www.nicurriculum.org.uk/ (click on RE in each Key Stage section). RE Northern Ireland: http://renorthernireland.blogspot.co.uk/ (regularly updated blog maintained by Dr. James Nelson).

References Akenson, D. 1973. Education and enmity : the control of schooling in Northern Ireland 1920 – 1950. Newton Abbot: David and Charles. Byrne, G., and P. McKeown. 1998. Schooling, the churches and the state in Northern Ireland: a continuing tension? Research Papers in Education 13, no. 3: 319 – 340. Catholic Bishops of Northern Ireland. 2001. Building peace – shaping the future. Armagh: Ara Coeli. CCEA. 2007. The Northern Ireland Curriculum. Belfast: Council for Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment. http://www.nicurriculum.org.uk/. Churches’ Drafting Group. 1991. Proposals for a Core Syllabus in Religious Education in grant-aided schools in Northern Ireland. Belfast: RE Core Syllabus Drafting Group. Churches’ Working Party. 2003. Proposals for a Revised Core Syllabus in RE in grant-aided schools in Northern Ireland. Belfast: The Churches’ Religious Education Core Syllabus Review Working Party. CoE. 2008. White paper on intercultural dialogue – living together as equals in dignity. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Connolly, P., A. Smith, and B. Kelly. 2002. Too young to notice? The cultural and political awareness of 3 – 6 year olds in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Community Relations Council. Connolly, P., D. Purvis, and P.J. O’Grady. 2013. Advancing shared education: Report of the ministerial advisory group. Belfast: Queen’s University Belfast. Conroy, J., D. Lundie, R. Davis, V. Baumfield, P. Barnes, T. Gallagher, K. Lowden, N. Bourque, and K. Wenell. 2013. Does Religious Education work? A multi-dimensional investigation. London: Bloomsbury. Copley, T. 1997. Teaching religion: fifty years of Religious Education in England and Wales. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Department of Education. 2007. Core Syllabus for Religious Education. Bangor : Department of Education for Northern Ireland. http://www.deni.gov.uk/index/curriculum-

Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland

231

and-learningt-new/curriculum-and-assessment-2/80-statutory-curriculum/80-curriculum-and-assessment-religiouseducationcoresyllabus-pg.htm. Department of Education. 2011. Community relations, equality and diversity in education. Bangor : Department of Education for Northern Ireland. Department of Education. 2012. Religion of pupils by school type and management type, 2011/12. Bangor : Statistics and Research Branch. ECHR. 1950. European convention on human rights and fundamental freedoms. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/ 005.htm. L. P. Barnes, and Ch. A. Lewis. 2006. Sixth form religion in Northern Ireland: the Protestant profile 1968 – 1998. British Journal of Religious Education 28, no. 1: 3 – 18. Fraser, M. 1973. Children in conflict: growing up in Northern Ireland. New York: Basic Books. Greer, J., and E. McElhinney. 1985. Irish Christianity : a guide for teachers. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. HMSO. 1989. The Education Reform (Northern Ireland) Order 1989. Belfast: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Humani. n.d. Religion in schools. Humanist Association of Northern Ireland. http:// www.humanistni.org/dynamic_content.php?id=125. Hyland, Ý., and K. Milne, eds. 1987. Irish educational documents. Vol. 1. Dublin: Church of Ireland College of Education. Hyland, Ý., K. Milne, G. Byrne, and J. Dallatt, eds. 1995. Irish educational documents. Vol. 3. Dublin: Church of Ireland College of Education. Irish Catholic Bishops. 2005. Building faith in young people: a message from the Catholic bishops of Ireland to mark the 20th World Youth Day event. Dublin: Veritas. http:// www.catholicbishops.ie/wp-content/uploads/images/docs/buildingfaith.pdf. Johnson, Ê. 2010. A theological and pedagogical analysis of the catechetics programme for Irish Catholic primary schools, 1996 – 2004. PhD thesis, National University of Ireland Maynooth. Keast, J., ed. 2007. Religious diversity and intercultural education: a reference book for schools. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Mawhinney, A. 2007. Freedom of religion in the Irish primary school system: A failure to protect human rights? Legal Studies 27, no. 3: 379 – 403. Mawhinney, A., U. Niens, N. Richardson, and Y. Chiba. 2010. Opting out of religious education: the views of young people from minority belief backgrounds. Belfast: Queen’s University. McKeown, D. 2004. New Catholic Religious Education programme for Northern Ireland launched by Bishop Donal McKeown. (Press Release: 23/06/2004). Maynooth: Irish Catholic Bishops’ Conference. Morrow, D., D. Birrell, J. Greer, and T. O’Keefe. 1991. The churches and inter-community relationships. Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, University of Ulster. Murray, Dominic. 1985. Worlds Apart: Segregated Schools in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Appletree Press. Naylor, Y. 2008. REconciliation: working with difference. Belfast: Council for Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment.

232

Norman Richardson

Nelson, J. 2004. Uniformity and diversity in religious education in Northern Ireland. British Journal of Religious Education 26, no. 3: 249 – 258. Nelson, J., and N. Richardson. 2005 – 2006. Local people: global faiths (Books 1 & 2). Newtownards: Colourpoint Educational. NI Commission for Catholic Education. n.d. Catholic education FAQ. Northern Ireland Commission for Catholic Education. http://catholiceducation-ni.com/component/option,com_cifaq/Itemid,98/. NICIE. 2008. ABC: promoting an anti-bias approach to education in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. NIIFF. 2001. A statement on Religious Education. Belfast: Northern Ireland Inter-Faith Forum. NISRA. 2013. Northern Ireland Census 2011: Religion – Full Detail: QS218NI. Belfast: Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency Census Office. O Connor, F. 2002. A shared childhood: the story of the integrated schools in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Blackstaff Press. OFMDFM. 2005. A Shared Future: Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. OFMDFM / NISRA. 2013. Good relations indicators: 2012 update. Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister ; Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency. OSCE. 2007. Toledo guiding principles on teaching about religions and beliefs in public schools. Warsaw: ODIHR / Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe Richardson, N. 2008. Faith schooling: implications for teacher education – a perspective from Northern Ireland. In Journal of Beliefs and Values 29, no. 1: 1 – 10. Richardson, N. 2010a. Rights and Religious Education in a plural Northern Ireland. In Rights and righteousness: perspectives on religious pluralism and human rights, ed. David Tombs, 61 – 67. Belfast: Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission in association with the Irish School of Ecumenics. Richardson, N. 2010b. Division, diversity and vision: RE and community cohesion in Northern Ireland. In Religious Education and social and community cohesion, ed. M. Grimmitt, 215 – 231. Great Wakering: McCrimmons. Richardson, N. 2011. Critiques and objections. In Education for diversity and mutual understanding: the experience of Northern Ireland, ed. N. Richardson and T. Gallagher, 145 – 160. Bern: Peter Lang. Richardson, N. 2012. Religious Education in primary schools in Northern Ireland: report on a survey of teachers. (Unpublished report: Stranmillis University College, Belfast.) Richardson, N., U. Niens, A. Mawhinney and Y. Chiba. 2013. Opting out or opting in? Conscience clauses, minority belief communities and the possibility of inclusive Religious Education in Northern Ireland. In British Journal of Religious Education 35, no. 3: 236 – 250. Scarlett, D. 1999. The Church of Ireland and Separatist Education in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Catalyst. TRC. n.d. Moving forward together … core values in controlled schools in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Transferor Representatives’ Council.

James C. Conroy

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

Scotland currently has a devolved Government which is responsible for its education system. Both denominational and non-denominational state-funded schools are fully funded by the state. The state-funded denominational sector is almost entirely Roman Catholic with three Episcopal and just one Jewish primary school. In non-denominational primary schools the subject is known as “religious and moral education”, and as “religious education” in Catholic schools. In non-denominational secondary schools the subject is variously called religious and moral education, religious studies and religious, moral and philosophical studies. Non-denominational schools take a non-confessional approach in which religious and moral education enables young people to explore the world’s major religions and non-religious life stances.

1.

Socio-religious background

The Declaration of Arbroath (6 April, 1320), which was sent as an appeal to Pope John XXII, confirmed Scotland’s status as an independent, sovereign state. Sealed (signed) by some 51 Lords. Quoting St. Paul it asserts that in God’s eyes; cum non sit pondus nec distinccio Judei et Greci, Scoti aut Anglici (“there is neither bias nor difference between Jew or Greek, Scot or English”).

Frequent reference to the declaration underpins Scotland’s self-representation as a country that is generous, open, vibrant and plural. It is to be considered as a place that was at the heart of the Enlightenment, and one with a distinctive legislative trajectory in education. Indeed its educational legacy antedates the Act of Union whereby the Education Act of the Scottish Parliament in 1496 required that those administering the legal system (usually the eldest sons of substantial freeholders and nobles) attend school until they were proficient in Latin, Arts and Law. This is possibly the earliest recorded Education Act in any legislature and its enactment effectively underpinned Scottish education until

234

James C. Conroy

the 19th century. In the prosaic entailments of civic life this encouraged the establishment of burgh (parish) schools across Scotland in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance. The widespread existence of these grammar schools had the unintended but benign consequence of securing education during the tumult of the Reformation. Largely tied, as it was to monasteries, English education was much more vulnerable to their dissolution in the 16th century. Moreover, Scotland had already, in the Middle Ages, three universities (St. Andrew’s 1413, Glasgow 1451 and Aberdeen 1495) and they were to be joined early in the postReformation period by Edinburgh University in 1583. Of course it should be remembered that such institutions were small and the curriculum heavily constrained. Undoubtedly a combination of Presbyterian earnestness and the survival and evolution of a relatively large number of burgh schools contributed significantly to the emergence of the Scottish Enlightenment. The Scottish Enlightenment, in its own turn, gave rise to an enduring sense that Scottish education was intellectually superior to that experienced in other parts of the UK. This sense of the durability of Scottish institutions is captured in George Davie’s (1961) conceit of “the democratic intellect” wherein Scottish education is considered more egalitarian, more intellectually open and more open to the possibility of social mobility. Whatever the “real” status of these claims they have exercised a powerful hold on the Scottish political and educational imaginary. While its schools are largely state with a very modest private sector (around 4 %) they did, until relatively recently, embody a certain religious sensibility. With the rise of secularisation and the quite stark decline in identification with the national church this sensibility has seen significant erosion in the last decade (as we will see later in this chapter). Despite its particular historical trajectory and peculiar self-narration, Scotland is simultaneously like and unlike the rest of the United Kingdom with respect to the provision of religious education. It is alike inasmuch as provision for the subject is mandatory and insofar as the intellectual influences on its evolution over the last 40 years are largely held in common with the remainder of the UK. Moreover, the legislation that gave rise eventually to the modern Scottish school mirrored, quite closely, the legislative provisions evident in the remainder of the UK, most notably England. Hence the 1870 Forster Education Act was quickly followed by the 1872 Education (Scotland) Act and the provisions of the 1944 Butler Education Act were quickly echoed in the 1945 Education (Scotland) Act. It is unlike insofar as it is shaped in a context where, in the High school phase, subject specific academic qualifications are a sine qua non (at least rhetorically) for teaching the subject. It is also unlike the rest of the United Kingdom in having a single curriculum structure and framework across common and religious schools whilst enjoying separate and distinctive detailed learning intentions for students in Roman Catholic schools.

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

1.1.

235

Scotland’s Demography

From the 1950s onwards Scotland’s population had remained relatively stable with a small decline from the 1980s through to the late 2000s, largely a function of substantial deindustrialisation. More recently there has been a reversal with a significant but modest population increase and long term projections would suggest that the population is likely to grow from 5,22 million in 2011 to 5,62 million (Scottish Government n.d.) in 2035 inward migration. In the 2001 census just over two thirds (67 %) of the Scottish population reported currently having a religion. More than six out of ten people said that their religion was Christian 65 % with 42 % claiming allegiance to the Church of Scotland (Presbyterian), 16 % to Roman Catholicism and 7 % Other Christian. Scotland remains a relatively ethno-religiously homogeneous population with small absolute and proportionate numbers of people from non-Christian/non-UK backgrounds. After Christianity, Islam was the most common faith with 42.6 thousand people in Scotland describing their religion as Muslim. According to the 2001 census data a substantial majority of these (c. 67 %) were of Pakistani origin. In the intervening decade the proportion of Muslims has increased by 0.6 % (up from 43,000 to 77,000). The Hindu community has also risen significantly showing a 0.2 % increase in its proportion of the population as a whole (from 6,000 to 16,000). However these and the other religious communities tend to be small as a total proportion of the population (Other religious communities tend to be relatively small (27,000): Buddhists (13,000), Sikhs (9,000) and Jews (6,000). The aggregated total of all migrant religious groups still accounts for a rather modest 2.5 % of the overall population. But this figure has grown since the 2001 census by some 0.5 %. Perhaps more significantly since 2003 Scotland, like much of the United Kingdom, has experienced substantial inward migration from Central and Eastern Europe. Building on robust historic trading links stretching back to the 17th century, Polish net migration into Scotland has been very strong with around 40,000 joining previous (largely post-War) generations. This no doubt accounts for the rise in those identifying as Roman Catholic from 804,000 to 841,000; a figure that stands in stark contrast to the precipitous decline of the numbers claiming to belong to the, historically national, Church of Scotland. In 2001 the number of those who considered themselves Presbyterian stood at 2,146,000. By 2011 that figure had fallen to 1,718,000 and it is likely that it is continuing to fall (from 42.4 % to 32.4 % of the total population). No doubt this reflects the growing willingness of those who had notional religious attachment to disavow their affiliation. In common with other Western Europeans countries the number of those identifying themselves as having no religion is rising significantly (Scottish Government 2005). In the 2001 census the figure was some 27.55 % whereas the

236

James C. Conroy

2009/10 census Scottish Household Survey (http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Topics/ Statistics/16002) reports that 40.9 % claim to have no religion and the 2011 Census indicates that 36.7 % declare themselves as having no religion. Putting aside margins in sampling error the figures indicate a steep rise in those disavowing any religious affiliation. Nevertheless, in a world of migration and transition, these figures would suggest that Scotland remains largely Christian or post-Christian. As well as being largely mono-religious, Scotland also remains fairly resolutely mono-cultural. While discrete figures for young Scots’ religious affiliations are not readily available there is no sense in which the pattern appears much different from that seen in other studies such as the European Survey of Values (where figures on the UK as a whole are reported). Indeed Voas’ (2006) analysis of the 2001 census indicates that the North-East of Scotland was the least religious part of the United Kingdom and significantly less religious than the Central Belt region of Scotland. In the 2011 Census this has remained constant with almost a half of the population (48.1 %) of the population of Aberdeen City reporting that they have “no religion” (Scotland Census 2013). The reasons for the difference are complex but there is at least one plausible explanation. The significantly stronger non-religiosity in Aberdeen may be a residue of the economic historical-geography of Scotland. Economic migration from Ireland was centred on the heavily industrialised and mining communities of central Scotland where the inter-religious tension sustained and reinforced religio-cultural identity. Because very few migrants travelled to the North-East it experienced little of this overt religious antagonism. Consequently there was little resultant pressure on the dominant Presbyterian identity, which, in the face of rapid secularisation had very little sense of otherness to shore it up. The roots of the more pronounced religious antagonisms of the West central belt lie in the major (largely Irish) migrations across the course of the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries. Many, indeed most, of these Irish migrants were both culturally and religiously Roman Catholic and the indigenous culture into which they entered was robustly Presbyterian. There were other Christian traditions, notably Scottish Episcopalian, in evidence but these were relatively small in number and lacking political power. Ethnically of course the Irish migrants were pretty much identical to the indigenous population; indeed the very name Scotland (Scotia) is a derivative of the name for the Northern Irish tribe of the Scotti who settled the Western districts of Scotland (around Argyle) in the late Roman period. But, this fraternal identification has not always made for easy relations between the population and for the consequent tensions that have scarred Scottish civic life. The Irish migrants (as is so often and so unchangingly the case in patterns of economic migration) were considered by employers as a source of cheap labour with the potential to assist in the breaking of industrial disputes and by the native working classes as wretched interlopers

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

237

stealing jobs and depressing wages. A significant minority of Irish migrants were actually Presbyterians and the descendants of 17th century “planters” sent to Ireland to (1) reduce their nuisance value as raiders and cattle thieves from the border country with England, and (2) displace and quell the indigenous Gaelic Roman Catholic population. This matters because the legacy of this inter-religious strife lives on in sometimes quite visceral ways and is now often identified as a problem of football hooliganism with Presbyterians supporting Glasgow Rangers Football club and Catholics supporting Glasgow Celtic. Interestingly, while large numbers of supporters actively, and sometimes quite robustly, identify themselves as Catholic or Protestant they have actually had no meaningful contact with these churches for anything up to four generations (Bradley 1995). While the idea of religious affiliation remains a potent sectarian force the actual practice is a rather different matter. But the particulars of this religious migration matter, as I have suggested above, in so far as its residual impact may explain the much stronger religious identity in the Central Belt of Scotland when compared with Aberdeen.

2.

Legal Frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

In common with the rest of the United Kingdom, in Scotland Religious Education is compulsory for students in all schools. As indicated earlier, compulsory religious education was established in the 1872 Education (Scotland) Act, which echoing legislation in England, established a national system of compulsory schooling. Although they were in receipt of ad hoc monies prior to the Act, schools were largely funded by religious bodies. The politically and culturally dominant (though not established) Presbyterian Church funded a parish school system and the Catholic Poor Schools Committee (which was a single body covering the whole of the Britain) funded Catholic schools. Other religious traditions and denominations have, and had, a very modest impact on Scottish political and educational life. Ironically, as a consequence of their wide spread fealty to the Jacobite (Stuart) cause and opposition to the Hanoverian royal house, Scottish Episcopalians (Anglicans and the established church in England) were subject to prohibitions (Penal laws) in Scotland during the 18th century. In practice this meant that in the 19th century most schools were Presbyterian with a growing number of Catholic institutions serving the, largely newly arrived, migrant industrial and urbanized workers from Ireland (O’Hagan 2006). However, several major forces were at work that, over time, precipitated the withdrawal of the churches from major public provision in education. Some of these

238

James C. Conroy

forces were shared with other parts of the United Kingdom. The first was the growing egalitarian instincts of Scottish civic discourse, which had its roots in the impulses of the enlightenment. The second, widely shared across northern Europe, was the pressing and increasing need for a clerical class and literate and numerate workers. The third was the burgeoning costs of provision; costs that the churches hadn’t the resources to support. Lastly, and related to the previous point with especial regard to Catholic schools, there was growing concern that the quality of provision was poor indeed with inspectoral reports on Catholic schools suggesting that many were fairly abject with poor facilities and inadequate tuition. As I have intimated above, the 1872 Education (Scotland) Act carried much of the same legislative agenda as the 1870 Act in England and Wales and was primarily concerned to ensure universal and compulsory elementary provision. In effect this meant that schools originally established to foster religious attitudes, and whose operations emanated from and circulated around the religious, effectively became secular with a secular rather than religious curriculum. Nevertheless religion remained legislatively and practically important in Scottish education with a requirement not only to teach religious instruction but also provide for communal acts of religious observance. Indeed a statute requiring Headteachers to report (formally) to parliament on RE provision was only repealed in 1990! Like its 1870 precedent, and amidst the somewhat fevered negotiations around the establishment of a national system, the 1872 Act made provision for the parental right of withdrawal. This right remains in force today but it would be a mistake to consider its institution as driven by an overriding belief in or attachment to pluralism. Rather, it was an acknowledgement that the only way to get broad-based support for a common system was to offer a potential get out clause. The provisions of the 1872 act continue to shape the nature and delivery of religious education. Moreover the Act provided the platform and mechanism for the gradual transfer of, what had been Presbyterian schools, to the State. This transfer was to prove over the next century (and most especially over the last 30 years) to be less than propitious for the Presbyterian Church, as Scotland became increasingly secularized and its influence over political life gradually diminished. In 1870 such a contingency was not considered to be a remote possibility given that the Church of Scotland was de facto the national church – even if it were not legally established. In any event the Church of Scotland was reassured by the determination that religious education would continue to be delivered according to historic use and want, consequently it failed to secure any legal considerations. The Scottish Catholic Church, however, did not transfer its schools, despite their generally impoverished state, because they believed that such a transfer would herald the end of any control over the curriculum and the teaching of any distinctively Catholic religious formulary.

