Psychology [14 ed.] 0138061939, 9780138061937

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Psychology Fourteenth Edition

Carole Wade Dominican University of California

Carol Tavris Samuel R. Sommers Tufts University

Lisa M. Shin Tufts University

Content Production: Lisa Mafrici, Colleen McQuaid Product Management: Kelli Strieby

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Please contact https://support.pearson.com/getsupport/s/with any queries on this content. Cover Image: Pearson Education, artwork created by Integra Design. Copyright © 2024, 2020, 2017 by Pearson Education, Inc. or its affiliates, 221 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030. All Rights Reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. This publication is protected by copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise. For information regarding permissions, request forms, and the appropriate contacts within the Pearson Education Global Rights and Permissions department, please visit www.pearsoned.com/permissions/. Acknowledgments of third-party content appear on the appropriate page within the text. PEARSON, ALWAYS LEARNING, and REVEL are exclusive trademarks owned by Pearson Education, Inc. or its affiliates in the U.S. and/or other countries. Unless otherwise indicated herein, any third-party trademarks, logos, or icons that may appear in this work are the property of their respective owners, and any references to third-party trademarks, logos, icons, or other trade dress are for demonstrative or descriptive purposes only. Such references are not intended to imply any sponsorship, endorsement, authorization, or promotion of Pearson’s products by the owners of such marks, or any relationship between the owner and Pearson Education, Inc., or its affiliates, authors, licensees, or distributors. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Wade, Carole (Professor of psychology), author. | Tavris, Carol, author. | Sommers, Samuel R, author. | Shin, Lisa M, author. Title: Psychology / Carole Wade, Carol Tavris, Samuel R Sommers, Lisa M Shin. Description: Fourteenth Edition. | Hoboken : Pearson, 2023. | Revised edition of the authors’ Psychology, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2023022270 (print) | LCCN 2023022271 (ebook) | ISBN 9780138061937 (paperback) | ISBN 9780138062033 | ISBN 9780138062149 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Psychology. Classification: LCC BF121 .W27 2023 (print) | LCC BF121 (ebook) | DDC 150—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023022270 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023022271

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Rental Edition: ISBN-10: 0-13-806193-9 ISBN-13: 978-0-13-806193-7

For Howard —Carole Wade For Ronan —Carol Tavris For Abby & Sophie —Sam Sommers For Gianna —Lisa Shin

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Brief Contents 1

What Is Psychology?

2

How Psychologists Do Research

27

3

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

4

The Brain and the Nervous System

5

1

9

Thinking and Intelligence

263

10

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

294

62

11

Emotion, Stress, and Health

328

89

12

Development Over the Lifespan

362

Sensation and Perception

127

13

Social Psychology

403

6

Consciousness and Sleep

163

14

Theories of Personality

441

7

Learning

194

15

Psychological Disorders

473

8

Memory

228

16

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

513

v

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Contents About This Course Content Highlights About the Authors Authors’ Acknowledgments Learning Outcomes and Assessment

1

xii xv xvii xviii xix

What Is Psychology?

1

1.1 Psychology, Pseudoscience, and the Perils of Common Sense 1.1.A What Psychology Is 1.1.B What Psychology Is Not

2 3 4

1.2 Thinking Critically About Psychology 1.2.A What Is Critical Thinking? 1.2.B Critical Thinking Steps

5 5 6

1.3 A History of Psychology: From the Armchair to the Laboratory 1.3.A The Forerunners of Modern Psychology 1.3.B The Birth of Modern Psychology

10 10 11

Revisiting the Classics: Sigmund Freud

13

1.4 Psychological Science Perspectives 1.4.A Pillars of Modern Psychology 1.4.B Gender, Race, and Diversity in Psychology

14 14 17

Taking Psychology with You: Using Psychology to Study Psychology

2.2.D Tests 2.2.E Surveys 2.2.F Cross-Cultural Studies

38 40 40

2.3 Correlational Studies: Looking for Relationships 2.3.A Measuring Correlations 2.3.B Cautions About Correlations

41 42 43

2.4 Experiments: Hunting for Causes 2.4.A Experimental Variables 2.4.B Experimental and Control Conditions 2.4.C Advantages and Limitations of Experiments

45 45 46 47

2.5 Evaluating the Findings 2.5.A Describing the Data 2.5.B Inferential Statistics 2.5.C Interpreting the Findings

49 49 50 52

2.6 Keeping the Enterprise Ethical 2.6.A The Ethics of Studying Humans 2.6.B The Ethics of Studying Animals

55 55 56

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Clever Hans the Horse Was a Math Whiz

57

3

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

62

19

3.1 Unlocking the Secrets of Genes 3.1.A The Human Genome 3.1.B Epigenetics

64 64 65

1.5 What Psychologists Do 1.5.A Psychological Research 1.5.B Psychological Practice

20 20 21

3.2 The Genetics of Similarity 3.2.A Evolution and Natural Selection 3.2.B Innate Human Characteristics

66 66 69

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: That’s Just Fake News!

24

3.3 Our Human Heritage: Courtship and Mating 70 3.3.A Evolution and Sexual Strategies 71 3.3.B Thinking Critically About the Evolutionary View 72

2

How Psychologists Do Research

27

75 75 76

2.1 What Makes Psychological Research Scientific? 2.1.A Precision and Reliance on Empirical Evidence 2.1.B Skepticism 2.1.C Willingness to Make “Risky Predictions” 2.1.D Transparency

29 30 31 32

Taking Psychology with You: Should You Have Genetic Testing?

77

Replication Check

32

3.5 Our Human Diversity: The Case of Intelligence 3.5.A Genes and Individual Differences

78 78

Replication Check

79

Taking Psychology with You: Distinguishing Real Science From Fake Science

33

3.5.B The Question of Group Differences 3.5.C The Environment and Intelligence

80 82

2.2 Descriptive Studies: Establishing the Facts 2.2.A Finding a Sample

34 34

Revisiting the Classics: Lewis Terman and “The Termites”

83

Revisiting the Classics: Convenience Sampling

35

2.2.B Case Studies 2.2.C Observational Studies

29

3.4 The Genetics of Difference 3.4.A The Meaning of Heritability 3.4.B Computing Heritability

35 37

3.5.D Beyond Nature Versus Nurture Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Astronaut Twins No Longer Genetically Identical After Space Trip

84 84

vii

viii Contents

4

The Brain and the Nervous System

89

4.1 The Nervous System: A Basic Blueprint 4.1.A The Central Nervous System 4.1.B The Peripheral Nervous System

91 92 92

4.2 Communication in the Nervous System 4.2.A Types of Cells 4.2.B The Structure of the Neuron 4.2.C Neurogenesis: The Birth of Neurons 4.2.D How Neurons Communicate 4.2.E Chemical Messengers in the Nervous System

94 94 95 96 97 98

4.3 Mapping the Brain 101 4.3.A Manipulating the Brain and Observing Behavior 101 4.3.B Manipulating Behavior and Observing the Brain 102 4.4 A Tour Through the Brain 4.4.A The Brain Stem and Cerebellum 4.4.B The Thalamus 4.4.C The Hypothalamus and the Pituitary Gland 4.4.D The Amygdala 4.4.E The Hippocampus 4.4.F The Cerebrum 4.4.G The Cerebral Cortex

105 106 106 107 107 108 108 108

4.5 The Two Hemispheres of the Brain 4.5.A Split Brains: A House Divided

112 112

Revisiting the Classics: Split-Brain Patient Studies

114

4.5.B The Two Hemispheres: Allies or Opponents?

116

Replication Check

117

4.6 The Flexible Brain 4.6.A Experience and the Brain 4.6.B Culture and the Brain 4.6.C Sex Differences in the Brain?

117 117 118 119

Taking Psychology with You: Thinking Twice About Tinkering With the Brain

122

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Computer-Based Brain Training Games Will Keep Your Brain Young 123

5

Sensation and Perception

127

5.1 Our Sensational Senses 5.1.A The Riddle of Separate Sensations 5.1.B Measuring the Senses

129 129 130

Replication Check

132

5.1.C Sensory Adaptation Revisiting the Classics: Early Sensory Deprivation Studies 5.1.D Sensing Without Perceiving 5.2 Vision 5.2.A What We See 5.2.B An Eye on the World 5.2.C Why the Visual System Is Not a Camera 5.2.D How We See Colors 5.2.E Constructing the Visual World Replication Check

133 134 135 135 136 136 138 139 140 146

5.3 Hearing 5.3.A What We Hear 5.3.B An Ear on the World 5.3.C Constructing the Auditory World

147 147 148 149

5.4 Other Senses 5.4.A Taste: Savory Sensations 5.4.B Smell: The Sense of Scents 5.4.C Senses of the Skin 5.4.D The Mystery of Pain

151 151 153 155 155

Taking Psychology with You: Why Perception Can Be More Than Meets the Eye

157

5.4.E The Environment Within Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: People Can Smell Fear

6

Consciousness and Sleep

158 159

163

6.1 Biological Rhythms: The Tides of Experience 6.1.A Circadian Rhythms 6.1.B Moods and Long-Term Rhythms

165 165 167

6.2 The Rhythms of Sleep 6.2.A The Realms of Sleep

169 169

Replication Check

171

6.2.B Why We Sleep

171

Revisiting the Classics: Extreme Sleep Deprivation Studies

173

Taking Psychology with You: Improving the Quality (and Quantity) of Your Sleep

175

6.3 Exploring the Dream World 6.3.A Explanations of Dreaming 6.3.B Evaluating Dream Theories 6.4 The Riddle of Hypnosis 6.4.A The Nature of Hypnosis 6.4.B Theories of Hypnosis

175 176 179 180 180 181

Replication Check

183

6.5 Consciousness-Altering Drugs 6.5.A Classifying Drugs 6.5.B The Physiology of Drug Effects 6.5.C The Psychology of Drug Effects

185 185 188 189

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: When You’re Stumped by a Problem, You Should “Sleep on It”

190

7

Learning

194

7.1 Classical Conditioning 7.1.A New Reflexes From Old 7.1.B Principles of Classical Conditioning 7.1.C What Is Actually Learned in Classical Conditioning?

196 196 197 199

7.2 Classical Conditioning in Real Life 7.2.A Learning to Like 7.2.B Learning to Fear

200 200 201

Revisiting the Classics: Little Albert

202

Replication Check

204

Contents

7.2.C Accounting for Taste 7.2.D Reacting to Medical Treatments

204 205

Replication Check

206

7.3 Operant Conditioning 7.3.A The Birth of Radical Behaviorism 7.3.B The Consequences of Behavior

206 207 208

7.4 Principles of Operant Conditioning 7.4.A The Importance of Responses 7.4.B Skinner: The Man and the Myth

211 211 214

7.5 Operant Conditioning in Real Life

215

Taking Psychology with You: Changing Your Behavior 216 7.5.A The Pros and Cons of Punishment 7.5.B The Problems With Reward

216 218

7.6 Learning and the Mind 7.6.A Latent Learning 7.6.B Social-Cognitive Learning Theories

220 220 221

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Kids Who Play Violent Video Games Learn to Be More Violent

224

8

Memory

228

8.1 In Pursuit of Memory 8.1.A Measuring Memory

230 230

Replication Check

232

8.1.B Models of Memory

232

8.2 The Three-Box Model of Memory 8.2.A The Sensory Register: Fleeting Impressions 8.2.B Working Memory: Memory’s Notepad

233 233 234

Revisiting the Classics: The Magical Number 7 (± 2)

236

8.2.C Long-Term Memory: Memory’s Storage System

236

Replication Check

239

8.3 The Biology of Memory 8.3.A Changes in Neurons and Synapses 8.3.B Where Memories Are Made 8.3.C Hormones, Emotion, and Memory

239 239 240 242

8.4 How We Remember 8.4.A Encoding, Rehearsal, and Retrieval

245 245

Taking Psychology with You: Making Memory Work for You

248

8.5 Why We Forget 8.5.A Mechanisms of Forgetting 8.5.B Childhood Amnesia: The Missing Years 8.5.C The Repression Controversy

249 249 252 253

8.6 Reconstructing the Past 8.6.A The Manufacture of Memory 8.6.B The Conditions of Confabulation

255 255 256

Replication Check

258

8.6.C The Eyewitness on Trial Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: This Herbal Supplement Has Been Clinically Proven to Boost Memory

258

259

9

ix

Thinking and Intelligence

263

9.1 Thought: Using What We Know 9.1.A The Elements of Cognition 9.1.B How Conscious Is Thought? 9.1.C Reasoning Rationally

265 265 267 268

9.2 Barriers to Reasoning Rationally 9.2.A Exaggerating the Improbable

270 270

Replication Check

271

9.2.B Avoiding Loss Replication Check 9.2.C Biases and Mental Sets Revisiting the Classics: Pygmalion in the Classroom 9.2.D Overcoming Our Cognitive Biases

271 272 273 275 276

9.3 Measuring Intelligence 276 9.3.A Measuring the Invisible 277 9.3.B The IQ Test 278 9.3.C Elements of Intelligence 281 9.3.D Motivation, Hard Work, and Intellectual Success 283 Taking Psychology with You: Bolstering Your Focus and Creativity 284 9.4 Animal Minds 9.4.A Animal Intelligence 9.4.B Animals and Language 9.4.C Thinking About the Thinking of Animals

285 285 287 288

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Different People Have Different Learning Styles

290

10

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

10.1 Motivation and the Hungry Animal 10.1.A Defining Motivation Revisiting the Classics: Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs 10.1.B The Biology of Weight 10.1.C Environmental Influences on Weight 10.1.D The Body as Battleground: Eating Disorders Replication Check

294 296 296 297 298 300 301 302

10.2 The Social Animal: Motives to Love 10.2.A The Biology of Love 10.2.B The Psychology of Love 10.2.C Gender, Culture, and Love

303 303 304 307

10.3 The Erotic Animal: Motives for Sex 10.3.A The Biology of Desire

308 308

Replication Check

310

10.3.B Biology and Sexual Orientation 10.3.C The Psychology of Desire 10.3.D Gender, Culture, and Sex

310 312 314

10.4 The Competent Animal: Motives to Achieve 10.4.A The Effects of Motivation on Work 10.4.B The Effects of Work on Motivation 10.4.C The Pursuit of Happiness

316 317 319 322

x Contents Taking Psychology with You: Rethinking Motivation in the Modern Era

323

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: More College Students Than Ever Are “Hooking Up” for Casual Sex

324

11

Emotion, Stress, and Health

11.1 The Nature of Emotion 11.1.A Emotion and the Face Replication Check 11.1.B Emotion and the Brain 11.1.C Emotion and the Mind Revisiting the Classics: Schachter & Singer (1962)

328

397

333

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: The Marshmallow Test Predicts Success Later in Life

399

334 337 337

11.3 The Nature of Stress 11.3.A Stress and the Body 11.3.B Stress and the Mind

343 344 347

11.4 Stress and Emotion 11.4.A Hostility and Depression: Do They Hurt?

349 349

11.5 Coping With Stress 11.5.A Solving the Problem 11.5.B Rethinking the Problem 11.5.C Drawing on Social Support

349 350 350 353 354 354 355

Taking Psychology with You: How Much Control Do We Have Over Our Emotions and Our Health?

356

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Emotional Support Animals Reduce Psychological Distress

358

12

Development Over the Lifespan

362

12.1 From Conception Through the First Year 12.1.A Prenatal Development 12.1.B The Infant’s World

364 364 365

Replication Check 12.1.C Attachment Revisiting the Classics: Ainsworth’s Strange Situation 12.2 Cognitive Development 12.2.A Thinking 12.2.B Language Replication Check

392 392 394 395

Taking Psychology with You: Remember That Development Lasts a Lifetime

339 340 341 342

11.4.B Positive Emotions: Do They Help? 11.4.C Emotional Inhibition and Expression

12.6 Adulthood 12.6.A Stages and Ages 12.6.B The Transitions of Life 12.6.C Old Age

389 391

330 330

11.2 Emotion and Culture 11.2.A How Culture Shapes Emotions 11.2.B Communicating Emotions 11.2.C Gender and Emotion

Replication Check

12.5.A The Physiology of Adolescence 12.5.B The Psychology of Adolescence

367 368 369 371 371 375 377

12.3 Moral Development 12.3.A Stages of Morality 12.3.B Getting Children to Be Good

379 379 381

12.4 Gender Development 12.4.A Gender Identity 12.4.B Influences on Gender Development

383 384 386

12.5 Adolescence

389

13

Social Psychology

13.1 Social Beliefs 13.1.A Attributions Replication Check 13.1.B Attitudes 13.1.C Cognitive Dissonance 13.1.D Persuasion or “Brainwashing”? Suicide Bombers, Cults, and Conspiracy Theorists 13.2 Social Forces 13.2.A Rules and Roles 13.2.B The Power of Situations

403 405 405 406 408 409 410 411 412 414

Replication Check

416

Revisiting the Classics: The Stanford Prison Experiment

416

13.2.C Why People Obey

417

13.3 Individuals in Groups 13.3.A Conformity 13.3.B Groupthink 13.3.C The Bystander Effect 13.3.D Altruism and Dissent Taking Psychology with You: Becoming a More Conscientious and Engaged Social Being

425

13.4 Us Versus Them: Group Identity and Conflict 13.4.A Social Identity 13.4.B In-Groups and Out-Groups 13.4.C Stereotypes

426 426 427 428

13.5 Prejudice 13.5.A The Origins of Prejudice 13.5.B Measuring Prejudice 13.5.C Reducing Conflict and Prejudice Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Police Treat Black and White Civilians Differently

429 430 431 435

14

Theories of Personality

419 419 421 422 424

436

441

14.1 Psychodynamic Theories of Personality 14.1.A Freud and Psychoanalysis 14.1.B Other Psychodynamic Approaches 14.1.C Evaluating Psychodynamic Theories

443 443 446 447

14.2 The Modern Study of Personality 14.2.A Popular Personality Tests

448 449

Contents

Revisiting the Classics: The Myers–Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) 14.2.B Core Personality Traits Replication Check 14.3 Genetic Influences on Personality 14.3.A Heredity and Temperament 14.3.B Heredity and Traits Replication Check

450 453 454 454 455 456

14.4 Environmental Influences on Personality 14.4.A Situations and Social Learning 14.4.B Parental Influence—and Its Limits 14.4.C The Power of Peers

457 457 459 460

14.5 Cultural Influences on Personality 14.5.A Culture, Values, and Traits 14.5.B Evaluating Cultural Approaches

461 461 463

14.6 The Inner Experience 14.6.A Humanist Approaches 14.6.B Narrative Approaches 14.6.C Evaluating Humanist and Narrative Approaches

464 464 466 466

Taking Psychology with You: Thinking Scientifically About Personality

467

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Young People Today Are More Narcissistic Than Ever

468

15

Psychological Disorders

15.1 Diagnosing Mental Disorders 15.1.A Dilemmas of Definition 15.1.B Dilemmas of Diagnosis

473 475 475 476

Revisiting the Classics: Rosenhan (1973)

480

15.1.C Psychological Assessment

481

15.2 Depressive and Bipolar Disorders 15.2.A Depression

484 484

Replication Check 15.2.B Bipolar Disorder 15.2.C Origins of Depression Replication Check

484 485 485 486

15.3 Anxiety Disorders 15.3.A Anxiety and Panic 15.3.B Fears and Phobias

488 488 489

15.4 Trauma and Obsessive–Compulsive Disorders 15.4.A Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

490 491

Replication Check 15.4.B Obsessions and Compulsions 15.5 Personality Disorders

15.5.A Borderline Personality Disorder 15.5.B Antisocial Personality Disorder 15.5.C Psychopathy: Myths and Evidence

450

491 492 493

xi 493 494 495

15.6 Addictive Disorders 15.6.A Biology and Addiction 15.6.B Learning, Culture, and Addiction

497 498 499

15.7 Dissociative Identity Disorder 15.7.A A Controversial Diagnosis 15.7.B Thinking Critically About DID

502 502 503

15.8 Schizophrenia 15.8.A Symptoms of Schizophrenia

504 504

Taking Psychology with You: Thinking More Clearly About Mental Disorders 15.8.B Origins of Schizophrenia Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Smartphone Use Can Become an Addiction

16

506 506 509

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

513

16.1 Biological Treatments for Mental Disorders 16.1.A The Question of Medication 16.1.B Direct Brain Intervention

514 514 520

Revisiting the Classics: Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT) 16.2 Major Schools of Psychotherapy 16.2.A Psychodynamic Therapy 16.2.B Behavior and Cognitive Therapy Replication Check 16.2.C Humanist and Existential Therapy 16.2.D Family and Couples Therapy 16.3 Evaluating Psychotherapy 16.3.A The Scientist–Practitioner Gap 16.3.B When Therapy Helps 16.3.C When Interventions Harm 16.3.D Culture and Psychotherapy

521 524 524 524 527 528 529 530 531 532 535 537

Taking Psychology with You: Becoming a Smart Consumer of Psychological Treatments

538

Epilogue: Taking This Text With You

539

Critical Thinking Illustrated: Claim: Learning About Psychological Methods and Findings Can Make You a More Effective Person

540

Glossary References Name Index Subject Index

543 551 605 619

About This Course From the Authors From the very first edition of this text, our primary goal has been to weave critical and scientific thinking into the fabric of our writing, and today, in this era of misinformation and “alternative facts”— not to mention in the face of societal crisis and turmoil—this goal is more important than ever. Students must negotiate the Internet and social media, which contain vast amounts of information but which are also full of conspiracy theories and nonsense, on topics ranging from how to study most effectively to how best to cope with a global pandemic. Psychological science can offer students the tools they need to separate fact from fiction and pseudoscience— and to distinguish wishful thinking from thinking wisely. Therefore, a good text should not be a laundry list of definitions and studies, and its writers cannot simply be reporters. For us, the most important job of any text is to help students learn to think like psychologists and to motivate them to enjoy the process. In our own experience, Introduction to Psychology is often a team-taught course. Given that psychology is such a diverse field, this team-based approach is an ideal way to introduce students to a wide range of perspectives with expertise as well as balance. It is the approach we adopt in this text as well, as your author team includes researchers with expertise in clinical neuroscience, cognitive psychology, social psychology, and research methods. We believe that this provides our text with important representation across the spectrum of psychological science. Of course, an effective team also needs to share a common set of principles, and in our case it is a commitment to writing a text that is precise and critical and that makes science accessible to a wide range of readers. Our primary goals are to maintain a solid research base and promote critical thinking, all the while offering engaging prose, analyzing contemporary events, and prioritizing the values of representation, inclusivity, and equity in the scientific enterprise. This text is designed to be accessible to students learning psychology at any institution. It is a text intended to reveal to readers that psychology is the scientific study of their daily lives. These, too, have been our objectives in our years of classroom teaching. For those of you who have used previous editions of this text, we trust that you will find its calling cards still intact: detailed reviews of study design and findings, an emphasis on critical thinking and active learning, the willingness to confront controversial topics, and themes of culture, gender, and diversity infused throughout. We’re confident that returning as well as new users will find benefit in our additional strategies for making science accessible. Examples: • Each chapter in our interactive Revel course opens with a survey question that prompts students to explore the applicability of the topic at hand to their own lives.

xii

• We’ve punched up the current events and popular culture analyses, enabling readers to consider the ways in which broader cultural forces both shape and reflect individual cognitive and behavioral tendencies. • Embedded directly into the Revel course is a video series in which Sam Sommers and Lisa Shin try to bring the details of research to life through study reenactments, clinical interviews, and engaging demonstrations. • Critical Thinking Illustrated is a chapter-ending feature that makes use of animation and interactive questions to guide readers through the steps of critical thinking necessary to interrogate provocative claims related to a topic from each chapter. Finally, it is our firm belief that a critical thinker’s job is never complete. Critical thinkers always find additional questions to ask and must learn to tolerate uncertainty. Indeed, no research study is perfect and no finding—no matter how many textbooks it appears in—should be immune from continued scrutiny. Accordingly, you will note infused throughout this new edition an even more explicit focus on efforts to critically interrogate and replicate previous findings in psychology. Two new features in particular speak to these goals. First, you will find in every chapter a Revisiting the Classics feature, in which we critically examine, in narrative form, the methods, conclusions, and continuing implications of a particularly well-known study or approach from “classic” psychology. Second, our Replication Check feature appears across chapters (often multiple times per chapter), highlighting research findings that replication efforts— in many cases, multi-site endeavors with pre-registered methods and analyses—have identified as particularly robust. We believe that these new features are important additions to our text’s long-standing emphases on critical thinking and research transparency.

Goals and Principles Five goals and principles have guided the writing of this text from the first edition. Here they are:

1. Thinking Critically About Critical Thinking True critical thinking cannot be reduced to a set of rhetorical questions or a formula for analyzing studies; it is a process that must be woven seamlessly into the narrative. The primary way we “do” critical and creative thinking is by applying a threepronged approach: We define it, we model it, and we give students a chance to practice it.

About This Course

The first step is to define what critical thinking is and what it is not. Chapter 1 introduces specific Critical Thinking Steps, which we draw on throughout the text as we evaluate research and popular ideas. The second step is to model these guidelines in our evaluations of research and popular ideas. Throughout the text, you’ll find discussions of these critical-thinking guidelines as we challenge the reader to evaluate what the evidence reveals—and, importantly, does not reveal—about a particular phenomenon. Photo captions, writing prompts, interactives and chapter features, and of course the narrative itself offer opportunities for students to sharpen their critical-thinking skills to become active readers (and active learners) of psychology. The third step is to give students opportunities to practice what we’ve preached in the form of end-of-module and end-ofchapter assessments. These tests require more than memorization of definitions; they help students check their progress, measure their understanding of the material, and encourage them to go back and review what they don’t recall or comprehend. Many quiz questions include critical-thinking items that invite students to reflect on the implications of findings and consider how psychological principles might illuminate real-life issues. Journal and shared writing prompts offer additional opportunities for critical thinking, as do the animated Critical Thinking Illustrated exercises at the end of each chapter.

2. Focus on Culture, Gender, and Diversity At the time of this text’s first edition, some considered the goal of incorporating research on culture, gender, and diversity into introductory psychology to be quite radical, either a bow to political correctness or a passing fad. Today, the issue is no longer whether to include these topics, but how best to do it. From the beginning, our own answer has been to include studies of gender and culture throughout the text. We discuss gender and culture differences—and similarities—in many areas, from the brain, emotion, and motivation to heroism, sexuality, love, and eating disorders. Over the years, most psychologists have come to appreciate the influence of identity and culture on all aspects of life, from nonverbal behavior to the deepest attitudes about how the world should be. Throughout the text, we also strive for a representative depiction of the world in which our students live. If students can’t recognize themselves and their own surroundings in the examples, stories, and images provided, then we as authors have failed them. This text is intended as an invitation to the field of psychology for each and every one of our students, and we strive to write it accordingly. It is our intent that every aspect of this text, from its visual and video programs to the names used in its examples and assessments, be designed in such a way as to promote an inclusive and inviting learning environment. And we seek to do this honestly, with frank consideration of the ways in which the field of psychology—past as well as present— has failed to live up to principles of equity and diversity. For

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example, in Chapter 1 we review the specific obstacles faced by women and Black scientists who have sought to enter the field, as well as current demographic trends among psychologists by career type and rank. Similarly, we transparently report that previous psychological research has typically examined gender as a binary and approached attraction and intimate relationships through a predominantly heteronormative lens, all the while endeavoring in our text to expand the scope of the questions we pose, examples we use, and studies we present in covering these important topics.

3. Exploring New Research in Biology and Neuroscience Findings from the Human Genome Project, studies of behavioral genetics and epigenetics, discoveries about the brain, technologies such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), and the proliferation of medications for psychological disorders—all of these developments have had a profound influence on our understanding of human behavior and on interventions to help people with chronic problems. We report new findings from biology and neuroscience wherever they are relevant throughout the text: in discussions of neurogenesis in the brain, memory, emotion, stress, child development, aging, mental illness, personality, and many other topics. Although we caution students about the dangers of ignoring biological research, we also caution them about the dangers of reducing complex behaviors solely to biology by overgeneralizing from limited data, failing to consider other explanations, and oversimplifying solutions. Our goal is to provide students with a structure for interpreting research they will hear or read about to an ever-increasing degree in the future.

4. Facing the Controversies Psychology has always been full of lively, sometimes angry, debates, and we feel that students should not be sheltered from them. They are what make psychology so interesting! In this text, we candidly address controversies in the field of psychology, try to show why they are occurring, and suggest the kinds of questions that might lead to useful answers in each case. For example, we discuss the controversies about oversimplification of brain-scan technology (Chapter 4), the disease versus learning models of addiction (Chapter 15), the extent of parents’ influence on their children’s personality development (Chapter 12), and conflicts of interest in research on medication for psychological disorders (Chapter 16).

5. Applications and Active Learning Finally, throughout this text, we have kept in mind one of the soundest findings about learning: It requires the active encoding of material. Several pedagogical features in particular encourage

xiv About This Course students to become actively involved in what they are reading, including chapter opening survey questions that allow students to compare their own perceptions about psychological topics with those of other students taking the course; a Taking Psychology With You feature in each chapter that illustrates the practical implications of psychological research for individuals, groups, institutions, and society; our new Revisiting the Classics and Replication Check features; interactive review tables; a running glossary that defines boldfaced technical terms where they occur for handy reference and study; carefully selected videos in each chapter, including an interactive animated series created and narrated by the authors called Critical Thinking Illustrated that comes at the end of each chapter; chapter outlines; and chapter summaries in paragraph form to help students review.

The Importance of Testing Yourself on What You’ve Studied In our decades of teaching, we have found that certain study strategies can greatly improve learning, and so we’d like to offer you, our reader, the following suggestions: Do not try to read this text the way you might read a novel, taking in large chunks at a sitting. If you are like most students, your favorite strategy is to read the text and your notes, and then simply read them again, but this is not really the best way to learn. If you could do just one thing that would improve your learning and improve your grades, it is this: Test yourself early, often, and repeatedly on what you’ve studied. Ask yourself questions, answer them, and then go back and restudy what you didn’t know. Test yourself again and again until you learn

the material. Even when you have learned it, you need to keep testing yourself regularly over the semester so that what you’ve learned stays learned. Within Chapter 1, we provide you with some other proven techniques to help you learn. To get the most from your studying, we recommend that you read only part of each chapter at a time. Instead of simply reading silently, nodding along saying “hmmmmm” to yourself, try to restate what you have read in your own words at the end of each section. At specific points in each chapter, you will find Journal Writing Prompts that challenge you not to just recall what you’ve learned, but also to actively develop your understanding of the material. These exercises will help you to discover what you know or still don’t understand. We have never gotten over our own initial excitement about psychology, and we have done everything we can think of to make the field as lively and absorbing for you as it is for us. However, what you bring to your studies is as important as what we have written. This text will remain only a collection of paragraphs unless you choose to read actively, using the many active-learning and critical-thinking features we have provided. Psychology can make a real difference in your own life, and we hope you will enjoy studying it in this text. Welcome to the field! Thank you for accepting our invitation to enter the engaging, informative, and thought-provoking scientific world of psychology. Carole Wade Carol Tavris Sam Sommers Lisa Shin

Content Highlights Changes in the 14th Edition In the 14th edition of Psychology, we have retained the core concepts that characterized previous editions—an emphasis on critical thinking, applications to culture and human diversity, insights from research ranging from the biological and neuroscientific to the more clinically and social science oriented—and added opportunities for students to test themselves on the material as they’re learning it. We have also added several new features to this edition: • Each chapter includes a new Revisiting the Classics feature, in which we critically examine the methods, conclusions, and continuing implications of a well-known study from the past. • Also new to this edition is our Replication Check feature, which appears as a brief paragraph multiple times across chapters, highlighting research findings that replication efforts have identified as particularly robust. We’ve taken care to present the chapters in such a way that they can be easily reordered in Revel or however you teach your course. Each chapter continues to include a Taking Psychology With You section devoted to various lessons that we hope readers will be able to apply to their own lives. As always, in every chapter, we have updated the research to reflect progress in the field and cutting-edge discoveries. Here are a few highlights: • New discussion of the five pillars of modern psychology, based on the American Psychological Association Introductory Psychology Initiative. • Expanded section on gender, race, and diversity in psychology, including coverage of the American Psychological Association’s (2021) apology for promoting, perpetuating, and failing to challenge racism and racial hierarchy. • Increased emphasis of the importance of representative samples, including new Revising the Classics feature on convenience sampling and the overrepresentation of “WEIRD” samples across psychology. • New coverage of transcranial alternating current stimulation and how it could help treat individuals with cognitive impairment. • New information on the prevalence and impact of sleep loss. • An updated and expanded discussion of the biology of weight and factors that contribute to eating disorders. • Data on the brain structures that are involved in the experience of emotions. • Expanded coverage of origins and myths surrounding Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory.

• New coverage of gender identity, including a discussion of how to distinguish among assigned sex, gender identity, gender typing, and sexual orientation, as well as developmental questions related to social transitions among gendernonconforming children. • Analysis of the connection between cult activity and the current epidemic of misinformation and conspiracy theory. • Addition of new research examining the extent to which personality traits predict long-term cognitive, social, and health outcomes. • Inclusion of the DSM-5-TR in the discussion of psychological disorders and treatments. • Expanded focus on recent real-world events and popular culture to illustrate psychological principles and spark students’ curiosity. In particular, new examples throughout are related to the COVID-19 pandemic, including implications for learning, memory, sleep, social connection, and mental health. In addition, all content is mapped to revised learning objectives, which highlight the major concepts throughout each chapter. The complete list of learning objectives for each chapter can be found in the Instructor’s Resource Manual. Test bank items are also keyed to these learning objectives.

Teaching and Learning Resources As valuable as a good text is, it is one element of a comprehensive learning package. We have made every effort to provide high-quality instructor and student supplements that will save you preparation time and enhance the classroom experience.

Revel™: Educational Technology Designed for the Way Today’s Students Read, Think, and Learn REVEL: INSPIRE ENGAGEMENT THROUGH ACTIVE LEARNING Revel® improves results by empowering students to actively participate in learning. More than a digital textbook, Revel delivers an engaging blend of author content, media, and assessment. With Revel, students read and practice in one continuous experience. Interactive content and assessments integrated throughout the narrative provide opportunities for students to explore and apply concepts. And Revel is mobile and userfriendly, so students can learn on the go—anytime, anywhere, on any device. Learn more about Revel www.pearsonhighered.com/revel

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Foster Critical Thinking Through Writing Writing Solutions in Revel enable educators to integrate writing—among the best ways to foster and assess critical thinking—into the course without significantly impacting their grading burden. With more flexible grading options, instructors can create and grade their own prompts. Or they can use a Pearson-created prompt, grade the first batch of assignments, and let the assisted auto-scoring functionality in Revel do the rest.

Instructor Supplements The following instructor supplements can be downloaded from the Instructor’s Resource Center website (www.pearsonhighered. com/irc) or accessed from the Instructor’s Resources section in the Revel course.

Test Bank This test bank contains over 3,000 multiple-choice, true/false, short-answer, and essay questions. An additional feature for the test bank is the inclusion of rationales for the multiple-choice questions. The rationales help instructors evaluate the questions they are choosing for their tests and give instructors the option to use the rationales as an answer key for their students. A Total Assessment Guide chapter overview makes creating tests easier by listing all of the test items in an easy-to-reference grid. All questions (categorized at the skill levels of remember the facts, understand the concepts, apply what you know, and analyze it) are assigned difficulty levels and correlated to the chapter’s learning objectives and the American Psychological Association (APA) learning objectives.

Pearson MyTest The test bank comes with the Pearson MyTest, a powerful assessment generation program that helps instructors easily create and

print quizzes and exams. Questions and tests can be authored online, allowing instructors ultimate flexibility and the ability to efficiently manage assessments anytime, anywhere. For more information, go to www.PearsonMyTest.com.

Instructor’s Resource Manual The Instructor’s Resource Manual includes a chapter summary, a detailed Chapter Lecture Outline, Lecture Launcher suggestions that draw on classic and current research findings, classroom-tested Student Activities, learning objectives for each chapter, and more resources to improve your classroom presentations.

Video PowerPoint Slides Bring design into the classroom, drawing students into the lecture and providing appealing interactive activities, visuals, and videos. The slides are built around the text’s learning objectives and offer direct links to interactive exercises, simulations, and activities.

Standard Lecture PowerPoint Slides These accessible, standard Lecture PowerPoint slides provide an active format for presenting concepts from each chapter and feature relevant figures and tables from the text.

Art PowerPoint Slides These slides contain only the photos, figures, and line art from the text.

About the Authors Carole Wade earned her Ph.D. in cognitive psychology at Stanford University. She began her academic career at the University of New Mexico, where she taught courses in psycholinguistics and developed the first course at the university on the psychology of gender. She was professor of psychology for 10 years at San Diego Mesa College and then taught at College of Marin and Dominican University of California. Dr. Wade has written and lectured widely on critical thinking and the enhancement of psychology education. In addition to this text, she and Carol Tavris have written Psychology; Psychology in Perspective; and The Longest War: Sex Differences in Perspective. Carol Tavris earned her Ph.D. in the interdisciplinary program in social psychology at the University of Michigan. She writes and lectures extensively on diverse topics in psychological science and critical thinking. Dr. Tavris co-authored with Elliot Aronson of Mistakes Were Made (But Not by Me): Why We Justify Foolish Beliefs, Bad Decisions, and Hurtful Acts. She is also the author of The Mismeasure of Woman and Anger: The Misunderstood Emotion. Many of her book reviews and opinion essays have been collected in Psychobabble and Biobunk: Using Psychology to Think Critically About Issues in the News. Samuel R. Sommers earned his Ph.D. in psychology at the University of Michigan and has been a professor of psychology at Tufts University since 2003, where he currently serves

as Department Chair. He is a social psychologist whose research focuses on issues related to racial equity and diversity, with a frequent focus on the intersection of psychology and law. Dr. Sommers teaches courses in Experimental Psychology, Social Psychology, and team-teaches Introduction to Psychology and a course on Psychological Lessons for Coping with COVID-19 with Dr. Shin. In addition to this text, he is a co-author of the Aronson et al. Social Psychology textbook and has written two general audience books, Situations Matter: Understanding How Context Transforms Your World, and This Is Your Brain on Sports: The Science of Underdogs, the Value of Rivalry, and What We Can Learn from the T-Shirt Cannon. Lisa M. Shin earned her Ph.D. in psychology at Harvard University, and completed a postdoctoral fellowship in the Department of Psychiatry at The Massachusetts General Hospital/Harvard Medical School. She has been on the faculty at Tufts University since 1998, where she is currently Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Department of Psychology. Dr. Shin’s research involves examining brain function and cognitive processing in patients with anxiety disorders, particularly posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Dr. Shin teaches courses in the Biological Bases of Psychopathology and Emotion and Memory, and team-teaches Introduction to Psychology and a course on Psychological Lessons for Coping with COVID-19 with Dr. Sommers.

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Authors’ Acknowledgments Like any cooperative effort, writing a book requires a support system. We are indebted to the reviewers of this and previous editions of this text for their many insightful and substantive suggestions and for their work on supplements. We are also grateful to the members of our superb editorial and production teams at Pearson, who have unfailingly come through for us on every edition of this complex project. From our very first meeting in Hoboken to every brainstorming session, conference call, and virtual meeting that has followed since, this collaboration has been a distinct pleasure and one that we look forward to for many years to come. We recognize and appreciate how lucky we are to be part of such a nonpareil team; thank you for that. Thank you to our editors! To Kelli Strieby, for giving us everything we needed to produce a great textbook, for having all the answers to our questions (even the panicked ones over text), and for your calm and steady leadership behind the wheel of this massive endeavour. And to Kate Paglia, who kept things running smoothly behind the scenes, helped shape and update the content in important ways, and never drowned in our e-mail barrage—and all with good cheer! Consider this: It’s been terrific working with you and the entire Pearson family, including (but not limited to) Pamela Chirls, Debi Henion, Lisa Mafrici, and Matt Summers. After a few years of various forms of pandemic living, we’re overdue for a few dinners out with the team by now. We also thank those colleagues who were generous enough to serve as reviewers in preparation of this new edition:

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Timothy Fleming, Georgia State University Kathy Steinberg, Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis William Suits, Seminole State College of Florida Elaine Tingey, BYU–Idaho We would also like to thank all those individuals whose contributions to this endeavor were more personal than professional. They know who they are, but they should still be reminded of our appreciation in print. From all four of us, the deepest of thanks and appreciation to the following motley crew: Abby, Dee, Gianna, Howard, Jeff, Lou, Luisa, Lynn, Marilyn, Pat, Ronan, and Sophie. Thanks to our colleagues for their support, stimulation, and welcomed trivia lunch diversions (yes, we’re talking to you, Heather and Keith). And last but not least, we recognize several decades of students, for making it fun for us to come to work each day and for teaching us just as much as we teach them. Carole Wade Carol Tavris Sam Sommers Lisa Shin

Learning Outcomes and Assessment Goals and Standards In recent years, many psychology departments focus on core competencies and how methods of assessment can better enhance students’ learning. In response to this need, in 2008, the American Psychological Association (APA) established 10 recommended goals for the undergraduate psychology major. These goals were revised in 2013 and currently cover five goals. Specific learning outcomes have been established for each goal, and suggestions are provided on how best to tie assessment practices to these goals. In writing this text, we have used the APA goals and assessment recommendations as guidelines for

structuring content and integrating the teaching and homework materials. For details on the APA learning goals and assessment guidelines, please see www.apa.org. Based on APA recommendations, each chapter is structured around detailed learning objectives. All of the instructor and student resources are also organized around these objectives, making the text and resources a fully integrated system of study. The flexibility of these resources allows instructors to choose which learning objectives are important in their courses as well as which content they want their students to focus on.

APA Correlation for Psychology 14th edition The APA Guidelines for the Undergraduate Psychology Major, Version 2.0 APA LEARNING OUTCOMES AND OBJECTIVES

TEXT LEARNING OBJECTIVES AND FEATURES

Goal 1: Knowledge Base in Psychology Demonstrate fundamental knowledge and comprehension of major concepts, theoretical perspectives, historical trends, and empirical findings to discuss how psychological principles apply to behavioral problems. 1.1 Describe key concepts, principles, and overarching themes in psychology

Learning Objectives: 1.1a, 1.1b, 1.1c, 1.2a, 1.2b, 1.3b, 1.4a, 1.4b, 1.5b, 2.1a, 2.1c, 2.2a, 2.2b, 2.2c, 2.2d, 2.2e, 2.2f, 2.3a, 2.3b, 2.4a, 2.4b, 2.4c, 2.5a, 2.5b, 2.5c, 2.6a, 2.6b, 3.1a, 3.1b, 3.1c, 3.2a, 3.2b, 3.3a, 3.3b, 3.4a, 3.4b, 3.5a, 3.5b, 3.5c, 3.5d, 4.1a, 4.1b, 4.2a, 4.2b, 4.2c, 4.2d, 4.2e, 4.3a, 4.3b, 4.4a, 4.4b, 4.4c, 4.4d, 4.4e, 4.4f, 4.4g, 4.5a, 4.5b, 4.6a, 4.6b, 4.6c, 5.1a, 5.1b, 5.1c, 5.1d, 5.2a, 5.2b, 5.2c, 5.2d, 5.2e, 5.3a, 5.3b, 5.3c, 5.4a, 5.4b, 5.4c, 5.4d, 6.1a, 6.1b, 6.2a, 6.2b, 6.3a, 6.3b, 6.4a, 6.4b, 6.5a, 6.5b, 6.5c, 7.1a, 7.1b, 7.1c, 7.3a, 7.3b, 7.4a, 7.4b, 7.5a, 7.5b, 7.6a, 7.6b, 8.1a, 8.1b, 8.2a, 8.2b, 8.2c, 8.3a, 8.3b, 8.4a, 8.5a, 8.5b, 8.5c, 8.6a, 8.6b, 8.6c, 9.1a, 9.1b, 9.1c, 9.1d, 9.2a, 9.2b, 9.2c, 9.2d, 9.3a, 9.3b, 9.3c, 9.3d, 9.4a, 9.4b, 9.4c, 10.1a, 10.1b, 10.1c, 10.1d, 10.2a, 10.2b, 10.2c, 10.3a, 10.3b, 10.3c, 10.3d, 10.4a, 10.4c, 11.1a, 11.1b, 11.1c, 11.2a, 11.2b, 11.2c, 11.3a, 11.3b, 11.4a, 11.4b, 11.4c, 11.5a, 11.5b, 11.5c, 12.1a, 12.1b, 12.1c, 12.2a, 12.2b, 12.3a, 12.3b, 12.4a, 12.4b, 12.5a, 12.5b, 12.6a, 12.6b, 12.6c, 13.1a, 13.1b, 13.1c, 13.1d, 13.2a, 13.2b, 13.2c, 13.2d, 13.3a, 13.3b, 13.3c, 13.3d, 13.4a, 13.4b, 13.4c, 13.4d, 13.5a, 13.5c, 14.1a, 14.1b, 14.1c, 14.2a, 14.2b, 14.3a, 14.3b, 14.4a, 14.4b, 14.4c, 14.5a, 14.5b, 14.6a, 14.6b, 14.6c, 15.1a, 15.1b, 15.1cc, 15.2a, 15.2b, 15.2c, 15.3a, 15.3b, 15.4a, 15.4b, 15.5a, 15.5b, 15.5c, 15.6a, 15.6b, 15.7a, 15.7b, 15.8a, 15.8b, 16.1a, 16.1b, 16.2a, 16.2b, 16.2c, 16.2d, 16.3a, 16.3b, 16.3c, 16.3d

1.2 Develop a working knowledge of the content domains of psychology

Learning Objectives: 1.1a, 1.1b, 1.2b, 1.3a, 1.3b, 1.4a, 1.4b, 1.5c, 1.6b, 2.1d, 2.2a, 2.2b, 2.2c, 2.2d, 2.2e, 2.2f, 2.3a, 2.3b, 2.4a, 2.4b, 2.4c, 2.5a, 2.5b, 2.5c, 2.6a, 2.6b, 3.1a, 3.1b, 3.2a, 3.2b, 3.3a, 3.3b, 3.4a, 3.4b, 3.5a, 3.5b, 3.5c, 3.5d, 4.1a, 4.1b, 4.2e, 4.3a, 4.3b, 4.5a, 4.6b, 5.1a, 5.1b, 5.1c, 5.1d, 5.2a, 5.2b, 5.2c, 5.2d, 5.2e, 5.3a, 5.3b, 5.3c, 5.4a, 5.4b, 5.4c, 5.4d, 6.1a, 6.2a, 6.2b, 6.3a, 6.3b, 6.4a, 6.4b, 6.5a, 6.5b, 6.5c, 7.1a, 7.1b, 7.1c, 7.3a, 7.3b, 7.4a, 7.4b, 7.5a, 7.5b, 7.6a, 7.6b, 8.1a, 8.1b, 8.2a, 8.2b, 8.2c, 8.3a, 8.3b, 8.4a, 8.5a, 8.5b, 8.5c, 8.6a, 8.6b, 9.1a, 9.1b, 9.1c, 9.1d, 9.2a, 9.2b, 9.2c, 9.2d, 9.3a, 9.3b, 9.3c, 9.3d, 9.4a, 9.4b, 9.4c, 10.1a, 10.1d, 10.2c, 10.3a, 10.3b, 10.3c, 10.3d, 11.1a, 11.1b, 11.1c, 11.2a, 11.2b, 11.2c, 11.3a, 11.3b, 11.4a, 11.4b, 11.4c, 11.5a, 11.5b, 11.5c, 12.1a, 12.1b, 12.1c, 12.2a, 12.2b, 12.3a, 12.3b, 12.4a, 12.4b, 12.5a, 12.5b, 12.6a, 12.6b, 12.6c, 13.1a, 13.1b, 13.1c, 13.1d, 13.2a, 13.2b, 13.2c, 13.3a, 13.3b, 13.3c, 13.3d, 13.4a, 13.4b, 13.4c, 13.5a, 13.5c, 14.1a, 14.1b, 14.1c, 14.2a, 14.2b, 14.3a, 14.3b, 14.4a, 14.4b, 14.4c, 14.5a, 14.5b, 14.6a, 14.6b, 14.6c, 15.2a, 15.2b, 15.2c, 15.3a, 15.3b, 15.4a, 15.4b, 15.5a, 15.5b, 15.5c, 15.6a, 15.6b, 15.7a, 15.7b, 15.8a, 15.8b, 16.1a, 16.1b, 16.2a, 16.2b, 16.2c, 16.2d, 16.3a, 16.3b, 16.3c, 16.3d

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xx Learning Outcomes and Assessment 1.3 Describe applications that employ discipline-based problem solving

Learning Objectives: 1.1b, 1.2a, 1.2b, 2.1a, 2.1b, 2.1c, 2.1d, 3.5a, 3.5b, 3.5c, 4.6a, 5.1b, 5.1c, 5.2a, 5.2b, 5.2c, 5.4d, 6.2a, 6.2b, 6.3b, 6.4a, 6.4b, 6.5a, 6.5b, 6.5c, 7.1a, 7.2a, 7.2b, 7.2c, 7.2d, 7.3b, 7.5a, 7.5b, 7.6a, 7.6b, 8.3a, 8.3b, 8.3c, 8.5c, 8.6b, 8.6c, 9.1c, 9.1d, 9.2a, 9.2b, 9.2c, 9.2d, 9.3b, 9.3c, 10.1b, 10.1c, 10.1d, 10.2a, 10.2b, 10.2c, 10.3a, 10.3b, 10.3d, 10.4a, 10.4b, 10.4c, 11.1a, 11.1b, 11.2a, 11.2b, 11.2c, 11.3a, 11.3b, 11.3c, 11.4a, 11.4b, 11.4c, 11.5a, 11.5b, 11.5c, 12.1a, 12.2b, 12.3a, 12.4a, 12.5a, 12.5b, 12.6c, 13.1a, 13.1d, 13.2b, 13.2c, 13.2d, 13.3c, 13.3d, 13.5c, 14.1c, 14.6c, 15.1b, 15.6a, 15.6b, 15.7b, 16.1a, 16.2a, 16.2b, 16.2c, 16.2d, 16.3b, 16.3c, 16.3d

Goal 2: Scientific Inquiry and Critical Thinking Understand scientific reasoning and problem solving, including effective research methods. 2.1 Use scientific reasoning to interpret behavior

Learning Objectives: 1.2a, 1.2b, 1.3a, 1.4a, 1.4b, 1.5a, 2.1a, 2.1b, 2.1c, 2.1d, 2.5b, 2.5c, 3.1a, 3.1b, 3.2a, 3.2c, 3.3a, 3.3b, 4.6b, 4.6c, 5.2c, 6.3a, 6.3b, 6.4b, 7.1c, 7.5a, 8.2b, 8.3a, 8.6a, 9.2a, 9.2b, 9.2c, 9.2d, 9.3b, 9.4a, 9.4b, 9.4c, 10.1b, 10.1c, 10.2a, 10.3b, 11.1a, 11.1b, 11.1c, 11.2a, 11.2b, 12.2a, 12.4a, 13.1d, 13.2a, 13.2d, 13.3d, 14.1a, 14.1b, 14.1c, 14.3b, 14.4b, 14.4c, 15.2a, 15.3a, 15.3b, 15.4a, 15.5a, 15.5b, 15.6a, 15.6b, 15.7a, 15.7b, 15.8b, 16.3a, 16.3c

2.2 Demonstrate psychology information literacy

Learning Objectives: 1.1b, 2.5a, 2.5b

2.3 Engage in innovative and integrative thinking and problem-solving

Learning Objectives: 1.2a, 1.2b, 7.2a, 7.2b, 7.2c, 7.2d

2.4 Interpret, design, and conduct basic psychological research

Learning Objectives: 1.1b, 1.5a, 2.1a, 2.1d, 2.2a, 2.2b, 2.2c, 2.2d, 2.2e, 2.2f, 2.3a, 2.3b, 2.4a, 2.4b, 2.4c, 2.5a, 2.5b, 2.5c, 3.4b, 4.3a, 4.3b, 5.1b, 9.3b, 12.2a, 14.1c, 14.6c, 16.3a, 16.3c

2.5 Incorporate sociocultural factors in scientific inquiry

Learning Objectives: 1.3a, 1.3b, 1.4a, 1.4b, 2.1b, 2.1c, 2.1d, 2.5b, 2.5c, 3.3a, 3.3b, 4.6b, 7.4b, 8.5c, 9.3b, 10.2b, 10.3a, 10.3b, 11.2a, 11.2b, 11.2c, 12.1b, 12.2a, 12.3a, 12.6a, 13.1b, 13.1c, 14.1c, 14.5a, 14.5b, 15.7a, 16.2a, 16.3d

Goal 3: Ethical and Social Responsibility Develop ethically and socially responsible behaviors for professional and personal settings. 3.1 Apply ethical standards to psychological science and practice

Learning Objectives: 2.6a, 2.6b, 8.5c, 13.1b, 13.1c, 16.3c

3.2 Promote values that build trust and enhance interpersonal relationships

Learning Objectives: 11.4a, 11.4b, 13.4a, 16.3c, 16.3d

3.3 Adopt values that build community at local, national, and global levels

Learning Objectives: 1.5a, 6.5a, 6.5b, 6.5c, 8.6c, 9.3b, 10.1d, 10.3b, 10.4a, 11.2a, 11.2b, 11.3a, 11.3b, 12.6c, 13.4a, 13.4b, 13.4c, 13.5a, 13.5b, 13.5c, 14.5a, 15.1a, 15.1b, 16.3a, 16.3b, 16.3d

Goal 4: Communication Demonstrate competence in written, oral, and interpersonal communication skills and be able to develop and present a scientific argument. 4.1 Demonstrate effective writing in multiple formats

Learning Objectives: 2.5a, 2.5b

4.2 Exhibit effective presentation skills in multiple formats 4.3 Interact Effectively with Others

Goal 5: Professional Development Apply psychology-specific content and skills, effective self-reflection, project management skills, teamwork skills and career preparation to support occupational planning and pursuit. 5.1 Apply psychological content and skills to professional work

Learning Objectives: 1.1b, 1.2a, 1.2b, 1.5a, 1.5b, 2.1b, 2.1c, 2.1d, 3.3a, 3.3b, 4.2c, 4.6a, 5.4d, 6.5a, 6.5b, 6.5c, 7.2a, 7.2b, 7.2c,7.2d, 8.4a, 8.5a, 8.6c, 9.1c, 9.1d, 9.3a, 9.3b, 9.3c, 10.1b, 10.1c, 10.1d, 10.3b, 11.3b, 11.4a, 11.4b, 11.4c, 11.5a, 11.5b, 11.5c, 13.4a, 13.4b, 15.1a, 15.1b, 16.1a, 16.3a, 16.3b

5.2 Exhibit self-efficacy and self-regulation

Learning Objectives: 10.4a

5.3 Refine project management skills

Learning Objectives: 13.3a, 13.3b

5.4 nce teamwork capacity

Learning Objectives: 13.3a, 13.3b

5.5 Develop meaningful professional direction for life after graduation APA Goals are reinforced throughout the program with learning tools: journal prompts, shared writing, essays to assign, experiment simulations, video quizzes, and the instructor’s teaching and assessment package. Source: Based on APA Guidelines for the Undergraduate Psychology Major, Version 2.0.

Chapter 1

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

What Is Psychology?

Learning Objectives LO 1.1.A

Define psychology, and describe how it addresses daily life from a scientific perspective.

LO 1.3.B

Discuss some of the influential perspectives and individuals in the early years of modern psychology.

LO 1.1.B

Explain what separates psychological science from pseudoscience, pop psychology, and other sources of dubious claims regarding psychological issues.

LO 1.4.A

List and describe five pillars of psychological science.

LO 1.4.B

Review the lack of diversity in early psychology and its consequences, and explain how feminist psychology illustrates the benefits of including a range of perspectives in scientific inquiry.

LO 1.5.A

Distinguish basic psychology and applied psychology, and summarize the kinds of research that various psychologists might conduct.

LO 1.5.B

Compare the training and work settings of different psychological practitioners such as counselors, clinical psychologists, psychotherapists, psychoanalysts, and psychiatrists.

LO 1.2.A

Explain why critical thinking applies to all scientific pursuits and why it should also guide everyday judgments and decision-making.

LO 1.2.B

Identify important steps to critical thinking, and give an example of how each applies to the science of psychology.

LO 1.3.A

Discuss some of the early approaches to explaining psychological topics, from ancient times through the early 1800s.

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2 Chapter 1

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. When you submit your answer, you will see the data from others who have read this chapter. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Do you consider yourself good at predicting how people around you will behave and react under different circumstances?

Every day, the world witnesses tales of cowardice and heroism, playfulness and terror, love and hate. Human nature runs a broad continuum, from the terrific to the horrific. And the scientific study of why we think, feel, and act the way we do? That’s psychology. When your authors tell people that we are psychologists, the first response is usually a variation on, “Ooh, are you analyzing me right now?” (We always say yes.) Sometimes this is followed by, “Are you reading my mind?” (Again, just for fun, we always say yes.) While it is true that some psychologists see patients (and only a subset of these professionals make use of psychoanalysis), many of us do not. And when we’re being honest, we ultimately have to admit that we can’t read minds either. Even though people often associate psychology with psychological disorders, personal problems, and psychotherapy, psychologists take as their subject the entire spectrum of beautiful and brutish things that human beings do—the kinds of things you see and read and hear about every day. Psychologists want to know why some people seem to be outgoing extraverts, whereas others prefer to keep to themselves more quietly. They ask why some people cheat and lie in the pursuit of success, and how those who do so rationalize their dishonesty to themselves and others. They explore the reasons that nations and ethnic groups so often see the world in terms of “us versus them” and resort to armed conflict to settle their differences. They investigate the mysteries of human memory, from people who can memorize in mere minutes the sequence of an entire deck of playing cards to why it is that some of us can’t remember the four things we need to buy at the grocery store. In short: Psychologists are interested in how ordinary human beings learn, remember, solve problems, sense and interpret the world, feel emotion, and get along (or fail to get along) with friends and family members. They are therefore as likely to study commonplace experiences—raising children, gossiping, feeling stressed, daydreaming, falling in love, and making a living—as exceptional ones. If you have ever wondered what makes people tick, or if you want to gain insight into your own behavior, then you are in the right course. We will begin every chapter with a survey question to prompt you to think about your own life and how it relates to the topics we are about to explore. In this chapter, we asked if you think you are good at predicting how people around you will behave. Even at the start of the semester, a majority of our students typically say yes to this question. That’s great! But we promise that after taking this course, you’ll be even better at it. And we also promise that by the end of this text, at least one—and probably more!—assumptions about human nature that you’ve previously relied upon will be proven to be more myth than truth.

1.1 Psychology, Pseudoscience, and the Perils of Common Sense To get a clear picture of this field, you need to know about its methods, its findings, and its ways of interpreting information. We will get to all this; we promise. But first, let’s look more closely at what psychology is, and equally importantly, what it is not.

What Is Psychology?

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We have (another) question for you: When you hear psychology, what is the first word you think of? We asked this question of hundreds of our own students, over e-mail, before the very first day of our introductory psychology course. Their responses can be found in the word cloud to the right; the bigger a word in this image, the greater the number of students who gave that response. We will revisit this question (and this word cloud) at the end of the text, to see how students’ responses do and don’t change as they experience their own introduction to psychology. Can you see your own beliefs about psychology reflected in this word cloud?

1.1.A What Psychology Is Samuel Sommers

Learning Objective 1.1.A Define psychology, and describe how it addresses daily life from a scientific perspective.

Percent items correct

Psychology can be defined generally as the scientific discipline concerned with behavior and mental processes and how they are affected by an organism’s physical state, mental state, and external environment. In many respects, psychology is the exploration of daily life What do you think of when you hear the word psychology? Give us experiences, preferences, and tendencies—psychologists investigate a semester and 16 or so chapters, and let’s see if your answers to many of the same issues regarding human nature that you and your this question change at all . . . friends might discuss over coffee or over late-night group texts. But unlike these informal conversations, psychological science is inquiry based on research psychology and empirical evidence, which is gathered by precise observation, experimentation, and The scientific discipline concerned measurement. with behavior and mental processes and how they are affected by an Accordingly, psychology is not just another name for common sense. Often, psychologiorganism’s physical state, mental state, cal research produces findings that directly contradict prevailing beliefs, and throughout the and external environment. chapters that follow you will discover many of them. Do memories get stored and put away in pristine condition just waiting to be recalled at a later date, as if they had been recorded in perfect detail in the brain? Do policies of abstinence from alcohol reduce rates of alcoholism? If you play Beethoven to your infant, will your child become smarter? Can hypnosis help you accurately remember your third birthday or allow you to perform feats that would otherwise Figure 1.1 Psychology: It’s Not Just “Common Sense” be impossible? Many people would answer these questions with a “yes,” but they would be wrong. Visit Revel to watch a video and learn about other common but mistaken beliefs. 100 At the start of an introductory psychology course, many students hold beliefs that have 90 been promoted in the popular culture, or are based on “common sense,” but that are not 80 scientifically supported. When two instructors gave their introductory psychology students 70 a list of such misconceptions in a true/false questionnaire on the first day of class—a questionnaire consisting entirely of false statements—the students accurately detected the false 60 statements only 38.5% of the time, which is actually worse than chance (Taylor & Kowalski, 50 2004). By the last week of class, however, when the students took a test containing all of the 40 earlier items, their overall accuracy was much better: 66.3% (see Figure 1.1). Although there 30 was still room for improvement, the students had also lost confidence in their remaining 20 misconceptions, suggesting that they had learned one of the most important lessons in sci10 ence: Uncertainty about untested assumptions and beliefs is a good thing. The effects of tak0 ing an introductory psychology course continue past the end of the semester as well. In one Before After more recent study, students still demonstrated fewer misconceptions about human nature a psychology psychology course course year after their course had ended (McCarthy & Franz, 2016). Psychological findings need not be surprising to be important. Sometimes they valOn the first day of class, students in an introductory psychology course actually idate common beliefs and then explain or extend them. Like all scientists, psychological did worse than chance on a true/false researchers strive not only to discover new phenomena and correct mistaken ideas, but also psychological information questionnaire. But to deepen our understanding of an already familiar world—for example, by identifying by the end of the semester, after they had the varieties of love, the origins of violence, the reasons different people can hear the same learned to examine the scientific evidence recorded sound in different ways, and why it is that a catchy musical rhythm can lift our for their beliefs, their performance had improved (Taylor & Kowalski, 2004). hearts. Fully understanding basic human processes that most people take for granted often

4 Chapter 1 empirical Relying on or derived from observation, experimentation, or measurement.

involves examining them in a new light, turning common wisdom on its head for a different perspective, or shaking up cherished beliefs to see why and when they hold true. In fact, psychology has this potential not only to shape how ordinary people view human nature, but also to influence the thinking of researchers in other fields. We learn from analyses of how often scientists in one discipline cite the work of scientists in other disciplines, that psychology is a “hub science,” in that it serves as a central link to surrounding research in many other fields (Cacioppo, 2013). If you don’t want to take our word for the importance and potential influence of psychology—after all, we’re psychologists ourselves, so we might be just a tad biased here— maybe you’ll be more persuaded by former U.S. president Barack Obama, who wrote in an executive order in 2015 that “research findings from fields such as behavioral economics and psychology . . . can be used to design government policies to better serve the American people.” Please visit Revel to watch a video and learn more about the many ways psychology impacts daily lives.

1.1.B What Psychology Is Not

Digital N/Shutterstock

Learning Objective 1.1.B Explain what separates psychological science from pseudoscience, pop psychology, and other sources of dubious claims regarding psychological issues. Perhaps just as informatively, let’s consider what psychology is not. First, the psychological science that you are about to study bears little relation to the popular psychology (“pop psych”) often found in self-help books or on talk shows. In recent decades, the public’s appetite for psychological information has created a huge market for “psychobabble”: pseudoscience covered by a veneer of psychological language. Pseudoscience (pseudo means “false”) promises quick fixes to life’s problems, such as resolving your unhappiness as an adult by “reliving” the supposed trauma of your birth or becoming more creative on the job by “reprogramming” your brain. Once again, the psychology about which you will learn in this text is based on the scientific method and empirical observation. Furthermore, psychological science differs radically from nonscientific competitors such as fortune-telling, numerology, and astrology. Yes, promoters of these systems—like psychologists—try to explain people’s problems and predict or guide their behavior: If you are having romantic problems, an astrologer may advise you to choose an Aries instead of an Aquarius as your next love. Yet whenever the predictions of psychics, astrologers, and the like are put to the test, they turn out to be so vague as to be meaningless (“Your spirituality will increase next year”) or just plain wrong, as in the case of all the doomsday predictions that have occurred for centuries, especially during times of great social change and anxiety (Shaffer & Jadwiszczok, 2010). Contrary to what one might think from watching TV shows or going to psychic websites, psychics don’t regularly find missing children, identify serial killers, or help police solve any other crime by using “psychic powers” (Radford, 2011). Usually, their “help” merely adds to the heartbreak felt by a victim’s family. So why does belief in psychic abilities and other forms of pseudoscience persist, even in scientifically advanced societies? For one thing, it gives people a sense of control and predictability in a confusing world (Hood, 2009; Mermelstein & German, 2021). Pseudoscience can also confirm our existing beliefs and prejudices, whereas scientific psychology often challenges them. You do not have to be a psychologist Tarot cards, horoscopes, psychic readings, and other nonscientific to know that people do not always take kindly to having their beliefs ways of predicting future outcomes remain popular today. Why? challenged. You rarely hear someone cheerfully say, “Oh, thank you for Because they often tell us what we want to hear and offer preexplaining to me why my irrational beliefs are mistaken!” The person dictions for an otherwise unpredictable world. Scientific data are is more likely to say, “Oh, get out of here, and take your stupid ideas often messier, telling more complicated stories that can challenge with you.” our assumptions.

What Is Psychology?

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Because so many pop-psych ideas have filtered into the media, education, the law, and politics, it is important to develop an ability to distinguish between psychobabble and serious psychology, and between unsubstantiated popular opinion and scientific findings based on research evidence. Such skills will serve you well in your introductory psychology class, but also in other courses and in your efforts to become a more informed citizen and consumer in an era teeming with social media bots and trolls, “deep-fake” images and videos, self-proclaimed experts on YouTube, and a variety of other dubious sources of (mis)information. Indeed, we will focus on the importance of critical thinking in psychology throughout this text, starting with the journal prompt that you will find at the end of each section of each chapter.

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JOURNAL 1.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Your friend Casey is a chemistry major who likes to give you a hard time for enrolling in a psychology course. “Psychology isn’t a science,” he claims. “It’s all just common sense anyway.” Why is Casey wrong about psychology? What does it mean for a field to be scientific? Can you think of a specific example of a so-called common sense assumption that you would like to see tested by psychological research?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 1.1 to test your knowledge.

The primary goal of this text is to introduce you to the basic methods, theories, and findings of psychology. But our hope (and, we’re sure, the hope of your course instructor as well) is that your introduction to psychology will also provide you with thinking and analytical skills that transcend a particular academic discipline. Throughout this text, you will gain practice in distinguishing scientific psychology from pseudoscience by thinking critically. As an approach to science, critical thinking forms the basis for all research methodologies. It can also serve as an excellent starting point for the way you approach the world in general, including your efforts to be the best student you can be. Separating fact from fiction, knowing what to believe and what to discard, and understanding how to evaluate evidence are important skills to have handy in your mental toolkit. So let us now ask: What does it mean to think critically, and how can you become skilled at it?

David Castillo Dominici/123RF

1.2 Thinking Critically About Psychology

Unfortunately, we often stop asking “why” questions as we get older. If you remember only one critical thinking tip from this chapter, make it be that we should all ask “why?” more often.

1.2.A What Is Critical Thinking? Learning Objective 1.2.A Explain why critical thinking applies to all scientific pursuits and why it should also guide everyday judgments and decision-making. One of the greatest benefits of studying psychology is that you learn not only how the brain works in general but also how to use yours in particular—by thinking critically. Critical thinking is the ability and willingness to assess claims and make objective judgments on the basis of well-supported reasons and evidence, rather than emotion or anecdote. Critical thinkers look for flaws in arguments and resist claims that have no support. They realize that criticizing an argument is not the same as criticizing the person making it, and they are willing to engage in vigorous debate. Critical thinking, however, is not the same as negative thinking. It includes the ability to be creative and constructive—the ability to come up with alternative explanations for events, think of implications of research findings, and apply new knowledge to social and personal problems (Halpern, 2014; Levy, 2010; Mueller et al., 2020). Most people know that keeping your body in shape requires exercise, but they may not realize that clear thinking also requires effort and practice. All around us, we can see examples of ineffective thinking. Sometimes people justify their mental laziness by proudly telling you they are open-minded. It’s good to be open-minded, but open-mindedness does not mean that all opinions are created equal and that one person’s beliefs are as good as

critical thinking Assessing claims and making objec­ tive judgments on the basis of well­ supported reasons and evidence rather than emotion or anecdote.

FG Trade/E+/Getty Images

6 Chapter 1 everyone else’s (Hare, 2009). On matters of personal preference, that is true; if you prefer the look of a Chevy truck to the look of a Honda Accord, no one can argue with you. But if you say, “The Chevy truck is safer than a Honda and gets better mileage too,” you have uttered more than mere opinion. Now you have to support your belief with evidence of the vehicle’s safety record and mileage (Ruggiero, 2011). And if you say, “Chevy trucks are the best in the world and Hondas do not exist; they are artifacts of government conspiracy,” you forfeit the right to have your opinion taken seriously. Your opinion, if it ignores reality, is not equal to any other. Critical thinking can also help you use the Internet better. You may pride yourself on being able to find things quickly online, but a team of researchers found that most college students are less skilled In times of crisis, critical thinking becomes especially . . . well, critthan they think at distinguishing credible material from unreliable ical. Consider the vast amount of misinformation arising during or biased information (Pan et al., 2007; Thompson, 2011). Instead, the COVID-19 pandemic regarding virus transmission, the effecmany students tend to rely on whatever comes up first at the top of tiveness of masking, vaccination, and the use of drugs not specifithe search results list or social media news feed. But students aren’t cally indicated for treating the virus. Differentiating credible from noncredible information—“good science” from “bad science”—is alone! In the past few years, there has been a rapid spike in concern particularly important when public and personal health are on the surrounding “fake news”—fabricated or uncorroborated information line (van Stekelenburg et al., 2021). that takes the form of more traditional and reliable sources of content. Millions of people have read or reposted this sort of misleading information about politics, crime, vaccination, nutrition, the spread of COVID-19, and other topics (Allcott & Gentzkow, 2017; Rochwerg et al., 2020), and recent research across age groups indicates that the more often we hear a piece of false information, the less able we become to distinguish between truth and falsehood (Fazio & Sherry, 2020). For all of these reasons, scientists have begun calling for more research to study how, when, and why such misinformation spreads (Hornsey, 2020; Lazer et al., 2018; Mayo, 2019). Of course, critical thinking is not only indispensable in ordinary life, it is fundamental to all science. When the American Psychological Association (APA) published its guidelines for how best to educate undergraduate psychology majors, the second major goal identified— right after building a knowledge base in psychology—focused on critical thinking and scientific inquiry (APA, 2016; Mueller et al., 2020). Specific objectives in this report include asking relevant questions to gather more information about claims, describing common fallacies that impair accurate conclusions, and using psychological concepts to explain personal experiences. You will get ample practice developing these and related skills as you read this text.