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

239

Hence, and somewhat ironically, the Catholic Church representing, in Scotland in particular, urbanized and displaced Irish peasants, largely working in heavy industry, mining and construction, managed to secure a separate yet fully funded education system. This separate but integrated system endures to this day despite regular challenges to its moral and social legitimacy from a range of politicians, pundits and professionals. Moreover, it has been a model emulated, albeit it with modifications, in countries with strong historic ties to Scotland such as New Zealand and Canada. Despite its parlous state, at the end of the 19th century, several attempts at integration within the State system had been rebuffed by the Scottish Catholic hierarchy until, in the early twentieth century, they were required to do so by the papal authorities. This resulted in the 1918 Education (Scotland) Act, which transferred the properties and management of Catholic schools to the State. In return the local Ordinary retained the right of approval of all teachers intending to teach in Catholic schools as to their belief and character and retain control over the religious instruction (education) curriculum. These provisions remain in force today but have been subject to some de facto modification and are a constant source of dis-ease amongst significant interests in Scottish civic life. I will leave the question of the religious education curriculum to the more general reflection on the nature of the subject per se and concentrate here on the complex relationship between the Catholic Church and the polity more generally in Scotland. As Catholic schools have increasingly been exposed to, and engaged with, growing secularisation, the historically straightforward task of “approving” teachers has become rather more problematic. While content to approve members of their “flock”, Catholic Bishops and their representatives have displayed a growing unease at the prospect of the ever expanding numbers of teachers in Catholic schools who are not themselves Catholic. Consequently a series of complex if, as it has recently transpired, non-legal accommodations were made with local education authorities. The most significant of these was a 1993 agreement between the, then, Strathclyde Regional Education Authority and the Catholic Church to “reserve” a certain number of posts for “approved” Catholics. De facto, this meant that the Scottish Catholic Education Service, working on behalf of the Catholic bishops, exercised a right of approval only in connection with those teachers who registered themselves as Catholic and required a teacher to be Catholic only for “reserved” posts. In 2006 a self-professed atheist teacher in a Catholic school challenged Glasgow City Council (one of the successor education authorities to Strathclyde region) because he was prohibited from applying for one of these ostensibly “reserved” posts (see Times Educational Supplement [2008] Catholic “Veto” Flawed at http://www.tes.co.uk/ teaching-resource/Catholic-veto-flawed-2209683/). The ground of his challenge was that the pastoral care post was not a reserved post since no such legal

240

James C. Conroy

category of employment existed and that the discrimination against him was unlawful and in contravention of extant equalities legislation. His challenge was upheld, both in the initial findings and subsequently on appeal. Ironically, the real loser in this judgment was not the Catholic Church but the Local Education Authority. The tribunal reinforced the claim that the local bishop, or his representative, retained the legal right to approve all posts in Catholic schools. Consequently the Scottish Catholic Education Service now requires (at least formally) that all potential appointees furnish a character reference and explicitly undertake to uphold and support the ethos and theological and spiritual life of the school. This particular vignette offers some insight into the odd (Conroy et al. 2013) relationship between Church and State in Scotland where the State has responsibilities and the Church has Rights. Moreover, it points to a recurring tension in Scottish civic and educational life. Opposition to the continued state funding of Catholic schools is an ever-present motif in Scottish discourse surfacing and re-surfacing with some regularity. The argument tends to take the form that such schools are divisive (Conroy 2001 and 2003; Bruce 2003), and that this separation of children in turn leads to sectarian antagonisms and to an erosion or weakening of common citizenship. It is, of course an argument that has antecedents in Rousseau’s claim to the efficacy and superiority of the general will in the Social Contract. Antagonists in the debate on Catholic schools often draw on parallels with Northern Ireland, arguing that educational separation reinforces cultural separation. However it is indisputable that at least some of the opposition is a function of secularist antipathy to the forbearance of religion in the public spaces (Conroy and McGrath 2007). In any event it may be that the claims that separate schooling conduces to sectarian behaviour are somewhat overwrought and serve to create rather than reinforce sectarian attitudes. Those who support Catholic schools are keen to draw on the rhetoric of parental rights and will argue that Catholic schools continue to offer a necessary bulwark against bigotry and potential discrimination. Equally, it may be that such fears are less grounded in any actual or manifest discrimination (Conroy 2008). Whatever the verisimilitude of the competing claims, it is clear that the arguments about the existence and purposes of Catholic schools are unlikely to disappear.

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

When it was initially conceived in the early years of the 21st century a Curriculum for Excellence, within which religious education is framed, was intended to free up the curriculum from an overly constrained and prescriptive structure.

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

241

Moreover, it was originally meant to reinvigorate the conceit of teacher professionalism and responsibility. The new curriculum was to deliver on these twin imperatives through opening up possibilities for teachers to develop genuinely enquiry-based and inter-disciplinary enquiry drawing on problem-based learning strategies and thematic approaches. With regard to religious education, this would have resulted in the effective disappearance of the subject as a discrete entailment (certainly in the preliminary and middle stages of schooling). It was intended that the content and normative considerations of the subject would have been embedded in broader social and cultural education. Whether or not this would have been good for the subject has become, in any event, irrelevant. A mixture of governmental apprehension in the face of professional Union and Headteacher opposition has seen a gradual but substantial dilution of the founding imperatives and a turning away from its implied freedoms. Much of this opposition was driven by a failure to connect the examination and assessment systems with curricular freedom. Since the examination system effectively continued to assess in the same way, and since schools would be judged on their success in delivering examination achievement school leaders became exceptionally apprehensive about radically changing curriculum or modes of delivery. While matters are perhaps a little less fraught in the primary school the influence of baseline assessment has also provided a challenge. In any event the increasing dominance of external measures such as the OECD PISA scores has left both government and teacher feeling constrained and less innovative than perhaps they might have otherwise been. Under the rubric of A Curriculum for Excellence it is likely that Religious Education will, over the longer term, fare badly. The increasing pressure for examination success in areas where it matters has made it difficult for religious education to thrive and there is little sign in my own work (Conroy et al. 2013) that resources will be enhanced, or that the examination system will be other than a corrosive and distorting influence on curriculum development in the subject.

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

Thus far the discussion on the role of religiously sponsored schooling and the legal frameworks in which it is embedded has centred on Catholic schools, largely because other schools in the public sector are statistically insignificant and politically unimportant with 3 primary schools having Episcopalian origins and one Jewish primary school in Glasgow. Interestingly, while the Muslim community has been expanding the Jewish community has been in steady de-

242

James C. Conroy

cline for some years with the desire to “marry in” precipitating migrations to larger centres of Jewish population such as Manchester and London (McKinney 2004). So denuded of resources were the Jewish community that in the mid1990s they had to temporarily second a Catholic head teacher to lead their only (and publicly funded) elementary school in Scotland. Many Muslim parents make use of the Catholic schools in their communities, sometimes preferring an atmosphere where religious faith remains significant. In a small number of instances this has resulted in Catholic schools having a majority of Muslim pupils with at least one denominational school in Glasgow having c. 75 % Muslim pupils. This turn of events has, in its own turn, precipitated a series of exchanges in the popular press (Ridge 2006) and academic conversations with the c. 15 % Sikhs implacably opposed to such a move. It is arguable that the Sikh community feels itself to be somewhat disadvantaged as it is often considered to be little more than an adjunct to the Muslim community. Indeed the Campaign for Muslim Schools suggested, at the time, that St. Albert’s was over 90 % Muslim, reinforcing the erroneous perception that the two faiths were interchangeable. Moreover, it is not clear that the Muslim community in Scotland speaks with one voice given that many wish to maintain a more integrationist approach to pluralism. Hence the only Muslim school in Scotland, the Imam Muhammad Zakariya Boarding School for Girls, in Dundee was forced to close in early 2006. However, attempts to resurrect specifically Islamic provision were initiated early in 2013 when the Glasgow Community Education Association bought a former state school in preparation for the creation of a private school (Cowing 2013). To date these initiatives have not proved to be entirely fruitful. Indeed it is difficult to see the more loose legislative arrangements that have emerged in England gaining much traction in Scotland. This is, in part, because religious pluralism is less pronounced than is the case in England but it is also because the politics of the UK over the last forty years have become increasingly regionally divided with Scotland adopting centre left redistributive policies and England opting for ever stronger neo-liberal and Rightist policies of capital consolidation.

5.

Conceptions and tasks of RE

The practice of religious education in Scotland has been shaped by many of the same forces that have dominated the field in other parts of Britain over the last 40 years. In particular these impulses have their genesis in the Schools’ Council working papers and a very particular account of phenomenology. Prioritising the thought of Eliade (1958) over that of Husserl (1967) this particular refraction of the phenomenological approach, for reasons that are now well documented,

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

243

tended to foreground the morphological over the philosophical or theological. Prior to these movements, which came late to Scotland, religious education in common schools, and in common with practices in England and Wales, was grounded in bible knowledge. Often the subject was taught by those with no formal qualification in theology or religious studies and tended to reflect their commitment to Christianity (in the common schools this tended to be Presbyterianism). Indeed, unlike other parts of the United Kingdom, Scotland lacked any professional specialist accreditation programme (Post-graduate Certificate in Education) for teachers of religious education. In the late 1960s there was, however, a growing recognition that the quality of provision was neither good enough nor matched the landscape of fact around the population’s religious beliefs and attachments. Nor indeed was religious education subject to a national inspection regime, as was the case in other areas of the curriculum. Added to this poverty of oversight and provision, Scotland lacked any professional body of and for specialist teachers. This major lacuna in professional provision and accountability in a system, otherwise regulated by inspection schemes, had the effect of relegating both the conceptual framing of the subject and its consequent curriculum development to the periphery of the curriculum Darling (1980). Practically this resulted in significant numbers of both primary and secondary schools failing to make any timetabled provision for religious education. In 1972, in the case of primary schools, some 9 % of primary and a very substantial 23 % of secondary schools failed to do so (SED 1972). This, of course, is not how the churches perceived matters. Throughout the 1960s and 70s they remained firmly wedded to the notion of confessional religious education, for the most part uninfluenced by wider educational, social and religious developments. In 1968 change was afoot when the then Secretary of State for Scotland established a committee under the chairmanship of an academic from the University of Aberdeen, Professor Millar. His report, entitled Moral and Religious Education in Scottish Schools (ibid.), focused on the quality of provision noting, in particular, the singular emphasis on biblical studies and the paucity of teachers qualified in either theology or religious studies (see Laidlaw, 1972). A significant element of the agenda for The Millar Report was the concern to loosen the claims of Presbyterianism on the teaching of religious education. Even as social attitudes and religious attachments were changing around them, prevailing attitudes amongst many teachers, politicians and other public figures were dominated by the belief that there was a substantial causal relationship between Christian faith and personal and civic moral behaviour. The durability of these beliefs made change difficult. While the passage of time has witnessed the diminution of Christianity in the content of religious education in schools, strong attachment to a link between religion and morality endures to this day in

244

James C. Conroy

Scottish curriculum documents. Hence the subject continues to conjoin religion and morality in the title, in the curriculum and in the practice. The absence of a substantial cohort of professionally educated religious education teachers also contributed to the maintenance of a strong and structured relationship between the assumptions of Christian formation and civic morality. Somewhat belatedly, the professional teaching qualification was established in 1974. In 1976 there were “only 149 full-time staff in Scotland with RE as their main teaching subject” (The Scottish Central Committee on Religious Education [SCCORE], 1978, 25). The want for specialist teachers, however, did not denote a lack of commitment by politicians or official bodies, such as the then Scottish Office, to religious education. Rather, it was assumed that the cultivation of a religious disposition was a function of the whole educational community rather than the responsibility of a professional teaching force. Undoubtedly the absence of an inspectoral regime for religious education, while such existed elsewhere in the curriculum, was a consequence of the absence of a professionally educated teaching body, and the related belief that religious education was not primarily concerned with education per se but with a kind of character formation. Moreover, while most commentators recognised the historical importance of Presbyterianism in education, a substantial Roman Catholic constituency, has held and retains considerable political influence in education, despite the continuous onslaughts on the existence of religious schooling (Conroy 2002; Conroy & McGrath 2007). In one sense the non-denominational “common” sector and the Catholic sector were two branches of the same activity – the nurturing of Christian commitment. One was the Protestant (largely Presbyterian) branch and the other, the Catholic. This bi-partite structure within state education made it difficult for the State to exert inspectoral control as the Catholic sector jealously guarded its autonomy as laid down in the 1918 Education (Scotland) Act to determine its own curriculum. After all, both schools were state schools but only one sector was to be inspected! In 1983, the Catholic Education Service acceded to a request from the then Senior Inspector of Schools to facilitate the inspection of religious education in schools. In a relatively small polity such as Scotland, the personal is political and a strong bond between the Senior HMI and the most senior diocesan religious education adviser smoothed the path of mandatory inspection of religious education in Catholic schools. Interestingly, the inspectoral reports could comment only on issues of pedagogy and not on content. Despite coming late to the realisation that education needed a professional infrastructure to thrive, Scotland nevertheless did develop a centralised framework that was more pronounced than that south of the border. In 1992 the Scottish Office Education Department (as it then was) created the 5 – 14 Cur-

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

245

riculum Guidelines, which though not legally statutory, nonetheless carried substantial force. These developments were led by the schools inspectorate and the first inspector of religious education was actually a historian with no theological or religious studies background. It was also an inspector that led the curriculum development from 1990 to 1992 that established the 5 – 14 curriculum guidelines. The curriculum was shaped around three broad attainment outcomes focused on the study of Christianity, the study of Other World Religions and finally on Personal Search. The three outcomes reflected the dominance of the discourse of learning about and learning from. Christianity was foregrounded on the basis of its influence in the history and traditions of Scotland as well as its continued and considerable influence on national life. But on its own this was considered insufficient. Hence the guidelines observed that while it would not be possible to develop a comprehensive knowledge and understanding of the range of faiths it was nevertheless important that while recognising the role of Christianity as the major religious tradition of [the] country that an appropriate treatment of other faiths was to be considered foundational. The architecture of Religious and Moral Education represented one of the 5 areas of study alongside and of (notionally) equal status to the other subject areas (Expressive Arts, Mathematics, English and Environmental Studies). The rubrics included a notional allocation of 10 % in primary schools and 5 % in early secondary with substantial provision (80 hours over two years) in the middle of the secondary school and a defined place in the last two years of formal schooling. Reflecting the recommendations of the Millar Report the subject title was to become Religious and Moral Education. Later, in the evolution of the secondary examination system the subject would be designated Religious, Moral and Philosophical Studies. Prima facie all these initiatives would suggest that the provision of religious education was, in some important respects, a policy priority in Scotland, but this would somehow belie the all together more patchy, if not messy, reality (Darling 1980; Conroy 2003). A 2001 HMIE report concluded that; [i]n some schools RME received inadequate attention resulting in pupils displaying a superficial understanding of the issues they were studying. In 30 % of departments, pupils followed a course designed by the school, local education authority or the religious authority. The majority of these were judged to be good. Common weaknesses in S3/S4 courses included the following:

246

James C. Conroy

– too little support to pupils to see the relevance of the course; – too few opportunities for pupils to discuss the essential features – of belief and morality associated with different religions and other stances for living; and – an over emphasis on worksheets which led to slow progress and lack of interest and challenge. (HMI 2001, 10)

These weaknesses have changed little over the subsequent decade. Indeed my own recent ethnographic study (Conroy et al. 2013) would suggest that there is very little to distinguish the practices of religious education in Scotland from those obtaining in England. The same kind of morphological approaches are broadly deployed in Scotland; the growing relationship between text book publishers and examination boards are equally evident. One notable difference between Scotland and the other jurisdictions of the UK has been the ambiguous role actually and formally played in Scotland by the major religious groupings; thus while Catholics and Presbyterians, amongst others, sat on the Government Working Group they were not “representatives”; a scenario quite at odds with the establishment of SACREs in England and Wales and the direct curriculum drafting role of the Christian churches in Northern Ireland. Hence, while the then Scottish Office Education Department may have assumed that having communicant members of the Catholic Church on their committees implied institutional agreement this proved not to be the case. Ensuring that those Catholics sitting on the Committee were not acting on behalf of the Church allowed the Catholic Church to walk away from the development of a common document at the 11th hour, arguing that the aims, pedagogical intent and content were at odds with those of religious education in the Catholic tradition. One potent example of the enduring influence of the Catholic Church was to be seen in their ability to secure specifically Catholic l 5 – 14 Guidelines despite turning their back on what they considered to be, from their theological and anthropological perspective, a flawed common document. In doing so they were able to make indissoluble the relationship of morality to religion with the “two” subjects integrated under the single title, Religious Education 5 – 14 (Scottish Office Education Department 1994; Coll and Davis 2007). This accommodation has been retained in the revisions to the curriculum seen in the development of the Curriculum for Excellence (LTS 2010a), with the national curriculum body, Learning and Teaching Scotland materially supporting denominational provision (LTS 2010b). Interestingly, while there is now general acceptance across the denominational/non-denominational divide about the structure, resourcing and objectives of religious education, there is not agreement on whether confessional aims are compatible with educational aims (see Baumfield et al. 2011). While the Catholic syllabus, This is our Faith, emulates the form of the common

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

247

school curriculum, A Curriculum for Excellence, it does appear to reinvigorate a catechetical and robustly confessional approach many had thought had been abandoned. This move was a clear re-assertion of the “right and duty” of the Bishops’ conference “to determine the content of the religious education in the Catholic School” (Scottish Catholic Education Service 2012, 3). Currently the examination system offers a range of opportunities which include short courses as well as full examinations which take students, at the most advanced level (Advanced Higher) to a level that is clearly commensurate with first year university undergraduate provision. But there are very few students taking the subject at such an advanced level. Over the years the number of students taking Standard Grade (16 year olds) and Higher (17 year olds) has seen steady growth. However, this choice is often guided by perceptions that the subject is relatively easy (Conroy et al. 2013).

6.

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

Recently in England the schools inspectorate (OfSTED 2013) published a damning critique of religious education, which suggested that failures of investment and government and school neglect have resulted a claim that over 50 % of schools are failing to provide adequate teaching. (http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/religious-education-realising-potential). Prima facie, Scotland is different; it doesn’t suffer, anything like the ideological antagonisms that scar the political landscape of English education. Indeed, the most recent thematic report on Religious Education (http://www.educationscotland.gov.uk/ inspectionandreview/Images/rmepcp_tcm4 – 712864.pdf) is an altogether more solicitous document framing its doubts about quality as a series of questions for/ invitations to improvement. Yet, for all these differences my own large scale ethnographic work, conducted over recent years (Conroy et al. 2013), would suggest that the daily classroom experiences are little different either side of the border. Across the UK similar pedagogic strengths and weaknesses and systemic failings are evident. These include the increasing dominance of examinations in secondary schools, conceptually weak and pedagogically specious text books and teaching materials, the conflation of propositional knowledge with social knowledge and an over reliance on flaccid forms of co-constructivism, to name but a few of the common difficulties. Perhaps more telling than all of these are two further problems. The first is the freighting of Religious Education with a plethora of expectations that range from civics and multicultural awareness to sex and relationships education. Students often consider religious education as quite interesting but largely irrelevant and unimportant. Perhaps more significantly religious education in Scotland is prey to the same conflicted epis-

248

James C. Conroy

temic and moral attitudes prevalent across the UK (and I suspect elsewhere in Europe). At root Scottish religious educators betray a strong desire to avoid making anything like a substantive propositional claim or indeed a moral claim that might suggest there are more or less inadequate ways of describing the conditions of being human, of being religious and of the claims of particular religions. Primary religious education often betrays a nave and modestly pious approach to the subject. Of course there are teachers offering quite sophisticated accounts of religious practices and beliefs but these are all too rare and certainly not evident across religious education at both primary and secondary level. In the Catholic sector (most especially the primary schools) religious education remain dominated by sacramental preparation for First Communion and Confirmation.

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

The Millar Report’s explicit marriage of religious education and moral purpose reflected the view, already discussed above, that religious education was to be considered as an important foundation or accompaniment to the cultivation of moral dispositions. So it was that the introduction to the 1992, 5 – 14 Curriculum Guidelines, could state that, in addition to understanding the historic and social role of religion, “there [was] also a personal dimension, linked to the individual’s search for answers to questions about meaning, value and purpose in life” (SOED 1992, 1). Whilst the Guidelines intimate that it is possible to disaggregate moral commitment and concern from religious education, and that moral education is a function of the whole school nevertheless, the document suggests that religious education offers “a special focus” for the moral in schools. This linking of the two finds expression in the aims of the curriculum, which is purported to help students “develop their own beliefs, attitudes, moral values and practices through a process of personal search, discovery and critical evaluation” (op cit, 2). The conjoining of moral purpose and understanding of religion gives witness to a general confusion about the function of the on-going foregrounding of Christianity in religious education as a site and resource for explicit moral formation is to be found in the experiences and outcomes of the current curriculum, A curriculum for Excellence. Here, in the early to middle years of primary education, under the section on beliefs in Christianity, the proposed outcomes move (apparently seamlessly) from the scrutiny of this belief

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

249

system to self-reflection on ones own beliefs. So it is, that we move from the learning intention that; By exploring some places and investigating artifacts, I am developing my knowledge of Christian beliefs and my awareness of the role of Christianity in Scottish society and the world. (RME 1 – 01b) to; I can talk about my own beliefs, or express them in other ways. (RME 1 – 01c). (Education Scotland n.d.).

Such moves are commonplace and simultaneously move back and forth between the descriptive, morphological or analytic in a manner that dissolves the boundaries between the study of Christianity and personal moral development – in the official lexicon religious education is intended to remain a potent force in the cultivation of moral value. This official lexicon continues to be influenced by religious interests though some, for example the Church of Scotland, are concerned to avoid being construed as cultivating self- or sectarian interest in these matters. Senior figures in the Church are apt to attempt to hold different and not entirely compatible positions simultaneously positions. On the one hand Aitken (former Chair of the Church and Nation Committee) holds (on a government sponsored website) that support for the subject is not to say that RME should be confessional in any way. “Th[e] understanding of the necessary place of RME in schools is not because the Church wants more members through what is taught in schools. It is because the Church understands that at the heart of education lies the search for the self and that requires an experience of what it means to believe and an understanding of what the individual does believe.” (Aitken 2011, n.p.)

On the other hand, the Moderator of the Church (Lorna Hood) is rather less ambiguous in her support for the morally catechetical purposes of religious education. In 2013 in the Church’s official newspaper (Christianity Today) she opines that the rise in students taking public examinations in the subject is somehow related to “a grounding in faith in the classroom”, which could “inspire interest and learning in the subject” (http://www.christiantoday.com/article/church.of.scotland.welcomes.interest.in.religious.studies/ 33527.htmChristianity). More recently, most especially in the secondary phase, religious and moral education has been further extended so as to embrace philosophy. The subject is now designated as Religious, Moral and Philosophical Studies. This move was driven largely by political considerations which wanted to ameliorate the continued state commitment to religious education as an educational practice in a culture that was ever less committed to religion as a public practice. The addition of philosophy in the title is intended to confer a “seriousness” and “reflective-

250

James C. Conroy

ness” that the study of religion per se appears not to possess. Teachers, often under pressure with modest resource allocations and a poor sense of professional esteem, consider philosophy as an asset in their self-representations (Conroy et al. 2013).

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

As I have already intimated, Scotland has a number of relatively small nonChristian religious groups, the largest of which is the Muslim community. Historically intercultural tension has been between the Presbyterian majority and a substantial Catholic (largely Irish and Italian) minority. While these historic intra-Christian rivalries (Conroy 2008) have abated somewhat in recent years, simmering tensions continue to occasionally erupt. After many years of net outward migration, the last decade has witnessed a significant reversal with the 2011 figures suggesting that inward net migration was c. 27,000 although (against the background of increasing political tension in the UK over migrant numbers) in 2012 this slowed to c. 12,500 net (http://www.gro-scotland.gov.uk/ files2/stats/high-level-summary/j11198/j1119806.htm). While recent migration has been predominantly from Central and Eastern Europe the largest population remains Muslims of Pakistani origin. In Catholic schools, at least, there has arguably been something of a retreat from a systematic engagement with the teaching of other faiths as the Catholic Church. As it has seen itself come under increasing pressure from falling congregations and waning religious affiliation there has been an instinctive reaction against the perceived forces of antagonism. No doubt some of the decline can be attributed to the ongoing Achilles heel of the Catholic Church – perceptions of sexual immorality and impropriety – as well as weak leadership. However, the much more robust impulses of Western secularisation are likely to have had a much more significant influence. In any event, the response has been to move away from the 1992 curriculum format towards something less theologically “adventurous”. As noted in the first part of this essay, Scotland has many different religious communities but their numbers are small consequently they are not considered as presenting much of a challenge to social relations. Rather, as discussed earlier, the religious atmosphere has generally been charged by age-old antinomies between Catholics and Protestants. However some of the Medical Research Council’s work on morbidity and ill health has, in recent years, switched focus away from the problems of the Irish Catholic community, whose historic position of underdog has been ameliorated over time and by education (though statistically significant pockets of disproportionately poor Catholics of Irish

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

251

origin remain). Its more recent area of concern has been focused on the, historically under-considered, Pakistani community (Conroy, 2008). With the exception of the St. Albert’s issue and the emergence of a small number of politicians representing strongly Asian areas of Glasgow the minority religious communities tend to maintain their life under the radar. Of course some bigotry exists and Scotland has very robust legislation, designed to curb incitement to hatred and religious hate speech but this legislation tends to be shaped around a perception that religious affiliations in football are the major social problem in Scotland. Hence in 2012 the Scottish Parliament legislated to outlaw religious hate language and actions (The Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications [Scotland] Act). Having said all this, it is important to recognise that racist attacks are not uncommon in Scotland standing at 5 389 to the year end 2012 (http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Publications/2012/12/4963). A significant number of these (1274) occurred in schools. Given that Religious Education follows a fairly well-trodden path in covering a range of religious traditions with the most significant area of study (after Christianity) being Islam and Judaism it is unclear how the curriculum per se might be adapted to address the issue. It is, however, abundantly clear that a very small (though growing) number of teachers in Scottish schools come from ethnic minorities. Perhaps this is inevitable given the proportionate size of the population but at 0.5 % of the teaching population of primary teachers and 1.1 % of secondary teachers the figures are not particularly encouraging. There have, however, been attempts at Scotland’s major teacher education schools to address this, most especially in an Economic and Social Research Council seminar and workshop series headed by Arshad from Edinburgh University and Menter from Glasgow University.

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

Despite some public scepticism as to its efficacy, Scotland retains the practice of compulsory religious observance. Such a practice has its roots in the 1872 Act, and was concerned to exemplify and reinforce Christianity not only as a salvific religion but as a social religion binding people into a shared or common ethical and social worldview. Over recent years, as Scotland has become less Christian, there has been a growing anxiety that such practices are not only counterproductive but also offend against both religion and the individual’s right to selfdetermination in these regards. While withdrawal from religious education is relatively easily managed in legislative terms, this becomes much more difficult where all teachers and students in a whole year or indeed a whole school are involved in the activity. Many teachers, most especially in the common school,

252

James C. Conroy

feel underprepared in making provision for religious observance and unsure as to purpose of such a practice. This insecurity is largely a function of a historic failure to distinguish between corporate and collective acts of worship, whereby the former denotes a body joined together by common bonds of belief and the latter refers to a body of individuals brought together in an activity that neither requires nor expects assent to a set of propositions. The ways in which teachers deal with what they consider to be the incoherencies and conflicts of such a practice is to turn it into an exercise in moral uplift or a reinforcement of common bonds of fellowship. It is often argued, by its advocates, that it offers a rare opportunity to bring the school together. However, individual school inspection reports over many years would suggest that it is more honoured in the breach than in the execution. Hence, in 2005 and 2011 the Scottish Government produced a report and subsequent guidance that foregrounded the plural nature of religious observance. Since its existence is not formally an issue for Catholic schools, where acts of worship are commonplace and a normal feature of school life, it has been largely left to the Church of Scotland to advocate for the retention of religious observance on the grounds that it offers a space for the spiritual. Despite being fairly loosely framed and conceptualised the notion of the spiritual retains rhetorical criticality in the drive for the rounded formation of the person. Its advocacy has centred on re-positioning religious observance itself as a moral project of “pluralism”. This has been seen in the evolution of an accredited course at the University of Glasgow developed in conjunction with the Church of Scotland which is concerned to bring some professionalism to an area that has often been seen as a form of public piety (http://www.churchofscotland.org.uk/ __data/assets/pdf_file/0004/3784/Religious_Observance_leaflet.pdf). Most recently (September 2013) the Church of Scotland has made a public call for a change of title from religious observance to “Time for Reflection” (http:// www.churchofscotland.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/3784/Religious_Observance_leaflet.pdf).

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities, issues

As I have already suggested religious education was, until the late 1960s, largely concerned with the communication and transmission of biblical knowledge. However the recommendations, laid out in the Millar Report, meant that Scotland found itself with few qualified teachers and a statutory need to create a specialist teaching workforce in religious education. The only feasible strategy

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

253

was the rapid development of major in-service provision and what became known as an Additional Teaching Qualification for Religious Education (ATQRE) provided such, much needed, expertise. The course was generally offered by faculty in the, then extant, teachers’ colleges, more used to preparing primary school teachers. However, most tutors were theologically well qualified and many had held secondary teaching positions prior to their move into teacher education. Alongside these ATQREs, Universities and Colleges developed both undergraduate and post-graduate provision with Stirling University offering a pioneering concurrent 4-year degree in Religious Studies and Education with a professional teaching qualification. Most teachers’ colleges offered a one-year post-graduate qualification (PGCE). In Scotland, unlike other parts of the United Kingdom where no formal subject qualification is mandatory, teachers working in secondary schools are now required to possess some formal qualification(s) in the subject they are teaching. Hence a secondary school teacher may not teach a subject for which they possess no formal qualification. This would appear, prima facie, to be a very good thing indeed. However, the minimum acceptable subject qualification is somewhat modest. A student entering a professional PGCE course must demonstrate that they have successfully pursued two (university level) graduating courses in the subject, one of which must be at level 2 (2nd year degree level). Such graduating courses need not expressly be in theology or religious studies as generally understood in disciplinary terms but can be courses in degree programmes in sociology, anthropology, philosophy and so forth. The net effect is that a student teacher specialising in religious education may have actually possess a scant disciplinary background. University courses follow a pattern broadly recognisable across the UK and beyond with a clear foregrounding of something akin to a phenomenological approach and a liberal enquiry-based (often co-constructivist) pedagogy. Programmes of study will explore the aims and evolution of religious and moral education, the influence of historic and contemporary intellectual and sociocultural trends and their impact on the changing shape of the subject. They will also cover assessment, examinations, programmes of study and the complex relationship with compulsory religious observance. Central to these efforts is the preparation to teach the Curriculum for Excellence programme. Until the mid-1990s teacher education was, with one exception (Stirling university) the preserve of specialist monotechnic teachers’ colleges but a series of consolidating moves from 1993 onwards witnessed the absorption of these Colleges into universities, many of which were world leading. The creation of these Schools of Education has meant a greater emphasis on research and increased specialisation. Hence the University of Glasgow, which absorbed the only Catholic College in Scotland, has the strongest focus on Religious Education

254

James C. Conroy

and, what was deemed, by many, to be a weakness at the point of merger (denominational status), has subsequently become a major research and teaching strength with the addition of a research and development group entitled, “The St. Andrew’s Foundation”. However, beyond the University of Glasgow (which has, in addition to the PGCE, a concurrent 4 year undergraduate MA in Religious and Philosophical Education) and Stirling University, provision in and for religious education has diminished as indeed has the local government sponsored in-service. Once (in the early 1990s) Scotland could boast an Association of Religious Education Inspectors and Advisors numbering in excess of 20; today there are none! In the common school, the modest provision for staff development in religious education on offer is generally provided by local education authorities and Education Scotland (a non-departmental public body. Somewhat controversially the developmental imperatives of Scottish education have been subsumed within a body, (Her Majesty’s Inspectorate for Education) that also is charged with inspecting and reporting on quality and standards in schools. Additionally there is modest provision made by the professional association, ATRES. However it should be noted that the offerings are increasingly sparse. In the case of Roman Catholic schools most of the in-service is provided by the Catholic Education Service and the Diocesan offices, and tends to be focused on the established curriculum, “This is our Faith”, sacramental preparation and the personal faith formation of Catholic teachers. There would appear to be very few opportunities for studying other faiths in on-going professional development in religious education in Catholic schools. The provision of in-service opportunities together with the shape and timbre of the syllabus would suggest that, at least at the official level, there is a substantial elision between religious education and catechesis. In addition to the formal, state recognised, undergraduate and postgraduate qualifications, those wishing to teach in Catholic schools would normally undertake a programme of study, offered by the University of Glasgow, which remains formally charged with preparing teachers wishing to work in Catholic schools. This course, entitled the Certificate in Religious Education, is recognised by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Scotland as a normal base-line qualification and while not formally required in order to receive approval to teach in Catholic schools, it is often taken as a proxy for commitment. De facto, diocesan authorities will expect aspiring teachers in their schools to have acquired this foundational qualification or its equivalent from another institution. The taught programme covers a range of philosophical and pedagogic questions in addition to introductions to religious and theological issues. It is also available on-line and in this format is generally taken by students who studied in a university other than Glasgow, and in the early years of their professional career.

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

255

After the crisis of confidence explored in section 5 above, teachers needed a preparation that included a significant acquaintance with world faiths and numerous attempts in the 1990s were made to develop a more complex educational understanding of world religions. This included, perhaps somewhat strangely for those outside Scotland, courses and materials developed collaboratively by the largest teacher’s college, Jordanhill and the Catholic college, St. Andrew’s focused on facilitating understanding of Catholicism in the common schools and understanding of Presbyterianism in Catholic schools. The necessity for such basic work needs to be put into the context of the widespread existence of considerable ignorance of even the most local forms of Christianity. Pointedly, if somewhat anecdotally, this is captured by one of my former students; a Catholic on her practicum in a common school. When the students discovered that she was a Catholic teaching religion they were curious so she invited a series of questions about Catholicism which produced bizarre yet fascinating responses including the question, “Can Catholics box?”

11.

Empirical research concerning RE

The research resources in Scotland have been modest and religious education has not received much attention from the educational establishment. Historically Strathclyde University has hosted Farmington Trust scholarships for teachers wishing to conduct small scale practitioner research in religious education. Prior to the last decade much of the research in Scotland tended to be normative and historical, analysing trends and movements in both religious education and religion in education. It often focused on the politics, evolution, relative contribution and success of Catholic schooling. There were some exceptions to the general trend: the Centre for Educational Sociology at the University of Edinburgh has had a long track record of exploring the interface between religion, educational opportunity and social mobility. There has also been significant work on inter-cultural/race/religious relations in education. Most recently the work of Riddell and her colleagues have focused on the attitudes to rights of parents and students to withdraw from religious education and religious observance (Riddell et al. 2009). At the University of Glasgow much research was conducted on the relationship between education, religious and ethnic background, and morbidity and ill-health. As we have already noted, in the course of the 1990s such studies, led by the Medical Research Council centre, tended to focus on migrants with an Irish Catholic background but, in recent years, attention has switched to those of Asian (largely Muslim) origin. In line with the concern that activated the Millar review, a small number of attitudinal studies emerged in the late 1970s. They tended to be shaped by Lesley Francis’

256

James C. Conroy

prodigious output. The most significant of these tended to work at the interface of Christian theology and education though, in truth, those links have grown more tenuous as universities have become increasingly and narrowly performative. Such work was often led and published by the Centre for Theology and Public Affairs at Edinburgh University (see Francis et al. 1984). In recent years the School of Education at the University of Glasgow has been at the forefront of research in the area with Phipps leading a team exploring the effects and effectiveness, and reception of new guidelines on religious observance in schools (Gilfillan et al. 2013). McKinney has conducted interesting qualitative comparisons and analyses of the approaches adopted Catholic, Jewish and Islamic communities to the education of their young in-community He has also looked at the economic and employability effects of religiously denominated schooling, which in the case of Scotland is Catholic (McKinney 2010; McKinney et al. 2012). Conroy (2013) has, in recent years, led a team funded by the Arts and Humanities and Economic and Social Research Council which asked the inexcusably straight-forward question, Does Religious Education Work? The work, funded under the Religion and Society programme, comprised a complex three-year ethnographic study looking at the context, shape, expectations and effects of religious education. What it has exposed is that, despite the many legislative differences between the constituent parts of the UK, much daily practice is remarkably similar and the lived experience often somewhat etiolated. Other work by Grant and Matemba (2013) has focused on some of the conceptual and practical problems in assessment in Scottish religious education. Some minor surveys have been conducted more recently by advocacy groups such as the Humanist Society of Scotland, focusing on what they consider to be infringements of certain civil liberties most especially around the rights of withdrawal from Religious education and religious observance. On the basis of this data they increasingly argue that the polarities should be reversed and the current opt out should be replaced by an opt in clause.

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

Perhaps, because it is a small country with somewhat parochial concerns, it is not clear that European documents have had a significant impact on religious education per se. This is not to suggest that there have not been indirect influence but, I would suggest, this is better considered as part of the general dialectic that has shaped religious education for the last four decades. That dialectic has certainly been British rather than strictly Scottish. Considerations and drives emerging out of a European context may well echo and, in their turn, find echoes

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

257

in the discourses and practices of Scottish religious education but tracing any genealogical connections is pretty much impossible. However, this is not to suggest that those dispositions, attitudes and approaches delineated in the Toledo guidelines are not to be found in Scotland. Rather Scotland came to the same point but via a different route. One possible exception to this isolation might be found in the Catholic Church where the overt connections with European Catholic religious educators remain potent. Yet here too Scotland has forged its own way producing a curriculum that is more avowedly and overtly catechetical than has been the case for the preceding two decades. Historically the Catholic Church in Scotland looked to Ireland for its textbook and pedagogical materials, finding the more conservative culture there more to its taste than that available in England. As we have discussed earlier, the distinction between religious education and catechesis has in recent years, been occluded and it is now unclear what constitutes a Catholic religious education. While it might generally be considered a response to secularisation this retrenchment may also be seen as either an ironic or entirely understandable response to a growing and increasingly organised chorus of demands to rescind the privileges afforded religious communities. These privileges are deemed to be most obviously manifest in the opt out clause for religious observance and the Right for religious communities to sit on local authority education committees. In late 2013 two petitions were served on the Scottish parliament by the Secular Scotland and the Edinburgh Secular Society to legislate to withdraw what they consider to be historic and unwarranted privileges (http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/GettingInvolved/Petitions/petitionPDF/PE01487.pdf). The Churches responses are not straightforward with the Catholic Church considering all such petitions as an attack on their schools. The Church of Scotland, on the other hand has, as I have already noted, some sympathy with radical change to religious observance. The battle lines are being drawn up for what is likely to be an increasingly bitter dispute where the churches will variously argue that the Secular and Humanist Societies represent a very small activists groups and the secularist and humanists will claim that religious affiliation has disintegrated and that there is no longer demographic or popular support for religion. In any event, religious education is likely to be on the receiving end of collateral damage. Coupled with significant conceptual, epistemic and resource failures these moves may not prove immediately fatal but are likely to contribute to the gradual erosion of the quality and status of the subject.

258

13.

James C. Conroy

Further information

Education Scotland, the governmental body that shapes, supports and inspects schools and the curriculum developed, over a decade, the Curriculum for Excellence. This Curriculum is intended to underpin teacher professionalism and support their capacity for independent decision-making. This site provides details of A curriculum for Excellence in RME and provides planning and assessment support and guidance. It also provides all the experiences and outcomes for Religious and Moral Education in the common school and Religious Education in Roman Catholic Schools. It can be downloaded at http://www.educationscotland.gov.uk/learningteachingandassessment/curriculumareas/rme/nondenominational/index.asp. Whether it can deliver on its originally ambitions looks increasingly unlikely given the emerging issues discussed earlier. Statistics for population projections in Scotland can be downloaded at http:// www.gro-scotland.gov.uk/files2/stats/high-level-summary/j11198/j1119804.htm. A recent governmental report on the experiences of Muslims in Scotland may be downloaded at http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Publications/2011/03/08091838/13, http:// www.lscs.ac.uk/sls/working%20papers/WP8 %20van%20Dijck.pdf. While religious Education is taught in a number of universities, the University of Glasgow represents the major site for the study of religion and education as well as religious education in its Creativity, culture and Faith research group at http:// www.gla.ac.uk/schools/education/research/rktg/ccf/ and in its St. Andrew’s Foundation, which was established in 2013, and focuses on research and development in denominational schooling and concomitant teacher development at: http:// www.gla.ac.uk/schools/education/standrewsfoundation/.

References Aitken, E. 2011. Religious and Moral education. Engage for Education at http://engageforeducation.org/news/religious-and-moral-education/. Boyle, P. 2010. Migration and Religion in Scotland. A study on the influence of religion on migration behavior. LSCS Research Working Paper 8.0 ESRC http://www.lscs.ac.uk/sls/ working%20papers/WP8 %20van%20Dijck.pdf. Bradley, J. M. 1995. Ethnic and Religious Identity in Modern Scotland: Culture, Politics and Football. London Avebury Press. Bruce, S. 2003. Catholic Schools in Scotland: A Rejoinder to Conroy, Oxford Review 29(2) 269 – 277. Christianity Today. 2013. Church of Scotland welcomes interest in religious studies http:// www.christiantoday.com/article/church.of.scotland.welcomes.interest.in.religious.studies/33527.htm.

Religious Education at Schools in Scotland

259

Conroy, J. 2002. A very Scottish affair : Catholic education and the state, Oxford Review, 27(4) 543 – 558. Conroy, J. 2003. Yet I live here too: A Reply to Bruce on Catholic education in Scotland, Oxford Review of Education 29(3) 403 – 412. Conroy, J. 2008. Sectarianism and Scottish Education. In Scottish Education, ed. T. Bryce and W. Humes. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Conroy, J. and McGrath, M. 2007. Secularisation and Catholic Education in Scotland. In International Handbook of Catholic Education: Challenges for School Systems in the 21st Century, Part One, ed. G.R. Grace and J O’Keefe, SJ. 385 – 403. Dordrecht, Springer. Conroy, J., D. Lundie, R. Davis, V. Baumfield, P. Barnes, T. Gallagher, K. Lowden, and N. Bourque. 2013. Does Religious Education Work? A Multi-dimensional Investigation. London: Bloomsbury. Cowing, E. 2013. Islamic High School to Open in Glasgow in Scotland on Sunday at http:// www.scotsman.com/scotland-on-sunday-2 – 7506/scotland/islamic-high-school-toopen-in-glasgow-1 – 2868668. Davie, G. 1961. The Democratic intellect: Scotland and her universities in the nineteenth century. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Education Scotland, n.d. Curriculum for Excellence: Religious and Moral Education: Experiences and Outcomes at http://www.educationscotland.gov.uk/Images/rme_experiences_outcomes_tcm4 – 539887.pdf. Eliade, M. 1958. Patterns in Comparative Religion. trans R. Sheed. London: Sheed and Ward. Francis, L.J., J. Rhymer, D. Osler, and J.I.H. McDonald. 1984. Family, School and Church in Religious Education. Edinburgh: Centre for Theology and Public Affairs. Gilfillan, P., E. Aitken, and A. Phipps. 2013. A research report on the reception of the 2005 Religious Observance Guidelines in Scotland. British Journal of Religious Education, 35 (1) 98 – 109. Grant, L., and Y.H. Matemba. 2013. Problems of Assessment in Religious and Moral Education: The Scottish Case, Journal of Beliefs & Values, 34 (1) 1 – 13. Husserl, E. 1967. The Paris Lectures. trans P. Koestenbaum. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff. McKinney, S.J. 2004. Jewish education and formation in Glasgow: a case study. Journal of Beliefs and Values, 25 (1) 31 – 41. McKinney, S.J. 2010. Gospel, poverty and Catholic schools. International Studies in Catholic Education, 2 (2) 163 – 175. McKinney, S., S. Hall, K. Lowden, M. McClung, and L. Cameron. 2012. The relationship between poverty and deprivation, educational attainment and positive school leaver destinations in Glasgow secondary schools. Scottish Educational Review, 44 (1) 33 – 45. O’Hagan, F. 2006. The Contribution of Catholic Orders in Glasgow 1847 to 1918. Lewsiton, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. Riddell, S., E. Weedon, L. Ahlgren, and G. McCluskey. 2009. Religious Education in a Multi-Cultural Society : Scotland National Report. Edinburgh: European Union. Ridge, N. 2006. Can a catholic School be made to convert? The Guardian 14th February at http://www.theguardian.com/education/2006/feb/14/schools.faithschools. The Scottish Central Committee on Religious Education (SCCORE). 1978. Bulletin 2. Edinburgh: HMSO.

260

James C. Conroy

Scottish Government 2005. Analysis of Religion in the 2001 Census: Summary Report (2005), National Records of Scotland (2013) Scotland Census at http://www.scotlandscensus.gov.uk/documents/censusresults/release2a/rel2asbfigure12.pdf. Voas, D. 2006. Religious Decline in Scotland: new evidence for timing and spatial patterns, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 45(1) 107 – 118.

Tania ap Siún and Leslie J. Francis

Religion and Education in Wales

Introduction Tania ap Siún was Lecturer in Religious Education at Bangor University, Wales from 1996 to 2000 and Project Officer for Religious Education at the Welsh National Centre for Religious Education from 2000 to 2007. Since 2008 she has served as Director of the St Mary’s and St Giles Centre in Wales, Senior Lecturer ˆ r University, Wales and Senior Research Fellow at in Pastoral Sciences at Glyndw the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit. Within Wales she serves on the Wales Association of SACREs (as Chair) and on the National Advisory Panel for Religious Education. She has developed and published curriculum material for use within schools in Wales as well as articles on areas related to Religious Education. Within Europe she has served as Secretary to the Inter-European Commission on Church and School since 2012. Leslie J Francis served as Director of the Welsh National Centre for Religious Education from 1999 to 2007 and as Honorary Director of the St Mary’s Centre in Wales since 2007. Within Wales he serves on the Wales Association of SACREs and the National Advisory Panel for Religious Education (for which he served as Vice Chair and as Chair). He has published a number of articles on religious education in Wales and books for classroom use. He serves as Canon Theologian in Bangor Cathedral and as Vice President of the International Seminar on Religious Education and Values. He is Director of the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit, following in the footsteps of Professor Robert Jackson.

1.