1.2.B Critical Thinking Steps Learning Objective 1.2.B Identify important steps to critical thinking, and give an example of how each applies to the science of psychology. Let’s take a look at five essential critical thinking steps that we will emphasize in this text. What is one kind of question that most exasperates caregivers of young children? “Why” questions: “Why is the sky blue?” “Why is ice cold?” “Why is a cactus prickly?” Unfortunately, as children grow up, they tend to stop asking “why” questions. (Why do you think this is?) But critical and creative thinking begins with wondering why. This crime prevention program isn’t working; why not? I want to stop smoking or lose weight or improve my grades; why can’t I seem to do it? Is my way of doing things the best way, or just the most familiar way? Critical thinkers are willing to question received wisdom—“We do it this way because this is the way we have always done it around here”—and ask, in essence, “Oh, yeah? But . . . why?” In psychological science, knowledge begins with asking a question. What is the biological basis of consciousness? How are memories stored and retrieved? Why do we sleep and dream? How do children learn complex rules of grammar? Why do people seem to behave

ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER

What Is Psychology?

differently when they’re on their own versus in a crowd? What causes schizophrenia? Critical thinkers are not discouraged by the fact that questions like these have not yet been fully answered and, indeed, don’t lend themselves to easy answers; they see the ongoing process of wrestling with questions like these as an exciting challenge. Once you have raised a general question, the next step is to frame it in clear and concrete terms. “What makes people happy?” is a fine question for a conversation with friends, but it will not lead to answers until you have defined what you mean by “happy.” Do you mean being in a state of euphoria most of the time? Do you mean feeling pleasantly contented with life? Do you mean being free of serious problems or pain? Vague or poorly defined terms in a question produce misleading or incomplete answers. For example, are people becoming less prejudiced against other groups? The answer depends in part on how you define “prejudice.” Everyone might agree that a conscious dislike of another group qualifies as a prejudice. But what about someone who feels uncomfortable with another group because they are unfamiliar with its rules and beliefs; is that person bigoted or uninformed? What about someone who blurts out an offensive remark while drunk; is that person prejudiced or just inebriated? What if someone truly believes that they don’t hold any prejudiced beliefs or feelings, yet a test suggests that they harbor unconscious prejudice; what does that mean? Many psychologists have studied this phenomenon of prejudice, and they obtain different results depending on how they define it.

DEFINE YOUR TERMS

Assumptions are beliefs that are taken for granted. Critical thinkers try to identify and evaluate the unspoken assumptions on which claims and arguments may rest—in the books they read, the political speeches they hear, and the ads that bombard them daily. Everyone, of course, makes assumptions about how the world works; we could not function otherwise. But if we do not recognize our own assumptions and those of other people, our ability to judge an argument’s merits may be impaired. When an assumption or belief keeps us from considering the evidence fairly, it becomes a bias. A bias often remains hidden until someone challenges our belief and we get defensive and angry (Tavris & Aronson, 2007). Indeed, another important guideline for critical thinking is to avoid relying too much on emotional reasoning. The fact that you really, really feel strongly that something is true—or that you want it to be true—doesn’t make it so. Critical thinkers separate emotion from the data. You probably hold strong feelings about many topics of psychological interest, such as drug use, racism, the origins of intelligence, gender differences, what makes people fat or thin, and what is the most effective way to study for an exam. As you read this text, you may find yourself quarreling with findings that you dislike. Disagreement is great! It means that you are reading actively and are engaged with the material. All we ask is that you think about why you are disagreeing: Is it because the evidence is unpersuasive or because the results make you feel anxious, threatened, or defensive? Bias— and the emotional responses often associated with it—creates intellectual blinders.

ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES

EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE A critical thinker bases conclusions on evidence, avoiding oversimplification, resisting easy generalizations, and rejecting either/or thinking. Think about it: Just because one politician is dishonest, does that mean everyone running for office is corrupt? Just because one individual of a particular racial, ethnic, or religious background commits a crime, should all members of that group be viewed through the same lens of suspicion? Critical thinkers want more evidence than one or two anecdotes before drawing such sweeping conclusions. For that matter, sometimes people make up their mind without any evidence at all! Have you ever heard someone in the heat of an argument exclaim, “I just know it’s true, no matter what you say”? Accepting a claim or conclusion without evidence is a sure sign of lazy thinking. A critical thinker asks, “What evidence supports or refutes this argument and its opposition? How reliable is the evidence?” For example, have you ever received some dire warning or funny “I swear it’s true!” story from a friend that you immediately posted on Instagram or TikTok only to learn later that it was a hoax or an urban legend?

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8 Chapter 1 A critical thinker would ask, “Is this story something I’d better check out on snopes.com before I tell thousands of my friends, co-workers, and neighbors (and thousands of their friends, co-workers, and neighbors)?” Sometimes, of course, checking the reliability of the evidence for a claim is difficult. In those cases, critical thinkers consider whether the evidence comes from a reliable source. Sources who are reliable exercise critical thinking themselves. They have education or experience in the field, and they responsibly draw on this expertise in making their claims. They do not pressure people to agree with them. They are trusted by other experts in the field and share their evidence openly. In psychology, they draw on research conducted according to certain rules and procedures. Visit Revel to watch a video that provides more tips on distinguishing reliable from less reliable information. Critical thinkers ask questions, define terms, check for biases, and examine the evidence. Then, and only then, are they ready to entertain the possibility of drawing conclusions. This means that one of the hardest lessons of learning to think critically is how to live with uncertainty. Sometimes there is little or no evidence available to examine. Sometimes the evidence permits only tentative conclusions. Sometimes the evidence seems strong enough to permit conclusions until, exasperatingly, new evidence throws our beliefs into disarray. Critical thinkers must be willing to accept this state of uncertainty; they cannot be afraid to say, “I don’t know.” Critical thinkers know that the more important the question, the less likely it is to have a single simple answer; they must be willing to change their minds when the evidence dictates they should. For that matter, critical thinkers consider alternative explanations, generating as many reasonable interpretations of the evidence as they can before settling on the most likely one. Suppose a news magazine reports that people with chronic depression are more likely than people without depression to develop cancer. Before concluding that depression causes cancer, you would need to consider alternate possibilities. Perhaps people with depression are more likely to smoke and to drink, and those unhealthy habits increase their cancer risk. Or perhaps early, as-yet-undetected cancers produce biochemical changes that create the physical and emotional symptoms of depression. Alternative explanations such as these must be ruled out by further investigation before we can conclude that depression is a direct cause of cancer. (It’s not, by the way.) Visit Revel to watch a video to learn more on why it is so important to sharpen your critical thinking skills in this manner. In weighing conclusions, it is important for critical thinkers to tolerate uncertainty and consider other interpretations. From the perspective of psychological science, this means that researchers must avoid drawing firm conclusions until other researchers have tried to repeat, or replicate, their studies and verify their findings. Secrecy is a big no-no in science; you must be willing to tell others where you got your ideas and how you tested them so that others can replicate and/or challenge them if they think your findings are wrong. As we’ll discuss in more detail in Chapter 2, replication is an essential part of the scientific process because sometimes what seems to be a major discovery turns out to be only a fluke (McShane et al., 2019; Open Science Collaboration, 2015; Shrout & Rodgers, 2018). In short, critical thinking is a process, not an accomplishment. No one ever becomes a perfect critical thinker, entirely unaffected by emotional reasoning and wishful thinking. We are all less open-minded than we think; it is always easier to poke holes in another person’s argument than to critically examine our own position. Yet we think the journey is well worth the mental effort because the ability to think critically can help people in countless ways, from saving them money to improving their relationships. As you read this text, keep in mind the steps we have described here, which are illustrated in the following photo gallery and summarized in Table 1.1. You can get practice applying these critical thinking guidelines by completing the journal writing prompts you’ll find throughout this text, as well as in the Critical Thinking Illustrated feature at the end of each chapter that will ask you to step into an animated world to critically evaluate a specific claim. WEIGH CONCLUSIONS

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Thinking Critically About Psychological Issues

EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE When demonstrating supposedly magical phenomena, fortune tellers such as this one exploit people’s tendency to not engage in a full examination of evidence. Critical thinkers avoid oversimplifying and overgeneralizing, and they realize that accepting a claim without evidence is a symptom of lazy thinking.

ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Many Americans share a cultural bias that all psychoactive drugs are inevitably harmful. The Rastafarian church, however, regards marijuana as a “wisdom weed.” Will Rastafarians who have used the drug with family, during religious ceremonies, and from a young age, react to it in the same way as an adult who buys it on the street for the first time or who smokes it alone? Critical thinkers must always check their assumptions and watch out for biases and the emotional reasoning they often produce.

Stanislav Fridkin/Shutterstock

DEFINE YOUR TERMS People refer to intelligence all the time, but what is it exactly? Does the musical genius of a world-class cellist like Yo-Yo Ma count as intelligence? Is intelligence captured by an IQ score, or does it also include wisdom, creativity, and practical “smarts”? Scientists and critical thinkers must be precise in how they define their terms.

Sergey Mironov/Alamy Stock Photo

ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Why do some people bravely come to the aid of their fellow human beings, even when it’s not their official job? And, on the other hand, why do people often behave in ways that are selfish, cruel, or violent? Asking “why” questions like these is often the first step in designing research to advance scientific knowledge.

Janine Wiedel Photolibrary/Alamy Stock Photo

Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Newscom

These critical thinking steps will help you evaluate psychological findings, media claims, and controversies that you encounter in your own life.

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What Is Psychology?

WEIGH CONCLUSIONS Many parents and other caregivers, because they want so badly for children to turn out well, have trouble accepting uncertainty about how to raise them or considering other interpretations for research conclusions that they read about online or in the news. For example, should adult caregivers co-sleep with children, or will that make them too dependent and clingy? Should they allow their baby to “cry it out” sometimes to learn how to get themselves to sleep, or will that leave emotional scars in the developing little one? Critical thinkers draw the best conclusions they can given the evidence at hand and recognize that important questions rarely have simple answers.

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Table 1.1 Guidelines for Thinking Critically About Psychological Issues Guideline

Example

Ask questions, be willing to wonder

“Can I recall events from my childhood accurately?”

Define your terms

“By ‘childhood,’ I mean ages 3 to 12; by ‘events,’ I mean things that happened to me personally, like a trip to the zoo or a stay in the hospital; by ‘accurately,’ I mean the event basically happened the way I think it did.”

Analyze assumptions and biases

“I’ve always assumed that memory is like a video recorder—perfectly accurate for every moment of my life—but maybe this is just a bias because it’s so reassuring.”

Examine the evidence

“I feel like I recall my fifth birthday party perfectly, but studies show that people often reconstruct past events inaccurately.”

Weigh conclusions

“I may never know for sure whether some of my childhood memories are real or whether some of them are combinations of accurate and inaccurate information; I’d like to see more research studies that help identify the characteristics associated with reliable versus unreliable memories.”

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JOURNAL 1.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Whether you’ve realized it or not, chances are you’ve already practiced some of the critical thinking guidelines discussed in this section. Any time you’ve watched a viral TikTok life hack and exclaimed, “That’s too good to be true!” you’ve called out for an examination of the evidence. When your roommate claims to be smarter than you, you’ve probably insisted on defining terms such as “smarter.” Think about the critical thinking steps described above. Which ones do you have the most trouble applying in your daily life? Which ones come more naturally to you?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 1.2 to test your knowledge.

1.3 A History of Psychology: From the Armchair to the Laboratory Robert Harding World

Now that you know what psychology is and what it isn’t, and why studying it requires critical thinking, let’s see how psychology developed into a modern science. We will begin this historical review by examining some of our field’s ancestors and distant relatives.

1.3.A The Forerunners of Modern Psychology Learning Objective 1.3.A Discuss some of the early approaches to explaining psychological topics, from ancient times through the early 1800s. Psychology is a relatively young discipline, with the first psychology lab having been founded just 140 years ago. But for centuries before that, many a writer, artist, scientist, and politician debated questions and thought through issues related to the human condition. William Shakespeare, for example, was born almost 300 years before that first psychology lab came into existence. But he was, in many respects, an astute psychologist, writing about love and jealousy, lapses in morality, unconscious drives, and the limitations of humans’ self-insight.

Until the 19th century, psychology was not a formal discipline. Of course, many of the great thinkers of history, from Aristotle to Zoroaster, raised questions that today would be called psychological. They wanted to know how people take in information through their senses, use information to solve problems, and become motivated to act in brave or villainous ways. They wondered about the elusive nature of emotion, and whether it controls us or is something we can control. Like today’s psychologists, they wanted to describe, predict, understand, and modify behavior in order to add to human knowledge and maximize human happiness. But unlike modern psychologists, scholars of the past did not rely heavily on empirical evidence. Often their observations were based simply on anecdotes or descriptions of individual cases. This does not mean that psychology’s forerunners were always wrong. Hippocrates (c. 460–377 b.c.e.), the Greek physician known as the founder of modern medicine, observed patients with head injuries and inferred that the brain must be the ultimate source of “our pleasures, joys, laughter, and jests as well as our sorrows, pains, griefs, and tears.” Indeed, it is. In the 17th century, the English philosopher John Locke (1643–1704) argued that the mind works by associating ideas arising from experience, and this notion continues to influence many psychologists today.

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1.3.B The Birth of Modern Psychology Learning Objective 1.3.B Discuss some of the influential perspectives and individuals in the early years of modern psychology. At about the time that phrenology was peaking in popularity, several pioneering scholars in Europe and the United States were starting to study psychological issues using scientific methods. In 1879, Wilhelm Wundt [VIL-helm VOONT] officially established the first psychological laboratory in Leipzig, Germany. Wundt (1832–1920), who was trained in medicine and philosophy, wrote many volumes on physiology, natural history, ethics, and logic. But psychologists especially revere him because he was the first person to announce (in 1873) that he intended to make psychology a science and because his laboratory was the first to have its results published in a scholarly journal. Although it started out as just a few rooms in an old building, the Leipzig laboratory soon became the go-to place for anyone who wanted to become a psychologist. One of Wundt’s favorite research methods was called trained introspection, in which volunteers were taught to carefully observe, analyze, and describe their own sensations and emotional reactions. This was not as easy as it sounds. Wundt’s volunteers had to make 10,000 practice observations before they were allowed to participate in an actual study. Once trained, they might take as long as 20 minutes to report their inner experiences during a 1.5-second experiment. The goal was to reduce behavior into its most basic elements, much as a chemist might break down water into hydrogen and oxygen. Most psychologists eventually rejected trained introspection as being too subjective, but Wundt is usually credited with formally initiating the movement to make psychology a science. Following his lead, three schools of thought became popular during the early decades of psychology’s existence as a formal discipline: structuralism, functionalism, and psychoanalysis. In the United States, Wundt’s ideas were popularized in somewhat modified form by one of his students, E. B. Titchener (1867–1927), who gave Wundt’s approach the name structuralism. Like Wundt, structuralists hoped to analyze sensations, images, and feelings into basic elements. A person might be asked to listen to a clicking metronome and to report exactly what they heard. Most people said they perceived a pattern (such as CLICK click click CLICK click click), even though the clicks of a metronome are actually all the same. Or a person might be asked to break down all the different components of taste when biting into an orange (sweet, tart, wet, and so on). However, after you have discovered the building blocks of a particular sensation or image, then what? The structuralists did not have an answer. And their reliance on introspection also got them into trouble because despite their training, introspectors often produced conflicting reports. When asked what image came to mind when they heard the word triangle, most

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But without empirical methods, the forerunners of psychology also committed terrible blunders. One was the theory of phrenology (Greek for “study of the mind”), which became wildly popular in Europe and the United States in the early 1800s. Phrenologists argued that different brain areas accounted for specific character and personality traits, such as stinginess and religiosity. Moreover, they said, such traits could be “read” from bumps on the skull. Thieves supposedly had large bumps above the ears. So how would they account for people who had these “stealing bumps” but who were not thieves? Phrenologists explained this away by saying that the person’s thieving impulses were being held in check by other bumps representing positive traits. In this manner, the so-called data could be used to support any conclusion. Despite this, all sorts of people eagerly sought the services of phrenologists. Parents used them to make decisions about childrearing; schools used them to decide which teachers to hire; businesses used them to find out which employees were likely to be loyal and honest. Some phrenologists offered classes or self-study programs for people who wanted to overcome their deficiencies—these were the forerunners of today’s self-improvement programs and seminars. Enthusiasm for phrenology did not disappear until well into the 20th century, even though phrenology was a classic pseudoscience—sheer nonsense. What stands out to you about this 19th-century phrenology “map”? Are you surprised by any of the aptitudes, emotions, and characteristics included? Surprised by anything major that seems to be missing? Does there seem to be any rhyme or reason to which labels are assigned to which regions of the skull? Sure, phrenology has long since been debunked, but as you read the rest of this chapter, consider whether there might be any ways in which the same motivations and assumptions that can be seen in this diagram continue to influence contemporary ways of thinking about human nature.

phrenology The now­discredited theory that different brain areas account for specific character and personality traits, which can be “read” from bumps on the skull.

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STRUCTURALISM

Wilhelm Wundt (1832–1920)

12 Chapter 1 structuralism An early psychological approach that emphasized the analysis of immediate experience into basic elements.

functionalism

Design Pics Inc/Shutterstock

An early psychological approach that emphasized the function or purpose of behavior and consciousness.

William James (1842–1910)

respondents said they imagined a visual image of a form with three sides and three corners. But one person might report a flashing red form with equal angles, whereas another reported a revolving colorless form with one angle larger than the other two. Some people even claimed they could think about a triangle without forming any visual image at all (Boring, 1953). It was hard, therefore, to know what mental attributes of a triangle were basic. And so, despite its ability to generate an intensive program of research, structuralism soon lost favor. Years after its demise, Wolfgang Köhler (1959) recalled how he and his colleagues had responded to it as students: “What had disturbed us was . . . the implication that human life, apparently so colorful and so intensely dynamic, is actually a frightful bore.” Another early approach to scientific psychology, called functionalism, emphasized the purpose (or function) of behavior, as opposed to its analysis and description. One of functionalism’s leaders was William James (1842–1910), an American philosopher, physician, and psychologist, who argued that searching for building blocks of experience, as Wundt and Titchener tried to do, was a waste of time because the brain and the mind are constantly changing. Attempting to grasp the nature of the mind through introspection, wrote James (1890/1950), is “like seizing a spinning top to catch its motion” or trying to turn on the lights “quickly enough to see how the darkness looks.” (In addition to being a keen psychological mind, James was quite the writer!) Whereas the structuralists asked what happens when an organism does something, the functionalists asked how and why. They were inspired in part by the evolutionary theories of British naturalist Charles Darwin (1809–1882). Darwin had argued that a biologist’s job is not merely to describe, say, the puffed-out chest of a pigeon or the drab markings of a lizard, but also to figure out how these attributes enhance survival. Do they help the animal attract a mate or hide from its enemies? Similarly, the functionalists wanted to know how specific behaviors and mental processes help a person adapt to the environment, so they looked for underlying causes and practical consequences of these behaviors and processes. Unlike the structuralists, they felt free to pick and choose among many methods, and they broadened the field of psychology to include the study of children, animals, religious experiences, and what James called the “stream of consciousness”—a term still used because it so beautifully describes the way thoughts can flow like a river, tumbling over each other like the rushing current, sometimes placid, sometimes turbulent. As a school of psychology, functionalism, like structuralism, was short-lived. Yet the functionalists’ emphasis on the causes and consequences of behavior was to set the course of psychological science.

FUNCTIONALISM

PSYCHOANALYSIS The 19th century also saw the development of psychological therapies. In the United States, the wildly popular Mind Cure movement lasted from 1830 to 1900; “mind cures” were efforts to correct the false ideas that were said to make people anxious, depressed, and unhappy. The Mind Cure movement was a precursor to modern cognitive therapies. However, the form of therapy that had the greatest worldwide impact for much of the 20th century had its roots in Vienna, Austria. While researchers were working in their laboratories, struggling to establish psychology as a science, Sigmund Freud [SIG-muhnd FROYD] was in his office, listening to his patients’ reports of depression, nervousness, and obsessive habits. Freud (1856–1939) became convinced that many of his patients’ symptoms had mental, not physical, causes. Their distress, he concluded, was due to conflicts and emotional traumas that had occurred in early childhood and that were too threatening to be remembered consciously, such as forbidden sexual feelings for a parent. Freud argued that conscious awareness is merely the tip of a mental iceberg. Beneath the visible tip, he said, lies the unconscious part of the mind, containing unrevealed wishes, passions, guilty secrets, unspeakable yearnings, and conflicts between desire and duty. Many of these urges and thoughts, he suggested, are sexual or aggressive in nature. We are not aware of them as we go blithely about our daily business, yet they make themselves known in dreams, slips of the tongue, apparent accidents, and even jokes. Freud (1905a) wrote,

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Revisiting the Classics Sigmund Freud It is easy when reading an introductory text to confuse famous with flawless. Just because researchers, studies, or particular theoretical viewpoints become well-known enough to be cited or even written in bold does not mean they are immune from careful scrutiny and criticism. Accordingly, once per chapter in this text, you will find a feature like this one, titled Revisiting the Classics, in which we will review through a critical lens some of the most famous studies in all of psychology. In this opening chapter, we turn our critical attention to not a single

early psychologists have had the amount and longevity of impact on both the field and general public. Some practitioners of psychotherapy continue to draw on psychoanalytic ideas today. And a variety of contemporary research areas continue to emphasize unconscious forces and conflicts within individuals—though they do so via a reliance on empirical observation and the scientific method that would have been largely unfamiliar to Freud in his own time.

study, but rather a looming legend of the early decades of psychology, Sigmund Freud. Freud’s perspectives have had an unsurpassed Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA[LC-USZ62-72266]

influence on philosophy, popular culture, and public awareness of psychology. Defense mechanisms, dream analysis, Freudian slips, the Oedipal Complex, phallic symbols, the battle of id versus superego . . . these are all concepts that continue to influence popular discourse and depictions of human nature. Today, Freud is as much of a household name as Einstein, even if the two men placed vastly different emphases on the importance of the scientific method. Even in his own day, Freudian concepts were far from embraced by empirically oriented scientists. Karl Popper, a fellow Austrian and a famous early 20th-century philosopher of science, considered psychoanalysis to be the height of pseudoscience, a conclusion echoed by various critics today as well. Scientific theories, after all, are supposed to have testable predictions and conclusions based on objective empirical data. Freud’s ideas, his critics have suggested, exhibit “fundamental departures from the scientific ethos” (Crews, 1996, p. 66). Why, then, devote so much attention to Freud in this opening chapter? (And again in Chapters 6 and 14 . . .) Because few if any

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939)

“No mortal can keep a secret. If the lips are silent, he chatters with his fingertips; betrayal oozes out of him at every pore.” Freud’s ideas were not exactly an overnight sensation. His first book, The Interpretation of Dreams (1900/1953), sold only 600 copies in the 8 years following its publication. Eventually, however, his ideas evolved into a broad theory of personality and a method of psychotherapy, both of which became known as psychoanalysis. From these early beginnings in philosophy, natural science, and medicine, psychology has grown into a complex discipline encompassing many perspectives, methods, and specialties. Today the field is like a large, sprawling family. The members of this family share common great-grandparents, and many of the cousins have remained close. But like any family, some members quarrel regularly, and a few barely speak to one another.

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JOURNAL 1.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES When you think about psychoanalysis or hear the name Sigmund Freud, what comes to mind? Analyzing dreams? Slips of the tongue? Theories about unconscious sexual desires? After documenting your own assumptions about Freud, describe one criticism of Freud’s perspective and then one way in which Freud’s theories continue to be influential in contemporary psychological research.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 1.3 to test your knowledge.

psychoanalysis A theory of personality and a method of psychotherapy, originally formulated by Sigmund Freud, that emphasizes unconscious motives and conflicts.

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Liudmilachernetska/123RF

1.4 Psychological Science Perspectives Psychologists study a diverse set of topics from a diverse set of perspectives. You can see this for yourself just by looking at our table of contents! Some of the topics we will cover in the chapters that follow are among the most pleasurable and awe-inspiring components of the human experience—love, creativity, joy, dreams, sex, resilience, raising children, and eating a delicious meal followed by an even more delicious dessert. But consider yourself warned: We will also delve into more distressing aspects of humanity—aggression, stress, disappointment, false memory, bigotry, obedience to destructive authority, trauma, and thoughts about self-harm. Let’s consider the thorny problem of violence. Different researchA psychological scientist must come to terms with the idea that some of ers might ask very different questions in the effort to better underwhat they will learn about what it means to be human may be upsetting stand (and perhaps prevent) violent behavior. We will return and disturbing, even at the same time that it is important and illuminating. to this concrete example of studying the problem of violence as Psychologists adopt diverse perspectives in their investigations of we consider different approaches to psychological science in the these many puzzles of behavior and mental processes. These approaches sections below. include the biological, cognitive, developmental, social/personality, and health-related, as we will explore in more detail in this section. Of course, not all psychologists swear allegiance to just one approach: Many scientists cross boundaries and move regularly from one perspective to another.

1.4.A Pillars of Modern Psychology

MIGUEL MEDINA/AFP/Getty images

Learning Objective 1.4.A List and describe five pillars of psychological science. We will cover an extraordinarily wide range of topics in this text. You’ll learn about electrical impulses shooting along the intricate pathways of the nervous system. You’ll read about emotions, motivations, stress, problem-solving, and peer pressure. You’ll discover how clinicians diagnose psychological disorders and use medication and psychotherapy to treat them. These varied topics and perspectives complicate the effort to give a simple answer to the question that serves as the title of this opening chapter: What is psychology? How best to keep track of and integrate these varied themes and approaches? We recommend thinking of psychological science as a structure supported by five pillars, all of which rest on a shared and sturdy foundation. If the field of psychology were a building, its blueprints would look something like Figure 1.2 (Gurung & Neufeld, 2022). Let’s explore in more detail the architecture of this palace—or pavilion? pagoda? parthenon?—of psychology. Many of the topics we will cover in this text can be found on the biological pillar of Figure 1.2. Some examples: Those nervous system electrical impulses we mentioned above, not to mention the chemical communicators that flow across the gaps separating one microscopic brain cell from another. The hormones that course through the bloodstream and instruct internal organs to slow down or speed up. Our brain’s incredible ability to sense sights, sounds, smells, tastes, and touches. How genetically influenced behavior that was functional or adaptive during our evolutionary past may be reflected in many of our present behaviors, mental processes, and traits. And don’t forget about sleep! In your personal life, sure, but also in terms of this first pillar: Sleep and other states of consciousness are vital topics that offer important insights on the brain/body connection. In short, the biological pillar reminds us that we cannot really know ourselves if we do not know our bodies.

THE BIOLOGICAL PILLAR

The biological pillar relies on various tools that provide a glimpse into the brain and body. Returning to our example of trying to understand the roots of violent behavior, research based on the biological pillar might consider whether there are structural or functional differences in various regions of the brain between individuals who turn quickly to violence and those who do not, as well as the degree to which violent tendencies seem to have a genetic or inherited component.

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Figure 1.2 The Five Pillars of Modern Psychology

PSYCHOLOGY BIOLOGICAL

COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENTAL

SOCIAL AND PERSONALITY

MENTAL AND PHYSICAL HEALTH

Health

Neuroscience

Cognition

Learning

Social

Genetics

Perception

Personality

Stress

Sensation

Memory

Life Span Development

Consciousness

Intelligence

Language

Emotion Multicultural

Psychological Disorders

Identity

Gender

Treatment

Motivation

RESEARCH METHODS Adapted from the American Psychological Association Introductory Psychology Initiative.

The cognitive pillar emphasizes what goes on in people’s heads—how people reason, remember, comprehend language, solve problems, explain experiences, and acquire moral standards. (The word cognitive comes from the Latin for “to know.”) Using clever methods to infer mental processes from observable behavior, cognitive research explores phenomena that were once only the stuff of speculation, such as insight, false memory, and the kind of “thinking” that goes outside of conscious awareness. Cognitive psychologists design computer programs that model how humans perform complex tasks, discover what goes on in the minds of infants, and identify types of intelligence not measured by conventional IQ tests. The cognitive pillar shines a light on the intricate workings of the mind. THE COGNITIVE PILLAR

We will often adopt a developmental perspective in this text, as we explore the ways in which preferences, attitudes, identities, and social patterns change (or, in other words, develop) over one’s lifetime. We’ll devote an entire chapter to development over the lifespan, from the first weeks of infancy—when much of the world is a buzzing, confusing, and unfamiliar puzzle— to the challenges and triumphs of old age. But we’ll also ask developmental questions in other chapters—questions about memory, emotion, gender identity, and psychological disorders. In addition, we’ll focus on learning, examining the ways in which environmental rewards and punishments encourage (or discourage) specific behaviors, how individuals observe and imitate other people around them, and how these learning processes operate at different life stages. Developmental researchers ask questions about how we

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THE DEVELOPMENTAL PILLAR

A cognitive approach to understanding violence would focus on people’s thought processes, including, perhaps, the inability to stifle violent thoughts or the tendency to interpret others’ actions as insults or provocations.

16 Chapter 1 come to acquire the skills and tendencies we have now, but also how these processes will continue to evolve throughout the rest of our lives. Why are they acting like this? Is it something about the situation they’re in or something about them as people? Anytime you find yourself asking questions like these, you are thinking about the social/personality pillar of psychology. Social psychologists examine the power of different situations to shape people’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Personality psychologists focus on relatively stable patterns of behavior, thoughts, and motives that characterize an individual across contexts and over time. For example, in considering conformity and peer pressure, a social psychologist might study under what circumstances individuals are particularly likely to go along with the crowd; a personalRegarding our continuing effort to understand the roots of violence, ity psychologist might focus on whether some individuals are more a developmental psychologist might ask questions regarding the nonconformist than others. effects of violent television and movies on children’s own behavThis pillar also reminds us of the important influence that culioral tendencies, or about the circumstances under which children learn violent responses from observing the adults in their lives. tural experiences, roles, and rules have on nearly everything we do: how we perceive the world, express joy or grief, think through problems, and treat our friends and enemies. Unfortunately, psychology remains a field in which 96% of studies examine participants from only 12% of the world’s population (North America, Western Europe, and other English-speaking regions; Arnett, 2008; Krys et al., 2022; Rad et al., 2018). In this text, we have made a concerted effort to cite studies that include people from a range of nationalities and cultural backgrounds.

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THE SOCIAL/PERSONALITY PILLAR

THE MENTAL AND PHYSICAL HEALTH PILLAR Another important perspective in psychological science focuses on healthy functioning and how to address threats to it. In Chapter 15, you will learn about the signs, symptoms, and biological correlates of conditions including depression, panic disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, and schizophrenia. In Chapter 16, you will read about how individuals who have these disorders can be treated using a variety of cognitive and behavioral therapies as well as medication. And throughout the text you will discover a wide range of factors that encourage mental and physical well-being—social support, emotion regulation, good nutrition, effective coping styles—as well as common obstacles to feeling healthy—stress, racism and other forms of discrimination, addiction, and imbalances in the chemicals that transmit messages from one neuron to the next. Even the tallest of skyscrapers is only as strong as its foundation. In the case of our pillared palace of psychology, the common ground underlying these varied approaches is a solid base in research methods. Despite their diversity of perspectives, psychological scientists agree on basic guidelines about how knowledge is obtained in the field. Psychological scientists reject supernatural explanations of events—evil spirits, psychic forces, miracles, and so forth; they don’t rely on hunches or personal belief. Rather, psychological scientists believe in the importance of gathering empirical evidence via carefully designed research studies. As we discussed earlier, this insistence on rigorous standards of proof is what sets psychology apart from nonscientific explanations of human experience, and it unifies research psychologists across specialty and disciplinary perspectives. New students of psychology also need a sturdy foundation What would the social/personality pillar offer to our investigation of in research methods. That’s why the second chapter of this text is violence? Perhaps an examination of why individuals are often more dedicated to a thorough review of how psychologists do research. aggressive in a crowd than they are on their own.

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Learning Objective 1.4.B Review the lack of diversity in early psychology and its consequences, and explain how feminist psychology illustrates the benefits of including a range of perspectives in scientific inquiry. To this point, this chapter has included several photographs of famous and influential early psychologists. When we look at these photos, what can we learn? For one, it is apparent that in the late 19th century—much as is the case again today—beards were “in.” Far more importantly, we note that these photos of pioneering psychologists are all of men—and more specifically, White men. Any review of the history of psychological science is incomplete without considering the ramifications of this early period dominated by individuals from just one segment of society. Gun violence remains a disturbing public health threat in American What are the implications of this lack of diversity for the develop- society. A scientist drawing upon the mental and physical health pillar ment of psychology? And what were some of the obstacles that pre- of psychology might study the issue of violence by examining the vented women and people of color from full access and entry to the empirical links between psychological disorders and mass shootings field? One consequence—and perhaps also cause—of this lack of repre- (Metzl et al., 2021). Whereas research indicates that gun violence is far more common in the United States than other countries (Grinshteyn & sentativeness is that some early psychology research was actually used Hemenway, 2019), rates of mental illness are not (Dattani et al., 2021). to justify and perpetuate discrimination. Abramson and Lack (2014) documented a variety of such findings in their book, Psychology Gone Astray: A Selection of Racist and Sexist Literature from Early Psychological Research, including studies that purported to demonstrate reliable sex and race differences in intelligence, memory, personality, psychological disorders, physical coordination, and moral development. Usually, these data were offered to bolster claims regarding the superior performance and capabilities of men and White people. And when the data didn’t cooperate? They were conveniently reinterpreted, as with a study in which Black and Indigenous participants showed faster reaction times than did White participants, leading the researchers to assert that such “automatic excellence” must come at the expense of more important forms of general “intellectuality,” presumably possessed in ample amounts by White people (Abramson & Lack, 2014; Bache, 1895). In fact, in 2021, the American Psychological Association issued a formal apology to people of color for decades of promoting, perpetuating, and failing to challenge racism and other forms of discrimination (APA, 2021a). This apology was accompanied by a report (APA, 2021b) that provided a detailed history of the ways in which psychological scientists and institutions have contributed to beliefs about racial hierarchy and perpetuated inequality. Named in this report are multiple individuals whose early work in the field is usually included in introductory psychology textbooks, but who also espoused some truly reprehensible beliefs regarding eugenics, White supremacy, sexism, and other forms of bigotry. We have adopted the strategy in this text of including these influential psychologists and their discoveries, but also being brutally honest, where applicable, regarding their problematic attitudes and behaviors. We believe that we wouldn’t be doing our jobs as introductory psychology authors, for example, if we didn’t tell you about Broca’s area, an important region of the brain associated with speech production. But we wouldn’t be doing our jobs as critical thinkers if we didn’t also inform you that this brain area is named after Paul Broca, a 19th-century French anatomy researcher whose sexist claims regarding biological evidence for the inferior intellect of women have since been roundly criticized and rejected. In terms of the lack of diversity within the field, progress did come to psychology, albeit slowly and incompletely. Throughout this text, you will learn about women and people of color who have made important contributions as psychological scientists and clinicians. For example, consider Eleanor Gibson, who in the late 1950s developed an innovative paradigm known as the visual cliff, a glass-topped surface with a visible drop-off underneath that allowed developmental psychologists to study depth perception among newly mobile

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1.4.B Gender, Race, and Diversity in Psychology

Courtesy of Dr. James Maas, Cornell University

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Eleanor Gibson (1910–2002)

Mamie Phipps Clark (1917–1983)

feminist psychology A psychological approach that analyzes the influence of gender, sexuality, and social structures on thought, emotion, and behavior.

infants. Or Mamie Phipps Clark, the second Black student to receive a psychology Ph.D. from Columbia University (her husband, Kenneth, was the first), who went on to become the driving force behind the “doll studies,” a series of experiments that investigated internalized racism among Black children and was cited by the U.S. Supreme Court’s historic Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954 that ruled school segregation unconstitutional. It is encouraging to celebrate the successes and contributions of psychologists such as Gibson and Clark, but it is also important to keep in mind the serious obstacles they had to overcome throughout their careers and in achieving their accomplishments. Imagine Gibson’s excitement as a young woman in her 20s, arriving on campus at Yale University, recently having been accepted into a prestigious Ph.D. program. Imagine her working up the nerve to approach a well-known faculty member, Robert Yerkes, to ask him if she could work in his comparative psychology lab, conducting experiments with chimpanzees. And then imagine how it must have felt to have been told by Yerkes, thanks but no thanks: “I have no women in my laboratory” (Rodkey, 2011). Clark’s career path as a Black woman was even more daunting. As she once explained in her own words, “Although my husband had earlier secured a teaching position at the City College of New York, following my graduation it soon became apparent to me that a Black female with a Ph.D. in psychology was an unwanted anomaly in New York City in the early 1940s” (Clark, 1983). It’s sobering to consider how many future Dr. Gibsons and Dr. Clarks we have missed out on in psychology over the decades because of the failures of individuals and institutions to make our field a welcoming and supportive one for all scientists. As psychology has become more diverse, so too have its theoretical perspectives, areas of focus, and populations studied. For example, when women began to enter the field in even greater numbers in the 1970s, they also began to document evidence of a pervasive bias in the research methods used and in the very questions that researchers had been asking for decades (Crawford & Marecek, 1989; Eagly et al., 2012; Schudson, 2021; Shields & Dicicco, 2011). They noted that many studies had used only men as subjects—and usually only young, White, middle-class men at that—and they showed why it was inappropriate to generalize to everyone else from such a narrow research base. This newly emerging feminist psychology spurred the growth of research on topics that had long been ignored in the field, including menstruation, motherhood, rape and domestic violence, the dynamics of power and sexuality in relationships, definitions of masculinity and femininity, gender roles, and sexist attitudes. Feminist psychologists critically examined the male bias in psychotherapy, starting with Freud’s own case studies. Feminist psychology even influenced the study of men, inspiring research on such diverse topics as men’s health, emotions, and the ways that culture shapes notions of “masculinity” (Vandello & Bosson, 2013). Feminist psychology has greatly advanced efforts to make psychology the study of all human beings, of all cultures, ethnicities, and sexualities. It also serves as an illustration of the potential for any type of scientific inquiry to benefit from the inclusion of multiple perspectives (Sulik et al., 2022). Where does the field of psychology stand today when it comes to diversity? In 1985, only 22% of psychology faculty at graduate-degree granting institutions were women. Three decades later, that number was up to 46% (APA, 2014). Looking at newly hired assistant professors of psychology across all types of academic institutions, 65% are now women and 29% identify as people of color (APA, 2019). Alas, these numbers continue to be less representative at more senior faculty ranks, where 46% of full professors are women and only 12% are people of color, as well as when it comes to the important position of editorin-chief of the journals that publish psychological science research (Roberts et al., 2020). In sum, like many disciplines, the early track record of psychology was bleak when it came to diversity. In fact, for several decades, psychological research was even used to advance racist, sexist, and other discriminatory conclusions about human nature. Our field has come a long way since then, with contemporary psychological science representing a wider range of perspectives, identities, and demographics, and with careers in psychology accessible to all individuals regardless of background. And yet, more work remains to be done (Gruber et al., 2021; Ledgerwood et al., 2022). Throughout the chapters that follow, our hope is to convince you that psychology is a field of inquiry open to scientists of all identities and walks of life. We’re

What Is Psychology?

19

confident that at least a few of you reading this section will someday find your own research cited in a future edition of the text, or maybe even your own photo (beard very much optional!). The history of psychology continues to be written on a daily basis; you can explore this history in the interactive timeline in Revel.

Taking Psychology with You Using Psychology to Study Psychology As you are realizing by now, psychologists focus their critical think-

way to do this is to connect new information to information you

ing and research attention on a diverse range of issues, and much

already know. These associations will organize material in your

of this work has useful applications for being more effective and

memory, creating new mental pathways that help you retrieve

efficient in daily life. In each chapter, we will highlight in a box like

it later. 4. Forget about cramming. Staying up all night to study might give you the feeling that you know the material, but if you haven’t really understood what you’ve read, it’s hardly effective. Rather than cramming all your attempts to test yourself into one giant (and awful) block of time, test yourself regularly throughout the semester, say once a week (Bjork & Bjork, 2011). That way, once you’ve learned something, it will stay learned. This will also help avoid sleep deprivation, which undermines studying efforts (Huang et al., 2016).

this at least one way in which you can take the lessons of psychology with you beyond this text. And we can think of no better way to begin than by exploring how you can use psychology research findings to more successfully study psychology. Specifically, we’d like to share four winning study strategies that have been tested in scientific laboratories and schools from elementary school to the university level (Dunlosky et al., 2013; McDaniel et al., 2007; Roediger et al., 2011): 1. Pay undivided attention. You can’t be at the top of your cognitive game while texting, playing online, or otherwise multitasking. Focus instead on taking good notes during class, capturing important points rather than transcribing every

We are confident that these techniques will help you, especially if you remember the ultimate strategy for success: No matter how good they are, no course and no textbook can do your work for you. Now onward!

word you hear. In fact, some research suggests that there can be advantages to taking notes by hand because it leads students to process information more deeply and reframe it in their own words (Crumb et al., 2002; Mueller & Oppenheimer, 2014). RF Pictures/Corbis/Getty Images

2. Use the 3R technique: read, recite, review. Reading and re-reading isn’t enough (McDermott, 2021). What’s essential is that you test yourself on what you’ve studied: Ask yourself questions, retrieve the answers, and restudy what you didn’t know—again and again until you learn the material (Karpicke & Aue, 2015; Karpicke & Roediger, 2007). Recite aloud what you recall about the major concepts you just read about before taking each section-ending quiz. Then review again to correct anything you got wrong or overlooked. 3. Dig deep. The mind is not a container or a sponge; you can’t just pour information in and assume it will stay there (Miyastu et al., 2018). You have to process it until you get it. An excellent

Binge watching TV can be fun, even if exhausting. But binge studying for class is far less effective, and just as exhausting! Research conclusions are clear: You should space out your studying and practice testing to achieve maximum benefits.

Interactive

JOURNAL 1.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Let’s turn our attention to a topic very familiar to the average college student: the effects of stress! Consider the five pillars of psychology we reviewed above: biological, cognitive, developmental, social/personality, and mental/physical health. Can you come up with one research question related to the effects of stress from each of these five pillars of psychology? If you were starting a new program of research on this topic, which question would you want to start with and why?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 1.4 to test your knowledge.

20 Chapter 1

1.5 What Psychologists Do Interactive

What About You? Interactive

When you hear the word psychologist, do you first think of someone who sees patients?

Now you know the main viewpoints and perspectives that guide psychologists in their work. But how do psychologists actually spend their time each day? If we asked people on the street the preceding survey question, the majority would answer yes. To most people, the word psychologist conjures up an image of a therapist listening intently while clients pour forth their troubles. Some psychologists do in fact fit this image, but others do not. The professional activities of psychologists generally fall into three broad categories: (1) teaching and doing research in colleges and universities; (2) providing health or mental health services, often referred to as psychological practice; and (3) conducting research or applying its findings in nonacademic settings such as business, sports, government, law, and the military (see Table 1.2). Some psychologists move flexibly across these areas. A researcher might also provide counseling services in a mental health setting such as a clinic or a hospital; a university professor might teach, do research, and serve as a consultant in legal cases. basic psychology The study of psychological issues for the primary purpose of expanding scientific knowledge rather than a specific practical application.

1.5.A Psychological Research

applied psychology

Most psychologists who do research have a doctoral degree (Ph.D.) or doctorate in education (Ed.D.). Some, seeking to expand scientific knowledge on a particular aspect of human functioning, work in basic psychology. Others, concerned with addressing a particular practical problem, work in applied psychology. A psychologist doing basic research might ask, “How does peer pressure influence people’s attitudes and behavior?” An applied psychologist

Table 1.2 What Is a Psychologist? Not all psychologists do clinical work. Many do research, teach, work in business, or consult. The professional activities of psychologists with doctorates fall into three general categories: Interactive

The study and application of psychological issues for the primary purpose of addressing a specific real­ world problem.

Learning Objective 1.5.A Distinguish basic psychology and applied psychology, and summarize the kinds of research that various psychologists might conduct.

Academic/Research Psychologists Specialize in areas of research such as these: • • • • • • • • • •

Human development Cognition Emotion Education Industrial/organizational psychology Physiological psychology/ neuroscience Sensation and perception Social psychology Personality Animal behavior

Clinical Psychologists

Psychologists in Other Settings

Do psychotherapy and sometimes research; may work in any of these settings:

Do research or serve as consultants to institutions on such issues as the following:

• • • • • • •

• Sports • Advertising and consumer issues • Organizational problems • Environmental issues • Public policy and legal issues • Opinion polls • Military training • Website user experiences

Private practice Mental health clinics Hospitals Research laboratories Colleges and universities K–12 schools Criminal justice system

might ask, “How can knowledge about peer pressure be used to get college students to quit binge drinking?” The two approaches are complementary, and a researcher or research program can have both basic and applied objectives. Indeed, most basic psychology has the potential for application, and applied research is most effective when grounded in basic psychological principles. Psychologists doing basic and applied research have made important scientific contributions in areas as diverse as health, education, child development, criminal justice, conflict resolution, marketing, industrial design, and urban planning. Research psychology is the aspect of psychology least understood by the public. We hope that by the time you finish this text, you will have a greater appreciation for what research psychologists do and how psychological science research contributes to human welfare. Here are just a few of the major research specialties in psychology:

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What Is Psychology?

Educational psychologists investigate ways to improve the educational system, such as incorporating technology in the learning process.

• Experimental psychologists conduct studies of processes including the wide range of topics we will cover in this text: motivation, memory, emotion, sensation and perception, physiology, cognition, and various questions involving clinical populations that help us better understand psychological disorders and their treatment.

• Educational psychologists study psychological principles that explain learning and search for ways to improve educational systems. Their interests range from the application of findings on memory and thinking to the use of rewards to encourage achievement. • Industrial/organizational psychologists study behavior in the workplace. They are concerned with group decision-making, employee morale, work motivation, productivity, job stress, personnel selection, marketing strategies, equipment and software design, and many other issues. • Psychometric psychologists design and evaluate tests of mental abilities, aptitudes, interests, and personality. Nearly all of us have had firsthand experience with one or more of these tests in school, at work, or in the military.

1.5.B Psychological Practice Learning Objective 1.5.B Compare the training and work settings of different psychological practitioners such as counselors, clinical psychologists, psychotherapists, psychoanalysts, and psychiatrists. Psychological practitioners, whose goal is to understand and improve people’s physical and mental health, work in hospitals, clinics, schools, counseling centers, the criminal justice system, and private practice. Since the late 1970s, the proportion of psychologists who are practitioners has steadily increased; practitioners now account for more than two-thirds of new psychology doctorates and members of the American Psychological Association. (The APA, despite its name, is international.) Some practitioners are counseling psychologists, who generally help people deal with problems of everyday life such as test anxiety, family conflicts, or low job motivation. Others are school psychologists, who work with parents, teachers, and students to enhance students’ performance and resolve emotional difficulties. The majority are clinical psychologists, who diagnose, treat, and study mental or emotional problems. Clinical psychologists are trained to do psychotherapy with severely disturbed people, as well as with those who are troubled or unhappy or who want to learn to handle their problems better. In almost all states, a license to practice clinical psychology requires a doctorate. Most clinical psychologists have a Ph.D., but some have an Ed.D. or a Psy.D. (doctorate in professional psychology, pronounced SIGH-dee). Clinical psychologists typically complete 5 years of graduate work in psychology, plus at least a year’s internship under the direction of a licensed psychologist. Clinical programs leading to a Ph.D. or Ed.D. are usually designed to

22 Chapter 1

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prepare a person both as a scientist and as a practitioner; they require a dissertation, a major research project that contributes to knowledge in the field. Programs leading to a Psy.D. do not usually require a dissertation, although they typically require the student to complete an extensive theoretical paper or literature review. People often confuse clinical psychologist with three other terms: psychotherapist, psychoanalyst, and psychiatrist. But these terms mean different things: • A psychotherapist is someone who does any kind of psychotherapy. The term is not legally regulated. In fact, believe it or not, in most states, anyone can say that they are a therapist without having any training at all.

Psychological practitioners typically work closely with an individual to address physical or mental health needs.

• A psychoanalyst is a person who practices one particular form of therapy, psychoanalysis. To call yourself a psychoanalyst, you must have an advanced degree, get specialized training at a psychoanalytic institute, and undergo extensive psychoanalysis yourself.

• A psychiatrist is a medical doctor (M.D.) trained to diagnose and treat psychological disorders. Like some clinical psychologists, some psychiatrists conduct research on disorders like depression or schizophrenia, instead of, or in addition to, working with patients. Psychiatrists and clinical psychologists do similar work, but psychiatrists are more likely to focus on possible biological causes of psychological disorders and to treat these problems with medication. (Unlike psychiatrists, most clinical psychologists at present cannot write prescriptions.) Other mental health professionals include licensed clinical social workers (LCSWs) and marriage, family, and child counselors (MFCCs). These professionals ordinarily treat general problems in adjustment and family conflicts rather than severe mental disturbance, although their work may also bring them into contact with people who have serious problems such as drug addiction. Licensing requirements vary from state to state but usually include a master’s degree in psychology or social work and supervised experience. (For a summary of the various types of psychotherapists and the training they receive, see Table 1.3.) As if this weren’t complicated enough, thousands of people claim to be specialists in treating all kinds of problems, from sexual abuse to alcoholism, but no uniform set of standards regulates their training. Some may have taken nothing more than a brief “certification” course.

Table 1.3 Types of Psychotherapists Just as not all psychologists are psychotherapists, not all psychotherapists are clinical psychologists. Here are the major terms used to refer to mental health professionals: Psychotherapist

A person who does psychotherapy; may have anything from no degree to an advanced professional degree; the term is unregulated

Clinical psychologist

Diagnoses, treats, and/or studies mental and emotional problems, both mild and severe; has a Ph.D., an Ed.D., or a Psy.D.

Psychoanalyst

Practices psychoanalysis; has specific training in this approach after an advanced degree (usually, but not always, an M.D. or a Ph.D.); may treat any kind of emotional disorder or pathology

Psychiatrist

Does work similar to that of a clinical psychologist, but is likely to take a more biological approach; has a medical degree (M.D.) with a specialty in psychiatry

Licensed clinical social worker (LCSW); marriage, family, and child counselor (MFCC)

Treats common individual and family problems, but may also deal with more serious problems such as addiction or abuse; licensing requirements vary, but generally has at least an M.A. in psychology or social work

Many research psychologists, and some practitioners, are worried about the increase in the number of counselors and psychotherapists who are unschooled in research methods and the empirical findings of psychology, and who use untested or ineffective therapy techniques (Baker et al., 2008; Lilienfeld et al., 2015). Some practitioners, for their part, argue that psychotherapy is just as much art as it is science. There are differences in training and attitudes between scientists and many therapists. These differences contributed to the founding in 1988 of yet another major international professional society in the field, the Association for Psychological Science (APS), which focuses on supporting and publicizing psychological research. The gap between scientists and practitioners, along with increased demands by insurers for evidence that psychotherapy is demonstra- Psychologists work in all sorts of settings with all sorts of clients. bly effective, has motivated several prominent clinical psychologists to call for evidence-based treatment and increased collaboration between researchers and clinicians, in hopes of improving patient care (Kazdin, 2008). Psychologists also contribute to their communities in a variety of ways. They advise utility companies on ways to get customers to conserve energy. They consult with companies to improve worker satisfaction, productivity, and issues related to equity and inclusion. They strive to understand and prevent acts of terrorism. They advise commissions on how pollution and noise affect mental health. They do rehabilitation training for people with physical or mental disabilities. They do basic and applied research on ways of reducing conflict, locally and internationally. They educate judges and juries about eyewitness testimony. They conduct public opinion surveys. They run suicide-prevention hotlines. They advise zoos on the care and training of animals. They help coaches improve the athletic performance of their teams. And those are just for starters. Is it any wonder that people are a little fuzzy about what a psychologist is? The modern field of psychology is like a giant mosaic made up of many tiles, yielding a rich, multicolored, psychological portrait. Psychologists may argue about which part of the portrait is most important, but they also share a great deal in common. All psychological scientists, whatever their specialization, believe in the importance of gathering empirical evidence instead of relying on hunches. And one thing will always unite psychologists: a fascination with the unending mysteries of human behavior and the human mind. If you too have wondered what makes people tick; if you love a mystery and want to know not only who did it but also why they did it; if you are willing to reconsider what you think you think . . . then you are in the right course. We invite you now to step into the world of psychology, the discipline that dares to explore the most complex topic on earth: you.

Interactive

JOURNAL 1.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Now that you’ve read about the great variety of work that psychologists do, engage in a little introspection: If you chose a career in psychology, what type of work would interest you? Research? If so, what topic area or what type of specialization? Psychological practice? Would you prefer the emphases of a clinical psychologist, a psychiatrist, or some other kind of practitioner? Think about how and where you might see yourself in this field someday—it will be interesting to see whether and how your answers to these questions change as you go through this course.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 1.5 to test your knowledge.

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iStock/Getty Images

What Is Psychology?

Interactive

24 Chapter 1

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: That’s Just Fake News! STEP 1. Criticize This Claim A primary objective of any psychology course is to develop critical thinking. And so each chapter of our text ends with a feature like this one, in which we, your authors, collaborate with you to carefully evaluate a specific claim. Across a series of steps, you’ll hear from us (literally) as we combine animation and interactive questions into a learning experience called Critical Thinking Illustrated. The goal is to strengthen your critical thinking skills by putting psychological claims under the microscope, so to speak. In this chapter we’ll examine a claim that we hear a lot about these days, on the news and on social media. Let’s evaluate the claim: “That’s Just Fake News!”

STEP 2. Define Your Terms We can’t rigorously evaluate a claim without first carefully defining what the claim actually is. So, our next step is to Define Your Terms. In this case, we have to ask, just what is fake news anyway? Some researchers define fake news as fabricated or erroneous information that imitates news content in appearance. Fake news looks like real news in sneaky ways, but it doesn’t go through the same processes of editorial review and fact-checking. What does not qualify as fake news? This is an important question that brings us to our next step . . .

STEP 3. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Just because we don’t like news doesn’t make it fake. Just because a media outlet shines a negative light on our preferred policy position, miracle diet, or parenting style doesn’t mean it’s fake news! Critical thinkers must check their assumptions and be on the lookout for biases. It’s easy to see how our own preferences might make us quick to label as fake any news story that doesn’t fit our own worldview. Critical thinkers learn to avoid traps like this and to identify the characteristics that separate reliable news from fake news. Likely to Be Reliable News

Likely to Be Fake News

• Author has a verifiable track record of publishing in well-known outlets • Article appears in a publication with a history of fact-checking • Multiple primary sources cited • For controversial issues, multiple perspectives included • The publication clearly distinguishes news stories from opinion pieces

• Article written in highly emotional tone • Primary sources are anonymous (or absent altogether) • Author would benefit financially or politically from conclusions offered • No contact information provided for author (or no author listed at all) • Research study conclusions presented as absolute, with no limitations

STEP 4. Examine the Evidence Critical thinkers base conclusions on evidence, not on gut feelings, ideology, or emotion. The same goes for psychological scientists: We draw conclusions based on data. Examining evidence also comes in handy outside of psychology class! It can save us from the embarrassment of posting a story on social media only to learn later that we fell for false rumors or fake news. Evaluating evidence can make us smarter consumers, helping us to avoid wasting money on products that aren’t nearly as effective as advertisements make them out to be. And it can make us more informed voters, enabling us to reach our own informed conclusions about policies and candidates. (continued)

What Is Psychology?

25

What makes fake news seem true to people?

One factor that makes us more likely to believe fake news is prior exposure. In a recent study, Pennycook, Cannon, and Rand (2018) showed participants news headlines, some real news and some fake news, the way they would appear on Facebook. Later, when participants were shown another series of headlines, they rated as more accurate those that they had previously seen, even the fake news ones. The more familiar we become with an idea, the more accurate we believe it to be. Can any type of fake news be persuasive?

No, there are limits. In the same research, Pennycook et al. (2018) found that entirely implausible arguments like the earth is square do not become more believable the more people hear them. That said, they also found that as long as a story has even a small degree of plausibility, it starts to seem more accurate with prior exposure—even when it is inconsistent with a reader’s political ideology. How can we stop the spread of fake news?

This remains an important question for future study. Lazer et al. (2018) suggest various possibilities in need of research assessment, including: more publicly accessible resources to help individuals conduct their own fact-checking; increased critical thinking training throughout the educational system; developing algorithms to allow social media platforms to flag content as potentially problematic or unreliable.

STEP 5. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Critical thinkers ask questions and are willing to wonder. So now that we have a definition of fake news, we’ve thought about potential biases, and we’ve considered the importance of evidence, what psychological research questions about fake news might we want to ask?

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions At the end of each of these features, we’ll weigh our conclusions. Some claims we put under our microscope will hold up pretty well. Some will fall apart quickly once we turn to the evidence. Others will lie in that middle ground—reasonable under some definitions, assumptions, and evidence, but questionable under others. Don’t let this ambiguity frustrate you! Remember, part of critical thinking is tolerating uncertainty, as well as recognizing that there are always more questions to ask and additional studies to run. As for fake news? Each case has to be evaluated on its own. But the next time you hear someone talking about fake news, we hope you’ll think about the steps we’ve just taken together and will try to apply the principles of critical thinking.

Summary: What Is Psychology? 1.1 Psychology, Pseudoscience, and the Perils of Common Sense LO 1.1.A

Define psychology, and describe how it addresses daily life from a scientific perspective.

Psychology is the discipline concerned with behavior and mental processes and how they are affected by an organism’s external and internal environment. An introductory psychology course can correct many misconceptions about human behavior. LO 1.1.B

Explain what separates psychological science from pseudoscience, pop psychology, and other sources of dubious claims regarding psychological issues.

Psychologists have many pseudoscientific competitors, such as astrologers and psychics. Psychology’s methods and reliance

on empirical evidence distinguish it from pseudoscience and pop psychology. These latter sources of information are often appealing because they confirm our beliefs and prejudices; in contrast, psychological science often challenges them.

1.2 Thinking Critically About Psychology LO 1.2.A

Explain why critical thinking applies to all scientific pursuits and why it should also guide everyday judgments and decision-making.

One benefit of studying psychology is the development of critical thinking skills and attitudes. Critical thinking helps people evaluate competing findings on psychological issues that are personally and socially important.

26 Chapter 1 LO 1.2.B

Identify important steps to critical thinking, and give an example of how each applies to the science of psychology.

Critical thinkers ask questions, define terms clearly, analyze assumptions and biases, examine the evidence, and weigh conclusions. Critical thinking is an evolving process rather than a once-and-for-all accomplishment.

1.3 A History of Psychology: From the Armchair to the Laboratory LO 1.3.A

Discuss some of the early approaches to explaining psychological topics, from ancient times through the early 1800s.

Psychology’s forerunners made some valid observations and had useful insights, but without rigorous empirical methods, they also made serious errors in the description and explanation of behavior, as in the case of phrenology. LO 1.3.B

Discuss some of the influential perspectives and individuals in the early years of modern psychology.

Wilhelm Wundt formally established the first psychological laboratory in 1879, in Leipzig, Germany, in which he conducted studies using the technique of trained introspection. Structuralism emphasized the analysis of immediate experience into basic elements. Functionalism was inspired in part by the evolutionary theories of Charles Darwin and emphasized the purpose of behavior; one of its leading proponents was William James. Sigmund Freud’s theory of psychoanalysis emphasized unconscious causes of psychological problems.

LO 1.4.B

Review the lack of diversity in early psychology and its consequences, and explain how feminist psychology illustrates the benefits of including a range of perspectives in scientific inquiry.

As with many scientific fields, the early years of psychology were dominated by White men. Unfortunately, some early psychology research was used to advance racist and sexist conclusions regarding human nature, and in 2021, the American Psychological Association issued a formal apology. Over time, an increasing number of women and people of color have entered the field and become influential psychologists. Feminist psychology has influenced the questions researchers ask, the methods they use, and their awareness of biases in the field—all developments that have made psychology more representative of humanity. Nonetheless, psychology continues to have work to do to address issues of diversity and representativeness.

1.5 What Psychologists Do LO 1.5.A

Distinguish basic psychology and applied psychology, and summarize the kinds of research that various psychologists might conduct.

Many psychologists conduct research in which they investigate a broad range of topics. In addition to the experimental psychologists about whom you will read in this text, other research roles include educational psychologists, industrial/organizational psychologists, and psychometric psychologists.

List and describe five pillars of psychological science.

Compare the training and work settings of different psychological practitioners such as counselors, clinical psychologists, psychotherapists, psychoanalysts, and psychiatrists.

One way to think about modern psychology is as a structure with five pillars and a sturdy foundation in research methods. The biological pillar offers insights on the brain/body connection. The cognitive pillar focuses on what goes on in people’s heads. The developmental pillar assesses the ways in which thinking, identity, and social patterns change develop over the course of the lifespan. The social/personality pillar examines the interaction between individuals and the situations in which they find themselves, and also considers the influence of cultural experiences, roles, and rules on nearly everything people do. The mental and physical health pillar considers psychological disorders and their treatment, as well as the wide range of factors that have positive and negative effects on well-being.

Other psychologists provide mental health services (psychological practice). Psychotherapist is an unregulated term for anyone who does therapy, including people who have no credentials or training at all. Licensed therapists differ according to their training and approach. Clinical psychologists have a Ph.D., an Ed.D., or a Psy.D.; psychiatrists have an M.D.; psychoanalysts are trained in psychoanalytic institutes; and licensed clinical social workers (LCSWs) and marriage, family, and child counselors (MFCCs) may have various postgraduate degrees. Psychologists conduct research and apply findings in a variety of nonacademic settings, working to make their communities a better place to live and helping to contribute to the mental, social, and physical health of people in those communities.

LO 1.5.B

1.4 Psychological Science Perspectives LO 1.4.A

Shared Writing: What Is Psychology? Think about what will be your most challenging course during this academic term (it might even be introductory psychology). You’ve probably already received a syllabus, reviewed the course requirements, and maybe been to a lecture or two. Now think about that course in terms of the learning and studying strategies you read about earlier this chapter. Construct a brief essay outlining how you could effectively apply at least two of those principles to the course you have in mind. What you should have when you’re finished is a preliminary plan that you can build on for successfully navigating the course.

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 1 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 2

Tufts University

How Psychologists Do Research

Learning Objectives LO 2.1.A

Distinguish among a theory, a hypothesis, and an operational definition.

LO 2.2.C

Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using observational methods to collect data.

LO 2.1.B

Explain why skepticism in science is valuable and involves more than just disbelief.

LO 2.2.D

LO 2.1.C

Explain why falsifiability is a critical component of scientific research.

Explain why norms, reliability, and validity are the hallmarks of any standardized psychological test.

LO 2.2.E

Describe the advantages and limitations of using surveys to collect data.

LO 2.2.F

Describe the importance and challenges of conducting cross-cultural research.

LO 2.3.A

Illustrate with an example how a correlation coefficient gives both the size and direction of the relationship between two variables.

LO 2.3.B

Explain why a correlation between two variables does not establish a causal relationship between those variables.

LO 2.1.D

LO 2.2.A

LO 2.2.B

Describe why openness and replication are important qualities of the scientific enterprise. Describe the ways participants are selected for psychological studies and how the method of selection can influence interpretations of a study’s outcomes. Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using case studies to collect data.

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28 Chapter 2 LO 2.4.A

Distinguish an independent variable from a dependent variable, and give an example of each.

LO 2.4.B

Explain how random assignment helps create conditions in an experiment, and explain the difference between an experimental group and a control group.

LO 2.5.A

Explain what a statistically significant research result does and does not indicate, and identify ways in which statistics can be misused or misrepresented.

LO 2.5.C

Discuss the methodological advantages and limitations of experimental research design.

Compare cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, and discuss how effect size, meta-analysis, and Bayesian statistics allow us to judge the importance of a research outcome.

LO 2.6.A

Explain how descriptive statistics can be used to compare the performance of two groups of research participants.

Discuss why the principles of informed consent and debriefing are two key characteristics of a researcher’s code of ethics.

LO 2.6.B

Discuss the advantages and ethical considerations of using animals in research.

What About You? Interactive

LO 2.4.C

LO 2.5.B

Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. When you submit your answer, you will see the data from others who have read this chapter. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. You hear a news story describing the following research finding: The more fast food children eat, the lower their scores on reading, math, and science tests. Even though this study was with kids, does it make you want to cut down on the amount of fast food you eat?

Research suggests . . . According to a recent study . . . Scientists have discovered . . . New findings indicate . . . Do these phrases sound familiar? We encounter them daily in the news, on podcasts, in social media posts, in informal conversations, and in courses like this one. Claims that are backed by scientific data seem to carry an added weight of credibility. The average person might think, Who am I to argue with the science? But not all scientific claims are created equal. Sometimes the data one study reports contradict the data from another study. And remember, you’re not an “average person” anymore; you’re now a student of psychology, training yourself in how to think critically, design empirical studies, and evaluate the scientific claims of others. Consider, for example, these claims: • A school administrator encourages families to limit students’ “screen time” as much as possible. The basis for this recommendation? Research findings indicating that there has been a growth in the popularity of digital technologies among young people in the past several years, at the same time that downward trends in adolescent mental health have been observed (Vuorre et al., 2021). Is this compelling evidence that technology has negative effects on students’ well-being? • According to a paper published in a major psychology journal, the results of nine experiments involving 1,000 college students produced “statistically significant” evidence of extrasensory perception (ESP). In one of the studies, students had to choose which of two curtains on a computer screen had an erotic picture behind it, and they allegedly demonstrated ESP by doing this at a rate that was slightly above chance (Bem, 2011). Late-night talk show hosts had a lot of fun with this study, as you might imagine. But is it really reliable evidence for the existence of ESP?

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• You hear a radio interview with a psychologist who touts his expertise in a technique called “facilitated communication” (FC), in which children with autism are placed in front of a keyboard while an adult “facilitator” gently places a hand over the child’s arm. The expert claims that children who have never spoken before are able to use this technique to peck out complete sentences, answer questions, and share their thoughts. He says that in his research and practice, some previously noncommunicative children, through their facilitators, have mastered advanced subjects or even written poetry of astonishing beauty. Does this mean that all children with autism should now be given the chance to participate in FC? By the time you finish this chapter, you will be well-equipped to think more critically about these questions and the many other research-based claims you encounter—in the rest of this course as well as in your daily life. Research methods are the tools of the psychological scientist’s trade, and understanding them is crucial for everyone who hears about a new program or an “exciting finding” that is said to be based on psychological research. In fact, we would argue that of everything you are going to learn in psychology, the information in this chapter may be the most important when it comes to protecting yourself from making incorrect choices, adopting mistaken beliefs, or coming to erroneous conclusions. Trying to practice critical thinking or apply psychological findings to your own life without understanding research methods is like trying to dig a foundation for your house with teaspoons. You could do it, but it would take a long time and the result won’t end up very sturdy. Knowing the difference between claims based on good science and those based on sloppy research or anecdotes can help you make wiser psychological and medical decisions, prevent you from spending money on worthless programs, and sometimes even save lives.

2.1 What Makes Psychological Research Scientific? Saying that psychologists are scientists does not mean that they wear white lab coats and work with complicated gadgets and machines (although some do!). The scientific enterprise has more to do with attitudes and procedures than with attire and apparatus (Stanovich, 2010). Let us consider a few key characteristics of the ideal scientist.

theory An organized system of assumptions and principles that purports to explain a specified set of phenomena and their interrelationships.

hypothesis A statement that attempts to predict or account for a set of phenomena, specifying relationships among events or variables that can be empirically tested.

Courtesy of Fionn and Niamh Kelly

2.1.A Precision and Reliance on Empirical Evidence Learning Objective 2.1.A Distinguish among a theory, a hypothesis, and an operational definition. Scientists sometimes launch an investigation simply because of a hunch they have about something. Often, though, they start out with a general theory, an organized system of assumptions and principles that purports to explain certain phenomena and how they are related. A scientific theory is not just someone’s personal opinion, as in “It’s only a theory” or “I have a theory about why they said that.” A scientific theory is grounded in empirical evidence. Whereas some theories, such as the theory of evolution, are accepted by virtually all scientists, many more scientific theories are more tentative—works in progress, pending the results of additional future research. Indeed, a researcher’s job is never really done. From a theory, a psychological scientist derives a hypothesis, a statement that attempts to describe or explain a given behavior.

What do you visualize when you think of a scientist? Interestingly, dozens of research studies over the years have posed this very question . . . to school-aged children. A recent meta-analysis (we’ll talk more about this phrase later in the chapter) of these studies, including more than 20,000 kids in grades K–12, found that when asked to draw a scientist, the vast majority of children—like the artists whose work you see above—draw a man (Miller et al., 2018). This tendency to think of scientists as men has shrunk somewhat in recent decades; however, it becomes more pronounced as children grow older. What do you think might be some of the implications of this stereotype of the scientist as male?

30 Chapter 2 Initially, this statement may be quite general, as in, say, “Misery loves company.” But before any research can be done, the hypothesis must be made more precise. “Misery loves company” might be rephrased as Theory “People who are anxious about a threatening situation tend to seek out others facing the same threat.” A hypothesis leads to predictions about what will happen in a particular situation. In a prediction, terms such as anxiety or threatening Based on the evidence, the theory is revised, and situation are given operational definitions, which specify how the conit goes through the Evidence Hypothesis cepts in question are to be observed and measured. “Anxiety” might entire process again. be defined operationally as a score on an anxiety questionnaire, and “threatening situation” as the anticipation of an electric shock. The prediction might be, “If you raise people’s anxiety scores by telling them they are going to receive electric shocks, and then give them the choice Predictions, with of waiting alone or with others who are in the same situation, they will operational definitions be more likely to choose to wait with others than they would be if they were not anxious.” The prediction can then be tested using systematic “Doing science” involves many interactive elements. Theories methods. allow a researcher to derive testable hypotheses and make predictions about the pattern of results that should occur. Any theory, idea, or hunch may initially generate excitement because Hypotheses are tested empirically by gathering data on it is plausible or imaginative, but it must eventually be backed by empiroperationally defined variables. By examining the evidence, ical evidence—information that is observable and verifiable, gathered modifications, extensions, and revisions to the theory can take using the techniques of science. A collection of anecdotes or an appeal place, thereby generating new hypotheses and continuing the to authority is not enough, nor is the intuitive appeal of the idea or its cycle of research investigation. popularity. As Nobel Prize-winning scientist Peter Medawar (1979) once wrote, “The intensity of the conviction that a hypothesis is true has no bearing on whether it is true or not.” In 2011, Richard Muller, a prominent physicist who operational definition had doubted that global warming was occurring, made headlines when he reported, after a A specification of precisely how to 2-year investigation, that temperatures really are rising, and the following year, that human observe and measure a variable in a hypothesis. beings are a large part of the reason. Muller had been funded in large measure by two conservative oil billionaires who did not welcome his results or his change of heart. But Muller let the evidence override his prior beliefs, as a rigorous scientist should. Figure 2.1 illustrates the process of moving from a theory to evidence and back again, which is the central process of all sciences. Interactive

Figure 2.1 The Cycle of Scientific Research

2.1.B Skepticism Learning Objective 2.1.B Explain why skepticism in science is valuable and involves more than just disbelief. Scientists do not accept ideas on faith or authority; their motto is “Show me!” Some of the greatest scientific advances have been made by those who dared to doubt what everyone else assumed to be true: that the sun revolves around the earth; that illness can be cured by draining “bad blood” from the body; that madness is a sign of demonic possession. In the world of science, skepticism means treating conclusions, both new and old, with caution. Don’t take our word for it; visit Revel to watch a video that provides more insights about the value of being skeptical. Thus, in the case of facilitated communication, as we described earlier, psychological scientists did not simply say, “Wow, what an interesting way to help kids with autism.” Rather than simply accept remarkable testimonials about the method’s effectiveness, they have conducted experiments involving hundreds of autistic children and their facilitators (Lilienfeld et al., 2014; Simmons et al., 2021). Their techniques have been simple: They have the child identify a picture but show the facilitator a different picture or no picture at all, or they keep the facilitator from hearing the questions being put to the child. Under these conditions, the child is able to type only what the facilitator sees or hears, not the unique information the child sees or hears. This research shows that what happens in facilitated communication is exactly what happens when a medium guides a person’s hand over a

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Ouija board to help the person receive “messages” from a “spirit”: The person doing the “facilitating” unconsciously nudges the other person’s hand in the desired direction, remaining unaware of having influenced the responses produced (Wegner et al., 2003). In other words, facilitated communication is really facilitator communication (Schlosser et al., 2014). This finding is vitally important because if parents waste their time and money on a treatment that doesn’t work, they may never get genuine help for their children, and they will suffer when their false hopes are finally shattered by reality. “Skepticism” is not simply about debunking a claim, but also showing why the claim is invalid—so that better methods can replace it. Skepticism and caution, however, must be balanced by openness to new ideas and evidence. Otherwise, a scientist may wind up as shortsighted as the famous physicist Lord Kelvin, who reputedly declared with great confidence at the end of the 19th century that radio had no future, X-rays were a hoax, and “heavier-than-air flying machines” were impossible.