Socio-religious background

Historically the structural links between England and Wales have been much tighter than the structural links between England and Northern Ireland or between England and Scotland, both politically, and religiously. Politically, until quite recently, England and Wales have been governed by the same legislative

262

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

framework. Until the emergence of the Welsh Assembly Government in 1999, with the devolution of educational policy matters, the same Education Acts applied in both England and Wales. Religiously, the Church of England was the Established Church in Wales as in England until disestablishment was effected in Wales in 1920. While the decadal census in Scotland and the decadal census in Northern Ireland are both operated separately within these jurisdictions, the Office of National Statistics operates the same set of census questions for England and Wales. It is essentially on the basis of these questions that the socio-religious profile of Wales can be constructed. The three key questions from the census concerning social and religious diversity in Wales concern the following issues: fluency in the Welsh language, ethnicity, and religious affiliation. The language question was introduced for the first time in the 1891 census, the ethnicity question for the first time in 1991, and the religious question for the first time in 2001.

1.1

Religious diversity

Inclusion of the religious question in the national census for Wales in 2001 (see Aspinall 2000; Francis 2003; Weller 2004; Sherif 2011) provided an opportunity to profile religious diversity in Wales focused on a self-assigned religious affiliation. Across England and Wales, the 2001 census found that 72 % of the population could be defined as Christian, 3 % as Muslim, 1 % as Hindu, and under 1 % as Buddhist, Jewish, or Sikh; 15 % could be defined as having no religious affiliation and 8 % chose not to answer the optional question on religion. There were, however, some clear differences in the levels of religious diversity recorded in England and Wales. For example, in both England and Wales around 72 % of the population could be classified as Christian. In England around 6 % were classified as affiliated with one of the other five listed religions, but in Wales this proportion fell to 2 %. In Wales the largest religious group after Christians were Muslims at 1 %, accounting for 22,000 individuals. The Muslim population was concentrated in major cities, including Wrexham in north east Wales, and Swansea and Cardiff in south Wales, with the highest density in Cardiff at 4 %. Although not without controversy, inclusion of the question about religious affiliation within the national census is deemed acceptable because religious affiliation concerns an external face of religion that belongs to the public domain, unlike religious belief that is more generally regarded as belonging to the personal and private domain. It is this external face of religion that is both the strength and the weakness of employing religious affiliation as the key marker of

Religion and Education in Wales

263

religious diversity. This point is well made by Voas and Bruce (2004) who challenge the interpretation of the 72 % identified as Christian as an effective indicator of religiosity. Voas and Bruce (2004) argue that religious affiliation serves better as an indicator of culture than as an indicator of religion. The 2001 question was repeated in 2011. Comparison of the census returns for Wales in 2001 and 2011 demonstrate two main findings. The proportion describing themselves as Christian dropped from 71.9 % to 57.6 %. The proportion describing themselves as having no religion rose from 18.5 % to 32.1 %. At the same time the proportion of Buddhists rose from 0.2 % to 0.3 %, the proportion of Hindus from 0.2 % to 0.3 %, the proportion of Muslims from 0.2 % to 0.4 %, and the proportion of “any other religion” from 0.2 % to 0.4 %. The proportion of Jews remained constant at 0.1 %, and the proportion of Sikhs at 0.1 %.

1.2

Ethnic diversity

The ethnicity question was introduced for the first time in 1991, but changed in 2001. The 2001 question was repeated in 2011. Comparison between responses to the 2001 and 2011 census question on ethnicity shows that Wales is slowly growing in terms of ethnic diversity. The percentage of the population of Wales describing their ethnic group as White British fell from 96.0 % in 2001 to 93.2 % in 2011. Those describing their ethnic group as Asian, the second largest ethnic group in Wales, doubled from 1.1 % in 2001 to 2.3 % in 2011. Levels of ethnic diversity vary considerably across Wales, from Flintshire, where 98.5 % describe their ethnic group as white, to Cardiff, where the proportion drops to 84.8 %. The areas with the highest proportions of minority ethnic groups in 2011 were Cardiff (15.2 %), Newport (10.1 %), and Swansea (5.9 %), all major cities along the South coast. In each of these areas ethnic minority populations have more than doubled since 2001.

1.3

Welsh language and Welsh identity

In 1891 the Welsh language question was introduced to the census under the heading “the language you speak”, offering the following responses: If only English write “English”; if only Welsh, write “Welsh”; if English and Welsh, write “Both”. The percentage of people over three years of age speaking Welsh were recorded as 49.9 % in 1901, 43.5 % in 1911, 37.1 % in 1921, 36.8 % in 1931, 28.9 % in 1951, 26.0 % in 1961, 20.8 % in 1971, and 19.0 % in 1981 (there was no census held in 1941). In 1991 the question changed to include possibilities of language skills beyond speech to assess four language skills independently. The

264

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

new question was “Do you understand, speak, read, or write Welsh?” This was changed in 2001 to “Can you understand, speak, read, or write Welsh?” Between 2001 and 2011 the proportion of the population over three years of age with Welsh language skills decreased. Those who can speak, read and write Welsh decreased from 16,3 % to 14.6 %; those who can speak Welsh decreased from 20.5 % to 18.8 %; those who have no Welsh language skills rose from 71.6 % to 73.3 %.The proportions of the population as a whole with no Welsh language skills varied considerably from area to area, from 88.5 % in Blaenau Gwent and 86.9 % in Newport to 26.5 % in Gwynedd and 30.4 % in Isle of Anglesey. In Wales, Welsh identity is a very different concept from the Welsh language. The 2011 census asked, “How would you describe your national identity?” The possible answers were: Welsh, English, Scottish, Northern Irish, British, and other (with the option of selecting more than one answer). Nearly two-thirds (66 %) of the residents of Wales expressed their national identity as Welsh in 2011, with 57.5 % selecting this as their only option. The proportions describing themselves as Welsh only stood as over 70 % in parts of the South Wales Valleys (Neath Port Talbot, Rhondda Cynan Taff, Merthyr Tydfil, Caerphilly, Blaenau Gwent), dropping to between 41 % and 44 % in Conwy, Powys, Monmouthshire, and Denbighshire.

2.

Legal Frameworks of RE and the relationship between religious communities and the state

The legal framework within which religious education is placed in Wales (as in England) has been firmly shaped by the historical trajectory of the relationship between the churches and the state in respect of establishing, maintaining and financing schools. Historically the initiative rested with the churches. The narrative involves consideration of five main themes: the origins of church schools, the development of secular schools, the Education Act 1944, the consequences of devolution, and the role of Standing Advisory Councils for Religious Education.

2.1

Origins of church schools

The first schools in Wales were created by religious bodies and the transmission of religious teaching was part of the educational process from the outset. In 1698 an attempt was made to establish schools on a large scale throughout Wales when the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge (SPCK) was founded.

Religion and Education in Wales

265

These schools set out to provide education for the children of the poor in the three Rs, the “habits of industry” and religious instruction. In the eighteenth century, using Welsh Bibles and catechisms provided by SPCK, Griffith Jones, of Llanddawror, organised circulating schools all over Wales. In the early nineteenth century, two further societies were established to build schools in England and Wales. The first was the Royal Lancasterian Society founded in 1808 and re-emerging as the British and Foreign School Society in 1814. This was supported by non-conformists and liberal Anglicans to promote “the education of the labouring and manufacturing classes of society of every religious persuasion”. The second was the National Society, established by the Church of England in 1811 to promote “the education of the poor in the principles of the established Church” (Francis 1987, 13). In addition to these two societies, the Catholic Poor Schools Committee was created in 1847 for the education of Catholic children. For each of these societies religious education (variously understood) was at the heart of the school. The state did not enter the field of public education until 1833, and then it did so not by establishing state schools, but by distributing public funds (£20,000) to the National Society and to the British and Foreign School Society. The Government grant was essentially in “aid of private subscription”, being available only to those voluntary bodies which could raise the first half of building costs and guarantee to meet all future running costs.

2.2

Development of secular schools

The Newcastle Commission, published in 1861, recognised that “one of the chief failures” with the voluntary system was that it “did not touch the districts which required most assistance”. The Elementary Education Act 1870 addressed this problem not by challenging state sponsorship of the voluntary sector but by establishing a mechanism through School Boards for building schools where the voluntary provision was inadequate (Rich 1970). According to this Act, voluntary schools could continue to provide denominational religious teaching. Board schools could decide whether or not to include religious teaching, but when they decided to do so it was to be in accordance with the “Cowper-Temple” clause, which stated that: “No religious catechism or religious formulary which is distinctive of any particular denomination shall be taught in any school provided by a school board.” (Rich 1970; Education Act 1870, section 14.2)

266

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

The Cross Commission in 1888 revealed that very few board schools tried to exclude religious education. In board schools and church schools alike religious education was firmly part of the educational landscape. The Education Act 1902 brought local education authorities (LEAs) into being to take over the educational administration of the board schools, now re-named “provided” schools. LEAs were also given control over secular education in voluntary schools, now re-named “non-provided schools”. This act consolidated the dual system of church schools and non-church schools running side-by-side with different provisions for religious education in the two sectors. In Wales the Education Act 1902 was controversial because it placed church schools as well as provided schools onto the local rates. Non-conformist Wales was reluctant to pay for Church of England schools in this way.

2.3

Education Act 1944

The Education Act 1944 created the legislative context for religious education that still persists (Dent 1947). Two main features of this Act are of particular significance. First, the Act created two distinct futures for church schools as either voluntary aided schools or voluntary controlled schools. In voluntary controlled schools the state took over the running costs while the church retained ownership of the building. In return the church retained the right to appoint a minority of the governors, to maintain denominational worship, and to provide denominational religious instruction only for children of parents who requested it. In voluntary aided schools the church retained responsibility for a proportion of building and maintenance costs (initially 50 %). In return the church retained the right to appoint a majority of the governors, to maintain denominational worship, and to provide denominational religious instruction throughout the school. Second, the Act consolidated the mechanism for determining the content of religious education at the level of local education authority through the notion of the locally agreed syllabus. All non-church schools and all church voluntary controlled schools were required to teach religious education according to the locally agreed syllabus and to provide a daily act of collective worship. At the same time, the Act protected parents’ rights to withdraw their children from religious instruction, from religious worship, or from both, whether they attended a church voluntary school or a non-church school (now known as county schools). The Education Reform Act 1988 left the religious provisions of the Education Act 1944 largely unchanged. The Education Reform Act 1988 speaks in terms of the “basic curriculum” comprising two main components, Religious Education

Religion and Education in Wales

267

and the National Curriculum. While the National Curriculum is determined centrally, Religious Education remains locally determined through the locally agreed syllabus and monitored by the Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education (SACREs). While the Education Act 1944 empowered each Local Authority to establish a SACRE, the Education Reform Act 1988 made this a statutory duty.

2.4

Consequences of devolution

In 1999, when the National Assembly for Wales was formed, virtually all central government responsibilities for education and training were devolved to Wales, which marked the beginning of clearly differentiated Welsh and English education systems. In September 2001 The Learning Country was published which set out the National Assembly’s comprehensive programme for education and lifelong learning in Wales to 2010. This paving document, alongside the White Paper for England, “Schools – Achieving Success”, informed the Education Act 2002, which allowed the National Assembly for Wales to exercise its powers to “establish a complete National Curriculum for Wales for the foundation stage” and to “revise the National Curriculum for the foundation stage and the key stages whenever the Assembly considers it necessary or expedient to do so” (section 108). In 2011 additional law-making powers were devolved to Wales from Parliament, which included the means to affect primary legislation in the area of education.

2.5

Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education

In order to facilitate local determination of religious education, the Education Act 1944 empowered each Local Education Authority to constitute two statutory bodies, the Standing Conference to agree the local syllabus and the Standing Advisory Council on Religious Education (SACRE) to oversee and to maintain the implementation of the local syllabus. The consultative process and local representation of both the Standing Conference and the SACRE were achieved by a structure of multiple committees. The current statutory requirement for SACREs in Wales is set out in paragraph 390 of the Education Act 1996. According to this requirement all three statutory committees are defined as follows: Committee A, representative of Christian denominations and other religions and their denominations, reflect-

268

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

ing principle religious traditions of the local area; Committee B, teacher representatives; Committee C, Local Authority representatives.

3.

Developments in the country’s education policies

Distinctive Welsh education policy was informed by detailed reviews of the current practice and the new National Assembly for Wales’ broader vision for life in a devolved Wales. Although this shaping of the education system in Wales did not affect the provision for religious education in terms of the primary legislative requirements, it did shape the development and nature of religious education in Wales in two inter-related ways: by providing a distinctively Welsh context in which the subject should be conceived and delivered; and by including religious education in the initial formative reviews alongside the areas of the national curriculum, even though religious education is locally determined. The Assembly Government’s inclusion of religious education within its first curriculum review means that, since devolution, there have been significant changes to religious education in Wales. These changes need to be understood within the broader context of the development of an education strategy for Wales including: the Review of 14 – 19 learning, the Review of the foundation phase, the Review of 8 – 14 learning, and assessment changes. This first major curriculum review was published in 2007 and sought to provide a coherent education policy for 3- to 19-year-olds in Wales, which would be introduced in a staged way from 2008 to 2011. The second major curriculum review began in 2012.

3.1

14 – 19 learning

In terms of 14 – 19 learning in Wales, the aim was to provide academic and vocational balance, with a range of pathways appropriate to the needs of individual learners. Most significant within this context was the development of the Welsh Baccalaureate, which includes within its core programme a component entitled “Wales, Europe and the World”, focusing on political, social, cultural and economic issues. By 2015 the Welsh Baccalaureate becomes the overarching framework for qualifications for 14 to 19-year-olds, delivered in schools, Further Education colleges, and vocationally-based settings. The statutory duty of state-maintained schools to provide for religious education at this stage of learning remains, although, as before, this is not the case for Further Education colleges or other settings. This 14 – 19 development impacts on the way religious education is delivered, and national, non-statutory guidance concerning pos-

Religion and Education in Wales

269

sible delivery models is set out in the Welsh Assembly Government publication, Religious Education: Guidance for 14 to 19-year-olds (2009a).

3.2

Foundation phase learning

In terms of the foundation phase in Wales, major changes were introduced and the curriculum was underpinned by a new child-centred approach, promoting active learning through play. The foundation phase was extended to include 3- to 7-year-olds and employed “seven areas of learning”, which were approached from a cross-curricular perspective rather than through separate “subject” areas.

3.3

8 – 14 learning

In terms of the Review of Learning 8 – 14 in Wales, it is significant that the period between 8 and 14 years was identified as a distinct phase of education which required special consideration because “there was a pressing need to break the link between social disadvantage and low educational achievement by tackling the roots of disaffection and disengagement from learning during the ‘middle’ years” (Statement by the Welsh Assembly Government, 8 December 2009, by Jane Hutt, Minister for Children, Education and Lifelong Learning and Skills). The aim was to underpin this phase of education by a distinct and coherent educational philosophy and to initiate reform through the School Effectiveness Framework (SEF). In 2008 the Welsh Assembly Government produced frameworks for twelve national curriculum subjects, including Welsh, all of which were nationally determined, as well as frameworks for “personal and social education” and “careers and the world of work”, which were to be planned and delivered by the individual schools. As religious education was fully included in the curriculum review, a parallel non-statutory framework was also produced in 2008, entitled, The National Exemplar Framework for Religious Education for 3 to 19-year-olds in Wales. The 22 Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education (SACREs) in Wales were then invited either to adopt or adapt the exemplar framework, if they wished to do so.

270 3.4

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

Assessment

In response to the Daugherty Report (2004), the Welsh Assembly Government completed its move away from “national” testing at specific key stages in schools, which until that point Wales had shared with England. This was replaced by end of key stage teacher assessment, and was initially supported by the development of Optional Assessment Materials (OAMs) by the Welsh Assembly Government. Again, it is significant that OAMs were also developed for religious education as well as the national curriculum subjects, which introduced for the first time non-statutory guidance on assessment in religious education that was broadly in line with the other curriculum areas and could be used to inform the advice given by SACREs to their schools.

3.5

Literacy and numeracy

In 2012 the Welsh Government initiated a new review of assessment and the National Curriculum in Wales with a key focus on strengthening literacy and numeracy across all subjects in the curriculum through the introduction of the National Literacy and Numeracy Framework (LNF) with national testing, which became statutory in 2013 for all pupils in state-maintained schools from the foundation phase to the end of key stage 3. This significant change to assessment arrangements in schools in Wales meant that the National Curriculum subject orders were reviewed to ensure their appropriateness for the LNF with any revisions being implemented in 2014. Unlike the previous curriculum review, religious education was not included in the second curriculum review.

4.

Role of religiously sponsored schools, including any changes and developments, legal relationships

The Education Act 1944 marked the watershed for denominational patronage of church schools in England and Wales. At that point the denominations were offered the two routes of voluntary aided status (in which the church held greater control and on-going financial liability) and voluntary controlled status (in which the church held lesser control and no on-going financial liability). The Church in Wales and the Roman Catholic Church followed different paths at this point. The story is best told in three stages: reflecting on the statistical trajectory of church school provision in Wales from 1944 to the present day, examining Church in Wales policy, and examining Roman Catholic policy.

Religion and Education in Wales

4.1

271

Trends in church school provision

Reviewing in some detail the statistical changes that took place during the 1990s in primary school provision in Wales, Davies and Francis (2007) drew the following conclusions. The first conclusion concerned non-denominational or county schools. While there were 43 fewer county primary schools at the end of the decade (1,447 reducing to 1,404) the number of pupils attending county schools had increased by over 10,000 (from 241,307 to 254,172). The second conclusion concerned Church in Wales voluntary aided primary schools. Although the number of schools remained constant throughout the decade (59), the number of pupils increased from 7,626 to 9,372. The third conclusion concerned Church in Wales voluntary controlled schools. While the number of schools decreased throughout the decade (125 reducing to 114) the number of pupils increased from 11,133 to 11,562. The fourth conclusion concerned Roman Catholic voluntary aided schools. The number of schools decreased throughout the decade (80 reducing to 78) and so did the number of pupils (from 16,152 to 15,874).

4.2

The Church in Wales

Church in Wales schools have their origin in the initiatives of the National Society, founded in 1811 within the Church of England. When the Church of England was disestablished in Wales in 1920 and the Church in Wales emerged as an autonomous Province within the Anglican Communion, the Church in Wales retained its connection with the National Society. Structurally it is through the way in which both the Church of England and the Church in Wales relate to the National Society that some documentation on the theology, nature and purpose of church schools apply within both nations. Since the National Society played such an important part in establishing a national network of schools throughout England and Wales, the Church of England (and subsequently the Church in Wales) has continued to hold a significant voice in matters of educational policy. As long as educational policy in Wales remained the remit of the Westminster Parliament, the National Society (alongside the Church of England Board of Education) was able to represent the voice of the Church in Wales in discussion with the Government Department responsible for education. Since the devolution of educational matters to the Welsh Assembly Government, the Church in Wales has evolved its own mechanisms for maintaining the conversation between church and state in educational matters. The foundation intention of the National Society in 1811 was to promote “the

272

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

education of the poor in the principles of the Established Church”. In the 1960s a commission stimulated by the National Society, chaired by Ian Ramsey, Bishop of Durham, and generally known as the Durham Report (1970), assessed the theological rationale for the continuing involvement of the Church of England and Church in Wales within the state maintained sector of education in a social, cultural and religious climate so very different from that in 1811. The rigorous and cogent analysis that characterised the commission distinguished between two different motivations underpinning Anglican schools which were characterised as domestic and general functions in education. The general function referred to the Church’s concern “to serve the nation through its children”. The domestic function referred to the Church’s concern to “equip the children of the Church to take their place in the Christian community”. The Durham Report (1970) recognised that historically the two functions (general and domestic) were “indistinguishable, for nation and church were, theoretically, one, and the domestic task was seen as including the general”. The Report then argued that “nowadays no one would pretend the nation and church are coextensive” and concluded that the Church should now “see its continual involvement in the dual system principally as a way of expressing its concern for the general education of all children and young people”. Since the publication of the Durham Report, three different generations of leadership within the National Society have provided somewhat different steers on the balance between the general function and the domestic function. Robert Waddington, shaping the Green Paper, A Future in Partnership (1984) seemed to favour the general function, arguing that the Church should prioritise the ideas of partnership and the voluntary aspects of church schools, rather than denominationalism. The general function also seemed to take priority in the writings of Geoffrey Duncan (see Duncan 1986, 1988, 1990). Then when David Lankshear moved into office, the emphasis moved more in the direction of distinctiveness and in favour of a clear Anglican identity (see Lankshear 1992a, 1992b, 1992c, 1993, 1996). A renewed confidence in Church of England schools was expressed in The way ahead (Archbishops’ Council 2001) and reaffirmed in the Chadwick Report (Archbishops’ Council 2012). The Church in Wales’ Education Review (Lankshear 2009) reflected these discussions in the Church of England and chose for its work the distinctive Mission Statement, “Serving Christ through education in Wales”.

4.3

The Roman Catholic Church

Following the changes in the Church brought about by the Second Vatican Council and the changes in society brought about by the growing awareness of secularisation and the emergence of religious pluralism, the Bishops of England

Religion and Education in Wales

273

and Wales established a working group in 1978 to re-examine the educative task of the Catholic Church. The ensuing report, Signposts and Homecomings (Bishops of England and Wales 1981) set the agenda for Catholic schools in England and Wales well into the twenty-first century. The report contended that the Catholic schools were more important now than at any time in their 150-year history, since “in an age like ours, in which secularism and materialism have robbed us of any sense of ultimate meaning in life”, there was a “fundamental point in the Church’s teaching, which corresponds to an ongoing need of our age” (ibid., 88).The report recognises that Catholic education should be confined neither to the years of compulsory schooling nor to the Catholic school. At the same time, the report reaffirms the identity of the Catholic school as “a believing and integrated Christian community”. In 1996 the Bishops of England and Wales issued a statement under the title Principles, Practices and Concerns that emphasised the role of Catholic schools in supporting Catholic parents in their responsibility for the academic, physical, spiritual, moral and religious education of their children in accordance with the teachings of the Church, and identified five principle ways in which Catholic schools must witness to their distinctiveness. In 1997 The Catholic Bishops Conference of England and Wales issued a consultation paper under the title Catholic schools and Other Faiths, to provide guidance for schools so that the spiritual and moral development of children from other faith backgrounds could be furthered in Catholic schools and so that Catholic churches could begin to develop the skills of interfaith dialogue. The most recent statement from the Catholic Bishops Conference of England and Wales on the purpose and nature of Catholic schools is Christ at the Centre revised by Stock (2013). This document begins from the affirmation that: all Catholic schools share something in common: they are rooted in Christ, who is to be the centre of their life. Unless a school has Christ at the very heart of all that it is and does, it cannot be a Catholic school. (ibid., 4)

The report identifies four reasons for the provision of schools by the Catholic Church: to assist in its mission of making Christ known to all people; to assist parents who are the primary educators of their children, including religious formation; to be at the service of the local Church, the diocese, and the parish and the Christian home; to contribute to the creation of a society that is highly educated, skilled and cultured.

274

5.

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

Conceptions and tasks of RE

In accordance with the requirements of the Education Reform Act 1988, each local education authority must produce or adopt a locally agreed syllabus for religious education, and the syllabus must reflect the fact that the religious traditions of Great Britain are in the main Christian whilst taking account of the teaching and practices of other principal religions represented in Great Britain. This provision was reaffirmed by the Education Act 1996, section 375(3). Moreover, agreed syllabuses should not provide for religious education by means of any catechism or formulae which is distinctive of a particular religious denomination but teaching about a catechism or formulae is not prohibited (Education Standards and Framework Act, 1998, section 69(2) and Schedule 19, paragraph 2(5). The main requirements for religious education and worship were set out in the Welsh Office circular 10/94, the Education Act 1996, and the Education Standards and Framework Act 1998. Devolution brought changes to education in Wales that also affected religious education, although legal requirements relating to religious education remained unchanged in Wales and England (see section 2.4).The distinctive nature of religious education in state-maintained community schools in post-devolution Wales is exemplified most clearly in the content and the wide-spread local integration of the non-statutory national exemplar framework and national supporting guidance documents produced for religious education by the Welsh Assembly Government, mirroring those of the National Curriculum subjects in terms of both type and structure. All 22 local authorities in Wales either adopted or adapted the National exemplar framework for religious education in Wales for 3 to 19-year-olds in Wales (Welsh Assembly Government 2008a) as their agreed syllabus and made available the national guidance documents for religious education to their local schools. However, in keeping with the local character and provision for religious education, local authorities supplement these where necessary with material that reflects the specific needs of their locality. This has led, for the first time since the inception of the locally agreed syllabus, to a situation where all local authorities in Wales share a common framework for religious education, which for key stages 2 to 5 is delivered through three inter-related core skills articulated as: engaging with fundamental questions; exploring religious beliefs, teachings, and practices; and expressing personal responses. These core skills are applied to a “range” of areas relating to “The World”, “Human Experience” and “Search for Meaning”, and differentiated according to the key stages of learning. In a similar way, statutory religious education for the foundation phase is delivered through the Framework for Children’s Learning for 3 to 7-year-olds in Wales (Welsh Assembly Government 2008b), which focuses on seven statutory Areas of Learning, styled as:

Religion and Education in Wales

275

personal and social development, well-being and cultural diversity ; language, literacy and communication skills; mathematical development; Welsh Language development; knowledge and understanding of the world; physical development; and creative development. As with the other key stages, the curriculum is presented in terms of “skills” and a “range”, however, the pedagogy at the heart of the foundation phase is child-centred, in the sense that children are seen to learn best by engaging in “first-hand experiential activities” through play. The exemplar framework for religious education (Welsh Assembly Government 2008a, 14) understands religious education as relating to all seven Areas of Learning in the foundation phase, but identifies the focus of “people, beliefs and questions”, which is directly related to the Areas of Learning for knowledge and understanding of the world, personal and social development, well-being and cultural diversity. In terms of monitoring and assessment of pupils’ learning in religious education, non-statutory learning outcomes and levels were simultaneously developed, mirroring those produced for the National Curriculum subjects, although these are currently being reviewed. In voluntary-controlled schools and foundation schools with a religious character (only one of the latter exists in Wales), religious education will normally (unless otherwise requested by the parents) be taught in accordance with the local authority agreed syllabus. In voluntary-aided schools, however, religious education must be taught in accordance with the school’s trust deed. In practical terms this means that an aided school will normally use a syllabus which reflects the religious character of the school. Since September 2001, voluntary aided schools in the six Church in Wales’ dioceses may use the Church in Wales (2001) Religious Education Syllabus for Primary Schools. The syllabus has six separate strands: the Bible, Jesus, the Church, Christian life and values, other faiths, and festivals. The history of Welsh Christianity is an additional aspect to be incorporated through the six strands. Since publication, a number of guidance documents were produced to support the syllabus and there have been modifications made to the strands. The Church in Wales has also explored the relationship between key aspects of the National Framework for Religious Education for 3 to 19-year-olds (Welsh Assembly Government 2008a), such as the three inter-related core skills, and the content of the Church in Wales syllabus. In 2012 a revised edition of the Roman Catholic Religious Education Curriculum Directory (3 – 19) for Catholic Schools and Colleges in England and Wales was published, relating the Catechism of the Catholic Church (1992) to education in schools in a way that responds to the current needs of pupils in England and Wales. There are four proposed areas of study : revelation, church, celebration, and life in Christ, with specified content relevant to the various age groups and levels of attainment. The revised document’s raison d’Þtre is located in the

276

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

identification of a threefold pattern of change relating to education, the Catholic Church, and society. Since the original publication of the Directory in 1996, it had been recognized that religious education had undergone significant change, the Catholic Church had developed its understanding of the distinctive character of Catholic education, and certain emerging trends in society had affected religious education. The trends in contemporary society cited include among others: rapid developments in communication and information technology that have led to a web-based proliferation of competing sources of “authority”; a further privatisation of morality and a focus on personal choice rooted in feelings; selective adherence to the teachings of the Church and growing suspicion of the sources of any authority ; and new challenges to justice and peace, such as the threat of global terrorism.

6.

Practice / reality of RE in different schools

The practice and delivery of religious education within schools in Wales are supported by a range of government, statutory and voluntary provisions: Central Welsh Government through curriculum guidance and the commissioning of classroom materials; local government through the Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education (SACREs), WJEC and advisory services; and statutory provision through Estyn. These initiatives are further supported by the Wales Association of SACREs (WASACRE) and the National Advisory Panel for Religious Education (NAPfRE). The voluntary sector offers further support through Religious Education Movement Wales (REMW), the Welsh National Centre for Religious Education (WNCRE), and the St Mary’s and St Giles’ Centre. Central Welsh Government (since devolution) has supported the resourcing and delivery of religious education in state-maintained schools in a way that mirrors that provided for the National Curriculum subjects in Wales. For religious education key guidance documents include: National Exemplar Framework for Religious Education for 3 to 19-year-olds in Wales (Welsh Assembly Government 2008a), Religious Education Guidance for 14 to-19-year-olds (Welsh Assembly Government 2009a), Religious Education: guidance for key stages 2 and 3 (Welsh Assembly Government 2011a), Exemplifying Learner Profiles at Key Stages 2 and 3 in Religious Education: additional guidance (Welsh Assembly Government 2011b), Faith in Education (Welsh Government 2011), People, Beliefs and Questions: religious education for 3 to 7-year-olds in Wales (Welsh Government 2013). Religious education has also been included in the Welsh Government curriculum resource commissioning process, which was estab-

Religion and Education in Wales

277

lished to support the new Welsh curriculum and supports teaching and learning through sponsoring the production of classroom resource publications. Within local Government, advisory services in Wales included a subject specialist advisor for religious education or for the humanities to support teaching and learning of religious education in local authority schools. Since 2013, however, advisory provision is no longer subject based which is one of the changes emerging from the creation of formal collaborative working in education among local authorities within regional consortia structures. In terms of religious education (as with other subject areas), this means that the nature of support for the subject is changing; however, unlike other subjects local authorities have a statutory duty to support religious education because of its status as locally determined. Estyn came into being through the Education Act 1992, and is the office of her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Education and Training in Wales. Estyn conducted and published in 2013 a thematic review of religious education at key stages 3 and 4.WJEC is the main assessment and examination board for Wales (operating also in England and Northern Ireland), offering accredited qualifications in Religious Studies at Entrance Level, GCSE and AS and A-level. WJEC, now a registered charity owned by the 22 local authorities in Wales, was established in 1948 as a consortium of local education authorities in Wales. Candidate numbers for Religious Studies are strong in Wales, and compared with elsewhere in the UK, and numbers taking the Short Course (half of the GCSE full course) are particularly high, with many teachers using the Short Course as a way of delivering statutory religious education to this age group. WASACRE is a non-statutory national coordinating body supporting the work of the 22 Local Authority SACREs in Wales. The Association offers two forms of support for local SACREs: professional support and advice to facilitate local working, and representation and coordination of local voices within national debate. NAPfRE is a non-statutory advisory body, which draws together representatives from organisations working in the field of Religious Education in Wales, including, local authority advisory services, Initial Teacher Training institutions, and other national organisations relevant to the practice of religious education. NAPfRE works closely with and offers professional advice to WASACRE. Within the voluntary sector, the Welsh National centre for Religious Education was formed by the St Mary’s College Trust in 1979, following the closure of the St Mary’s Anglican College in Bangor. The Religious Education Movement Wales was formed as a way of refocusing the work of the Christian Education Movement Wales. The St Mary’s Centre was established in 2008 by the St Mary’s College Trust to refocus the mission of the former St Mary’s College, and the St Giles’ Centre was established in 2009 by the Wrexham (Parochial) Education

278

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

Foundation. The St Mary’s Centre and the St Giles’ Centre work closely together and between them address the three areas of supporting religious education in schools and churches, supporting religious educators working through schools and churches, and supporting research in religious education.

7.

Observations on alternative subjects / learning areas like ethics, philosophy etc.

In a broadly similar way to England, relevant parallel subjects include the promotion of Spiritual, Moral, Social and Cultural Development (SMSC) and Education for Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship (ESDGC). However, in Wales there is the addition of the curriculum Cymreig. ACCAC published a guidance document entitled Developing the Curriculum Cymreig (2003) in response to the Common Requirements for the School Curriculum in Wales that “pupils should be given opportunities, where appropriate, to develop and apply knowledge and understanding of the cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic characteristics of Wales”. These opportunities to promote the curriculum Cymreig should be incorporated into all areas of the curriculum, including religious education and the wider life of the school. The curriculum Cymreig was part of the 2012 curriculum review, where the following understanding of the curriculum Cymreig was articulated: “The Curriculum Cymreig helps learners to understand and celebrate the distinctive quality of living and learning in Wales in the twenty-first century, to identify their own sense of “Welshness” and to feel a heightened sense of belonging to their local community and country. It helps to foster in learners an understanding of an outward looking and international Wales, promoting global citizenship and concern for sustainable development”. (Written Statement by the Welsh Government, Review of History, Welsh history and Curriculum Cymreig, 25 October 2012).

The positioning of the curriculum Cymreig within the Review of history, Welsh history and curriculum Cymreig signals that the way that the curriculum Cymreig is incorporated into the school curriculum is currently being re-evaluated.

8.

Dealing with religious diversity

From a political perspective, the significance of religious diversity in relation to Welsh economic, cultural and social life has been recognised by the Welsh Government explicitly through the convening of the Faith Forum which is chaired by

Religion and Education in Wales

279

the First Minister, with the purpose of facilitating dialogue between Welsh Government and the major faith communities in Wales at a national level. In addition to representatives of Christian denominations, there are also Muslim, Jewish, Sikh, Buddhist, Hindu and Baha’i representatives on the Faith Forum. The significance of religious diversity in relation to education in Wales has been recognised by the Welsh Government explicitly through the publication of Faith in Education (Welsh Government 2011) and participation in the DCSF-funded REsilience project (2010 – 2011). The Welsh Government publication, Faith in Education (2011) was produced in collaboration with representatives of providers of publically funded schools with a religious character in Wales. The document makes a significant policy statement through asserting the Welsh Government’s commitment to schools with a religious character as part of its celebration of the diversity of cultures present in Wales, and describes its aim as outlining “the nature of schools with a religious character in Wales at the present time, to delineate the ethos and character of these schools, to challenge preconceptions, and to emphasise and celebrate diversity”. Although in terms of descriptive scope, Faith in Education is restricted to provision as it relates to the Church in Wales and the Roman Catholic Church, it claims wider use and relevance extending to other Christian denominations and other faiths. While Faith in Education promoted and celebrated religious diversity in Wales, the Welsh Government’s participation in the REsilience project recognised the contribution of Religious Education in schools as extending beyond that of helping pupils to explore faiths, beliefs and values in their communities. The REsilience project focused on responding to contentious issues and religious extremism through offering professional training to secondary school teachers of Religious Education. The project was adapted to be relevant to the Welsh context and should be understood within the wider context of Welsh Government’s community cohesion strategy and Prevent strategy, both of which targeted education in Wales, which is seen in the publications, Getting on Together – a community cohesion strategy for Wales (Welsh Assembly Government 2009b) and Respect and Resilience – Developing Community Cohesion: a common understanding for schools and their communities (Welsh Assembly Government 2011c). In the context of the latter publication explicit mention is made of the contribution of religious education to community cohesion and to the REsilience project.

9.

Religion in schools outside of RE

In common with England, collective worship in state-maintained schools in Wales is a statutory requirement as set out in the Education Reform Act 1988 and the non-statutory guidance of the Welsh Office Circular 10/94. Schools in the state-

280

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

maintained sector are required to provide collective worship daily to all registered pupils, which in a school term or year should be “wholly, mainly of a broadly Christian character”, and not distinctive of any one denomination, unless the school is voluntary aided or voluntary controlled. Parents have the right to request the withdrawal of their child from statutory acts of collective worship and a headteacher may apply to the local SACRE for a Determination to be released from the requirements for acts of worship to be wholly, mainly of a broadly Christian character, if the school composition might require this. Since 2009, post-16 pupils may request withdrawal from collective worship themselves. In the school inspection process, inspectors are required to note if schools are not fulfilling the statutory requirement to provide a daily act of collective worship (Supplementary Guidance on Inspecting Collective Worship in Non-denominational Schools, Estyn 2010). The national Guidance on Collective Worship in Wales produced by the Wales Association of SACREs (WASACRE) in 2012 outlines both the legal requirements for different types of school in Wales as well as the educational rationale of collective worship. The guidance describes statutory collective worship in maintained schools as: “educationally meaningful when they provide opportunities to engage with the needs of all learners, whatever their faith or belief background. Good collective worship promotes spiritual development, contributes to personal development, benefits the whole school community, links the school community and the wider local community, and enhances awareness of global citizenship”.

10.

Training of teachers of RE: institutes, structures, priorities issues

With an education system increasingly distinct from that of England, as well as the need to offer Welsh and English medium education, provision for training teachers in Wales becomes more significant. To teach in state-maintained schools in Wales teachers require Qualified Teaching Status, and with the rationalisation of the Higher Education sector in Wales by 2013 there are three collaborative Initial Teacher Training (ITT) Centres in Wales. Teacher training for the primary school sector no longer offers opportunity to specialise in a particular curriculum area, such as religious education, for example, although specialism remains an important feature for the secondary school sector. For schools with a religious character additional qualifications may be required in addition to Qualified Teaching Status, which include the Catholic Teachers’ Certificate and the Church Colleges’ Certificate (Anglican). Once qualified, all teachers are expected to par-

Religion and Education in Wales

281

ticipate in continuing professional development, which may be university accredited (such as the professional doctorate or an M-level qualification) or nonaccredited (such as training provided directly by the local authority, school, or other organisation).

11.

Empirical research concerning RE

Over the past two decades significant research into aspects of religious education in Wales has been conducted under various initiatives. Of particular significance are five strands of research concerning religious education provision in the primary school, pupil attitudes toward religious education and religious diversity in the secondary school, Church in Wales schools, Roman Catholic schools, and the contribution made by Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education to interfaith dialogue and community cohesion in Wales.

11.1

Religious education in the primary school

An important and detailed enquiry into the provision of religious education within the primary sector in Wales was undertaken in the late 1990s by Geraint Davies working at Trinity College Carmarthen. The findings have been reported in a sequence of papers, including Davies (2000, 2002, 2004) and Davies and Francis (2007). The study illustrates the diversity of practice in the late 1990s. Davies’ data were derived from a questionnaire sent out to every primary school headteacher employed by the mainly rural Ceredigian, Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire local education authorities and the mainly urban Swansea, Newport and Cardiff local education authorities. A 63 % response rate generated 361 replies. His first report (2000) was on “Headteachers’ perceptions of religious education in the primary school”. His second report (2002) was on the correlation between perceptions of religious education and language and location. His third report (2004) was on the correlation between perceptions of religious education and gender. In the fourth report, Francis and Davies (2007) identified three approaches to religious education at key stages one and two in Wales and then examined whether church schools were different in the emphases given to these three approaches.

282 11.2

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

Listening to 13- to 15-year-old students

The Young People’s Attitudes to Religious Diversity Project conducted within the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit provided a unique opportunity for year-nine and year-ten students in Wales to complete a detailed questionnaire survey. The aim was to collect data from at least 2,000 students (half attending schools with a religious character and half attending schools without a religious foundation). In Wales data were provided by 1,087 students attending schools with a religious character and 1,241 students attending schools without a religious foundation. The questionnaire explored a wide range of religious, personal, and social issues. Insights relevant to the religious profile of young people in Wales can be illustrated by reference to two papers resulting from these data: “Is belief in God a matter of public concern in contemporary Wales?” (Francis, ap Siún, and Penny 2014) and “Schools with a religious character and community cohesion in Wales” (Francis, Penny, ap Siún forthcoming).

11.3

Church in Wales schools

When the Church in Wales initiated its Education Review, it invited David W Lankshear working at the St Mary’s Centre to ensure that the review was research based. The results published by Lankshear (2009) drew on: interviews with every Diocesan Bishop and Diocesan Director of Education in the Church in Wales; a survey of parental views; a survey of the views of secretaries of Parochial Church Councils; a survey of the views of clergy ; a survey among teachers focusing on the vocation to teach; parental focus groups, pupils focus groups; examination of school brochures and admissions policies; collection of data in the public domain from diocesan and local authority websites; and collection of school performance data.

11.4

Roman Catholic schools

Egan (1988) published a detailed profile of 15- to 16-year-old students attending Roman Catholic secondary schools in Wales, using a self-completion questionnaire. A total of 1,642 questionnaires were available for analysis from the 15 participating schools, representing 79.9 % of the registered students within that age range. The survey covered students’ expectations of attending a Catholic school, and student experiences of attending a Catholic school. Egan’s study was conducted in 1983, and fifteen years later in 1998, Manghan (2005) replicated Egan’s study in order to profile the shift in students’ attitudes within Catholic secondary schools.

283

Religion and Education in Wales

11.5

Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education

The local determination and monitoring of religious education in England and Wales functions through the operation of a Standing Advisory Council on Religious Education (SACRE) within each local authority. While de jure designed to support religious education within schools, de facto SACREs may be contributing more broadly to interfaith dialogue and community cohesion in Wales. This thesis was tested by ap Siún (2014) through a detailed survey in which 21 of the 22 local authorities participated.

12.

Desiderata and challenges for RE in a European context

Devolution and the emergence of increasingly different education systems in Wales and England have also affected religious education in both countries, although the common statutory requirements relating to the subject remain the same. These developments have made it increasingly important for Wales to have a separate voice from England within European organisations working in fields relevant to religious education and related areas. As such, Wales is now represented on relevant NGOs in Europe such as the Inter-European Commission on Church and School (ICCS) and the European Forum for Teachers of Religious Education (EFTRE).

13.

Further information

In addition to the detailed and specific references cited in the text and provided in full in the reference section below, further pertinent information can be found at the following websites. Catholic Education Service Church Schools Cymru ESDGC Estyn REsilience Project in England and Wales St Mary’s and St Giles’ Centre Teacher Training and Education in Wales Wales Association of SACREs (WASACRE) Welsh Baccalaureate Welsh Government WJEC

http://www.catholiceducation.org.uk/ http://www.churchschoolscymru.org/ http://www.cyfanfyd.org.uk/ http://www.estyn.gov.uk/ http://www.re-silience.org.uk/ http://www.st-marys-centre.org.uk/ http://teachertrainingcymru.org/home http://www.wasacre.org.uk/index.html http://www.welshbaccalaureate.org.uk/ http://wales.gov.uk/?lang=en http://www.wjec.co.uk/

284

Tania ap Siôn and Leslie J. Francis

References ap Siún, T. 2014 (in press). Religious education, interfaith dialogue and community cohesion in Wales: An empirical investigation of the contribution made by the Standing Advisory Councils on Religious Education. Contemporary Wales 27. Archbishops’ Council. 2001. The way ahead: Church of England schools in the new millennium. London: Church House Publishing. Archbishops’ Council Education Division. 2012. The church school of the future review. Church of England Archbishops’ Council Education Division. Aspinall, P. 2000. Should a question on “religion” be asked in the 2001 British census? A public policy case in favour. Social Policy and Administration 34, no. 5: 584 – 600. Bishops of England and Wales. 1981. Signposts and homecomings: The educative task of the Catholic community. Middlegreen: St Paul Publications. Church in Wales. 2001. Religious education syllabus for primary schools. Church in Wales. Davies, G. 2000. Headteachers’ perceptions of religious education in the primary school. Welsh Journal of Education 9, no. 1: 18 – 33. Davies, G. 2002. Language, location and perceptions of RE in the primary school. Welsh Journal of Education 11, no. 2: 72 – 90. Davies, G. 2004. Gender and attitudes towards religious education in the primary school. British Journal of Religious Education 26, no. 1: 85 – 94. Davies, G., and L.J. Francis. 2007. Three approaches to religious education at key stages one and two in Wales: How different are church schools? Journal of Beliefs and Values. 28, no. 2: 163 – 182. Dent, H.J. 1947. The Education Act 1944: Provisions, possibilities and some problems. 3rd ed. London: University of London Press. Duncan, G. 1986. Church schools: present and future. In Faith for the future, ed. G. Leonard, 67 – 78. London: National Society and Church House Publishing. Duncan, G. 1988. Church schools in service to the community. In Schools for tomorrow, ed. B. O’Keeffe, 145 – 161. Barcombe: Falmer Press. Duncan, G. 1990. The church school. London: The National Society. Durham Report. 1970. The fourth R: The report of the commission on religious education in schools. London: National Society and SPCK. Egan, J. 1988. Opting out: Catholic schools today. Leominster : Fowler Wright Books. Estyn. 2010. Supplementary Guidance on Inspecting Collective Worship in Non-denominational Schools. Cardiff: Her Majesty’s Inspectorate for Education and Training in Wales. Francis, L. J. 1987. Religion in the primary school: Partnership between church and state? London: Collins Liturgical Publications. Francis, L. J. 2003. Religion and social capital: The flaw in the 2001 census in England and Wales. In Public faith: The state of religious belief and practice in Britain, ed. P. Avis, 45 – 64). London: SPCK. Francis, L. J., T. ap Sion, and G. Penny. 2014 (in press). Is belief in God a matter of public concern in contemporary Wales? An empirical enquiry concerning religious diversity among 13- to 15-year-old males, Contemporary Wales, 27.