2.1.C Willingness to Make “Risky Predictions” Learning Objective 2.1.C Explain why falsifiability is a critical component of scientific research. A reliance on empirical evidence and a sense of skepticism are important characteristics of scientists. A related principle is that scientists must state an idea in such a way that it can be refuted, or disproved by counterevidence. This important rule, known as the principle of falsifiability, does not mean that the idea will be disproved, only that it could be if contrary evidence were to be discovered. In other words, a scientist must risk disconfirmation by predicting not only what will happen, but also what will not happen. In the “misery loves company” study, the hypothesis would be supported if most anxious people sought each other out, but it would be disconfirmed if most anxious people went off alone to worry or if anxiety had no effect on their behavior (see Figure 2.2). A willingness to risk disconfirmation forces the scientist to take negative evidence seriously and to abandon mistaken hypotheses. The principle of falsifiability is often violated in everyday life because we are vulnerable to the confirmation bias: the tendency to look for and accept evidence that supports our pet theories and assumptions and to ignore or reject evidence that contradicts our beliefs. If a police interrogator is convinced of a suspect’s guilt, they may interpret anything the suspect says, even the person’s maintenance of innocence, as confirming evidence that the suspect is guilty (“Of course they say they’re innocent; that’s what all guilty people say”). But what if the suspect is innocent? The principle of falsifiability compels scientists—and police interrogators and the rest of us—to resist the confirmation bias and to consider counterevidence. Learn more about the benefits of challenging your assumptions by watching a video on critical thinking, available in Revel.

principle of falsifiability The notion that a scientific theory must make predictions that are specific enough to expose the theory to the possibility of disconfirmation.

confirmation bias The tendency to look for or pay attention only to information that confirms one’s own belief, and ignore, trivialize, or forget information that disconfirms that belief.

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Figure 2.2 The Principle of Falsifiability Hypothesis “Misery loves company.”

Falsifiable (“Risky”) Prediction When people are anxious, they are more likely to want to be with others in the same situation.

Possible Outcomes

Conclusion

Anxious people are more likely to want to be with others in the same situation.

Supports hypothesis.

Anxious people are more likely to want to be alone.

Refutes hypothesis.

Anxiety has no effect on behavior.

Refutes hypothesis.

The scientific method requires researchers to expose their ideas to the possibility of counterevidence. Examining the outcomes of a simple study testing the idea that “misery loves company” would allow a researcher to either support or refute that hypothesis.

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2.1.D Transparency Learning Objective 2.1.D Describe why openness and replication are important qualities of the scientific enterprise.

replication The process of trying to repeat exactly the procedures of a previous research study to determine whether the results turn out the same way.

Science depends on the free flow of ideas and full disclosure of the procedures used in a study. Scientists don’t get to keep secrets or maintain suspense; they must be willing to tell others where they got their ideas, how they tested them, and what the results were. They must do this clearly and in detail so that other scientists can repeat, or replicate, their studies and verify—or challenge—the findings. In fact, in the interest of transparency, many psychological scientists have begun posting their predictions, materials, data, and analyses online for anyone to see, critique, and modify for their own use (Bosma & Granger, 2022; Shrout & Rodgers, 2018; Wicherts et al., 2016). Rigorous and responsible science requires putting all of your work out there for others to review. This is one of the many reasons why science is a communal activity. Scientists are expected to submit their results to professional journals, which send the findings to experts in the field for evaluation before deciding whether to publish them. This process, called peer review, is an effort to ensure that the work lives up to accepted scientific standards. The research community acts as a jury, scrutinizing and sifting the evidence, judging its integrity, and determining whether it meets the lofty threshold for publication as part of the scientific literature. The peer-review process is not perfect, but it does give science a built-in system of checks and balances. In psychology today, peer review begins earlier in the research process than ever before, with many scientists registering their pre-study hypotheses for others to see before they collect data from a single participant. Even once a study is completed, written up, and published, researchers still have work to do. Replication, or repeating, of previous studies is an essential part of the scientific process because sometimes what seems to be a fabulously interesting finding turns out to be only a fluke (Open Science Collaboration, 2015; Spellman, 2015; Wingen et al., 2020). A scientist’s work is never actually done because new findings constantly emerge that support, extend, or contradict previous conclusions. Psychological scientists have to keep up with these developments, which inform their own research, teaching, and, yes, textbook authoring. Accordingly, throughout this text you will see reference to research conclusions that have evolved or even changed drastically as replications have failed to confirm the findings of a particular study. We have made it a priority throughout these chapters to focus on areas of research that have been replicated (and to point out those cases in which specific findings or interpretations have been called into question later). You can also keep an eye out for the following recurring feature documenting research findings that have proven to be particularly repeatable and robust.

Replication Check ✔ In Replication Check features like this one, we will elaborate—briefly—on the details of specific findings that have “checked out” upon subsequent replication. With increasing frequency, groups of researchers from labs around the world have come together to pool resources and efforts to try to replicate previous findings. Many of our Replication Checks describe this type of multi-site replication; others examine an individual research team’s successful replication of a previous finding. Throughout each chapter, look for the red checkmark as an indicator of research findings that have held up particularly well to further investigation.

When you think about it, these principles of good science correspond closely to the principles of critical thinking we reviewed in our opening chapter. Formulating a prediction with operational definitions allows you to “define your terms.” Openness to new ideas encourages scientists to “ask questions.” The principle of falsifiability forces scientists to

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“analyze assumptions and biases.” Reliance on empirical evidence reminds researchers to “examine the evidence” and “weigh conclusions” in a fair-minded fashion. Do psychologists and other scientists always live up to these lofty standards? Not always. Being only human, they may put too much trust in their personal experiences, be biased by conflicts of interest, or hold fast to their preferred hypothesis even when later data no longer support it; it is far easier to be skeptical about someone else’s ideas and findings than about your own (Tavris & Aronson, 2007). Nonetheless, these principles are ones to which we must constantly seek to aspire as psychological scientists, doing so as openly and transparently as possible so that others may replicate and check on our work.

Taking Psychology with You Distinguishing Real Science From Fake Science As noted in the opening of this chapter, every day we are bom-

3. Can the claim be tested? Pseudoscientific conclusions often

barded by claims that are supposedly backed by research

rely on anecdote and personal testimonial. A critical thinker is

(Schmaltz & Lilienfeld, 2014): Try this diet to cleanse yourself of tox-

skeptical of any claim that isn’t based on empirical evidence. If a

ins. Watching these videos will raise your infant’s IQ. Vaccinating

treatment focuses on an invisible energy force produced by the

children increases their risk of autism. Taking this anti-malarial drug

human body, then how exactly is a researcher supposed to mea-

protects you from COVID-19. Just because statements like these

sure and assess it? Scientific predictions build on connections to

are sometimes expressed in the language of science doesn’t mean

previous research findings, and scientific conclusions are based

you should be persuaded by them. Making decisions based on

on empirical tests of hypotheses. Trust me, this treatment worked

bad science—or nonscientific evidence dressed up to look like

for my cousin is not a persuasive scientific argument. 4. Does it just seem too good to be true? Quit your addiction by listening to subliminal messages while asleep. Double your memory capacity by taking an herbal pill. Cure any of the following 11 conditions with just one session of this new therapy. Real change and problem-solving rarely happen through solutions that are quick, easy, or cheap. And yet, adjectives like these are commonly used to persuade the general public that a new diet, program, or treatment is the key to all that ails them. Beware the wonder drug; as you know by now, in true critical thinking style, you’re better off asking questions and being willing to wonder.

science—can lead us to spend money on useless products, and it can have far more serious medical and psychological consequences as well (by all means, vaccinate your children!). So how can we differentiate valid conclusions based on rigorous research from pseudoscientific claims? Here is a quick list of questions to keep in mind the next time you start to wonder whether the seemingly scientific claim you’re reading about is all that it’s cracked up to be: 1. What is the source? Conclusions appearing in a scientific journal aren’t always perfect—you should view them with a critical eye. But they are more credible than claims from independent websites, podcasts, YouTube channels, and social

Tony Morris/Jason Smalley Photography/Alamy Stock Photo

media. When it comes to the source of the claim, ask yourself, what is this person or group’s expertise, and what do they have to gain by convincing me they’re right? If their motivation seems to be to advance scientific knowledge, then that’s a claim worth engaging with. If their motivation is to make money or advance a particular political cause, then be wary. 2. How precise is the language used? A common sign of pseudoscience is the use of phrases that sound scientific but are actually ill-defined or tossed around too casually. Toxin, energy field, bodily aura, rejuvenation . . . these sound, on the surface, scientific, but how exactly are they defined? Oversimplification is another red flag, such as when you read that “the brain lights up in response” to some sort of product or other stimulus. For that matter, so is emotion-laden language or punctuation, like the use of excessive exclamation points or ALL CAPS. Scientists usually speak in nuanced and measured tones— they rarely shout.

If we want a true comparison of how different dumplings or hamburgers or sodas or ice creams taste, we might turn to a blind taste test with multiple testers. We wouldn’t just rely on one person’s anecdotes or opinion. A critical thinker knows that the same is true for scientific claims. We need to scrutinize them carefully, test them empirically, and reach objective conclusions.

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JOURNAL 2.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE A lighthearted article in the New England Journal of Medicine noted that there is a strong relationship between the consumption of chocolate in a given nation and the number of Nobel Prize winners produced by that nation (Messerli, 2012). One conclusion readily presents itself: People who consume more chocolate are smarter, and therefore national populations that consume more chocolate produce more Nobel winners. But how else could this relationship be interpreted? Be precise, be skeptical, look at the evidence, and offer some alternative interpretations.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 2.1 to test your knowledge.

2.2 Descriptive Studies: Establishing the Facts Psychologists gather evidence to support their hypotheses by using different methods, depending on the kinds of questions they want to answer. These methods are not mutually exclusive, however. Just as a detective may rely on DNA samples, fingerprints, and interviews of suspects to figure out “who done it,” psychological sleuths often draw on a variety of techniques. Visit Revel to watch a video that will help you sharpen your investigative skills. representative sample A group of individuals, selected from a population for study, that matches the population on important characteristics.

Pie charts and other graphs are everywhere (including throughout this text)! When you see one, ask yourself critical thinking questions, starting with: What was the sample in this study? Let’s say a local radio station’s website runs a poll asking listeners to pick their favorite current song, and the chart above depicts the results. Does this constitute a representative sample of music fans? Absolutely not! These data only come from people who visited this website, presumably listeners of this particular radio station. This chart may provide an interesting snapshot of one specific type of music fan, but we can’t responsibly generalize these results to the general population.

2.2.A Finding a Sample Learning Objective 2.2.A Describe the ways participants are selected for psychological studies and how the method of selection can influence interpretations of a study’s outcomes. One of the first challenges facing researchers in any type of study is to select their participants. Ideally, a researcher would prefer to get a representative sample, a group of participants that accurately represents the larger population that they are interested in. Suppose you wanted to learn about drug use among first-year college students in the United States. Questioning or observing every single first-year student in the country would not be practical; instead, you would need to recruit a smaller sample. You could use special selection procedures to ensure that your sample matched the general population of new college students in terms of gender, race and ethnicity, religion, family income status, and so on. Even then, however, a sample drawn just from your own school or town might not produce results applicable to the entire country. A sample’s size is less critical than its representativeness. A small but representative sample may yield accurate results, whereas a large study that fails to use proper sampling methods may yield questionable results. But in practice, psychologists and others who study human behavior frequently settle for an unrepresentative sample of people who happen to be available—a “convenience” sample—and often this means undergraduate students. Sometimes that’s fine; many psychological processes, such as basic perceptual or memory processes, are likely to be more or less the same in students as in anyone else. Then again, college students, on average, are also younger and tend to have better cognitive skills than nonstudents. We are often wise to remain cautious about drawing conclusions until research can be replicated with a variety of samples. With increasing frequency, scientists are now turning to technology to help them do this. For example, various websites now exist through which people across the world can complete online tasks for compensation, allowing scientists to quickly and cheaply recruit a diverse sample of thousands of people (Buhrmester et al., 2018; Weigold & Weigold, 2021). Another creative way of finding data from research participants using technology is examining people’s publicly available posts and profiles on various social media apps, including Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok (Caliandro & Graham, 2020; Golder & Macy, 2014; Montag et al., 2021).

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Revisiting the Classics Convenience Sampling As we just noted, many of the studies you read about in this text— including those we spotlight as “classics”—were conducted using participants who were selected as a matter of convenience. In many instances, this means they were students at the college or university at which the study was run. In other cases, researchers recruited participants from the community, though usually a nearby community that was—here’s that word again—convenient. Historically, such convenience sampling has just been accepted as the way that psychological scientists do business. More recently, though, a growing chorus of critical thinkers has raised concerns that by relying on convenience, psychology fails to capture the full range and nature of human experience.

psychology? To be clear, we do not suggest that you should dismiss

A particular criticism is one we noted previously in Chapter 1, but

you should ask yourself: Are they actually just referring to WEIRD

it’s important enough to repeat here: The vast majority of published

people? To White men only? Or is this really a generalizable conclu-

psychology studies examine participants from North America, Western

sion based on a reasonably representative sample? In short, who

Europe, and other English-speaking regions that comprise only 12% of

the participants are is an important consideration in drawing con-

the world’s population (Arnett, 2008; Rad et al., 2018; Taylor & Rom-

clusions from any research study.

or ignore any study conducted with a convenience sample of college students. Many of us reading (and writing!) this chapter have participated in such studies, which are often a logical and reasonable starting point for the investigation of psychological processes. But as you know by now, rigorous scientists and critical thinkers can always think of additional questions to ask. Researchers who don’t test the limits of their findings or seek to generalize across samples fall short of that important standard. And we also propose that any time you encounter a scientist (again, including your authors!) offering conclusions about “people,”

melfanger, 2022). Some psychologists have taken to referring to these oversampled populations as WEIRDos—that is, individuals from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic cultures (Hendriks et al., 2019; Muthukrishna et al., 2020). Far from being representative of humans as a whole, these “WEIRD subjects are some of the most psychologically unusual people on the planet” (Henrich et al., 2010). One indicator that reliance on so-called WEIRD samples has long been a default setting in psychology can be seen by what researchers do (and don’t) include in the titles of their published artiLionela Rob/Alamy Stock Photo

cles. Bobby Cheon, Irene Melani, and Ying-yi Hong (2020) devised this creative analysis, and found that journal articles describing research with samples from the United States tend to have titles without demographic qualifiers, such as The Effects of X and Y on Pre-School Children. Articles describing research with non-U.S. samples, however, are more likely to be titled with demographic qualifiers: The Effects of X and Y on Chinese Pre-School Children. And among articles based on U.S. samples, Cheon et  al. (2020) reported a similar tendency for titles to be more likely to include demographics when describing studies with minoritized samples versus White samples. These findings suggest that when psychologists think and write about “people,” they’re usually thinking and writing about White Americans. So what exactly are we saying here, as you embark upon a course-long effort to interpret and think critically about research in

Childrearing looks very different in different parts of the world. A researcher in a metropolitan region of the United States who recruits participants for a parenting study from a local playgroup is going to conduct a markedly different investigation than someone who studies parents in a rural village in another country. Cultures vary widely with regard to how much time young children spend in close physical contact with a caregiver, whether they sleep alone or in a family bed, how many family members they tend to live with, and a wide range of other factors.

2.2.B Case Studies Learning Objective 2.2.B Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using case studies to collect data. We turn now to the specific methods used most commonly in psychological research. As you read about these methods, you may want to list their advantages and disadvantages so that you will remember them better. Then check your list against the one in

36 Chapter 2 descriptive methods Methods that yield descriptions of behavior but not direct explanations.

case study A detailed description of a particular individual being studied or treated.

Table 2.1 later in the chapter. We begin with descriptive methods, which allow researchers to describe and predict behavior but not necessarily to choose one explanation over competing ones. One type of descriptive study is a case study (or case history), a detailed description of a particular individual based on careful observation or formal psychological testing. It may include information about a person’s experiences, cognitive capabilities, symptoms, and relationships—anything that will provide insight into the person’s behavior or thought processes. Case studies are most commonly used by clinicians, but sometimes academic researchers use them as well, especially when they are just beginning to study a topic or when practical or ethical considerations prevent them from gathering information in other ways. Suppose you want to know whether the first few years of life are critical for acquiring a first language. Can children who have missed out on hearing speech (or, in the case of deaf children, seeing signs) during their early years catch up later on? Obviously, psychologists cannot answer this question by isolating children and seeing what happens. So, instead, they have studied unusual cases of language deprivation. One such—quite disturbing—case involved a 13-year-old girl who had been cruelly locked up in a small room since infancy. Her mother, herself the victim of abuse, barely cared for her, and no one in the family spoke a word to her. If the child made the slightest sound, her father beat her. When she was finally rescued, “Genie,” as researchers called her, did not know how to chew or stand erect and was not toilet-trained. Her only sounds were high-pitched whimpers. Eventually, she began to understand short sentences and to use words to convey her needs, but even after many years, Genie’s grammar and pronunciation remained abnormal. She never learned to use pronouns correctly, ask questions, or use the little word endings that communicate tense, number, and possession (Curtiss, 1977, 1982; Rymer, 1993). This sad case, along with similar ones, suggests that a critical period exists for language development, with the likelihood of fully mastering a first language declining steadily after early childhood and falling off drastically at puberty (Pinker, 1994; Veríssimo et al., 2018). Case studies illustrate psychological principles in a way that abstract generalizations and statistics never can, and they produce a more detailed picture of an individual than other methods do. In biological research, cases of patients with brain damage have yielded important clues to how the brain is organized. But in most instances, case studies also have

Notto Yeez/Shutterstock

NASA images

Bettmann/Getty Images

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Case Studies

(1) In 1970, child welfare authorities discovered “Genie,” an abused 13-year-old who was living in isolation and had not developed the ability to communicate using language. Linguists, psychologists, and other researchers worked with Genie, although her communication skills remained rudimentary at best. (2) Scott and Mark Kelly are identical twin astronauts. Scott (left) spent 1 year living on the International Space Station to help NASA understand the effects of long-term space flight; Mark (right) remained here on Earth. This case study offered an unprecedented opportunity to understand how living in a unique environment influences thinking, attention, immune system functioning, and vision. (3) Synesthesia is a rare condition in which stimulation of one sensory pathway leads an individual to experience sensation in another pathway (for example, seeing certain colors when listening to music). In 2022, researchers reported the case of C. B., the first known individual with synesthesia to have been born blind (Bottini et al., 2022). C. B. sees different shapes and textures anytime he thinks about numbers, letters, or days of the week. This case study has forced scientists to reconsider the assumption that a normally functioning visual system must be present in order for synesthesia to occur.

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serious drawbacks. Information is often missing or hard to interpret; for example, no one knows whether Genie was born with mental deficits or what her language development was like before she was locked up. The observer who writes up the case may have biases that influence which facts are noticed or overlooked. The person who is the focus of the study may have selective or inaccurate memories, making conclusions unreliable. Most important, because one person is rarely representative of the entire group in which the researcher is interested, this method has only limited usefulness for deriving general principles of behavior. For all these reasons, case studies are usually sources, rather than tests, of hypotheses.

2.2.C Observational Studies Learning Objective 2.2.C Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using observational methods to collect data. Observational studies are another descriptive method, in which the researcher systematically measures and records behavior, taking care to avoid intruding on those who are being observed. Unlike case studies, observational studies usually involve many participants. Often, an observational study is the first step in a program of research; it is helpful to have a good description of behavior before you try to explain it. The primary purpose of naturalistic observation is to find out how people or animals act in their normal environments. Psychologists use naturalistic observation wherever people happen to be—on a street corner, in schoolrooms, at the office, or even at a bar. Let’s say you wanted to know, for example, whether people in bars drink more when they are in groups than when alone. You could select a number of pubs in a particular location, show up, and start observing, taking notes on how many drinks were ordered and consumed by people there in groups versus people there alone. Note that in a study like this, the researchers would not rely on their impressions or memories of how much people drank. They would actually record their observations, whether in a notebook, on a laptop, or—in an effort to blend into this particular scenery—quietly on the back on a cocktail napkin. In observational studies, researchers count, rate, or measure behavior in a systematic way to guard against noticing only what they expect or want to see, keeping careful records so that others can cross-check their observations. Observers ideally take pains to avoid being obvious about what they are doing so that those who are being observed will behave naturally. If you march into bars with video cameras rolling and announce your research study to the customers, your results might very well turn out differently. Sometimes psychologists prefer to make observations in a laboratory setting. In laboratory observation, researchers have more control over the situation. They can use sophisticated equipment, determine the number of people who will be observed at once, minimize disruptions, and so forth. Say you wanted to know how infants of different ages respond when left with a stranger. You might have parents and their infants come to your lab, observe them playing together for a while through a two-way mirror, then have a stranger enter the room and, a few minutes later, have the parent leave. You could record children’s signs of distress, interactions with the stranger, and other outcomes. If you did this, you would find that very young infants often carry on cheerfully with whatever they are doing when the parent leaves. However, by the age of about 8 months, many children often burst into tears or show other signs of what child psychologists call “separation anxiety.” One shortcoming of laboratory observation is that the presence of researchers and special equipment may cause people to behave differently than they would in their usual surroundings. Furthermore, whether they are in natural or laboratory settings, observational studies, like other descriptive methods, are more useful for describing behavior than for explaining it. If we observe infants protesting whenever a parent leaves the room, we cannot be sure why. Is it because they have become attached to their parents and want them nearby, or have they learned from experience that crying brings an adult with a cookie and a cuddle? Observational studies alone cannot answer such questions.

observational study A study in which a researcher carefully and systematically observes and records behavior (naturalistically or in a laboratory) without interfering with the behavior.

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To ensure that their presence doesn’t cause a distraction or change the behavior in question, the researchers above are observing the interactions of an experimenter with a child participant from the other side of a two-way mirror.

2.2.D Tests Learning Objective 2.2.D Explain why norms, reliability, and validity are the hallmarks of any standardized psychological test. psychological tests Standardized procedures used to measure personality traits, emotional states, aptitudes, interests, or abilities.

standardization In test construction, developing uniform procedures for giving and scoring a test.

norms In test construction, established standards of performance.

Another descriptive method for data collection involves psychological tests, sometimes called assessments, which are procedures for measuring and evaluating personality traits, emotional states, aptitudes, interests, and abilities. Typically, tests require people to answer a series of written or oral questions. The answers may then be totaled to yield a single numerical score or a set of scores. Objective tests, also called inventories, measure beliefs, feelings, or behaviors of which an individual is aware; projective tests are designed to tap unconscious feelings or motives (e.g., showing participants an inkblot and asking them to report what they see). At one time or another, you no doubt have taken a personality test, an achievement test, or a vocational aptitude test. Hundreds of psychological tests are used in industry, education, the military, and other professions. Some tests are given to individuals, others to large groups. These measures help clarify differences among people, as well as differences in the reactions of the same person on different occasions or at different stages of life. Tests may be used to promote self-understanding; to evaluate treatments and programs; or, in scientific research, to draw generalizations about human behavior. Well-constructed psychological tests are a great improvement over simple self-evaluation because many people have a distorted view of their own abilities and traits. In the workplace, employees tend to overestimate their skills and judgments; people are often blissfully unaware of their own lack of competence (Dunning et al., 2004). One criterion of a good test is standardization, meaning that uniform procedures are in place for giving and scoring it. It would hardly be fair to give some people detailed instructions and plenty of time and others only vague instructions and limited time. Those who administer the test must know exactly how to explain the tasks involved, how much time to allow, and what materials to use. Scoring is usually done by referring to norms, or established standards of performance. The usual procedure for developing norms is to give the test to a large group of people who resemble those for whom the test is intended. Norms determine which scores can be considered high, low, or average.

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Test construction presents many challenges. First, Figure 2.3 Consistency in the Measurement Process a test must have reliability, producing the same results from one time and place to the next or from one scorer Reliability to another. A  vocational interest test is not reliable if it How consistent are the test’s results? tells a student that they would make a wonderful engineer but a poor journalist and then gives opposite results when they retake the test a week later. Psychologists can measure test–retest reliability by giving the test twice to the same group of people and comparing the two sets Test–Retest Reliability Alternate–Forms Reliability of scores statistically. If the test is reliable, individuals’ scores will be similar from one session to another. This T method has a drawback, however: People tend to do F better the second time they take a test after they have T become familiar with it. A solution is to compute alternateF forms reliability by giving different versions of the same test to the same group on separate occasions (see Figure  2.3). Are scores similar from Are scores similar on one session to another? different versions of the test? The items on the two forms are similar in format but are not identical in content. Performance cannot improve because Psychological tests, like all forms of scientific measurement, need to have the of familiarity with the items, although people may still property of reliability. This means that a measuring instrument measures in a do somewhat better the second time around because they similar way each time someone uses it. have learned the general procedures. To be useful, a test must also have validity, measuring what it is designed to measure. reliability A creativity test is not valid if what it actually measures is verbal sophistication. If the items The consistency of test scores across broadly represent the trait in question, the test is said to have content validity. If you were time and place. testing, say, employees’ job satisfaction, and your test assessed a broad array of relevant validity beliefs and behaviors (e.g., “Do you feel you have opportunities for promotion at work?” “Are you happy with your assignments?”), it would have content validity. If the test asked The ability of a test to measure what it was designed to measure. only how workers felt about their salary level, it would lack content validity and would be of little use; after all, highly paid people are not always satisfied with their jobs, and people who earn low wages are not always dissatisfied. Most tests are also judged on criterion validity, the ability to predict independent measures, or criteria, of the trait in question (see Figure 2.4). The criterion for a scholastic aptitude test might be college grades; the criterion for a test of shyness might be behavior in social situations. To find out whether your job satisfaction test had criterion validity, you might return a year later to see whether it correctly predicted attendance at work or number of projects completed. Figure 2.4 Accuracy in the Measurement Process Teachers, parents, and employers do not always stop to question a test’s validity, especially when the results Validity are summarized in a single, precise-sounding number, Does the test measure such as an IQ score of 115 or a job applicant’s ranking what it was designed to measure? of 5. Among psychologists and educators, however, controversy exists about the validity and usefulness of even some widely used tests, including the Scholastic Behavior 1 Assessment Test (SAT), Graduate Record Examination (GRE), and standardized IQ tests. Comprehensive Behavior 2 reviews of the evidence from large samples offer mixed Behavior 3 reviews regarding how well tests like these predict intellectual performance (Gómez, 2022; Woo et al., 2022), and Content Validity Criterion Validity not everyone has equal access to the opportunities that Do items broadly Do the test results lead to strong test scores and strong real-world perforrepresent the predict outcomes trait in question? relevant to the trait? mance. Motivation, study skills, self-discipline, practical “smarts,” and other traits not measured by IQ or other Psychological tests, like all forms of scientific measurement, need to have the mental tests are major influences on success in school and property of validity. This means that a measuring instrument actually measures on the job. what it was designed to measure.

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2.2.E Surveys Learning Objective 2.2.E Describe the advantages and limitations of using surveys to collect data.

Everywhere you go, someone wants your opinion. Political polls want to know what you think of a candidate. Eat at a restaurant, get your car serviced, or stay at a hotel, and you’ll get a satisfaction survey five minutes later. Online users and sellers of all sorts of products offer and ask for ratings. Whereas psychological tests usually generate information about people indirectly, surveys are questionnaires and interviews that gather information by asking people directly about their experiences, attitudes, or opinions. How reliable are all these surveys? Criticisms and reevaluations of psychological tests keep Surveys produce bushels of data, but they are not easy to do well. psychological assessment scientifically rigorous. In contrast, Sampling problems are often an issue. When a talk-radio host or TV personthe pop-psych tests found in magazines and on the Internet usually have not been evaluated for either validity or reliality invites people to send comments about a political matter, the results are ability. These questionnaires often have inviting headlines not likely to generalize to the population as a whole, even if thousands of such as “Which Breed of Dog Do You Most Resemble?” or people respond. Why? As a group, people who listen to Alex Jones have dif“What’s Your Love Profile?” but they are merely lists of ferent political leanings than fans of Trevor Noah. Popular polls and surveys questions that someone thought sounded good. Though we also frequently suffer the potential bias that those people who are willing must admit, coming up with Buzzfeed quizzes like “Are You to volunteer their opinions may differ from those who decline to take part. Actually a Hipster?” and “Which Member of BTS Are You Most Like?” does sound like a pretty fun job. When you read about a survey (or any other kind of study), always ask who participated. A nonrepresentative sample does not necessarily mean that a survey is worthless, but it does mean that the results may not hold true for other groups. Yet another problem with surveys, and with self-reports in general, is that people somesurveys times lie, especially when the survey is about a touchy or embarrassing topic. (“I would Questionnaires and interviews that never do that disgusting/dishonest/unflattering/illegal thing!”) In studies comparing ask people about their experiences, self-reports of illicit drug use with urinalysis results from the same individuals, between attitudes, or opinions. 30% and 70% of those who test positive for cocaine or opiates deny having used drugs recently (Tourangeau & Yan, 2007). The likelihood of lying is reduced when respondents are guaranteed anonymity and allowed to respond in private. Researchers can also check for lying by asking the same question several times with different wording to see whether the answers are consistent. But not all surveys use these techniques, and even when respondents are trying to be truthful, they may misinterpret the survey questions, hold inaccurate or incomplete perceptions of their own behavior, or misremember the past. When you hear about the results of a survey or opinion poll, you also need to consider how the questions were phrased. This aspect of a survey’s design may nudge responses in a particular direction, as political pollsters well know (“Do you favor raising your property tax to spend millions of dollars to repair your local schools?” is more likely to evoke a no than “Do you favor rebuilding local schools that are decaying?”). Many years ago, the famed sex researcher Alfred Kinsey made it his practice always to ask, “How many times have you (masturbated, had nonmarital sex, etc.)?” rather than “Have you ever?” (Kinsey et al., 1948; Kinsey et  al., 1953). The first way of phrasing the question tended to elicit more truthful responses than the second because it removed the respondent’s self-consciousness about having to admit that they had done these things. The second way of phrasing the question would have permitted respondents to escape embarrassment by replying with a simple but dishonest “no.” As you can see, like other descriptive methods, although surveys can be extremely informative, they must be conducted and interpreted carefully.

2.2.F Cross-Cultural Studies Learning Objective 2.2.F Describe the importance and challenges of conducting cross-cultural research. Doing good research is always demanding, but the challenges are multiplied when psychologists venture into societies other than their own to learn which attitudes, behaviors, and

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1. Methods and sampling. Right off the bat, researchers must worry about how one language translates into another. Speakers of English know that “Mary had a little lamb” means she owned the animal, not that she gave birth to it or ate it for lunch, but that’s not clear from the words alone! Furthermore, sometimes the term for a concept or emotional experience that is central in one culture (say, the Chinese concept of “filial piety,” honoring your ancestors) may have no exact linguistic equivalent in another. In doing cross-cultural research, scientists must also be sure that their samples are similar in all important ways. Otherwise, what seems like a cultural difference may really be a difference in education, crowding, language, or some other noncultural factor. 2. Stereotyping. When researchers describe average differences across societies, they may be tempted to oversimplify their findings, which can lead to stereotyping. Of course, cultural rules do make people from Nigeria different, on average, than people from Australia, Cambodia, and Italy. Yet, within every society, individuals also vary according to their temperaments, beliefs, and learning histories. The challenge is to understand average cultural differences without implying that everyone in Culture A is as different from everyone in Culture B as apples are from oranges.

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traits are universal and which are specific to particular groups. There are a number of major concerns that arise in cross-cultural research:

One reason cross-cultural research is so important is that it can reveal that processes once thought of as “universal” are anything but. For example, when you learn about social psychology, you will read about people’s tendency to explain others’ behavior in terms of internal, personality-based causes. Have an encounter with an inattentive and short-tempered waiter? Well, they must be a rude person, we often conclude. In fact, psychologists once believed that this tendency was so widespread that they referred to it as a fundamental attribution error. But you know what? Cross-cultural research has shown that individuals from some cultures aren’t as quick as Americans to jump to conclusions about personality (Dean & Koenig, 2019). Cross-cultural research has shown us that this fundamental attribution error may not be so . . . fundamental.

3. Reification. To reify means to regard an intangible process, such as a feeling, as if it were a literal object. When people say, “I have a lot of anger buried in me,” they are treating anger as if it were a thing that sits inside them, like a kidney, when in fact it is a cluster of mental and physical reactions that come and go. In cultural psychology, reification—treating “culture” as a thing instead of a collection of beliefs and traditions—can lead to circular reasoning, as in “Country A attacks its neighbors because it has a warlike culture, and we know it is a warlike culture because it attacks its neighbors.” Cultural psychologists must therefore identify not only the average differences in traits and behaviors across cultures, but also the underlying mechanisms that account for them. They ask why Country A is “warlike” and why it changed from being peaceful (Kitayama & Cohen, 2020).

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Conducting good cross-cultural research is difficult, requiring the right methods and the ability to interpret them critically. But the results are essential for a deeper, more accurate understanding of human behavior in all its rich variety.

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JOURNAL 2.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Case studies can be enormously compelling, which is why talk-show hosts love them. But what are the dangers in using case studies to draw general conclusions about human nature?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 2.2 to test your knowledge.

2.3 Correlational Studies: Looking for Relationships Psychologists often want to know more than how to describe a particular variable or outcome. They frequently seek to determine whether two or more phenomena are related and, if so, how strongly. For example, are students’ grade point averages related to the number of hours they spend watching television, playing video games, or texting? To find out, a psychologist could conduct a correlational study.

Let’s say a researcher conducts the study described below and finds a negative correlation between students’ grade point averages and how much time they spend texting while studying. What exactly does this mean? We’ll discuss the ins and outs of correlational findings like this one in the sections that follow.

correlational study A study that looks for a consistent relationship between two or more phenomena.

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2.3.A Measuring Correlations Learning Objective 2.3.A Illustrate with an example how a correlation coefficient gives both the size and direction of the relationship between two variables. correlation A measure of how strongly two variables are related to one another.

variables Characteristics of behavior or experience that can be measured or described.

positive correlation An association between two variables such that as one variable increases, so does the other.

negative correlation An association between two variables such that as one variable increases, the other decreases.

The word correlation is often used as a synonym for “relationship,” which is why a correlational study examines the extent to which two things are related to one another. Technically, however, a correlation is a numerical measure of the strength of the relationship between two things. The “things” may be events, scores, or anything else that can be recorded and tallied. In psychological studies, such things are called variables because they can vary in quantifiable ways. Height, weight, age, income, IQ score, number of items recalled on a memory test, number of smiles in a given time period—anything that can be measured, rated, or scored can serve as a variable. A positive correlation means that as one variable increases, so does the other. (And vice versa: As one variable decreases, the other one does too.) Height and weight are positively correlated; so are IQ scores and school grades. Rarely is a correlation perfect, however. Some tall people weigh less than some short ones; some people with average IQs are academic superstars and some with high IQs get poor grades. Figure 2.5a shows a positive correlation between scores on a psychology exam and the average number of boiled kumquats eaten per month by students. (Obviously, we made this up.) Each dot represents a student. You can find each student’s score by drawing a horizontal line from the person’s dot to the vertical axis. You can find the number of kumquats a student ate by drawing a vertical line from the student’s dot to the horizontal axis. In general, the more kumquats, the higher the score. A negative correlation means that as one variable increases, the other decreases. Figure 2.5b shows a hypothetical negative correlation between scores on a psychology exam and number of grilled kumquats eaten per month. This time, the more kumquats eaten, the lower the test score. (Or you can also phrase it the other way: the fewer kumquats eaten, the higher the test score.) To use a more realistic example: In general, the lower the temperature outside gets, the higher people’s heating bills are. How about a person’s weight and hours spent exercising each week? You guessed it; they’re negatively correlated. See whether you can think of other pairs of variables that are negatively correlated. Remember that a negative correlation means that a relationship exists, and the more of one thing, the less of another. If there is no relationship between two variables, we say that they are uncorrelated (see Figure 2.5c). Shoe size and IQ scores are uncorrelated, for example. Figure 2.6 provides some examples of variables that are (and are not) correlated with height.

Figure 2.5 Correlations

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Graph (a) shows a positive correlation between scores on a psychology test and number of boiled kumquats eaten per month: The higher the score, the higher the number of kumquats (and vice versa). Graph (b) shows a negative correlation between test scores and number of grilled kumquats eaten: The higher the scores, the lower the number of kumquats (and vice versa). Graph (c) shows the likely reality—a zero correlation between kumquat-eating and test scores.

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Figure 2.6 Understanding Correlations

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Scatterplots show the direction and strength of a correlation, or the relationship between two characteristics. In this example, we have plotted various characteristics against height.

The statistic used to express a correlation is called the correlation coefficient. This number conveys both the size and direction of the correlation. A perfect positive correlation has a coefficient of +1.00, and a perfect negative correlation has a coefficient of −1.00. Suppose you weighed 10 people and listed them from lightest to heaviest, then measured their heights and listed them from shortest to tallest. If the names on the two lists were in exactly the same order, the correlation between weight and height would be +1.00. A correlation between two variables of +.70 means that the two variables are strongly, but not perfectly, related. If the correlation is −.70, the relationship is just as strong, but it is negative. Most correlations in psychology studies are not as strong as .70 (in either the positive or negative direction). Correlations in the neighborhood of + or −.50 are thought of as moderately strong; correlations of + or −.30 are sometimes referred to as weak correlations. When there is no reliable association between two variables, the coefficient is close to zero.

2.3.B Cautions About Correlations Learning Objective 2.3.B Explain why a correlation between two variables does not establish a causal relationship between those variables. Correlational findings are common in psychology and often make the news. But beware: Many supposed correlations reported in the media or on the Internet are based on rumor and anecdote and turn out to be small or unreliable. Some are based on mere coincidence and are meaningless; thus, they are called illusory correlations. The alleged link between childhood vaccines and autism is an illusory correlation, probably a result of the fact that most symptoms of autism emerge at about the same time that

correlation coefficient A measure of correlation that ranges in value from −1.00 to +1.00.

children are vaccinated. Some parents think the culprit is thimerosal, a preservative that was used in childhood vaccines until 1999 and is now contained in trace amounts in only a few. However, no convincing evidence exists that thimerosal is involved in autism. After this preservative was removed from most vaccines, the incidence of autism did not decline, as it would have if thimerosal were to blame. And study after study has failed to find any connection whatsoever (Mnookin, 2011; Offit, 2008). In one major study of all children born in Denmark between 1991 and 1998 (more than a half million children), the incidence of autism in vaccinated children was actually a bit lower than in unvaccinated children (Madsen et al., 2002). The apparent link between vaccination and autism is an illusory correlation, arising from the fact that symptoms of childhood autism are often first recognized at about the same time that children are vaccinated. Unfortunately, rates of measles, mumps, and whooping cough—which can be fatal—are rising in children whose needlessly frightened parents have declined to vaccinate due to beliefs based on this illusory correlation. Even when correlations are meaningful, they can still be hard to interpret because a correlation does not establish causation. It is easy to assume that if variable A predicts variable B, A must be causing B, but that is not necessarily so. A positive correlation has been found between the number of hours that children watch television between ages 1 and 3 and their risk of hyperactivity by age 7 (Christakis et al., 2004). Does this mean that watching TV causes hyperactivity? Maybe, but it is also possible that children with a disposition to become hyperactive are more attracted to television than those disposed to be calm. Or perhaps the harried parents of hyperactive children are more likely than other parents to rely on TV as a babysitter. It is also possible that neither variable causes the other directly: The number of hours toddlers spend Perhaps parents who allow their young kids to watch a lot of TV have attention probwatching TV is correlated with their risk lems themselves and therefore create a home environment that fosters hyperactivity and of being hyperactive a few years later. inattentiveness. Does that mean TV-watching causes hyperactivity problems? What are the And remember the findings we reported at the start of this chapter? other possible explanations for this First, there was the finding that in the past several years, there has been a growth in finding? the popularity of digital technologies among young people at the same time that downward trends in adolescent mental health have been observed. School administrators, parents, and other caregivers might be inclined to conclude that so-called screen time has negative effects on students’ well-being. But a critical thinker would point out that “screen time” is a broad category comprised of many different variables. It turns out that the correlation between TV use and depression has actually weakened, not strengthened, in recent years. Same with the correlation between social media use and depression, though the relationship between social media use and emotional problems has grown increasingly positive (Vuorre et al., 2021). But what does it even mean anyway to report a positive correlation between time spent on social media and emotional problems? Does increased use of social media cause emotional problems in young people? That’s certainly a possibility, and perhaps one that came to mind when you first read the finding. However, it could also be that young people who experience emotional issues feel an increased desire to turn to social media for information, distraction, or camaraderie. Or perhaps particular personality traits or life experiences make some people more likely both to use social media and to develop emotional problems. The moral: When two variables are associated, one variable may or may not be causing the other. We simply can’t tell when we’re using a correlational design.

JOURNAL 2.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Interactive

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Many studies have documented a positive correlation between temperature and aggression: The hotter the weather, the higher the crime rate. Can you generate three possible explanations for this finding?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 2.3 to test your knowledge.

How Psychologists Do Research

2.4 Experiments: Hunting for Causes Researchers gain plenty of illuminating information from descriptive and correlational studies, but when they want to track down the causes of behavior, they rely heavily on the experimental method. An experiment allows them to control and vary the situation being studied. Instead of simply observing and recording behavior, in most experiments researchers create two or more groups by actively applying some manipulation or treatment that they believe will affect behavior. Then they observe what happens, comparing the responses of the different groups. These procedures allow experimenters to draw conclusions about cause and effect—about what causes what. For many of us who are research psychologists, one of the most exciting aspects of the field is the creativity that it takes to design an experiment to test an empirical question. Consider, for example, the following hypothesis—one that perhaps you’ve heard before: having a smartphone interferes with social connection. That is, does one person (or multiple people) with a phone out during a get-together come at the expense of having meaningful interaction with others? There are multiple ways to approach this hypothesis. A descriptive study might simply tell us that a certain percentage of college students tends to look at their phones during the course of a conversation—an interesting finding, sure, but not one that speaks directly to the hypothesis that phone use interferes with social connection. A correlational study might conclude that the more phones present during a conversation, the less engaged individuals appear to be, but again, we still wouldn’t know if phone use causes disengagement or feeling disengaged leads to more phone use. For an example of a creative experiment designed to test this causal hypothesis, visit Revel to watch a video on this topic.

experiment A controlled test of a hypothesis in which the researcher manipulates one variable to discover its effect on another.

2.4.A Experimental Variables Learning Objective 2.4.A Distinguish an independent variable from a dependent variable, and give an example of each. Let’s stick to the topic of phone use. Imagine that you are a psychologist whose research interest is multitasking. Almost everyone multitasks these days, and you would like to know whether that’s a good thing or a bad thing. Specifically, you want to know whether or not using a handheld phone while driving is dangerous. Talking on a phone while driving is associated with an increase in accidents, but maybe that’s just for people who are risk takers or lousy drivers to begin with. To pin down cause and effect, you decide to do an experiment. In a laboratory, you ask participants to “drive” using a driving simulator equipped with a steering wheel, gas pedal, and brake pedal. The goal, you tell them, is to maximize the distance covered by driving on a busy highway while avoiding collisions with other cars. Some of the participants talk on the phone for 15 minutes to a research assistant in the next room about a topic that interests them; others just “drive” without a phone. Your plan is to compare how many collisions the two groups have. The basic design of this experiment is illustrated in Figure 2.7. The aspect of an experimental situation manipulated or varied by the researcher is known as the independent variable. The reaction of the participants—the behavior that the researcher tries to predict and measure—is the dependent variable. Every experiment has at least one independent and one dependent variable. In our example, the independent variable is phone use (use versus nonuse). The dependent variable is the number of collisions. Ideally, everything in the experimental situation except the independent variable is held constant—that is, kept the same for all participants. You would not have those in one group driving a fast sports car and those in the other group driving a slower minivan, unless car type were another independent variable. Similarly, you would not have people in one group go through the experiment alone and those in the other drive in front of an audience. Holding everything but the independent variable constant ensures that whatever happens is due to the researcher’s manipulation and not something else. It allows you to rule out other interpretations.

independent variable A variable that an experimenter manipulates.

dependent variable A variable that an experimenter measures, predicting that it will be affected by (i.e., depend on) manipulations of the independent variable.

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Figure 2.7 Do Phone Use and Driving Mix? Hypothesis: Cell phone use impairs driving ability.

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Difference statistically significant? Large effect size? The text describes an experimental design to test the hypothesis that talking on a phone while driving impairs driving skills and leads to accidents.

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Think of it this way: The experimenter is predicting that the dependent variable—the outcome of the study—depends on the independent variable. When psychologists set up an experiment, they think, “If I do X, the people in my study may very well do Y.” The “X” represents the independent variable; the “Y” represents the dependent variable. Most variables may be either independent or dependent, depending on what the experimenter wishes to find out. If you want to know whether eating chocolate makes people nervous, then the amount of chocolate eaten is the independent variable. If you want to know whether feeling nervous makes people eat chocolate, then the amount of chocolate eaten is the dependent variable. Figure 2.8 provides a visual explanaFigure 2.8 Variables in the Experimental Process tion of the relationship between independent and dependent variables.

2.4.B Experimental and Control Conditions Learning Objective 2.4.B Explain how random assignment helps create conditions in an experiment, and explain the difference between an experimental group and a control group. Independent Variable

Dependent Variable

Consider our phone use and driving study. We are comparing two groups (or conditions) of participants: those who are using a phone while driving and those

How Psychologists Do Research

2.4.C Advantages and Limitations of Experiments Learning Objective 2.4.C Discuss the methodological advantages and limitations of experimental research design. As you have read, experiments allow conclusions about cause and effect. They permit researchers to distinguish real effects from placebo effects. When designed creatively, they allow researchers to investigate a wide range of phenomena and processes. As such, they have long been the method of choice in psychological science. For an experiment to be effective and live up to this potential, a researcher needs to maintain tight control over participants’ experiences. For example, because expectations can influence the results of a study, participants should not know which condition of

random assignment In an experiment, the practice of placing participants into conditions at random so as to increase the likelihood that the different conditions are equivalent to begin with.

control condition In an experiment, a comparison condition in which participants are not exposed to the treatment used in the experimental condition.

placebo An inactive substance or fake treatment used as a control in an experiment.

Figure 2.9 Does Viagra Work for Women?

Percent reporting improvement

who are not. We want these two groups to be roughly the same in terms of average driving skill. It would be problematic to start to have a bunch of reckless speeders in one condition and a bunch of overcautious slowpokes in the other. We also probably want the two groups to be similar in age, education, driving history, and other characteristics so that none of these variables will confound our results. At the end of our study, we want to be able to say that any differences between conditions in driving performance resulted from our manipulation of the independent variable—phone use—rather than any other explanation. Psychologists typically accomplish this is through random assignment of people to one group or the other, perhaps using a coin flip or random number generator. If we have enough participants in our study, individual characteristics that could possibly affect the results are likely to be roughly balanced in randomly assigned groups, so we can safely ignore them. In fact, random assignment is useful for equating conditions even on characteristics that we as researchers cannot easily measure or observe. Experiments often include both an experimental condition and a control condition for comparison. Participants in the control condition are treated exactly like those in the experimental condition, except that they are not exposed to the treatment of the independent variable. In our example, participants who talk on the phone while driving make up the experimental group, and those who just drive along without a phone make up the control group. (Not all experiments have a control group per se; we could, for instance, compare drivers who are using a handheld phone with drivers who are using a hands-free phone device.) Sometimes researchers use several experimental or control groups. In our phone and driving study, we might want to examine the effects of short versus long phone conversations or conversations on different topics—say, work, personal matters, and very personal matters. In that case, we would have more than one experimental group to compare with the control, no-phone group. In our hypothetical example, though, we just have one experimental group, and all participants in it will drive for 15 minutes while talking about a topic of their own choice. This description does not cover all the procedures that psychological researchers use. In some kinds of studies, people in the control group get a placebo, a fake treatment (e.g., a sugar pill) that looks, tastes, or smells like the real treatment but is phony. If the placebo produces the same result as the real thing, the reason must be the participants’ expectations rather than the treatment itself. Placebos are critical in testing new drugs because of the optimism that a potential cure often brings with it. Medical placebos usually take the form of pills or injections that contain no active ingredients. (To see what placebos revealed in a study of Viagra for women’s sexual problems, see Figure 2.9) In sum, experimental research design is a favorite of psychologists because it permits conclusions to be drawn about the causal relationship between variables. You now know the basic terminology of the experiment. Independent and dependent variables. Random assignment to condition. Experimental condition and control condition. To review experimental design and put all of these pieces together, visit Revel to watch a video on this topic

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50 40 30 20 10 0

Viagra

Placebo

Treatment Placebos are essential to determine whether people taking a new drug improve because of the drug or because of their expectations about it. In one study, 41% of women taking Viagra said their sex lives had improved. That sounds impressive, but 43% taking a placebo pill also said their sex lives had improved (Basson et al., 2002).

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a study they are in (e.g., whether they are in an experimental or control group). When this is accomplished, the experiment is said to be a single-blind study. But participants are not the only ones who bring expectations to the laboratory; researchers do as well. And researchers’ expectations, biases, and hopes for a particular result may cause them to inadvertently influence the participants’ responses through facial expressions, posture, tone of voice, or some other cue. Many years ago, Robert Rosenthal and Kermit Fode (1963) demonstrated how powerful such experimenter effects can be. They had students teach rats to run a maze. Half of the students Experimenter effects can bias the results of even studies using animal subjects. Can you think of a strategy a conscientious researcher could were told that their rats had been bred over generations to be “maze use to eliminate the possibility of experimenter effects? bright,” and half were told that their rats had been bred to be “maze dull.” In reality, there were no genetic differences between the two groups of rats, yet the supposedly brainy rats actually did learn the maze more quickly single-blind study by the end of the study, apparently because of the way the students were handling and treating them. In other words, the experimenters’ expectations about how the rats would An experiment in which participants do not know which condition they are behave came to change the way the rats actually behaved. If an experimenter’s expectain (e.g., experimental versus control). tions can affect a rodent’s behavior, surely they can affect a human being’s behavior too, and Rosenthal went on to demonstrate this point in many other studies (Rosenthal, 1994). Even experimenter effects an experimenter’s nonverbal behaviors—a friendly smile or cold demeanor—can affect parUnintended changes in participants’ ticipants’ responses. behavior as a result of cues that the One solution to the problem of experimenter effects is to conduct a double-blind study. experimenter inadvertently conveys. In such an experiment, the researcher having actual contact with the participants does not know who is in which group until the data have been gathered; it is called double-blind double-blind study because both the researcher and the participants are similarly in the dark. Double-blind proAn experiment in which neither cedures are essential in drug research. Different doses of a drug (and whether it is the active the people being studied nor the drug or a placebo) are coded in some way, and the person administering the drug is kept in individuals running the study know the dark about the code’s meaning until after the experiment. To run our phone and drivwho is in which condition (e.g., ing study in a double-blind fashion, we could use a simulator that automatically records experimental versus control) until collisions and have the experimenter give instructions through an intercom so they will not after the results are tallied. know which group a participant is in until after the results are tallied. In this way, there is no chance of experimenter effects emerging. Despite many potential benefits, the experiment, like all methods, has its limitations. Just as in other kinds of studies, the participants are often college students and may not always be representative of the larger population. Moreover, in an experiment, the researcher sets up what is often a rather artificial situation, and the participants try to do as they are told. In their desire to cooperate, advance scientific knowledge, or present themselves in a positive light, they may act in ways that they ordinarily would not. Thus, experimental psychologists confront a dilemma: The more control they exercise over the situation, the more unlike real life it may be. For this reason, many psychologists have called for more field research, the careful study of behavior in natural contexts such as field research schools and the workplace (Cialdini, 2009). Suppose you want to know whether there’s Empirical investigation conducted in a a relationship between gender and the tendency to be “talkative.” If you just ask peonatural setting outside the laboratory. ple what they think, they may very well give you a confident response to this question based on personal experience or gender stereotype. A field study would be a better way to answer it, however, and indeed such a study has been done. The participants wore an unobtrusive recording device as they went about their normal lives, and the researchers found no gender differences at all (Mehl et al., 2007). In short, every research method has its strengths and its weaknesses, its benefits and challenges. Earlier, we suggested that you may want to list the advantages and disadvantages of each method you read about. If you did so, you can compare your list now with the one in Table 2.1.

How Psychologists Do Research

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Table 2.1 Research Methods in Psychology: Their Advantages and Disadvantages Method

Advantages

Disadvantages

Case study

Good source of hypotheses; provides in-depth information on individuals; unusual examples can shed light on situations or problems that are unethical or impractical to study in other ways

Vital information may be missing, making the example difficult to interpret; the person’s memories may be selective or inaccurate; the individual may not be representative or typical

Naturalistic observation

Allows description of behavior as it occurs in the environment; often useful in first stages of a research program

Allows researcher little or no control of the situation; observations may be biased; does not allow firm conclusions about cause and effect

Laboratory observation

Allows more control than other methods; allows use of sophisticated equipment

Allows researcher only limited control of the situation; observations may be biased; does not allow firm conclusions about cause and effect; behavior may differ from behavior in the natural environment

Psychological test

Yields information on personality traits, emotional states, aptitudes, and abilities

Difficult to construct measures that are reliable and valid

Survey

Provides a large amount of information on large numbers of people

If sample is nonrepresentative or biased, it may be impossible to generalize from the results; responses may be inaccurate or untrue

Correlational study

Shows whether two or more variables are related; allows general predictions

Usually does not permit identification of cause and effect

Experiment

Allows researcher to control the situation; permits researcher to identify cause and effect and to distinguish placebo effects from treatment effects

Situation is artificial, and results may not generalize well to the real world; sometimes difficult to avoid experimenter effects

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JOURNAL 2.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Various groups of concerned citizens over the years have argued that listening to various genres of music (heavy metal and rap, for example) causes people to become more aggressive. Treat this hypothesis as a testable question for one particular type of music. Identify the independent and dependent variables, describe what participants in the different conditions would experience, and note any special considerations you would need to take into account, such as experimenter effects or single- or double-blind designs.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 2.4 to test your knowledge.

2.5 Evaluating the Findings If you are a psychologist who has just conducted a study—be it descriptive, correlational, or an experiment—your work is far from over. After you have results in hand, you must do three things: (1) describe them, (2) assess how reliable and meaningful they are, and (3) figure out how to explain them to others.

descriptive statistics Statistical procedures that organize and summarize research data.

2.5.A Describing the Data

In the experiment we have been using as an example, let’s say that 30 people talked on the phone while driving and 30 did not. We have recorded the number of collisions for each person on the driving simulator. Now we have 60 numbers. What can we do with them? The first step is to summarize the data. The world does not want to hear how many collisions Participant 43 had—that’s not the point of an experiment. What’s important is what happened in the phone group as a whole compared to what happened in the control group as a whole. To provide this information, we need numbers that summarize our data. Such numbers, known as descriptive statistics, are often depicted in graphs and tables.

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Learning Objective 2.5.A Explain how descriptive statistics can be used to compare the performance of two groups of research participants.

Psychological scientists must be statistically savvy so that they can analyze and explain their own data, but also so that they can think critically about the findings of other researchers.

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arithmetic mean An average that is calculated by adding up a set of quantities and dividing the sum by the total number of quantities in the set.

standard deviation A commonly used measure of variability that indicates the average difference between scores in a distribution and their mean.

A good way to summarize the data is to compute group averages. The most commonly used type of average is the arithmetic mean, which is calculated by adding up all the individual scores and dividing the result by the number of scores. We can compute a mean for the phone group by adding up the 30 collision scores and dividing the sum by 30. Then we can do the same for the control group. Now our 60 numbers have been boiled down to 2. For the sake of our example, let’s assume that the phone group had an average of 10 collisions, whereas the control group’s average was only 7. We must be careful, however, about how we interpret these averages. It is possible that no one in our phone group actually had 10 collisions. Perhaps half the people in the group were reckless drivers and had 15 collisions, whereas the others were more cautious and had only 5. Perhaps almost all the participants in the group had 9, 10, or 11 collisions. Perhaps the number of accidents ranged from 0 to 15. The mean does not tell us about such variability in the participants’ responses. For that, we need other descriptive statistics. The standard deviation tells us how clustered or spread out the individual scores are around the mean; the more spread out they are, the less “typical” the mean (see Figure 2.10). Unfortunately, when research is reported in the news, you usually hear only about the mean.

2.5.B Inferential Statistics Learning Objective 2.5.B Explain what a statistically significant research result does and does not indicate, and identify ways in which statistics can be misused or misrepresented.

Frequency

Frequency

At this point in our experiment, we have one group with an average of 10 collisions and another with an average of 7. Should we break out the champagne? Hold a press conferinferential statistics ence? Call mom? Better hold off. Perhaps if one group had an average of 15 collisions and Statistical procedures that allow the other an average of 1, we might get excited right away. But rarely does a psychological researchers to draw conclusions about study present a sensationally clear difference between the means. In most cases, there is how statistically reliable a study’s some possibility that the difference between the two groups was simply the result of chance. results are. Despite all our precautions, perhaps the people in the phone group just happened to be more accident-prone drivers, and their extra 3 collisions had nothing to do with talking on significance tests the phone. Statistical tests that show how likely it To rigorously assess these potential differences or relationships in the data, psycholis that a study would have turned out ogists use inferential statistics. These statistics do not merely describe or summarize the the way it did if there weren’t really a data; they permit researchers to draw conclusions based on evidence (i.e., inferences) about relationship between the variables in how reliable the findings are. Like descriptive statistics, inferential statistics involve the question. application of mathematical formulas to the data. Historically, the most commonly used inferential statistics have been significance tests, which tell Figure 2.10 Same Mean, Different Meaning researchers how probable it is that a study would have turned out the way it did if there weren’t a real relationship between the variables in question. A researcher is supposed to be conservative before mean=5 mean=5 running a study. By this we mean that a researcher’s default assumption must be that there is no meaningful effect or relationship between the variables being studied in the real world. There are, after all, many different reasons we might find an average of 10 collisions in one condition and 7 in the other, including just random fluctuation and chance. Significance 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 tests allow us to ask the question of how likely it is Score Score that the means in our study would have turned out (a) (b) this way if there were no differences in the real world In both distributions of scores, the mean is 5, but in (a), the scores are clustered around between those who are using a phone while drivthe mean, whereas in (b), they are widely dispersed, so the standard deviations for the ing and those who are not. If that likelihood is quite distributions will be quite different. In which distribution is the mean more “typical” of low—by most conventions, less than 5%—we can all scores?

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Repeated studies

reject the default assumption that there is no relationship between these variables in the real world, and we can say that the result is statistically significant: that the difference we found in our study is probably reliable. When there is less than a 5% chance of finding such a result (given our default assumption of no relationship between the variables), we then report that the result is significant at the .05 (“point oh five”) level, or p < .05. In this terminology, p stands for probability and .05 is referred to as the p value. If, however, the p value is greater than .05, we have little confidence in any difference or relationship reported, and although we might still want to do further research on the question, we can’t budge from our default assumption: We stick by the conclusion that there is no reliable relationship between the variables Many actual studies similar to our hypothetical one have confirmed in the real world. the dangers of talking on a phone while driving. In one study, Today, a growing number of researchers also report their results phone users, whether their phones were handheld or hands-free, by using a statistical formula that creates a confidence interval. were as impaired in their driving ability as intoxicated drivers were The mean from a particular sample will almost never be exactly (Strayer et al., 2006). Still other research has indicated that even the same as the true mean in the population (which, of course, pedestrian performance is impaired by texting (Banducci et al., we’ll never actually know unless we measure every single person 2016). So next time, put away your phone before you drive or try to cross the street! in that population). A confidence interval specifies, with a particular probability, a range a little higher and lower than the sample confidence interval mean to help depict where the true population mean probably lies (Fidler & Loftus, 2009). As Figure 2.11 shows, if you repeated your study over and over, you would produce a difA statistical measure that provides, with a specified probability, a range ferent sample mean and confidence interval each time. But notice something interesting: of values within which a population Although none of the means in each study (the green circles) is exactly the same as the mean is likely to lie. population mean (the straight vertical line), most of the confidence intervals (CIs) contain the true mean. In fact, if you repeated your study over and over, 95% of the CIs would contain the true mean, although you would occasionally produce a rogue CI (the gray bars) Figure 2.11 Confidence Intervals (Cumming, 2014). This example illustrates the problem with drawing definitive concluAcross Repeated Studies sions on the basis of just one study. A statistically significant result provides empirical support for conclusions about Study 1 human behavior and mental processes—for example: “Talking on a phone while driv- Study 2 Study 3 ing increases people’s risk of accidents.” But these predictions do not tell us with any Study 4 Study 5 certainty what a particular person will do in a particular situation. Probabilistic results are typical in all of the sciences, not just psychology. Medical research can tell us that the odds are high that someone who smokes will get lung cancer, but because many variables interact to produce any particular case of cancer, research cannot tell us for sure whether your great aunt, who smokes two packs a day, will come down with the disease. And while traditional tests of significance are widely used in psychology, these tests do have some major drawbacks (Cumming et  al., 2007; Erceg-Hurn & Mirosevich, 2008; Schönbrodt et al., 2017). A result may be statistically significant at the “point oh-five level” yet be small and of little consequence in everyday life because the independent variable only explains a little bit of the variation in people’s behavior. For practice distinguishing between descriptive and inferential statistics, see Table 2.2.

Sofiia Shunkina/123RF

How Psychologists Do Research

True mean in the population

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Table 2.2 Distinguishing Descriptive and Inferential Statistics Descriptive Statistics

Inferential Statistics

• Summarize the data • Compute how clustered or spread out the scores are around the mean

• • • •

Give the likelihood that a result occurred by chance Provide a measure of statistical significance Tell you whether to call your mother about your results Examine a confidence interval around the sample mean

The green circles in this figure represent the means from several different studies. While none of them is exactly on the vertical line representing the population mean, most of the confidence intervals (CIs) shown do contain the true mean, demonstrating just how important it is to repeat studies when investigating any set of variables!

52 Chapter 2 Statistical procedures are indispensable tools for assessing research. But statistics can be manipulated by people hoping to promote a particular agenda. That is why an essential part of scientific thinking is learning not only how to use statistics correctly but also how to identify their misuse. Statistics don’t lie; people do—or, more likely, they misrepresent or misinterpret what the numbers mean. So when you hear about research conclusions along the lines of “2 million people do X” or “1 out of 4 people are Y,” you should consider asking questions such as the following: • How was the number computed? Was the entire population really surveyed? Did the number come from just one study or a meta-analysis of many studies? Is it pure conjecture? • What are the absolute numbers? If we tell you that the risk of getting ulcers is increased by 300% in college students who eat a bagel every morning (relax, it isn’t!), that sounds alarming. But is this “300% increase” a jump from 100 students out of every 1,000 to 300 out of 1,000? Or is it a jump from 1 out of 1,000 students to 3 out of 1,000? What you want to know is the absolute risk, what the actual, raw numbers show. They may be quite trivial (Gigerenzer et al., 2008). • Is there a control group? The kinds of “findings” often reported without a control group tend to be those promoting a new herbal supplement, treatment, or self-improvement program. People are motivated to justify any program or treatment in which they have invested time, money, or effort. And don’t forget about the placebo effect. Testimonials are no substitute for a well-designed research comparison. • Do the conclusions match the design? We’ve said this before, but we’ll say it again: With correlational findings, you can never be sure what’s causing what. The statistics that people like best are often the ones that support their own opinions and assumptions. Unfortunately, bad statistics, repeated again and again, can infiltrate popular culture, spread like a virus, and become difficult to eradicate. As you read this chapter and develop a basic understanding of what statistics are and how they work, it is also important that you practice your ability to differentiate between numbers that are helpful and those that mislead or deceive.

2.5.C Interpreting the Findings Learning Objective 2.5.C Compare cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, and discuss how effect size, meta-analysis, and Bayesian statistics allow us to judge the importance of a research outcome. The last step in any study is to figure out what the findings mean. Trying to understand behavior from uninterpreted findings is like trying to become fluent in Swedish by reading a Swedish dictionary. Just as you need Swedish grammar to tell you how the words fit together, psychologists need hypotheses and theories to explain how the facts that emerge from research fit together. Sometimes it is hard to choose between competing explanations of a finding. Does phone use disrupt driving by impairing coordination, increasing a driver’s vulnerability to distraction, interfering with the processing of information, distorting the driver’s perception of danger, or some combination of these or other factors? Several explanations may fit the results equally well, which means that more research will be needed to determine the best one. Sometimes the best interpretation of a finding does not emerge until a hypothesis has been tested in different ways. If the findings of studies using various methods converge, researchers have greater reason to be confident about them. If the findings conflict, researchers must modify their hypotheses or investigate further. Here is an example: When psychologists compare the cognitive test scores of young people and old people, they usually find

CHOOSING THE BEST EXPLANATION

How Psychologists Do Research

that younger people outscore older ones on mental tasks involving memory, spatial skill, and attention. This type of research, in which different groups are compared at a specific point in time, is called a cross-sectional study.

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cross-sectional study A study in which individuals of different groups are compared at a specific point in time.

Cross-Sectional Study Different groups compared at one time: Group A (20-year-olds) Compared

Group B (50-year-olds) Group C (80-year-olds)

But researchers can also use longitudinal studies to investigate mental abilities across the lifespan. In a longitudinal study, the same people are followed over a period of time and are reassessed at regular intervals.

longitudinal study A study in which individuals are followed and periodically reassessed over a period of time.

Longitudinal Study Same group compared at different times: Group A at age 20

Group A at age 50

Group A at age 80

In contrast to cross-sectional studies, longitudinal studies find that as people age, they sometimes perform as well as they ever did on certain mental tests. A general decline in ability may not occur until people reach their 70s or 80s. Why do results from the two types of studies conflict? Probably because cross-sectional studies of age measure generational differences; younger generations tend to outperform older ones in part because they are more familiar with the type of test or the technologies used to administer it (Brailean et al., 2018). Without longitudinal studies, we might erroneously conclude that all types of mental ability inevitably decline with advancing age. Sometimes psychologists agree on the reliability and meaning of a finding but not on its ultimate relevance for theory or practice. Part of the problem is statistical. Traditional tests of significance continue to be used in the majority of psychological studies, but as noted earlier, these tests have important drawbacks. A result may be statistically significant yet be small and of little consequence in everyday life because the independent variable does not explain most of the variation in people’s behavior. Moreover, p values don’t guarantee that other researchers (or even the same researchers) will be able to obtain a similar effect if they run their study again. Remember the ESP study that we mentioned at the start of this chapter? The results were just barely statistically significant by conventional criteria, and the paper was published in an academic journal, which appalled many psychological scientists (Alcock, 2011). As one statistician noted, the article did not show that ESP exists; rather, it showed why a reliance on p values produces too many results that are just flukes (Miller, 2011). Indeed, various efforts to replicate the published ESP results have found no evidence to support the original findings (Galak et al., 2012). To gain better protection against spurious or unsubstantial results, many psychology journals now encourage the use of alternate metrics and statistics. One alternate metric is an effect size, which helps us understand how important an effect is. Think of effect sizes as similar to measuring how much something weighs: Regardless of what you’re weighing, 100 pounds is weightier than 10 pounds. Effect sizes, then, help us to understand how important—how weighty—an effect is. Because in the end, sure, researchers are interested

JUDGING THE RESULT’S IMPORTANCE

effect size A standardized way of describing the strength of the relationship between variables.

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meta-analysis A set of techniques for combining data from a number of related studies to determine the strength of a finding.

Bayesian statistics Statistics that involve a formula for calculating the likelihood of a hypothesis being true and meaningful, taking into account relevant prior knowledge.

in whether the effect of an independent variable is reliably significant, but often even more important is the question of how big that effect is, especially when trying to assess the effectiveness of a treatment, whether an educational intervention is worth its cost, or other conclusions tied to the strength of the relationship between variables. One such measure tells us how much of the variation in the data the independent variable accounts for. If it explains 5% of the variation, it’s not very powerful, even if the result is statistically significant; if it explains 40%, it’s very impressive. A popular set of statistical techniques called meta-analysis provides an especially good way to measure the overall “weight” of a finding because it combines data from a number of related studies instead of assessing each study’s results separately. It refers to, as the prefix meta implies, an analysis of (other) analyses. A single result based on a small sample may be just a coincidence; meta-analysis comes to the rescue, assessing the effect of some independent variable or variables across all the studies in the analysis. This approach is important because rarely does one study prove anything, in psychology or any other field. That is why you should be suspicious of headlines that announce a sudden major scientific breakthrough based on a single study. Consider gender gaps in math achievement, which persist in some nations but not in others. Do we attribute such gaps to some sort of inborn male superiority in math or to gender differences in educational and professional opportunities in the sciences? A meta-analysis of studies across 69 nations, representing nearly 500,000 students ages 14–16, found that although boys have more positive attitudes toward math than girls do, average effect sizes in actual mathematics achievement are very small. Moreover, national effect sizes show considerable variability—that is, gender math gaps are wider in some countries than in others. The most powerful predictors of cross-national variation are whether there are gender differences in school enrollment among children, the percentage of women in research jobs, and women’s representation in their nation’s government (ElseQuest et al., 2010). In other words, across dozens of studies, a variety of factors related to women’s academic and professional opportunities predict gender-based math gaps, offering a compelling counterargument to those who might propose innate differences in math skill between men and women. Another approach growing in popularity among scientists is based on Bayesian statistics, named for the 18th-century English minister who developed it (Dienes, 2011; Wagenmakers et  al., 2018). Bayesian statistics involve a formula that takes prior knowledge into consideration when evaluating any finding. In the case of ESP, “prior knowledge” of physics and biology suggests no known or possible mechanism for this phenomenon. And in fact, when a team of mathematical psychologists reassessed the ESP paper using Bayes’s formula, they concluded that the data actually support the hypothesis that ESP does not exist (Wagenmakers et al., 2011). One writer nicely summarized the Bayesian approach as the “yeah, right” effect. If a study finds that eating blueberry muffins reduces the risk of heart disease by 90% or that a treatment cures drug addiction in a week, a Bayesian’s reaction would be to evaluate that finding against what can be observed in the real world, and the result would have to pass the “yeah, right” test of plausibility. A team of researchers compared p values, effect sizes, and Bayes factors as measures of statistical evidence, using 855 published findings (Wetzels et  al., 2011). They found that although p values and Bayes factors almost always agreed about which hypotheses were better supported by the data, the measures often disagreed about the strength of this support. In many cases, the Bayes analysis showed that the result was only anecdotal. The Bayesian approach has critics as well, and arguments continue about how precisely to quantify “prior knowledge,” which can vary from strong empirical evidence to more subjective estimates. But its importance is growing among the statistical methods of science. Table 2.3 presents an overview of the various psychological research methods we have learned about in this chapter.

How Psychologists Do Research

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Table 2.3 Psychological Research Methods Contrasted

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Psychologists may use different methods to answer different questions about a topic. This table shows some ways in which the methods described in this chapter can be used to study different questions about aggression. Method

Purpose

Example

Case study

To understand the development of aggressive behavior in a particular individual; to formulate research hypotheses about the origins of aggressiveness

Developmental history of a serial killer

Naturalistic observation

To describe the nature of aggressive acts in early childhood

Recording instances of hitting, kicking, etc., during free-play periods in a preschool

Laboratory observation

To find out whether aggressiveness in pairs of same-sex and different-sex children differs in frequency or intensity

Watching same-sex and different-sex pairs of preschoolers through a two-way mirror; pairs must negotiate who gets to play with an attractive toy that has been promised to each child

Psychological test

To compare the personality traits of aggressive and nonaggressive people

Administering personality scales to violent and nonviolent people who are incarcerated

Survey

To find out how common domestic violence is in the general population

Questionnaire asking anonymous respondents (in a sample representative of the population) about the occurrence of physical abuse in their homes

Correlational study

To examine the relationship between aggressiveness and television viewing

Administering to college students a paper-and-pencil test of aggressiveness and a questionnaire on number of hours spent watching TV weekly; computation of correlation coefficient

Experiment

To find out whether high air temperatures elicit aggressive behavior

Arranging for individuals to “shock” a “learner” (actually a confederate of the experimenter) while seated in a room heated to either 72°F or 85°F

Interactive

JOURNAL 2.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Imagine you and a friend are discussing the cognitive changes people go through between the ages of 18 and 22. Your friend proposes studying the question by testing groups of 18-, 20-, and 22-year-olds, and comparing their mean scores on a test of thinking skills. Can you propose a different research strategy that involves a single group but answers the same question? What other information might you examine beyond the arithmetic mean?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 2.5 to test your knowledge.

2.6 Keeping the Enterprise Ethical In addition to spending considerable time discussing procedures for collecting and evaluating data, psychologists are also concerned about the ethical principles governing research and practice. Any institution that receives federal funding to conduct research with human participants—that is, essentially any college or university or hospital—must establish a review committee to ensure that all studies conform to federal ethics regulations. In addition, the American Psychological Association (APA) has a code of ethics that all members must follow, a code that is subject to frequent reexamination.

2.6.A The Ethics of Studying Humans Learning Objective 2.6.A Discuss why the principles of informed consent and debriefing are two key characteristics of a researcher’s code of ethics. It is essential that psychological scientists respect the dignity and welfare of the people they study. All psychological studies must conform to ethical guidelines, but such guidelines are especially important in experimental research in which participants are exposed to various manipulations and treatment conditions. During the course of a study, researchers must protect participants from physical and mental harm and, if any risk exists, must warn them and give them an opportunity to withdraw at any time.

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But before the study even begins, volunteers must consent to participate (and know enough about the study to make an intelligent decision about consent), a doctrine known as informed consent. The principle of informed consent sometimes clashes with an experimenter’s need to disguise the true purpose of the study. In such cases, if the purpose were revealed in advance, the results would be ruined because the participants would not behave naturally. So, for example, a researcher interested in the influence of mood on memory could tell her participants that the study they are about to be in will involve watching a video and then answering a series of written questions; she could warn them that the video may elicit a mild, but temporary emotional response. This is accurate information about the study that allows Psychological scientists must think about and address a variety of individuals to make an informed decision about participating, ethical questions in any given study. Consider, for example, researchbut it does not give away too much about the research in a way ers who wish to conduct a naturalistic observation of children’s that might dramatically alter participants’ expectations or subseaggressive play during school recess. Should they be permitted to quent behavior. observe these children surreptitiously—without the children knowing about the observation—or should they conduct their observaSometimes a study’s design calls for a bit of deception. For tions out in the open? Who needs to provide consent for the children example, a confederate—an actor working on behalf of the research to participate in the study—school administrators, parents, the chilterm—might pretend to collapse. The researcher can then find out dren themselves, or all of the above? What steps will the researchers whether bystanders—the uninformed participants—will respond to take to preserve the anonymity of the children in the study? a stranger needing help. If the participants knew that the confederate was only acting, they would obviously not bother to intervene or call for assisinformed consent tance. Other times participants have been misled about procedures that are intentionally The doctrine that anyone who designed to make them guilty, angry, or anxious so that researchers can learn what people participates in human research must do so voluntarily and must know enough do when they feel this way. For example, in studies of dishonesty, participants have been about the study to make an intelligent entrapped into cheating and have then been confronted with evidence of their guilt. In decision about whether to take part. such instances, a thorough debriefing after the study is called for, in which participants are informed about the true nature of the study and told why deception was necessary. In debriefing addition to debriefing, ethical guidelines require researchers to show that any deception An ethical procedure conducted after is justified by a study’s potential value and that alternative procedures are not feasible. a study in which researchers explain to participants the nature and purpose of the study and answer any questions they have.

2.6.B The Ethics of Studying Animals Learning Objective 2.6.B Discuss the advantages and ethical considerations of using animals in research.

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Ethical issues also arise in animal research. Animals are used in only a small percentage of psychological studies, but are crucial to progress in some areas, especially biological psychology and behavioral research. Often they are not harmed (as in research on mating in hamsters, which is definitely fun for the hamsters), but sometimes they are (as when rats brought up in deprived or enriched environments are euthanized so that their brains can be examined for any effects). Psychologists study animals for many reasons: • To conduct basic research on a particular species. For example, researchers have learned a great deal about the unusually lusty and cooperative lives of bonobo apes.

Psychologists sometimes use animals to study learning, memory, emotion, and social behavior. What type of questions do you think we might be able to ask and answer by observing these rhesus monkeys as they interact with each other?

• To clarify theoretical questions. Human women have longer lifespans than men, but we might not attribute this difference solely to lifestyle factors and health practices if we discover that a male–female difference exists in other mammals as well. • To improve human welfare. Animal studies have helped researchers to understand the mechanisms underlying memory loss and dementia, develop ways to reduce chronic pain, and rehabilitate patients with neurological disorders.

How Psychologists Do Research

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• To discover practical applications. Behavioral studies have shown farmers how to reduce crop destruction by birds and deer without harming the animals. In recent decades, some psychological and medical scientists have been trying to find ways to do their research without using animals at all, by using computer simulations or other new technologies. When animals are essential to research, the APA’s ethical code includes comprehensive guidelines to ensure their humane treatment. Federal laws governing the housing and care of research animals—particularly our closest relatives, the great apes—are stronger than they used to be; no future research can be done on apes unless it is vital to human welfare and cannot be conducted with other methods. Moreover, thanks to a growing understanding of animals’ instinctive, social, and cognitive needs—even in so-called lower species like the lab rat—many psychological scientists have changed the way they treat them, improving their research as well as the animals’ well-being (Knight, 2022; Patterson-Kane et al., 2001). The difficult task for scientists is to balance the potential benefits of animal research with a compassionate concern for the welfare of species other than our own. We recognize that this chapter has included a lot of detail about research designs, statistical analyses, reporting scientific data, and more. All of this information will prove essential in the chapters that follow as we explore more deeply what psychologists have learned about human psychology. The methods of psychological science have overturned some deeply entrenched assumptions about the way people think, feel, act, and adapt and have yielded information that greatly improves human well-being. These methods illuminate our human errors and biases and enable us to seek knowledge with an open mind. Biologist Thomas Huxley put it beautifully. The essence of science, he said, is “to sit down before fact as a little child, be prepared to give up every preconceived notion, follow humbly wherever and to whatever abyss nature leads, or you shall learn nothing.”

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JOURNAL 2.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—AVOID ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Unlike humans, other animals cannot consent to participating in research. What are your primary ethical concerns regarding psychological research conducted with animals? Under what circumstances do you believe that the potential benefits of such research outweighs the ethical concerns it raises?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 2.6 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Clever Hans the Horse Was a Math Whiz STEP 1. Criticize This Claim In the late 19th century, Wilhelm von Osten, a German math teacher, introduced a most remarkable pupil: a horse named Hans. When von Osten wrote the number 2 on a chalkboard, Hans would tap his hoof twice. 4 plus 1? Hans tapped five times. Clever Hans even knew the square root of 16: tap-tap-tap-tap. Hans wowed audiences, and by the turn of the century, the New York Times had picked up the tale of this equine mathematician. Skeptics, though, questioned whether the story of Hans could really be true. Let’s use your expertise in research methods to criticize the claim: Clever Hans the horse was a math whiz.

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58 Chapter 2 STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Critical thinking requires us to ask questions and test alternative explanations. What might you ask in order to rigorously assess this claim about Hans?

Let’s think about the questions we might want to ask about Clever Hans’s performance and the ways we might try to answer them. For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option from the drop-down menu to complete the sentence. In thinking about alternative explanations for Hans’s performance, one question we might ask is did Wilhelm von Osten devise a secret way of telling Hans the correct response? To answer this question, we could see whether Hans was still able to get the answer right when the questions were asked (1) _____________ . Another question would be, were other people in the audience somehow signaling Hans to give away the answer? To answer this question, we could test Hans’s performance when (2) _____________ . Of course, the best critical thinking questions to ask in evaluating a claim like this one would be ones that (3) _____________ .

1) a. in English instead of German b. in a controlled laboratory setting rather than under a circus tent c. by someone other than von Osten

2) a. the question order was changed from what he was used to b. he was tested in a room with no one else around c. someone other than von Osten picked the questions

3) a. could be tested through direct empirical observation b. were asked of von Osten directly c. are administered via a survey

STEP 3. Examine the Evidence In 1904, a psychologist named Carl Stumpf assessed Hans’s performance. He recruited help from a school teacher, circus manager, veterinarian, cavalry soldier, and the local zoo director. Stumpf and his team put Hans to the test. To their surprise, they could find no evidence of a hoax. And so the legend of Clever Hans lived on. But seeking to replicate previous findings is important in science. And so, a few years later, another psychologist, Oskar Pfungst, tested Hans.

STEP 4. Examine the Evidence Pfungst discovered that Hans’s performance declined the farther away he got from his questioner or when he wore blinders. Hans needed to see clearly to get the right answer. Pfungst also discovered that if the person asking the question didn’t know the right answer, Hans’s accuracy dropped from 89% all the way to 6%. What Pfungst figured out was that Hans was reading facial reactions. As the horse started tapping, his questioner looked tense. After the correct tap, that tension disappeared and Hans learned to stop tapping. Pfungst discovered the secret to Hans’s success by examining the evidence across different conditions.

STEP 5. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Clever Hans teaches us an important lesson about research: much as von Osten’s reactions changed his horse’s responses, our own expectations can influence our findings.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Clever Hans was no math whiz. But one century later, his story still has an important lesson. It reminds us that as scientists, we must avoid biases and expectancy effects. Double-blind procedures are the best way to guarantee that we don’t convey expectations to participants. If a researcher doesn’t know which participants are in which study conditions, her expectations can’t lead to bias, even unintentionally. This conclusion has applications for teachers, police investigators, or anyone who seeks to find an unbiased answer to questions involving any clever animal, be it horse or human. (continued)

How Psychologists Do Research

Animal handlers

Teachers’ expectations can influence their students. In a classic study, Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) found that teachers led to believe that certain students (actually chosen at random) were on the verge of an intellectual growth spurt caused those students to actually outperform their classmates over time. When teachers have high expectations for students, they may challenge them more and hold higher standards. Unfortunately, the opposite can occur with low expectations.

A police lineup is a lot like an experiment—specifically, a study of an eyewitness’s memory. If the investigators administering lineups have a theory for which person has committed the crime, they may unintentionally signal that expectation to the witness, much as von Osten did with Clever Hans. This is why many jurisdictions in the United States now recommend that the police officer who administers a lineup be blind as to who the suspect is. Such procedures eliminate the possibility of this type of bias.

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Police Investigators

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Classroom Teachers

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Back to the realm of human/ animal interaction, the story of Clever Hans has lessons for those who train animals. When drug and explosive sniffing dogs are trained, for example, the handlers usually don’t know which containers have the targeted substance inside them. This way, their body language and other behavior can’t steer the dogs in any direction. In this line of work, it’s important that these dogs are clever at more than just detecting their handler’s expectations and reactions.

Answer key: 1) c, 2) b, 3) a

Summary: How Psychologists Do Research 2.1 What Makes Psychological Research Scientific? LO 2.1.A

Distinguish among a theory, a hypothesis, and an operational definition.

Theories are systems of assumptions and principles that try to explain a specified set of phenomena. Hypotheses are derived from a theory, and are precise statements that describe or explain a given behavior. Operational definitions summarize the way terms will be measured and studied in a particular research project. Psychology, like all sciences, is empirical; this means psychologists rely on information gathered from studies using the scientific method as the basis for their evidence, rather than anecdotes, conjecture, or opinions. LO 2.1.B

Explain why skepticism in science is valuable and involves more than just disbelief.

Scientists practice skepticism as a way of treating claims and research findings with caution. Being skeptical means more than

just doubting conclusions; it provokes an exploration of why a claim may or may not be valid. LO 2.1.C

Explain why falsifiability is a critical component of scientific research.

The principle of falsifiability instructs scientists to design studies in such a way that evidence can either confirm or disconfirm the existence of a phenomenon. As a general operating procedure, falsifiability also helps ward off the confirmation bias, the tendency to look for or only pay attention to information that confirms our beliefs. LO 2.1.D

Describe why openness and replication are important qualities of the scientific enterprise.

Scientists must be willing to tell others where they got their ideas, how those ideas were tested, and what the results were, so that studies can be replicated and findings can be verified independently.

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2.2 Descriptive Studies: Establishing the Facts LO 2.2.A

Describe the ways participants are selected for psychological studies and how the method of selection can influence interpretations of a study’s outcomes.

In any study, the researcher would ideally like to use a representative sample, one that is similar in composition to the larger population that the researcher wishes to describe. But in practice, researchers often use convenience samples, which typically means college undergraduates, and thus some conclusions offered about “people in general” must be interpreted with caution. LO 2.2.B

Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using case studies to collect data.

Case studies are detailed descriptions of individuals. They are often used by clinicians and can also be valuable in exploring new research topics and addressing questions that would otherwise be difficult to study. But because the person under study may not be representative of people in general, case studies are typically sources rather than tests of hypotheses. LO 2.2.C

Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using observational methods to collect data.

In observational studies, researchers systematically observe and record behavior without interfering in any way with the behavior. Naturalistic observation is used to find out how individuals behave in their natural environments. Laboratory observation allows more control and the use of special equipment; behavior in the laboratory, however, may differ in certain ways from behavior in natural contexts. LO 2.2.D

Explain why norms, reliability, and validity are the hallmarks of any standardized psychological test.

Psychological tests are used to measure and evaluate personality traits, emotional states, aptitudes, interests, abilities, and values. A good test is one that has been standardized, is scored using established norms, and is both reliable and valid. Critics have questioned the reliability and validity of even some widely used tests. LO 2.2.E

Describe the advantages and limitations of using surveys to collect data.

Surveys are questionnaires or interviews that ask people directly about their experiences, attitudes, and opinions. Unrepresentative samples can influence the generalizability of survey results. Findings can also be affected by the fact that respondents sometimes lie, misremember, or misinterpret the questions. People should be cautious about tests they take on the Internet because not all of them meet scientific standards. LO 2.2.F

Describe the importance and challenges of conducting cross-cultural research.

Cross-cultural research can determine which attitudes, behaviors, and traits are universal and which are specific to particular groups. This type of research also faces unique challenges, including how to find a comparable sample, how to translate

materials into different languages, and how to avoid the risks of stereotypical overgeneralization and reification.

2.3 Correlational Studies: Looking for Relationships LO 2.3.A

Illustrate with an example how a correlation coefficient gives both the size and direction of the relationship between two variables.

Studies that look for relationships between phenomena are known as correlational. A correlation is a measure of the strength of a positive or negative relationship between two variables and is expressed by the correlation coefficient. A positive correlation means that as one variable increases, so does the other. A negative correlation means that as one variable increases, the other decreases. LO 2.3.B

Explain why a correlation between two variables does not establish a causal relationship between those variables.

A correlation between two variables does not necessarily demonstrate a causal relationship between the variables. The first variable could be causing the second to happen, the second variable could be causing the first to happen, or a third variable could be causing both of the other two to happen.

2.4 Experiments: Hunting for Causes LO 2.4.A

Distinguish an independent variable from a dependent variable, and give an example of each.

Psychologists turn to experimental research design to test the causal relationship between variables. Experiments allow researchers to control the situation being studied, manipulate an independent variable, and assess the effects of the manipulation on a dependent variable. LO 2.4.B

Explain how random assignment helps create conditions in an experiment, and explain the difference between an experimental group and a control group.

Randomly assigning participants to conditions, especially with a large enough sample, allows researchers confidence that the groups being compared in an experiment are more or less equivalent to begin with. Experimental studies then compare outcomes across two or more conditions, often including experimental and control groups. In some studies, those in the control group receive a placebo, or fake treatment. LO 2.4.C

Discuss the methodological advantages and limitations of experimental research design.

Experiments offer researchers many advantages, but also have limitations and challenges. Single-blind and double-blind procedures can be used to prevent the expectations of the participants or the experimenter from affecting the results. Field research can help address the concern that many experiments are conducted in an artificial laboratory setting.

How Psychologists Do Research

2.5 Evaluating the Findings LO 2.5.A

Explain how descriptive statistics can be used to compare the performance of two groups of research participants.

Psychologists use descriptive statistics, such as the arithmetic mean and the standard deviation, to summarize data. By finding the average score in a set of measurements and how clustered or spread out the scores are around that average, scientists get a good idea of what the measurements as a whole look like. LO 2.5.B

Explain what a statistically significant research result does and does not indicate, and identify ways in which statistics can be misused or misrepresented.

Psychological scientists use inferential statistics to find out how reliable any relationships between variables are. Significance tests tell the researchers how probable it is that a study’s result would have turned out the way it did if there weren’t a real relationship between the variables in question. The results are said to be statistically significant if this likelihood is very low. Confidence intervals help researchers evaluate where the real population mean is likely to be if they could repeat their study over and over. Critical thinkers learn to ask questions to differentiate between numbers that are helpful and those that mislead or deceive. LO 2.5.C

Compare cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, and discuss how effect size, meta-analysis, and Bayesian statistics allow us to judge the importance of a research outcome.

Choosing among competing interpretations of a finding can be difficult, and care must be taken to avoid going beyond the facts. Sometimes the best interpretation does not emerge until

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a hypothesis has been tested in more than one way, as by using both cross-sectional and longitudinal methods. The effect size is a standardized way of describing the strength of the relationship between variables. Meta-analysis is a procedure for combining data from many related studies to determine the overall strength of an independent variable. Bayesian statistics take prior knowledge into account in assessing the likelihood that a finding is true and meaningful.

2.6 Keeping the Enterprise Ethical LO 2.6.A

Discuss why the principles of informed consent and debriefing are two key characteristics of a researcher’s code of ethics.

The APA’s ethical code requires researchers to obtain the informed consent of anyone who is participating in a study or experiment, protect them from harm, and warn them in advance of any risks. Many studies require deceptive procedures. Concern about the morality of such procedures has led to guidelines to protect participants, including the process of debriefing, in which researchers explain to participants the true nature and purpose of the study. LO 2.6.B

Discuss the advantages and ethical considerations of using animals in research.

Psychologists study animals to gain knowledge about particular species, discover practical applications of psychological principles, study issues that cannot be studied with human beings for practical or ethical reasons, clarify theoretical questions, and improve human welfare. Debate over the use of animals in research has led to more comprehensive regulations governing their treatment and care.

Shared Writing: How Psychologists Do Research Find a short article or headline that makes a claim based on research. Try to find a topic related to psychology, although something about medicine, health, economics, or the environment will also do. As you read through the article, apply your newfound research expertise to answer the following questions: What type of study is it, descriptive, correlational, experimental—and how can you tell? How were the participants selected for the study and does this sampling method affect the conclusions we should draw from the study? Do you have any ethical concerns about the study as described?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 2 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 3

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Genes, Evolution, and Environment

Learning Objectives LO 3.1.A

Explain how genes, chromosomes, DNA, and genomes all relate to one another.

LO 3.1.B

Describe epigenetics and how it can help us understand the genetic components of thought and behavior.

LO 3.2.A

Explain how natural selection contributes to changes in gene frequencies in a population.

LO 3.2.B

List and describe examples of innate human characteristics.

LO 3.3.A

Compare the sexual strategies of females and males, according to the sociobiological perspective.

LO 3.3.B

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Discuss the challenges to the evolutionary view of human sexual strategies.

LO 3.4.A

Explain what heritability refers to, and discuss important facts about heritability to keep in mind when discussing genetic contributions to behavior.

LO 3.4.B

Outline the basic design of heritability studies that involve twins and adoptees.

LO 3.5.A

Discuss the extent to which intelligence may be heritable.

LO 3.5.B

Explain why both between-group and withingroup variability are important in arguments about group differences in intelligence.

LO 3.5.C

Describe how the environment can either hinder or promote intellectual development.

LO 3.5.D

Explain how both nature and nurture play an interactive role in shaping behavior.

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. When you submit your answer, you will see the data from others who have read this chapter. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Griffin has just been convicted of several counts of fraud and assault with a deadly weapon, and also has a childhood history of theft and fire-setting. You find out that he has an identical twin named Oliver, who was adopted into a different family at birth. If you had to guess, would you predict that Oliver also has a criminal record?

In the question above, our fictitious characters Griffin and Oliver are identical twins and, therefore, share the same genes. Of course, most identical twins also grow up together and share the same environment, but Griffin and Oliver were raised apart. Thus, this unusual twin pair offers an interesting opportunity to consider the effect of genes (“nature”) and environment (“nurture”) on behavior. Any similarities in their behavior could reflect the effect of shared genes, while any differences in their behavior could reflect their differing environments. If you tend to favor a genetic explanation for behavior, then you may predict that Oliver is likely to have a criminal record, just like Griffin, in this hypothetical scenario. As it turns out, this scenario of identical siblings raised apart is not always merely hypothetical. Consider the amazing real-life case of identical triplets who were adopted as infants into three different families and who grew up unaware of each other. As described in the 2018 documentary Three Identical Strangers, the three young men met each other for the first time purely by accident at the age of 19. When the media picked up their story, the triplets (Bobby, Eddy, and David, pictured above) appeared on talk shows, newscasts, and in magazines, and in these interviews, they were inevitably asked whether they had discovered similarities with their newfound siblings. Indeed, they reported that they all liked Chinese food, smoked the same brand of cigarettes, competed in wrestling in high school, and were attracted to similar women. Watching film clips of the brothers, it’s easy to notice their similar mannerisms, postures, and speaking styles. Because they grew up in very different environments, such similarities would seem to suggest that nature won out over nurture, right? Well, not necessarily. Because the triplets also differed in important ways, such as their work ethic and mental health status—differences that created tension when they went into business together as co-owners of a New York City restaurant. The varied environments in which they grew up likely contributed to these differences. Now of course, we cannot draw definitive conclusions about the origin of all human behavior based on the observations of one set of triplets raised apart! However, the results of many research studies also suggest that both nature and nurture play important roles in shaping behavior. Scientists today understand that heredity and environment constantly interact to produce our psychological and physical traits. This interaction works in two directions. First, genes affect the kinds of experiences we have. A teenager with a genetic aptitude for schoolwork may be more likely than other kids to join a chess team and ask for books and science kits as birthday presents. These experiences reward and encourage the development of academic skills, turning what began as a small intellectual advantage into a large one. Conversely, although most people don’t realize it, experience affects our genes: Stress, diet, emotional events, and hormonal changes can all influence which genes are active (“expressed”) over a person’s lifetime (Fraga et al., 2005; Tammen et al., 2013). As you read this chapter, try to resist the temptation to think of nature and nurture in either–or terms. In this chapter, we will focus largely on findings from two related areas, behavioral genetics and evolutionary psychology. Scientists in these areas study many of the same topics, including language learning, attention, perception, memory, sexual behavior, cooperation, helpfulness to others, emotion, reasoning, and personality. But these two perspectives emphasize different mechanisms to explain human differences.

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64 Chapter 3

3.1 Unlocking the Secrets of Genes

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You might think the study of genetics is solely a matter of biology. Although it’s true that biologists are keenly interested in understanding how information gets passed from one generation to the next at a cellular level, psychologists also want to know how genetic information influences what we think, how we feel, and how we act.

3.1.A The Human Genome Learning Objective 3.1.A Explain how genes, chromosomes, DNA, and genomes all relate to one another.

Researchers in behavioral genetics attempt to tease apart the relative contributions of heredity and environment to explain individual differences in behavior across people. Hereditary contributions originate in genetics, so let’s begin by looking at what genes are and how they operate. Genes, the basic units of heredity, are located on chromosomes, rod-shaped structures found in the center (nucleus) of every cell of the body. Each sperm cell and each egg cell behavioral genetics (ovum) contains 23 chromosomes, so when a sperm and egg unite at conception, the fertilAn interdisciplinary field of study ized egg and all the body cells that eventually develop from it (except for sperm cells and concerned with genetic contributions ova) typically contain 46 chromosomes, arranged in 23 pairs. to individual differences in behavior and personality. Chromosomes consist of threadlike strands of DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) molecules, and genes consist of small segments of this DNA (see Figure 3.1). Each human chromosome genes contains thousands of genes. However, 98.8% of our total DNA, called noncoding DNA, lies The functional units of heredity; they outside the genes. This DNA used to be called “junk DNA” because scientists believed it was are composed of DNA and specify the not important, but this belief has changed (Mortola & Long, 2021). Alterations in this nonstructure of proteins. coding DNA may be associated with common diseases, including multiple sclerosis, lupus, rheumatoid arthritis, and Crohn’s disease. Messages from noncoding DNA, along with ranchromosomes dom chemical events in cells, may affect the expression of certain genes, and mutations from Within every cell, rod­shaped these sequences may also give rise to new genes. structures that carry the genes. All of our genes, together with noncoding DNA, make up the human genome. Most genes in the human genome are found in other animals as well, but some are unique to our DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) species, setting us apart from chimpanzees, mice, and wasps. Many genes contribute directly The chromosomal molecule that to a particular trait, but others work indirectly by switching other genes on or off. Many genes transfers genetic characteristics by way are inherited in the same form by everyone; others vary, contributing to our individuality. of coded instructions for the structure Within each gene are four bases, the chemical elements that form DNA: adenine, of proteins. thymine, cytosine, and guanine. These bases are identified by the letters A, T, C, and G and are arranged in a certain sequence, such as ACGTCTCTATA. In 1953, James Watson and Francis Crick made a groundbreaking discovery, Figure 3.1 Genes and Chromosomes which they published in a 985-word paper that revolutionized the Cell field of genetics. They determined that DNA is always made up of two strands, with the bases in the middle holding the strands together in pairs—the famous double helix—as you can see in Figure 3.2. Chromosome Within a gene, a particular sequence may contain thousands or Genome even millions of bases, which together constitute a code for the synthesis of one of the many proteins that affect virtually every aspect of the body, from its structure to the chemicals that keep it running. But this is a simplification; one small variation in the code can create DNA a qualitatively different kind of protein. Also, many genes can make more than one protein, depending on when and where different segments of DNA on the gene are activated. In fact, our 22,000 or so Genes genes can produce hundreds of thousands of different proteins. You Genes contain instructions might think that 22,000 is a lot of genes, but that’s only about twice for making proteins as many as a fruit fly has—and corn has about 32,000 (Schnable et al., 2009). The key is not how many genes you have, but what Genes are located on chromosomes, which are found in pairs inside those genes can do. cells, as shown in this (heavily magnified!) image. Genes shape more than physical characteristics like height, eye color, and body type. Psychologists are particularly interested in the links between genes and behavior.

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

3.1.B Epigenetics Learning Objective 3.1.B Describe epigenetics and how it can help us understand the genetic components of thought and behavior. Many people think of the genome as a static blueprint, a set of coded messages that never changes over a person’s lifetime. But this is a big misconception. First of all, consider mutations, which produce variant forms of genes; these mutations may alter just one DNA base or, at the other extreme, a large part of a chromosome. Many mutations are inherited from our parents, but others are new ones that arise before or after birth. Mutations may occur because of a mistake made when DNA copies itself during cell division. Some occur because of environmental factors, such as ultraviolet radiation from the sun, which can cause mutations that lead to skin cancer. Thus, people differ in part because they carry different mutations in their genetic code. But they also differ for another reason: Scientists are learning that stable changes in gene (and, therefore, trait) expression can occur for a variety of reasons, without any changes in the sequence of bases in a gene’s DNA. One of the most exciting developments

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Figure 3.2 DNA Double Helix

A “helix” is an object with a threedimensional twisting shape that looks like a wire wrapped around a cylinder. Crick and Watson’s famous discovery was that DNA is always made up of two helixes, with the strands held together by four chemical elements called bases.

Genome The full set of genes in each cell of an organism (with the exception of sperm and egg cells), together with noncoding DNA located outside the genes.

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In 2003, an international collaboration of 2,000 researchers working on the Human Genome Project announced that it had finished mapping the entire human genome. They had identified the sequence of nearly all 3 billion bases (those As, Cs, Ts, and Gs) and determined how the genes are arranged on the chromosomes. Scientists have also begun to examine the entire genome to help identify the possible genetic basis of specific diseases or traits. In these genome-wide association studies, scientists can look for genes that vary across people and determine whether those genetic variants are consistently observed in those who have a specific disease or trait, compared to those without it. In these studies, researchers may have a “culprit” gene in mind, but they do not need to do so because the approach is entirely statistical, based on correlations (Hardy & Singleton, 2009; Plomin, 2013; Plomin et al., 2013). After genome-wide association studies identify the genetic variants associated with a disease or trait, researchers can calculate polygenic scores (sometimes called polygenic risk scores) to quantify the extent to which an individual has the genetic variants associated with that disease or trait (Wray et al., 2021). Scientists also sometimes use an older technique to search for the genes associated with rare disorders. These linkage studies take advantage of the tendency of genes lying close together on a chromosome to be inherited together across generations. The researchers start by looking for genetic markers, which are DNA segments that vary considerably among individuals and whose locations on the chromosomes are already known. They then look for patterns of inheritance of these markers in large families in which a condition—say, depression or impulsive violence—is common. If a marker tends to exist only in family members who have the condition, then it can be used as a genetic landmark. The gene involved in the condition is apt to be located nearby on the chromosome, so the researchers have some idea where to search for it. But even when researchers locate a gene, they do not automatically know its role in physical or psychological functioning. Usually, locating a gene is just the first step in understanding exactly what it does and how it works. Be wary of media reports implying that some gene (or a mutation) is the only one involved in a complex psychological ability or characteristic, such as intelligence or shyness, or a disorder, such as autism. It seems that nearly every month brings another report about some gene that supposedly explains a human trait, such as a “worry gene,” “generosity gene,” or “procrastination gene,” not to mention genes that supposedly explain people’s enjoyment of travel, spicy food, roller coasters, and horror movies. In reality, most human traits, even such seemingly straightforward ones as height and eye color, are influenced by more than one gene. Psychological traits are especially likely to depend on multiple genes—dozens of them, or even hundreds—with each one accounting for just a tiny part of the variance among people. Conversely, any single gene is apt to influence many different behaviors. The moral: All announcements in the media of a “gene for this” or a “gene for that” should be viewed with extreme caution. Visit Revel to watch a video with more information about genes and chromosomes.

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Ask members of your family, one person at a time, to clasp their hands together. Include aunts and uncles, grandparents, and as many other biological relatives as possible. Which thumb does each person put on top? The tendency to fold the left thumb over the right one or vice versa tends to run in families and is thought by many geneticists to be influenced by genes. Do your biological relatives show one tendency over the other? Try the same exercise with someone else’s family; do you get the same results? Even for behavior as simple as thumb-folding, the details of how genes might exert their effect remain uncertain.

66 Chapter 3 Genetic marker A segment of DNA that varies among individuals, has a known location on a chromosome, and can function as a genetic landmark for a gene involved in a physical or mental condition.

epigenetics The study of stable changes in the expression of a particular gene that occur without changes in DNA base sequences.

in genetics is a specialty called epigenetics, which studies such changes (Cavalli & Heard, 2019; Feil & Fraga, 2012); the Greek prefix epi- means “on top of” or “in addition to.” The mechanisms for these changes involve chemical molecules that regulate the activity of the genes. These changes are like software that tells your genome hardware to become active or inactive. Epigenetic changes affect behavior, learning and memory, and vulnerability to psychological disorders (Nestler et al., 2016; O’Donnell & Meaney, 2020; Yang et al., 2021). Visit Revel to watch a video that will tell you more about this fascinating area of investigation. Epigenetic changes may help explain why one identical twin can develop a disease while the other does not. They can also help explain why identical twins and even cloned, genetically identical animals living in exactly the same environment may differ considerably in appearance and behavior (Raser & O’Shea, 2005). Yes, you read that right: Even clones can be different. The study of epigenetics is demonstrating that the timing and pattern of genetic activity are critical not only before birth, but also throughout life (Feinberg, 2008; Zannas & Chrousos, 2017). And just like mutations, epigenetic changes can be affected by environmental factors (Plomin et al., 2013). In coming years, you will be hearing a lot more about epigenetics, and how your own habits, activities, drug use, and stress level might affect the activity of your genes. Scientists are understandably excited about these advances, but, as usual, we should be wary of oversimplification. Some popular writers get carried away. A news headline taken from a preliminary study suggesting that childhood poverty affects adult genetics blared: “Babies born into poverty are damaged forever before birth!” (reported in Davey Smith, 2012; Heijmans & Mill, 2012). For their part, some scientists believe that the ability to scan a person’s unique genome will soon permit “personalized medicine,” where your particular genetic pattern will help to determine the treatment you need for a given disease. Yet caution is called for here, too. Epidemiologist George Davey Smith (2011) explained how the hope for personalized medicine overlooks the powerful role of randomness and chance in human disease. Epigenetics and genetic testing will undoubtedly provide some fascinating discoveries about human behavior and health, but they are unlikely to provide the whole story—as we discuss further in “Taking Psychology with You” later in this chapter.

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JOURNAL 3.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Research has shown that, in identical twin pairs, when one twin has schizophrenia, there is only about a 50% chance that the other twin will also have schizophrenia. Why isn’t the chance 100%? Why is it incorrect to assume that identical twins always share the same traits and illnesses?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 3.1 to test your knowledge.

3.2 The Genetics of Similarity Eric Isselee/Shutterstock

What accounts for the similarities among all human beings, such as the universal capacity for language or loyalty to a family or clan? Evolutionary psychologists believe the answer lies partly in genetic dispositions that developed during the evolutionary history of our species.

3.2.A Evolution and Natural Selection Evolutionary psychologists are interested in the origins of many human behaviors, such as smiling and laughter, which are universal among primates and are part of our shared evolutionary heritage.

Learning Objective 3.2.A Explain how natural selection contributes to changes in gene frequencies in a population. Researchers in evolutionary psychology emphasize the evolutionary mechanisms that might help explain our human commonalities in a variety of areas such as personality, emotion, sexual behavior, or reasoning. To read the messages from the past that these

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psychologists argue are locked in our genes, we must first understand the nature of evoluevolutionary psychology tion itself. Evolution is basically a change in gene frequencies within a population, a change A field of psychology emphasizing how that typically takes place over many generations. As particular genes become more or less genetically influenced behavior that was adaptive during our ancestors’ era may common in the population, so do the characteristics they influence. These developments help explain human commonalities account for changes within a species. And when two populations within a species become in present­day behaviors, mental geographically separated and must adapt to different conditions, eventually those two popprocesses, and traits. ulations may evolve into two different species. Why exactly do gene frequencies in a population change? During the division of the evolution cells that produce sperm and eggs, if an error occurs in the copying of the original DNA A change in gene frequencies within sequence, genes can mutate. In addition, during the formation of a sperm or an egg, small a population over many generations, segments of genetic material cross over from one member of a chromosome pair to another, which serves as a mechanism by which exchanging places prior to the final cell division. As genes spontaneously mutate and recomgenetically influenced characteristics bine during the production of sperm and eggs, new genetic variations, and therefore potenof a population may change. tial new traits, keep arising. But that is only part of the story. According to the principle of natural selection, first natural selection formulated in general terms by British naturalist Charles Darwin in On the Origin of Species The evolutionary process in which (1859/1964), the fate of these genetic variations depends on the environment. Darwin did individuals with genetically influenced not actually know about genes, as their discovery had not yet been widely publicized, but he traits that are adaptive in a particular realized that a species’ characteristics must somehow be transmitted biologically from one environment tend to survive and to generation to the next. reproduce in greater numbers than do other individuals, resulting in their The fundamental idea behind natural selection is this: In a given species living in a traits becoming more common in the particular environment, some individuals with a genetically influenced trait tend to be more population. successful than others in finding food, surviving the elements, and fending off enemies— and are therefore better at staying alive long enough to produce offspring. As a result, their genes will become more and more common in the population, having been “selected” by reproductive success. Over many generations, these genes may even spread throughout the species. In contrast, those individuals whose traits are not as adaptive in the struggle for survival will not be as “reproductively fit”: They will be more likely to die before reproducing, and their genes—and the traits influenced by those genes—will therefore become less and less common, and may possibly even disappear altogether. Scientists debate how gradually or abruptly evolutionary changes occur and whether competition for survival is always the primary mechanism of change, but they agree on the basic importance of evolution. During the past century and a half, Darwin’s ideas have been resoundingly supported by findings in anthropology, botany, and molecular genetics (Ruse, 2010). Scientists have actually watched some organisms evolving, such as microbes, insects, and plants. Some rapid evolutionary changes, in mammals as well as microbes, are due to human Natural Selection activity. For example, the horns of bighorn rams have been getting smaller because of trophy hunting, which removes animals with larger horns from the breeding population (Coltman et al., 2003). Researchers have even identified specific genes that account for evolutionary changes that have occurred in animals in the wild, such as the transformation of mice and lizards from light colored to dark colored (or vice versa) as the animals have migrated into different environments (Des Roches et al., 2013; Hoekstra et al., 2006). Evolutionary principles such as natural selection guide all of the biological sciences. Although many evolutionary theorists have assumed that human evolution pretty much stopped thousands of years ago, scientists have found evidence of natural selection occurring occasionally in humans over just a few generations, in response to changing conditions. For instance, when Africans were brought You can see how vulnerable these mice are when their coats do not blend to America as enslaved people, they had a genetic variation that with the color of the rocks.

68 Chapter 3 protected them against malaria. Over time, as malaria became less of an environmental threat in the United States, natural selection slowly stopped favoring those with this genetic variation, and today it is less common among Black Americans of African descent than it is among indigenous Africans (Jin et al., 2012). You can learn more about evolutionary psychology by watching the video on this topic in Revel. TRAITS AND PREFERENCES Evolutionary biologists often start with an observation about some characteristic and then try to account for it in evolutionary terms. Why do male peacocks have such fabulous, flamboyant feathers, whereas females look so drab and dull? The evolutionary answer is that during the history of the species, males who could put on the flashiest display got the attention of females, and such males therefore had a better chance of reproducing. In contrast, all that females had to do was hang around and pick the male with the fanciest feathers; they didn’t even have to dress up. Evolutionary psychologists work in the same way as evolutionary biologists, but some take a slightly different approach: They start by asking what sorts of challenges human beings might have faced in their prehistoric past—say, having to decide which foods were safe to eat or needing to size up a stranger’s intentions quickly. Then they draw inferences about the behavioral tendencies that might have been selected because they helped our ancestors solve these survival problems and enhanced their reproductive fitness. They make no assumption about whether the behavior remains adaptive or intelligent in the present environment, but they do predict that the genetic basis underlying these behavioral tendencies is still likely to be relatively common today. Finally, they conduct research to see if those tendencies actually exist throughout the world. Thus, our ancestors’ need to avoid eating poisonous or rancid food might have led to an innate dislike for bitter tastes and rotten smells; those individuals who happened to be born with such dislikes would have stood a better chance of surviving long enough to reproduce. Similarly, it made good survival sense for our ancestors to develop an innate capacity for language and an ability to recognize faces and emotional expressions. But they would not have had much need for an innate ability to read or drive, of course, given that books and cars had not yet been invented.

Is the human mind like a computer waiting to be programmed? Many evolutionary psychologists don’t think so. Instead, they say, environment and genetics have combined to give us a collection of specialized and independent “mental modules” to handle specific survival problems (Buss, 2015; Marcus, 2004; Pinker, 2002). A module does not have to correspond to one specific brain area; it may involve several dispersed but interconnected areas of the brain, just as computer software can have components stored in various different locations on a hard drive. Suppose that you are playing a game for money with a complete stranger whom you’ll probably never see again. You can share your winnings with each other or just keep them all to yourselves. The smart thing to do is to keep all the money. Why would you give anything to a total stranger in a one-time interaction? Yet people do tend to share some of their winnings with strangers, just as they usually tip a waiter at a restaurant they won’t go back to (Delton et al., 2011). Why? Evolutionary psychologists would say that the reason people are often generous, even when a generous act seems to come at a cost, is that natural selection has shaped us to cooperate as a way of shoring up relationships. Social life is inherently uncertain; we cannot always predict who will be friend or foe in the future. So natural

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MENTAL MODULES

Our ancestors lived in an environment in which foods high in fat and sugar were precious, rare commodities that could help them survive famine. Evolutionary psychologists propose that a preference for such foods was selected for, which is why many of us today continue to enjoy and even crave them. However, contemporary environments are very different. Fastfood restaurants, all-you-can-eat buffets, food delivery apps, and stocked refrigerators dot the landscape. This preference for fat-rich foods may no longer be an adaptive tendency, contributing instead to obesity and other dietary-related health problems.

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selection has produced something like a “cooperate because you might need this person later” module. Critics are concerned that the notion of mental modules might lead to the misguided assumption that virtually every human activity and capacity, from cleanliness to cruelty, is innate. Frans de Waal (2002), a zoologist and evolutionary theorist, cautions against the impulse to assume that if a trait exists and has a genetic component, then it must be adaptive and be driven by a specialized module. After all, pimples and male-pattern baldness do not seem particularly adaptive, and neither one has a module associated with it! Many evolved and inherited traits are merely byproducts of other traits, and some are even dysfunctional—a fact you know if you have a bad back, which is one unfortunate consequence of our evolved ability to walk on two feet. To understand our evolutionary legacy, de Waal argues, we must consider not just individual traits in isolation but also the whole package of traits that characterizes the species. This is as true for psychological traits as for physical ones. The debate over modules will undoubtedly continue. But regardless of whether modules are the best way to describe traits that appear to be inherited, be careful to avoid the common error of assuming that if some behavior or trait exists, it must therefore be adaptive.

3.2.B Innate Human Characteristics Learning Objective 3.2.B List and describe examples of innate human characteristics. Because of the way our species evolved, many abilities, tendencies, and characteristics are either present at birth in almost all human beings or develop rapidly as a child matures. These traits include not just the obvious ones, such as the ability to stand on two legs or to grasp objects with the forefinger and thumb, but also less obvious ones. Here are just a few examples: 1. Infant reflexes. Babies are born with a number of reflexes—simple, automatic responses to specific stimuli. For example, infants will suck something put to their lips; this reflex enhances their chances of survival by aiding feeding. 2. An interest in novelty. Novelty is intriguing to human beings and many other species (Antunes & Biala, 2012). If a rat has had its dinner, it will prefer to explore an unfamiliar wing of a maze rather than the familiar wing where food is. Human babies often reveal a surprising interest in looking at and listening to unfamiliar things—which, of course, includes most of the world (Mather, 2013). A baby may even stop feeding momentarily if someone new enters their range of vision. 3. A desire to explore and manipulate objects. All birds and mammals have this innate inclination. Primates, especially, like exploring objects, taking them apart and scrutinizing the pieces, apparently for the sheer pleasure of it (Harlow et al., 1950). Human babies shake rattles, bang pots, and grasp whatever is put into their tiny hands. For human beings, the natural impulse to handle interesting objects can be overwhelming, which may be one reason that children, museum visitors, and shoppers so often ignore the command “Don’t touch.” 4. An impulse to play and fool around. Kittens and lion cubs, puppies and pandas, and other young primates play with and pounce on one another all day long. Animals sometimes play just for the reward of playing (Held & Spinka, 2011). But play and exploration may also be biologically adaptive because they help members of a species find food and other necessities of life and learn to cope with their environments. Indeed, the young of many species, including humans, enjoy practice play, behavior that will be used for serious purposes when they are adults (Wynberg et al., 2021). A kitten will stalk and attack a ball of yarn, and human children at play are practicing their social, motor, and linguistic skills.

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Primates, including human beings, are innately disposed to explore the environment, manipulate objects, and play.

5. Basic cognitive abilities. Many evolutionary psychologists believe that people are born with an ability to quickly and easily respond to the environment. Early in life, infants can interpret the expressions and gestures of others, identify faces, distinguish plants from animals, distinguish living from nonliving things, and acquire language. Young infants also appear to have a rudimentary understanding of number (Izard et al., 2009). Of course, tiny babies cannot count, but by the age of only 1 week, they will spend more time looking at a new set of three items after getting used to a set of two, or vice versa, which means that they can recognize the difference. Other species, including chimpanzees and some birds, also have a basic sense of number. Most psychologists accept that certain aspects of human behavior have been naturally selected. There are adaptive and evolutionary aspects of sensory and perceptual abilities, learning, cognitive biases, memory, emotions and emotional expressions, stress reactions, the tendency to gain weight when food is plentiful, and attachment to others. Let’s look more closely at an area of particular interest to evolutionary psychologists: the nature of sexual behavior around the world.

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JOURNAL 3.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Think about a trait that would seem to be a hindrance to an individual. Shyness, for example, can impede social interactions and make it more difficult for a person to establish interpersonal bonds. Aggressiveness, as another example, might produce the same lack of social bonds but for a very different reason. Now consider why it is unwise to isolate any one trait or any single behavior and argue for its adaptiveness (or lack thereof) in the course of natural selection. With the trait you have in mind, discuss how and why it fits into a larger pattern of human adaptive behavior.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 3.2 to test your knowledge.

3.3 Our Human Heritage: Courtship and Mating Most psychologists agree that the evolutionary history of our species has made certain kinds of learning either difficult or easy. Most acknowledge that simple behaviors, such as smiling or preferring sweet tastes, resemble instincts (behaviors that are relatively uninfluenced by learning and that occur in all members of the species). And most agree that human beings inherit some of their cognitive, perceptual, and emotional capacities. But social scientists

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

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disagree heartily about whether biology and evolution can help account for complex social customs such as warfare, cooperation, and marriage. Nowhere is this disagreement more apparent than in debates over the origins of gender differences in sexual behavior, so we are going to focus here on that intriguing and sometimes controversial topic.

3.3.A Evolution and Sexual Strategies Learning Objective 3.3.A Compare the sexual strategies of females and males, according to the sociobiological perspective. In 1975, one of the world’s leading experts on ants, Edward O. Wilson, published a little book that had a big impact. It was titled Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, the “synthesis” being the application of biological principles to the social and sexual customs of both nonhuman animals and human beings. Sociobiology became a popular topic for researchers and the public, generating great debate over many years. Indeed, in the wake of Wilson’s death in late 2021, renewed controversy arose regarding Wilson’s own ideologies and whether he supported research with White supremacist objectives (Borello & Sepkoski, 2022). Sociobiologists contend that evolution has bred into each of us a tendency to act in ways that maximize our chances of passing on our genes and to help our close biological relatives (with whom we share many genes) do the same. In this view, just as nature has selected physical characteristics that have proved adaptive, it has selected psychological traits and social customs that aid individuals in propagating their genes. Customs that enhance the odds of such transmission survive in the form of kinship bonds, taboos against female adultery, and many other aspects of social life. In addition, sociobiologists believe that because the males and females of most species have faced different kinds of survival and mating problems, men and women have evolved to differ profoundly in aggressiveness, dominance, and sexual strategies (Symons, 1979; Trivers, 1972). In many species, they argue, it is adaptive for males to compete with other males for access to young and fertile females and to try to win and then inseminate as many females as possible. The more females a male mates with, the more genes he can pass along. But according to sociobiologists, females need to shop for the best genetic deal, as it were, because they can conceive and bear only a limited number of offspring. Having such a large biological investment in each pregnancy, females cannot afford to make mistakes. Besides, mating with a lot of different males would produce no more offspring than staying with just one. So females try to attach themselves to dominant males who have resources and status and are likely to have “superior” genes, the argument goes. In this view, the result of these two opposite sexual strategies is that across the animal kingdom, males generally want sex more often than females do; males are often fickle and promiscuous, whereas females are usually devoted and faithful; males are drawn to sexual novelty, whereas females want stability and security; males are relatively undiscriminating in their choice of sexual partners, whereas females are cautious and choosy; and males are competitive and concerned about dominance, whereas females are less so. If you find this viewpoint problematic, you’re not alone! We will address criticisms of the evolutionary perspective on sexual behavior in the section to follow. Evolutionary psychologists generally agree with these conclusions, but they rely less on comparisons with other species than sociobiologists do, focusing instead on commonalities in human mating and dating practices around the world. In one massive project, more than 100 scientists studied approximately 16,000 people in 52 nations located on 6 continents and 13 islands (Buss, 2015, 2016; Schmitt, 2003). Around the world, they found that men are more interested in the youth and beauty of their sexual partners, presumably because youth is associated with fertility (see Figure 3.3). The researchers also found that men were more likely than women to report desiring more than one sexual partner in the next month. This difference remained significant across the sexual orientations that were studied, including among individuals who reported being attracted to the same sex as themselves.

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How much of human courtship can be explained by evolutionary accounts?

sociobiology An interdisciplinary field that emphasizes evolutionary explanations of social behavior in animals, including human beings.

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Figure 3.3 Preferred Age in a Mate +6 +5 +4 +3 +2 +1 0 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5 -6 -7 -8

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In most societies, men say they prefer to marry women younger than themselves, whereas women prefer men who are older (Buss, 2015; Walter et al., 2020). Evolutionary psychologists attribute these preferences to male concern with a partner’s fertility and female concern with a partner’s resources and status. In a straight couple, when the man is much older than the woman, people rarely comment, but when the woman is older, people take notice.

Men tend to report being more sexually jealous and possessive, presumably because if a man’s female mate has sex with someone else, he can never be 100% sure that her children are genetically his. They are also more inclined than women toward polygamy and promiscuity, presumably so that their sperm will be distributed as widely as possible. In contrast, women tend to emphasize the financial resources of a potential male mate, his status, and his willingness to commit to a relationship. On questionnaires, they say they would be more upset by a partner’s emotional infidelity than by his sexual infidelity, presumably because abandonment by the partner might leave them without the support and resources needed to raise their offspring (Buss, 2015, 2016).

3.3.B Thinking Critically About the Evolutionary View Learning Objective 3.3.B Discuss the challenges to the evolutionary view of human sexual strategies.

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Some academics and laypeople are persuaded that men have an evolutionary advantage in sowing their seeds far and wide, and women have an evolutionary advantage in finding a man with a good paycheck. Others have criticized this viewpoint, suggesting that it is difficult to test conclusively, and also opens the door to stereotypes of questionable accuracy and excuse-making for problematic behavior (e.g., boys will be boys). Putting our critical thinking hats on, there are compelling conceptual and methodological challenges to the evolutionary view of human sexual strategies:

A basic assumption of evolutionary approaches to sexuality is that females across species have a greater involvement in childrearing than males do. But there are many exceptions. Female emperor penguins take off every winter, leaving behind males like this one to care for the kids. And among other species of penguins, males and females are equally likely to be providers (Saraux et al., 2011).

1. Stereotypes versus actual behavior. In reality, the behavior of humans and other animals often fails to conform to the stereotyped images of sexually promiscuous males and coy, choosy females (Barash & Lipton, 2001; Birkhead, 2001; FaustoSterling, 1997; Hrdy, 1994; Roughgarden, 2004). In many species of birds, fish, and mammals, including human beings, females actively pursue sex and often have many partners. The female’s sexual behavior does not seem to depend only on the goal of being fertilized by the male: Females have sex when they are not ovulating and even when they are already pregnant. And in many species, from penguins to primates, males do not just mate and run. They stick around, feeding the infants, carrying them on their backs, and protecting them against predators (Hrdy, 2009; Snowdon, 1997). Human sexual behavior, especially, is amazingly varied and changeable across time and place. Cultures range from those in which women have many children to those in which they have very few, from those in which men are intimately involved in childrearing to those in which they take no part at all, and from those in which women may have many lovers to those in which women may be killed for having sex outside of marriage (Hatfield & Rapson, 1996/2005). In many societies, the number of previous sexual partners of a potential mate is much more important to men than to women, but in other societies, it is important to everyone (see Figure 3.4). In some places, just as evolutionary theory predicts, a relatively few men—those with the greatest wealth and power—have a far greater number of offspring than other men do; but in many societies, including some polygamous ones, powerful men do not have more children than men with less wealth and power (Brown et al., 2009). Sexual attitudes and practices also vary tremendously within a culture.

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2. What people say versus what they do. Evolutionary Figure 3.4 Attitudes Toward Partner’s Sexual History psychologists tend to rely on data from question3 naires and interviews, but individuals’ responses can be a poor guide to their actual choices and actions. 2.5 When people are asked to rank the traits they most value in a sexual partner or someone they’d like to 2 go out with, gender differences appear, just as evo1.5 lutionary theory would predict (Kenrick et al., 2001): Straight women often say that they’d ideally like a 1 man who is rich and handsome, and straight men 0.5 often say they’d like a woman who is good-looking and sexy. But those preferences are hypothetical; their 0 China Palestinian Zambia United Sweden actual choices about whom to date, love, and marry Arabs States often tell a different story. Men Women Likewise, when you ask people which would upset them more, their partner having sex with In many places, men care more about a partner’s sexual history than women do, someone else or their partner falling in love as evolutionary psychologists would predict. But culture has a powerful impact on with someone else, women are usually likelier than these attitudes, as this graph shows (from Buss, 2015). Notice that in China, men men to say that emotional infidelity would be worse. and women prefer a partner who has not yet had intercourse, whereas in Sweden, But when one researcher asked people about their this is a nonissue. actual experiences with infidelity, men and women did not differ at all in the degree to which they had focused on the emotional or sexual aspects of their partner’s behavior (Harris, 2003). In fact, men, supposedly the more sexually jealous gender, were significantly more likely than women to have tolerated their partner’s sexual unfaithfulness, whereas women were more likely to have ended the relationship over it. As research continues to disentangle when and how evolutionary theory can predict gender differences in this area, the distinction between reported and actual behavior will play a prominent role (Kato, 2014; Sobraske et al., 2013). What people say on questionnaires regarding sexual versus emotional infidelity can also be affected by seemingly superficial characteristics of the questions themselves. For example, most studies that found a gender difference in self-reported responses to infidelity used a forced-choice question, like the one we asked at the start of the previous paragraph (i.e., Which type of jealousy would bother you more?). When researchers changed the format of the question, instead asking participants to rate the intensity of jealousy-related emotions in response to each of the infidelity scenarios separately, the gender difference disappeared. This suggests that previous findings of a gender difference in responses to infidelity could be, at least in part, an artifact of the format of the questions (DeSteno et al., 2002). 3. Convenience versus representative samples. “Convenience samples” of undergraduates sometimes produce results that do not apply to nonstudents, and this may well be the case in much of the evolutionary research on attitudes toward sex and marriage. In a national study, researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) interviewed more than 22,000 American men and women ages 15 to 44 about sex, living together, marriage, divorce, and parenting (Groves et al., 2009). The agency had conducted similar surveys from 1973 to 2002, but only with women. Starting in 2002, the researchers asked a question that in retrospect seems obvious: What about men? Thus, more recent surveys were finally able to draw conclusions about male and female attitudes based on a sample that was far more representative of the general population than college students are. What the researchers found casts a different light on evolutionary notions of gender differences. As we’ve seen, in the evolutionary view, women on the whole are predicted to value commitment to a relationship (and parenting) more than men do. Yet 66% of the men, compared to only 49% of the women, agreed that “It is better to get married than go through life being single.” Furthermore, 68% of women and 75% of men agreed that “It is more important for a man to spend a lot of time with his family than be successful

74 Chapter 3 at his career.” Among fathers living in the same household as their children, the majority spent considerable time feeding and bathing their kids, helping with homework, and taking them to activities (Jones & Mosher, 2013). Taken as a whole, the CDC findings suggest that American men today are just as interested in serious family relationships as women are. If you are thinking critically, you may be wondering whether these questionnaire results are any more reliable than those on dating preferences. Good question! The answer is yes. From studies that had people keep diaries of how they spend their time each day, we know that men’s behavior has changed along with their attitudes. Women still do more housework and childcare than men do, but since the 1960s, the time men spend on housework has more than doubled, and since the 1980s, the time they spend on primary childcare has nearly tripled (Raley et al., 2012; Wang & Bianchi, 2009). 4. The Pleistocene period is over. Finally, some scientists have questioned evolutionary psychologists’ emphasis on the Pleistocene period, which extended from about 2 million years ago to about 11,000 years ago. Analysis of the human genome in Africans, East Asians, and Europeans suggests that during the past 10,000 to 15,000 years, natural selection has continued to influence genes associated with taste, smell, digestion, bone structure, skin color, fertility, and even brain function (Voight et al., 2006). Some of these changes may have begun when humans abandoned hunting and gathering in favor of agriculture, a switch that made certain genetic dispositions more adaptive and others less so. David Buller (2005), a philosopher who was captivated by evolutionary psychology until he took a closer look, concludes that “There is no reason to think that contemporary humans are . . . just Pleistocene hunter-gatherers struggling to survive and reproduce in evolutionarily novel suburban habitats.” Even if the Pleistocene period did strongly influence human mating preferences, those preferences may differ from the ones usually emphasized by evolutionary theory. Our prehistoric ancestors, unlike the undergraduates in many mate-preference studies, did not have 5,000 fellow students to choose from. They lived in small bands, and if they were lucky, they might get to choose between two possible mates, but that’s about it; they could not hold out for some supermodel or millionaire down the road. Because they had only a small range of potential partners, there would have been no need for the kinds of sexual strategies described by most evolutionary theorists (Griskevicius et al., 2015). An alternative explanation is that evolution instilled in us a tendency to select a mate based on similarity (in looks, intelligence, and so forth) and proximity (the person is standing right there, available). And indeed the evidence supports this view (Montoya & Horton, 2013; Shin et al., 2019). Ultimately, what evolutionary scientists and their critics are quarreling about is the relative power of biology and culture. In On Human Nature (1978), Edward O. Wilson argued that genes hold culture on a leash. The big question, replied paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould (1987), is: How long and tight is that leash? Is it too short and tight to allow much change, or is it long and flexible enough to permit many possible customs? To sociobiologists, the leash is short and tight. To evolutionary psychologists, it is elastic enough to permit culture to modify evolved biological tendencies, although those tendencies can be pretty powerful (Kenrick & Trost, 1993). To critics of both sociobiology and evolutionary psychology, cultural variations mean that no single, genetically determined sexual strategy exists for human beings (Wood & Eagly, 2002). What evolution has bestowed on us, they say, is an amazingly flexible brain. Therefore, in matters of sex and love, as in all other human behaviors, the leash is long and flexible.

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JOURNAL 3.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE A friend of yours tells you that men will always be more sexually promiscuous than women because, during evolution, the best reproductive strategy for a male primate has been to try to impregnate many females. How would you think critically about this claim? What kind of evidence would you need in order to evaluate it?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 3.3 to test your knowledge.

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

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We have been focusing on the origins of human similarities. We turn now to the second great issue in debates about nature and nurture: the origins of the differences among us. We begin with a critical discussion of what it means to say that a trait is “heritable.” Then, to illustrate how behavioral geneticists study the differences that genes might influence, we will examine in detail a single, complex issue: the genetic and environmental contributions to intelligence. In other sections of this title, you will read about behavioral-genetic findings on many other topics, including weight and body shape, sexual orientation, personality and temperament, addiction, and psychological disorders.

3.4.A The Meaning of Heritability Learning Objective 3.4.A Explain what heritability refers to, and discuss important facts about heritability to keep in mind when discussing genetic contributions to behavior. Suppose you want to measure flute-playing ability in a large group of music students, so you have some independent raters assign each student a score, from 1 to 20. When you plot the scores, you find that some people are what you might call musically challenged and should probably forget about a career as a flautist, others are flute geniuses, and the rest fall somewhere in between. What causes the variation in this group of students? Why are some so musically talented and others so inept? Are these differences primarily genetic, or are they the result of experience and motivation? To answer such questions, behavioral geneticists compute a statistic called heritability, which gives an estimate of the proportion of the total variance in a trait that is attributable to genetic variation within a group. Because the heritability of a trait is expressed as a proportion (such as .60), the maximum value it can have is 1.0 (equivalent to “100% of the variance”). Some traits, such as height, are highly heritable; that is, most of the differences in height within a group of equally well-nourished people will be accounted for by their genetic differences. In contrast, table manners have low heritability because most variation among individuals is accounted for by differences in upbringing. Our guess is that flute-playing ability, and indeed musical ability in general, falls somewhere in the middle. Many people hold mistaken ideas about heritability. One cannot understand the nature– nurture issue without understanding the following important facts about heritability: 1. An estimate of heritability applies only to a particular group living in a particular environment. Heritability may be high in one group and low in another. Suppose that all of the children in Community A are affluent, eat plenty of high-quality food, have attentive parents, and go to the same top-notch schools. Because their environments are similar, any intellectual differences among them will be due largely to their genetic differences. In other words, mental ability in this group will be highly heritable. In contrast, suppose the children in Community B have more variable environments. Some of them have healthy diets; others live on fatty foods or do not get enough to eat. Some attend good schools; others go to inadequate ones. Some have doting parents, and some have neglectful ones. These children’s intellectual differences could be largely due to their environmental differences, and if that is so, the heritability of intelligence for this group will be low (Nisbett, 2009). Indeed, in a study that followed 48,000 American children from birth to age 7, heritability did depend greatly on family income. In impoverished families, 60% of the variance in IQ was accounted for by environmental factors shared by family members, and the contribution of genes was close to zero. In affluent families, in contrast, heritability was extremely high, and shared environment contributed hardly at all (Turkheimer & Horn, 2014). 2. Heritability estimates do not apply to a specific person, only to variations within a group of people. You inherited half of your genes from one parent and half from the other parent, but your combination of genes has never been seen before and will never be seen again, unless you have an identical twin. (And, as we will explain shortly, even identical twins

Erich Schlegel/Alamy Stock Photo

3.4 The Genetics of Difference

Researchers can examine the heritability of a trait by studying its presence in families, adoptees, and twins. Here you see the Castro twins, Julián and Joaquin, rising political stars in the Democratic party. To what extent are strengths in leadership inherited?

heritability A statistical estimate of the proportion of the total variance in some trait that is attributable to genetic differences among individuals within a group.

76 Chapter 3 are not 100% identical.) You also have a unique history of family relationships, intellectual training, and life experiences. It is impossible to know just how your genes and your personal history have interacted to produce the person you are today. If you are a great flute player, no one can say whether your ability is mainly a result of inherited musical talent, living all your life in a family of devoted flute players, a private fascination that you acquired at age 6 when you saw the opera The Magic Flute, or a combination of all of those influences. For one person, genes may make a tremendous difference in some aptitude or disposition; for another, the environment may be far more important. Scientists can study only the extent to which differences among people in general are explained by their genetic differences. 3. Even highly heritable traits can be modified by the environment. Behavioral geneticists have found many examples of how genes interact with the environment. Although height is highly heritable, malnourished children may not grow to be as tall as they would with sufficient food, and children who eat an extremely nutritious diet may grow to be taller than anyone thought they could. The same principle applies to psychological traits and skills. For example, facial recognition ability appears to be highly heritable, but people who have trouble with it can still show improvements with training (DeGutis et al., 2014; Tanaka et al., 2010; Wilmer et al., 2010).

3.4.B Computing Heritability Learning Objective 3.4.B Outline the basic design of heritability studies that involve twins and adoptees.

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Scientists currently have no way to estimate the heritability of a trait or behavior directly, so they must infer it by studying people whose degree of genetic similarity is known. You might think that the simplest approach would be to compare biological relatives within families; everyone knows about families that are famous for some talent or trait. But family traits do not fraternal (dizygotic) twins tell us much because close relatives usually share environments as well as genes. If Emily’s parTwins that develop from two separate ents and siblings all love lasagna, that does not mean a taste for lasagna is heritable. The same eggs fertilized by different sperm. applies if everyone in Emily’s family is moody or is good at playing soccer. One way of inferring heritability is by studying adopted children (Loehlin et al., 1996). identical (monozygotic) twins Such children share half their genes with each birth parent, but they grow up in a different Twins that develop when a fertilized environment, apart from their birth parents. Furthermore, they share an environment, but egg divides into two parts that develop into separate embryos. not their genes, with their adoptive parents and siblings (see Figure 3.5). Researchers can measure traits of the adopted children and then correlate those measures with those of their biological versus adopFigure 3.5 Heritability and Adoption tive relatives. Such correlations can be used to compute an estimate of heritability. If correlations are higher among biological than adoptive relatives, then the heritability estimate would be greater. Another approach is to compare identical twins with fraternal twins. Fraternal (dizygotic) twins develop when ovaries release two eggs instead of one, and each egg is fertilized by a different sperm. Fraternal twins are wombmates, but they are no more alike genetically than any two siblings (i.e., they share, on average, only half their genes), and they may be of different sexes. In contrast, identical (monozygotic) twins develop when a fertilized egg (zygote) divides into two parts that then develop as two separate embryos. Because identical twins come from the same fertilized egg, it has long been assumed that they share Biological and adoptive parents differ in the contributions they make to an adopted all their genes, and this is true for the vast majority of these child. Biological parents contribute genetic influences but not an environmental twins. Some surprising evidence, however, suggests that setting, whereas adoptive parents make no genetic contribution but contribute an duplicated blocks of DNA (sets of those As, Cs, Gs, and Ts environment in which the child grows and develops.

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

discussed earlier) can sometimes exist in one identical twin but not in the other (Bruder et al., 2008). Also, prenatal accidents or illnesses can modify the genetic expression in only one twin (Plomin, 2011). Most identical twins, however, are genetically identical (see Figure 3.6). Behavioral geneticists can estimate the heritability of a trait by comparing groups of same-sex fraternal twins with groups of identical twins. The assumption is that if identical twins are more alike than fraternal twins, then the increased similarity must be due to genetic influences. If you are thinking critically, you might also suspect that identical twins are treated differently from fraternal twins. To avoid this problem, investigators have studied identical twins who were separated early in life and reared apart. (Decades ago, adoption policies and attitudes toward births out of wedlock permitted such separations to occur; recall the example of the triplets separated a birth in Three Identical Strangers.) In theory, separated identical twins share virtually all their genes but not their environments, except, of course, for the environment they shared in their birth mother’s uterus. Any similarities between them should be primarily genetic and should permit an estimate of heritability. Recently, scientists have become enthused about new methods, such as genome-wide association studies, for computing heritability directly rather than inferring it from twin studies. At present, however, much of our information comes from adoption and twin studies. Visit Revel to watch a video that provides more information about how heritability is studied.

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Figure 3.6 Twins and Genetics Fraternal Twins

Identical Twins

Separate eggs fertilized by separate sperm

Single egg fertilized by single sperm, then splits in two

Uterus

Share only about half their genes

Share all of their genes

Genetic inheritance differs between fraternal and identical twins. Fraternal twins, which result from fertilization of separate eggs, share half their genes in common. Identical twins, which result when a single fertilized egg splits in two, share all of their genes in common.

Taking Psychology with You Should You Have Genetic Testing? Imagine that you have been feeling depressed and you go to a clinical psychologist for help. The psychologist interviews you, gives you a battery of psychological tests, lets you talk about your problems—and then has your blood drawn to check your DNA to find out if you have a genetic predisposition for depression. Right now, this scenario is hypothetical, but perhaps not for long. Genetic testing can already identify DNA markers that indicate an increased risk of developing many diseases (Claussnitzer et al., 2020). Eventually, the same may be true for learning disabilities and psychological disorders. Would you want to be tested for a gene that moderately increases the risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease, which affects many people as they age and currently is not curable? What about depression? How would you feel about being tested for a gene that indicates a slight increase in the risk of dying early? Would you want to know so that you could plan accordingly or make lifestyle changes, or would you rather let life, and death, take their natural course? Consider, too, questions raised by prenatal genetic screening. A pregnant person and the other genetic parent are often tested to determine whether they are carrying genes that will cause their child to have a fatal or painful disease. But what if you could be tested for a gene that just slightly increases your future child’s risk of developing schizophrenia or autism? What about drug addiction? A reading disability? If you had information like this, what would you do with it?

Here are some things to keep in mind as you ponder this new (and sometimes daunting) frontier of genetic testing: Genes are not destiny. Genes do not determine most traits and diseases; they interact with environmental factors to affect the probability of developing a particular trait or disease. That is why knowing that you have markers for genes that may contribute to a trait or disorder does not tell you much in practical terms. Genetic information could be used to discriminate against you. Critics of genetic testing worry that insurance companies will refuse coverage to individuals who are currently healthy but have some genetic predisposition for developing a disorder later in life or that employers will not hire them. Some countries already have guidelines to protect the privacy of genetic information, but some bioethicists worry that these laws are not keeping up with rapid advances in genetic testing. Genetic information may not remain private. Privacy concerns have escalated with the growing popularity of online genealogy services, which allow people to upload their genetic information to websites in the hopes of tracing their family trees. But, beware! Once uploaded, your genetic data may become publicly accessible. Knowing your genetic risk does not necessarily tell you what to do about it. When screened at birth, if your child tests positive for a gene that causes phenylketonuria (PKU), which prevents the body from breaking down the amino acid phenylalanine and causes (continued )

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Paul Kitagaki Jr./The Sacramento Bee/ AP Images

developmental disabilities, the solution is clear: Limit the intake of proteins and foods containing phenylalanine. But if your child were to test positive for genes that increase the risk of behavioral, cognitive, or emotional problems, the next step may not be so straightforward. Often we simply don’t yet know how to prevent problems

that have a genetic component. Or multiple approaches exist and we don’t know which one is best. These are conclusions and questions that we will need to think carefully about as our genetic testing capabilities continue to develop.

This is Joseph DeAngelo, arrested and charged in 2018 with being the notorious “Golden State Killer” after law enforcement uploaded crime scene DNA evidence to a genealogy database. DeAngelo himself hadn’t used the website, but at least one of his distant relatives had. Now, this may seem like a reasonable way to catch serial killers, but doesn’t it also raise serious questions about the ethics of accessing the genetic information of people who never consented to having it examined for forensic purposes (Berkman et al., 2018)? The decision of your third cousin twice removed to upload his DNA to a website now means that your genetic profile is more accessible to others.

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JOURNAL 3.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Consider and evaluate the arguments of Jack and Diane. Jack hears that basket-weaving ability is highly heritable. He concludes that schools should not bother trying to improve the skills of children who lack this talent. What is wrong with his reasoning? Basket-weaving skills seem to run in Diane’s family. Diane concludes that her own talent in the endeavor must be genetic. What is wrong with her reasoning?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 3.4 to test your knowledge.

3.5 Our Human Diversity: The Case of Intelligence Roy Scott/Ikon Images /AKG-Images

Behavioral-genetics research has transformed our understanding of many aspects of behavior that were previously explained solely in psychological terms. Some findings, such as the discovery that certain mental health problems have a genetic component, have been accepted readily. Other findings, however, have inflamed political passions and people. Few topics have aroused more controversy than the origins of human intelligence.

3.5.A Genes and Individual Differences Learning Objective 3.5.A Discuss the extent to which intelligence may be heritable. Just how heritable is intelligence? What role do genetics play in apparent group differences in IQ? We’ll explore these and other important questions about intelligence in the sections that follow.

intelligence quotient (IQ) A measure of intelligence originally computed by dividing a person’s mental age by their chronological age and multiplying the result by 100 and now derived from norms provided for standardized intelligence tests.

In heritability studies, the usual measure of intellectual functioning is an intelligence quotient, or IQ score. Scores on an IQ test reflect how a child has performed compared with other children of the same age or how an adult has performed compared with other adults. The average score for each age group is arbitrarily set at 100. The distribution of scores in the population approximates a normal (bell-shaped) curve, with scores near the average (mean) being most common, and very high or very low scores being rare. Two-thirds of all test takers score between 85 and 115. Most psychologists believe that IQ tests measure a general quality that predicts most aspects of mental ability, but the tests also have many critics. Some contend that intelligence comes in many varieties, more than a single score can capture. Others maintain that IQ tests are culturally biased, tapping mostly those abilities that depend on experiences in a middle-class environment and favoring White people over others. Most heritability estimates apply only to those mental skills that predict IQ test scores, and these estimates are likely to be more valid for some groups than for others.