Religion and Education in Wales

285

Francis, L. J., G. Penny, and T. ap Sion. Forthcoming. Schools with a religious character and community cohesion in Wales. Lankshear, D.W. 1992a. A shared vision: Education in church schools. London: National Society and Church House Publishing. Lankshear, D.W. 1992b. Looking for quality in a church school. London: National Society. Lankshear, D.W. 1992c. Governing church schools. London: National Society. Lankshear, D.W. 1993. Preparing for inspection in a church school. London: National Society. Lankshear, D.W. 1996. Churches serving schools. London: National Society. Lankshear D.W. 2009. The Church in Wales education review: Final report. Llandaff: Church in Wales. Manghan, P. 2005. Re-imagining the Catholic secondary school in Wales in the twenty-first century : The voice of the students. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Wales, Bangor. National Assembly for Wales. 2001. Learning Country. Cardiff: The National Assembly for Wales. Rich, E. E. 1970. The Education Act 1870. London: Longmans. Sherif, J. 2011. A census chronicle: Reflections on the campaign for a religious question in the 2001 census for England and Wales. Journal of Beliefs and Values 32, no. 1: 1 – 18. Stock, M. 2013. Christ at the Centre: Why the Church provides Catholic schools. London: Catholic Truth Society. Voas, D., and S. Bruce. 2004. The 2001 Census and Christian identification in Britain. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 19, no. 1: 23 – 28. Wales Association of SACREs (WASACRE). 2012. Guidance on Collective Worship. Gwynedd: Wales Association of SACREs. Weller, P. 2004. Identity, politics, and the future(s) of religion in the UK: The case of the religious question in the 2001 decennial census. Journal of Contemporary Religion 19, no. 1: 3 – 21. Welsh Assembly Government. 2008a. The National Exemplar Framework for Religious Education for 3 to 19-year-olds in Wales. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Assembly Government. 2008b. Framework for Children’s Learning for 3 to 7-yearolds in Wales. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Assembly Government. 2009a. Religious Education: Guidance for 14 to 19-yearolds. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Assembly Government. 2009b. Getting on Together : A community cohesion strategy for Wales. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Assembly Government. 2011a. Religious Education: Guidance for key stages 2 and 3. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Assembly Government. 2011b. Exemplifying Learner Profiles at Key Stages 2 and 3 in Religious Education: Additional guidance. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Assembly Government. 2011c. Respect and Resilience – Developing Community Cohesion: A common understanding for schools and their communities. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly Government. Welsh Government. 2011. Faith in Education. Cardiff: Welsh Government. Welsh Government. 2013. People, Beliefs and Questions: Religious education for 3 to 7year-olds in Wales. Cardiff: Welsh Government.

Oddrun Marie Hovde Br”ten

New social patterns: old structures? How the countries of Western Europe deal with religious plurality in education

Introduction In this overview chapter I will attempt to give a comparative perspective of aspects of religious education (RE) in the countries of Western Europe, here including Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Luxembourg, Scotland, the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, Wales and England. I will do this by utilizing the methodology devised in my book Towards a Methodology for Comparative Studies in Religious Education: A Study of England and Norway (Br”ten 2013) (See also the introductory chapter in Volume 3, Northern Europe, for a summary of the methodology). The methodology can be represented in the following Model:

288

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

The diagram illustrates how the “three dimensions” and “four levels” methodology is based on a combination of two ideas. The first idea is that supranational, national and subnational processes should be considered (Dale 2006). The second is that four levels of curriculum should be included in order to capture the complexity of the national dimension; A: societal level, B: institutional level, C: instructional level and D: experiential level (Goodlad and Su 1992; Br”ten 2013, 44 – 47, 192 – 195). One should distinguish between formal processes (policy, law etc) and informal (social) processes; also the methodology includes a study of the impact of supranational processes on national and subnational processes (Br”ten 2013, 2014). The challenges to religious education in the nine countries covered in this volume share some similarities, and especially face similar supranational issues, such as an increased religious plurality in the population. An increasing number of people across the Western European nations claim to have no religion, while an increasing number identify with religions and worldviews other than the traditional religions (such as the main Christian denominations). Moreover, we live in a time of globalisation, and there is also the question of the impact of this on the populations’ relationship to religion, and on young people’s need for education about religion. The themes structuring the chapters of this book (see the Introduction by Rothgangel and Jäggle) have here been clustered in groups, maintaining the original numbering. 1. Socio-religious background. (This concerns processes at the societal level, according to the model.) 2. Legal framework and the relationship between church and state 3. Developments in the state’s educational policies 4. The role of denominational schools 5. Concept and purpose of religious education 7. Observations on alternative subjects 9. Religious life in schools outside of RE Points 2 – 5, 7 and 9 refer to formal political processes, as these are institutionalized through formal legislation and policy documents. However, “Concepts and purpose of Religious Education” could also be the subject of debate, as the interpretation of documents could be a matter of dispute. All of these points also have a practical aspect, in addition to the formal juridical, which provides the possibility of different interpretations of what they mean in practice. 6. The practice of RE 10. Empirical research

New social patterns: old structures?

289

The chapters on research, in principle, could give information about the practice of RE. However, limitations on space give little opportunity for reporting empirical research in any detail; thus, with some exceptions, the chapters give little information about practice. 8. Dealing with religious diversity This could be a question for the societal level, but also for the practical, if how religious diversity is dealt with in schools is included. The question also concerns how religious diversity is dealt with in RE, and in the conceptions of RE as formulated in legislation and curriculum documents, as well as in practical teaching. This will be the focus of this chapter, and I will consider information about this found under other headings, in addition to the one dealing directly with religious diversity. 10. Training of teachers “Training of teachers” covers important information across the various national cases concerning practice (C “instructional” and D “experiential” levels in the model above). Together with other information about the challenges for RE, it provides a foundation for discussing the relationship between the societal and institutional levels, as well as the levels of practice. Point 12, dealing essentially with options and challenges for RE in a European context, points to the supranational dimension. Point 13 is summarises “further information”. In the following discussion I will examine how dealing with religious diversity (point 8) is handled, then discuss the implications of the rising number of “nones” (people who claim to have no religion). Is this an indicator of secularisation? I will also consider what characterises the traditional religious landscapes, since this is important in considering how “new plurality” is dealt with. Then I will turn to the question of what constitutes present plurality. Finally, I will look at some examples of current conceptions and tasks for RE, and the levels of practice, mainly through information about teacher education. The Belgian, French and Scottish chapters are chosen as illustrative examples, with some reference to the other six nations. However, all chapters and countries are considered, and are referred to in the general discussion.

290

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

Comparison Dealing with religious diversity The chapter on Belgium gives some examples of actions taken in that country’s many educational contexts. Two examples are mentioned. Responding to a concern that young people need to learn how to deal with religious diversity in the French speaking part of Belgium, a council was officially established in 2005 with the brief “to formulate advice and propositions in the realm of world view education, to promote exchange and dialogue between the different world views at school and finally to keep awareness awake, including in confessional religious education”. The other example concerns Flanders, the Dutch speaking region, where the organizing authorities for religious education have met since the 1960 “to make practical arrangements for world view education in public schools”. From this was later developed “the Commission of world view education” which has recently promoted a dialogical approach. In the one paragraph on this topic in the French chapter, the author comments on occasions when students are exposed to religions plurality. Exposure to curriculum material in school subjects covering diversity in antiquity is one example, while diversity of pupils’ own life conceptions is another. In Scotland the number of people adhering to minority religions is small, so the main discussion relates to the relationship between the Protestant (mainly Presbyterian) majority and the Catholic minority, consisting principally of immigrants from Ireland and their descendants. This historic minority was poorer in wealth terms than the majority, although this evened out in later years. Other religious minorities tend to receive little attention. “The legislation tends to be shaped around a perception that religious affiliations in football are the major social problem in Scotland” (Conroy 2014). In RE, a number of religious traditions are studied, but it is unclear to what extent the current curriculum address societal plurality. How Belgium, France and Scotland deal with religious diversity in their RE (or equivalent) is not discussed comprehensively. The chapter from Northern Ireland starts by noting “It will already be clear that the issue of dealing with religious diversity is a key consideration in relation to any discussion of RE in Northern Ireland”. According to editorial advice, point 8 should concern country specific context/situation of minority groups; effect on RE; further effects on schools; effects on the training of teachers of RE; suggested concepts. The issue of how to deal with the religious diversity is something that challenges RE specifically as well as the educational systems across the nine countries. In all chapters this concern is evident throughout the entire presentation of the national cases.

New social patterns: old structures?

291

A rising number of “nones”: secularisation ongoing? In all chapters, statistics on the developments of religions and other worldviews are presented, and one of the clear tendencies is that the proportion reporting that they have “no religion” has increased in every country. In the chapter on Belgium this proportion is reported to have increased from 24 % in 1981 to 43 % in 2008. In France the proportion of the general population saying they have no religion is said to have increased in 2008 to 50 %, and of young people 67 %: this in a country in which, after World War II, 90 % of the population reported that they were Catholic. In Scotland the proportion of those saying they have no religion has risen from 27 % in 2001 to 38 % in 2011. James Conroy sees this as an expression of Scotland being in a post-Christian, largely monocultural, condition; non-Christian religious minorities are small in number. In the Netherlands 42 % of parents “do not invite offspring to participate in any church activity”; in Luxembourg one in four people state that they have no religion, while 58 % state that religion is of little or no importance to them. In Wales the proportion describing themselves as having no religion rose from 18.5 % in 2001 to 32 % in 2011, and for England the number is 24.5 % in 2011. In Northern Ireland 10 % reported in 2011 that they had no religion, but the author notes that people here largely value a sense of religious affiliation. In the Republic of Ireland, 5.9 % of the population declared in 2011 that they had no religion, an increase from 4.4 % in 2006, and 1.1 % in 1988. It is necessary to understand even the statistics in relation to national context. In some countries, such as Belgium and France, and Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Scotland, nearly half the populations report that they have no religion. England, according to these figures is in a middle position, having even a lower percentage of “nones” than Wales, while in Ireland and Northern Ireland the numbers are far more modest. However, the general tendency is the same, with an increasing proportion of “nones”. This tendency can be interpreted to mean that secularisation is ongoing in Europe, which is interesting in relation to general discussions about this topic and developments of religion in society. It is interesting that the chapters in this book focus more on religious pluralisation and less on secularisation. Globalisation is not especially high on the RE agenda either, although its impact is unfolding presently, especially since globalisation issues are intertwined with pluralisation. There is a question about what secularisation means, and indeed this is heavily debated on many levels (for example, Berger 1999; Berger, Davie and Focas 2008; Taylor 2007). One line of argument is that secularisation is a process which does not necessarily reduce the importance of religion in society, but rather reflects a change in the role of religion in society (Stark and Bainbridge

292

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

1987; Davie 2007, 71). With respect to the proportions of increasing “nones”, it could therefore be appropriate to ask what lies behind this self-designation. In the chapter on England the number reporting having “no religion” is some 13 million from a population of 53 million in 2011, which would be about 24.5 %. This represents an increase of about 10 % since the last census. What this entails, the authors note, is open to interpretation. Only a small proportion identifies as agnostic, atheist or humanist. It cannot be taken for granted that individuals who report that they have no religion are necessarily atheists. This may even lead to a discussion about what we mean by “religion”, and whether personal and individual syncretistic “lifeviews” or “worldviews”, characteristic of alternative spirituality, should be classified as “religion” (see Jackson forthcoming 2014). According to Woodhead and Heelas (2005) this individual way of relating to religion, seen as spirituality rather than religion, is now more characteristic of the way people relate to religion. This idea relates to Skeie’s (1995) concept of modern plurality. This goes way beyond the realm of alternative spirituality and affects even the way people connect to the traditional “monolithic” religions. The statistics about the rise in the number of “nones” could be interpreted in the light of such theoretical perspectives. It might be the case that some young people are simply less interested in those “mainstream” religions which survey forms tend to list as alternatives, or are formulating more complex personal worldviews that might relate to several religious or spiritual or humanistic ideas. However, it could also be the case that some people, and especially young people, are on the whole less interested in the religious and spiritual realm than before. The issue of the nature of “non-religious” worldviews, and how their study might be integrated with more traditional forms of religious education, is discussed in a forthcoming Council of Europe discussion document (Jackson forthcoming 2014). We see in the case of France, where the secular is so central to state and school conceptions, that there is a development in what state secularity implies. JeanPaul Willaime offers the following clear statement as a definition of the French style of secularity : The State can neither require nor constrain; it has neither an obligatory creed nor a forbidden creed. Secularity implies the neutrality of the State: it cannot privilege any spiritual or religious choice. Founded upon the principle of equality, the secular state does not privilege any denomination and its relations with them are characterized by legal separation. Freedom of religion allows expression, association, and group pursuit of spiritual goals to all religions. Thus constituted, it denies itself all anti-religious impulses. Not only does it not forbid any religious dogma, the secular state does not promote atheism or agnosticism. Likewise, the spiritual and the religious must deny themselves any ascendancy over the State and renounce a political dimension. Secularity is incompatible

New social patterns: old structures?

293

with any religious conception which seeks to dominate, in the name of its supposed principles, the social system or the political order. In the framework of secularity, spiritual or religious choice is the right of the individual: that does not mean that these matters must be confined to the individual conscience, privately, and that they are denied any social dimension or capacity for public expression. Secularity distinguishes freedom of spiritual and religious expression in the public realm, legitimate and essential for democratic debate, from the ambitions mentioned above which are illegitimate. Representatives of the various spiritual bodies, like all other parts of society, are justified to participate in public debate (Willaime 2014). This raises the question as to the definition of other nations’ “styles of secularity”. In the French context, the discussion of education about religion in school is at the same time a discussion of the conception of secularity. For example, Jack Lang, who was education minister in 2001, argued that for a school to be truly secular, it should give its students an opportunity to gain an understanding of the full breadth of human experience, including religion. In his 2002 Report, R¦gis Debray argued that it was necessary to make the transition “from a secularity of incompetence to a secularity of understanding”, in order to make the transition from the view that religion is something which does not concern us, to the view that “it’s our duty to understand it”. In France, secular implies neutrality, but in most of the other countries, the secular is not seen as neutral ground. In Belgium, for example, there is no neutral secular ground; rather, the secular stands as one of seven formal options for types of RE in public schools, or one of four types of denominational schools. This is echoed in the systems of the Netherlands where three pillars (Catholic, Protestant and secular) are equally “normal”. There are restrictions on religious expression in the secular French school. For example, there is a well-known ban on the wearing of the hijab, and prominent visual religious symbols. Ensuring neutrality through abandoning religious expressions or symbols has not been a key topic in Belgium. Rather we see, for instance, that rooms used for worship are redesigned as neutral “silent rooms” for use by different groups (Derroitte et al. 2014). This is a type of neutral ground which is not strictly speaking “secular”. In Belgium it seems as though “the Catholic” is “the normal” if not the “neutral” ground. This is echoed also in the cases of Luxembourg and Ireland, for example. In Ireland, wearing of religious dress, such as the hijab, has not been problematic, and it has been ensured that the use of religious symbols does not contribute to exclusion of students from any schools. In Scotland it is the Presbyterian Protestant which appears to be the “normal”, if not neutral ground, which has parallels in England and Wales. In England, the community schools

294

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

have a secular approach to religious education. However, collective worship (which is a separate activity from religious education) in such schools has to be “wholly or mainly of a broadly Christian character”, even though this expression can be interpreted very liberally. There is a general tolerance towards wearing religious dress and symbols in schools within certain limits; the Muslim hijab and the Sikh turban are commonly worn in schools by pupils and teachers. However, there have been disputes over wearing certain types of Islamic dress, such as the jilbab and the niqab. In England and Wales there are also schools with “a religious character”, both within and outside the state system, but there is strong encouragement from many politicians and from the Religious Education Council of England and Wales that all so-called “faith-based schools” should be “outward looking”, especially through being sensitive to diversity and links with other types of school. The various histories of religion and state/religious landscapes shed light on how ideas of neutrality or inclusiveness are formed, and how ideas about the “secular” are developed. Perhaps there is unlikely to be agreement as to what constitutes “neutral ground” in relation to religion in society, and to religious education in particular. Perhaps the best option is to aim for inclusiveness on different terms, but including “education about religion(s)” which is designed to be relevant to the lives of young people, and which reflects present social realities of local schools and communities in a wider national and global context.

What is the traditional religious landscape? In Belgium Roman Catholicism was traditionally, and continues to be, the dominant religion, but the number of adherents has been declining. The number identifying as “Catholic” has decreased from 75 % in 1981 to 50 % in 2008. In addition, the number of members practising their Catholic religion in church has decreased from 42 % in 1967, and 11 % in 1998 to 5 % in 2009. People’s ties to the traditional religion are loosened, while formally in law the situation remains the same. This is also the case for how schools and religious education are organised. In addition to Catholics, traditional minorities which are recognised are Protestant, Anglican and Orthodox Christians, Jews and secular/freethinkers. France has traditionally been Catholic but, as we have seen, affiliations with this tradition have weakened dramatically since World War II. Traditional minorities have been Protestants and Jews. More important as background in this case is how history is shaped by conflicts between the state and the church, or “the war of the two Frances” (Willaime 2014). Ideology and values developing from the French Revolution are central. For example, according to law, it is part

New social patterns: old structures?

295

of the learning process in French public schools to internalize the Republic’s values and principles. This should be reflected both in knowledge and in practice (Willaime 2014). This illustrates French secularity’s ties to specific values, and that the state’s centralised school system is a based on such values and a national ideology. Scotland is traditionally Presbyterian (Protestant), but with a Catholic minority which repeatedly has been the centre of debates about school and RE. There is a sense of de-traditionalization in both, with a decrease in the number of people saying they belong to the Church of Scotland from 42 % in 2001 to 32 % in 2011. The number of Catholics has, however, not reduced, mainly as a result of immigration from Poland. Developments in the school system reflect the history of these two Christian denominations and the relationship between them in Scotland, and today there are two separate systems. One is Catholic, the other a state system, but one where the Presbyterian tradition has a strong presence. The traditional majority religion in Luxembourg is Catholic. In the Netherlands it is Protestant, but the traditional landscape is shaped by the three pillars, separate Catholic, Protestant and secular spheres which run through the entire societal organisation, even having separate sets of newspapers, TV channels, political movements, trade unions, and educational institutions. Ireland has been – and still is – predominantly Catholic, whereas in Northern Ireland society has a history of conflict between the two Christian “denominations”, Catholic and Protestant with profound political undertones. In England the Anglican Church (the Church of England) is the traditional majority religion, but with Christian minorities present in societal and educational structures. In Wales, the Anglican Church – the Church in Wales – is rather less influential than in England. This is reflected in agreed syllabus conferences (the locally constituted bodies which design syllabuses for religious education). In England, the Church of England has its own separate committee on such conferences. In Wales, the Church of England is simply included as part of the committee made up of different Christian denominations. Supranational processes in the past, which influenced societal development in these countries, include the Christianising of Europe and in its turn the Reformation, which unfolded somewhat differently in each of these nations. This history is closely connected to school history, as religious education often has been a main motivation to establish schools. We see traces of this in educational systems around Europe, as it was often established in partnership with the churches (Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg, Scotland, Ireland, England and Wales). Only in France is there a sharp division between religion and school. Later, the ideas of the European Enlightenment as well as from the French Revolution contributed to the formation of ideas about education in Europe, but differently in meeting with, or perhaps even as part of the formation of, national

296

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

traditions. Existing educational structures must be understood in relation to national history. However, the question is how well this corresponds to present day plurality. Today, three supranational challenges are secularisation, pluralisation and globalisation. In the following, we will take a closer look at what present plurality consists of in specific nations.

Of what does present plurality consist? Belgium is divided in three geographical areas, the Dutch speaking Flanders, the French speaking Walloon region and a small German speaking area, representing a traditional cultural and linguistic plurality within its national borders. In history, as today, there are tensions between these areas. Each area has its distinct educational system. Belgium’s capital Brussels houses the European Parliament, attracting a population of international global citizens. Presently in Belgium there are six officially recognised religions, in addition to the traditional ones (Catholic, Protestant, Anglican, Orthodox Christians and Jews), Islam as a growing minority religion has also been recognised (Derroitte et al. 2014). A constant flow of new immigrants has arrived over time, especially from southern Europe, Turkey and Morocco. Today 25 % of the population has at least one parent who was born in another county. In addition to the religions, freemasonry is also recognised, making seven worldviews reflected in the formal structure. Taken together, this adds up to an amazing societal complexity. There is an evergrowing gap between the formal and the informal structures at the societal level, the authors note. In Belgium, it seems that secularisation, pluralisation and globalisation are happening as an intertwined and overlapping process of societal change against a backdrop of traditional cultural plurality. France is secular ground with religious freedom. Willaime (2014) notes that “France does not have great familiarity with religious pluralism” but that historically there have been Protestant and Jewish minorities, and recently a growing Muslim population (7 %). Present plurality stretches beyond this, including some Hindus and Buddhists, Catholic and Protestant African immigrants, and Jehovah’s Witnesses, plus various new religious movements and the large group who say they have “no religion”. At the same time the adherence to the traditional Catholic religion has decreased, as we have seen. As in Belgium, in France processes of secularisation, pluralisation and globalisation happen at the same time, but the backdrop is traditional state secularity and historical conflict with the once dominant Roman Catholic Church. The national context and history and makes the difference, and so do the specifics of who the traditional minorities are and where new groups of immigrants come from. In Scotland traditional religious positions, seem stronger than in Belgium and

New social patterns: old structures?