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

Despite these important caveats, it is clear that the kind of intelligence that produces high IQ scores is partly heritable, at least in the middle-class samples usually studied (Nisbett et al., 2012; Turkheimer et al., 2003). For these children and adolescents, heritability estimates average around .40 or .50; that is, genetic differences explain about half of the variance in IQ scores (Devlin et al., 1997; Lean et al., 2018; Plomin & von Stumm, 2018). For adults, most estimates are even higher—in the .60 to .80 range (McClearn et al., 1997; McGue et al., 1993). These estimates suggest that the genetic contribution becomes relatively larger and the environmental one relatively smaller with age.

Replication Check ✔ One of the most well-replicated findings in the field of behavioral genetics is that the heritability of intelligence increases with age (Bouchard, 2013; Wilson, 1983). Although this finding may seem counterintuitive, it could reflect the process of “genetic amplification” whereby small genetic differences between children are amplified over the years as they choose and interact with environments that are consistent with their genetic tendencies (Plomin et al., 2016).

In studies of twins, the IQ scores of identical twins are always much more highly correlated than those of fraternal twins, a difference that reflects the influence of genes. In fact, the scores of identical twins reared apart are more highly correlated than those of fraternal twins reared together, as you can see in Figure 3.7 (Bouchard & McGue, 1981). In adoption studies, the scores of adopted children are more highly correlated with those of their birth parents than with those of their biologically unrelated adoptive parents; the higher the birth parents’ scores, the higher the child’s score is likely to be. As adopted children grow into adolescence, the correlation between their IQ scores and those of their biologically unrelated adoptive family members diminishes, and in adulthood, the correlation falls to zero (Bouchard, 1997; Scarr, 1993; Scarr & Weinberg, 1994). This does not mean that adoption has no positive effects; children who are adopted score higher on IQ tests than do biological siblings who were not adopted, probably because children who are adopted grow up in a more enriched environment (van IJzendoorn et al., 2005). These twin and adoption studies supporting the heritability of IQ do not pinpoint specific genes that contribute to performance on IQ tests, but scientists are looking for them.

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Figure 3.7 Correlations in Siblings’ IQ Scores Identical twins reared together Fraternal twins reared together Identical twins reared apart Nontwin biological siblings reared together Nontwin biological siblings reared apart 0

.10

.20

.30

.40

.50

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.90 1.00

Correlation in IQ scores The IQ scores of identical twins are highly correlated, even when they are reared apart. The figures represented in this graph are based on average correlations across many studies. Graph based on data from Bouchard and McGue (1981).

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80 Chapter 3 Far more genes are likely to be involved than was originally thought, and, just as with other traits, each of these genes is likely to contribute just a small piece to the puzzle of genetic variation in intelligence (Plomin & von Stumm, 2018; Rietveld et al., 2014). The findings of studies that have examined the relationship between specific candidate genes and intelligence have not been replicated (Chabris et al., 2012). However, very large genome-wide association studies have recently identified over one thousand genes that are significantly associated with intelligence (Hill et al., 2019; Savage et al., 2018). Furthermore, these genetic variants can explain between 4% and 7% of the variance in intelligence in independent samples. Although these percentages may seem small, they are actually much larger than any study has reported before! Researchers expect that future genome-wide association studies will include even more participants and will be able to explain even more of the variance in intelligence. Although these findings are intriguing, as critical thinkers, we also know that they need to be replicated before we get carried away thinking about their potential implications. You also may be wondering exactly how genes (whichever ones they are) could affect intelligence. One possibility is by influencing the development of nerve cells in the brain or the number of connections among them, as reflected by the total volume of gray matter. Two brain-scan studies, conducted in the Netherlands and Finland, have reported a moderately strong association between general intelligence and gray-matter volume. This research also found that the amount of gray matter was highly correlated in identical twins; the correlation was greater than 80%, compared to only about 50% in fraternal twins. The remarkably high correlation in the identical twins indicates that gray-matter volume is highly heritable (Dreary et al., 2022; Peper et al., 2007; Posthuma et al., 2002; Thompson et al., 2001a). The timetable for the brain’s development may also play a role. A longitudinal study used neuroimaging to study the brains of 307 children from early childhood to the late teens. In the children with the highest IQ scores, the brain’s outer covering, the cerebral cortex, which is involved in higher mental processes, started out thinner than in other kids, with less gray matter. But the cortex in the brightest children developed more rapidly and for a longer time, reaching its maximum thickness several years later than in other children (Shaw et al., 2006). In kids with average IQs, the peak occurred at age 7 or 8, but in those with the highest IQs, the peak did not occur until age 11 or 12. Children whose IQs were not as high fell in between. Genes may be responsible for these different developmental trajectories. But these results must be interpreted with caution because experience, intellectual stimulation, and diet can also affect the number of connections among nerve cells in the brain and, thus, development of the brain’s gray matter. As always with correlational studies, it is hard to know what is causing what.

3.5.B The Question of Group Differences Learning Objective 3.5.B Explain why both between-group and within-group variability are important in arguments about group differences in intelligence. If genes influence individual differences in intelligence, do they also help account for differences between groups, as many people assume? Unfortunately, the history of this issue has been marred by racism and social class-related prejudice. Because this question has enormous political and social importance, we are going to examine it closely. Most of the focus has been on differences in IQ among Black children and White children because Black children score lower, on average, than do White children. (The exact numbers are a matter of debate, but in any event, we are talking about averages; the distributions of scores for Black children and White children overlap considerably.) A few researchers have proposed a genetic explanation of this difference, offering the disturbing argument that there is little point in spending money on programs that try to raise the IQs of low-scoring children, of whatever race (Murray, 2008; Rushton & Jensen, 2005).

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

The hereditary arguments for racial differences in IQ scores offered by psychologists such as Arthur Jensen and J. Philippe Rushton have been widely cited by White supremacist groups, and publicly disavowed in official statements from the American Psychological Association (APA). A central basis for such criticism is that these genetic explanations have a fatal flaw: They use heritability estimates based mainly on samples of White individuals to estimate the role of heredity in group differences. This isn’t a valid procedure. While this problem may sound pretty technical, it is really not too difficult to understand, so stay with us. Consider, first, not people, but tomatoes. (Figure 3.8 will help you visualize the following “thought experiment.”) Suppose you have a bag of tomato seeds that vary genetically; all things being equal, some will produce tomatoes that are puny and tasteless, and some will produce tomatoes that are plump and delicious. Now you take a bunch of these seeds in your left hand and another bunch from the same bag in your right hand. Although one seed differs genetically from another, there is no average difference between the seeds in your left hand and those in your right. You plant the left hand’s seeds in pot A, with some enriched soil that you have doctored with nitrogen and other nutrients, and you plant the right hand’s seeds in pot B, with soil from which you have extracted nutrients. You sing to pot A and put it in the sun; you ignore pot B and leave it in a dark corner. When the tomato plants grow, they will vary within each pot in terms of height, the number of tomatoes produced, and the size of the tomatoes, purely because of genetic variability within each handful of seeds that were grabbed. But there will also be an average difference between the plants in pot A and those in pot B: The plants in pot A will be healthier and bear more tomatoes. This difference between pots is due entirely to the different soils and the care that has been given to them, even though the heritability of the variation among the plants within each pot is 100% (Lewontin, 1970). The principle is the same for people as it is for tomatoes. Although intellectual differences within groups are partly genetic in origin, that does not mean differences between groups are genetic. Black individuals and White individuals do not grow up, on the average, in the same “pots” (environments). Because of the legacy of racial discrimination and de facto segregation, Black children, as well as other children of color, often receive far fewer nutrients—literally, in terms of food, and figuratively, in terms of education, encouragement by society, and intellectual opportunities. Racial and ethnic groups also differ in countless cultural ways that affect their performance on IQ tests. And negative stereotypes about racial and ethnic groups may cause members of these groups to doubt their own abilities, become anxious and self-conscious, and perform more poorly than they otherwise would on tests (Spencer et al., 2016). Conducting good research on the origins of group differences in IQ is extremely difficult in many countries, including the United States, where racism has had sustained, systemic, and generational effects on the lives of Black Americans. In addition, studies that have examined the genetic contributions to complex traits like intelligence have typically included samples of European people, and researchers have questioned whether polygenic scores derived from such samples can be legitimately applied to non-European samples (Pesta et al., 2020; Weinberger et al., 2020; Zanetti & Weale, 2018). Even among groups popularly thought to be high achievers, purely genetic explanations are unsatisfactory. For instance, although descendants of the Ashkenazi Jews of Europe tend to have higher IQ scores than their non-Jewish White counterparts, their accomplishments exceed what would be expected on the basis of their IQ scores alone (Nisbett et al., 2012). An intelligent reading of the research on intelligence, therefore, does not direct us to conclude that differences among cultural, ethnic, or national groups are permanent, genetically determined, or indicators of any group’s innate superiority. On the contrary, the research suggests that we should make sure that all children grow up in the best possible soil, with room for children of all intellectual abilities to find a place in the sun.

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Figure 3.8 The Tomato Plant Experiment

In the hypothetical experiment described in the text, even if the differences among plants within each pot were due entirely to genetics, the average differences between pots could be environmental. The same general principle applies to individual and group differences among human beings.

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3.5.C The Environment and Intelligence Learning Objective 3.5.C Describe how the environment can either hinder or promote intellectual development. By now you may be wondering about the ways in which the environment can either hinder or promote intellectual development. Here are some environmental influences associated with reduced mental ability: • Poor prenatal care. If a pregnant person is malnourished, contracts infections, takes certain drugs, smokes, is exposed to secondhand smoke, or drinks alcohol regularly, their child is at risk of having learning disabilities and a lower IQ (Baker et al., 2015; Biffen et al., 2018). • Malnutrition. The average IQ gap between severely malnourished and well-nourished children can be as high as 20 points (Pizzol et al., 2021; Stoch et al., 1982). • Exposure to toxic materials. Many children, especially those raised in poverty, are exposed to dangerous levels of lead from dust, contaminated soil, lead paint, and old lead pipes, and lead can damage the brain and nervous system. Even children exposed to fairly low levels that are often believed to be “safe” develop attention problems, have lower IQ scores, and do worse in school (Hornung et al., 2009; Koller et al., 2004). And children exposed in utero to high levels of pesticides later have an IQ that is 7 points lower than in children with the least exposure (Raloff, 2011).

Metin Aktas/Anadolu Agency/ Getty Images

• Stressful family circumstances. Factors that predict reduced intellectual competence include, among others, having a father who does not live with the family, a mother with a history of mental health problems, parents with limited work skills, and a history of stressful events, such as domestic violence, early in life (Jeon et al., 2014; Sameroff et al., 1987). On average, each risk factor reduces a child’s IQ score by 4 points. Children with seven risk factors score more than 30 points lower than those with no risk factors. And when children live in severely disadvantaged neighborhoods, their verbal IQs decline over time, even after they have moved to better areas—this drop is comparable to that seen when a child misses a year of school (Sampson et al., 2008).

Poor prenatal care, malnutrition, exposure to toxic materials, and stressful family circumstances can all have a negative impact on children’s cognitive development and IQ.

In contrast, a healthy and stimulating environment can raise IQ scores, as several intervention studies with children have shown. Attending a good-quality preschool increases the reading and math skills of at-risk children who are not getting much cognitive stimulation elsewhere (Tucker-Drob, 2012). Two important longitudinal studies—the Abecedarian Project and the Child–Parent Center Education Program in Chicago—found that children who grew up in low-income neighborhoods and who experienced a lot of mental enrichment at home and in preschool showed significant IQ gains and had much better school achievement than did children in a control group (Campbell et al., 2012; Reynolds et al., 2011). In another important study of abandoned children living in Romanian orphanages that provided little stimulation, researchers compared children who moved to good foster homes to others who remained in the orphanages. Approximately 2 years later, the foster children scored significantly higher on IQ tests than did the children in the orphanage, and this difference between the groups persisted when the children were assessed again 12 years later. Children who moved to foster care before age 2 showed the greatest benefit (Almas et al., 2016; Nelson et al., 2007; Zeanah et al., 2017). Additional evidence for the importance of environmental influences on intelligence is the fact that IQ scores (as well as scores on related tests) climbed steadily throughout the 20th century (Flynn, 1987, 2013; Pietschnig & Voracek, 2015); genes cannot possibly have changed enough to account for this finding. What, then, caused this rise? Likely possibilities are improvements in education, health care, diets, and job opportunities (Bratsberg & Rogeberg, 2018). We see, then, that although heredity may provide the range of a child’s intellectual potential, many other factors affect where in that range the child will fall.

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Revisiting the Classics Lewis Terman and “The Termites” In 1921, Stanford psychologist Lewis Terman launched a research

and various racial and ethnic identities underrepresented, how can

project called “The Genetic Studies of Genius.” It remains one of

a researcher draw accurate conclusions about more general human

the longest-running psychological studies ever conducted, follow-

tendencies? A second criticism of Terman is that he didn’t maintain

ing for nearly a century more than 1,500 children with IQ scores in

the type of distance from his participants that is expected of sci-

the top 1% of the population. Through this research, Terman sought

entific investigators. By his own admission, Terman grew attached

to challenge the common notion of the “crazed genius”: that indi-

to his participants, helping some gain admission to Stanford, writ-

viduals who scored at the high extreme of intelligence testing were

ing job recommendation letters for others, and periodically pulling

physically weak, poorly adjusted, and socially awkward (Hodges

strings for various Termites. While we may admire his generosity,

et al., 2021).

these are more the actions of a surrogate parent than an objective

What Terman found—with the help of colleagues who continued

scientist making naturalistic observations.

the research after his death—was that the “gifted” children in the study

But looking back at this classic study, the biggest disappoint-

started out bright, physically healthy, sociable, and well adjusted.

ment is what we learn about Terman’s own belief systems. Lewis Ter-

As the “Termites” (nicknamed after Terman) entered adulthood, most

man was a member of many organizations supporting eugenics, a

became successful in the traditional ways of the times: Men went

pseudo-scientific and racist movement to “improve” society through

into careers and women became homemakers (Sears & Barbee,

selective breeding and the marginalization and even sterilization of

1977; Terman & Oden, 1959). To Terman, the findings demonstrated

individuals they deemed to be genetically inferior. Terman believed

the power of genetics when it came to intelligence. He viewed his

that intelligence testing justified a separate, segregated education

study as consistent with the idea that IQ was relatively fixed at birth,

system to train Black, Mexican, and Indigenous children for menial

with individuals only developing further within the potential range

vocations (APA, 2021). He may have been a benevolent mentor for his

permitted by heredity (Cravens, 1992). Terman’s research has been

gifted Termites, but he was just as quick to write off—or even support

influential in educational circles, with some referring to him as the

outright discrimination and cruelty toward—those he believed to be

“father of the gifted child movement” (Sternberg et al., 2021).

of inferior genetic make-up. In considering Terman’s legacy, it becomes impossible to separate his well-known study from the repre-

ognize that even when a study is famous or goes on for decades,

hensible ideology that seemed to shape his vision for it. Indeed, when

it may still have major flaws. Two frequent criticisms of Terman’s

the American Psychological Association apologized in 2021 for its

research involve the generalizability of its sample and the objectivity

long record of perpetuating racism and White supremacy, Terman’s

of its observations. On the first count, the majority of the Termites

name—like those of some other psychologists identified earlier in this

were middle-class and White. With children of other social classes

chapter—featured prominently in the historical report.

Understanding Your Child’s Stanford Binet Scores, Resources by HEROES, HEROES Academy.

As critical thinkers, though, one of our responsibilities is to rec-

In addition to his famous longitudinal study, Lewis Terman was one of the creators of the widely used Stanford Binet IQ Test. We will consider the challenges and controversies of intelligence testing in more detail in Chapter 9.

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3.5.D Beyond Nature Versus Nurture Learning Objective 3.5.D Explain how both nature and nurture play an interactive role in shaping behavior. Throughout this chapter, we have seen that heredity and environment interact to produce the qualities typical of human beings in general and the mix of qualities that makes each of us unique. Genetically influenced traits can affect how we respond to a specific environment and which environments we find most rewarding or compatible; the environment in turn influences the genome through its effects on mutations and epigenetic changes. Human behavior is responsive to a constantly changing network of interlinked influences, both biological and environmental, plus the additional, unpredictable spice of chance and luck. The development of a human being (or other animal) is the result of a constant dialogue between the genome and its environment (Plomin et al., 2013; Sauce & Matzel, 2018; Zhang & Meaney, 2010). The key lesson to be learned from this dynamic interaction is that we can no more speak of genes or the environment “causing” personality, intelligence, or behavior in a straightforward way than we can speak of butter, sugar, or flour individually causing the taste of a cake (Lewontin et al., 1984). Many people do speak that way, however, out of a desire to make things simpler than they actually are and sometimes to justify prejudices about race, ethnicity, gender, or class. An unstated assumption in many debates about nature and nurture is that the world would be a better place if certain kinds of genes prevailed. This assumption overlooks the fact that nature loves genetic diversity, not similarity. The ability of any species to survive depends on such diversity. If every penguin, porpoise, or person had exactly the same genetic strengths and weaknesses, these species could not survive major changes in the environment; a new virus or a change in climate would wipe out the entire group. With genetic diversity, at least some penguins, porpoises, or people have a chance of making it. Psychological diversity is adaptive, too. Each of us has something valuable to contribute, whether it is artistic talent, academic ability, creativity, social skill, athletic prowess, a sense of humor, mechanical aptitude, practical wisdom, a social conscience, or the energy to get things done. Our complicated, fast-moving world requires all of these qualities if we are to survive as communities and thrive as individuals.

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JOURNAL 3.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Most behavioral-genetics studies show the heritability of intelligence to be high. Your friend tells you about a book they read that argues heredity must play a similarly large role in average IQ differences among ethnic groups. What’s wrong with the assumption behind this book’s reasoning?

Interactive

In Revel, you can find Quiz 3.5 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Astronaut Twins No Longer Genetically Identical After Space Trip STEP 1. Criticize This Claim Identical twins, Mark and Scott Kelly, share an uncommon profession: They’re astronauts. In fact, the Kellys are the only pair of siblings to have both gone to space. Mark has flown four missions, spanning a total of 54 days. Scott has also been to space four times, but it was his final mission of almost a full year on the International Space Station that drew headlines. Scientists eagerly awaited Scott’s return to Earth so that they could assess the effects of a year in space. Let’s turn a critical eye to a headline emerging from this research: Astronaut twins no longer genetically identical after space trip.

(continued)

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STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder NASA scientists aren’t the only researchers who ask questions about twins. Twin studies can help estimate the heritability of traits and behaviors, and they have a long history in psychology. Some studies compare identical twins with fraternal twins. Others compare identical twins raised together with identical twins who were separated when young and raised apart. Let’s think about the different types of research questions we can ask using twin studies. For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option from the drop-down menu to complete the sentence. Passage: Psychologists can ask many questions in studies involving twins. For example, researchers can estimate how heritable a personality trait is by comparing identical twins with same-sex fraternal (non-identical) twins. The assumption is that if genes influence the trait, then pairs of identical twins will be (1) __________ alike on that trait than pairs of fraternal twins. On the other hand, evidence that the environment is driving the level of this trait would be supported by a conclusion that (2) __________. In the case of Mark and Scott Kelly, NASA is only examining one pair of identical twins—there are no comparisons here to fraternal twins. But the fact that the brothers are identical twins as well as astronauts remains important because Mark, who stayed on Earth while Scott was in space for a year, (3) __________. 1) a. more b. no more or less c. less 2) a. the identical twins are more similar to each other on this trait than the fraternal twins are b. the identical twins are no more or less similar on this trait than the fraternal twins are c. the identical twins are less similar to each other on this trait than the fraternal twins are 3) a. serves as an ideal control comparison for the effects of living in space on Scott b. shares “nurture” experiences with Scott even though his “nature” is very different from Scott’s. c. would have been conceived via the fertilization of a different egg than the one fertilized to conceive Scott.

STEP 3. Examine the Evidence Scientists took baseline measures of the twins before Scott’s year in space. Upon his return, Scott had vision problems, reduced bone mass, thinning in the walls of his heart, and various aches and pains as he reacclimated to the Earth’s gravity. Perhaps most interesting were the genetic changes. Researchers found that stress and reduced oxygen in space led to various genetic mutations and changes in Scott’s gene expression. Gene expression is the process by which DNA sequences produce hormones and other proteins. Ninety-three percent of Scott’s gene expression reverted to normal back on Earth. But 7% did not, including genes related to DNA repair, the immune system, and bone formation.

STEP 4. Define Your Terms Scott tweeted, “My DNA changed by 7%. I no longer have to call Mark my identical twin.” Was he right . . . or just kidding? Were Mark and Scott no longer genetically identical? To critically assess this claim, we have to define “genetically identical.” Yes, time in space affected Scott’s gene expression. But his actual genetic code—the sequence of the four chemical bases in his DNA—was not altered. Even for those of us who don’t spend a year in space, as we age, the impact of various activities, stressors, drugs, and other experiences modify gene expression.

STEP 5. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder The story of Mark and Scott Kelly highlights the importance of epigenetics—the study of how gene expression changes over the lifespan and in response to environmental factors. (continued )

Diet is one important environmental source of epigenetic signals. What we eat can lead to changes in the chemical groups that attach to genes, turning them on or off. For example, in 1944 a terrible famine struck the Netherlands, and pregnant women were forced to survive on as few as 400 calories per day. Babies born to these mothers were found to develop an elevated risk of obesity, cardiovascular disease, schizophrenia, and other negative health outcomes in adulthood.

Epigenetics can help us explain why even cloned animals with identical genetic codes grow to look and behave differently. Or why among identical human twins, when one sibling has schizophrenia, there is still a 50% chance that the other twin will not develop the disorder. Identifying the environmental factors that interact with genetic predisposition to predict psychological disorders is an important area for future research.

Frescomovie/ Shuterstock

Anna Hoychuk/ Shutterstock

Jason Benz Bennee/ Shutterstock

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Our life experiences can even influence the gene expression of our children. In one study, Rachel Yehuda and her colleagues found that not only do survivors of the Holocaust have different levels of hormones and enzymes associated with trauma, but so too do their children. Indeed, offspring of Holocaust survivors have been found to be more vulnerable to the effects of stress and to posttraumatic stress disorder. Their parents’ traumatic experiences seem to have influenced their own gene expression.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Did 1 year in space leave Scott genetically different from his identical twin Mark? Yes. But also no. Scott’s gene expression changed in space, failing to revert to its pre-mission state after his return. But even here on Earth, Mark and Scott would have had different experiences that may have led to different gene expression over time. The year in space did not change Scott’s genetic code—his DNA sequences remained just as similar to Mark’s as before his mission. Despite his tongue-in-cheek tweet, Scott and Mark will always be identical twins, no matter what planet they find themselves on. Answer key: 1) a, 2) b, 3) a

Summary: Genes, Evolution, and Environment 3.1 Unlocking the Secrets of Genes LO 3.1.A

Explain how genes, chromosomes, DNA, and genomes all relate to one another.

In general, behavioral geneticists study our differences, such as those originating in heredity. Genes, the basic units of heredity, are located on chromosomes, which consist of strands of DNA. Our genes, together with noncoding DNA, make up the human genome. Most human traits depend on more than one gene pair, which makes tracking down the genetic contributions to a trait extremely difficult. However, advances in technology now permit scientists to carry out genomewide association studies, examining variations in many DNA elements at once, and even whole-genome sequencing, which examines the entire 3 billion base pairs of DNA. But locating a gene does not automatically tell us what it does or how it does it, or how multiple genes interact and influence behavior.

LO 3.1.B

Describe epigenetics and how it can help us understand the genetic components of thought and behavior.

The genome changes over time because of mutations that arise before or after birth and because of epigenetic changes that affect the expression (activity) of specific genes without altering the sequence of bases in those genes. Mutations and epigenetic changes can be affected by environmental factors.

3.2 The Genetics of Similarity LO 3.2.A

Explain how natural selection contributes to changes in gene frequencies in a population.

In general, evolutionary psychologists study our commonalities and argue that many fundamental human similarities can be traced to the processes of evolution, especially the process of natural selection. They draw inferences about the behavioral

Genes, Evolution, and Environment

tendencies that might have been selected because they helped our forebears solve survival problems and enhanced reproductive fitness; they then conduct research to determine whether such tendencies actually exist throughout the world. LO 3.2.B

List and describe examples of innate human characteristics.

Many evolutionary psychologists believe that the mind is not a general-purpose computer but, instead, evolved as a collection of specialized mental modules to handle specific survival problems. Among the candidates for such modules are inborn reflexes, an attraction to novelty, a motive to explore and manipulate objects, an impulse to play, and the capacity for certain basic cognitive skills, including a rudimentary understanding of numbers. However, because some behavior or trait exists does not necessarily mean that it is adaptive or the product of natural selection.

3.3 Our Human Heritage: Courtship and Mating LO 3.3.A

Compare the sexual strategies of females and males, according to the sociobiological perspective.

Sociobiologists and evolutionary psychologists argue that males and females have evolved different sexual and courtship strategies in response to survival problems faced in the distant past. In this view, it has been adaptive for males across species to be promiscuous, to be attracted to young partners, and to want sexual novelty; it has been adaptive for females across species to be monogamous, to be choosy about partners, and to prefer security to novelty. LO 3.3.B

3.4 The Genetics of Difference LO 3.4.A

genetic differences. Heritability estimates do not apply to specific individuals or to differences between groups. They apply only to differences within a particular group living in a particular environment; for example, the heritability of IQ is higher for children in affluent families than in impoverished ones. And even highly heritable traits can often be modified by the environment. LO 3.4.B

Explain what heritability refers to, and discuss important facts about heritability to keep in mind when discussing genetic contributions to behavior.

Heritability refers to the extent to which differences in a trait or ability within a group of individuals are accounted for by

Outline the basic design of heritability studies that involve twins and adoptees.

Behavioral geneticists often study differences among individuals by using data from studies of adopted children and of identical and fraternal twins. By comparing the genetic and environmental “overlap” across these groups, researchers can estimate the heritability of a trait.

3.5 Our Human Diversity: The Case of Intelligence LO 3.5.A

Discuss the extent to which intelligence may be heritable.

Heritability estimates for intelligence (as measured by tests of one’s intelligence quotient, or IQ) average about .40 to .50 for children and adolescents and .60 to .80 for adults. Identical twins are more similar in IQ-test performance than fraternal twins, and adopted children’s scores correlate more highly with those of their biological parents than with those of their nonbiological relatives. These results do not mean that genes determine intelligence; the remaining variance in IQ scores must be due largely to environmental influences. LO 3.5.B

Discuss the challenges to the evolutionary view of human sexual strategies.

Critics argue that evolutionary explanations of infidelity and monogamy are based on simplistic stereotypes of gender differences; that they rely too heavily on answers to questionnaires, which often do not reflect real-life choices; that convenience samples used in questionnaire studies are not necessarily representative of people in general; and that the evolutionary emphasis on the Pleistocene Age may not be warranted. Moreover, our ancestors probably did not have a wide range of partners to choose from; evidence suggests that what may have evolved is mate selection based on similarity and proximity.

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Explain why both between-group and withingroup variability are important in arguments about group differences in intelligence.

It is a mistake to draw conclusions about group differences from heritability estimates based on differences within a group. The available evidence fails to support genetic explanations of interracial differences in performance on IQ tests. LO 3.5.C

Describe how the environment can either hinder or promote intellectual development.

Environmental factors such as poor prenatal care, malnutrition, exposure to toxins, and stressful family circumstances are associated with lower performance on intelligence tests. Conversely, a healthy and stimulating environment, as well as certain kinds of enrichment activities, can improve performance. IQ scores have been rising in many countries for several generations, most likely because of improved education, better health, and the increase in jobs requiring abstract thought. LO 3.5.D

Explain how both nature and nurture play an interactive role in shaping behavior.

The interaction between genes and environment is far more complex than anyone previously imagined. Genes influence which

88 Chapter 3 environments people find most congenial, and environmental factors influence the genome by their effects on mutations and epigenetic changes. The development of a person is the result of a dynamic

dialogue between genes and the environment—plus the addition of chance events. Genetic and environmental influences blend and become indistinguishable in the development of any one person.

Shared Writing: Genes, Evolution, and Environment We have covered a lot of ground in this chapter, examining various areas of research that continue to develop at a rapid pace. Evolutionary explanations for sexual behavior. The practical usefulness (and ethical complications) of genetic testing. The hereditability of intelligence. Pick one of these topics and answer the following three questions about it: (1) What do you think is the most pressing question for future research on this topic to address and why? (2) What about this topic is controversial, and why do you think that is? (3) What does this topic have to teach us about the relative effects of nature versus nurture?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 3 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 4

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The Brain and the Nervous System

Learning Objectives LO 4.1.A

Describe the primary functions of the central nervous system, and name its two main structures.

LO 4.1.B

List the major structures and major divisions of the peripheral nervous system, and describe their primary functions.

LO 4.2.A

Compare the functions of neurons and glial cells.

LO 4.2.B

Describe each of the three main parts of a neuron, and explain their functions.

LO 4.2.C

Explain how stem cells contribute to the process of neurogenesis.

LO 4.2.D

Outline the process by which neurons communicate with each other, and explain the basic functions of the synapse, action potential, synaptic vesicles, and neurotransmitters.

LO 4.2.E

Summarize the effects of the main neurotransmitters in the brain, and identify the main hormones that influence behavior.

LO 4.3.A

Describe techniques researchers use for manipulating the brain and observing the behavior that results.

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90 Chapter 4 LO 4.3.B

Describe techniques researchers use for manipulating behavior and observing the effects on the brain.

LO 4.4.A

List and describe the functions of the main structures in the brain stem, and discuss the processes controlled by the cerebellum.

LO 4.4.B

Describe the location and function of the thalamus.

LO 4.4.C

Describe the locations and functions of the hypothalamus and pituitary gland.

LO 4.4.D

Describe the location and function of the amygdala.

LO 4.4.E

Describe the location and function of the hippocampus.

LO 4.4.F

Describe the functions of the cerebrum and the corpus callosum.

LO 4.4.G

Understand the location of each of the lobes of the cerebral cortex, and explain the major functions each lobe performs, with particular reference to the prefrontal cortex.

LO 4.5.A

Discuss the basic format of a split-brain experiment and what such results reveal about the functioning of the cerebral hemispheres.

LO 4.5.B

Describe why the two hemispheres of the brain are allies rather than opponents.

LO 4.6.A

Define neural plasticity, and summarize the main evidence that the brain has the ability to change in response to new experiences.

LO 4.6.B

Discuss the relationship between cultural forces and brain function.

LO 4.6.C

Summarize cautions surrounding the conclusion that sex differences in the brain are linked to sex differences in behavior.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter Do you think that playing games like Sudoku and crossword puzzles will keep your brain young even as the rest of your body ages?

T. P. was a salesman who, at age 66, began to experience problems with his memory. Specifically, he had trouble remembering names and places. This problem became progressively worse over the next 4 years until he became unable to keep track of the date or current events. He also became detached from social relationships and activities that he used to enjoy. His memory problems were worsened by a bout with lung cancer. Examination of his brain after he died revealed abnormalities that are typically associated with Alzheimer’s dementia (Mesulam, 2000). Mrs. S. was in her 60s when she suffered a massive stroke, affecting the posterior (rear) regions of the right side of her brain. Her intelligence was left completely intact, but she was no longer able to attend to information in her left visual field. She would complain, for example, that the hospital staff had forgotten her dessert when it was sitting in front of her on the left side of the tray. Once it was moved to the right side, though, she would exclaim, “Oh, there it is—it wasn’t there before.” When in her wheelchair, she would look for items on her left by rotating close to 360 degrees to the right until she found them. When applying makeup, she ignored the left side of her face altogether (Sacks, 1998). These cases, and thousands like them, teach us that the 3-pound organ inside our skulls provides the foundation for everything we do and think. When injury or disease affects the brain’s functioning, life is inevitably altered physically, emotionally, or cognitively. However, as we will see later in this chapter, sometimes the damaged brain can reorganize and recover at least a small amount of lost function. In fact, some researchers have claimed that patients with dementia can improve their cognitive function through regular cognitive tasks like arithmetic and reading aloud (Kawashima et al., 2005; Kallio et al., 2017). Others have even

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suggested that frequently engaging in this sort of “brain training” can improve cognitive function and protect against dementia in healthy individuals (Butler et al., 2018; Gates & Sachdev, 2014); in answering the survey question above, most readers agreed that crossword puzzles and Sudoku can “keep a brain young” even as the body ages. But are claims like these true? We will return to the possibility of enhancing cognitive function at the end of this chapter. You probably have a variety of other assumptions about how the brain works. Have you heard the argument that some people are “leftbrained,” tending to think more analytically and rationally, as opposed to “right-brained” people who are more creative, artistic, and intuitive? Do you believe that apparent sex differences in behavior can be explained by hardwired differences in the “female brain” versus the “male brain”? We will ponder questions like these throughout this chapter, but from the start, allow us to put to rest one popular brain myth: Les Baugh had both of his arms amputated at the shoulder as a Humans only use 10% of their brain capacity. This is a commonly held result of an electrical accident years ago. Working with researchers belief; for example, it’s central to the 2014 movie Lucy, in which Scarlett at Johns Hopkins University, he was able to control a pair of prosJohansson’s title character is given drugs that allow her to access the thetic arms using only his thoughts. Signals emanating from his remaining 90% of her brain capacity (which in Hollywood, apparently, brain allowed him to grasp and manipulate objects for the first time includes the ability to become fluent in another language within min- in 40 years. This type of research raises hope that “brain–machine utes and throw cars via mental telepathy!). To be clear, people use much interfaces” may help to restore motor function in people with paralysis or other forms of impaired motor control (Bouton more than 10% of brain capacity on a regular basis, even when asleep. et al., 2016; Moses et al., 2021; Shanechi, 2019). As you’ll read, damage to even a small, localized region of the brain can have dramatic effects on mental performance and personality. And brain mapping technology reveals electrical impulses and blood flow throughout the entire organ. We’re sorry to break the news to you: You already have access to 100% of your brain; you’re going to have to rely on old-fashioned studying and practice in order to ace your next foreign language exam. How and why do researchers study the brain? Neuroscientists in psychology and other disciplines study the entire nervous system in hopes of gaining a better understanding of its function and how it drives behavior. Cognitive neuroscientists explore the biological foundations of consciousness, perception, memory, and language; social neuroscientists focus on the brain basis of processes such as social interactions, empathy, and prejudice; affective neuroscientists study the nervous system’s involvement in emotion, motivation, and stress; and behavioral neuroscientists study the biology of basic processes such as learning, aggression, eating, and sex. You can see that this list covers basically everything that human beings feel and do. In this chapter, we will examine the structure of the brain and the rest of the nervous system as background for our later discussions of these and other topics. At this very moment, your own brain, assisted by other parts of your nervous system, is busy taking in these words you’re reading. Whether you are excited, curious, or bored, your brain is registering some sort of emotional reaction. As you continue reading, your brain will (we hope) store away much of the information in this chapter. Later in the day, your brain may enable you to smell a flower, climb the stairs, greet a friend, solve a problem, or laugh at a joke. But the brain’s most startling accomplishment is its knowledge that it is doing all these things. This self-awareness makes brain research different from the study of anything else in the universe. Scientists must use the cells, biochemistry, and circuitry of their own brains to understand the cells, biochemistry, and circuitry of brains in general.

4.1 The Nervous System: A Basic Blueprint The function of a nervous system is to gather and process information, produce responses to stimuli, and coordinate the workings of different cells. Even the lowly jellyfish and the humble earthworm have the beginnings of such a system. In very simple organisms that

Courtesy of Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory

The Brain and the Nervous System

92 Chapter 4

Figure 4.1 The Central and Peripheral Nervous System Brain (CNS) Nerves (PNS)

Spinal cord (CNS)

do little more than move, eat, and eliminate waste, the “system” may be no more than one or two nerve cells. In human beings, who do such complex things as cook, tap dance, write poetry, and take psychology courses, the nervous system contains billions of cells. Scientists divide this intricate network into two main parts: the central nervous system and the peripheral (outlying) nervous system. For additional information about how the brain works, please visit Revel.

4.1.A The Central Nervous System Learning Objective 4.1.A Describe the primary functions of the central nervous system, and name its two main structures.

The central nervous system (CNS) receives, processes, interprets, and stores incoming sensory information—information about tastes, sounds, smells, colors, pressure on the skin, the state of internal organs, and so forth. It also sends out messages destined for muscles, glands, and internal organs. The CNS is usually conceptualized as having two components: the brain, which we will consider in detail later in this chapter, and the spinal cord, which is an extension of the brain (see Figure 4.1). The spinal cord runs from the base of the brain down the center of the back, protected by The central nervous system includes the brain and the spinal cord. The a column of bones (the spinal column), acting as a bridge between peripheral nervous system consists of 43 pairs of nerves that transmit the brain and the parts of the body below the neck. information to and from the central nervous system. Twelve pairs of The spinal cord produces some behaviors on its own without cranial nerves in the head enter the brain directly; 31 pairs of spinal any help from the brain. These spinal reflexes are automatic, requirnerves enter the spinal cord at the spaces between the vertebrae. ing no conscious effort. If you accidentally touch a hot pot or pan, you will immediately pull your hand away, even before your brain has had a chance to register what has happened. Nerve impulses bring a message to the spinal cord (hot!), and the spinal cord immediately sends out a command via other nerve impulses, central nervous system (CNS) telling muscles in your arm to contract and to pull your hand away. (Reflexes above the neck, The portion of the nervous system such as sneezing and blinking, involve the lower part of the brain rather than the spinal cord.) consisting of the brain and spinal cord. The neural circuits underlying many spinal reflexes are linked to neural pathways that run up and down the spinal cord, to and from the brain. Because of these connections, spinal cord reflexes can sometimes be influenced by thoughts and emotions. An example is penile erecA collection of neurons and supportive tion, a spinal reflex that can be initiated by erotic thoughts and inhibited by anxiety or distissue running from the base of the brain tracting thoughts. Moreover, some reflexes can be brought under conscious control. If you down the center of the back, protected by concentrate, you may be able to keep your knee from jerking when it is tapped, as it nora column of bones (the spinal column). mally would. peripheral nervous system (PNS) All portions of the nervous system outside the brain and spinal cord, including sensory and motor nerves.

somatic nervous system The subdivision of the peripheral nervous system that connects to sensory receptors and to skeletal muscles (also called the skeletal nervous system).

autonomic nervous system The subdivision of the peripheral nervous system that regulates the internal organs and glands.

4.1.B The Peripheral Nervous System Learning Objective 4.1.B List the major structures and major divisions of the peripheral nervous system, and describe their primary functions. The peripheral nervous system (PNS) handles the central nervous system’s input and output. It contains all portions of the nervous system outside the brain and spinal cord, right down to the nerves in the tips of the fingers and toes. In the peripheral nervous system, sensory nerves carry messages from special receptors in the skin, muscles, and other internal and external sense organs to the spinal cord, which sends them along to the brain. These nerves put us in touch with both the outside world and the activities of our own bodies. Motor nerves carry orders from the central nervous system to muscles, glands, and internal organs. They enable us to move, and they cause glands to contract and to secrete substances, including chemical messengers called hormones.

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Interactive

Figure 4.2 The Autonomic Nervous System

Decreases salivation

Increases salivation Constricts bronchi

Constricts pupils and stimulates tear glands

Dilates pupils and inhibits tear glands

Dilates bronchi

Slows heart rate

Increases digestive functions of stomach, pancreas, and intestines

Increases heart rate Decreases digestive functions of stomach, pancreas, and intestines

Allows bladder contraction

Inhibits bladder contraction

Sympathetic Division

Parasympathetic Division

In general, the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system prepares the body to expend energy, and the parasympathetic division restores and conserves energy.

Interactive

sympathetic nervous system Scientists further divide the peripheral nervous system into two parts: the somatic (bodily) nervous system and the autonomic (self-governing) nervous system. The The subdivision of the autonomic nervous system that mobilizes bodily somatic nervous system, sometimes called the skeletal nervous system, consists of nerves that resources and increases the output of are connected to sensory receptors—cells that enable you to sense the world—and also to energy during emotion and stress. the skeletal muscles that permit voluntary action. When you feel a breeze blowing on the back of your neck, or when you turn off a light or write your name, your somatic system is active. The autonomic nervous system regulates the functioning of blood vessels, glands, and internal organs such as the bladder, stomach, and heart. When you see someone you’ve fallen for and your heart pounds, your hands get sweaty, and your face feels flushed, you can blame your autonomic Figure 4.3 Divisions of the Nervous System nervous system. Nervous System The autonomic nervous system is itself divided into two parts: the sympathetic nervous system and the parasympathetic nervous system. These two parts work together, but in opposing ways, to adjust the body to changing circumstances (see Figure 4.2). Central Peripheral nervous nervous The sympathetic system acts like the accelerator of a system system car, mobilizing the body for action and an output of energy. It makes you blush, sweat, and breathe more deeply, and it increases your heart rate and blood pressure. When you Brain Spinal cord are in a situation that requires you to fight, flee, or cope, the Somatic Autonomic nervous nervous sympathetic nervous system whirls into action. The parasystem system sympathetic system is more like a brake: It tends to slow things down and keep them running smoothly. It enables the body to conserve and store energy. If you have to jump Sympathetic Parasympathetic out of the way of a speeding motorcycle, sympathetic nerves nervous nervous increase your heart rate. Afterward, parasympathetic nerves system system slow it down again (see Figure 4.3).

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The subdivision of the autonomic nervous system that operates during relaxed states and conserves energy.

JOURNAL 4.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Interactive

parasympathetic nervous system

Although scientists separate the human nervous system into divisions and subdivisions, in reality, all the parts are connected. It can be difficult to tell at a glance, for example, exactly where the spinal cord ends and the brain stem begins. Why is it helpful to make such divisions across systems? Why might doing so also blur our understanding of the overall functioning of the nervous system?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 4.1 to test your knowledge.

4.2 Communication in the Nervous System Juan Gaertner/Shutterstock

The blueprint we just described provides only a general idea of the nervous system’s structure. Now let’s turn to the details. Specifically, what are the types of cells that comprise the nervous system, what are their major parts, and how do these cells communicate with one another and affect behavior?

4.2.A Types of Cells Neurons, up close and personal.

neurons Cells (also called a nerve cells) that conduct electrochemical signals and form the basic units of the nervous system.

glia Cells that support, nurture, and insulate neurons; remove debris when neurons die; enhance the formation and maintenance of neural connections; and modify neuronal functioning.

Learning Objective 4.2.A Compare the functions of neurons and glial cells. Like the rest of your body, your brain is made of cells—two types of cells, in fact. Neurons, or nerve cells, are the brain’s communication specialists, transmitting information to, from, and within the central nervous system. Glia [GLEE-uh], or glial cells (from the Greek for “glue”), hold the neurons in place. Although glia used to get much less attention than neurons, we now know that these cells are much more than just “glue.” They provide neurons with nutrients, insulate them, help them grow, protect the brain from toxic agents, and remove cellular debris when neurons die. They also communicate chemically with each other and with neurons; without them, neurons could not function effectively. One kind of glial cell appears to give neurons “permission” to form connections and to start “talking” to each other (Allen & Lyons, 2018). Another kind seems to act like the brain’s electrician, identifying and trying to repair problems with the nerves’ electrical systems (Graeber & Streit, 2010). Glial cells can also help to regulate neurochemicals and protect neurons from toxic levels of them (Iovino et al., 2020). And over time, glia help determine which neural connections get stronger or weaker, suggesting that they play a vital role in learning and memory (Hahn et al., 2015). It is the neurons, however, that are considered the building blocks of the nervous system, though in structure they are more like snowflakes than blocks, exquisitely delicate and differing from one another in size and shape (see Figure 4.4). In the giraffe, a neuron that

Figure 4.4 Different Kinds of Neurons

Spinal cord (motor neuron)

Thalamus

Hippocampus (Pyramidal neuron)

Cerebellum (Purkinje cell)

Neurons vary in size and shape, depending on their location and function. More than 200 types of neurons have been identified in mammals.

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runs from the spinal cord down the animal’s hind leg may be nine feet long! In the human brain, neurons are microscopic. Scientists believed for many years that the brain contained about 100 billion neurons and 10 times as many glia. But recent advances, which allow researchers to count individual cells, put the numbers much lower. An adult brain contains about 171 billion cells, about evenly divided between neurons and glia (Lent et al., 2012; von Bartheld et al., 2016).

4.2.B The Structure of the Neuron Learning Objective 4.2.B Describe each of the three main parts of a neuron, and explain their functions. As you can see in Figure 4.5, a neuron has three main parts: dendrites, a cell body, and an axon. The dendrites look like the branches of a tree; indeed, the word dendrite means “little tree” in Greek. Dendrites act like antennas, receiving messages from as many as 10,000 other nerve cells and transmitting these messages toward the cell body. They also do some preliminary processing of those messages. The cell body is shaped roughly like a sphere or a pyramid; it includes the cell’s nucleus, which contains genetic information (DNA) and controls the cell’s growth and reproduction. The rest of the cell body contains the biochemical machinery for keeping the neuron alive and producing neurochemicals (which you will read about later in this chapter). The axon (from the Greek for “axle”) is attached to the cell body and transmits messages away from the cell body to other neurons or to muscle or gland cells. Axons commonly divide at the end into branches called axon terminals. In adult human beings, axons vary from only four thousandths of an inch to a few feet in length. Many axons, especially the larger ones, are insulated by a surrounding layer of fatty material called the myelin sheath, which in the central nervous system is made up of glial cells. Constrictions in this covering, called nodes, divide it into segments, which makes it look a little like a string of link sausages. One purpose of the myelin sheath is to prevent signals in adjacent cells from interfering with each other. Another purpose is to speed up the conduction of neural impulses. In individuals with multiple sclerosis, loss of myelin causes erratic nerve signals, leading to loss of sensation, weakness or paralysis, lack of coordination, or vision problems (Czeipel et al., 2015). To learn more about neurons and how they work, please visit Revel. In the peripheral nervous system, the fibers of individual neurons (axons and sometimes dendrites) are collected together in bundles called nerves. The human body has 43 pairs of peripheral nerves; one nerve from each pair is on the left side of the body and the other is

dendrites A neuron’s branches that receive information from other neurons and transmit it toward the cell body.

cell body The part of the neuron that keeps it alive and determines whether or not it will fire.

axon A neuron’s extending fiber that conducts impulses away from the cell body, transmitting them to other neurons.

myelin sheath A fatty insulation that may surround the axon of a neuron.

nerve A bundle of nerve fibers (axons and sometimes dendrites) in the peripheral nervous system.

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Figure 4.5 The Structure of a Neuron

Dendrite Axon

Neuron

Nucleus Myelin sheath Node Cell body (soma)

Action potential

Axon terminals

Incoming neural impulses are received by the dendrites of a neuron and are transmitted to the cell body. Outgoing signals pass along the axon to terminal branches.

96 Chapter 4 on the right. Most of these nerves enter or leave the spinal cord, but 12 pairs in the head, the cranial nerves, connect directly to the brain.

Steve Gschmeissner/Science Photo Library/Alamy Stock Photo

4.2.C Neurogenesis: The Birth of Neurons Learning Objective 4.2.C Explain how stem cells contribute to the process of neurogenesis.

neurogenesis The production of new neurons from immature stem cells.

stem cells Immature cells that renew themselves and have the potential, given encouraging environments, to develop into mature cells of any type.

Figure 4.6 Stem Cell Production Interactive

These tiny embryonic stem cells, here greatly magnified, can generate many different kinds of cells in the body.

For most of the 20th century, scientists assumed that if neurons in the central nervous system were injured or damaged, they could never grow back (regenerate). But then the conventional wisdom was turned upside down. Animal studies showed that severed axons in the spinal cord can regrow if you treat them with certain nervous system chemicals (Ruschel et al., 2015; Schnell & Schwab, 1990). Researchers are hopeful that regenerated axons will eventually enable people with spinal cord injuries to use their limbs again. In the past two decades, scientists have also had to rethink another entrenched assumption: that mammals produce no new CNS cells after infancy. In the early 1990s, Canadian neuroscientists immersed immature cells from mouse brains in a growth-promoting protein and showed that these cells could give birth to new neurons in a process called neurogenesis. Even more astonishing, the new neurons continued to divide and multiply (Reynolds & Weiss, 1992). Since then, scientists have discovered that the human brain and other body organs also contain such cells, which are now known as stem cells. Many of these cells, including those in brain areas involved in learning and memory, seem to divide and mature throughout adulthood (Moreno-Jiménez et al., 2021; Qin et al., 2015; Tobin et al., 2019), although one recent study suggests that this process may end at adolescence (Sorrells et al., 2018). Animal studies suggest that physical exercise, effortful mental activity, and an enriched environment promote the production and survival of new cells, whereas binge drinking of alcohol, aging, and stress can inhibit their production and nicotine can kill them (Curlik & Shors, 2013; Macht et al., 2020; Wei et al., 2012; Wolf et al., 2011). Stem-cell research is one of the hottest areas in biology and neuroscience because embryonic stem (ES) cells can generate many types of specialist cells, from neurons to kidney cells (see Figure 4.6). Therefore, stem cells may be useful for treating damaged tissues. ES cells come from aborted fetuses and from embryos that are a few days old, which consist of just a

Pancreatic cells

Liver cells

Fertilized ovum

Cluster of cells

Stem cell

Nerve cells Embryonic stem (ES) cells have the capacity to develop into many types of mature cells. ES cells appear when an embryo is just a few days old, consisting of a cluster of approximately 100 cells.

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few cells. (Fertility clinics store many such embryos because several “test tube” fertilizations are created for every patient who hopes to become pregnant; eventually, the extra embryos are destroyed.) An alternative to the use of ES cells is to reprogram adult cells from certain organs to become stem cells (Takahashi et al., 2007; Yu et al., 2007). In one study, when stem cells derived from human nasal cells were transplanted into mice that had lesions in a part of the brain involved with memory, the mice performed better on learning and memory tasks (Nivet et al., 2011). In addition, researchers have used such stem cells to restore functioning dopamine cells in mice with simulated Parkinson’s disease, and they plan to similarly treat humans with Parkinson’s (Doi et al., 2020). Like ES cells, these stem cells derived from adult tissues seem capable of giving rise to many types of cells, but they are harder to keep alive than ES cells are. Patient-advocacy groups hope that transplanted stem cells will eventually help people recover from diseases of the brain and from damage to the spinal cord and other parts of the body. A long road lies ahead, and many daunting technical hurdles remain to be overcome before stem cell research yields practical benefits for human patients. But exciting developments lie on the horizon, including ongoing clinical attempts to restore sight in people who are legally blind and heal damaged heart tissue. Each year brings more incredible findings about neurons, findings that only a short time ago would have seemed like science fiction.

4.2.D How Neurons Communicate Learning Objective 4.2.D Outline the process by which neurons communicate with each other, and explain the basic functions of the synapse, action potential, synaptic vesicles, and neurotransmitters. Neurons do not directly touch each other. Instead, their ends are separated by a minuscule space called the synaptic cleft, where the axon terminal of one neuron nearly touches a dendrite or the cell body of another. The entire site—the axon terminal, the cleft, and the covering membrane of the receiving dendrite or cell body—is called a synapse. Because a neuron’s axon may have hundreds or even thousands of terminals, a single neuron may have synaptic connections with a great many others. As a result, the number of communication links in the nervous system runs into the trillions or perhaps even the quadrillions. Neurons speak to one another, or in some cases to muscles or glands, in an electrical and chemical language. The inside and outside of a neuron contain positively and negatively charged ions (electrically charged atoms). At rest, the neuron has a negative charge inside the cell relative to the outside. But when it is stimulated, special “gates” in the cell’s membrane open, allowing positively charged sodium ions to move from the outside to the inside, making the neuron less negative. If this change reaches a critical level, it briefly triggers an action potential, during which gates in the axon membrane allow even more positively charged sodium into the cell, causing it to become positively charged. As a result, the neuron “fires.” Then, positively charged potassium ions quickly move from within the axon to the outside, which restores the cell to its negatively charged resting state. Please visit Revel to watch a video to get a better idea of how neurons communicate with one another. If an axon is unmyelinated, this process repeats stepwise down the axon like dominos falling over in a line. But in myelinated axons, the process is a little different. Conducting a neural impulse beneath the sheath is impossible, in part because sodium and potassium ions cannot cross the cell’s membrane except at the nodes between the myelin’s “sausages.” Instead, the action potential “hops” from one node to the next. (More precisely, positively charged ions flow down the axon at a fast rate, causing regeneration of the action potential at each node.) This arrangement allows the impulse to travel faster than it could if the action potential had to be regenerated at every point along the axon. Nerve impulses travel more slowly in babies than in older children and adults because when babies are born, the myelin sheaths on their axons are not yet fully developed. When a neural impulse reaches the axon terminal’s button-like tip, it must get its message across the synaptic cleft to another cell. At this point, synaptic vesicles, tiny sacs in the tip

synapse The site where transmission of a nerve impulse from one nerve cell to another occurs; it includes the axon terminal, the synaptic cleft, and receptor sites in the membrane of the receiving cell.

action potential A brief change in electrical voltage that occurs between the inside and the outside of an axon when a neuron is stimulated, producing an electrical impulse.

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Figure 4.7 Neurotransmitter Crossing a Synaptic Cleft

Synaptic Surface of vesicles postsynaptic neuron

Axon terminal

Synaptic cleft Neurotransmitter Receptor site

Postsynaptic (receiving) Sodium ion neuron

Neurotransmitter molecules are released into the synaptic cleft between two neurons from vesicles (chambers) in the transmitting neuron’s axon terminal. The neurotransmitter molecules then bind to receptor sites on the receiving neuron. As a result, the electrical state of the receiving neuron changes and the neuron becomes either more or less likely to fire an impulse, depending on the type of neurotransmitter. The neurotransmitter molecules may then be returned to the releasing cell in a process called reuptake.

neurotransmitter A chemical substance that is released by a transmitting neuron at the synapse, altering the activity of a receiving neuron.

of the axon terminal, open and release a few thousand molecules of a chemical substance called a neurotransmitter. These molecules then diffuse across the synaptic cleft (see Figure 4.7). When they reach the other side, the neurotransmitter molecules bind briefly with receptor sites, special molecules in the membrane of the receiving neuron’s dendrites (or sometimes cell body), fitting these sites much as a key fits a lock. The neurotransmitter molecules may then be returned to the releasing cell in a process called reuptake. Remember: The receiving neuron will be negatively charged inside because it is still at rest. Some neurotransmitters cause a decrease in this negative charge. When the charge reaches a critical level, the neuron fires. This is called an excitatory effect. Other neurotransmitters cause an increase in the negative charge, making the neuron less likely to fire. This is called an inhibitory effect. Inhibition in the nervous system is essential. Without it, we could not sleep or coordinate our movements. Excitation of the nervous system would be overwhelming, producing convulsions. What any given neuron does at any given moment depends on the net effect of all the messages being received from other neurons. Only when the cell’s voltage reaches a certain threshold will it fire. Thousands of messages, both excitatory and inhibitory, may be pouring into the cell, and the receiving neuron must essentially average them. The message that reaches a final destination depends on how many neurons are firing, what types of neurons are firing, where the neurons are located, the rate at which individual neurons are firing, and the synchronization of these neurons. It does not depend on how strongly the individual neurons are firing, however, because a neuron either fires or it doesn’t. The firing of a neuron is an all-or-none event, like flipping a light switch.

4.2.E Chemical Messengers in the Nervous System Learning Objective 4.2.E Summarize the effects of the main neurotransmitters in the brain, and identify the main hormones that influence behavior. We will consider different classes of chemical messengers in the nervous system: neurotransmitters and hormones. As we have seen, neurotransmitters make it possible for one neuron to excite or inhibit another. Neurotransmitters exist not only in the brain, but also in the spinal cord, the peripheral nerves, and certain glands. Through their effects on specific nerve circuits, these substances control everything your brain does. The nature of these effects depends on the level of the neurotransmitter, its location, and the type of receptor it binds with. Here we will discuss just a few of the better-understood neurotransmitters and some of their known or suspected effects:

NEUROTRANSMITTERS: VERSATILE COURIERS

• Serotonin affects neurons involved in sleep, appetite, sensory perception, temperature regulation, pain suppression, and mood. • Dopamine affects neurons involved in voluntary movement, attention, learning, memory, emotion, pleasure and reward, and responses to novelty. • Acetylcholine affects neurons involved in muscle action, arousal, vigilance, memory, and emotion. • Norepinephrine affects neurons involved in learning, memory, dreaming, waking from sleep, and emotion, and those involved in the increased heart rate and the slowing of intestinal activity during stress. • GABA (gamma aminobutyric acid) is the major inhibitory neurotransmitter in the brain.

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• Glutamate is the major excitatory neurotransmitter in the brain; it is released by about 90% of the brain’s neurons. Harmful effects can occur when neurotransmitter levels are too high or too low. Abnormal GABA levels have been implicated in sleep and eating disorders and in convulsive disorders, including epilepsy. A loss of cells that produce dopamine is responsible for the impaired movement in Parkinson’s disease. In multiple sclerosis, immune cells overproduce glutamate, which damages or kills glial cells that normally make myelin. In Revel, the video on neurotransmitters will show you more about how one of these important chemical messengers, dopamine, works. We want to warn you, however, that pinning down the relationship between neurotransmitter abnormalities and behavioral or physical abnormalities is tricky. Each neurotransmitter plays multiple roles, and the functions of different substances often overlap. Furthermore, it is always possible that something about a disorder leads to abnormal neurotransmitter levels instead of the other way around. (As you know, correlation is not the same thing as causation.) Finally, although drugs that boost or decrease levels of particular neurotransmitters are sometimes effective in treating certain mental disorders, this does not necessarily mean that abnormal neurotransmitter levels are what cause the disorders. After all, aspirin can relieve a headache, but headaches are not caused by a lack of aspirin! In Revel, watch a video to learn more about how various substances can affect the brain. Many of us regularly ingest things that affect our neurotransmitters. Most drugs produce their effects by blocking or enhancing the actions of neurotransmitters, and so do some herbal remedies. St. John’s wort, a plant that grows in the wild, is often taken for depression because it prevents the cells that release serotonin from reabsorbing excess molecules that have remained in the synaptic cleft; as a result, serotonin levels rise. Many people do not realize that such remedies, because they affect the nervous system’s biochemistry, can interact with other medications and can be harmful in high doses. Even ordinary foods can influence the availability of neurotransmitters in the brain (Briguglio et al., 2018). Serotonin levels will decrease after a protein-rich meal (meat, fish, and poultry) and increase after a highcarbohydrate, low-protein meal, which is why you may feel calm or lethargic after downing a big bowl of pasta (Spring et al., 1987). But the path between the bowl and the brain is complicated: If you’re looking for brain food, you are most likely to find it in a well-balanced diet. HORMONES: LONG-DISTANCE MESSENGERS Hormones, which make up the second class of chemical messengers, are produced primarily in endocrine glands such as the pancreas, ovaries, testes, and adrenal glands. Hormones are released directly into the bloodstream, which carries them to organs and cells that may be far from their point of origin. Hormones have dozens of jobs, from promoting bodily growth to aiding digestion to regulating metabolism. Receptors for hormones exist throughout the body, including the brain. The following hormones are of particular interest to research psychologists and neuroscientists:

1. Melatonin, which is secreted by the pineal gland deep within the brain, helps to regulate daily biological rhythms and promotes sleep. 2. Oxytocin, which is secreted by another small gland in the brain, the pituitary gland, enhances uterine contractions during childbirth and facilitates the ejection of milk during nursing. Along with another hormone, vasopressin, oxytocin contributes to relationships by promoting social attachment (Shamay-Tsoory & Abu-Akel, 2016). 3. Adrenal hormones, produced by the adrenal glands (organs that are perched right above the kidneys), are involved in emotion and stress. These hormones also respond to other conditions, such as heat, cold, pain, injury, and physical exercise, as well as to some drugs, such as caffeine and nicotine. The outer part of each adrenal gland produces cortisol, which increases blood sugar levels and boosts energy. The inner part produces epinephrine (commonly known as adrenaline) and norepinephrine. When adrenal hormones are released in your body, activated by the sympathetic nervous system, they increase your arousal level and prepare you for action. Adrenal hormones can also enhance memory (McGaugh, 2015).

hormones Chemical substances, secreted by organs called glands, that affect the functioning of other organs.

endocrine glands Internal organs that produce hormones and release them into the bloodstream.

melatonin A hormone, secreted by the pineal gland, that is involved in the regulation of daily biological rhythms.

oxytocin A hormone, secreted by the pituitary gland, that stimulates uterine contractions during childbirth, facilitates the ejection of milk during nursing, and seems to promote attachment and trust in relationships.

adrenal hormones Hormones that are produced by the adrenal glands and that are involved in emotion and stress.

eggeegg/Shutterstock

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While you may not have realized it, hormones—in this case, melatonin—play a critical role in your ability to sleep and wake on a regular schedule. In fact, though the practice is not without its side effects and critics, some people take melatonin supplements to try to recover from jet lag or sleep disorders.

Hormones such as androgens, estrogens, and progesterone that regulate the development and functioning of reproductive organs and stimulate the development of male and female sexual characteristics.

endorphins Chemical substances in the nervous system that are involved in pain reduction, pleasure, and memory, and are known technically as endogenous opioid peptides.

Sex hormones act on the brain to guide sexual behavior, but they are also involved in behavior not linked to sex or reproduction. The body’s natural estrogen is thought to enhance learning and memory by promoting the formation of synaptic connections in certain areas of the brain and by indirectly increasing the production of acetylcholine (Gibbs, 2010; Lee & McEwen, 2001). Neurotransmitters and hormones are not always chemically distinct because nature has been efficient, giving some substances more than one role. For instance, norepinephrine may be considered either a neurotransmitter or a hormone, depending on where it is located and what function it is performing. Another example would be endorphins [en-DOR-fins], an intriguing group of chemicals known technically as endogenous opioid peptides. Endorphins have effects similar to those of natural opiates such as heroin; that is, they reduce pain and promote pleasure. They are also thought to play a role in appetite, sexual activity, blood pressure, mood, learning, and memory. Endorphin levels shoot up when an animal or a person is afraid or under stress. This is no accident; by making pain bearable in such situations, endorphins give a species an evolutionary advantage. When an organism is threatened, it needs to take action quickly. And pain can interfere with action: A mouse that pauses to lick a wounded paw may become a cat’s dinner; a soldier who is overcome by an injury may never get off the battlefield. Of course, the body’s built-in system of counteracting pain is only partly successful, especially when painful stimulation is prolonged. A link also exists between endorphins and social bonding. Research with animals suggests that in infancy, contact with the mother stimulates the flow of endorphins, which strengthens the infant’s bond with her. Some researchers now think that this “endorphin rush” also occurs in the early stages of passionate love between adults, accounting for the feeling of euphoria that “falling” for someone creates (Diamond, 2004). Conversely, blocking the effects of endorphins with antagonists can lead to distress calls and caregiver seeking in animals and can reduce selfreported feelings of social connection in humans (Burkett & Young, 2012; Inagaki et al., 2016). JOURNAL 4.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Interactive

sex hormones

4. Sex hormones are secreted by tissue in the gonads (testes in men, ovaries in women) and also by the adrenal glands. They include three main types, all occurring in all people but in differing amounts and proportions in people with ovaries and people with testes after puberty. Androgens (the most important of which is testosterone) are masculinizing hormones produced mainly in the testes but also in the ovaries and the adrenal glands. Androgens set in motion the physical changes males experience at puberty, including a deepened voice and facial and chest hair, and they cause pubic and underarm hair to develop in all people. Testosterone also influences sexual arousal. Estrogens are feminizing hormones that bring on physical changes in females at puberty, such as breast development and menstruation. Progesterone contributes to the growth and maintenance of the uterine lining in preparation for a fertilized egg, among other functions. Estrogens and progesterone are produced mainly in the ovaries but also in the testes and the adrenal glands.

Your roommate has been reading a blog about depression. She tells you that the drugs that are used to treat depression increase serotonin levels by blocking reuptake of serotonin at the synapse. She further explains that depression runs in her family, and although she is not currently depressed herself, she figures she may have low serotonin levels and wants to prevent depression, so she plans to take serotonin supplements that she bought at a nearby vitamin store just in case. She asks what you think of her plan. What do you tell her? Can you identify the ways in which she is jumping to conclusions and should instead consider other interpretations?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 4.2 to test your knowledge.

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4.3 Mapping the Brain A disembodied brain stored in a formaldehyde-filled container is a wrinkly, gray glob of tissue that looks a little like an oversized walnut. It takes an act of imagination to envision this modestlooking organ enabling a person to discover radium, invent the smartphone, or write Hamilton. In a living person, of course, this astonishing organ is encased in a thick protective vault of bone. How, then, can scientists study the brain and determine the functions of its different parts? One approach is to study patients who have had a part of their brain damaged or removed and to observe changes in their behavior. Another is to stimulate the brains of patients who are having brain surgery to try to identify the functions of various areas. But both of these methods rely on relatively infrequent accidents of nature; for one reason or another, the brains of the people in these studies are not healthy and require drastic intervention. Fortunately, neuroscientists have a growing number of other tools that they can use to study healthy brains in action. We will discuss two broad approaches to mapping the healthy brain. In the first, neuroscientists do something that temporarily affects particular brain areas and then observe the consequences for behavior; in the second, they manipulate behavior in some way and then record the effects in the brain.

4.3.A Manipulating the Brain and Observing Behavior Learning Objective 4.3.A Describe techniques researchers use for manipulating the brain and observing the behavior that results. In an effort to better understand the function of a specific brain structure, researchers who work with animals may surgically remove or damage (i.e., lesion) that brain structure and then observe the effects on behavior. The logic of this approach is that behaviors that are disrupted by the lesion must depend (at least in part) on the brain structure that was lesioned. For example, researchers have found that lesioning a brain region called the hippocampus prevents an organism from forming new memories; thus, memory formation must involve the hippocampus. This general approach is called the lesion method, and unlike studies of humans with brain damage, it gives scientists a high level of control over the affected brain regions. Of course, the lesion method is not used on humans for ethical reasons. Brain function can also be manipulated using transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), which delivers a large current through a wire coil placed on a person’s head. The current produces a magnetic field about 40,000 times greater than the earth’s natural magnetic field, causing neurons under the coil to fire. However, the net effect of this magnetic field on brain function and behavior depends on factors like the frequency of the TMS pulses and when the TMS is delivered (e.g., before versus during a task) (Luber & Lisanby, 2014). Although TMS can be used to produce motor responses, such as a thumb twitch or a knee jerk, researchers can also use it to briefly alter brain function and observe the effects on behavior. One drawback is that TMS is not precise enough to target individual neurons. Still, TMS has been useful for examining the role of various brain regions in everything from vision to emotion to language (Nevler & Ash, 2015). As we will see, the left hemisphere of the brain plays a significant role in language, but TMS shows that the right side is important as well. TMS over the right hemisphere causes people to lose the ability to understand metaphors (“a blanket of snow”); although they still understand the individual words in the metaphor, they no longer can see the relationship between them (Pobric et al., 2008). Although TMS has been used to study the relationship between brain and behavior, when applied repetitively to the frontal cortex, TMS can also be used to successfully treat depression (De Risio et al., 2020; Yip et al., 2017). Transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) is an even newer way of manipulating brain function. The researcher applies a very small electric current to an area of the cortex, the outer surface of the brain (Cohen Kadosh, 2015). Depending on the direction of the current, brain activity in that area is either temporarily stimulated or temporarily suppressed, leading to corresponding changes in behavior. For example, in one study, applying current in one direction increased participants’ accuracy on a test of impulse control, but applying

lesion method The removal or disabling of a non­ human animal’s brain structure to gain better understanding of its function.

transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) A method of manipulating brain cells, using a powerful magnetic field produced by a wire coil placed on a person’s head, that can be used by researchers to temporarily stimulate or inactivate neural circuits.

transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) A technique that applies a very small electric current to stimulate or suppress activity in parts of the cortex.

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Courtesy of Lisa Shin

Phanie/SuperStock

Adapted from Nadel, 1968

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Manipulating the Brain

Damage to a specific brain area like the hippocampus in the rat (left, shown in black) can lead to a change in behavior, which can inform researchers about the normal function of that brain area. Transcranial magnetic stimulation, or TMS (center), can be used to temporarily stimulate or inactivate certain brain regions. Transcranial direct current stimulation, or tDCS (right), applies direct current to a specific area of the cortex, which either stimulates or suppresses activity in that area depending on the direction of the current.

transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS) A technique that applies “waves” of alternating electrical current to the brain to modulate its naturally occurring brain waves.

current in the other direction decreased their accuracy (Reinhart & Woodman, 2014). In addition, tDCS applied to the surface of the brain can affect the function of deeper brain structures as well. For example, tDCS applied to the frontal cortex (at the front/top of the head) decreased activation in a deep brain structure called the amygdala and also improved participants’ ability to ignore distracting emotional stimuli (Ironside et  al., 2019). Recent research also suggests that tDCS can improve motor function after stroke (Kang et al., 2016) and can alleviate symptoms of depression (Brunoni et al., 2016; Moffa et al., 2020). Finally, transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS) is a variant of electrical stimulation that involves applying low-intensity “waves” of alternating electrical current to a targeted brain area. As you will see in Chapter 6, the brain generates its own electrical waves in different cognitive states, and tACS can alter these brain waves so that they match the frequency of the waves delivered by tACS (Vosskuhl et al., 2018). Although additional research is needed, tACS appears to enhance performance on tasks involving working memory, problem solving, and perception (Schutter & Wischnewski, 2016) and could be used in the future to treat individuals with cognitive impairment (Grover et al., 2021).

4.3.B Manipulating Behavior and Observing the Brain Learning Objective 4.3.B Describe techniques researchers use for manipulating behavior and observing the effects on the brain.

electroencephalogram (EEG) A recording of neural activity detected by electrodes.

The second general approach to mapping the brain is to do something that affects behavior and then record what happens in the brain. One recording method uses electrodes, devices glued or taped onto the scalp to detect the simultaneous electrical activity of millions of neurons in particular brain regions. Wires from the electrodes are connected to a machine that translates the electrical energy from the brain into wavy lines on a moving piece of paper or a screen, which is why electrical patterns in the brain are known as “brain waves.” The brain-wave recording itself is called an electroencephalogram (EEG). A standard EEG is useful but not very precise because it reflects the activities of so many cells at once. “Listening” to the brain with an EEG machine is like standing outside a crowded sports stadium: You know when something is happening, but you can’t be sure what it is or who is doing it.

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One solution is a variant of EEG that uses statistical techniques to measure Figure 4.8 An Event-Related Potential event-related potentials (ERPs), waves of electrical activity associated with particular stimuli or “events.” For example, researchers might assess the electrical − activity generated by seeing a picture or hearing a word. Any thought you have is made up of a series of different steps, and measuring ERPs allows scientists to see the neural activity associated with each step—in real time, as Figure 4.8 shows. When measuring ERPs, scientists still cannot know exactly where in the brain + activity occurs, but they know when it occurs—much like knowing that one player in the stadium has thrown a pass and another has caught it, but not precisely where they were when all the action happened. Measuring ERPs is also useful in studying infants and other people who cannot follow instructions in an experiment. For example, scientists have used the technique to compare how infants exposed to one 0 100 200 300 400 500 language differ from infants exposed to two languages. Monolingual infants raised Milliseconds after stimulus in English-speaking households showed different ERPs for English and Spanish as early as 6 months old, suggesting they could distinguish the two languages and were ERPs are waves of electrical activity detected on the more receptive to English. But bilingual infants did not show this ability to distin- scalp after a person encounters stimuli such as pictures guish between languages until they were 10 to 12 months old, showing that their or words. The first parts of the wave shown in this figure represent brain activity associated with encountering brains were equally receptive to both English and Spanish (Garcia-Sierra et al., 2011). the stimulus; later parts show activity associated with Yet another method, the positron emission tomography (PET) scan, records understanding it. biochemical changes in the brain as they are happening. One type of PET scan takes advantage of the fact that nerve cells convert glucose, the body’s main fuel, into event-related potentials (ERPs) energy. A researcher can inject a person with a glucose-like substance that contains a radioactive Waveforms of neural activity element. This substance accumulates in brain areas that are particularly active and are therefore associated with specific stimuli consuming glucose rapidly. The substance emits radiation, which is detected by a scanning (or “events”). device, and the result is a computer-processed picture of brain activity on a display screen. positron emission tomography Other kinds of PET scans measure blood flow, which also reflects brain activity. Still other types (PET) scan of PET scans can measure the binding of neurotransmitters to receptors on neurons. A method for analyzing biochemical In psychological research, PET scans have largely been superseded by magnetic activity in the brain, for example, resonance imaging (MRI), which uses powerful magnetic fields and radio frequencies to by using injections of a glucose­like take highly detailed pictures of the brain. The magnetic field aligns nuclei of atoms in the substance containing a radioactive body’s organs, and radio frequencies produce vibrations in them. The vibrations are then element to measure glucose detected as signals by special receivers. A computer analyzes the signals, taking into account metabolism in the brain. their strength and duration, and converts them into a high-contrast picture of whatever organ the scientist or physician is interested in, such as the brain. This is a structural MRI. It magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) gives us a terrific picture of what the brain looks like, but not what it does. Another version A method for studying body and brain of MRI, called functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), allows us to see brain activtissue, using magnetic fields and ity associated with specific thoughts or behaviors that last at least several seconds. fMRI special radio receivers. detects levels of blood oxygen in different brain areas. Because neurons use oxygen as fuel, active brain areas produce bigger signals. functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)

(a)

Michael VanElzakker

Kul Bhatia/Science Source

A type of magnetic resonance imaging used to study brain activity associated with specific thoughts and behaviors.

National Institute on Aging/NIH/ Science Source

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(b)

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(a) The PET scan shows the brain of a healthy 20-year-old. The colors indicate different levels of activity, where red reveals the highest level. (b) An MRI scan showing what the brain looks like at the middle point between the two hemispheres. (c) An fMRI image of activation in the parietal lobe (shown in yellow).

104 Chapter 4 In contrast to EEG, fMRI can localize brain activity relatively precisely; it can tell where something is happening, but it is less precise in determining exactly when it is happening. Because all of your brain is active all of the time, scientists who use fMRI must compare the activity in the brain when people are engaged in experimental tasks versus when they are engaged in control tasks. For example, researchers who want to understand the brain systems involved in comprehending words might ask participants to read real words in the experimental condition and nonsense words (like “glorp”) in the control condition. In both cases, people are seeing and identifying letters, but they are comprehending only the real words. By “subtracting” the brain images taken in the nonsense-word control condition from that of the real-word condition, it is possible to identify the brain regions involved in comprehension. Researchers use fMRI to study everything from social exclusion to moral reasoning to mindfulness meditation. Exciting though these developments and technologies are, we need to understand that technology cannot replace critical thinking (Legrenzi & Umiltà, 2011; Tallis, 2011; Wade, 2006). As one team of psychological scientists who use fMRI to study cognition and emotion wrote, “Just because you’re imaging the brain doesn’t mean you can stop using your head” (Cacioppo et al., 2003). Because brain-scan images seem so scientific—in a traditional, medical sense of the word—many people fail to realize that these images can lead to oversimplified and even misleading impressions. As with any type of figure, graph, or data analysis, researchers make a variety of choices that can leave small contrasts looking more dramatic than they really are or larger ones seeming insignificant (Carp, 2012; Dumit, 2004). For that matter, simply including an image of brain activity can be enough to make a study’s conclusions seem more compelling, even when they are not. To illustrate this point, one research team asked people to read some scientific-sounding nonsense. One passage explained that because watching television and doing math problems both caused activation in the temporal lobe, watching television would improve math skills! (This conclusion is, of course, rubbish.) Some people read a version of the passage featuring no accompanying image, while others read the passage featuring either a bar graph of the results or an image of brain activation, such as one obtained from fMRI. People who read the version of the passage with the brain images thought it had much better scientific reasoning than did those who read the version with no images or those who saw the graph (McCabe & Castell, 2008). Research using fMRI has also sometimes suffered from questionable statistical procedures that can produce inflated correlations between brain activity and measures of personality and emotion (Vul et al., 2009). Yet the media usually report such findings uncritically, giving the impression that psychological scientists know more about the relationship between the brain and psychological processes than they really do. One clever group of scientists made this point very well by using fMRI to scan a dead Atlantic salmon while asking it to view emotional images and determine what emotions the person in each photo was feeling (Bennett et al., 2010). Yes, you read that correctly: They showed images to and conducted fMRI on a dead fish. The scan revealed that the salmon appeared to be “thinking” about the pictures and the people in them. Why? Because fMRI produces a mix of signal and noise, and trying to detect an fMRI signal is a bit like trying to track a conversation in a noisy bar. Scientists have to use sophisticated techniques to “quiet” the noise and reveal the true signal, and statistical errors can happen. In this case, the result is funny because we know the salmon is dead. But in real life, too, we may not know always if the result is real . . . or another dead fish. The problems here are not with fMRI as a technology so much as with bad theories, poorly defined dependent measures, and inappropriate interpretations of results, all of which can produce dubious findings. Enthusiasm for technology has generated the widespread belief that specific “brain centers” or “critical circuits” explain why you prefer Coke to Pepsi, why you identify as a liberal or a conservative, This dead Atlantic salmon had significant “brain activation” or what your brain is doing when you are in love. These beliefs are (shown in red) in response to emotional images (Bennett et al., certainly appealing because they explain complicated behavior in sim2010). Because the fish was dead, the activation must have been ple terms (Beck, 2010). But the attempts to reduce complex behavior to an artifact of inappropriate statistical techniques.

Craig M. Bennett

CONTROVERSIES AND CAUTIONS

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single locations in the brain will almost certainly fail, just as phrenology failed (Gonsalves & Cohen, 2010; Tallis, 2011; Uttal, 2001). Regardless of whether neuroscientists manipulate different brain areas to determine how behavior is affected or manipulate behavior and then record the effects in the brain, studies such as these are just initial steps in understanding brain processes and must be interpreted with great caution. When used appropriately, though, they provide an illuminating look at brain function, and we will therefore report many findings from brain-scan research throughout this text.

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JOURNAL 4.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Brain scans provide us with fabulous windows on the brain. But if a scan shows that a brain area is active when you’re doodling, does that mean the area is a “doodling center”? Why or why not?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 4.3 to test your knowledge.

4.4 A Tour Through the Brain Most modern brain theories assume that different brain parts perform different (though greatly overlapping) tasks. This concept, known as localization of function, goes back at least to Franz Joseph Gall (1758–1828), a German anatomist who thought that personality traits were reflected in the development of specific areas of the brain. Gall’s theory of phrenology was completely wrongheaded (pun intended), but his general notion of specialization in the brain had merit. To learn about what the major brain structures do, let’s take an imaginary stroll through the brain, starting at the lower part, just above the spine. Figure  4.9 shows the major structures we will encounter along our tour; you may want to refer to it as we proceed.

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Figure 4.9 Major Structures of the Human Brain Cerebral cortex (controls complex thought processes)

Cerebellum (part of the hindbrain that controls balance and maintains muscle coordination)

Reticular formation (a system of nerves running through the medulla, pons, and the midbrain to the cerebral cortex, controlling arousal and attention)

Corpus callosum (connects left and right hemispheres of the brain)

Thalamus (part of the forebrain that relays information from sensory organs to the cerebral cortex) Hypothalamus (part of the forebrain that regulates the amount of fear, thirst, sexual drive, and aggression we feel) Pituitary gland (regulates other endocrine glands) Hippocampus (plays a role in our learning, memory, and ability to compare sensory information to expectations) Pons (part of the hindbrain that relays messages between the cerebellum and the cortex) Medulla (part of the hindbrain where nerves cross from one side of the body to the opposite side of the brain; controls heartbeat, breathing, and swallowing)

This cross section depicts the brain as if it were split down the middle. It shows the structures described in the text that follows.

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106 Chapter 4 But keep in mind that any activity—feeling an emotion, having a thought, performing a task—involves many different structures working together. Our description, therefore, is a simplification.

4.4.A The Brain Stem and Cerebellum brain stem The part of the brain at the top of the spinal cord, consisting of the medulla and the pons.

medulla A structure in the brain stem responsible for certain automatic functions, such as breathing and heart rate.

pons A structure in the brain stem involved in, among other things, sleeping, waking, and dreaming.

reticular activating system (RAS) A dense network of neurons found in the core of the brain stem that arouses the cortex and screens incoming information.

cerebellum A brain structure that regulates movement and balance, is involved in classical conditioning and remembering simple skills, and plays a role in perceptual and some higher­ level cognitive processes.

thalamus A brain structure that relays sensory messages to the cerebral cortex.

Learning Objective 4.4.A List and describe the functions of the main structures in the brain stem, and discuss the processes controlled by the cerebellum. We begin at the base of the skull with the brain stem, which began to evolve some 500 million years ago in segmented worms. The brain stem looks like a stalk rising out of the spinal cord. Pathways to and from upper areas of the brain pass through its two main structures: the medulla and the pons. The medulla [muh-DUL-uh] is responsible for bodily functions that do not have to be consciously willed, such as breathing and heart rate. (Morbid side note: Hanging has long been used as a method of execution because when it breaks the neck, nerve pathways from the medulla are severed, stopping respiration.) The pons is involved in (among other things) sleeping, waking, and dreaming. Extending upward from the core of the brain stem is the reticular activating system (RAS). This dense network of neurons, which extends above the brain stem into the center of the brain and has connections with areas that are higher up, screens incoming information and arouses the higher centers when something happens that demands their attention. Without the RAS, we could not be alert or perhaps even conscious. At the base of the brain behind the pons, we see a structure about the size of a small fist. It is the cerebellum, or “lesser brain,” which contributes to a sense of balance and coordinates the muscles so that movement is smooth and precise (see Figure 4.10). If your cerebellum were damaged, you would probably become clumsy and uncoordinated. You might have trouble using a pencil, threading a needle, or even walking. In addition, this structure is involved in classical conditioning and remembering simple skills (Manto et al., 2012). But the cerebellum, which was once considered just a motor center, is not as “lesser” as its name implies; it is involved in perceptual processes, emotion, and speech and language (Baumann et al., 2015; Mariën et al., 2014: Pierce & Péron, 2020).

4.4.B The Thalamus Learning Objective 4.4.B Describe the location and function of the thalamus. Deep in the brain’s interior, roughly at its center, lies the thalamus, the sensory relay station of the brain (see Figure 4.11). As sensory messages come into the brain—about the sight of a sunset, the sound of a siren, the feel of a fly landing on your arm—the thalamus directs them

Figure 4.10 Brain Stem and Cerebellum

Figure 4.11 The Thalamus Thalamus

Cerebellum

Pons

Medulla

Reticular activating system

This midsagittal slice of the brain shows the brain stem (including the medulla, pons, and reticular activating system) and the cerebellum.

Olfactory bulb

The thalamus is the brain’s sensory relay station.

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to higher areas in charge of vision, sound, or touch. The only sense that completely bypasses the thalamus is the sense of smell, which has its own private switching station, the olfactory bulb. The olfactory bulb lies near areas involved in emotion, which may be why particular odors—such as the smell of fresh laundry, a steaming bowl of chicken soup, or a certain perfume—often rekindle vivid memories.

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Figure 4.12 The Hypothalamus and

Pituitary Gland Hypothalamus

4.4.C The Hypothalamus and the Pituitary Gland Learning Objective 4.4.C Describe the locations and functions of the hypothalamus and pituitary gland. Beneath the thalamus sits a structure called the hypothalamus (hypo means “under”). It is the body’s boss, constantly monitoring the body’s current state and issuing instructions to help maintain a steady state called homeostasis. It is involved in basic survival drives like eating, fighting, fleeing, and sex. It regulates body temperature by triggering sweating or shivering, and it controls the complex operations of the autonomic nervous system. It also contains the biological clock that controls the body’s daily rhythms. Hanging down from the hypothalamus, connected to it by a short stalk, is an endocrine gland called the pituitary gland, mentioned earlier in our discussion of hormones. The pituitary is often thought of as the body’s superordinate gland because the hormones it secretes affect many other endocrine glands. However, the hypothalamus holds the true power because it sends chemicals to the pituitary that tell it when to “talk” to the other endocrine glands. The pituitary, in turn, sends hormonal messages out to those glands (see Figure 4.12). The hypothalamus and several other loosely interconnected structures have often been considered part of the limbic system; the term limbic is from the Latin for “border,” and these structures were thought to form a border between the “higher” and “lower” parts of the brain. Structures in this region are heavily involved in emotions that we share with other animals, such as anger and fear, so the region is also sometimes called “the emotional brain.” But researchers now know that these structures also have other functions and that parts of the brain outside the old limbic system are involved in emotion. As a result, the term limbic system has been going out of favor.

Pituitary gland The hypothalamus monitors and maintains the body’s current state and controls the pituitary gland’s release of hormones.

hypothalamus A brain structure involved in emotions and drives that are vital to survival; it regulates the autonomic nervous system.

pituitary gland A small endocrine gland at the base of the brain that releases many hormones and regulates other endocrine glands.

amygdala A brain structure involved in assessing the potential biological impact of incoming sensory information and driving the body’s response to it.

4.4.D The Amygdala Learning Objective 4.4.D Describe the location and function of the amygdala. The amygdala [uh-MIG-dul-uh] (from the ancient Greek word for “almond”) is located deep within the temporal lobe of the brain, underneath the temple (see Figure  4.13). The brain typically contains two amygdalae, one on each side (hemisphere) of the brain. The amygdala is responsible for evaluating sensory information, quickly determining its potential biological impact, and contributing to the initial decision to approach or withdraw from the situation. Some people describe the amygdala as the brain’s “fear center,” and it does help detect potential threats in the environment, but it is more than that. Your amygdala assesses stimuli for their fit with your current psychological state, responding accordingly to positive, negative, or even just plain interesting stimuli (Janak & Tye, 2015). It can also work with higher brain areas to regulate your response. If you’re outgoing, for example, your amygdala responds more actively to photographs of happy people than it does if you are shy, and when you’re hungry, your amygdala responds to food (Cunningham & Brosch, 2012). The amygdala also plays a role in mediating anxiety and depression and in forming and retrieving emotional memories (Giachero et al., 2015; Pitman et al., 2012). Visit Revel to watch a video that provides a closer look at how the brain processes emotional stimuli.

Figure 4.13 The Amygdala and Hippocampus

Amygdala Hippocampus

The amygdala responds to biologically important stimuli, and the hippocampus is involved in forming new memories.

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4.4.E The Hippocampus Learning Objective 4.4.E Describe the location and function of the hippocampus. hippocampus A brain structure involved in the storage of new information in memory.

The hippocampus (from the Greek for “sea horse”) is located immediately behind the amygdala and is a key brain structure in the formation of new memories (see Figure 4.13). The brain typically contains two hippocampi, one on each side (hemisphere) of the brain. The hippocampus enables us to take in and combine different components of experiences—sights, sounds, and feelings—and bind them together into one “memory,” although the individual components may ultimately be stored in various parts of the cerebral cortex. When you recall meeting someone yesterday, various aspects of the memory—information about the person’s handshake, tone of voice, and appearance—are probably stored in different locations in the cortex. But without the hippocampus, the information would never get to these destinations. This structure is also involved in the retrieval of information during recall. We know about the central role the hippocampus plays in memory in part from research on patients whose brain damage produced severe memory problems. The most famous of these was Henry Molaison, known to the scientific community as H. M. When Henry was a child, he hit his head in a collision with a cyclist, and soon thereafter, possibly as a result, he began having seizures. By the time he was an adult, his blackouts and convulsions prevented him from keeping a job. He was referred to a surgeon who made the bold suggestion to remove Henry’s hippocampi and additional portions of his temporal lobes. Although the surgery controlled Henry’s epilepsy, it created a new problem for him: Henry could no longer form new memories for facts and events. He could remember his childhood, learn new skills, and carry on an intelligent conversation. But if he met you yesterday, he would not remember you today. A lot of what psychological scientists know about the hippocampus and memory comes from the case of H. M. (Corkin, 2013).

4.4.F The Cerebrum Learning Objective 4.4.F Describe the functions of the cerebrum and the corpus callosum. cerebrum Divided into two hemispheres, this upper part of the brain is in charge of most sensory, motor, and cognitive processes.

cerebral hemispheres

The cerebrum [suh-REE-brum] refers to the upper part of the brain above the pons and cerebellum. It is divided into two separate halves, or cerebral hemispheres, connected by a large band of fibers called the corpus callosum. In general, the right hemisphere is in charge of the left side of the body, and the left hemisphere is in charge of the right side of the body. As we will see shortly, the two hemispheres also have somewhat different tasks and talents, a phenomenon known as hemispheric lateralization.

The two halves of the cerebrum.

corpus callosum The bundle of nerve fibers connecting the two cerebral hemispheres.

hemispheric lateralization Specialization of the two cerebral hemispheres for particular operations.

cerebral cortex A collection of several thin layers of cells covering the cerebrum that is largely responsible for higher mental functions.

4.4.G The Cerebral Cortex Learning Objective 4.4.G Understand the location of each of the lobes of the cerebral cortex, and explain the major functions each lobe performs, with particular reference to the prefrontal cortex. The cerebrum is covered by several thin layers of densely packed cells known collectively as the cerebral cortex. Cell bodies in the cortex, as in many other parts of the brain, appear grayish in color—hence the term gray matter. In other parts of the brain (and in the rest of the nervous system), long, myelin-covered axons prevail and appear white, hence the term white matter. Although the cortex is only about 3 millimeters (one-eighth inch) thick, it contains almost three-fourths of all the cells in the human brain. The cortex has many deep crevices and wrinkles, which enable it to contain its billions of neurons in a compact space. In other mammals, which have fewer neurons, the cortex is less crumpled; in rats, it is quite smooth.

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Figure 4.14 Lobes of the Cerebrum Motor cortex

Central sulcus

Somatosensory cortex Parietal lobe

Frontal lobe

Broca’s area

Association cortex

Occipital lobe Visual cortex Wernicke’s area Temporal lobe

Each cerebral hemisphere is divided into four lobes: occipital, parietal, temporal, and frontal.

LOBES OF THE CORTEX In each cerebral hemisphere, deep fissures divide the cortex into four distinct regions, or lobes (see Figure 4.14):

• The occipital [ahk-SIP-uh-tuhl] lobes (from the Latin for “in back of the head”) are at the lower back part of the brain. Among other things, they contain the visual cortex, where visual signals are processed. Specifically, information from the eyes travels through the thalamus to the primary visual cortex for initial processing and then to the secondary and tertiary visual cortex for higher-level processing. Damage to the primary visual cortex can cause blind spots. Damage to the secondary and tertiary visual cortex can cause impaired recognition of objects or people.

occipital lobes

• The parietal [puh-RYE-uh-tuhl] lobes (from the Latin for “pertaining to walls”) are at the upper back part of the brain. They contain the somatosensory cortex, which receives information about pressure, pain, touch, and temperature from all over the body. The somatosensory cortex is organized such that each body part is represented in a specific location of the somatosensory cortex. Research conducted by neurosurgeon Wilder Penfield in the 1950s revealed that electrical stimulation of a specific area of the somatosensory cortex results in sensations in the corresponding body part. The organization of the somatosensory cortex can be shown pictorially (Figure 4.15) and is often referred to as the somatosensory homunculus (“little man”). The areas of the somatosensory cortex that receive signals from the hands and the face are disproportionately large because these body parts are particularly sensitive.

parietal lobes

• Parts of the parietal lobes that lie behind the somatosensory cortex are involved in attention and awareness of spatial relationships. For example, lesions to these areas in the right parietal cortex can cause a condition called hemispatial neglect, in which patients fail to notice the left side of space. They can see the left side of space but do not attend to it. As a result, when asked to draw an object like a house, these patients typically omit

Lobes at the lower back part of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas that receive visual information.

Lobes at the upper back part of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas that receive information on pressure, pain, touch, and temperature as well as handle attention and awareness of spatial relationships.

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Figure 4.15 Sensory and Motor Homunculi

ee

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Sh ou Elb lder Wr ow ist

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Face Upper Lip Lips Lower Lip Teeth, Gums Tongue Pharynx

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Tongue Swallowing

Intra-abdominal

Somatosensory

Motor

Different parts of the body are represented in different locations of the somatosensory cortex and motor cortex.

Figure 4.16 Hemispatial Neglect Model

Patient’s copy

Individuals with hemispatial neglect can see the left side of space but do not attend to it; therefore, their drawings often omit details from that side of the visual field.

temporal lobes Lobes at the sides of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas involved in hearing, emotion, memory, visual processing, and (in the left lobe, typically) language comprehension.

the left side of it (see Figure 4.16). This condition should seem familiar to you because Mrs. S., whose deficits were described in the introduction to this chapter, was suffering from hemispatial neglect. • The temporal lobes (from the Latin for “pertaining to the temples”) are at the sides of the brain, just above the ears and behind the temples. The temporal lobe contains the auditory cortex, which processes sound information coming from the ears. Lying deep within the temporal lobes are the amygdala and hippocampus. The cortex of the temporal lobes is also involved in the processing of visual features of objects, like faces. Lesions to the area of the cortex that lies between the temporal and occipital lobes of both hemispheres can lead to a difficulty in recognizing familiar faces. An area of the posterior left temporal lobe known as Wernicke’s area is involved in language comprehension. • The frontal lobes, as their name indicates, are located toward the front of the brain, just under the skull in the area of the forehead. They contain the primary motor cortex, which issues orders to the 600 muscles of the body that produce voluntary movement. As with the somatosensory cortex, different parts of the primary motor cortex control different parts of the body (refer back to Figure 4.14). In the left frontal lobe, a region known as Broca’s area handles speech production. During working memory tasks, areas in the frontal lobes are especially active. The frontal lobes are also involved in controlling emotions and impulses, making plans, thinking creatively, and empathizing with others. Because the lobes of the cerebral cortex have different functions, they tend to respond differently when directly stimulated with tiny electrodes during brain surgery.

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frontal lobes Lobes at the front of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas involved in movement, working memory, controlling emotions and impulses, higher­order thinking, and (in the left lobe, typically) speech production.

THE PREFRONTAL CORTEX The most forward part of the frontal lobes is the prefrontal cortex. This area barely exists in mice and rats and takes up only 3.5% of the cerebral cortex in cats and about 7% in dogs, but it accounts for approximately one-third of the entire cortex in human beings. It is the most recently evolved part of our brains and is associated with such complex abilities as reasoning, decision-making, and planning. Scientists have long known that the frontal lobes, and the prefrontal cortex in particular, must also have something to do with regulating behavior. One of the first clues appeared in 1848, when a bizarre accident drove an inch-thick, three-and-a-half-foot-long iron rod clear through the head of a young railroad worker named Phineas Gage. The rod (which is still on display at the Harvard University Medical School library, along with Gage’s skull) entered beneath the left eye and exited through the top of the head, destroying much of the prefrontal cortex (Damasio et  al., 1994; Van Horn et  al., 2012). Miraculously, Gage survived this trauma and, by most accounts, he retained the ability to speak, think, and remember. But his friends complained that he was “no longer Gage.” What, exactly, this means remains the subject of some debate (Macmillan, 2000). As the story is often told, Gage had changed from mild-mannered, friendly, and efficient into foul-mouthed, ill-tempered, and undependable; he could not hold a steady job or stick to a plan and was reduced to exhibiting himself as a circus attraction. Others have noted, however, that Gage lived for 12 years after his debilitating injury, including 8 years spent in Chile caring for horses and driving a coach. What remains clear is that Gage’s mental abilities and behavior changed in the wake of his accident. Furthermore, many other cases of brain injury, whether from stroke or trauma, support the conclusion that many would draw from the Gage case: Parts of the frontal lobes are involved in social judgment, inhibiting behavior, rational decision-making, and the ability to set goals and carry through plans. People with damage in these areas sometimes have trouble managing their finances and social relationships. Interestingly, the mental deficits that characterize damage to these areas are also accompanied by a flattening-out of emotion and feeling, which suggests that normal emotions are necessary for everyday reasoning and the ability to learn from mistakes (Damasio, 2003). The frontal lobes also govern the ability to do a series of tasks in the proper sequence and to stop doing them at the proper time. Pioneering Soviet psychologist Alexander Luria (1980) studied many patients in which damage to the frontal lobes disrupted these abilities. One man kept trying to light a match after it was already lit. Another planed a piece of wood in the hospital carpentry shop until it was gone and then went on to plane the workbench! The Tower of London interactive in Revel gives you the opportunity to try the type of task that would be difficult to complete for people with frontal lobe damage. Table  4.1 summarizes the major parts of the brain that we have disFront and top views of Phineas Gage’s skull on display at Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts. cussed and their primary functions.

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

(The brain does not feel anything when directly stimulated, so a patient can be awake during the operation.) If a surgeon touches the somatosensory cortex in the parietal lobes, a patient might feel a tingling in the skin or a sense of being gently touched. If the visual cortex in the occipital lobes were electrically stimulated, a patient might report a flash of light or swirls of color. And, eerily, many areas of the cortex, when stimulated, would produce no obvious response or sensation. These “silent” areas are sometimes called the association cortex because they are involved in higher mental processes. Visit Revel to watch a video to review the major structures of the brain.

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Table 4.1 Functions Associated With the Major Brain Structures The functions listed here are just some of those that have been linked with these structures: Structure

Functions

Pons Medulla Reticular activating system (RAS) (extends into center of the brain)

Sleeping, waking, dreaming Automatic functions such as breathing, heart rate Screening of incoming information, arousal of higher centers, consciousness

Cerebellum

Balance, muscular coordination, memory for simple skills and classical conditioning, involvement in perceptual and some higher-level cognitive processes

Thalamus

Relay of impulses from higher centers to the spinal cord and of incoming sensory information (except for olfactory sensations) to other brain centers

Hypothalamus

Drives necessary for survival, such as hunger, thirst, emotion, reproduction; regulation of body temperature; control of autonomic nervous system

Pituitary gland

Under direction of the hypothalamus, secretion of hormones that affect other glands

Amygdala

Initial evaluation of sensory information to determine its importance; mediation of anxiety and depression; formation and retrieval of emotional memories

Hippocampus

Formation of new memories about facts and events, as well as other aspects of memory

Cerebral cortex Occipital lobes Parietal lobes Temporal lobes Frontal lobes

Higher forms of thinking Visual processing Processing of pressure, pain, touch, temperature; visuospatial processing Hearing, memory, visual perception, emotion, language comprehension Movement, working memory, planning, setting goals, creative thinking, initiative, social judgment, rational decision-making, speech production

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JOURNAL 4.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Suppose it could be determined that 50% of hardened criminals had damage to areas of their prefrontal cortex (this is just a hypothetical). Learning this, a lawmaker proposes that all current detainees in the juvenile justice center be screened for abnormalities in their frontal lobes “to identify those who would be likely to commit serious future crimes.” Would you support this proposal? Why or why not? What other evidence would you want to examine before drawing your conclusion?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 4.4 to test your knowledge.

4.5 The Two Hemispheres of the Brain We have seen that the cerebrum is divided into two hemispheres that control opposite sides of the body. Although generally similar in appearance, the two hemispheres do differ in surface area and thickness of the cortex (Kong et al., 2018) and have somewhat separate talents, or areas of specialization. Hemispheric specialization is especially apparent in patients who have experienced brain damage, usually as a result of a stroke. One of the first such phenomena was observed in 1861 by a French neurologist named Paul Broca, who noted that individuals with left-hemisphere damage sometimes lose the ability to speak or understand language, whereas those with right-hemisphere damage rarely do. (Though Broca’s name lives on in the term Broca’s area, he also left a far more problematic legacy; in Chapter 1 we referred to his sexist—and now roundly debunked—claims regarding the inferior intellect of women.) In the many years since then, we have also learned that patients with left-hemisphere damage may have difficulties with reading, identifying objects, making symbolic gestures or pantomimes, and describing events in the correct order. Patients with right-hemisphere damage may have difficulty identifying faces, interpreting emotional expressions, or understanding music or art. They may get lost easily, even in their own homes.

4.5.A Split Brains: A House Divided Learning Objective 4.5.A Discuss the basic format of a split-brain experiment and what such results reveal about the functioning of the cerebral hemispheres. Some of the most interesting findings about hemispheric specialization come from people known as “split-brain patients.” In a normal brain, the two hemispheres of the cortex

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communicate with one another across the corpus callosum, the bundle of fibers that Figure 4.17 Cross-Section of a connects them (see Figure 4.17). Whatever happens in one side of the brain is instantly Human Brain, Showing the Corpus transmitted to the other side. What would happen, though, if the two sides were cut off Callosum from one another? In 1953, Ronald E. Myers and Roger W. Sperry took the first step toward answering this question by severing the corpus callosum in cats. They also cut parts of the nerves leading from the eyes to the brain. Normally, each eye transmits messages to both sides of the brain. After this procedure, a cat’s left eye sent information only to the left hemisphere and its right eye sent information only to the right hemisphere. At first, the cats did not seem to be affected much by this drastic operation. Their ordinary behavior, such as eating and walking, remained normal. But something profound had happened. Myers and Sperry trained the cats to perform tasks with one eye blindCorpus callosum folded; a cat might learn to push a panel with a square on it to get food but ignore a panel with a circle. Then the researchers switched the blindfold to the cat’s other eye and tested the animal again. Now the cats behaved as if they had never learned the trick. Apparently, one side of the brain did not know what the other side was doing; it was as if the animals had two brains in one body. Later studies confirmed this result with other species, including monkeys (Sperry, 1964). In the early 1960s, a team of surgeons decided to try cutting the corpus callosum to control seizures in humans with debilitating epilepsy. In severe forms of this disease, disorganized electrical activity spreads from an injured area to other parts of the brain. The surgeons reasoned that cutting the connection between the two halves of the brain might stop the spread of electrical activity from one side to the other. The surgery was done, of course, for the sake of the patients, who were desperate. But there was a bonus for scientists, who would be able to find out what each cerebral hemisphere can do when it is quite literally cut off from the other. This split-brain surgery generally proved successful. Seizures were reduced and sometimes disappeared completely. In their daily lives, split-brain patients did not seem much affected by the fact that the two hemispheres were incommunicado. Their personalities and intelligence remained intact; they could walk, talk, and lead fairly normal lives. Apparently, connections in the undivided deeper parts of the brain kept body movements and Figure 4.18 Visual Pathways other functions normal. The two functioning hemispheres were each doing their own job; they just couldn’t commuLeft visual field Right visual field nicate with each other. But in a series of ingenious studies, Left eye Right eye Sperry and colleagues (and later other researchers) showed that perception and memory had been affected, just as they Optic nerve had been in the earlier animal research. Sperry won a Nobel Prize for his work. Optic chiasm Optic tract To understand this research, you must know how nerves connect the eyes to the brain. (The human patients, unlike Myers and Sperry’s cats, did not have these nerves Lateral cut.) If you look straight ahead, everything in the left side of Optic radiations geniculate the scene before you—the visual field—goes to the right half nucleus of your brain, and everything in the right side of the scene goes to the left half of your brain. This is true for both eyes (see Figure 4.18). In these studies, researchers presented information only Left visual cortex Right visual cortex to one side or the other of the patients’ brains. In an early study, the researchers took photographs of different faces, Each cerebral hemisphere receives information from the eyes about the opposite cut them in two, and pasted different halves together (Levy side of the visual field. Thus, if you stare directly at the corner of a room, everything to the left of the juncture is represented in your right hemisphere, et al., 1972). The reconstructed photographs were then preand vice versa. This is because half the axons in each optic nerve cross over (at sented on slides. The person was told to stare at a dot in the the optic chiasm) to the opposite side of the brain. Normally, each hemisphere middle of the screen so that half of the image fell to the left immediately shares its information with the other one, but in split-brain patients, of this point and half to the right. Each image was flashed a severed corpus callosum prevents such communication.

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“Look at the center of the slide.” (a)

(b)

“Point to the person you saw.”

Left hemisphere

(c)

Right hemisphere

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Figure 4.19 Divided View

Split-brain patients were shown composite photographs (a) and were then asked to identify the face they had seen from a series of intact photographs. When asked to verbally state which face they had seen, they said they had seen the face on the right side of the composite. When asked to point with their left hand to the face they had seen, they pointed to the face that had been on the left (b). Because the two cerebral hemispheres could not communicate, the verbal left hemisphere was aware of only the right half of the picture, and the relatively mute right hemisphere was aware of only the left half (c).

so quickly that the person had no time to move their eyes. When the patients were asked to say what they had seen, they named the person in the right part of the image (which would be the little boy in Figure 4.19) because the brain’s left hemisphere controls speech and could “see” only the face on the right. But when they were asked to point with their left hands to the face they had seen, they chose the person in the left side of the image (the mustached man in the figure) because the left hand is controlled by the right hemisphere, which could “see” only the face on the left. Furthermore, the patients claimed they had noticed nothing unusual about the original photographs! Each side of the brain saw a different half image and automatically filled in the missing part. Neither hemisphere knew what the other had seen. Why did the patients name one side of the picture but point to the other? When the patient responded with speech, it was the left side of the brain, which usually controls speech, doing the talking. And because the left side of the brain had only seen the right side of the image, that was the face that the patient described. When the person pointed with the left hand, which is controlled by the right side of the brain, the right hemisphere was giving its version of what it had seen (i.e., the person shown in the left side of the image).

Revisiting the Classics Split-Brain Patient Studies The technique of showing different information in each visual field and asking split-brain patients to respond to the information in various ways has become a classic in psychology. It has offered many

insights into the functions of the brain’s two hemispheres, including the tendency of the left hemisphere to act as the “interpreter,” providing a reasonable (though not always accurate) story to explain

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Source: Gazzaniga (2000).

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This image illustrates another classic example of the left hemisphere acting as “the interpreter.” The patient’s left hemisphere saw a chicken claw and his right hand correctly pointed to a chicken. His right hemisphere saw a snow scene and his left hand correctly pointed to a show shovel. But when asked why he pointed to the snow shovel, his left hemisphere (which did not see the snow scene but did see the chicken claw) came up with a reason: “Oh, that’s simple. . . . you need a shovel to clean out the chicken shed” (Gazzaniga, 2000).

our thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (Gazzaniga, 2000). For example, in one study, researchers presented slides of ordinary objects and then suddenly flashed a slide of a nude woman. Both sides of the brain were surprised and amused, but because only the left side had speech, the two sides responded differently. When the picture was flashed to one woman’s left hemisphere, she laughed and identified it as a nude. When it was flashed to her right hemisphere, she said nothing but began to chuckle. Asked what she was laughing at, she said, “I don’t know . . . nothing . . . oh—that funny machine.” The right hemisphere could not describe what it had seen, but it reacted emotionally just the same, and the talking left hemisphere was cued by the reaction driven by the right hemisphere and was forced to come up with a reasonable explanation for the laughter (Gazzaniga, 1967).

do have separate streams of consciousness, although it may be diffi-

The findings of the early split-brain studies have led researchers to

to keep in mind that there is a limit to the conclusions we can draw

wonder whether each disconnected hemisphere gives rise to a sepa-

from split-brain patients. The fact that their seizures were severe

rate consciousness. Think about that for a moment—one person with

enough to warrant such dramatic surgery indicates that their brains

two separate consciousnesses! As you can imagine, studying this is

were functioning atypically to begin with, which could affect the re-

not easy. Some researchers think that the disconnected hemispheres

sults or their generalizability to other people.

cult to observe them because the disconnected hemispheres can learn to integrate the patient’s behavior through subtle behavioral cues that each side of the body sends to the other (such as eye movements, facial expressions, and body movements) (Volz & Gazzaniga, 2017; Volz et al., 2018). However, other researchers have suggested that the disconnected hemispheres of split-brain patients can share more information than previously thought based on the classic studies. They found that each hemisphere was able to respond to information in a visual field that it could not “see” (Pinto et al., 2017). Therefore, they have argued, the two hemispheres probably “share” information in one consciousness (de Haan et al., 2020; Pinto et al., 2017). And so the debate continues! But as critical thinkers, we do need

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4.5.B The Two Hemispheres: Allies or Opponents?

Have a right-handed friend tap on a sheet of paper with a pencil held in the right hand for one minute. Then have the person do the same with the left hand, using a fresh sheet of paper. Finally, repeat the procedure, having the person talk at the same time as tapping. For most people, talking will decrease the rate of tapping—but more for the right hand than for the left, probably because both activities involve the same hemisphere (the left one), and there is competition between them. (Left-handed people vary more in terms of which hemisphere is dominant for language, so their results will be more variable.)

Fortunately, research on left versus right hemisphere function has also been conducted with people whose brains are intact (Hugdahl & Westerhausen, 2010; Prete et al., 2015). If a researcher flashes an image very quickly to the right side of your visual field, it will arrive first in your left visual cortex. Thanks to your corpus callosum, the image will then quickly transfer over to your right visual cortex. But your left visual areas will have had a small head start, and the difference in timing gives the investigator critical information. People read words faster if the words are flashed to the right visual field because those words go directly to the left hemisphere, which is specialized for reading. In contrast, people are better at identifying facial expressions that are flashed to the left visual field because those faces go directly to the right hemisphere, which typically shows an advantage for processing facial emotion (Abbott et al., 2014). Similarly, researchers can present different sounds to your two ears, the one in the left ear going to your right auditory cortex and the one in the right ear going to the left auditory cortex. These studies show that although the left hemisphere is specialized for processing words, the right hemisphere is specialized for processing the tone of voice in which words are spoken (Grimshaw et al., 2003). Although early researchers often spoke of the left hemisphere as dominant, especially because of its linguistic and analytic talents, over the years it has become clear that the right hemisphere is far from passive. It is superior not only at recognizing facial expressions, but also at handling problems requiring visual-spatial ability, such as reading a map or following a sewing pattern. It is active during the creation and appreciation of art and music. It recognizes nonverbal sounds, such as a dog’s barking. It also has some language ability. Typically, it can read a word briefly flashed to it and can understand an experimenter’s instructions.

What About You? Interactive

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Learning Objective 4.5.B Describe why the two hemispheres of the brain are allies rather than opponents.

Have you ever heard the argument that “left-brained” people are more analytical and logical and “right-brained” people are more creative and artistic?

The left hemisphere is sometimes described as having a cognitive style that is rational and analytic, in contrast to the right hemisphere’s intuitive and holistic mode. Furthermore, popular psychology books have even categorized people as “left-brained” or “right-brained,” and many psychology students are aware of this claim. However, the claim is a great oversimplification at best (Nielsen et al., 2013). In reality, the differences between the two hemispheres are not absolute, but relative—a matter of degree. And in most real-life activities, the two sides cooperate naturally, with each making a valuable contribution. In visual perception, the left hemisphere generally “sees” the details, while the right hemisphere “sees” how they fit together (Chance, 2014). In speech perception, the left hemisphere “hears” the individual sounds that make up the words, but the right hemisphere “hears” the intonation that tells us if the speaker is happy, sad, or sarcastic (Godfrey & Grimshaw, 2015). Most thoughts and behaviors require the left and right hemispheres to work together. Thus, it is wrong to think of a person as “left-brained” or “rightbrained,” and we must be cautious about thinking of the two sides as two “minds.” As Roger Sperry (1982) himself noted long ago, “The left–right dichotomy . . . is an idea with which it is very easy to run wild.”

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Replication Check ✔ In 2019, Sanne Brederoo and her colleagues in the Netherlands conducted replications of previous studies of nine different potential visual-field asymmetries (Brederoo et al., 2019). They found reliable evidence supporting some of the asymmetries reviewed above—for example, the superiority of the left visual field (right hemisphere) for perceiving faces and emotional expressions and the superiority of the right visual field (left hemisphere) in working with words. Other potential asymmetries did not replicate, such as the previous finding that “oddballs” in shape or color (e.g., detecting 1 blue circle mixed in amidst 11 green circles) are more easily perceived in the right visual field.

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JOURNAL 4.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Most students have heard the argument that there are “left-brained” and “right-brained” people. What evidence can you cite in making the case that this is not a sound scientific conclusion? Why do you think popular books and the general public are attracted to an oversimplification such as this one?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 4.5 to test your knowledge.

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4.6 The Flexible Brain Until this point, we have discussed the brain as if it were some fixed and unchanging organ, similar in everyone and essentially the same organ at birth as at age 8, 18, 28, or 98. Indeed, because we are all human and most of us share common early experiences—learning to walk, talk, deal with school and family members—our brains are fundamentally similar in their basic organization. Yet we also have differing experiences as a result of growing up in different families, and these experiences take place within a particular culture that shapes our values, skills, and opportunities. Such differences can shape the brain’s wiring and how it performs.

4.6.A Experience and the Brain Learning Objective 4.6.A Define neural plasticity, and summarize the main evidence that the brain has the ability to change in response to new experiences. Our brains are not fully formed at birth. During infancy, synapses proliferate at a great rate. Neurons sprout new dendrites, creating new synapses and producing more complex connections among the brain’s nerve cells (Bock et al., 2014; Greenough & Black, 1992; Kolb & Gibb, 2014). New learning and stimulating environments promote this increase in complexity. Then, during childhood, synaptic connections that are useful for helping the child respond to the environment survive and are strengthened, whereas those that are not useful wither away, leaving behind a more efficient neural network. In this way, each brain is optimized for its environment. This plasticity, the brain’s ability to change in response to new experiences, is most pronounced during infancy and early childhood, but it continues throughout life. Please visit Revel to watch a video and learn more about how the brain’s connections change over time. The brain’s plasticity may help explain why some people who are born without specific parts of their brain may still function without deficits (Tuckute et al., 2022) and why some who cannot move an arm after a head injury may regain full use of the limb after physical therapy. Their brains apparently rewire themselves to adapt to the damage (Liepert et al., 2000; Wu et al., 2015). Plasticity is also apparent in some people who have been blind or deaf from birth or early childhood. In the period of rapid development after birth, connections form between the eyes and the visual cortex and between the ears and the auditory cortex—but also between the eyes and the auditory cortex and between the ears and the visual cortex. Typically, experience strengthens connections between the eyes and the visual cortex, and between the ears and auditory cortex, and prunes away the other two types (Innocenti & Price, 2005). The intriguing

The brain is able to change in response to new experiences.

plasticity The brain’s ability to change and adapt in response to experiences through neurogenesis or by reorganizing or growing new neural connections.

118 Chapter 4 question, therefore, is what happens in the visual cortex of blind people? Is it able to respond to sound because it is not receiving visual information? Sighted participant To answer this question, researchers used PET scans to examine the brains of Blind participant people as they localized sounds heard through speakers (Gougoux et al., 2005). 20 Some people were sighted but others had been blind from early in life. When they 15 heard sounds through both ears, activity in the occipital cortex (an area associated 10 with vision) decreased in the sighted people but not in the blind ones. When one ear was plugged, the blind people who did especially well at localizing sounds 5 showed activation in two areas of the occipital cortex; neither sighted people 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 nor blind people with ordinary ability showed that activation. What’s more, the –5 degree of activation in these regions was correlated with the blind people’s accu–10 racy on the task (see Figure 4.20). The brains of those with the best performance –15 had apparently adapted to blindness by recruiting visual areas to take part in –20 activities involving hearing—a dramatic example of plasticity. Average error In sighted people, the visual areas in the brain are quiet during tasks requirIn some blind people, brain areas usually associated with ing hearing or touch (such as touching Braille letters). But researchers wondered vision may become active in tasks requiring hearing. The what would happen to those visual areas if the volunteers were blindfolded for purple circles to the left of the dotted line represent blind 5 days. The answer was that by day 5, those visual areas had become active individuals with low error rates in a sound-localization during the tasks, and after the blindfolds were removed, the visual centers once task; those to the right represent blind individuals with again quieted down (Pascual-Leone et  al., 2005). The visual areas of the brain high error rates. The graph shows that error rates for blind people—but not sighted ones—were correlated apparently possess the computational machinery necessary for processing nonwith changes in cerebral blood flow (CBF), and thus visual information, but this machinery remains dormant until circumstances neural activity, in a visual area of the brain. The more require its activation (Amedi et al., 2005). When people have been blind for most accurate blind people were, the greater the activity in of their lives, new connections may form, permitting lasting structural changes this region. (Adapted from Gougoux et al., 2005.) in the brain’s wiring. An analogous finding has been reported in deaf individuals. When neuroscientists asked deaf and hearing people to study sets of moving dots, the brains of deaf people showed activity in the auditory cortex, but the brains of hearing people did not (Finney et al., 2001). This research teaches us that the brain is a dynamic organ: Its circuits are continually being modified in response to information, challenges, and changes in the environment. As scientists come to understand this process better, they may be able to apply their knowledge by designing improved rehabilitation programs for people with sensory impairments, developmental disabilities, and brain injuries.

Percent CBF change

Figure 4.20 Adapting to Blindness

4.6.B Culture and the Brain

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Learning Objective 4.6.B Discuss the relationship between cultural forces and brain function. We have just seen that the structure and function of the human brain is shaped by the environment throughout life. A big part of that environment is culture, a program of shared rules, values, symbols, communication systems, and conventions that governs the behavior of members of a community. The emerging field of cultural neuroscience examines how the links between neural and cultural forces can create different patterns of behavior, perception, and cognition (Ambady, 2011; Chiao, 2015; Qu et al., 2020; Sasaki & Kim, 2017). Consider bilingualism. Do bilingual people use different parts of their brains for their two languages? Evidence on this question has been mixed (Hernandez et al., 2019; Pliatsikas, 2020), but some intriguing findings suggest that different brain areas are involved in a first language versus a second language. One way to answer this question is to observe what happens when a surgeon stimulates different areas. The patient is usually awake and talking but will stop when the surgeon stimulates brain areas that are critical for language. Studies using this One interesting way for psychologists to examine the approach show that a bilingual person’s second language relies on a broader relationship between culture and the brain is to study bilingualism (Costa & Sebastián-Gallés, 2014). network of brain areas than the person’s first language (Cervenka et al., 2011).

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Another cultural factor that may affect brain organization is literacy. Compared with literate people, illiterate individuals tend to have less white matter in a part of the parietal cortex associated with reading and verbal memory and in several other areas (de Schotten et al., 2014). Technological literacy may also affect brain activity. Some scientists speculate that Internet searching, text messaging, and social networking may strengthen the neural circuits involved in filtering information and making quick decisions, while possibly weakening others, such as those involved in sustained attention and memory (Risko & Gilbert, 2016; Small, 2008). When two cultures value different skills among their members, or when they emphasize different approaches to acquiring certain skills, people’s brains may reflect those differences. For example, brain activation in people from Asian and American cultures during a simple visual–spatial task depends on whether the task requires a person to attend to the visual context (a strategy emphasized in Asian cultures) or to ignore the visual context (which is encouraged in American culture). In both groups, fMRI shows activation in frontal and parietal regions associated with attentional control to be greater when people are making judgments not typical for their cultural background (Hedden et al., 2008). This makes sense because those judgments require more attention and effort. In short, cultures have a profound influence on their members’ symbols, attitudes, and ways of navigating the world. Studies from cultural neuroscience are tracking that influence into the brain, where it shows up in fMRI studies of perception, problem solving, language, and thinking.

4.6.C Sex Differences in the Brain? Learning Objective 4.6.C Summarize cautions surrounding the conclusion that sex differences in the brain are linked to sex differences in behavior.

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What About You? Research findings indicate that men tend to outperform women on tasks involving shape rotation and spatial navigation. Do you think this apparent sex difference results primarily from innate biological differences between men and women?

Before we embark on this journey of evaluating sex differences in the brain, we should note that most prior research on this topic has conducted comparisons of people who were assigned a female sex at birth with those who were assigned a male sex. Researchers have not commonly included intersex people and have not routinely asked participants to share their gender identity, which may or may not match their biological sex. We hope that moving forward, researchers will gather additional and more nuanced information about participants’ sex and gender identity to be more inclusive and to get a better understanding of the relationship between each construct and the brain. Many best-selling books claim that men and women are simply born with different brains. Louann Brizendine’s 2006 book The Female Brain was so successful that it inspired a sequel, The Male Brain. Popular books about other topics like leadership, marital problems, parenting, and education likewise claim that men and women have inborn, hardwired brain differences that explain, among other things, women’s allegedly superior intuition and empathy, women’s love of talking about feelings and men’s love of talking about sports, women’s greater verbal ability and men’s greater math ability, and why men won’t ask for directions when they’re lost (Sommers, 2011). What is a layperson to make of these arguments, which are often presented with fMRI scans and other pictures of the brain? Of course, there are average differences by sex and gender in people’s experiences and behavior in a variety of domains. Unfortunately, ideology can get in the way of interpreting research on sex differences and the brain: Some people worry that the research can be used to justify sexism (a legitimate concern, given those oversimplified pop-psych books), and others argue, just as legitimately, that ignoring such evidence is antiscientific and an impediment to improving the lives and health of all humans (Fine, 2012; Roy, 2012).

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120 Chapter 4 To evaluate this issue intelligently, we need to ask two separate questions: Do the brains of men and women differ, on average, in structure or function? And if so, what, if anything, do those differences have to do with behavior, abilities, ways of solving problems, or anything else that matters in real life? The answer to the first question is yes. Many anatomical and biochemical sex differences have been found in animal and human brains. On average, the cortex appears to be thicker in women, and total brain volume is greater in men (Ritchie et al., 2018). When total brain volume is held constant, lateral and medial parts of the frontal lobes tend to be larger in women, whereas the amygdala, hippocampus, and motor areas tend to be larger in men (Lotze et al., 2019; Ruigrok et al., 2014). Women also have more cortical folds on average than do men in the frontal and parietal lobes (Luders et al., 2004). Because men, on average, have greater brain volumes, some researchers speculate that this difference contributes to sex differences in cognitive performance (Burgaleta et al., 2012). Indeed, one study of approximately 5,200 participants found that a small sex difference in the performance of a verbal numerical reasoning task could be largely explained by sex differences in brain volumes and surface areas (Ritchie et al., 2018). Another study of over 2,000 participants reported a weak correlation between sex differences in behavior and sex differences in brain structure (Van Eijk et al., 2021). However, other research suggests that external explanations—such as differential experiences or gender-related stereotypes—can help account for some sex differences in performance (Feng et al., 2007). There may also be sex differences in the activity of different parts of the brain. A meta-analysis of neuroimaging studies found that the amygdala tended to be activated more in men when the stimuli were emotionally positive, and more in women when the stimuli were emotionally negative (Stevens & Hamann, 2012). A study combining fMRI data from 24 laboratories and more than 1,000 people worldwide—in Australia, China, England, Finland, Germany, the United States, and Wales—showed that when at rest, the brains of men and women exhibit different average patterns of overall activity (Biswal et al., 2010). Using fMRI, scientists can infer that two regions are connected if they become active at the same time and also inactive at the same time. In this huge international study, although people of all ages and from all cultures showed remarkably similar patterns of connectivity, there were average differences between the patterns seen in men and women, such as in connections between the cortex and the amygdala. Is your own brain spinning yet? The bottom line is that average sex differences in the brain do exist. But we are still left with our second question: Overall, what do such differences mean for behavior or personality traits in ordinary life? When you hear or read popular accounts of “sex and the brain,” keep these cautions in mind: 1. Many supposed differences between men and women in intuition, abilities, and traits are stereotypes. The overlap between the sexes is often much greater than the difference between them. Even when average sex differences are statistically significant, they are often quite small in practical terms (Zell et  al., 2015). And national differences may be greater than sex differences. Thus, boys score somewhat better on average than girls in math in the United States, Taiwan, and Japan, but the bigger difference is between countries, with Taiwanese and Japanese girls outscoring American boys (Else-Quest et al., 2010). Some supposed differences, on closer inspection, even disappear. Are women more talkative than men, as many pop-psych books assert? To test this assumption, psychologists wired a sample of participants with voice recorders that tracked their conversations while they went about their daily lives. Men and women did not differ in the number of words spoken; all participants averaged about 16,000 words per day, with large individual differences among the participants (Mehl et al., 2007). 2. A brain difference does not necessarily produce a difference in behavior or performance. In many studies, men and women have shown different patterns of brain activity while doing something or while an ability is being tested, but they have

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not differed in the behavior or ability in question. The different patterns of activity are of great interest to scientists, who, after all, want to understand the mechanisms that produce behavior. The problem occurs when laypeople wrongly infer that a brain difference must be associated with a behavioral difference (Fine, 2010). In one study, researchers used MRI to examine the brains of men and women who had equivalent IQ scores. They found some differences, such as that women’s brains averaged more white-matter areas related to intelligence, whereas men’s brains averaged more gray-matter areas related to intelligence (Haier et  al., 2005). That is interesting, yet men and women do not differ in overall intelligence. The researchers concluded that brains may be organized differently yet produce the same intellectual abilities. 3. Differences in the brain do not account for differences in behavior across situations. Consider the example of empathy, a skill central to the female stereotype. Most people will tell you that women are better than men at empathy and intuition, and on self-report questionnaires, women are more likely than men to describe themselves as being high in empathy. Unfortunately, what people say about themselves, on any trait or behavior, is not always a great predictor of how they actually behave in various situations. Therefore, when we hear that women are hardwired to be empathic, we need to ask, which women? Under what circumstances? Empathy toward whom? As just one example, women are not more empathic toward their enemies than men are (Bucchioni et al., 2015). Over and over, if you watch what people do rather than what they say they would do—and if you vary the situations in which you observe them doing it—gender differences fade (Jordan-Young, 2010).

5. The elusive brain difference: Now you see it, now you don’t. People have an understandable tendency to think that if a study of a dozen men’s and women’s brains finds an average difference, then that result must generalize to everyone. After all, a brain is a brain, isn’t it? But all research must be replicated, and sometimes results are not duplicated. For example, researchers once were convinced that the corpus callosum of men and women differed in size, but early findings were not replicated. Researchers once were convinced that women’s brains were less lateralized than men’s brains in tasks involving language, meaning that women use both sides of the brain when they are performing a language task and men use only one side. But meta-analyses and large-scale studies have failed to confirm what “everyone knew” about this topic (Chiarello et  al., 2009; Sato, 2020; Sommer et al., 2004, 2008). One reason that scientists differ in their interpretation of the research is that some focus on sex differences between

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4. The eternal problem of cause and effect: Some apparent differences in the brain result from, rather than cause, behavioral differences. As we have seen, experiences and cultural influences constantly sculpt the circuitry of the brain, affecting organization and function. Women and men, of course, often have different average experiences in childhood and throughout their lives. Thus, when researchers find a sex difference in brain structure or function, they cannot automatically assume that the difference is innate or unchangeable. In the survey question above, did you say that you believe sex differences in spatial tasks reflect innate biological differences between men and women? Many of our students agree with this conclusion. But as mentioned earlier, men and women also differ in their average time spent playing video games, and video game experience is a positive predictor of spatial task performance (Milani et al., 2019; Spence & Feng, 2010). Which is it then, brain circuitry or experience, that causes the apparent sex difference in spatial skill?

Some research suggests that the apparent sex difference in spatial skill may be due to different levels of experience with video games. Could increasing girls’ exposure to such games when they are young actually narrow this gap?

122 Chapter 4 others focus on sex similarities. Both sides may be right. Yet both would agree that we all should avoid oversimplifying and jumping to conclusions. Critical thinking skills are something everyone can learn and are essential to evaluating sex differences. We think you’ll agree that findings about the brain are pretty fascinating, and we will discuss many others in the rest of this text. However, these findings should not deflect attention from all the other influences that make us who we are, for better or worse: our relationships, our experiences, our standing in society, our culture. Keep in mind (as well as in your brain) that analyzing a human being in terms of physiology alone is like analyzing the Eiffel Tower solely in terms of the rivets used to build it. Even if we could monitor every cell and circuit of the brain, we would still need to understand the circumstances, thoughts, and cultural rules that affect whether we are gripped by hatred, consumed by grief, lifted by love, or transported by joy.

Taking Psychology with You Thinking Twice About Tinkering With the Brain work more efficiently. They have turned to medications, behavioral methods, and even neurostimulation to enhance cognition. But do methods like these work? Are they safe? Some people seek to enhance cognition through medications, such as modafinil (a drug approved for treating narcolepsy and other sleep disorders) and methylphenidate (a drug approved for treating attention-deficit disorders). Students, pilots, business executives, jetlagged travelers, and others sometimes take one or another of these drugs, either obtaining them illegally or getting prescriptions. Users claim the drugs help them stay alert and learn better, and indeed these medications can improve memory, planning, and decision-making (Müller et al., 2013; Smith & Farah, 2011), although the boost may be less than what people expect (Repantis et al., 2010). The downsides to these drugs rarely make the news, however. Methylphenidate, for example, can cause side effects like nervousness, headaches, sleeplessness, and loss of appetite. You might not typically think of it this way, but physical exercise is another (less problematic) method for cognitive enhancement. Aerobic exercise improves attention, processing speed, executive function, and memory (Falck et  al., 2019; Smith et  al., 2010). In addition, aerobic exercise appears to improve cognition in individuals with dementia or at risk for dementia (Panza et  al., 2018). Although the exact mechanism of these effects is not yet known, physical exercise may increase blood flow to the hippocampus and other parts of the brain (Dresler et al., 2013; Quigley et al., 2020; Steventon et al., 2020).

Finally, there is evidence that electrical stimulation of your brain using transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) can enhance learning, working memory, processing speed, and object perception (Clark et al., 2012; Lavezzi et al., 2022; Lee et al., 2021; Mancuso et al., 2016). So, should you get in line to buy your own tDCS device? It’s probably best to wait. As a critical thinker, you would want to ask first how much research on tDCS has been done and whether tDCS has harmful long-term effects on brain structure and function. Although tDCS appears to have few immediate adverse events when used appropriately (Buchanan et  al, 2021; Nikolin et  al., 2018), most studies have been small and have not followed participants over long periods of time. Critical thinkers should be wary of entrepreneurs who won’t want to wait for the answers to questions about long-term safety and efficacy before they market tDCS to consumers.

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For centuries, people have sought ways to prompt their brains to

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JOURNAL 4.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER The study of the brain raises many challenging scientific and philosophical questions. Why can a small glitch in the brain’s circuits be devastating to some people, whereas others can function with major damage? How do experiences in life alter our brains?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 4.6 to test your knowledge.

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Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Computer-Based Brain Training Games Will Keep Your Brain Young STEP 1. Criticize This Claim Computer games are fun, right? You can be an ice-cream scooper—trying to beat the clock to fill customers’ orders. You can be an air traffic controller—arranging flight paths so that planes all reach their color-coded destinations. And did you know? Playing games like these also trains your brain and keeps it young! At least, that’s what some companies will tell you. Let’s criticize this claim: Computer-based brain training games will keep your brain young.

STEP 2. Analyze Assumptions and Biases There’s an assumption being made when we say, “keep your brain young.” It implies that younger brains are better—that we should be willing to spend time and money in pursuit of a youthful brain. Is that a reasonable assumption, that as we age, our brain starts to slow down? It turns out that “young brains” do have certain advantages, but not every cognitive tendency declines with age.

Processing Speed

Emotion Regulation

Episodic Memory

Semantic Memory

The speed with which information can be processed declines with age. That is, older adults take longer to process information than younger adults (Salthouse, 2000).

Relative to younger adults, older adults attend more to positive than negative information and are more successful at reinterpreting emotional situations positively (Reed et al., 2014; Shiota & Levenson, 2009; Urry & Gross, 2010).

Older adults show poorer performance on tasks in which they must recall new episodes or information, such as a list of words they are asked to learn (Luo & Craik, 2008).

Memory for facts and knowledge is typically preserved in older adults (Luo & Craik, 2008).

STEP 3. Analyze (More) Assumptions and Biases In evaluating claims about brain training games, there’s a bias we might encounter. Namely, these games are fun! What could be more appealing than having fun while you improve yourself? It’s hard to resist an ad full of testimonials saying that you can achieve better cognitive functioning by playing games! This is one of those claims that we desperately want to be true. It appeals to our emotions, making a desired outcome seem easy.

STEP 4. Define Your Terms Next, we need to define our terms. “Brain training” is a misleading phrase. Most studies have measured only cognitive performance, not brain activity. We also need to decide what a company means when they claim that their product can “keep your brain young.” Do they mean • keep your brain functioning as usual even as you age? • prevent dementia? • actually improve brain function? Although these definitions seem similar, they’re really quite different. Each requires a different type of research study to evaluate it, and the claim could be accurate using one definition but inaccurate using another. A company may even use vague terms on purpose, so that a claim could be true depending on how the consumer interprets it.

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence What type of data would be helpful here? It depends on how we define terms. Do games allow our brain to function as usual even as we get older? To test this, we would need 1. a group of participants to play these games as they age, over a long time span; 2. a control group who didn’t play brain training games but completed a set of equally intensive tasks over the same time period; and 3. the ability to repeatedly test and compare the two groups on cognitive tasks and measures of brain function. (continued )

124 Chapter 4 Maintain Brain Function With Age? One study did manage to follow, for 10 years, groups of elderly individuals who had previously participated in 8-14 sessions of cognitive training. They found that groups trained in processing speed and reasoning showed better performance on those measures after 10 years than a control group of elderly people who were not trained at all. However, only about 60% of the people in the cognitive training groups maintained their level of daily function over 10 years, compared to about 50% of the control group (Rebok et  al., 2014). Clearly, cognitive training cannot maintain all aspects of functioning with aging.

Prevent Dementia? Regularly performing tasks such as arithmetic and remembering words, drawings, and faces is associated with improved cognitive function and quality of life in elderly adults with preexisting cognitive impairment (Cotelli et al., 2012; Kawashima et al., 2005) and in healthy older adults (Mahncke et al., 2006; Willis et al., 2006). However, to date, no study has shown that cognitive training actually prevents dementia.

Improve Brain Function? Participants’ performance on a specific brain-training task can improve with practice, but this improvement does not appear to generalize to other tasks (Simons et al., 2016). And few studies have actually measured brain function before and after brain training. One study found that participants who completed 10 weeks of web-based cognitive training in decision-making showed no greater changes in performance or brain function than a control group who played standard web-based video games for 10 weeks (Kable et al., 2017).

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Now that you’ve considered the research, what do you think of the claim? Alas, when a claim seems too good to be true, it often is. In fact, such claims cost one company 2 million dollars in settlements. The U.S. Federal Trade Commission charged Lumos Labs with deceptive advertising related to its cognitive training program because the company (quote) “did not have the science to back up its ads.” Cognitive training may not be all that it’s cracked up to be. However, it doesn’t seem harmful. So, if computer-based cognitive training entertains you and doesn’t divert your attention from more important things, there’s probably no need to give it up.

Summary: The Brain and the Nervous System 4.1 The Nervous System: A Basic Blueprint LO 4.1.A

Describe the primary functions of the central nervous system, and name its two main structures.

The central nervous system, which includes the brain and spinal cord, receives, processes, interprets, and stores information and sends out messages destined for muscles, glands, and organs. Scientists divide the nervous system into the central nervous system (CNS) and the peripheral nervous system (PNS). LO 4.1.B

List the major structures and major divisions of the peripheral nervous system, and describe their primary functions.

The peripheral nervous system consists of the somatic nervous system, which permits sensation and voluntary actions, and the autonomic nervous system, which regulates blood vessels, glands, and internal (visceral) organs. The autonomic system usually functions without conscious control. The autonomic nervous system is further divided into the sympathetic nervous system, which mobilizes the body for action, and the parasympathetic nervous system, which conserves energy.

4.2 Communication in the Nervous System LO 4.2.A

Compare the functions of neurons and glial cells.

Neurons are the basic units of the nervous system. They are held in place by glial cells, which nourish, insulate, protect, and repair neurons. LO 4.2.B

Describe each of the three main parts of a neuron, and explain their functions.

Each neuron consists of dendrites, a cell body, and an axon. In the peripheral nervous system, axons (and sometimes dendrites) are collected together in bundles called nerves. Many axons are insulated by a myelin sheath that speeds up the conduction of neural impulses and prevents signals in adjacent cells from interfering with one another. LO 4.2.C

Explain how stem cells contribute to the process of neurogenesis.

Research has disproven two old assumptions: that neurons in the human central nervous system cannot be induced to regenerate and that no new neurons form after early infancy. Embryonic stem cells can generate many different kinds of cells in the body.

The Brain and the Nervous System

These stem cells in various organs, including in brain areas associated with learning and memory, continue to divide and mature throughout adulthood, giving rise to new neurons. A stimulating environment seems to enhance this process of neurogenesis. LO 4.2.D

Outline the process by which neurons communicate with each other, and explain the basic functions of the synapse, action potential, synaptic vesicles, and neurotransmitters.

Communication between two neurons occurs at the synapse. When a wave of electrical voltage (action potential) reaches the end of a transmitting axon, neurotransmitter molecules are released into the synaptic cleft. When these molecules bind to receptor sites on the receiving neuron, that neuron becomes either more or less likely to fire. LO 4.2.E

Summarize the effects of the main neurotransmitters in the brain, and identify the main hormones that influence behavior.

Neurotransmitters play a critical role in mood, memory, and psychological well-being. Serotonin, dopamine, acetylcholine, and norepinephrine systems travel different paths through the brain; GABA and glutamate are distributed through the entire brain. Hormones, produced mainly by the endocrine glands, affect and are affected by the nervous system. Neuroscientists are especially interested in melatonin, which promotes sleep and helps regulate bodily rhythms; oxytocin and vasopressin, which play a role in attachment and trust; adrenal hormones such as epinephrine and norepinephrine, which are involved in emotions and stress; and the sex hormones, which are involved in the physical changes of puberty, the menstrual cycle (estrogens and progesterone), sexual arousal (testosterone), and some nonreproductive functions, including mental functioning.

4.3 Mapping the Brain LO 4.3.A

Describe techniques researchers use for manipulating the brain and observing the behavior that results.

Researchers study the brain by observing patients with brain damage; by using the lesion method with animals; and by using recent techniques such as transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS), and transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS). LO 4.3.B

Describe techniques researchers use for manipulating behavior and observing the effects on the brain.

Tools such as electroencephalograms (EEGs), measurement of event-related potentials (ERPs), positron emission tomography (PET) scans, and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) allow researchers to investigate the structure and function of the brain. These tools reveal which parts of the brain are active during different tasks, but they do not reveal discrete “centers” for particular functions.

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4.4 A Tour Through the Brain LO 4.4.A

List and describe the functions of the main structures in the brain stem, and discuss the processes controlled by the cerebellum.

In the lower part of the brain, in the brain stem, the medulla controls automatic functions such as heartbeat and breathing, and the pons is involved in sleeping, waking, and dreaming. The reticular activating system (RAS) screens incoming information and is responsible for alertness. The cerebellum contributes to balance and muscle coordination, classical conditioning, and perceptual and some higher-level cognitive processes. LO 4.4.B

Describe the location and function of the thalamus.

The thalamus directs sensory messages to appropriate higher centers in the brain. Smell is the only sense that bypasses the thalamus, with specialized cells located instead in the olfactory bulb. LO 4.4.C

Describe the locations and functions of the hypothalamus and pituitary gland.

The hypothalamus is involved in emotion and drives associated with survival. It also controls the operations of the autonomic nervous system and sends out chemicals that tell the pituitary gland when to “talk” to other endocrine glands. LO 4.4.D

Describe the location and function of the amygdala.

The amygdala is responsible for evaluating sensory information, quickly determining its potential biological impact, and contributing to the initial decision to approach or withdraw from a situation. It is also involved in forming and retrieving emotional memories. LO 4.4.E

Describe the location and function of the hippocampus.

The hippocampus plays a critical role in the formation of longterm memories for facts and events and other aspects of memory. LO 4.4.F

Describe the functions of the cerebrum and the corpus callosum.

Much of the brain’s circuitry is packed into the cerebrum, which is divided into two hemispheres (connected by the corpus callosum) and is covered by thin layers of cells known collectively as the cerebral cortex. LO 4.4.G

Understand the location of each of the lobes of the cerebral cortex, and explain the major functions each lobe performs, with particular reference to the prefrontal cortex.

The occipital, parietal, temporal, and frontal lobes of the cortex have specialized (but partially overlapping) functions. The association cortex appears to be responsible for higher mental processes. The frontal lobes, particularly areas in the prefrontal cortex, are involved in working memory, controlling emotions and impulses, making plans, thinking creatively, and empathizing with others.

126 Chapter 4

4.5 The Two Hemispheres of the Brain LO 4.5.A

Discuss the basic format of a split-brain experiment and what such results reveal about the functioning of the cerebral hemispheres.

Studies of patients who have had split-brain surgery (a severing of the corpus callosum) show that the two cerebral hemispheres have somewhat different talents. In most people, language is processed mainly in the left hemisphere, which generally is specialized for logical, symbolic, and sequential tasks. The right hemisphere is associated with visual–spatial tasks, facial recognition, and the creation and appreciation of art and music. LO 4.5.B

Describe why the two hemispheres of the brain are allies rather than opponents.

In most mental activities the two hemispheres cooperate as partners, with each making a valuable contribution. The brain is more like an interactive federation than a house divided.

4.6 The Flexible Brain LO 4.6.A

Define neural plasticity, and summarize the main evidence that the brain has the ability to change in response to new experiences.

changes in the environment, a phenomenon known as plasticity. In some people who have been blind from an early age, brain regions usually devoted to vision are activated by sound—a dramatic example of plasticity. LO 4.6.B

Discuss the relationship between cultural forces and brain function.

Cultural neuroscience is the study of how links between neural and cultural forces can create different patterns of behavior, perception, and cognition. Such research includes investigation of bilingualism, literacy, and cross-cultural studies. LO 4.6.C

Summarize cautions surrounding the conclusion that sex differences in the brain are linked to sex differences in behavior.

Brain scans and other techniques have revealed many sex differences in brain anatomy and function. Controversy exists, however, about what such differences mean in real life. Some of the brain research has focused on behavioral or cognitive differences that are small and insignificant. Some findings have been widely accepted but then have failed to replicate. Finally, sex differences in experience could affect brain organization and function rather than the other way around.

The brain’s circuits are not fixed and immutable but are continually changing in response to information, challenges, and

Shared Writing: The Brain and the Nervous System Let’s assume that you would like to find a way to improve your brain and cognitive functioning. Of the potential methods described in this chapter—medication, physical exercise, neurostimulation, cognitive training—which one would you choose and why? Defend your answer.

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 4 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 5

Courtesy of Sophia Sommers

Sensation and Perception

Learning Objectives LO 5.1.A

Distinguish between sensation and perception, and explain how the doctrine of specific nerve energies and synesthesia contribute to our understanding of sensory modalities.

LO 5.1.B

Differentiate among absolute thresholds, difference thresholds, and signal detection.

LO 5.1.C

Discuss why the principle of sensory adaptation helps us understand how the human perceptual system works.

LO 5.1.D

Describe how selective attention and inattentional blindness are related.

LO 5.2.A

Describe the three psychological dimensions of vision and the three physical properties of light that produce them.

LO 5.2.B

Locate the structures and cells of the human eye, tracing the path that light follows from the cornea to the optic nerve.

LO 5.2.C

Summarize the evidence indicating that the visual system is not simply a “camera.”

LO 5.2.D

Compare the trichromatic and opponentprocess theories of color vision.

LO 5.2.E

Summarize the principles and processes that guide form perception, depth and distance perception, visual constancies, and visual illusions.

LO 5.3.A

Describe the three psychological dimensions of hearing and the three physical properties of sound that produce them. 127

128 Chapter 5 LO 5.3.B

LO 5.3.C

LO 5.4.A

Locate the major structures of the human ear, and describe the functions of each component.

LO 5.4.B

Describe the basic pathway from smell receptors to the cerebral cortex.

LO 5.4.C

List and give examples of Gestalt principles of perception that apply to constructing the auditory world.

List the four basic skin senses that humans perceive.

LO 5.4.D

Identify the major structures of the human tongue, and list the basic tastes perceived by humans.