297

France, with 34 % reporting in 2011 as belonging to the Church of Scotland; the main minorities are Catholics (strengthened by recent immigration, mainly from Poland) and other Christians. But there are significant regional differences, with more tending to have religious identities in the Central belt of Scotland, where the Catholic minority has its historic place, and in the islands. Secularity (if that is what having “no religion” means) is strongest in North East, with for example 48 % claiming “no religion” in Aberdeen – a roughly similar proportion to Belgium, the Netherlands, France and Luxembourg. Only a small percentage of the population in Scotland report that they belong to other religions, such as Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism. The largest group is Muslims, with 0.6 %. There is an increase of “others”, but immigrant religious groups only add up to 2.5 % of the population. Nevertheless, the tendency is the same as in the other countries, with a certain amount of “detraditionalization”, which could be understood as secularisation, in combination with increasing plurality. But this is less dramatic in Scotland than in, for example, Belgium. James Conroy describes Scotland as “monocultural post-Christian”. Despite being less religious it seems it is also less “detraditionalized” (as in Norway).1 We see from the examples of Belgium, France and Scotland that the degree and style of religious and cultural plurality varies greatly between nations, reflecting their traditional religious history and the specifics of recent immigration of people with other religions. In all the nine countries, there is an increasing number of people affiliated to “other religions” than the traditional ones. In some countries, there is a great increase, but in others, the numbers are still small. A common trait is that the largest of the new minorities are Muslims. There is remarkably little discussion about this in the present chapters, and there is a need to focus more specifically on the implications of this trend for RE on another occasion. Further elaboration of the cases of the Netherlands, Luxembourg, England, Wales, Ireland and Northern Ireland would have brought the point about the relevance of the national specific patterns of pluralisation out even more clearly. The way authors write about plurality is also often coloured by their national contexts. This is a very relevant insight with regard to understanding the type of religious education offered to pupils in schools in these countries. In each case, the same processes of secularisation, pluralisation and globalisation are unfolding, but differently in each national context. Sometimes there are also sig1 Scotland has some interesting similarities to Norway, both being small countries ‘on the periphery’ rather than in the European heartland, and also sharing a somewhat problematic relationship to former foreign dominance by England and Denmark respectively, leading perhaps to a need for benign (inclusive) nationalistic ideas as a strong trait in their national imaginaries. See Br”ten (2013) regarding how plurality might be imagined differently in England in contrast with Norway.

298

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

nificant differences between national regions, and a subnational dimension must be considered (as in the difference between the central belt and northern regions of Scotland).

Current conceptions and tasks of RE In Belgium there are three school systems and three systems for RE, one for each region/linguistic area. Religious freedom is ensured in Belgium’s Constitution, Article 19, and this includes the right to choose a religious school according to one’s faith. Because of this, large parts of the school system can be classified in accordance with the traditional monolithic religions/traditions as Catholic, Protestant or Jewish. The largest group is Catholic schools, among them schools run by religious orders such as Jesuits, reflecting even internal plurality. There are also non-confessional schools, for instance organised by free-thinkers. The privately organised schools offer RE according to their own preferences, the state having limited authority over what is taught. In the public schools there are several options for RE, so there are many different “concepts and purposes” of RE in Belgium. The chapter on Belgium gives some examples. In the region of Flanders the seven recognised religions/worldviews are reflected in the availability of seven options for RE within the public schools: “Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Judaism, Anglicanism, the Orthodox creed and Non-Confessional Morality”. However, only 25 % of secondary school students attend public schools; 75 % attend private schools, most of them Catholic. Of the options in the public school, most choose the Catholic faith; thus, in Flanders, 82 % of pupils attend Catholic Religious Education. In the Flemish part of Belgium, the intention of Roman Catholic religious education has, since 2005, been: …creating openness for and insight into what it means to be a Christian in the present-day plural society. This general objective can be subdivided into three basic aims. First of all pupils need to be made aware of and challenged by the multitude of life perspectives and world views in a pluralistic society. Moreover they are to be motivated to take a critical stance towards the “economization” of the western society. A second aim is to situate the Christian belief within a context of religious diversity. And finally pupils have to render account for their own world view profile in dialogue with the Christian faith tradition (Derroitte et al. 2014). This is distinctively Catholic, but is a conception of RE which takes the plural reality in which their pupils live very seriously. It is in no way neutral, but it is inclusive and could be the basis for an RE which in practice is perceived as relevant by the young. Meanwhile, as we have seen, 43 % of the population say

New social patterns: old structures?

299

they have “no religion”, and of the approximately 50 % who reported as Catholic, only 5 % reported (2009) to be practising their religion. In France there are no plans for a separate RE subject (except for the province of Alsace-Moselle, where there is a choice of Catholic, Protestant or Jewish RE in state schools). However, teaching of “religious facts” (religious phenomena) happens through other school subjects, and an extensive and ongoing debate exists about the basis for this and the nature of the phenomena taught. It has been argued that the acceptable types of “religious facts” in the secular school contexts are of three types: 1. Understanding the language of symbolism, 2. Knowledge which contributes to an understanding of cultural heritage, 3. Knowledge which contributes to citizenship education. Relevant disciplines in state schools where “religious facts” are part of the curriculum are philosophy, history, geography, humanities, language and fine arts. Since 2008 there has been a new national curriculum in which a subject called “history of art” covers the sensory and aesthetic dimensions of religious facts. In “civic and moral instruction”, taught in nursery and primary schools, “civic education” in secondary and “legal and social civic education” in upper secondary schools, teaching about religion happens in a context where respecting various cultures and promoting tolerance and peaceful coexistence is part of subject aims. Religious education is also offered privately after school hours, and in private religious schools, mostly Catholic. Some Muslim pupils and their parents prefer a private religious school where, for example, the wearing of the hijab is allowed. In Scotland, schools traditionally were owned and funded by religious bodies, the majority of which were Presbyterian (Protestant), and a minority was Catholic. Scotland shares history with England and Wales in that legislation from 1870, in the case of Scotland 1872, brought state funded education to those parts of the country where there had previously only been church funded schools. Through this, a national system of education was established, in partnership with the churches. In Scotland this led to a gradual transfer of Presbyterian schools to the state, while the Catholic schools remained under the patronage of the Catholic Church. Both kinds of schools remained fully state funded. Today there is still a separate Catholic educational system, causing some societal debate. The intention in the former Presbyterian, but later state-funded, educational system was that religious education should continue as it had been. This included an opt-out clause (from 1872), as in the English and Welsh legislation. Further developments have been influenced by secularisation (Conroy 2014), affecting the development of RE in both state schools and Catholic schools. In publicly funded schools, teaching continued principally as bible knowledge but has since followed the same kind of development as in England and Wales, with the inclusion of teaching about world religions. Meanwhile, both the

300

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

dominant churches continued to support confessional RE. Despite a secularising tendency in society, a belief that there is a close connection between the teaching of traditional religion and the moral formation of children has dominated public debate about RE in Scotland. In a sense, as Conroy (2014) notes, “the nondenominational common sector and the Catholic sector were two branches of the same activity – the nurturing of Christian commitment”. In a new curriculum in 1992 the teaching of RE in public schools was organised into three areas: the study of Christianity, the study of Other World religions, and Personal search. Teaching of Christianity was at the foreground, justified by its important in Scottish history and tradition (just as in Norway). Representatives from minorities have not been involved in the development of curricula, unlike the situation in England where the local Standing Advisory Councils for Religious Education (SACREs) incorporated representatives of religions other than Christianity (Gates and Jackson 2014). Both the Presbyterian and Catholic churches were represented. Nevertheless, the Catholic Church did not commit to this curriculum, as they understood it to be at odds with the Catholic tradition. They produced their own, called “This is our faith”. The countries of the UK share some history together including educational history, which is also relevant for understanding developments in RE. All authors of these chapters do ad hoc comparison with other UK countries. In another context, Jackson points out some differences between Wales and England, as follows: Although the character of religious education in Welsh maintained schools is close to that of England, the Welsh system, post devolution, is gradually diverging from the English in certain respects, and resisting some radical policies from Westminster. The key difference between RE in England and Wales has been in the structure and power relations of Agreed Syllabus Conferences. While the Church of England, as the Established Church, has its own committee (with a vote) on English Local Agreed Syllabus Conferences, in Wales it is simply included in the committee that covers all faith groups. With regard to RE in Wales, since devolution, there has been a complete curriculum review, including the production of a guidance document, The National Exemplar Framework for Religious Education for 3 to 19-year-olds in Wales. In practice, the Framework provides the basis for new Welsh Agreed Syllabuses. Some of the more radical educational reforms currently taking place in England (notably the introduction of semi-independent Academies) are being resisted successfully in Wales (Jackson 2013, 21). We do not see similar ad hoc comparisons in the chapters between the countries on the European continent, but there are some similarities, for instance, between France and Luxembourg, who share history up to a certain point, but where in Luxembourg the Catholic church continued to play a central

New social patterns: old structures?

301

role while this was not allowed in France. The Netherlands share some characteristics with Belgium, for instance when it comes to the extreme pluralisation of society in combination with “traditional plurality”. In the Netherlands, as in Belgium, a traditional way of respecting religious diversity is reflected in the entire educational system. As in Belgium, the Netherlands has three “areas”, but here these are not geographical but “pillars” of religious difference existing in parallel in society. A difference from Belgium is that, while the dominant traditional Christian strand there is Catholic, in the Netherlands it is Protestant. Whether it is the Protestant or the Catholic that has been the dominant Christian tradition also seems to be an important factor of a supranational character, but even this has very different consequences for historic developments in RE in the specific countries. That there are several “conceptions” of RE is typical for the most of the national cases, though the plurality is especially striking in Belgium. In Scotland there are largely two, in the two school systems, both state funded. The situation is more complex in England. Until relatively recently, the state funded school system included community schools, which have no religious affiliation, voluntary controlled schools, which are a form of Church of England school, fully funded by the state and having the same form of religious education as community schools, and voluntary aided schools, schools of a religious character which are mainly funded by the state but with some financial contribution from the religious body towards buildings and maintenance, and having a denominational form of religious education. The majority of voluntary aided schools are Church of England, but there is a significant number of Roman Catholic schools and there are Jewish schools and a minority including Muslim, Sikh and Hindu schools. The system has been complicated by the addition of semi-independent academies and free schools, which may or may not have a religious character. Another complicating factor is that some religious traditions, notably the Church of England, ensure that their religious education (but not necessarily their collective worship) is open, inclusive and pluralistic in style. Despite all the recent developments in England, historical preconceptions and educational structures have allowed the emergence of a multi-faith approach – evolving since the late 1960s. Locally, agreed syllabuses (used in community and voluntary controlled schools and adopted in many academies) could be seen as part of the same “conception and tasks”, but they do also represent a plurality of approaches nurtured within the educational structure itself. One important characteristic of these is the involvement of local teachers, representatives of religious communities and local politicians as members of the various committees making up Agreed Syllabus conferences. There is a general tendency that, regardless of official status as denomina-

302

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

tional or secularly based, religious education is evolving in the direction of including and dealing with some degree of religious plurality at the institutional level (level B in the model outlined at the beginning of the chapter). How the “concepts and tasks” formulated in official documents and legislation are perceived and what this leads to in practice, is another question.

The levels of practice – teacher education The levels of practice– what pupils experience and learn (D in my model) – and how teachers teach (C in my model) are not given much attention in these chapters. In the chapter on Belgium it is noted that the “spontaneous connection or correlation between faith in communities and the daily life experience of young people does not function anymore, so that the one-dimensional correlative religious education that was based on this is running out of order”. What lies behind this is that RE needs to be renewed to continue to be relevant for pupils. Across the different types, RE in Belgium has been changing in a hermeneutic-communicative direction, but, apparently, within “old” structures. Options for education of RE teachers are as plural as its educational system in general with, for example, three different options for Catholic RE teachers within the Flemish region. However, the lack of well-educated RE teachers is reported as a general problem. There may be various reasons for this, but there is likely to be a link to the tendency in many countries to give more funding to so-called “core” subjects and two under resource RE. Regarding France there are some concerns that the teaching of “religious facts” tends to be historical, and that contemporary studies of religions receive insufficient attention. Many teachers in France do not have the proper training to teach “religious facts” as a dimension of the various subjects in the curriculum. In Scotland, traditionally, no specialist degree background has been mandatory for teaching RE, but at times in service provision for RE has been offered. Today many student teachers who do one year post-graduate qualifications (PGCEs) to qualify as RE teachers have a modest disciplinary background when it comes to the study of religions, even at secondary level (this is also true in England and Wales). Disciplines in question may vary from theology and religious studies, to sociology, anthropology and philosophy. In Scotland, as in England and Wales, there are limited opportunities for staff development in religious education. However, in the Scottish Catholic sector, there is some in service training, focused on the Catholic curriculum “This is our faith”, including sacramental provision and the development of the personal faith of the Catholic teacher. Recent empirical research into the practice of RE in public schools (Conroy

New social patterns: old structures?

303

2013), provides some evidence that, despite legislative differences, classroom practices across the UK are remarkably similar in type. In the case of England, practice is described by Gates and Jackson as patchy, ranging from excellent to unsatisfactory. Sources are reports from the inspectorate (Ofsted), and various research projects including that of Conroy and his colleagues (Conroy 2013). This “patchiness” is explained with reference to under provision of specialist teacher education, especially since 2011. It has also been documented that there is a need for higher quality teaching materials (Jackson et al. 2010). That the quality of provision is “patchy” may well describe the situation on other countries as well; the lack of well educated RE teachers is something that is reported across the national chapters. What this implies is that, while RE is often a hot topic in the political debates on the societal level, it might not be an equally hot topic in practice. The problem of quality of teaching is an issue which needs attention.

Discussion The complexity and uniqueness of each national context is striking, which makes generalisations across the national contexts problematic. Those legal requirements and structures, which are currently organizing RE in Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Luxembourg, Scotland, Ireland, Northern Ireland, Wales and England, can be explained through the accounts of historical events and developments in politics, and the national imaginaries. These include the traditional relationship between state and church, or, as the Scottish chapter heading puts it, “the relationship between religious communities and the state”.

How are present systems for RE justified? With regard to Belgium, the justification of the present system goes back to the Constitution and is about ensuring religious freedom. Religious freedom is ensured through a religiously plural educational system that includes secular as well as religious options. The right of religious freedom is connected to parents’ rights to choose schools. There is no neutral secular ground; the secular is an option alongside other options. Today, however, the plurality of types of schools, although overwhelming, does not cover the reality of people’s religious or secular life views. This leaves in question the status of the original intention to ensure religious freedom. And what does the present system do for community cohesion and tolerance and respect? Does it contribute to this? The same question could be extended to the cases of France and Scotland.

304

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

The justification for the status of RE in France as teaching of religions “facts”, or phenomena, in a secular school context, is also to ensure religious freedom, including freedom not to have a religion. In the definition of state secularity quoted above, it is underlined that the state does not promote or favour secular life views. Historically the secular can be understood as a protection against Catholic influence of children’s education, but democratic values from the French Revolution and Humanism form the basis of this secularity. In relation to the teaching of “legal and social civic education” in upper secondary schools (Willaime 2014), there is a dimension of teaching for peaceful coexistence. However, the author also stresses the need to share common values and principles, including neutrality of state schools in relation to the different religions and non-religious conceptions of life. The teaching of this subject is part of a learning process of “internalizing the Republic’s values and principles, and gaining both knowledge and practices. It is about helping students become free and independent citizens who can use their critical reason in the democratic system in which they are called to act” (Willaime 2014). To ensure this secular neutrality, it is deemed necessary to restrict religious expression within school space. Ensuring human rights, especially the right to religious freedom, is central to the justification of current structures for the place of religion in schools in both France and Belgium. This is so despite the fact that these structures are almost diametrically opposite to each other. One could, however, ask whether this intention is being realised within the current structures, in the light of recent pluralisation, and in the face of globalisation. In Scotland, the Catholic Church has fought for its rights to maintain a separate educational system and RE. This is justified by the right to religious freedom. At the same time, RE is also seen as connected to the developments of pupils’ morals. In the state school sector, the Presbyterian heritage and this church’s standing in Scottish history and culture, justifies the emphasis on Christian teaching. However, the elements of teaching world religions and personal development is also part of RE here, which could be seen as an adjustment to the realities of present pluralisation. In Scotland, ethnic and associated religious pluralisation is not highly extensive. The justification for the inclusion of “world religions” is perhaps, as Conroy suggests, influenced by developments in England and Wales, as well as by the limited increase in the presence of other religions in Scotland, and/or on the grounds of raising global awareness.

New social patterns: old structures?

305

Is the study of world religions, secular life views and / or religious diversity a part of RE? If so, on what terms? The picture is not complete in the case of Belgium but, from the examples given, we have seen that RE in different educational contexts does increasingly take religious diversity into account. We were given an example of a Catholic RE that was in tune with the plurality of the surrounding society. In the case of France neither religions nor life views are taught; what is taught are “religious facts” or religious phenomena. Religious diversity is not taught in a separate subject, but information about it might be taught to a degree through various subjects. Willaime’s chapter points out that there is too much focus on historical facts, and that the present plurality, including teaching about contemporary Islam in France, is not sufficiently covered. In Scotland, the teaching of world religions is one of three main areas of RE in publicly funded schools. Together with those two other main areas of Christianity and Personal Search, this looks like a formal structure that could potentially be a good foundation for dealing with present religious diversity in Scotland. The fact that ethics of a non-religious variety is also included adds breadth to the Scottish subject (as it does in Norway). Coverage of non-religious worldviews is not formally or legally part of RE in England and Wales currently, although the Religious Education Council of England and Wales includes the British Humanist Association as a member, and non-statutory national guidance has taken an inclusive view. Regarding Catholic schools in Scotland a tendency to want to strengthen traditional religious teaching is reported, and Conroy (2014) refers to concerns that this may lead to sectarianism. It is especially interesting to note the difference between developments in Catholic RE in Belgium, where Catholics are traditionally and currently the majority, and developments in Catholic RE in Scotland, where traditionally and today it is in a minority position. There is no concern regarding Catholic or any other sectarianism in Belgium. In Belgium, the main approach to plurality is to maintain a religiously plural education system, whereas in Scotland the main approach is to promote a common educational system with an inclusive approach to RE, but where it has not been possible to get the Catholic sector to conform. This illustrates two main approaches regarding how to handle religious plurality in educational systems. Two others are France’s state secularity approach and parallel subject options, as in state schools in Belgium. In Ireland, which according to Conroy is an inspiration for Catholics in Scotland, 94 % of primary schools are under Catholic patronage; in 2007 the Irish Catholic Bishops Conference stated that: The Catholic school welcomes diversity and strives for inclusivity. It is open to people of other denominations and other faiths, welcomes them into its community and respects their beliefs. … While it maintains its own ethos and

306

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

provides religious instruction and formation in the Catholic Faith, the Catholic School sees this diversity as an opportunity for dialogue and understanding with those of different faiths. It seeks to co-operate with parents of other traditions who wish to provide religious instruction for the children in their own tradition (McGrady 2014). So perhaps it could be the minority situation which leads to conservative protectionist views, rather that the Catholic context. However, the terms of “openness” is that it is offered on Catholic ground, so to speak.

Safe space within the national imaginaries? Debates regarding RE are presently unfolding in Belgium, because there is no longer harmony between the traditional educational structures and the recent situation of religious plurality. Derroitte and his co-authors (2014) write: Religious Education in Belgium, in the public realm of the school, is dealing with this broader European and global diversity, but because of the small space of the country and its deep history, the discourses on religious education seem to be even more intense. Here it becomes clear that supranational processes influence developments and debates, but also that the specific national context shapes how this is handled. Willaime (2014) puts this very clearly in the chapter on France: “It is about a state school in a given place and with a given history and cultural identity”. In Willaime’s case this justifies relatively more emphasis on the phenomena of the Christian religion in the school’s coverage of religion. For every nation there would probably be perceptions of a “deep history”; indeed I would see this as a central part of the national imaginary (Br”ten 2013, Schiffauer et al. 2004). A national imaginary is the most common ideas about a nation’s culture and history. This is important to many people’s (national) identity, and may be a central ingredient of social cohesion. The national imaginary is not easily changed, and there may be good reasons not to press for changes too quickly. Yet within this traditional structure, others than those who would fall into the seven categories of formally recognised traditions reflected in the educational structures, will somehow continue to be “others”. Large religions are not part of the seven options in Belgium: what about Hindus, Buddhists or Sikhs, for example? And what about all those who, as participants in “modern plurality”, perhaps with eclectic worldviews, would be reluctant to tick any box? Are these people currently opting for the category “none”? Does this mean that their spirituality does not count? The chapter on Belgium’s suggestions for change involve continuing to evolve within the present structures. Neither the mere mono-confessional nor the

New social patterns: old structures?

307

multi-confessional approaches to RE are seen to take “the longing and quest of young people seriously”, they claim (Derroitte et al. 2014). What the authors argue is for different types of confessional RE to continue in a model of parallel options, like today, but where this is an updated and more open kind of confessional RE, which should provide “safe space” for interaction. In the crossEuropean research project REDCo, the majority of 14 to 16 year olds desired the opportunity for dialogue and discussions with peers (e. g. Jackson 2012). To what extent do existing structures of RE and ongoing processes of change provide for this opportunity? The debates in France are interesting because their starting point in a way is “zero”, and thus the arguments regarding why there should be teaching about religion in schools do not draw on religious opinion. This has a certain resonance to the European debates where, in the Council of Europe, studies of religions and other worldviews are seen as an integral part of intercultural education, closely related to the context of plurality (Council of Europe 2008; Jackson forthcoming 2014). “Religions are social facts that are too important to be left to the monopoly of clergies and communities”, Willaime claims (2014). “If the state school does not know that God exists, it does and should know that there are individuals and groups who believe that God exists and that this fact has all kinds of impacts on personal and social life” (Willaime 2014). The discussions at the societal level are interesting beyond the French borders, for instance in discussions with secularists in other countries who from time to time argue for the exclusion of RE in schools. Regarding the way it is organized and the practical side of the teaching of “religious facts” in the different school subjects in France, one may wonder what it all adds up to. This is especially so in the face of a lack of teachers qualified to teach these facts. Moreover, I cannot see any opportunity within the French system for a “safe space” for children to have dialogue about religions and life views, especially since expressions of religious sentiment are restricted within the secular school space. In Scotland, debates are shaped by the relationship between the Presbyterian Church of Scotland and the Catholic Church, which has resulted in there being two school systems. Discussions and developments in RE in the Scottish public school system have taken place in parallel with, and to some extent in dialogue with, education in England and Wales. Catholic RE in Scotland has not developed as it has in continental Europe, but rather has been inspired by Ireland to develop in a more conservative catechetical direction. Of course, the origin of this minority is Irish. Meanwhile, Church of Scotland representatives sympathise with this kind of development as well. Thus, Conroy (2014) ends his chapter quite pessimistically : The battle lines are being drawn up for what is likely to be an increasingly

308

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

bitter dispute where the churches will variously argue that the Secular and Humanist Societies represent a very small activists groups and the secularist and humanists will claim that religious affiliation has disintegrated and that there is no longer demographic or popular support for religion. In any event, religious education is likely to be on the receiving end of collateral damage. Coupled with the conceptual, epistemic and resource failures these moves may not prove immediately fatal but are likely to contribute to the gradual erosion of the quality and status of the subject. The opportunity to provide a “safe space” for interchange and dialogue can be found in present inclusive forms of state school RE, as in England and Wales. Here RE combines learning about religions with the opportunity for young people to discuss their own developing ideas. Guaranteeing safe space for dialogue, however, requires a number of conditions to be met, including having teachers who are skilled facilitators as well as being well-informed about religions and other worldviews (Jackson forthcoming 2014). More examples from debates in the other countries would have illustrated equally clearly that these are set in specific national contexts, with deep histories and national imaginaries, but they would raise many of the same issues, especially the issue of how to handle religious plurality. It is well worth pursuing how “safe space” for dialogue and exchange might be facilitated in different contexts (Jackson forthcoming 2014). However, this requires a focus on the level of practice of RE, and not only on the societal level. A good place to start would be to strengthen teachers’ qualifications.