Describe the principles of gate-control theory, and explain what phantom pain is and a novel way to treat it.

LO 5.4.E

Discuss the two senses that allow us to monitor our internal environment.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Have you ever looked at an inanimate object (e.g., clouds, food items) and seen what appeared to be a face?

MATA EDGAR/SIPA/Newscom

A college student in Missouri reports spotting three triangular “UFOs” hovering over the highway during rush hour. An Australian man sees an image of Jesus burned into the surface of an ashtray. A photograph published shortly after September 11, 2001, appears to show a sinister face in smoke billowing from the doomed World Trade Center, which some people interpret as Osama bin Laden’s. We have all heard stories like these before—are such strange sightings reported only by gullible people, or do smart, savvy people see them too? Even more of us report having had the experience of looking at an inanimate object and seeing what appears to be a face. Indeed, when we look at the photo at the start of this chapter, it’s hard not to see a smiling face staring back at us. Why are these experiences so frequent? Why are some people who see things that aren’t there so confident People often see what they want to see. Diana Duyser, a cook at that what they see is real (Smailes et al., 2020; Voss et al., 2012)? a Florida casino, took a bite out of a grilled cheese sandwich and In this chapter, we will try to answer these questions by exploring believed she saw the image of the Virgin Mary in what remained how our senses take in information from the environment and how of it. She preserved the sandwich in plastic for 10 years and then our brains use this information to construct a model of the world. We decided to sell it. An online casino bought it on eBay for $28,000— just imagine what it might have been worth without a bite missing! will focus on two closely connected sets of processes that enable us to know what is happening both inside our bodies and in the world beyond our own skin. The first, sensation, produces an immediate awareness of sound, color, form, and other building blocks of consciousness. Without sensation, we would lose touch with reality. But to make sense of the world impinging on our senses, we also need perception to organize sensory information into meaningful patterns. As an example of how the processes of sensation and perception are separable yet intertwined, consider an unusual condition called prosopagnosia. People with this disorder have an inability to perceive or recognize faces due to impaired function in the bottom portion of the sensation temporal lobe, including the fusiform gyrus (Albonico & Barton, 2019). Their eyes work just The detection, by sense organs, of fine; there’s no problem with sensing visual information in the world. But their ability to perphysical energy emitted or reflected by ceive those sensory impulses as a recognizable human face is compromised. Individuals with physical objects. prosopagnosia have trouble recognizing people they have seen many times before, even close friends and family members. Although sensation and perception usually “feel” to us like one perception seamless process, we will learn in this chapter that they can be distinguished by where and The process by which the brain organizes how they occur, and by disruptions that might affect one process but not the other. and interprets sensory information.

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Sensation and perception are the foundation for learning, thinking, and acting. Findings about these processes can also be put to practical use, as in the design of robots and in the training of pilots who must make crucial decisions based on what they sense and perceive. In addition, an understanding of sensation and perception helps us think more critically about our own experiences and encourages in us a certain humility: Usually we are sure that what we sense and perceive must be true, yet sometimes we are just plain wrong.

5.1 Our Sensational Senses At some point, you probably learned that we have five senses: vision, hearing, taste, touch, and smell. Actually, we have more than five senses. The skin, which is the organ of touch or pressure, also senses heat, cold, and pain, not to mention itching and tickling. The ear, which is the organ of hearing, also contains receptors that account for a sense of balance. The skeletal muscles contain receptors responsible for a sense of bodily movement. All of our senses evolved to help us survive. Even pain, which causes so much human misery, is an indispensable part of our evolutionary heritage because it alerts us to illness and injury. Some people are born with a rare condition that prevents them from feeling the usual aches of life: They are susceptible to burns, bruises, and broken bones, and they may die at an early age because they can’t take advantage of pain’s warning signals. In this section, we will examine the basics of how sensation takes place, from the painful jab of a wasp sting to the breathtaking vision of a glorious sunset. Before we get started, in Revel watch a video to learn more about how our senses allow us to experience the world.

If you stare at the cube, the surface on the outside and front will suddenly be on the inside and back, or vice versa, because your brain can interpret the sensory image in two different ways. The blue-and-white drawing below the cube can also be perceived in two ways. Do you see them both?

sense receptors

5.1.A The Riddle of Separate Sensations

Specialized cells that convert physical energy in the environment or the body to electrical energy that can be transmitted as nerve impulses to the brain.

Learning Objective 5.1.A Distinguish between sensation and perception, and explain how the doctrine of specific nerve energies and synesthesia contribute to our understanding of sensory modalities.

Interactive

Sensation is the detection of physical energy emitted or reflected by physical objects. The doctrine of specific nerve energies cells that do the detecting are located in the sense organs—the eyes, ears, tongue, nose, skin, The principle that different sensory and internal body tissues. In contrast, perception refers to a set of mental operations that modalities exist because signals organizes sensory impulses into meaningful patterns. received by the sense organs stimulate Sensation begins with the sense receptors, cells located in the sense organs. The recepdifferent nerve pathways leading to different areas of the brain. tors for smell, pressure, pain, and temperature are extensions (dendrites) of sensory neurons. The receptors for vision, hearing, and taste are specialized cells separated from sensory neurons by synapses. Figure 5.1 The General Process of Sensation When the sense receptors detect an appropriate stimulus—light, mechanical pressure, or chemical molecules—they convert the energy of the stimulus into elec“Fuzzy” trical impulses that travel along nerves to the brain. Sense receptors are like military scouts, scanning the terrain for signs of activity. These scouts cannot make many 3. Impulses reach cells of the brain decisions on their own: They must transmit what they learn to “field officers,” sen(“command center”) sory neurons in the nerves of the peripheral nervous system. The field officers in turn must report to generals at a command center, the cells of the brain. The generals 1. Sensory are responsible for analyzing the reports, combining information brought in by difreceptors (“scouts”) ferent scouts, and deciding what it all means. Figure 5.1 illustrates this process. The sensory-neuron “field officers” all use the same form of communication: a neu2. Sensory nerves ral impulse. It is as if they must all send their messages on a bongo drum and can only in the peripheral go “boom.” How, then, are we able to experience so many different kinds of sensations? nervous system The answer is that the nervous system encodes the messages. One kind of code, anatom(“field officers”) transmit what the ical code, was first described in 1826 by German physiologist Johannes Müller in his “scouts” have detected doctrine of specific nerve energies. According to this idea, different sensory modalities (such as vision and hearing) exist because signals received by the sense organs Although the individual senses respond to different stimulate different nerve pathways leading to different areas of the brain. Signals from kinds of energy in the world, the overall process of the eye cause impulses to travel along the optic nerve to the visual cortex. Signals sensation is the same.

Courtesy of Wicab

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This experimental device, which sends signals from the tongue to visual brain areas, has enabled people who are blind to make out some shapes—an example of sensory crossover applied to a real-life problem.

synesthesia

Amina Khan/National Science Foundation

A condition in which a sensation in one modality consistently evokes a sensation in another.

from the ear cause impulses to travel along the auditory nerve to the auditory cortex. Light and sound waves produce different sensations because of these anatomical differences. The doctrine of specific nerve energies implies that what we know about the world ultimately reduces to what we know about the state of our own nervous system: We see and hear with the brain, not the eyes and ears. It follows that if sound waves could stimulate nerves that end in the visual part of the brain, we would “see” sound. By taking advantage of such crossover from one sense to another, researchers hope to enable people who are blind to see by teaching them to interpret impulses from other senses that are then routed to the visual areas of the brain. Neuroscientists have developed a device that translates images from a camera into a pattern of electronic pulses that is sent to electrodes on the tongue, which in turn sends information about the pattern to visual areas of the brain that process images (Chebat et al., 2011; Proulx et al., 2014). Using this device, people who were born blind have been able to make out shapes, and their visual areas, long quiet, have suddenly become active. Sensory crossover also occurs in a rare condition called synesthesia, in which the stimulation of one sense also consistently evokes a sensation in another. A person with synesthesia may say that the color purple smells like a rose, the aroma of cinnamon feels like velvet, or the sound of a note on a clarinet tastes like cherries. In its most common form, people experience certain colors when they see specific letters or numbers. Most synesthetes are born with the condition, but it can also result from damage to the brain. One woman who had recovered from a stroke experienced sounds as a tingling sensation on the left side of her body (Ro et al., 2007). No one is certain yet about the neurological basis of synesthesia. A leading theory holds that synesthetes have a greater number of neural connections between different sensory brain areas than other people do (Bargary & Mitchell, 2008; Rouw & Scholte, 2007; Xu et al., 2015). Interestingly, areas associated with the “extra” sensations seem to be far more sensitive in synesthetes than in other people. People without synesthesia tend to see brief flashes of light when their visual cortex is stimulated by transcranial magnetic stimulation, but synesthetes who see numbers or letters in color need only a third of the stimulation to see the flashes (Terhune et al., 2011). It may be that this greater neural responsiveness somehow helps to produce extra connections between brain areas. Yet another possibility is that the condition results from a lack of normal inhibition in signals between different sensory areas (Hale et al., 2014). Synesthesia, however, is an anomaly; for most of us, the senses remain separate. Anatomical encoding does not completely solve the riddle of why this is so, nor does it explain variations of experience within a particular sense—the sight of pink versus red, the sound of a piccolo versus the sound of a tuba, or the feel of a pinprick versus the feel of a kiss. An additional kind of code is therefore necessary. This second kind of code has been called functional. Functional codes rely on the fact that sensory receptors and neurons fire, or are inhibited from firing, only in the presence of specific sorts of stimuli. At any particular time, then, some cells in the nervous system are firing and some are not. Information about which cells are firing, how many cells are firing, the rate at which cells are firing, and the pattern of each cell’s firing forms a functional code. Functional encoding may occur all along a sensory route, starting in the sense organs and ending in the brain.

5.1.B Measuring the Senses A popular “brain teaser” circulated on the Internet a few years ago: What color is this dress? Some people saw it as blue and black whereas others saw it as white and gold. Which color scheme you see depends on several factors including your assumption about the lighting at the time that the photo was taken. If you assume that the photo was taken in natural light, you’re more likely to see the dress as white and gold (Wallisch, 2017). (The original dress photographed was actually blue and black, by the way.)

Learning Objective 5.1.B Differentiate among absolute thresholds, difference thresholds, and signal detection. Just how sensitive are our senses? The answer comes from the field of psychophysics, which is concerned with how the physical properties of stimuli are related to our psychological experience of them. Drawing on principles from both physics and

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psychology, psychophysicists have studied how the strength or intensity of a stimulus affects the strength of sensation in an observer. One way to find out how sensitive the senses are is to show people a series of signals that vary in intensity and ask them to say which signals they can detect. The smallest amount of energy that a person can detect reliably is known as the absolute threshold. However, the word absolute is a bit misleading because people detect borderline signals on some occasions and miss them on others. Reliable detection is said to occur when a person can detect a signal 50% of the time. If your absolute threshold for brightness were being measured, you might be asked to sit in a dark room and look at a wall or screen. You would then be shown flashes of light varying in brightness, one flash at a time. Your task would be to say whether you noticed a flash. Some flashes you would never see. Some you would always see. And sometimes you would miss seeing a flash, even though you had noticed one of equal brightness on other trials. Such errors seem to occur in part because of random firing of cells in the nervous system, which produces fluctuating background noise, something like the static in a radio transmission that is slightly out of range. By studying absolute thresholds, psychologists have found that our senses are very sharp indeed (Heil & Matysiak, 2020; Phillips et al., 2019). If you have normal sensory abilities, you can see a candle flame on a clear, dark night from 30 miles away. You can also taste a teaspoon of sugar diluted in two gallons of water, smell a drop of perfume diffused through a three-room apartment, and feel the wing of a bee falling on your cheek from a height of only one centimeter (Galanter, 1962). Despite these impressive skills, our senses are tuned in to only a narrow band of physical energies. We are visually sensitive to only a tiny fraction of the electromagnetic energy that surrounds us; we do not see radio waves, infrared waves, or microwaves (see Figure 5.2). Many other species can pick up auditory and visual signals that we cannot. Dogs can detect high-frequency sound waves that are beyond our range, as you know if you have ever called yours with a “silent” doggie whistle. Bees can see ultraviolet light, which merely gives human beings a sunburn. In Revel, watch a video to learn more about the energy our eyes detect.

ABSOLUTE THRESHOLD

absolute threshold The smallest quantity of physical energy that can be reliably detected by an observer.

DIFFERENCE THRESHOLD Suppose you’re in the gym, lifting a barbell loaded with 100 pounds, and one of your troublemaking friends adds weight to it when you are not looking. What is the smallest amount of weight they can add before you think to yourself, “Hey, wait a minute . . . this bar feels heavier”? If you and your friend tried to answer this question

Figure 5.2 The Visible Spectrum of Electromagnetic Energy Wavelength 3000 mi.

1 mi.

100 ft. Radio

THE ELECTROMAGNETIC SPECTRUM .01 ft. .0001 ft.

1 ft. TV

Infrared

U-V

1 nm. .001 nm. .00001 nm.

X-rays

Visible spectrum

Infrared

1500

Microwaves

10 nm.

1000

700

600 500 Wavelength in nanometers

Our visual system detects only a small fraction of the electromagnetic energy around us.

Gamma rays

Cosmic rays

Ultraviolet

400

300

Thomas Males/Alamy Stock Photo

Hwongcc/Shutterstock

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Different species sense the world differently. The flower on the left was photographed under normal light. The one on the right, photographed under ultraviolet light, is what a butterfly might see because butterflies have ultraviolet receptors.

difference threshold The smallest difference in stimulation that can be reliably detected by an observer when two stimuli are compared (also called just noticeable difference; jnd).

systematically, you would probably determine that the answer is another two pounds. In other words, two pounds is the smallest difference in weight that you would reliably detect. (Again, “reliably” means half of the time.) Scientists call this point the difference threshold or just noticeable difference (jnd). Now suppose that after you lift a small one-pound dumbbell overhead, your friend tries the same prank. Could they add two pounds to that little dumbbell before you would notice? Unlikely—that would triple the weight of the dumbbell. And here is where the interesting aspect of jnd comes in, thanks to 19th-century German scientist Ernst Weber. He determined that for people to detect a difference between two stimuli, such as two weights, those stimuli must differ by a certain fixed proportion (e.g., 2%), not a certain amount (e.g., 2 pounds or 2 ounces). Different properties of stimuli have their own constant percentage: For two weights, it is 2%; for the brightness of two lights or the saltiness of two liquids, it is 8%; and for the loudness of two noises, it is 5%.

Replication Check ✔ Hundreds of studies have replicated Weber’s findings of the “fractional” nature of the difference threshold, often called Weber’s law. Weber’s law applies to different sensory modalities, as noted above, and also to different animal species (Pardo-Vazquez, et al., 2019). Nevertheless, there may be some exceptions to Weber’s law. A recent study found that the difference threshold did not increase with intensity in a fractional way for the senses of vision and touch in individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) (Hadad & Schwartz, 2019). Instead, the difference threshold increased linearly for those senses, which could help explain symptoms of perceptual hyposensitivity or hypersensitivity to stimuli of different intensities in ASD.

signal-detection theory A psychophysical theory that divides the detection of a sensory signal into a sensory process and a decision process.

SIGNAL-DETECTION THEORY Despite their usefulness, the procedures we have described have a serious limitation. Measurements for any given person may be affected by that person’s general tendency, when uncertain, to respond, “Yes, I noticed a signal (or a difference)” or “No, I didn’t notice anything.” Some people are habitual yea-sayers, willing to gamble that the signal was there. Others are habitual nay-sayers, cautious and conservative. In addition, alertness, motives, and expectations can influence how a person responds on any given occasion. If you are in the shower and you are expecting an important text message, you may think you hear your phone chime when it did not. In laboratory studies, when observers want to impress the experimenter, they may lean toward a positive response. Fortunately, these problems of response bias are solvable. According to signal-detection theory, an observer’s response in a detection task can be divided into a sensory process, which depends on the intensity of the stimulus, and a decision process, which is influenced by the observer’s response bias (Tanner & Swets, 1954). One way a researcher can separate these two components is by including some trials in which no stimulus is present and others in which

Sensation and Perception

a weak stimulus is present. Under these conditions, four kinds of responses are possible: The person (1) detects a signal that was present (a “hit”), (2) says the signal was there when it wasn’t (a “false alarm”), (3) fails to detect the signal when it was present (a “miss”), or (4) correctly says that the signal was absent when it was absent (a “correct rejection”). Yea-sayers will have more hits than nay-sayers because they are quick to say “it was there” when it really was, but they will also have more false alarms because they are similarly quick to say “it was there” when it wasn’t. Nay-sayers will have more correct rejections than yea-sayers, but they will also have more misses because they will often say “nope, nothing was there” when in fact it was. This information can be fed into a mathematical formula that yields separate estimates of a person’s sensory capacity and response bias. Each person’s true sensitivity to a signal of any particular intensity can then be predicted. The original method of measuring thresholds assumed that a person’s ability to detect a stimulus depended solely on the stimulus. Signal-detection theory assumes that there is no single threshold because at any given moment a person’s sensitivity to a stimulus depends on a decision that they actively make. Signal-detection methods have many real-world applications, from screening applicants for jobs that require keen hearing to training air-traffic controllers, whose decisions about the presence or absence of blips on a radar screen are of critical importance for the safety of airplane travel.

5.1.C Sensory Adaptation Learning Objective 5.1.C Discuss why the principle of sensory adaptation helps us understand how the human perceptual system works. Variety, they say, is the spice of life. It is also the essence of sensation, for our senses are designed to respond to change and contrast in the environment. When a stimulus is unchanging or repetitious, sensation often fades or disappears. Receptors or nerve cells higher up in the sensory system get “tired” and fire less frequently. The resulting decline in sensory responsiveness is called sensory adaptation. Usually, such adaptation spares us from having to respond to unimportant information; most of the time, you have no need to feel your watch sitting on your wrist or to keep noticing the chirping of your roommate’s pet bird. Sometimes, however, adaptation can be hazardous, as when you no longer smell a gas leak that you thought you noticed when you first entered the kitchen. We never completely adapt to extremely intense stimuli—a terrible toothache, the odor of ammonia, the heat of the desert sun. And we rarely adapt completely to visual stimuli, whether they are weak or intense. Eye movements, voluntary and involuntary, cause the location of an object’s image on the back of the eye to keep changing, so visual receptors do not have a chance to “fatigue.”

Sensation depends on change and contrast in the environment. Hold your hand over one eye and stare at the dot in the middle of the circle on the right. You should have no trouble maintaining an image of the circle. However, if you do the same with the circle on the left, the image will fade. The gradual change from light to dark does not provide enough contrast to keep your visual receptors firing at a steady rate. The circle reappears only if you close and reopen your eye or shift your gaze to the X.

sensory adaptation The reduction or disappearance of sensory responsiveness when stimulation is unchanging or repetitious.

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Revisiting the Classics Early Sensory Deprivation Studies What would happen if our senses adapted to most incoming stimuli? (Or if, indeed, there were no stimuli incoming at all?) Would we sense nothing, or would the brain substitute its own images for the sensory experiences no longer available by way of the sense organs? In early studies of sensory deprivation, researchers studied these questions by isolating male volunteers from all patterned sight and sound. Vision was restricted by a translucent visor, hearing by a U-shaped pillow noise from a fan and air conditioner, and touch by cotton gloves and cardboard cuffs. The volunteers took brief breaks to eat and use the bathroom, but otherwise they lay in bed, doing nothing.

these initial studies had very small sample sizes, with some findings based on data from only 12–20 participants. Since the 1950s, many methodological improvements have been made in sensory deprivation research, including those designed to reduce participant stress and expectancies, and the initial findings of adverse effects have not always replicated (Suedfeld, 1975; Suedfeld & Coren, 1989). In fact, one stimulus reduction technique, known as Restricted Environmental Stimulation Technique (REST), which involves relaxation in a darkened chamber or during flotation in water, has been shown to reduce anxiety and arousal and improve some measures

dramatic: Within a few hours, many of the participants felt irritable and unable to concentrate. When they got up to eat or use the bathroom, they seemed dazed and confused. Their performance on cognitive tests, such as gen-

Based on Heron (1957).

The results, as described in the initial reports, were

of cognition (Suedfeld & Borrie, 1999; Suedfeld & Eich, 1995). Despite the methodological improvements to the original research, the dramatic reports of early sensory depriA depiction of what it looked like to be a participant in an early research study on sensory deprivation.

erating words beginning with

vation studies continue to capture attention and spark political and ethical contro-

a given letter or solving word puzzles, was worse than that of a

versy. The initial studies were conducted at McGill University in

control group who were not living in an experimental cubicle. Par-

Canada, and part of the rationale behind them was to learn more

ticipants also listened to a 90-minute recorded “propaganda” talk

about sensory deprivation in order to protect against its effects in

that was supportive of “psychical phenomena,” including telepathy,

case such tactics were used to “brainwash” or torture Canadian

clairvoyance, ghosts, and poltergeists. Subsequently, participants

prisoners of war in Korea (Suedfeld & Coren, 1987). It is ironic and

reported an increased belief in these phenomena relative to control

unfortunate, therefore, that decades later, the United States military

participants. Many reported visions, ranging from simple geometric

allegedly used this scientific knowledge about the effects of senso-

shapes to processions of marching squirrels or eyeglasses. It was

ry deprivation in designing its ethically problematic interrogation of

as though they were having waking dreams. Few people were willing

prisoners during wars in Iraq and Afghanistan (Mayer, 2005).

to remain in the study for more than 2 or 3 days (Bexton et al., 1954; Heron et al., 1956; Heron, 1957; Scott et al., 1959).

In short, the early “classic” studies of sensory deprivation were methodologically problematic and yielded findings that were shock-

Reading such dramatic findings should set off alarm bells for crit-

ing and influential but not well replicated. The notion that sensory

ical thinkers! Some researchers have argued that the participants in

deprivation is unpleasant or even dangerous turned out to be an

the early studies were not truly deprived of sensory stimulation; on

oversimplification (Suedfeld, 1975). Many people enjoy limited pe-

the contrary, they seem to have been overstimulated, with constant

riods of deprivation, and some perceptual and intellectual abilities

light and noise in the chamber. How many of the reported findings

actually improve. Your response to sensory deprivation depends on

could be due to stress from overstimulation or a change in sleep

your expectations and interpretations of what is happening. Reduced

patterns? Consider how difficult it might have been to sleep in that

sensation can be scary if you are locked in a room for an indefinite

unusual environment, with the lights on 24 hours a day! Perhaps

period, but relaxing if you have retreated to that room voluntarily for a

the reported “visions” were just normal sleep-related (hypnagogic)

little time out—at, say, a spa or a monastery. Nonetheless, it appears

hallucinations? Regarding the “propaganda” aspect of the study,

that the human brain does require a minimum amount of sensory

consider whether you might be a bit more willing to endorse beliefs

stimulation to function normally—a conclusion that may help explain

in ghosts if you were sleep-deprived and stressed, and if authority

why people who live alone sometimes keep the radio or television on

figures (i.e., experimenters who were paying you) had provided you

continuously and why prolonged solitary confinement can be used

with materials in support of their existence. Another problem is that

as a form of extreme punishment or even torture.

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5.1.D Sensing Without Perceiving Learning Objective 5.1.D Describe how selective attention and inattentional blindness are related. If sensory deprivation can sometimes be upsetting, so can sensory overload. Fortunately, our capacity for selective attention—the ability to focus on some parts of the environment and block out others—protects us from being overwhelmed by the countless sensory signals that are constantly impinging on our sense receptors. Competing sensory messages all enter the nervous system, however, and they get some processing, enabling us to pick up on important stimuli, such as our own name spoken by someone half a room away. But our conscious awareness of the environment is much less complete than most people think. We may even fail to consciously register objects that we are looking right at, a phenomenon known as inattentional blindness (Kreitz et al., 2015; Mack, 2003; Most et al., 2001). For an example of inattentional blindness, watch a video available in Revel. The example of the “invisible gorilla” may be the most famous illustration of inattentional blindness (Chabris & Simons, 1999, 2009), although other examples have also found their way into public (or at least television) consciousness. For example, in a segment of an April Fool’s Day episode of Jimmy Kimmel Live, fans were given the chance to take a photo with the host. Each fan entered the studio and shook hands with Jimmy Kimmel, but while the fan sat down and attended to the photographer’s instructions, Jimmy Kimmel surreptitiously left the studio and was immediately replaced by the similarly-dressed Jimmy Fallon, the host of a different late-night show. Hilariously, several of the fans seamlessly interacted with Fallon just as they had with Kimmel, not even noticing the switch (at least until the laughter of others clued them into the joke). The Jimmys capitalized on inattentional blindness for comedic effect on television, but of course this phenomenon operates in real life too. One team of researchers wondered which situation would be most likely to cause people to miss noticing a colorful clown riding on a unicycle: walking alone, walking while talking on a cell phone, walking while listening to music, or strolling with one other person? The walkers who were least likely to notice the clown were those talking on their cell phones (Hyman et al., 2010). Inattention can also occur in other senses, such as when we are focusing on a task and fail to notice an odor in the room (Forster & Spence, 2018). Of course, failing to notice the smell of smoke or gas could be particularly problematic. Selective attention, then, is a mixed blessing. It protects us from overload and allows us to focus on what’s important, but it also deprives us of sensory information that we may need. That could be disastrous if you are so focused on texting a friend or scrolling on Instagram that you walk right into a pothole or a street full of traffic.

selective attention The process of focusing on selected aspects of the environment while blocking out others.

inattentional blindness Failure to consciously perceive something you are looking at because you are not attending to it.

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JOURNAL 5.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Is sensory deprivation pleasant or unpleasant? Being isolated against your will can be terrifying, but many people have found meditating alone, away from all sights and sounds, to be calming and pleasant. How do you think environmental circumstances and individual differences both contribute to the experience of sensory deprivation?

Jessmine/123RF

In Revel, you can find Quiz 5.1 to test your knowledge.

5.2 Vision Because we evolved to be most active in the daytime, we are equipped to take advantage of the sun’s illumination. More information about the external world comes to us through our eyes than through any other sense organ.

In this image, the iris is shown in rainbow colors to signify the spectrum of light that the eye can detect.

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Figure 5.3 Psychological Dimensions

5.2.A What We See

Hue

Learning Objective 5.2.A Describe the three psychological dimensions of vision and the three physical properties of light that produce them.

of the Visual World

Brightness

Saturation

Variations in hue, saturation, and brightness represent psychological dimensions of vision that correspond to the intensity, wavelength, and complexity of wavelengths of light.

hue The dimension of visual experience specified by color names and related to the wavelength of light.

brightness The dimension of visual experience related to the amount (intensity) of light emitted from or reflected by an object.

The stimulus for vision is light; even cats, raccoons, and other creatures famous for their ability to get around in the dark need some light to see. Visible light comes from the sun and other stars and from light bulbs, and it is also reflected off objects. The physical characteristics of light affect three psychological dimensions of our visual world: hue, brightness, and saturation (see Figure 5.3): 1. Hue, the dimension of visual experience specified by color names, is related to the wavelength of light—that is, to the distance between the crests of a light wave. Shorter waves tend to be seen as violet and blue, longer ones as orange and red. The sun produces white light, which is a mixture of all the visible wavelengths. Sometimes, drops of moisture in the air act like a prism: They separate the sun’s white light into the colors of the visible spectrum, and we are treated to a rainbow. 2. Brightness is the dimension of visual experience related to the amount, or intensity, of the light an object emits or reflects and corresponds to the amplitude (maximum height) of the light wave. Generally, the more light an object reflects, the brighter it appears. However, brightness is also affected by wavelength: Yellows appear brighter than reds and blues even when their physical intensities are equal. 3. Saturation (colorfulness) is the dimension of visual experience related to the complexity of light—that is, how wide or narrow the range of wavelengths is. When light contains only a single wavelength, it is said to be pure, and the resulting color is completely saturated. White light, in contrast, contains all the wavelengths of visible light and has zero saturation. Black is a lack of any light at all (has no color), and so is also completely unsaturated. In nature, pure light is extremely rare. We usually sense a mixture of wavelengths, and as a result, we see colors that are duller and paler than completely saturated ones.

saturation The dimension of visual experience related to the complexity of light waves, producing a sense of vividness or purity of color.

retina Neural tissue lining the back of the eyeball’s interior that contains the receptors for vision.

5.2.B An Eye on the World Learning Objective 5.2.B Locate the structures and cells of the human eye, tracing the path that light follows from the cornea to the optic nerve. Light enters the visual system through the eye, a wonderfully complex and delicate structure. As you read this section, examine Figure 5.4. Notice that the front part of the eye is covered by the transparent cornea. The cornea protects the eye and bends incoming light rays toward a lens located behind it. In a camera, the lens focuses incoming light by moving closer to or farther from the shutter opening. However, the lens of the eye works by subtly changing its shape, becoming more or less curved to focus light from objects that are close by or far away. The amount of light that gets into the eye is controlled by muscles in the iris, the part of the eye that gives it color. The iris surrounds the round opening, or pupil, of the eye. When you enter a dim room, the pupil widens, or dilates, to let more light in. When you emerge into bright sunlight, the pupil gets smaller, contracting to allow in less light. The visual receptors are located in the back of the eye, or retina. In a developing embryo, the retina forms from tissue that projects out from the brain, not from tissue destined to form other parts of the eye; thus, the retina is actually an extension of the brain. As Figure 5.5 shows, when the lens of the eye focuses light on the retina, the result is an upside-down image, just as it is with any optical device. Light from the top of the visual field stimulates light-sensitive receptor cells in the bottom part of the retina, and vice versa. The brain interprets this upside-down pattern of stimulation as something that is right-side up.

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Figure 5.4 Major Structures of the Eye Retina Innermost layer of the eye, where incoming light is converted into nerve impulses; contains photoreceptor cells Vitreous humor Jelly-like liquid that nourishes and gives shape to the eye

Fovea Central area of retina where light rays are most sharply focused; greatest density of cones Blind spot (optic disc) Where the optic nerve leaves the eye; there are no photoreceptor cells here

Iris Colored area containing muscles that control the pupil Aqueous humor Clear liquid that nourishes the eye

Blood vessels Pupil Opening in the center of the iris that changes size depending on the amount of light in the environment Cornea Curved, transparent dome that bends incoming light waves so the image can be focused on the retina Lens Transparent disc that changes shape to bring objects into focus

Optic nerve Transmits visual information from the retina to the brain

Eye muscle One of six surrounding muscles that rotate the eye in all directions

Light passes through the pupil and lens and is focused on the retina at the back of the eye. The point of sharpest vision is at the fovea.

About 80 to 120 million receptors in the retina are long and narrow; they are called rods. Another 5 to 7 million receptors are cone shaped; they are called, appropriately, cones. The center of the retina, or fovea, where vision is sharpest, contains only cones, clustered densely together. From the center to the periphery, the ratio of rods to cones increases, and the outer edges contain virtually no cones. Rods are more sensitive to light than cones and thus enable us to see even in dim light. (Cats see well in dim light in part because they have a high proportion of rods.) Because rods occupy the outer edges of the retina, they also handle peripheral (side) vision. But rods cannot distinguish different wavelengths of light, so they are not sensitive to color, which is why it is often hard to distinguish colors clearly in dim light. To see colors, we need cones, which come in three classes that are sensitive to specific wavelengths of light. But cones

Figure 5.5 The Retinal Image

Cornea

Fovea

Lens Optic nerve When we look at an object, the light pattern on the retina is upside down. René Descartes was probably the first person to demonstrate this fact. He cut a piece from the back of an ox’s eye and replaced the piece with paper. When he held the eye up to the light, he saw an upside-down image of the room on the paper. You could take any ordinary lens and get the same result.

rods Visual receptors that respond to dim light.

cones Visual receptors involved in color vision.

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Figure 5.6 The Structures of the Retina Ganglion Bipolar Photoreceptor cells Rods Cones cell cell

Retina

Light

Optic nerve Direction of nerve impulses Optic nerve fibers going to the brain

Optic disc

dark adaptation A process by which visual receptors become maximally sensitive to dim light.

ganglion cells Neurons in the retina of the eye that gather information from receptor cells (by way of intermediate bipolar cells) and whose axons make up the optic nerve.

Figure 5.7 Find Your Blind Spot

Blind spot

need much more light than rods do to respond, so they don’t help us much when we are in a darkened movie theater trying to locate a friend who’s wearing a red shirt. We have all noticed that it takes time for our eyes to adjust fully to dim illumination. This process of dark adaptation involves chemical changes in the rods and cones. The cones adapt quickly, within 10 minutes or so, but they never become very sensitive to the dim illumination. The rods adapt more slowly, taking 20 minutes or longer, but are much more sensitive. After the first phase of adaptation, you can see better but not well; after the second phase, your vision is as good as it will ever get. Rods and cones are connected by synapses to bipolar cells, which in turn communicate with neurons called ganglion cells (see Figure 5.6). The axons of the ganglion cells converge to form the optic nerve, which carries information out through the back of the eye and on to the brain. Where the optic nerve leaves the eye, at the optic disc, there are no rods or cones. The absence of receptors produces a blind spot in the field of vision. Normally, we are unaware of the blind spot because (1) the image projected on the spot is hitting a different, “nonblind” spot in the other eye; (2) our eyes move so fast that we can pick up the complete image; and (3) the brain fills in the gap. You can use Figure 5.7 to find your blind spot.

5.2.C Why the Visual System Is Not a Camera Learning Objective 5.2.C Summarize the evidence indicating that the visual system is not simply a “camera.” A blind spot exists where the optic nerve leaves the back of your eye. Find the blind spot in your left eye by closing your right eye and looking at the magician. Then slowly move the image toward and away from yourself. The rabbit, but not the hat, should disappear when the image is between 3 and 6 inches from your eye.

Although the eye is often compared with a camera, the visual system is not a passive recorder of the external world. Neurons in the visual system actively build up a picture of the world by detecting its meaningful features. Ganglion cells and neurons in the thalamus of the brain respond to simple features in the environment, such as spots of light and dark. But in mammals,

Sensation and Perception

feature-detector cells Cells in the visual cortex that are sensitive to specific features of the environment.

Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY

special feature-detector cells in the visual cortex respond to more complex features. This fact was first demonstrated by David Hubel and Torsten Wiesel (1962, 1968), who painstakingly recorded impulses from individual cells in the brains of cats and monkeys, work that ultimately earned them a Nobel Prize. Hubel and Wiesel found that different neurons were sensitive to different patterns projected on a screen in front of an animal’s eyes. Most cells responded maximally to moving or stationary lines that were oriented in a particular direction and located in a particular part of the visual field. One type of cell might fire most rapidly in response to a horizontal line in the lower right part of the visual field, another to a diagonal line at a specific angle in the upper left part of the visual field. In the real world, such features make up the boundaries and edges of objects. Since this pioneering work, scientists have found that other cells in the visual system have even more specialized roles. A group of cells at the bottom of the cerebral cortex, just above the cerebellum, responds much more strongly to faces than objects—human faces, animal faces, and cartoon faces. Evolutionary psychologists observe that a faculty for deciphering faces makes sense because it would have ensured our ancestors’ ability to quickly distinguish friend from foe, or in the case of infants, caregivers from strangers. This could help explain why infants prefer looking at faces instead of images that scramble the features of a face and why so many of us report having seen faces in inanimate objects. Another area, a part of the cortex near the hippocampus, helps you understand your environment: It responds to images of all kinds of places, from your bedroom to a public park, and does so far more strongly than to objects or faces. And a third region, a part of the occipital cortex, responds selectively to bodies and body parts much more strongly than to faces or objects— and more strongly to other people’s bodies than to a person’s own (Häusler et al., 2022; Pitcher et al., 2012). Do other brain regions help us perceive additional features of our environment? Is there a region of the visual system dedicated to the perception of laptops or coffeepots or ice cream sundaes? The brain cannot possibly contain a dedicated area for every conceivable object, but evidence has emerged that specific regions of the brain seem to be strongly and selectively responsive to the specific categories of hands, tools, words, and numbers (Peelen & Downing, 2017). More generally, the brain’s job is to take fragmentary information about edges, angles, shapes, motion, brightness, texture, and patterns and figure out that a chair is a chair and that the thing next to it is a table. The perception of any given object probably depends on the activation of many cells in different parts of the brain and on the overall pattern and rhythm of their activity. Keep in mind, too, that experiences shape the brain. Thus, some of the brain cells that are supposedly dedicated to face recognition respond to other things as well, depending on a person’s experiences and interests. In one study, “face” cells fired when car buffs examined pictures of classic cars but not when they looked at pictures of exotic birds; the opposite was true for birdwatchers (Gauthier et al., 2000).

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Cases of brain damage support the idea that particular systems of brain cells are highly specialized for identifying important objects or visual patterns, such as faces. One man’s injury left him unable to identify ordinary objects, which, he said, often looked like “blobs.” Yet he had no trouble with faces, even when they were upside down or incomplete. When shown this painting, he could easily see the face, but he could not see the vegetables comprising it (Moscovitch et al., 1997).

trichromatic theory A theory of color perception that proposes three mechanisms in the visual system, each sensitive to a certain range of wavelengths, that interact to produce different experiences of hue.

5.2.D How We See Colors Igor Stevanovic/Alamy Stock Photo

Learning Objective 5.2.D Compare the trichromatic and opponent-process theories of color vision. For over 300 years, scientists have been trying to figure out why we see the world in living color. We now know that different processes explain different stages of color vision. THE TRICHROMATIC THEORY The trichromatic theory (also known as the Young–Helmholtz theory) applies to the first level of processing, which occurs in the retina of the eye. The retina contains three basic types of cones. One type responds maximally to blue, another to green, and a third to red. The thousands of colors we see result from the combined activity of these three types of cones.

Inanimate objects that seem to have facial features activate the same visual processing mechanisms that real faces do (Palmer & Clifford, 2020). Can you look at this image without seeing a face?

140 Chapter 5 Total color blindness is usually due to a genetic variation that causes cones of the retina to malfunction or be absent. The visual world then consists of black, white, and shades of gray. Many species of animals are totally color blind, but the condition is extremely rare in human beings. Most “color blind” people are actually color deficient, due to an absence of, or damage to, one or more types of cones. Usually, the person is unable to distinguish red and green; the world is painted in shades of blue, yellow, brown, and gray. In rarer instances, a person may be blind to blue and yellow and may see only reds, greens, and grays. Color deficiency is found in about 8% of White men, 5% of Asian men, and 3% of Black men and Native American men (Sekuler & Blake, 1994). Because of the way the condition is inherited, it is rare among people who were born female. opponent-process theory A theory of color perception that assumes that the visual system treats pairs of colors as opposing or antagonistic.

Figure 5.8 A Change of Heart

THE OPPONENT-PROCESS THEORY The opponent-process theory applies to the second stage of color processing, which occurs in ganglion cells in the retina and in neurons in the thalamus and visual cortex of the brain. These cells, known as opponent-process cells, either respond to short wavelengths but are inhibited from firing by long wavelengths, or vice versa (DeValois & DeValois, 1975; Shapley et al., 2019). Some opponent-process cells respond in opposite fashion to red and green or to blue and yellow; that is, they fire in response to one and turn off in response to the other. (A third system responds in opposite fashion to white and black and thus yields information about brightness.) The net result is a color code that is passed along to the higher visual centers. Because this code treats red and green, and also blue and yellow, as antagonistic, we can describe a color as bluish green or yellowish green but not as reddish green or yellowish blue. Opponent-process cells that are inhibited by a particular color produce a burst of firing when the color is removed, just as they would if the opposing color were present. Similarly, cells that fire in response to a color stop firing when the color is removed, just as they would if the opposing color were present. These facts explain why we are susceptible to negative afterimages when we stare at a particular hue—why we see, for instance, red after staring at green. (To see this effect for yourself, see Figure 5.8.) A sort of neural rebound effect occurs: The cells that switch on or off to signal the presence of “green” send the opposite signal (“red”) when the green is removed, and vice versa.

5.2.E Constructing the Visual World Learning Objective 5.2.E Summarize the principles and processes that guide form perception, depth and distance perception, visual constancies, and visual illusions. Opponent-process cells that switch on or off in response to green send an opposite message—“red”—when the green is removed, producing a negative afterimage. Stare at the black dot in the middle of this heart for at least 20 seconds. Then shift your gaze to a white piece of paper or a white wall. Do you get a “change of heart”? You should see an image of a red or pinkish heart with a blue border.

We do not actually see a retinal image; the mind must actively interpret the image and construct the world from the often fragmentary data of the senses. In the brain, sensory signals that give rise to vision, hearing, taste, smell, and touch are combined from moment to moment to produce a unified model of the world. This is the process of perception. To make sense of the world, we must know where one thing ends and another begins. In vision, we must separate the front door from the rest of the house; in hearing, we must separate the ringing phone from the murmur of other people talking; in taste, we must separate the marshmallow from the hot chocolate. This process of dividing up the world occurs so rapidly and effortlessly that we take it for granted, until we must make out objects in a heavy fog or words in the rapid-fire conversation of someone speaking a language we don’t know well. Gestalt psychologists, who belonged to a movement that began in Germany and was influential in the 1920s and 1930s, were among the first to study how people organize the world visually into meaningful units and patterns. In German, Gestalt means “form” or “configuration.” Gestalt psychologists’ motto was “The whole is more than the sum of its parts.” They observed that when we perceive something, properties emerge from the configuration as a whole that are not found in any particular component. A modern example of the Gestalt effect occurs when you watch a movie. The motion you see is nowhere in the film, which consists of separate frames projected at (usually) 24 frames per second. FORM PERCEPTION

Sensation and Perception

Gestalt psychologists also noted that people organize the visual field into figure and ground. The figure stands out from the rest of the environment (see Figure 5.9). Some things stand out as figure by virtue of their intensity or size; it is hard to ignore the brightness of a flashlight at night or a tidal wave approaching you on the beach. Unique objects also stand out, such as a banana in a bowl of oranges, and so do moving objects in an otherwise still environment, such as a shooting star. Indeed, it is hard to ignore a sudden change of any kind in the environment because our brains are geared to respond to change and contrast. However, selective attention—the ability to concentrate on some stimuli and to filter out others—gives us some control over what we perceive as figure and ground, and sometimes it leads us to overlook things (and gorillas) we would ordinarily interpret as figure, as we saw earlier. Other Gestalt principles describe strategies used by the visual system to group sensory building blocks into perceptual units (Köhler, 1929; Wertheimer, 1923/1958). Gestalt psychologists believed that these strategies were present from birth or emerged early in infancy as a result of maturation. Modern research, however, suggests that at least some of them depend on experience (Quinn & Bhatt, 2012). Here are a few well-known Gestalt principles: 1. Proximity. Things that are near each other tend to be grouped together. Thus, you perceive the dots on the left as three groups of dots, not as 12 separate, unrelated ones. Similarly, you perceive the pattern on the right as vertical columns of dots, not as horizontal rows:

2. Closure. The brain tends to fill in gaps to perceive complete forms. This is fortunate because we often need to decipher less-than-perfect images. The following figures are easily perceived as a triangle, a face, and the letter e, even though none of the figures is complete:

3. Similarity. Things that are alike in some way (such as in color, shape, or size) tend to be perceived as belonging together. In the figure on the left, you see the circles as forming an X. In the one on the right, you see horizontal bars rather than vertical columns because the horizontally aligned stars are either all red or all outlined in red:

4. Continuity. Lines and patterns tend to be perceived as continuing in time or space. You perceive the figure on the left as a single line partially covered by an oval rather than as two separate lines touching an oval. In the figure on the right, you see two lines, one curved and one straight, instead of four lines—two curved and two straight—all meeting together in the center:

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Figure 5.9 Figure and Ground

Which do you notice first in this drawing— the white fish or the gray fish?

Gestalt principles Principles that describe the brain’s organization of sensory information into meaningful units and patterns.

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

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Failure to consider Gestalt principles in designing consumer products can lead to consumer confusion, such as one of your authors never being quite sure which knob goes with which burner on the stove at home and another of your authors once looking for a bottle of shampoo in a hotel shower but accidentally grabbing body lotion ... and figuring out the mistake too late.

Unfortunately, consumer products are sometimes designed with little thought for Gestalt principles, which is why it can be a major challenge to determine which knob corresponds to which burner on a stove or distinguish similar-looking bottles of shampoo and body lotion (Norman, 1988, 2004). Good design requires, among other things, that crucial distinctions be visually obvious.

binocular cues Visual cues to depth or distance requiring two eyes.

convergence The turning inward of the eyes, which occurs when they focus on a nearby object.

retinal disparity The slight difference in lateral separation between two objects as seen by the left eye and the right eye.

monocular cues Visual cues to depth or distance, which can be used by one eye alone.

DEPTH AND DISTANCE PERCEPTION Ordinarily we need to know not only what something is but also where it is. Touch gives us this information directly, but vision does not, so we must infer an object’s location by estimating its distance or depth. To perform this remarkable feat, we rely in part on binocular cues, which require the use of two eyes. One such cue is convergence, the turning of the eyes inward, which occurs when they focus on a nearby object. The closer the object, the greater the convergence, as you know if you have ever tried to cross your eyes by looking at your own nose. As the angle of convergence changes, the corresponding muscular changes provide information to the brain about distance. The two eyes also receive slightly different retinal images of the same object. You can prove this by holding a finger about 12 inches in front of your face and looking at it with only one eye open at a time. Its position will appear to shift when you change eyes. Now hold up two fingers pointing up, roughly side-by-side but with a bit of space between them and with one closer to your nose than the other. Notice that the amount of space between the two fingers appears to change when you switch eyes. The slight difference in lateral (sideways) separation between two objects as seen by the left eye and the right eye is called retinal disparity. Because retinal disparity decreases as the distance between two objects increases, the brain can use it to infer depth and calculate distance. Binocular cues help us estimate distances up to about 50 feet. For objects farther away, we use only monocular cues, cues that do not depend on using both eyes. One such cue is interposition: When an object is interposed between the viewer and a second object, partly blocking the view of the second object, the first object is perceived as being closer. Another monocular cue is linear perspective: When two lines known to be parallel appear to be coming together or converging (say, railroad tracks), they imply the existence of depth illustrated in the boxed feature “Monocular Cues to Depth.”

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Most cues to depth do not depend on having two eyes. Some monocular (one-eyed) cues are shown here.

ESB Professional/Shutterstock

(1) Light and Shadow: Both of these attributes give objects the appearance of three dimensions.

(5) Relative Clarity: Because of particles in the air from dust, fog, or smog, distant objects tend to look hazier, duller, or less detailed.

TUYOSHI/A.CollectionRF/Amana Images/Getty Images

(4) Relative Size: The smaller an object’s image on the retina, the farther away the object appears.

Mimohe/Shutterstock

(3) Motion Parallax: When an observer is moving, objects appear to move at different speeds and in different directions. The closer an object, the faster it seems to move. Close objects appear to move backward, whereas distant ones seem to move forward.

Francisco Martinez/Alamy Stock Photo

Condor 36/Shutterstock

Apiold/Shutterstock

(2) Interposition: An object that partly blocks or obscures another one must be in front of the other one and is, therefore, seen as closer.

Bakharev/123RF

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Monocular Cues to Depth

(6) Texture Gradients: Distant parts of a uniform surface appear denser; that is, its elements seem spaced more closely together.

(7) Linear Perspective: Parallel lines will appear to be converging in the distance; the greater the apparent convergence, the greater the perceived distance. Artists often exaggerate this cue to convey an impression of depth.

144 Chapter 5 VISUAL CONSTANCIES: WHEN SEEING IS BELIEVING Lighting conditions, viewing angles,

perceptual constancy The accurate perception of objects as stable or unchanged despite changes in the sensory patterns they produce.

and the distances of stationary objects are all continually changing as we move about, yet we rarely confuse these changes with changes in the objects themselves. This ability to perceive objects as stable or unchanging even though the sensory patterns they produce are constantly shifting is called perceptual constancy. The best-studied constancies are visual and include the following: 1. Size constancy. We see an object as having a constant size even when its retinal image becomes smaller or larger. A friend approaching on the street does not seem to be growing; a car pulling away from the curb does not seem to be shrinking. Size constancy depends in part on familiarity with objects; you know that people and cars do not change size from moment to moment. It also depends on the apparent distance of an object. An object that is close produces a larger retinal image than the same object farther away, and the brain takes this into account. There is, then, an intimate relationship between perceived size and perceived distance. 2. Shape constancy. We continue to perceive an object as having a constant shape even though the shape of the retinal image produced by the object changes when our point of view changes. If you hold a Frisbee directly in front of your face, its image on the retina will be round. When you set the Frisbee on a table, its image becomes elliptical, yet you continue to see it as round. 3. Location constancy. We perceive stationary objects as remaining in the same place even though the retinal image moves about as we move our eyes, head, and body. As you drive along the highway, telephone poles and trees fly by on your retina. But you know that these objects do not move on their own, and you also know that your body is moving, so you perceive the poles and trees as staying put. 4. Brightness constancy. We see objects as having a relatively constant brightness even though the amount of light they reflect changes as the overall level of illumination changes. Snow remains white even on a cloudy day, and a black car remains black even on a sunny day. We are not fooled because the brain registers the total illumination in the scene and automatically adjusts for it. 5. Color constancy. We see an object as maintaining its hue despite the fact that the wavelength of light reaching our eyes from the object may change as the illumination changes. Outdoor light is “bluer” than indoor light, and objects outdoors therefore reflect more “blue” light than those indoors do. Conversely, indoor light from incandescent lamps is rich in long wavelengths and is therefore “yellower.” Yet a strawberry looks red whether you look at it in your kitchen or outside on the patio. Part of the explanation involves sensory adaptation, which we discussed earlier. Outdoors, we quickly adapt to short-wavelength (bluish) light, and indoors, we adapt to long-wavelength light. Also, when computing the color of a particular object, the brain takes into account all the wavelengths in the visual field immediately around the object. If a strawberry is bathed in bluish light, so, usually, is everything else around it. The increase in blue light reflected by the strawberry is canceled in the visual cortex by the increase in blue light reflected by the strawberry’s surroundings, and so the strawberry continues to look red. Color constancy is further aided by our knowledge of the world: We know that strawberries are usually red and bananas are usually yellow, so the brain recalibrates the colors in those objects when the lighting changes (Mitterer & de Ruiter, 2008). VISUAL ILLUSIONS: WHEN SEEING IS MISLEADING Perceptual constancies allow us to make sense of the world. Occasionally, however, we can be fooled, and the result is a perceptual illusion. For psychologists, illusions are valuable because they are systematic errors that provide us with hints about the perceptual strategies of the mind. Although illusions can occur in any sensory modality, visual illusions have been the best studied. Visual illusions sometimes occur when the strategies that normally lead to accurate perception are overextended to situations where they do not apply. Compare the lengths of the two vertical lines in Figure 5.10a. You will probably perceive the line on the right as slightly longer than the one on the left, yet they are exactly the same. (Go ahead,

Sensation and Perception

Figure 5.10 The Müller-Lyer Illusion

(b)

(a)

The two lines in (a) are exactly the same length. We are usually fooled into perceiving them as different because the brain interprets the one with the inward-facing branches as closer, as if it were near the edge of a building, and the one with the outward-facing braches as farther away, as if it were the far corner of a room (b).

measure them; everyone does!) This is the Müller-Lyer illusion, named after the German sociologist who first described it in 1889. One explanation for the Müller-Lyer illusion is that the branches on the lines serve as perspective cues that normally suggest depth (Bulatov et al., 2015; Gregory, 1963). The line on the left is like the near edge of a building; the one on the right is like the far corner of a room (see Figure 5.10b). Although the two lines produce retinal images of the same size, the one with the outward-facing branches suggests greater distance. We are fooled into perceiving it as longer because we automatically apply a rule about the relationship between size and distance that is normally useful: When two objects produce the same-sized retinal image and one is farther away, the farther one is larger. The problem, in this case, is that the two lines do not actually differ in length, so the rule leads us astray. Just as there are size, shape, location, brightness, and color constancies, so there are size, shape, location, brightness, and color inconstancies, resulting in illusions. The perceived color of an object depends on the wavelengths reflected by its immediate surroundings, a fact well known to artists and interior designers. Thus, you never see a good, strong red unless other objects in the surroundings reflect the blue and green part of the spectrum. When two objects that are the same color have different surroundings, you may mistakenly perceive them as being different colors (see Figure 5.11a). Context can also affect the perception of size, such as in the Ebbinghaus illusion (or Titchener circles) (see Figure 5.11b). The size of the center circle looks smaller when it’s surrounded by larger circles compared to when it’s surrounded by smaller circles.

Figure 5.11 Color and Size in Context

(a)

(b)

Context affects perception of color and size. (a) The way you perceive a color depends on the color surrounding it. In this example, the small squares are exactly the same color and brightness. (b) In the Ebbinghaus illusion, the size of the two center circles is the same, even though the one surrounded by large circles looks smaller.

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Replication Check ✔ The Ebbinghaus illusion is more than just a fun way to amaze our friends and relatives. Researchers have used it to test whether there are two separate visual pathways in the brain—one for perception and another to help guide action. In 1995, one group of researchers found that the Ebbinghaus illusion affected participants’ visual perception of the center circles but not their action of grasping at them; that is, participants did not vary how far apart they held their fingers when they went to pick up the two center discs, suggesting that separate visual pathways in the brain guide perception and action (Aglioti et al., 1995). Two decades later, four different laboratories attempted to replicate these results, but instead found evidence of the size illusion for both visual perception and the action of grasping for the center circles (Kopiske et al., 2016). Although these findings do not support the notion of separate visual pathways for perception and action, they do show that the effects of the Ebbinghaus illusion are robust and replicate readily; our guess is that you can see the illusion in Figure 5.11(b), with the center circles appearing to be of different sizes.

Some illusions are simply a matter of physics. Thus, a chopstick in a half-filled glass of water looks bent because water and air refract light differently. Other illusions occur due to misleading messages from the sense organs, as in sensory adaptation. Still others occur because the brain misinterprets sensory information, as in the Müller-Lyer illusion and the illusions in Figure 5.12. Perhaps the ultimate perceptual illusion occurred when Swedish researchers tricked people into feeling that they were swapping bodies with another person or even a mannequin (Petkova & Ehrsson, 2008). The participants wore virtual-reality goggles connected to a camera

Figure 5.12 Fooling the Eye

(a)

(b)

(c)

Julia Felicione and Tiger

(d) Although perception is usually accurate, we can be fooled. In (a), the cats as drawn are exactly the same size; in (b), the diagonal lines are all parallel. To see the illusion depicted in (c), hold your index fingers 5 to 10 inches in front of your eyes as shown and then focus straight ahead at a distant point in the room. Do you see a floating “fingertip frankfurter”? Can you make it shrink or expand? In (d), there is no central white square present in the figure on the left, but you’re more likely to see one there than in the right figure. As Tiger’s seating preference in the image on the left demonstrates, cats—who typically prefer sitting in enclosed spaces—are fooled by this illusory contour too (Smith et al., 2021)!

on the other person’s (or mannequin’s) head. This allowed them to see the world from the other body’s point of view as an experimenter simultaneously stroked both bodies with a rod. Most people soon had the weird sensation that the other body was actually their own; they even cringed when the other body was poked or threatened. The researchers speculate that the body-swapping illusion could someday be helpful in marital counseling, allowing each partner to literally see things from the other’s point of view, or in therapy with people who have distorted body images (Ahn et al., 2013). In everyday life, most illusions are harmless and entertaining— not to mention informative for psychologists interested in learning more about how the brain perceives the world around it. Occasionally, however, an illusion interferes with the performance of some task or skill or may even cause an accident. For example, because large objects often appear to move more slowly than small ones, some drivers underestimate the speed of oncoming trains at railroad crossings. They think they can beat the train, sometimes with tragic results.

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Niklas Larsson/AP Images

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Talk about an illusion! The person on the left is wearing virtualreality goggles, and the mannequin on the right is outfitted with a camera that feeds images to the goggles. As a result, the person quickly comes to feel as though he has swapped bodies with the mannequin.

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JOURNAL 5.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Think about the last time your visual system was “tricked” in some way. Maybe you thought you saw something that turned out to be something else, or perhaps you misjudged the size or nearness of an object. Drawing on what researchers know about form perception, depth and distance perception, visual constancies, and the nature of visual illusions, explain the principles that were at work during your visual mishap.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 5.2 to test your knowledge.

5.3 Hearing

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Like vision, the sense of hearing, or audition, provides a vital link with the world around us. Because social relationships rely so heavily on hearing, people who lose their hearing can come to feel socially isolated. Of course, many people with a hearing impairment learn American Sign Language (ASL) or other gestural systems, which allow them to communicate with other signers.

5.3.A What We Hear Learning Objective 5.3.A Describe the three psychological dimensions of hearing and the three physical properties of sound that produce them. The stimulus for sound is a wave of pressure created when an object vibrates (or when compressed air is released, as in a pipe organ). The vibration (or release of air) causes molecules in a transmitting substance to move together and apart. This movement produces variations in pressure that radiate in all directions. The transmitting substance is usually air, but sound waves can also travel through water and solids, as you know if you have ever put your ear to the wall to hear the muffled voices in the next room. As with vision, physical characteristics of the stimulus—in this case, a sound wave—are related in a predictable way to psychological aspects of our experience: 1. Loudness is the psychological dimension of auditory experience related to the intensity of a wave’s pressure. Intensity corresponds to the amplitude (maximum height) of the wave. The more energy contained in the wave, the higher it is at its peak. Sound intensity is measured in units called decibels (dB). A decibel is one-tenth of a bel, a unit named for Alexander Graham Bell, the inventor of the telephone. The average absolute threshold of hearing in human beings is zero decibels. Unlike inches on a ruler, decibels are not equally distant; every 10 decibels denote a 10-fold increase

Sign language enables individuals with hearing impairment to communicate with others.

loudness The dimension of auditory experience related to the amplitude of a pressure wave.

148 Chapter 5 in sound intensity. If you look online, decibel estimates for various sounds vary widely from website to website; this is because the intensity of a sound depends on things like how far away it is and the particular person or object producing the sound. The important thing to know is that a 60-decibel conversation is not twice as loud as a 30-decibel whisper; it is 1,000 times louder. pitch The dimension of auditory experience related to the frequency of a pressure wave.

timbre The dimension of auditory experience related to the complexity of the pressure wave.

2. Pitch is the dimension of auditory experience related to the frequency of the sound wave and, to some extent, its intensity. Frequency refers to how rapidly the air (or other medium) vibrates—the number of times per second the wave cycles through a peak and a low point. One cycle per second is known as 1 hertz (Hz). The healthy ear of a young person normally detects frequencies in the range of 16 Hz (the lowest note on a pipe organ) to 20,000 Hz (the scraping of a grasshopper’s legs). 3. Timbre [TAM-birr] is the dimension of auditory experience related to the complexity of the sound wave, the relative breadth of the range of frequencies that make up the wave. A pure tone consists of only one frequency, but pure tones in nature are extremely rare. Usually what we hear is a complex wave consisting of several subwaves with different frequencies. Timbre is what makes a note played on a flute, which produces relatively pure tones, sound different from the same note played on an oboe, which produces complex sounds. When many sound-wave frequencies are present but are not in harmony, we hear noise. When all the frequencies of the sound spectrum occur, they produce a hissing sound called white noise. Just as white light includes all wavelengths of the visible light spectrum, so does white noise include all frequencies of the audible sound spectrum. And just as illusions can occur in visual perception, so too can they happen in auditory perception. See Revel for a video on this topic.

5.3.B An Ear on the World Learning Objective 5.3.B Locate the major structures of the human ear, and describe the functions of each component. As Figure 5.13 shows, the ear has an outer, a middle, and an inner section. The soft, funnel-shaped outer ear is well designed to collect sound waves, but hearing would still be pretty good without it. The essential parts of the ear are hidden from view, inside the head.

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Figure 5.13 Major Structures of the Ear

Hammer

Anvil

Cochlea, partially uncoiled

Vestibular organ (semicircular canals) Oval window

Pinna

Cochlea Auditory nerve Hair Basilar cells membrane

Ear canal

Eardrum

Outer ear

Stirrup

Middle ear

Inner ear

Sensation and Perception

A sound wave passes into the outer ear and through an inch-long canal to strike an oval-shaped membrane called the eardrum. The eardrum is so sensitive that it can respond to the movement of a single molecule! A sound wave causes it to vibrate with the same frequency and amplitude as the wave itself. This vibration is passed along to three tiny bones in the middle ear, the smallest bones in the human body. These bones—known informally as the hammer, the anvil, and the stirrup—move one after the other, which has the effect of intensifying the force of the vibration. The innermost bone, the stirrup, pushes on a membrane that opens into the inner ear. The actual organ of hearing, the organ of Corti [CORE-tee], is a chamber inside the cochlea [KOCK-lee-uh], a snail-shaped structure within the inner ear. The organ of Corti plays the same role in hearing that the retina plays in vision. It contains the all-important receptor cells, which in this case are called hair cells and are topped by tiny bristles, or cilia. As depicted in the hair cells of the cochlea are embedded in the rubbery basilar membrane, which stretches across the interior of the cochlea. When pressure reaches the cochlea, it causes wavelike motions in fluid within the cochlea’s interior. These waves of fluid push on the basilar membrane, causing it to move in a wavelike fashion, too. Just above the hair cells is yet another membrane. As the hair cells rise and fall, their tips brush against it, and they bend. This causes the hair cells to initiate a signal that is passed along to the auditory nerve, which then carries the message to the brain. The particular pattern of hair-cell movement is affected by the manner in which the basilar membrane moves. This pattern determines which neurons fire and how rapidly they fire, and the resulting code in turn helps determine the sort of sound we hear. For example, we discriminate high-pitched sounds largely on the basis of where activity occurs along the basilar membrane; activity at different sites leads to different neural codes.

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What About You? When you listen via headphones to music, is it loud enough that you can’t hear the normal speaking voice of people in the same room as you?

Unfortunately, brief exposure to extremely loud noises, such as those from a gunshot or a jet airplane (140 dB), or sustained exposure to more moderate noises, such as those from shop tools or truck traffic (90 dB), can damage fragile hair cells. The cilia flop over like broken blades of grass, and if the damage affects a critical number, hearing loss occurs. In modern societies, with rock concerts, deafening bars and clubs, leaf blowers, and jackhammers, such damage is increasingly common, even among teenagers and young adults (Neitzel & Fligor, 2019; Rhee et al., 2019). Scientists are looking for ways to grow new, normally functioning hair cells, but hair-cell damage is currently irreversible (Liu et al., 2014). But even if hair cells are spared, noise-induced hearing loss can still occur through damage to the synapses between the hair cells and the auditory nerve (Liberman et al., 2016). Such findings are a good reminder to turn down the volume of our music and use earplugs during unavoidable noise exposure.

5.3.C Constructing the Auditory World Learning Objective 5.3.C List and give examples of Gestalt principles of perception that apply to constructing the auditory world. Just as we do not see a retinal image, we also do not hear a chorus of brushlike tufts bending and swaying in the dark recesses of the cochlea. Instead, our auditory system organizes patterns of sound and constructs a meaningful auditory world.

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organ of Corti A structure in the cochlea containing hair cells that serve as the receptors for hearing.

cochlea A snail­shaped, fluid­filled organ in the inner ear, containing the organ of Corti, where the receptors for hearing are located.

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The 2019 Oscar-winning film Sound of Metal depicts in dramatic fashion the hearing loss of a drummer in a heavy metal duo. Indeed, repeated exposure to loud music at concerts can damage or destroy the delicate hair cells of the inner ear and impair hearing among both performers and fans. The microphotograph on the right shows minuscule bristles (cilia) projecting from a single hair cell.

In your psychology class, your instructor hopes you will perceive their voice as figure and distant cheers from the athletic field as ground. Whether these hopes are realized will depend, of course, on where you choose to direct your attention. Other Gestalt principles also seem to apply to hearing. The proximity of notes in a melody tells you which notes go together to form phrases; continuity helps you follow a melody on one violin when another violin is playing a different melody; similarity in timbre and pitch helps you pick out the soprano voices in a chorus and hear them as a unit; closure helps you understand a phone caller’s words even when a low signal makes some of the individual sounds unintelligible. Besides needing to organize sounds, we also need to know where they are coming from. We can estimate the distance of a sound’s source by using loudness as a cue: We know that a train sounds louder when it is 20 yards away than when it is a mile off. To locate the direction a sound is coming from, we depend in part on the fact that we have two ears. A sound arriving from the right reaches the right ear a fraction of a second sooner than it reaches the left ear, and vice versa. The sound may also provide a bit more energy to the right ear (depending on its frequency) because it has to get around the head to reach the left ear. It is hard to localize sounds that are coming from directly in back of you or from directly above your head because such sounds reach both ears at the same time. When you turn or cock your head, you are actively trying to overcome this problem. Horses, dogs, rabbits, deer, and many other animals do not need to do this because the lucky creatures can move their ears independently of their heads. Some people who are blind have learned to harness the relationship between distance and sound to navigate their environment in astonishing ways—hiking, mountain biking, In the 2000 U.S. presidential election, even golfing. They use their mouths to make clicking sounds and listen to the tiny echoes a controversy emerged surrounding a bouncing off objects, a process called echolocation, which is similar to what bats do when George W. Bush campaign ad. In it, the they fly around hunting for food. In this scenario, the visual cortex responds to sounds that word “bureaucrats” appeared, in a critproduce echoes—that is, sounds with information about the size and location of objects— icism of Bush’s opponent, Al Gore. But but not to other sounds without echoes (Norman & Thaler, 2019; Tonelli et al., 2020). when you watched carefully, it appeared that the last four letters of the word— Like vision, audition plays a central role in our daily effort to make sense of and naviR-A-T-S—briefly flashed on the screen gate the world around us. Appreciating the basic biological mechanisms and Gestalt prinin a giant font size before the letters for ciples underlying these two core senses is therefore essential to the effort to understand the entire word all dropped into place in human perception. But our review of vision and audition does not address all of the quessmaller size. Was Bush calling Gore a rat? tions that one might have regarding these processes. What about subliminal messages that More importantly, could something like this influence voters’ impressions? are presented below typical thresholds of conscious awareness—can they really change

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people’s behavior? For that matter, can listeners actually hear and process backward messages hidden in popular music? It is true that perception can occur without our conscious awareness. We can see, hear, touch, and smell things without realizing it, and these experiences can influence how we act. But many of the less conventional claims you may have heard regarding unconscious persuasion—such as those regarding hidden backward messages in music—are closer to urban legend than scientifically supported conclusion. A video in Revel explores sensory misconceptions.

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JOURNAL 5.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS What do Ozzy Osbourne, Chris Martin, will.i.am, and Grimes all have in common? (Besides being musicians.) They’ve all suffered noticeable-to-substantial hearing loss as a consequence of their occupation. Using the specifics you’ve learned about the physical structure of the ear and the mechanics of hearing, what might be responsible for their hearing loss?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 5.3 to test your knowledge.

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5.4 Other Senses Psychological scientists have been particularly interested in vision and audition because of the importance of these senses to human survival. However, research on other senses is growing rapidly as awareness of how they contribute to our lives increases and new ways are found to study them.

5.4.A Taste: Savory Sensations Learning Objective 5.4.A Identify the major structures of the human tongue, and list the basic tastes perceived by humans. Taste, or gustation, occurs because chemicals stimulate thousands of receptors in the mouth. These receptors are located primarily on the tongue, but some are also found in the throat, inside the cheeks, and on the roof of the mouth. If you look at your tongue in a mirror, you will notice many tiny bumps; they are called papillae [pa-PILL-ee] (from the Latin for “pimples”), and they come in several forms. In all but one of these forms, the sides of each papilla are lined with taste buds, which up close look a little like segmented oranges (see Figure 5.14). Because of genetic differences, human tongues can have as few as 500 or as many as 10,000 taste buds (Miller & Reedy, 1990). The taste buds are commonly referred to, mistakenly, as the receptors for taste. The actual receptor cells are inside the buds, 50 to 150 to a bud. These cells send tiny fibers out through an opening in the bud; the receptor sites are on these fibers. New receptor cells replace old ones about every 10 days. However, after age 40 or so, the total number of taste buds (and therefore receptors) declines. Interestingly, the center of the tongue contains no taste buds. However, as in the case of the eye’s blind spot, you will not usually notice the lack of sensation because the brain fills in the gap. For many years, scientists talked about humans as experiencing four basic tastes: salty, sour, bitter, and sweet, each produced by a different type of chemical. These tastes are part of our evolutionary heritage, with receptors that are tuned to molecules that alert us to good or dangerous tastes: Bitter tastes help us detect poison; sweet tastes attract us to biologically useful sugars, such as those in fruit; salty tastes enable us to identify sodium, a mineral crucial to survival; and sour tastes permit us to avoid acids in concentrations that might injure tissue (Bartoshuk, 2009; Bartoshuk & Snyder, 2012). All of the basic tastes can be perceived at any spot on the tongue that has receptors, and differences among the areas are small. When you bite into a piece of toast with jam or an orange, its unique flavor is composed of some combination of these tastes. More recently, researchers have come to believe that there exists a fifth basic human taste, umami, the taste of monosodium glutamate (MSG). Research has identified umami

Vision and hearing are not the only senses that psychologists study.

papillae Knoblike elevations on the tongue, containing the taste buds (singular: papilla).

taste buds Nests of taste receptor cells.

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Figure 5.14 Taste Receptors Receptor cell

Taste hair

Outer layer of tongue

Taste pore

Supporting cell

Nerve fiber

receptors (Kurihara, 2015), which are said to facilitate our ability to detect protein-rich foods. Umami was identified by Japanese chemists in the early 1900s; the word has no exact English translation, but the closest is “delicious” or “savory.” And even more recently, a research group has proposed yet another basic taste, called oleogustus, which refers to the taste of fat. It appears to be distinct from other tastes and from the perception of fat through texture and odor (Running et al., 2015). The exact number of so-called basic tastes remains the subject of debate, but what is clear is that taste plays a major role in helping humans detect beneficial as well as harmful substances in our environment. Researchers have also explored the degree to which people live in what psychological scientist Linda Bartoshuk (2000) calls different “taste worlds.” Some people love broccoli, and others hate it. Some people can eat burning hot chili peppers, and others cannot tolerate the mildest jalapeño. And perhaps no food divides people more than cilantro. Entire websites are devoted to complaints about those innocent-looking green leaves; their detractors think they taste like soap, but their fans wouldn’t think of eating a chorizo taco without them. What causes these taste differences? According to Bartoshuk’s research, about 25% of people live in a “neon” taste world. These supertasters, who are overrepresented among women, have an unusually large number of small, densely packed papillae (Reedy et al., 1993). For them, bitter foods such as caffeine, quinine (the bitter ingredient in tonic water), and many vegetables are unpleasantly bitter— at least twice as bitter as they are for other people. Supertasters also perceive sweet tastes as sweeter and salty tastes as saltier than other people do, and they feel more “burn” from substances such as ginger, pepper, and hot chilies (Bartoshuk et al., 1998; Cena & Oggioni, 2016). Taste differences between people are partly a matter of genetics. Indeed, recent studies have suggested a genetic basis for the perception of bitterness and cilantro (Eriksson et al., 2012; Knaapila et al., 2012; Reed et al., 1999). However, culture and learning also play a role. People from one culture who enjoy raw oysters may be put off by other forms of raw seafood, such as sea urchin, that are popular in other cultures. Even within a given culture, people have different taste preferences. Flavors as diverse as vanilla, carrot, garlic, anise, hot spices, and mint can be transmitted to the

5.4.B Smell: The Sense of Scents Learning Objective 5.4.B Describe the basic pathway from smell receptors to the cerebral cortex.