The national and supranational (specifically the European) dimension The dimension of formal educational processes regarding RE (or its equivalent) in the European Union, the Council of Europe, the OSCE etc. is touched upon by contributors, but as yet this is not the centre of attention in domestic debates. Substantial debates and political change are currently on-going in Ireland, for example, and according to McGrady (2014), documents from the level of formal European policy, especially the Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about Religions and Beliefs in Public Schools (OSCE 2007), are important for the local processes of change in policy. McGrady raises the issue of their relevance in the specific Irish national context, as the specific Irish situation is not envisaged in, for instance, the Toledo Guiding Principles, he claims. This is an issue that could be pursued further, for example, in relation to the Council of Europe Recommendation (Council of Europe 2008), and its forthcoming dissemination document Signposts. Signposts, while dealing with some common issues for all European states, acknowledges that developments in particular countries need

New social patterns: old structures?

309

to be contextual, recognising the distinctiveness of each national situation; it aims to stimulate discussion about policy and practice on the contribution of studies of religion and other worldviews to a wider intercultural education in different national contexts, and is offered as a tool – not a solution – for those working in schools, as an aid for teacher training, and as a stimulus to further classroom-based research (Jackson forthcoming 2014). It is the national dimension of traditional religious landscapes and the organisation of RE at national level that stand out as strong factors in ongoing debates. Plurality unfolds differently, but the traditional dimension is probably the key factor in forming ideas about plurality, so that this is different between countries (Br”ten 2013, 198 – 202). This is something which perhaps becomes apparent only in a comparative perspective. And yet globalisation also creates links between national educational contexts; for instance there could well be similar multicultural local settings of schools in France and Belgium, or monocultural contexts found for example in French and Scottish rural schools. More attention to both European and global developments would be of benefit at the national level. In an age of globalisation, international and comparative perspectives should enhance understanding of what is happening domestically. Supranational trends which are reflected in all the chapters are both an increasing religious plurality and, at the same time, a rising number of “nones”. This is at the centre of debates and changes which are discussed for example in Franken and Loobuyck (2011). At the same time, we see that the educational structures that are in place are characterised by traditional patterns of religious life in each country, reflecting national specific “styles”. This is decisive for what kind of RE exists, and how it is developing in face of the challenge of growing secularisation, pluralisation and globalisation/glocalization. New social patterns meet old educational structures. This is what characterizes how the countries of Western Europe (and beyond) are dealing with religious plurality in education. The traditional relationship between church/religion and state often structures not only the systems for RE, but entire national educational systems. This is the case in Belgium, France, and Scotland, but also in the other six countries. The rapid change in the religious life in society disturbs the once harmonised relationship between the characteristic religious demography in a country and the educational systems/provisions for religious education. The traditional structures have a resistance to change but are presently evolving in all the nations represented in this volume. This is a pan-European process and thus supranational. While the traditional patterns are different in each country, they are challenged by “the same” supranational processes. However, these also unfold differently, and the specific history of pluralisation in a nation is a factor to consider. If the majority of Scots, for instance, live in a traditional monocultural society, the pluralist approach to RE adopted from

310

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

England may not get an immediate support. The presence of the Irish Catholic minority in Scotland might be an influence that is just as important. Scotland is interesting because it represents small countries, is Protestantdominated traditionally, and is one of the “other than England” countries of the UK (at least at the time of writing). Here we let it represent the UK without forgetting the others. It is also an example of the traditional religious landscapes still having a clear identity, which is also the case, for instance, in Ireland and Northern Ireland. In a way, Scotland is monocultural, and yet it is a part of the new plural reality. As such, it might help to “explain” aspects of debates in the more commonly known case of England in a broader UK context. England can be seen as both heavily multicultural and progressive in its development of RE, relevant to the new plurality, but at the same time traditional in some respects. In the English chapter, we read that ethnic and religious plurality are not evenly spread and that, while some parts of London, for example, equal Belgium in societal complexity, other parts are still quite monocultural, not unlike Scotland. It was the system of locally agreed syllabuses combined with an ecumenically open tradition for RE in state schools, together with secularisation and the pluralisation of cities, in particular, which allowed a world religions approach to develop early in England. However, there are mainly six recognised religious traditions taught in English RE, although coverage and approach depend on local agreed syllabuses and their interpretation by schools and individual teachers. Belgium is interesting because of its extreme plurality, and is, in this respect, similar to the Netherlands and England, for instance, but also represents those countries traditionally dominated by the Catholic faith. In its extreme plurality – a mix of traditional (group) plurality and modern, individualistic plurality (Skeie 1995; Jackson 2004) – it especially shares some similarities with Netherlands. In the Dutch chapter, it is described how today’s pluralization no longer fits with traditional modes of organization, and how society is now moving towards a post-pillarized age. Ter Avest and her co-authors (2014) describe a time of change in RE in the Netherlands, but the traditional structures still shape the educational system. On-going changes in the Netherlands indicate that the country is moving towards a “post-pillarized” society. Religiosity is privatised, liberated from traditions and institutions, i. e. as in modern plurality. Religious identity is seen as connected to choice of lifestyle. Late modernity in the Netherlands is characterised by differentiation, plurality and globalisation. There is a breakdown of the traditional triangular relationship between family, church and school. Here too the core of debates is the disharmony between existing structures of education and present plurality. In this we see something which characterises all the chapters, namely that the structures which support the provision of RE are

New social patterns: old structures?

311

outdated in relation to an updated account of the socio-religious situation. In the chapter on the Netherlands, ter Avest and her co-writers state that: “Society” does not appear to be a realizable project with clear aims and ways to reach the set goals, but shows itself to be a network of interdependencies that can no longer shelter under the umbrella of religious or secular worldviews (ter Avest et al. 2014). Some authors express pessimism in view of this scenario, some express conservative views, wishing to preserve the traditional structure, but most argue that changes are necessary. RE in the Netherlands is already undergoing change, and there seems to be a mingling of ideas in the debates. RE has changed from enculturation into religious traditions into a subject addressing students’ existential questions. It is developing into interreligious teaching where the focus is on the context that people live in. Ter Avest and her colleagues (2014) are optimistic on behalf of the opportunities that this situation opens up: De-construction of the pillarized educational system opens space for a reconstruction of RE, including a variety of religious and secular traditions, and practices of people living apart and together in the multicultural society of the Netherlands. Of course, it is also the case that a time of change and challenge is also a time of opportunity.

Conclusion It is clear that the particular histories of religion and state in each country are highly relevant to the historical and continuing shaping of the way religion(s) are dealt with in religious education, or its equivalent, in schools. At the same time, supranational factors affect policy and practice in all states, especially the forces of secularization, pluralisation and globalisation. There also seems to be an increasing influence, sometimes indirectly, from the human rights codes and this is one of the reasons why some countries are giving more attention than before to non-religious life views or worldviews as well as to religions. Human rights are also a common justification for the maintenance of confessional approaches as an option in various states. Moreover, many traditional confessional approaches have broadened and are much more inclusive and dialogical than they used to be. In many cases, some of the tensions result from the preservation of old structures in the context of new forms of plurality. Maybe thinking from European institutions, such as the Council of Europe, from European professional organisations, such as the European Forum for Teachers of Religious Education (see Chapter 1), and from the outputs of projects like the present one

312

Oddrun Marie Hovde Bråten

from the University of Vienna, could be a catalyst for more international dialogue and for further thinking, change and development.

References Avest, I. ter, B. Bakker, and T. Geurts. 2014. “Religious Education in the Netherlands”, in Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Berger, P. 1999. The Desecularization of the World: Resurgent Religion and World Politics, Michigan: William B. Erdmans Publishing Company. Berger, P., G. Davie, and E. Focas. 2008. Religious America, Secular Europe? A theme and Variations, Surrey, England, Burlington USA: Ashgate. Br”ten, O. M. H. 2013. Towards a Methodology for Comparative Studies in Religious Education: A study of England and Norway. Münster : Waxmann. Br”ten, O. M. H. 2014. “Are Oranges the only fruit? A discussion of comparative studies in Religious Education in relation to the plural nature of the field internationally”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 3: Northern Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Conroy, J. et al. 2013. Does RE Work? London: Bloomsbury Academic. Conroy, J. C. 2014. “Religious Education at Schools in Scotland”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Council of Europe (2008) Recommendation CM/Rec (2008) 12 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the dimension of religions and non-religious convictions within intercultural education, Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Available at: https://wcd.coe.int//ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=CM/Rec(2008)12& Language=lan English& Ver=original& BackColorInternet=DBDCF2& BackColorIntranet=FDC864 & BackColorLogged=FDC864 Dale, R. 2006. Policy Relationships between Supranational and National Scales: imposition/resistance or Parallel Universes? In Supranational Regimes and National Education Policies, eds. J. Kallo and R. Rinne, 27 – 52. Turku: Finnish Educational research Association. Davie, G. 2007. The Sociology of Religion, London: Sage. Derroitte, H., G. Meyer, D. Pollefeyt, and B. Roebben. 2014. “Religious Education at schools in Belgium”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Franken, L., and P. Loobuyck. 2011. Religious Education in a Plural, Secularised Society. Münster : Waxmann. Gates, B., and R. Jackson. 2014. “Religion and Education in England”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Goodlad J. I., and Z. Su. 1992. Organization of the Curriculum. In Handbook of Research on Curriculum: A Project of the American Educational Research Association, ed. P. Jackson, 327 – 244. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Heelas, P., and L. Woodhead. 2005. The Spiritual Revolution: Why Religion is giving way to Spirituality. USA, UK, Australia: Blackwell Publishing.

New social patterns: old structures?

313

Jackson, R. 2004. Rethinking Religious Education and Plurality : Issues in Diversity and Pedagogy, London and New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Jackson, R. 2012. Religion, Education, Dialogue and Conflict: an Introduction. In Religion, Education, Dialogue and Conflict: Perspectives on Religious Education Research, ed. R. Jackson, 3 – 9, London: Routledge. Jackson, R. 2013. Religious Education in England: The Story to 2013, Pedagogiek, 33, 2, 119 – 135. Jackson, R. 2014. The European Dimension: Perspectives from Religious Education from European Institutions, Professional Organization and Research Network. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Jackson, R. forthcoming 2014. Signposts: Policy and Practice for Teaching about Religions and Non-Religious Worldviews in Intercultural Education, Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publications. Jackson, R., J. Ipgrave, M. Hayward, P. Hopkins, N. Fancourt, M. Robbins, L. J. Francis, and U. McKenna. 2010. Materials used to teach about world religions in schools in England., London: Department for Children, Schools and Families. Available at: http:// www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/wie/research/wreru/research/completed/dcsf McGrady, A. 2014. “Teaching Religion in Schools in Ireland”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. OSCE 2007. The Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about Religion or Belief in Public Schools. Warsaw: Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. (full text available at http://www.osce.org/ item/28314.html) Richardson, N. 2014. “Religious Education at Schools in Northern Ireland”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Schiffauer, W., G. Baumann, R. Kastoriano, and S. Vertovec, eds. 2004. Civil Enculturation: Nation State, School and Ethnic Difference in The Netherlands, Britain, Germany and France. Oxford: Berghahn Books. Siún, T. ap, and L. J. Francis. 2014. “Religion and Education in Wales”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press. Skeie, G. 1995. “Plurality and pluralism: a challenge for Religious Education”. In British Journal of Religious Education 25 (1), 47 – 59. Stark, R., and W. Bainbridge. 1987. A Theory of Religion, New York: Peter Lang. Taylor, C. 2007. A Secular Age, Belknap Press of Harvard University press: Cambridge Massachusetts and London, England. Willaime, J.-P. 2014. “Religious Education in French Schools”. In Religious Education at Schools in Europe, Vol 2: Western Europe. Vienna: Vienna University Press.

Contributors

ˆ r University, Tania ap Siún PhD is Senior Lecturer in Pastoral Sciences at Glyndw Wales, Director of the St Mary’s and St Giles, Centre, Wales, and Senior Research Fellow at the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit at the University of Warwick, England. She is currently Chair of the Wales Association of Standing Advisory Councils for Religious Education. Ina ter Avest PhD is a psychologist, specialising in the field of culture and religion. She is senior researcher and teacher at the department of Pedagogy and Educational Sciences of the VU University, Amsterdam. She is Professor in “Education and Philosophy of Life” at the Inholland University of Applied Sciences, Amsterdam. As a member of the Consultancy Group on Identity, Life Orientation and Education (led by Cok Bakker) she coaches teams of teachers, mainly in primary education. For many years she has been a member of the editorial board of “Narthex”, a Dutch journal on education and life orientation. In her publications the focus is on “teaching and learning in diversity”. Cok Bakker PhD is Professor of Religious Education and the Pedagogy of Life Orientation at the Faculty of Humanities at Utrecht University. On a temporary basis he is also Professor on the topic of “The moral dimension of teachers’ professionalism” at the Hogeschool Utrecht. He is a member of the Supervisory Board of the Intercultural Teacher Training Centre (iPabo) in Amsterdam. As the leader of his Consultancy group on Identity, Life Orientation and Education, he coaches teams of teachers in primary, secondary and higher education. The focus in his publications is on the relation between the development of normative professionalism and an authentic (religious or secular) life orientation. Oddrun Br”ten PhD has taught religion and education since 1996, and has worked at the Department of Teacher Education at Sør-Trøndelag University College, Trondheim, Norway since 1998. She has a PhD in Education from the University of Warwick on the topic of international comparative studies in re-

316

Contributors

ligious education, published by Waxmann as Towards a Methodology for Comparative Studies: A study of England and Norway. She also has an interest in practice focused classroom studies, and is member of several networks and seminars, including ISREV. James C. Conroy PhD is Vice Principal (Internationalisation) and Professor of Religious and Philosophical Education at the University of Glasgow. Previously he has served as Dean of the Faculty of Education, Head of Graduate School and Head of Department at the University of Glasgow. He has taught, and served as Head of Department, in schools and colleges in England, has been a Director of Learning and Teaching Scotland and President of the Association for Moral Education. He has been a visiting Professor in the University of Warsaw, Fordham University, the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul and the Australian Catholic University. He is Chair-Elect of the Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain, Chair of the Journal of Moral Education Trust and a member of BERA Council. He also serves on the 2013 REF sub-panel for education. His most recent publication is Does Religious Education Work? (Bloomsbury 2013) and, in 2012, he became an Academician of the Academy of Social Sciences. Henri Derroitte holds a doctorate in the Science of Religions and is Professor of Practical Theology at the Faculty of Theology at the Universit¦ Catholique de Louvain. He also holds an honorary doctorate from the University of Ottawa (Canada) and is Director of the international revue Lumen Vitae. Leslie J Francis PhD, DLitt, ScD, DD is Director of the Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit and Professor of Religions and Education at the University of Warwick, England. He holds visiting chairs at York St John University, ˆ r University, Wales, and visiting positions at Boston UniEngland, and Glyndw versity, USA, and Pretoria University, SA. He has served as Associate Editor of Journal of Beliefs and Values since 1996. Brian Gates PhD headed the Department of Religion and Ethics at St Martin’s College (1975 – 2001), responsible for degrees in Religious Studies and in Social Ethics, as well as related teaching degrees. St Martin’s was then the largest provider of academic and professional qualifications for teaching RE in the UK; it was re-constituted to form the University of Cumbria in 2004. He was appointed Professor of Religious and Moral Education in 1999. He was chair of the Religious Education Council of England and Wales (1984 – 90, 2002 – 11). He also chaired the Editorial board of the Journal of Moral Education (1999 – 2006). He is a former chair of the Shap Association for Education in World Religions. He became Emeritus Professor of Religion, Ethics and Education in 2008. In 2013 he

Contributors

317

received an MBE honour for his services to religious education and inter faith relations. Thom Geurts MA teaches Ethics at the Inholland University of Applied Sciences, Amsterdam. He coaches future and novice teachers exploring value oriented teaching and learning. In his publications his focus is the school as a value oriented community, on the value oriented aspects of the profession of a teacher, and the pedagogical strategies of value oriented teaching and learning. Robert Jackson PhD, DLitt was Director of Warwick Religions and Education Research Unit (1994 – 2012) and is Professor of Religions and Education at the University of Warwick, and Professor of Religious Diversity and Education at the European Wergeland Centre. Oslo. He has been involved in international research and development in the field, contributing to the European REDCo project, the OSCE Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about Religions and Beliefs in Public Schools and the Council of Europe’s wide-ranging work on religion and education. He was Editor of Resource (journal of the National Association of Teachers of Religious Education) (1978 – 96) and the British Journal of Religious Education (1996 – 2011). He is a former chair of the Shap Association for Education in World Religions. In 2013 he received the William Rainey Harper Award from the Religious Education Association (USA), presented to “outstanding leaders whose work in other fields has had profound impact upon religious education”. He is an Academician of the Academy of Social Sciences. Andrew G. McGrady PhD is Director of Mater Dei Institute of Education, Dublin (a College of Dublin City University) which is the main provider of religion teachers for second level schools in Ireland. He is also presently a member of the Teaching Council which regulates the teaching profession in Ireland and of the Board of the Catholic Primary School Management Association (CPSMA) which resources the management of the majority of primary schools in Ireland. Guido Meyer holds a doctorate and is Professor of Religious Education at the RWTH Aachen (Germany). He was for more than 20 years a teacher of Religious Education in the German speaking part of Belgium, and for 4 years worked in teacher training. He is Co-editor of the series Th¦ologie Pratique, published by Lumen Vitae, Brussels. Didier Pollefeyt holds a doctorate, and is Vice Rector for Education Policy, KU Leuven, Belgium where he is also full Professor in Pastoral Theology in the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Chair of the Centre for Teacher Education in Religion and Director of the Centre for Peace Ethics. He teaches

318

Contributors

catechetics, didactics of religion, post-holocaust theology and Jewish-Christian dialogue. He is the founder of Thomas, a catholic internet project for religious education (www.godsdienstonderwijs.be). Norman Richardson PhD teaches Religious Studies and intercultural education at Stranmillis University College, Belfast. A former teacher, he also worked for over a decade with the ecumenical Churches’ Peace Education Programme and has had a long-standing involvement in inter-church and cross-community peace and reconciliation work in Northern Ireland. He is a member of several local, national and international professional and academic bodies concerned with Religious Education and as Secretary of the Northern Ireland Inter-Faith Forum and an Executive member of the UK Inter-Faith Network he is also closely involved with issues of inter-religious relationships and dialogue. He has written and lectured regularly in the field of religious and cultural diversity in education and has also developed classroom resources to support teachers’ work in RE and related areas. Hubertus (Bert) Roebben has a PhD in Theology, as well as degrees in Religious Studies and Education. He is Professor of Religious Education at the Faculty of Humanities and Theology at Dortmund University (Germany). Previously he taught at the Universities of Leuven (Belgium) and Tilburg (the Netherlands) and has held Visiting Professorships at Duquesne University and Boston University (USA) and at Stellenbosch University (South Africa). He has contributed to the Council of Europe’s work on religion and education in Ukraine, Georgia and the Russian Federation. Jean-Marie Weber PhD works as Lecturer and Researcher at the University of Luxembourg. He is former head of the RE Programme Commission in Secondary School (1995 – 2003) and former chairman of the Association of RE Teachers (secondary school). He was study director of teacher training at the University of Luxembourg (2004 – 2008), deputy leader of the Master’s in “Management and coaching” and the Certificate in “Tutoring and mentoring” programmes and deputy head of the Research Institute on “Teacher Professionalization and Psychology of Education”. His research focuses on a biographical and psychoanalytical approach to teaching and learning. Jean-Paul Willaime, PhD Religious Science and PhD Sociology, is Research Director at l’Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Department of Religious Studies, Sorbonne, Paris. He is member of the Research Centre (EPHE-CNRS) Group Societies, Religions, Lacities (GSRL) and past-Director of the European Institute of Religious Studies. From 2007 to 2011, he was President of the International

Contributors

319

Society for the Sociology of Religion. His fields of research in sociology of religion are: Protestantism, ecumenism, religions and school education, Europe and religions, sociology of religions: history and theories. His main publications include Profession: pasteur (1986); Sociologie des Religions (3rd ed., 2004); Sociologies et religion : Approches classiques (with D. Hervieu-L¦ger, 2001); Europe et religions. Les enjeux du XXIe siÀcle (2004); Sociologie du Protestantisme (2005). As a member of the REDCo project, he has edited in 2007 Religion and Education in Europe (with R. Jackson, S.Miedema, W. Weisse) and with C. B¦raud, Les jeunes, l’¦cole et la religion, 2009. In 2014, he edited L’enseignement des faits religieux — l’¦cole. R¦ponses europ¦ennes et qu¦b¦coises, Paris, Riveneuve ¦ditions, 2014. Jean-Louis Zeien is Head of the Department of Religious Education in the Archdiocese of Luxembourg. He is also Head of the Commission for the Programme of Religion courses in primary schools in Luxembourg. As Inspector, he heads the College of Inspectors for religion courses in primary schools. He has contributed to teaching units, manuals for teachers and guidelines for primary schools in religious education. Since 2002, he has also worked as a trainer in the continuing education of religion teachers, and has responsibility for the internship of religious education teachers in primary schools. From 1988 – 1998, he taught religious education in primary and secondary schools in Luxembourg.