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60 40 Percent correct

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Figure 5.15 Taste Test Apricot Chocolate Coffee Dill pickle juice Garlic Lemon Onion Root beer Water Wine 0

20

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The solid green bars show the percentages of people who could

Smell may not be the first thing you think of when considering how you navi- identify a substance dropped on the tongue when they were gate the world around you. And, sure, our sense of smell, or olfaction, is seem- able to smell it. The striped purple bars show the percentage who could identify the substance when they were prevented ingly crude when compared to that of a bloodhound or many other animal from smelling it (Mozell et al., 1969). species. In addition, smells appear to be more difficult to capture in words than sights and sounds (Majid et al., 2018). But don’t underestimate your sense of smell! Human olfaction is actually quite good, and people can detect aromas that sophisticated machines cannot. The receptors for smell are specialized neurons embedded in a tiny patch of mucous membrane in the upper part of the nasal passage, just beneath the eyes (see Figure 5.16). Millions of receptors in each nasal cavity respond to chemical molecules (vapors) in the air. When you inhale, you pull these molecules into the nasal cavity, but they can also enter from the mouth, wafting up the throat like smoke up a chimney. These molecules trigger responses in the receptors that combine to yield the yeasty smell of freshly baked bread or the spicy smell of a curry. Signals from the receptors are carried to the brain’s olfactory bulb by the olfactory nerve, which is made up of the receptors’ axons. From the olfactory bulb, they travel to a higher region of the brain. Figuring out the neural code for smell has been a real challenge. Of the 10,000 or so smells we detect (rotten, burned, musky, fruity, fishy, spicy . . .), none seems to be more basic than any other. Moreover, roughly 1,000 kinds of receptors exist, each kind responding to a part of an odor molecule’s structure (Axel, 1995; Buck & Axel, 1991; Nakamoto, 2015). Distinct odors activate unique combinations of receptors, and signals from different types of receptors are combined in individual neurons in the brain. Some neurons seem to respond only to particular mixtures of odors rather than the individual odors in a mix- Demonstrate for yourself that smell ture, which may explain why a mixture of clove and rose may be perceived as carnation enhances the sense of taste. While holding your nose, take a bite of a slice of apple rather than as two separate smells (Zou & Buck, 2006). and then do the same with a slice of raw Of course, some animals have a sense of smell that makes human beings seem potato. You may find that you cannot taste impaired by comparison. At airports, dogs detect drugs, bombs, and contraband food in much difference. If you think you do taste people’s luggage; in clinics, they detect cancer simply by sniffing a person’s breath (Feil a difference, perhaps your expectations are et al., 2021; Pirrone & Albertini, 2017). It’s not just dogs that have amazingly helpful senses influencing your response. Try the same of smell; in Tanzania, rats are helping to detect people who have undiagnosed tubercu- thing, but close your eyes this time and have someone else feed you the slices. Can you losis (Kanaan et al., 2021; Mgode et al., 2018). The olfactory talents of many nonhuman still tell them apart? It’s even more fun to do animals evolved because smell is so important to these animals’ survival. this little test with flavored jellybeans. They Although smell is less vital for human survival, it is still important. We sniff out danger are still apt to taste sweet, but you may be by smelling smoke, rotten food, and gas leaks, so a deficit in the sense of smell is nothing unable to identify the separate flavors.

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fetus or newborn through amniotic fluid or breast milk, with long-lasting consequences (Beauchamp & Mennella, 2011; Mennella et al., 2011). Babies fed salty foods prefer salty foods when they become preschoolers (Stein et al., 2012). Even illnesses can affect taste. If you have ever had an ear infection, it may have altered the activity of a nerve that runs through your tongue and changed your perception of taste. When you have a stuffy nose, you may have trouble tasting your food because a food’s odor influences its flavor. Much of what we call “flavor” is really the smell of gases released by the foods we put in our mouths. Indeed, subtle flavors such as chocolate and vanilla would have little taste if we could not smell them (see Figure 5.15). Most people who have chronic trouble detecting tastes often have a problem with smell, not taste. Your experience of taste, then, is not determined by just one factor, such as genes, but also by infections, sense of smell, cultural preferences, exposure to other cultures’ foods, and what your parents taught you. That is why you can learn to like foods that you previously thought were unappealing— even if the stubborn child within you continues to insist that you will never, ever, under any circumstances, like brussels sprouts.

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Figure 5.16 Receptors for Smell

Olfactory bulb

Cilia of olfactory receptor cell

Olfactory epithelium

Airborne chemical molecules (vapors) enter the nose and circulate through the nasal cavity, where the smell receptors are located. The receptors’ axons make up the olfactory nerve, which carries signals to the brain. When you sniff, you draw more vapors into the nose and speed their circulation. Vapors can also reach the nasal cavity through the mouth by way of a passageway from the throat.

to turn up your nose at. Such a loss can result from infection, disease, injury to the olfactory nerve, or smoking. For example, an impaired sense of smell appears to be an early indicator of dementia because the brain pathology underlying dementia affects the olfactory bulbs as well (Brai et al., 2020; Devanand et al., 2015; Roberts et al., 2016). Because testing people for odor identification deficits is easy, safe, and inexpensive, researchers are evaluating such tests for possible use in clinical practice to help identify individuals at risk for dementia. Diminished sense of smell (and taste) can also occur with the viral infection underlying COVID-19 (Yan et al., 2020) or with nasal congestion associated with the common cold. Odors can also have psychological effects on us, which is why we buy perfumes, send sweet-smelling flowers, and make sure to have cookies baking in the oven during a real estate open house. Perhaps because olfactory centers in the brain are linked to areas that process memories and emotions, specific smells often evoke vivid, emotionally colored memories (Herz & Cupchik, 1995; Reid et al., 2015). Odors can also influence people’s everyday behavior (Pazzaglia, 2015), which is why shopping malls and hotels often install aroma diffusers in hopes of putting you in a good mood. And it turns out that odors can affect other behaviors that you might not expect, like sleep! In one study, participants slept with either a shirt previously worn for 24 hours by their romantic partner or a control shirt that was not. (Participants and their partners were not permitted to wear perfumes or other scented products during the study.) Sleeping with the odor of a partner’s shirt was associated with better self-reported sleep quality and better sleep efficiency (i.e., more sleep during the time spent in bed), which was measured by a special watch-like device called an actigraphy monitor (Hofer & Chen, 2020). To put the findings in more concrete terms, sleeping with the odor of a partner was associated with roughly 9 additional minutes of sleep per night, on average.

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Perhaps smelling their partner’s odor made the participants feel more relaxed and comfortable, which led to better sleep. Indeed, other studies have shown that smelling the odor of loved ones can lower self-reported stress (Hofer et al., 2018, 2020).

5.4.C Senses of the Skin Learning Objective 5.4.C List the four basic skin senses that humans perceive.

5.4.D The Mystery of Pain Learning Objective 5.4.D Describe the principles of gate-control theory, and explain what phantom pain is and a novel way to treat it. Pain, which is both a skin sense and an internal sense, has come under special scrutiny. Pain differs from other senses in an important way: Even when the stimulus producing it is removed, the sensation may continue, sometimes for years. Chronic pain disrupts and can wreck a person’s life, putting stress on the body and causing depression and despair. Understanding the physiology of pain has been an enormous challenge because different types of pain (from, say, a thorn, a bruise, or a hot iron) involve different chemical changes and different changes in nerve-cell activity at the site of injury or disease, as well as in the spinal cord and brain. Several chemical substances are involved and so are glial cells, the cells that support nerve cells; they release inflammatory substances that can worsen the pain (Donnelly et al., 2020). Here, however, we focus on a general theory of pain and on the psychological factors that influence how pain is experienced. For many years, the most influential theory of pain was the gate-control theory, which was first proposed by Canadian psychologist Ronald Melzack and British physiologist Patrick Wall (1965). According to this theory, pain impulses must get past a “gate” in the spinal cord. The gate is not an actual structure, but rather a pattern of neural activity that either blocks pain messages from the skin, muscles, and internal organs or lets those signals through. Normally, the gate is kept shut, either by impulses coming into the spinal cord from large fibers that respond to pressure and other kinds of stimulation or by signals coming down from the brain itself. But when body tissue is injured, the large fibers are damaged and smaller fibers open the gate, allowing pain messages to reach the brain unchecked. The gate-control theory correctly predicts that mild pressure, or other kinds of stimulation, can interfere with severe or protracted pain by closing the spinal gate. When we vigorously rub a banged elbow or apply ice packs, heat, or stimulating ointments to injuries, we are applying this principle. An overview of the biological basis of pain perception, including the gate-control theory, is shown in a video in Revel.

gate-control theory The theory that the experience of pain depends in part on whether pain impulses get past a neurological “gate” in the spinal cord and thus reach the brain.

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The skin does more than just protect what is inside of us. Our two square yards of skin help us identify objects and establish intimacy with others. By providing a boundary between ourselves and everything else, the skin also gives us a sense of ourselves as distinct from the environment. The basic skin senses include touch (or pressure), warmth, cold, and pain. Sensations of itch, tickle, and painful burning appear to be variations of them. Although certain spots on the skin are especially sensitive to the four basic skin sensations, for many years, scientists had difficulty finding distinct receptors and nerve fibers for these sensations, except in the case of pressure. But then Swedish researchers discovered a nerve fiber that seems responsible for the kind of itching caused by histamines (Schmelz, 2019; Schmelz et al., 1997). Another team has found that the same fibers that detect pain from a burn or punch in the nose also seem to detect the kind of pathological itch that is unrelated to histamines and that cannot be relieved by antihistamine medications (Johanek et al., 2008). Scientists have also identified a possible cold receptor (Lewis & Griffith, 2022; McKemy et al., 2002; Peier et al., 2002). Perhaps specialized fibers will be discovered for other skin sensations as well. In the meantime, many aspects of touch remain baffling, such as why gently touching adjacent pressure spots in rapid succession produces a tickle and why scratching relieves (or sometimes worsens) an itch. Decoding the messages of the skin senses will eventually tell us how we are able to distinguish sandpaper from velvet and glue from grease.

Because of a rare condition, Ashlyn Blocker cannot feel pain. This means that she needs to be regularly checked for injuries. Severe, chronic pain causes terrible suffering for millions of people, but moderate, temporary pain is useful because it alerts us to injury.

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In the gate-control theory, the brain not only responds to incoming signals from sensory nerves, but it is also capable of generating pain entirely on its own (Melzack, 1992; 1993). An extensive matrix (network) of neurons in the brain gives us a sense of our own bodies and body parts. When this matrix produces abnormal patterns of activity, the result is pain. The brain’s ability to generate pain can help explain the many instances of severe, chronic pain that occur without any sign of injury or disease whatsoever. Because technology now allows scientists to study pain at the molecular and cellular levels, today we know that the gate-control theory, though useful, is incomplete (Mendell, 2014). Pain may also be caused by changes to the sensitivity of neurons in the central nervous system (CNS). For example, when bursts of heat are repeatedly applied to an animal’s paw, pain receptors in the paw and skin are excited and remain sensitive for several hours. During that time, even a light, harmless touch will activate the pain receptors, and applying anesthetic at the site of injury will not make the pain receptors return to normal. This finding shows that changes at the CNS level can help explain how once-harmless stimuli can end up causing pain (Latremoliere & Woolf, 2009; Woolf, 2018). An extreme version of pain without injury occurs in phantom pain, in which a person phantom pain continues to feel pain that seemingly comes from an arm or leg that has been amputated. The experience of pain in a missing Phantom limb pain afflicts up to 90% of amputees. The person may feel the same aching, limb or other body part. burning, or sharp pain from sores, calf cramps, throbbing toes, or ingrown toenails that they endured before the surgery. Even when the spinal cord has been completely severed, amputees often continue to report phantom pain from areas below the break. The pain can be constant and excruciating, despite the lack of nerve impulses for the spinal-cord gate to block or let through. A leading explanation of phantom pain is that the brain has reorganized itself: The area in the sensory cortex that formerly corresponded to the missing body part has been “invaded” by neurons from another area, often one corresponding to the face. Higher brain centers then interpret messages from those neurons as coming from the nonexistent body part (Cruz et al., 2005; Ramachandran & Blakeslee, 1998). Even though the missing limb can no longer send signals through touch and internal sensations, memories of these signals remain in the nervous system, including memories of pain, paralysis, and cramping that occurred prior to amputation. The result is an inaccurate “body map” in the brain and pain signals that cannot be shut off. Vilayanur Ramachandran, the neurologist who first proposed this theory, has developed an extraordinarily simple but effective treatment for phantom limb pain. Ramachandran wondered whether he could devise an illusion to trick the brain of an amputee with phantom arm pain into perceiving the missing limb as moving and pain-free. He placed a mirror upright and perpendicular to the sufferer’s body, such that the amputee’s intact arm was reflected in the mirror. From the amputee’s perspective, the result was an illusion of two functioning arms. The amputee was then instructed to move both arms in synchrony while looking into the mirror. With this technique, which has now been used with many people, the brain is fooled into thinking its owner has two healthy arms or legs, resynchronizing the signals—and phantom pain vanishes (Ramachandran & Altschuler, 2009). Neurologists have tested this method with Iraq veterans and are finding it to be more successful than control therapies in which patients just mentally visualize having two intact limbs (Anderson-Barnes After his right leg was destroyed in an explosion while he was in Iraq, army sergeant Nicholas Paupore experienced excruciating phantom limb et al., 2009; Chan et al., 2007; Griffin et al., 2017). pain. Even morphine didn’t help. Then he underwent a simple daily proMost of us can experience an illusion caused by a mechacedure. A mirror was placed at a strategic angle to reflect his intact leg, nism similar to the one Ramachandran set up. Imagine that you tricking his brain into registering two healthy legs. The pain almost immeare sitting with your arms resting on a table. Between your arms diately subsided. A year after therapy, he had only occasional, milder pain is a screen, positioned so that you can see your left arm but not and needed no medication. In some patients, mirror therapy has elimiyour right. But in front of the screen, also in your view, rests a nated phantom pain entirely.

full-sized right arm and hand made of rubber. You are asked to focus on the rubber hand while the experimenters take two small paintbrushes and gently stroke your left hand and the rubber hand simultaneously. Do you think you would feel the touch of the paintbrush on the rubber hand? It may seem impossible, but the answer is yes! In this study of what has become known as “the rubber hand illusion,” people reported that they felt the touch of the paintbrush on the artificial hand—which, in turn, felt as though it were their own (Botvinick & Cohen, 1998; Kammers et al., 2009). Usually, our abilities to see, feel, and know what our body parts are doing are all tightly coordinated (Sathian & Lacey, 2022), but in the rubber hand illusion, your brain tries to reconcile the unusual situation by “adopting” the rubber arm as its own and “disowning” your real right arm. This fascinating phenomenon has been replicated in recent studies (Barnsley et al., 2011; Motyka & Litwin, 2019; Ramachandran et al., 2011).

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Sensation and Perception

A demonstration of the rubber hand illusion.

Taking Psychology with You Why Perception Can Be More Than Meets the Eye You’ve learned how perceptual processes organize sensory infor-

3. Emotions. Emotions can influence our interpretation of sen-

mation into meaningful patterns, but don’t forget that perception

sory information, as when a small child afraid of the dark sees

can be biased, as demonstrated by the common phenomenon of

a ghost instead of a robe hanging on the bedroom door. On the

“seeing” faces in inanimate objects. Furthermore, perception can

other hand, emotional arousal can also improve the perception

change with our psychological state and can differ across people.

of stimuli, perhaps by increasing activation in the brain’s visual

The following factors are ones you should keep in mind as potential

cortex (D’Hondt et al., 2014; Lee et al., 2014; Padmala & Pessoa,

influences on what we perceive or how we perceive it.

2008), which can be helpful when trying to determine whether an

1. Needs. When we need something, have an interest in it, or want it, we are especially likely to perceive it. That is why a hungry person is faster than others to see words related to hunger when they are flashed briefly on a screen (Radel & Clément-Guillotin, 2012; Wispé & Drambarean, 1953). People also tend to perceive objects that they want—a water bottle if they are thirsty, money they can win in a game—as being physically closer to them than objects they don’t want or need. Some psychological scientists call these motivated misperceptions “wishful seeing” (Balcetis & Dunning, 2010). 2. Beliefs. What we hold to be true about the world can affect our interpretation of ambiguous sensory signals. People who believe that divine messages can be found on everyday objects have reported seeing images of religious figures on walls, dishes, potato chips, and tortillas. Such images cause great excitement but are inevitably accounted for by mundane events. People who believe that they can communicate with ghosts may interpret ambiguous sounds as evidence of afterlife communication. An example of this can be found in the Buzzfeed Unsolved: Supernatural series in which the hosts use a “spirit box” to supposedly receive messages from ghosts. The “spirit box” rapidly plays random snippets of sounds from the radio—essentially meaningless noise— but the hosts interpret these ambiguous sounds as the words of ghosts!

unfamiliar environment is dangerous. Anxiety and sadness also can intensify the perception of pain (Wang et al., 2016; Wiech & Tracey, 2009). 4. Expectations. Previous experiences or instructions from others can lead to expectations that affect how we perceive the world (de Lange et al., 2018). This can come in handy, such as by helping us fill in words in sentences when we haven’t really heard them all. The potential for expectation to affect perception is regularly demonstrated by viral videos: In one such video, an electronic game piece produced a synthesized voice that seemed to say either “brainstorm” or “green needle,” depending on which of these two words the perceiver had in mind before hearing it; in another, the same audio clip could be heard as either “Laurel” or “Yanny.” Expectations can also reduce our reactions to stimuli that would otherwise be unpleasant. One classic example of this is the placebo effect, whereby people experience a reduction in pain or other symptoms after receiving an inert treatment like a sugar pill (i.e., a placebo). Why does this happen? Simply expecting pain relief can be associated with less perceived pain (Schedlowski et al., 2015). 5. Culture. Different cultures give people practice with different perceptual environments. In a classic study from the 1960s, researchers found that individuals living in some parts of Africa were less likely to be fooled by the Müller-Lyer illusion (refer back to Figure 5.10) and other geometric illusions than were (continued )

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It is important to think about how processes related to perception influence daily life. For example, did you know that selfies tend to make your nose appear larger than it really is? Compare the size of the nose in the photo taken at 12 inches (i.e., a selfie) (left) versus 5 feet away (right). Doctors are concerned that distorted perceptions of nose size in selfies may prompt more people to seek cosmetic surgery and be less satisfied with the outcome (Ward et al., 2018). Distorted perceptions of the face can also occur in videoconferencing, a practice that has become much more common since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to a survey of physicians, patients often cite videoconferencing as a reason for concerns about their appearance (Rice et al., 2021).

European and American city dwellers. The latter people live in a “carpentered” world, full of rectangular structures, and they are used to interpreting two-dimensional photographs and drawings as representations of a three-dimensional world. Therefore, they interpret the angles used in the Müller-Lyer illusion as right angles extended in space. The rural Africans in the study, living in round huts, seemed more likely to take the lines in the figures literally, as two-dimensional, which could explain why they were less susceptible to the illusion (Segall et al., 1966; Segall et al., 1999). Culture also affects perception by shaping our stereotypes and directing our attention. For example, people from the United States and Europe tend to focus mostly on the figure when viewing a scene and much less on the ground. People from East Asia, in contrast, tend to pay attention to the overall context and the relationship

between figure and ground. In one study that used stimuli like those of the Ebbinghaus illusion, participants in Japan were more affected by the context (i.e., the circles surrounding the center circle) than were participants in the UK (Doherty et al., 2008). And in a memory experiment, Japanese and American participants were shown animated underwater scenes containing brightly colored fish that were larger and moving faster than other objects in the scene. Afterward, both groups reported the same numbers of details about the fish, but the Japanese participants remembered more details about everything else in the background, such as rocks and plants (Miyamoto et al., 2006). This cultural difference in sensitivity to context is apparent even in young children (6–7 years old) (Imada et al., 2013; Schultze et al., 2022). When travelers visit another culture and are surprised to find that its members “see things differently,” they may be literally correct.

5.4.E The Environment Within Learning Objective 5.4.E Discuss the two senses that allow us to monitor our internal environment. kinesthesis The sense of body position and movement of body parts (also called kinesthesia).

equilibrium The sense of balance.

semicircular canals Sense organs in the inner ear that contribute to equilibrium by responding to rotation of the head.

We usually think of our senses as pipelines to the world around us, but two senses keep us informed about the movements of our own bodies. Kinesthesis [KIN-es-THEE-sis] tells us where our bodily parts are located and lets us know when they move. This information is provided by pain and pressure receptors located in the muscles, joints, and tendons. Without kinesthesis, you would have trouble with any voluntary movement. Think of how hard it is to walk when your leg has “fallen asleep” or how awkward it is to chew when a dentist has numbed your jaw. Equilibrium, or the sense of balance, gives us information about our bodies as a whole. Along with vision and touch, it lets us know whether we are standing upright or on our heads and tells us when we are falling or rotating. Equilibrium relies primarily on three semicircular canals in the inner ear (refer back to Figure 5.14). These thin tubes are filled with fluid that moves and presses on hairlike receptors whenever the head rotates. The receptors initiate messages that travel through a part of the auditory nerve that is not involved in hearing. Normally, kinesthesis and equilibrium work together to give us a sense of our own physical reality, something we take for granted but should not. Oliver Sacks (1998) told the heart-breaking story of Christina, a young British woman who suffered irreversible damage to her kinesthetic

nerve fibers because of a mysterious inflammation. At first, Christina was as floppy as a rag doll; she could not sit up, walk, or stand. Then, slowly, she learned to do these things, relying on visual cues and sheer willpower. But her movements remained unnatural; she had to grasp a fork with painful force or she would drop it. More important, despite her remaining sensitivity to light touch on the skin, she said she could no longer experience herself as physically embodied: “It’s like something’s been scooped right out of me,” she told Sacks, “right at the center.” With equilibrium, we come, as it were, to the end of our senses (or, at least, the end of our review of our senses). Every single second, millions of sensory signals reach the brain, which combines and integrates them to produce what we experience as the reality around us.

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Sensation and Perception

This person obviously has exceptional kinesthetic talents and equilibrium.

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JOURNAL 5.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER The U.S. military has spent time and money looking into nonlethal weapons development, or what’s also known as “stench warfare,” searching for a smell that would prove noxious, aversive, and perhaps incapacitating to an enemy during military operations. (The clear winner in tests so far is the smell of human feces.) Why would smell have this kind of power? How do smell receptors and the process of smell perception differ from the other senses, and why might it predict an immediate, nearly universal response to some odors?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 5.4 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: People Can Smell Fear STEP 1. Criticize This Claim An animal’s sense of smell can be amazing. The albatross is able to track, by scent, its underwater prey for miles at a time. The antennae of some male moths can locate from a mile away even a single molecule of female moth sex hormone. Dogs have been trained to use their olfactory abilities to detect a range of targets, like drugs, explosives, bed bugs, electronic devices, and even cancer cells. But humans aren’t too shabby either. It has even been suggested that people can smell fear. Let’s put this claim under our critical-thinking microscope.

STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder One question to ask in assessing this claim is, would such an ability promote survival? That is, from an evolutionary standpoint, what would be the benefit of being able to detect fear using smell? For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option to complete the sentence. Many processes related to sensation and perception have evolved to maximize an organism’s likelihood of survival. Consider the following example related to taste: (1) _______. When it comes to fear specifically, it would be to an individual’s benefit to sense quickly that others are afraid because (2) _______. Accordingly, it would be (3) _______ with an evolutionary perspective for humans to have the ability to detect fear through as many sensory inputs as possible. 1. a. Even when we eat a food that makes us ill, we forget that experience quickly and continue to crave that food in the future b. Many Americans who enjoy eating raw oysters are put off by other cultures’ raw food with which they’re less familiar, like sea urchin c. Finely tuned receptors that allow us to detect bitter tastes help us identify and avoid potential poisons 2. a. it may be an indication of an imminent threat in the immediate environment b. different cultures have different norms for the expression of fear c. the individual could then seek to compensate for this by conveying a more positive emotion 3. a. inconsistent b. consistent (continued )

160 Chapter 5 STEP 3. Ask (More) Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Another question is whether there’s evidence of other impressive abilities when it comes to the human sense of smell. The answer is yes. In one study, 100 college students wore identical T-shirts for 24 hours and later had to identify by scent which one was theirs. Three-quarters of them guessed correctly the first time. In another study, mothers used smell to differentiate a shirt worn by their own child from those worn by nonrelatives, and moms with more than one child were often able to distinguish which shirt belonged to which sibling.

STEP 4. Examine the Evidence How would we measure olfactory fear detection? Researchers have conducted studies in which people watch either a horror movie or a happy movie with odor-absorbing pads placed under their arms. The pads are then stored in airtight bottles and later presented to a new set of participants for a smell-test. When asked to guess which bottle contains the odor of people who were afraid, participants typically perform at a level better than chance. At least to some degree, they are able to sniff out fear.

STEP 5. Ask (Even More) Questions, Be Willing to Wonder

Are all people equally strong smell detectors? In one study of the type just described, Chen and Haviland-Jones (2000) found that male and female participants were equally good at detecting fear odor. But when it came to detecting the happy odor bottle, women performed better.

How does the smell of fear change a person’s behavior? Presumably, the adaptive purpose of olfactory fear detection would be to enable individuals to be on alert and prepare themselves for action. Indeed, Chen et al. (2006) found that participants exposed to the odor of fear sweat demonstrated increased speed and accuracy on a cognitive reaction time task.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions When asked to rate the importance of the five senses, people place smell near the bottom. Relatively speaking, we lack confidence in our olfactory abilities. But people can smell fear, at least to some extent. This ability to detect fear via multiple sensory inputs brings with it potential survival benefits. Our critical review reveals that human body odors can convey information about emotional state. In short, your nose knows more than you think it does. Answer key: 1) c, 2) a, 3) b

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Provocative and surprising findings like these require efforts at replication; they also prompt us to ask even more questions worthy of additional investigation.

And what about the possibility of human sex pheromones? Some companies sell colognes and perfumes containing steroids like androstadienone (found in male sweat and semen) and estratetraenol (found in women’s urine) that they claim promote sexual attraction. In a recent study, however, Hare et al. (2017) found no evidence that exposure to these supposed pheromones affected people’s ratings of the attractiveness of opposite-sex faces.

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Summary: Sensation and Perception 5.1 Our Sensational Senses LO 5.1.A

Distinguish between sensation and perception, and explain how the doctrine of specific nerve energies and synesthesia contribute to our understanding of sensory modalities.

Sensation is the detection and direct experience of physical energy as a result of environmental or internal events. Perception is the process by which sensory impulses are organized and interpreted. Sensation begins with the sense receptors, which convert the energy of a stimulus into electrical impulses that travel along nerves to the brain. Separate sensations can be accounted for by anatomical codes (as set forth by the doctrine of specific nerve energies) and functional codes in the nervous system. Sensory crossover from one modality to another can sometimes occur, and in synesthesia, sensation in one modality consistently evokes a sensation in another, but these experiences are rare. LO 5.1.B

Differentiate among absolute thresholds, difference thresholds, and signal detection.

Psychological scientists specializing in psychophysics have studied sensory sensitivity by measuring absolute and difference thresholds. Signal-detection theory, however, holds that responses in a detection task depend on both a sensory process and a decision process and will vary with the person’s motivation, alertness, and expectations. LO 5.1.C

Discuss why the principle of sensory adaptation helps us understand how the human perceptual system works.

Our senses are designed to respond to change and contrast in the environment. When stimulation is unchanging, sensory adaptation occurs. Too little stimulation can cause sensory deprivation.

LO 5.2.B

Locate the structures and cells of the human eye, tracing the path that light follows from the cornea to the optic nerve.

The visual receptors, rods and cones, are located in the retina of the eye. They send signals (via other cells) to the ganglion cells and ultimately to the optic nerve, which carries visual information to the brain. Rods are responsible for vision in dim light; cones are responsible for color vision. LO 5.2.C

Summarize the evidence indicating that the visual system is not simply a “camera.”

Specific aspects of the visual world, such as lines at various orientations, are detected by feature-detector cells in the visual areas of the brain. Some of these cells respond maximally to complex patterns, and three separate groups of cells in the brain help us identify faces, places, and bodies. The perception of any given object probably depends on the activation of many cells in different parts of the brain and on the overall pattern and rhythm of their activity. LO 5.2.D

Compare the trichromatic and opponent-process theories of color vision.

The trichromatic and opponent-process theories of color vision apply to different stages of visual processing. In the first stage, three types of cones in the retina respond selectively to different wavelengths of light. In the second, opponent-process cells in the retina and the thalamus respond in opposite fashion to short and long wavelengths of light. LO 5.2.E

Summarize the principles and processes that guide form perception, depth and distance perception, visual constancies, and visual illusions.

Selective attention prevents us from being overwhelmed by the countless stimuli impinging on our senses by allowing us to focus on what is important, but it also deprives us of sensory information we may need, as in inattentional blindness.

Perception involves the active construction of a model of the world from moment to moment. The Gestalt principles (e.g., figure and ground, proximity, closure, similarity, and continuity) describe visual strategies used by the brain to perceive forms. We localize objects in visual space by using both binocular and monocular cues to depth. Perceptual constancies allow us to perceive objects as stable despite changes in the sensory patterns they produce. Perceptual illusions occur when sensory cues are misleading or when we misinterpret cues.

5.2 Vision

5.3 Hearing

LO 5.1.D

LO 5.2.A

Describe how selective attention and inattentional blindness are related.

Describe the three psychological dimensions of vision and the three physical properties of light that produce them.

The stimulus for vision is light, which is a form of electromagnetic radiation. Vision is affected by the wavelength, intensity, and complexity of light, which produce the psychological dimensions of visual experience—hue, brightness, and saturation.

LO 5.3.A

Describe the three psychological dimensions of hearing and the three physical properties of sound that produce them.

Hearing (audition) is affected by the intensity, frequency, and complexity of pressure waves in the air or other transmitting substance, corresponding to the experience of loudness, pitch, and timbre of the sound.

162 Chapter 5 LO 5.3.B

Locate the major structures of the human ear, and describe the functions of each component.

The receptors for hearing are hair cells (topped by cilia) embedded in the basilar membrane, located in the organ of Corti in the interior of the cochlea. These receptors pass signals along to the auditory nerve. The sounds we hear are determined by patterns of hair-cell movement, which produce different neural codes. LO 5.3.C

List and give examples of Gestalt principles of perception that apply to constructing the auditory world.

Gestalt principles (such as proximity, figure/ground, continuity, or similarity) help us to make sense of our auditory world. When we localize sounds, we use as cues subtle differences in how pressure waves reach each of our ears. Some blind people are able to use echolocation to navigate.

5.4 Other Senses LO 5.4.A

Identify the major structures of the human tongue, and list the basic tastes perceived by humans.

Taste (gustation) is a chemical sense. Elevations on the tongue, called papillae, contain many taste buds, which in turn contain the taste receptors. The basic tastes include salty, sour, bitter, and sweet. More recently, umami and oleogustus, associated with the tastes of protein and fat, respectively, have also been proposed as basic tastes, with research on these questions still ongoing. LO 5.4.B

Describe the basic pathway from smell receptors to the cerebral cortex.

Smell (olfaction) is also a chemical sense. No basic odors have been identified, and up to a thousand different receptor types

exist. But researchers have discovered that distinct odors activate unique combinations of receptor types, and they have identified some of those combinations. LO 5.4.C

List the four basic skin senses that humans perceive.

The skin senses include touch (pressure), warmth, cold, and pain (and variations such as itch and tickle). Receptors for some types of itching and a receptor for cold have been discovered. LO 5.4.D

Describe the principles of gate-control theory, and explain what phantom pain is and a novel way to treat it.

Pain has proven to be physiologically complicated, involving the release of several different chemicals and changes in both neurons and glial cells. According to the gate-control theory, the experience of pain depends on whether neural impulses get past a “gate” in the spinal cord and reach the brain; in addition, a matrix of neurons in the brain can generate pain even in the absence of signals from sensory neurons. A leading theory of phantom pain holds that it occurs when the brain rewires itself after the amputation of a limb or removal of a body organ. Mirrors can be used to trick the brain into registering the presence of healthy limbs and hence decrease pain. LO 5.4.E

Discuss the two senses that allow us to monitor our internal environment.

Kinesthesis tells us where our body parts are located, and equilibrium is our sense of balance, which indicates the orientation of our body as a whole. Together, these two senses provide us with a feeling of physical embodiment.

Shared Writing: Sensation and Perception Most people like the smell of wintergreen in candies, room fresheners, or nature. But when told it is the scent of an industrial solvent, some are actually sickened by the smell. Throughout this chapter, you have read about instances like this one in which the very same sensory experience—the appearance of a striped dress, the taste of cilantro, a viral audio clip—can produce very different perceptual consequences either in different people or in the same person in different contexts. Using one of these (or other) examples, discuss how biological, psychological, and cultural factors play a role in these varied perceptual outcomes.

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 5 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 6

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Consciousness and Sleep

Learning Objectives LO 6.1.A

Define circadian rhythms, and explain how the body’s “biological clock” works.

LO 6.4.A

Summarize the truths and misconceptions associated with hypnosis.

LO 6.1.B

Explain and summarize the evidence that mood varies with seasons and the menstrual cycle.

LO 6.4.B

LO 6.2.A

Describe and explain the primary features of the stages of sleep.

Compare dissociation, sociocognitive, and biological perspectives on hypnosis, noting how each accounts for aspects of hypnotized behavior.

LO 6.5.A

List the mental consequences of sleep loss and the mental benefits of a good night’s sleep.

List the four main categories of psychoactive drugs, and summarize the main effects of each.

LO 6.5.B

Explain how drugs can affect neurotransmitters in the brain.

LO 6.3.A

Discuss explanations for why we dream.

LO 6.5.C

LO 6.3.B

Summarize the strengths and weaknesses of each major dream theory.

Summarize the psychological variables that can moderate the physiological effects of drugs.

LO 6.2.B

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter.

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In the previous semester, did you pull at least one “all-nighter” in which you did not sleep at all overnight?

With new technologies come new questions about what it means to be conscious, intelligent, and, indeed, human.

Throughout the day, mood, alertness, efficiency, and consciousness itself—our awareness of ourselves, our thoughts, and the environment around us—are in perpetual flux. Why is it that sometimes we are hyperalert to our own feelings and everything around us, but other times we daydream or go on “autopilot”? Why do we sometimes speak as though our minds are separate from us, saying, “My mind is playing tricks on me”? For that matter, who is the “me” watching your mind play those tricks anyway, and who is the one being tricked? Where does the mind stop and the body begin? Questions like these play a prominent role in popular culture. Consider a wide range of mind-bending movies and television shows, such as Inception, in which characters including Leonardo DiCaprio’s Cobb experiment with “stealing” information from others’ minds and implanting one person’s idea in the subconscious of another. Or Stranger Things, in which everyone’s favorite telekinetic teenager, Eleven, uses her powers to enter “The Void,” a mental expanse of nothingness through which she finds and has conversations with people who are physically located somewhere else. Or, as depicted in the photo at the beginning of the chapter, Get Out, in which Daniel Kaluuya’s character Chris is hypnotized into entering the “Sunken Place,” where his consciousness is forcibly and disturbingly separated from his physical body. Questions about consciousness also arise from technological advances. We live in a world where cars drive autonomously, phones recognize who we are by our faces, digital household devices ask us questions and respond intelligently to our responses, robots can monitor their own progress and adjust accordingly as they solve problems, and artificial intelligence websites can write academic papers in just a few seconds. Do any of these devices have consciousness? Some scientists have suggested that what we think of as human consciousness boils down to nothing more than a series of specific computations—that machines can and will achieve such consciousness (Dehaene et al., 2017). Other people worry that self-aware artificial intelligence will eventually bring about the end of humankind. Psychologists have long been intrigued by these same issues and questions, but it’s difficult to answer them—studying consciousness can be tricky! One way to study consciousness is to examine how it changes over time. Starting from the assumption that mental and physical states are as intertwined as sunshine and shadow, psychologists explore the links between fluctuations in subjective experience and changes in brain activity and hormone levels. One example of consciousness changing over time is something we do (or should do) every night: sleep. As you will soon read, sleep has several stages that are marked by changes in both consciousness and brain function. In addition, sleep confers many physical and cognitive benefits, and yet many of us don’t get enough of it. Indeed, many readers of this chapter indicated in response to our opening question above that they have recently pulled an “all-nighter” during which they didn’t sleep at all. We will return to the topic of sleep loss and its potential negative effects. In this chapter, we will explore how consciousness and functioning vary predictably over time. Then we will examine sleep and dreaming, followed by altered states of consciousness induced by hypnosis and the use of recreational drugs.

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6.1 Biological Rhythms: The Tides of Experience Are you an “early bird” or a “night owl”? Do you feel more energized at 8:00 in the morning or 8:00 at night? Your answers to these questions may reflect how you respond to the complex interplay of your bodily systems’ ups and downs as you progress through the day. In this section, we will take a look at the natural cycles our bodies regularly go through.

The human body goes through dozens of ups and downs in physiological functioning over the course of a day, a week, and a year. These changes are known as biological rhythms. A biological clock in our brains governs the waxing and waning of hormone levels, urine vol- Biological rhythms play an important role ume, blood pressure, and even the responsiveness of brain cells to stimulation. Biological in how we think, feel, and act. rhythms are typically in tune with external time cues such as changes in clock time, temperature, and daylight, but many rhythms continue to occur even in the absence of such biological rhythm cues; they are endogenous, or generated from within. A periodic, more or less regular Circadian [sur-CAY-dee-un] rhythms are biological rhythms that occur approximately fluctuation in a biological system, every 24 hours. Their name comes from the Latin circa, meaning “about,” and dies, meaning often having psychological “a day.” They evolved in plants, insects, human beings, and other animals as an adaptation implications. to the many changes associated with the rotation of earth on its axis, such as changes in light, air pressure, and temperature. The best-known circadian rhythm is the sleep–wake endogenous cycle, but hundreds of others affect physiology and performance. Generated from within rather than by Body temperature fluctuates about 1 degree centigrade each day, peaking, on average, external cues. in the late afternoon and hitting a low point, or trough, in the wee hours of the morning. circadian rhythm Other rhythms occur less frequently than once a day—say, once a month or once a season. In the animal world, seasonal rhythms are common. Birds migrate south in the fall, bears hiberA biological rhythm with a period of about 24 hours from peak to peak or nate in the winter, and marine animals become active or inactive depending on bimonthly trough to trough. changes in the tides. Some seasonal and monthly rhythms also occur in humans. In all adults (regardless of sex), testosterone peaks in the autumn and dips in the spring (Stanton et al., 2011), and for people who menstruate, that cycle occurs roughly every 28 days. Other rhythms occur more frequently than once a day, many of them on about a 90-minute cycle. In humans, these include physiological changes during sleep, stomach contractions, hormone levels, susceptibility to visual illusions, verbal and spatial performance, brain-wave responses during cognitive tasks, and daydreaming (Blumberg, et al., 2014; Klein & Armitage, 1979; Prendergast & Zucker, 2016). In most societies, clocks and other external time cues abound, and people’s circadian rhythms become tied to them, following 24-hour schedules. Therefore, to identify endogenous rhythms, scientists isolate volunteers from sunlight, clocks, environmental sounds, and all other cues to time. Some hardy souls have spent weeks isolated in underground caves; usually, however, participants live in specially designed rooms equipped with audio systems, comfortable furniture, and temperature controls. Free of the tyranny of the clock, a few of these people have lived a “day” that is much shorter or longer A person participating in a sleep study will be asked to spend a night in a sleep laboratory, often attached to various recording devices that meathan 24 hours. If allowed to take daytime naps, however, most sure physiological and brain activity. After a period of adjustment, most soon settle into a day that averages 5 to 10 minutes longer than people find they can drift off to sleep for the night despite these unusual 24 hours (Duffy et al., 2011). For many people, alertness, like circumstances.

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Learning Objective 6.1.A Define circadian rhythms, and explain how the body’s “biological clock” works.

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6.1.A Circadian Rhythms

166 Chapter 6 temperature, peaks in the late afternoon and falls to a low point in the very early morning (Lavie, 2001; Valdez, 2019). suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) An area of the brain containing a biological clock that governs circadian rhythms.

melatonin A hormone, secreted by the pineal gland, that is involved in the regulation of daily biological rhythms.

THE BODY’S CLOCK Circadian rhythms are controlled by a biological clock, or overall coordinator, located in a tiny cluster of cells in the hypothalamus called the suprachiasmatic [soo-pruh-kye-az-MAT-ick] nucleus (SCN). Neural pathways from special receptors in the back of the eye transmit information to the SCN, allowing it to respond to changes in light and dark. The SCN then sends out messages that cause the brain and body to adapt to these changes. Other clocks also exist, scattered around the body, but for most circadian rhythms, the SCN is regarded as the primary pacemaker. Watch a video in Revel to learn more. The SCN regulates fluctuating levels of hormones and neurotransmitters, and they in turn provide feedback that affects the SCN’s functioning. During the dark hours, one hormone regulated by the SCN, melatonin, is secreted by the pineal gland, deep within the brain. Melatonin induces sleep. When you go to bed in a darkened room, your melatonin level rises; when light fills your room in the morning, it falls. Melatonin, in turn, appears to help keep the biological clock in phase with the light–dark cycle (Haimov & Lavie, 1996; Houdek et al., 2015). What’s more, melatonin treatments have been used to regulate the disturbed sleep–wake cycles of blind people who lack light perception and whose melatonin production does not cycle normally (Flynn-Evans et al., 2014; Hartley et al., 2018).

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WHEN THE CLOCK IS OUT OF SYNC Under normal conditions, the rhythms governed by the SCN are in phase with one another. Their peaks may occur at different times, but if you know when one rhythm peaks, you can predict fairly well when another will. It’s a little like knowing the time in London if you know the time in New York. But when your normal routine changes, your circadian rhythms may be thrown out of phase. Such internal desynchronization internal desynchronization occurs when people take airplane flights across several time zones. Sleep and wake patterns usually adjust quickly, but temperature and hormone cycles A state in which biological rhythms are not in phase with one another. can take several days to return to normal. The resulting jet lag affects energy level, mental skills, and motor coordination (Bedrosian et al., 2016; Sack, 2010). Internal desynchronization also occurs when workers must adjust to a new shift. Efficiency drops, the person feels tired and irritable, and accidents become more likely. For police officers, emergency-room personnel, airline pilots, and truck drivers, the consequences can be matters of life and death. Night work itself is not necessarily a problem: With a schedule that always stays the same, even on weekends, people often adapt. However, many swing and night-shift assignments are made on a rotating basis, so a worker’s circadian rhythms never have a chance to resynchronize. Some scientists seek to help rotating-shift workers and travelers crossing time zones adjust more quickly by using melatonin, light, drugs, or other techniques to “reset the clock” (van de Werken et al., 2013), but so far the effectiveness of these techniques is still under assessment. Giving shift workers melatonin sometimes helps and sometimes does not (SadeghniiatHaghigi et al., 2016); stimulant drugs can improve attention but don’t eliminate physical fatigue (Kolla & Auger, 2011). One reason a simple cure for desynchronization has so far eluded scientists may be that circadian rhythms can be affected by illness, stress, exercise, drugs, mealtimes, and many other factors. Also, circadian rhythms differ from person to person. There truly are morning people (“early birds”) and evening Sometimes in life, job and school responsibilities conflict with the body’s people (“night owls”). Scientists call your identity as an early natural clock. Some researchers have taken to referring to these misalignbird or night owl your “chronotype.” Genetic influences appear ments of social and biological timings as “social jetlag” (Feliciano et al., 2019; to contribute to chronotypes; indeed, one very large genomeRoenneberg et al., 2019). Alas, in many school districts, start times get earlier wide association study tested 697,828 (!) participants and and earlier as a child ages into adolescence, around the same time as the found 351 gene locations that likely contribute to chronotype students are becoming more like night owls than early birds.

Consciousness and Sleep

(Jones et al., 2019). Moreover, your chronotype may change as you age: Adolescents are more likely than children and older adults to be owlish (Biss & Hasher, 2012; Fischer et al., 2017), which poses problems for teenagers faced with early high school start times. You may be able to learn about your own chronotype through careful self-observation, and you may want to try putting that information to use when planning your daily schedule.

6.1.B Moods and Long-Term Rhythms Learning Objective 6.1.B Explain and summarize the evidence that mood varies with seasons and the menstrual cycle. Long-term cycles have been observed in everything from the threshold for tooth pain to conception rates. Folklore holds that our moods follow similar rhythms, such as in response to seasonal changes and, in some people, menstrual changes. But do they really?

For at least 3 days, except when you are sleeping, try keeping an hourly record of your mental alertness level, using this five-point scale: 1 = extremely drowsy or mentally lethargic; 2 = somewhat drowsy or mentally lethargic; 3 = moderately alert; 4 = alert and efficient; and 5 = extremely alert and efficient. Does your alertness level appear to follow a circadian rhythm, reaching a high point and a low point once every 24 hours? Or does it follow a shorter rhythm, rising and falling several times during the day? Are your cycles the same on weekends as during the week? Most important, how well does your schedule mesh with your natural fluctuations in alertness?

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DOES THE SEASON AFFECT MOODS? Clinicians report that some people become depressed during particular seasons, typically winter, when periods of daylight are short, a phenomenon that has come to be known as seasonal affective disorder (SAD). Although the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-5-TR), the leading diagnostic manual used by clinicians (American Psychiatric Association, 2022), does not officially include SAD as a distinct disorder, it does state that a seasonal pattern can occur in mood disorders. During the winter months, individuals with SAD report feelings of sadness, lethargy, and drowsiness, and a craving for carbohydrates. SAD may occur in people whose circadian rhythms are out of sync; in essence, they seem to have a chronic form of jet lag (Lewy et al., 2006). They may also have some abnormality in the way they produce or respond to melatonin (Wehr et al., 2001), with daytime melatonin levels that are too high in the winter. To counteract the effects of sunless days, physicians and therapists often treat SAD with light therapy, having people sit in front of bright lights at specific times of the day, usually early in the morning. In some cases, they also prescribe antidepressants and other drugs. Meta-analyses report that when people with SAD are exposed to either a brief period (e.g., 30 minutes) of bright light after waking or to light that slowly becomes brighter, simulating the dawn, their symptoms are in fact reduced (Martensson et al., 2015; Pjrek et al., 2020). SAD may have a biological basis, but the mechanism remains uncertain. Keep in mind, too, that for many people who get mild winter blues, the reason could be that they hate cold

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168 Chapter 6 weather, are physically inactive, do not get outside much, or feel lonely during the winter holidays. It is also interesting to note that light therapy has even helped people with mild to moderate nonseasonal depression (Perera et al., 2016; Tao et al., 2020), and it remains unclear why this is the case. The menstrual cycle occurs, on average, every 28 days. During the first half of this cycle, an increase in the hormone estrogen causes the lining of the uterus to thicken in preparation for a possible pregnancy. At midcycle, the ovaries release a mature egg, or ovum. Afterward, the ovarian sac that contained the egg begins to produce progesterone, which helps prepare the uterine lining to receive the egg. Then, if conception does not occur, estrogen and progesterone levels fall, the uterine lining sloughs off as the menstrual flow, and Bright light therapy is often used in the treatment of depression with the cycle begins again. One question for psychologists is whether seasonal variation. Thirty minutes in front of a lamp such as this one may produce benefits for some people. these hormonal changes are associated with mood changes. The answer seems to be yes, at least in some people. In fact, approximately 2% to 6% of menstruating individuals experience levels of depressed mood and anxiety just before menstruation that are so serious as to impair daily functioning. This condition, called Figure 6.1 Mood Changes Over Time premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD), is an official diagnosis in the DSM-5-TR. The symptoms improve after menstruation ends and 7 typically cease altogether once individuals reach menopause, when estrogen and progesterone are low and they stop menstruating. Such patterns over time suggest a relationship between hormonal changes and mood changes (APA, 2022; Halbriech et al., 2003). While PMDD is relatively severe and uncommon, milder premen6 strual symptoms (such as low mood, fatigue, headache, and irritability) may occur in a greater proportion of individuals. Many people seem to uncritically accept that mild premenstrual mood swings occur routinely in most people who menstruate, but do they? To find out, one research group asked young adults to rate their 5 moods every day for 70 days for what they thought was a straightforward study of mood and health (McFarlane et al.,1988). After the 70 days were up, the women in the study were asked to recall their average moods for each phase of their menstrual cycle. The researchers found that participants’ daily mood ratings were actually 4 relatively stable over the 70 days (see Figure 6.1). However, in their retrospective reports at the end of the study, women recalled that their mood had been more negative in the premenstrual phase compared to other phases. In other words, their recollections were inconsistent with their own daily ratings! This suggests that their retrospective Menstrual Ovulatory Premenstrual reports were influenced by expectations about the relationship between Menstrual phase the menstrual cycle and mood. Other researchers replicated these Women’s Women’s Men’s daily findings in a separate sample and additionally found that the bias daily retrospective reports reports reports toward recalling more negative mood premenstrually was the greatest in women who reported believing that the majority of women expeCollege students recorded their moods daily for 70 days without rience premenstrual mood changes (Marván & Cortés-Iniestra, 2001). knowing the purpose of the research. At the end of the study, women Do these results mean that premenstrual mood symptoms are not recalled that their moods had been more negative premenstrually real? Of course not! They can be very real and even impairing in some than during the rest of the month (green line), but their daily diaries people. Mood can indeed vary with the menstrual cycle (as it does with showed otherwise (blue line). Participants’ daily mood ratings were season), at least in some individuals. But we must also think critically actually relatively stable over the 70 days and were not more negative about the relationship between mood and long-term biological rhythms, in women than in men (red line) (McFarlane et al., 1988). Positive Neutral Negative

Self-reported moods

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DOES THE MENSTRUAL CYCLE AFFECT MOODS?

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remembering that our recollections and interpretations of symptoms can be biased by our own expectations. In fact, for this very reason, a DSM-5-TR diagnosis of premenstrual dysphoric disorder requires that symptoms are confirmed by an individual’s daily ratings during the course of their menstrual cycle so as not to rely on retrospective ratings that may be less accurate.

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JOURNAL 6.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Many people say they feel more depressed in the winter. But how might expectations affect reports of such symptoms? How might one design a study to help determine whether mood varies with the seasons?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 6.1 to test your knowledge.

6.2 The Rhythms of Sleep Perhaps the most perplexing of all our biological rhythms is the one governing sleep and wakefulness. Sleep, after all, puts us at risk: Muscles that are usually ready to respond to danger relax, and senses grow dull. As British psychologist Christopher Evans (1984) once noted, “The behavior patterns involved in sleep are glaringly, almost insanely, at odds with common sense.” Then why is sleep such a profound necessity?

6.2.A The Realms of Sleep Learning Objective 6.2.A Describe and explain the primary features of the stages of sleep. When you first climb into bed, close your eyes, and relax, your brain emits bursts of alpha waves. On an electroencephalogram (EEG) recording, compared to brain waves during alert wakefulness, alpha waves have a somewhat slower rhythm (fewer cycles per second) and a somewhat higher amplitude (height). Gradually, these waves slow down even further, and you drift into sleep, passing through three stages, each deeper than the previous one: • Stage 1. Your brain waves are small and irregular, and you feel yourself drifting on the edge of consciousness, in a state of light sleep. If awakened, you may recall fantasies or a few visual images. • Stage 2. Your brain emits occasional short bursts of rapid, high-peaking waves called sleep spindles. Minor noises probably won’t disturb you.

This sequence of three stages takes about 30 to 45 minutes. Then you move back up the ladder from Stage 3/4 to 2 to 1. At that point, about 70 to 90 minutes after the onset of sleep, something peculiar happens. Stage 1 does not turn into drowsy wakefulness, as one might expect. Instead, your brain begins to emit long bursts of very rapid, somewhat irregular waves. Your heart rate increases, your blood pressure rises, and your breathing gets faster and more irregular. Small twitches in your face and fingers may occur. The penis may become somewhat erect as vascular tissue relaxes and blood fills the genital area faster than it exits.

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• Stage 3/4. Your brain emits delta waves, very slow waves with very high peaks, and you are in deep sleep. Your breathing and pulse have slowed down, your muscles are relaxed, and it will probably take vigorous shaking or a loud noise to awaken you. Oddly, though, if you walk in your sleep, this is when you are likely to do so. No one yet knows what causes sleepwalking, which occurs more often in children than adults, but it seems to involve unusual patterns of delta-wave activity (Zadra et al., 2013).

Getting enough sleep (or failing to) has a variety of physical and mental consequences, as we will review in more detail.

170 Chapter 6 The clitoris may enlarge and vaginal lubrication may increase. At the same time, most skeletal muscles go limp, preventing your aroused brain from producing physical movement. Your eyes move Awake rapidly back and forth underneath your eyelids and you may begin to dream. You have entered rapid eye movement (REM) sleep. The Stage 1 REM periods last from a few minutes to as long as an hour, averaging about 20 minutes in length. Whenever they begin, the pattern of electrical activity from the sleeper’s brain changes to resemble that of alert wakefulness. Figure 6.2 shows the activity in your brain (as Stage 2 measured by EEG) during the different stages of sleep. Because the brain is extremely active while the body is entirely inactive, REM sleep has also been called “paradoxical sleep.” It is during these periods that vivid dreams are most likely to occur. Stage 3/4 People report dreams when they are awakened from non-REM sleep, too; in one study, dream reports occurred 82% of the time when sleepers were awakened during REM sleep, but they also occurred REM 51% of the time when people were awakened during non-REM sleep (Foulkes, 1962; Nielsen, 2000). Non-REM dreams, however, tend to The stages of sleep are associated with different patterns of brain be shorter, less vivid, and more realistic than REM dreams. activity, as measured by EEG. Note the major differences between Stage Occasionally, as the sleeper wakes up, a curious phenomenon 3/4 (slow-wave sleep) and REM sleep. occurs. The person emerges from REM sleep before the muscle paralysis characteristic of that stage has entirely disappeared and becomes aware of an inability to rapid eye movement (REM) sleep move. About 30% of the general population has experienced at least one such episode, and Sleep periods characterized by eye about 5% have had a “waking dream” in this state. Their eyes are open, but what they “see” movement, loss of muscle tone, and are dreamlike hallucinations, most often shadowy figures. They may even “see” a ghost or vivid dreams. space alien sitting on their bed or hovering in a hallway, a scary image that they would regard as perfectly normal if it were part of a midnight nightmare. Instead of saying, “Ah, I am having a waking dream!” some people interpret this experience literally and come to believe they have been visited by aliens or are being haunted by ghosts (Clancy, 2005; McNally, 2003). REM and non-REM sleep periods continue to alternate throughout the night. As the hours pass, Stage 3/4 tends to become shorter or even disappear, and REM periods tend to get longer and closer together (see Figure 6.3). This pattern may explain why you are likely to be dreaming when the alarm clock goes off in the morning. But the cycling between the four sleep stages is far from regular. An individual may bounce directly from Stage ¾ back to Stage 2 or go from REM to Stage 2 and then back to REM. Also, the time between REM and non-REM is highly variable, differing from person to person and also within any given individual. If you wake people up every time they lapse into REM sleep, nothing dramatic will happen. When finally allowed to sleep normally, however, they will spend a longer time than usual in the REM phase. Electrical brain activity associated with REM may burst through into non-REM sleep and even into wakefulness, as if the person is making up for something they had been deprived of. Some researchers have proposed that this “something” is connected with dreaming, but that idea has problems. For one thing, in rare cases, patients

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Figure 6.2 EEG Patterns During Sleep

Because cats sleep up to 80% of the time, it is easy to catch them in the various stages of slumber. A cat in nonREM sleep (left) remains upright, but during the REM phase (right), its muscles go limp and it flops onto its side.

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Figure 6.3 A Typical Night’s Sleep for a Young Adult REM sleep

Active brain but inactive muscles

Awake

Stage 1

Period when the sleeper is on the edge of consciousness, in a light sleep

REM

Stage 2

Sleep stage characterized by short bursts of rapid waves

Stage 1

Stage ¾

Sleep stage characterized by very slow waves with high peaks

Cycle 1

Cycle 2

Cycle 3

Cycle 4

Cycle 5

Stage 2 Stage 3/4

11pm 12pm 1am

2am

3am

4am

5am

6am

7am

In this graph, the thin horizontal red bars represent time spent in REM sleep. REM periods tend to lengthen as the night wears on, but Stage 3/4, which dominates during non-REM sleep early in the night, may disappear as morning approaches.

with brain damage have lost the capacity to dream, yet they continue to show the normal sleep stages, including REM (Bischof & Bassetti, 2004; Cipolli et al., 2017). Moreover, nearly all mammals experience REM sleep, but many theorists doubt that rats or moles have the cognitive abilities required to construct what we think of as dreams. REM is clearly important, but it must be for reasons other than dreaming, as we will see.

Replication Check ✔ When you are away from home on a trip, do you have any trouble sleeping on the first night in a new room? If so, you’re not alone! Researchers have dubbed this the “first-night effect” and have found a biological explanation for it. Using magnetoencephalography (MEG) and electroencephalography (EEG), researchers found that during slow-wave (Stage 3/4) sleep on the first night in a novel environment, a brain network in the left hemisphere showed signs of more shallow sleep and was more responsive to environmental stimuli compared to a similar network in the right hemisphere (Tamaki et al., 2016). In addition, relatively shallower sleep in the left versus right hemisphere was associated with a longer time to fall asleep on the first night (but not the second night). In short, on the first night you’re sleeping away from home, a network in the left hemisphere seems to be on night watch duty, vigilant for signs of potential danger. The researchers later replicated the hemispheric difference in sleep depth and found that it was specific to slow-wave sleep and not REM sleep (Tamaki & Sasaki, 2019).

6.2.B Why We Sleep

Generally speaking, sleep appears to provide a time-out period so that the body can eliminate waste products from muscles and the brain, repair cells, conserve or replenish energy stores, strengthen the immune system, and recover abilities lost during the day (Besedovsky et al., 2019; Xie et al., 2013). When we do not get enough sleep, our bodies operate abnormally; indeed, sleep loss can adversely affect many different systems in our body, including our brain, hormones, and immune system.

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Learning Objective 6.2.B List the mental consequences of sleep loss and the mental benefits of a good night’s sleep.

The driver of this truck crashed after apparently falling asleep at the wheel. Thousands of serious and fatal motor vehicle accidents occur each year because of driver fatigue.

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sleep apnea A disorder in which breathing briefly stops during sleep, causing the person to gasp and momentarily awaken.

narcolepsy A disorder involving sudden and unpredictable daytime attacks of sleepiness or lapses into REM sleep.

REM behavior disorder A disorder in which the muscle paralysis that normally occurs during REM sleep is absent or incomplete, and the sleeper is able to act out dreams.

THE MENTAL CONSEQUENCES OF SLEEP LOSS Sleep is also necessary for normal mental functioning. Chronic sleep deprivation increases levels of the stress hormone cortisol, which may damage or impair brain cells that are necessary for learning and memory (Minkel et al., 2014). Also, new brain cells may either fail to develop or may mature abnormally (Guzman-Marin et al., 2005). Perhaps in part because of such damage, after the loss of even a single night’s sleep, mental flexibility, attention, mood, and creativity all suffer. After several days straight of staying awake, people may even begin to have hallucinations and delusions (Waters et al., 2018). Of course, sleep deprivation rarely reaches that point, but people do frequently suffer from milder sleep problems. According to the National Sleep Foundation (2005, 2020), more than half of American adults experience at least one symptom of insomnia at least a few nights per week, and 40% of Americans report that sleepiness at least occasionally interferes with their daily activities. The causes of their sleep problems include stress, anxiety, psychological problems, physical problems, and irregular or overly demanding schedules. In addition, many drugs interfere with the normal progression of sleep stages—not just those containing caffeine, but also alcohol and some tranquilizers. The result can be grogginess and lethargy the next day. Another cause of daytime sleepiness is sleep apnea, a disorder in which breathing periodically stops for a few moments, causing the person to choke and gasp. Breathing may cease hundreds of times a night, often without the person knowing it. Sleep apnea is seen most often in older men and heavier people but also occurs in others. It has several causes, from blockage of air passages to failure of the brain to control respiration correctly. Over time, it can cause high blood pressure and irregular heartbeat (Hou et al., 2018; Tobaldini et al., 2017); it may gradually erode a person’s health and is associated with increased mortality (Cappuccio et al., 2010; Fu et al., 2017; Lu et al., 2021). With narcolepsy, a disorder that often develops in the teenage years, an individual is subject to irresistible and unpredictable daytime attacks of sleepiness lasting from 5 to 30 minutes. The cause is not well understood, but the disorder has been associated with reduced amounts of a particular brain protein, possibly brought on by an autoimmune problem, a viral infection, or genetic abnormalities (Kornum et al., 2011; Mahoney et al., 2019). When the person lapses into sleep, they’re likely to fall immediately into the REM stage. Some people with narcolepsy experience an unusual symptom called cataplexy, which brings on the paralysis of REM sleep although they are still awake; as a result, they may suddenly drop to the floor. Cataplexy is often triggered by laughing excitedly, but it can sometimes be induced by telling a joke or even having an orgasm (Overeem et al., 2011). Watch a video in Revel to learn more. Other disorders also disrupt sleep, including some that cause odd or dangerous behavior. In REM behavior disorder, the muscle paralysis associated with REM sleep does not occur, and the sleeper (usually an older male) becomes physically active, often acting out a dream without any awareness of what they are doing (Dauvilliers et al., 2018; Peever et al., 2014). For example, if people are dreaming about being attacked, they may shout, gesture, or “punch” their dream-world assailant. Other people may consider this disorder amusing, but sufferers may hurt themselves or others, and they have an increased risk of later developing Parkinson’s disease and dementia (Galbiati et al., 2019; Mariotti et al., 2015). However, the most common cause of daytime sleepiness is the most obvious one: simply not getting enough sleep. Some people do fine on relatively few hours, but most adults need more than 6 hours for optimal performance, and many adolescents need 10. According to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (2017) in the United States, drowsiness is involved in approximately 90,000 motor vehicle crashes a year. Sleep deprivation also leads to accidents and errors in the workplace, a concern, for example, among doctors completing a medical residency. Fortunately, in 2011, the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education limited the number of consecutive work hours for first-year medical residents, which resulted in increased sleep durations and lower risk of injuries and motor vehicle crashes among residents (Weaver et al., 2020).

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And as we alluded to earlier, lack of sleep has also been linked to reduced alertness in school and lower grades. Accordingly, the American Academy of Pediatrics (2014) and the American Academy of Sleep Medicine (Watson et al., 2017) recommended that middle and high schools start at 8:30 a.m. or later in order to give students the opportunity to get enough sleep. Indeed, research indicates that children and teenagers who start school later sleep more, have improved mood, and get better grades; teenage drivers with later start times even have fewer car crashes (Bowers & Moyer, 2017; Dunster et al., 2018; Owens et al., 2010; Vorona et al., 2011).

Revisiting the Classics Extreme Sleep Deprivation Studies In 1896, George T. W. Patrick and J. Allen Gilbert at the University of Iowa published a groundbreaking study on the effects of sleep deprivation in humans (Patrick & Gilbert, 1896). They studied three participants in their mid-20s (one of whom was one of the authors himself!) who agreed to stay awake for 90 hours and be assessed every 6 hours on a variety of measures, including physiological (pulse, weight, temperature, urine), cognitive/perceptual (memory, attention/reaction time, arithmetic performance, pain tolerance, auditory discrimination, visual acuity), and motor (grip and pull strength, finger tapping speed) measures. On some measures, the participants’ behavior clearly changed during the period of sleep deprivation compared to just before it. For example, one participant reported visual hallucinations, which he had never experienced before. He said he saw a “greasy looking molecular layer of rapidly moving or oscillating particles” just above the floor, which later transformed into “swarms of little bodies like gnats.” One participant started dreaming while standing up with his eyes open. Relative to their baseline performance, two participants took much longer to remember a set of numbers, and two participants were slower to respond to a simple auditory stimulus. Fortunately, the visual hallucinations and cognitive difficulties disappeared after the subjects slept at the end of the study. Although this study is historically important in the field of sleep research (Fuchs & Burgdorf, 2008), it suffered from several limitations, including its very small and biased sample of participants. All of

how difficult it must have been to conduct research in experimental psychology in the 19th century: “Acuteness of vision was tested in the dark room by finding the greatest distance at which the subject could read a section of a page from Wundt’s Studien by the light of one standard candle at a distance of 25 cm.” Indeed, electricity was not common in homes at the time this study was published! So, while the study had clear limitations, that Patrick and Gilbert accomplished as much as they did at the time is actually quite remarkable. More recent studies of sleep deprivation have replicated some of the initial findings reported by Patrick and Gilbert. One metaanalysis of 21 studies confirmed the occurrence of visual hallucinations during sleep deprivation (Waters et al., 2018). Other meta-analyses of 60–80 studies confirmed that memory and attention are also adversely affected by sleep deprivation (Lim & Dinges, 2010; Lowe et al., 2017). To put these findings in perspective, one meta-analysis found that sleep-deprived participants functioned at approximately the 9th percentile of normally rested participants (Pilcher & Huffcutt, 1996). And since 1896, psychological research has moved far beyond the use of candles as research tools! New technology has helped researchers uncover much more about sleep deprivation than Professors Patrick and Gilbert ever could have. For example, neuroimaging studies have shown that sleep deprivation is associated with decreased activity in key brain circuits during memory and attention tasks (e.g., Ma et al., 2015;

the participants were young men (and, again,

Yoo et al., 2007).

one was an author of the study). Whether any

In summary, classic sleep deprivation

of the findings would generalize to other de-

research, however crude, helped to inspire sub-

mographics––or whether they would replicate Courtesy of Gianna Shin

in larger samples—was uncertain. In addition, some of the measures in this study were suboptimal, at least by today’s standards. For example, the researchers evaluated memory by asking participants to indicate when they had memorized a set of numbers, but participants’ actual recollection of those numbers was not reported, so we do not know how accurate their memory really was. Their crude measure of visual acuity also reminds us of

How do you feel after you stay up all night? Can you imagine how you would feel after staying awake for 2 days straight? How about 3?

sequent, improved studies to further expand our knowledge of the deleterious effects of sleep deprivation and, conversely, the importance of sleep in the maintenance of cognitive function and physical health (Anothaisintawee et al., 2016; Cappuccio et al., 2011; Spira et al., 2014). So, if you’ve ever heard your peers say dismissively (as we have), “eh, sleep is for the weak,” you can let them know that over 120 years of research suggests otherwise!

174 Chapter 6 THE MENTAL BENEFITS OF SLEEP Just as sleepiness can interfere with mental functioning, a good night’s sleep can promote it, and not just because you are well rested. In 70 a classic study conducted a century ago, students who slept for 8 hours after learning lists of nonsense syllables retained them better than students who went about their usual 60 business afterward (Jenkins & Dallenbach, 1924). For years, researchers attributed this result to the lack of new information coming into the brain during sleep—information 50 that could interfere with already-established memories. Today, however, most believe that sleep is a crucial time for consolidation, in which synaptic changes associated with 40 recently stored memories become durable and stable. One theory is that while we are sleeping, the neurons that were activated during the original experience 30 are reactivated, promoting the transfer of memories from Wake Sleep Wake Sleep temporary storage in the hippocampus to long-term Negative scenes Neutral scenes storage in the cortex and thus making those changes more permanent (Born & Wilhelm, 2012). Sleep seems to When college students studied neutral scenes (e.g., an ordinary car) and emotionally negative scenes (e.g., a car totaled in a crash), sleep affected how well they later strengthen many kinds of memories, including the recolrecognized the objects in the scenes. Students who studied the scenes in the evening lection of events, facts, and emotional experiences, espeand then got a night’s sleep before being tested did better at recognizing emotional cially negative ones (see Figure 6.4). objects than did those who studied the scenes in the morning and were tested after Memory consolidation is closely associated with 12 hours of daytime wakefulness (Payne et al., 2008). the slow waves of neural activity that occur during Stage 3/4 of non-REM sleep. In one study, while scientists taught people the locations of several matching pairs of cards (a memory game), consolidation they also presented the scent of roses. Later, some people were exposed to the smell The process by which a memory of roses again during slow-wave sleep, during REM sleep, or when they were awake. becomes durable and stable. Exposure to the smell during slow-wave sleep, but not REM or wakefulness, improved people’s memories for the card locations (Rasch et al., 2007). These findings have been corroborated via meta-analysis (Hu et al., 2020). However, REM sleep does seem to be related to some improvements in learning and memory. When people or animals learned a perceptual task and were allowed to get normal REM sleep, their memory for the task was better the next day, even when they had been awakened during non-REM periods. When they were deprived of REM sleep, however, their memories were impaired (Karni et al., 1994). Thus, both periods of sleep seem to be important for consolidation, and scientists are now trying to determine their respective roles (Born & Wilhelm, 2012; Rasch & Born, 2013). Visit Revel to learn more on this topic. If sleep enhances memory, perhaps it also enhances problem solving, which relies on information stored in memory. To find out, researchers asked two groups of participants to learn a video game that required logical reasoning to complete. After an initial learning session, participants either took an afternoon nap or remained awake. Ninety minutes later, participants were asked to resume the game. Participants in the nap group were significantly more likely than those in the awake group to solve the problem in the video game. Furthermore, those participants who slept and achieved slow-wave sleep were more likely to solve the problem than those who slept but did not achieve slow-wave sleep (Beijamini et al., 2014). Similar findings have been reported by other researchers as well (Sio et al., 2013). Sleep, then, seems essential in memory and problem-solving. The underlying biology appears to involve not only the formation of new synaptic connections in the brain, but also the weakening of connections that are no longer needed (Donlea et al., 2009; Gilestro et al., 2009; Michel & Lyons, 2014). In other words, we sleep to remember, but we also sleep to forget, so that the brain will have space and energy for new learning. Even a quick nap may help your mental functioning and increase your ability to put together separately learned facts in new ways (Lau et al., 2011; Mednick et al., 2002). Recognition score (%)

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Figure 6.4 Sleep and Consolidation in Memory

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Taking Psychology with You Improving the Quality (and Quantity) of Your Sleep Many of you have “pulled an all-nighter” during which you didn’t

recommended above, as well as (1) cognitive therapy to help

sleep at all, so you’re probably already familiar with the conse-

patients identify and challenge dysfunctional beliefs about sleep

quences of sleep deprivation. Driving, studying, and taking notes

and insomnia, and (2) sleep restriction techniques, which involve

in class (not to mention writing a psychology textbook) are all

limiting time in bed to the number of hours you’re actually capa-

examples of tasks that are easily disrupted by sleep deprivation.

ble of sleeping. So, for example, if you perceive that you get

Unfortunately, even if you just lose 2 to 4 hours of sleep per night for

only about 4 hours of sleep per night and need to wake up at

a couple of weeks, you are still likely to show cognitive impairment

7 a.m., you would initially go to bed at 3 a.m., thus ensuring that

(Van Dongen et al., 2003). Given the importance of sleep, you may

you will go to bed sleepy. Once you begin to sleep at least 85%

want to improve the amount and quality of it by doing the following

of the time you’re in bed, you can go to bed 15 minutes ear-

(Chung et al., 2018; Irish et al., 2015):

lier. This process is repeated until your desired sleep duration

• Avoid caffeine, nicotine, alcohol, and other drugs 4 to 6 hours before bedtime. You will read more later about the potentially negative effects of these drugs, but their interference with sleep is yet another way in which they can contribute to problematic outcomes. • Make your bedroom conducive to sleep: Block out as much light and sound as possible by using shades, earplugs, or eye masks. Strengthen the association between bed and sleep by

is achieved. Sleep is but one of the core rhythms of life, but it’s a very important one! Getting enough uninterrupted sleep is one of the most useful things you can do to promote your current and future physical, cognitive, and emotional health. If you’ve tried the suggestions above and are still having trouble getting enough sleep, we encourage you to contact a medical professional for additional assistance.

going to bed only when you’re tired and avoid working, studying, and using electronic devices while lying in bed. • Avoid long daytime naps and maintain a consistent sleep schedule. Some phones are equipped to help you do the latter: Users can enter their desired bedtime and wake time, and the phone will chime to remind you of both, every day. Ana Blazic Pavlovic/123RF

And of course, stay on top of your homework so that you won’t be forced to complete it during your normal sleeping hours. • Get regular exercise. The results of controlled studies have shown that exercise can decrease the time it takes to fall asleep and increase total sleep time and sleep quality (Kredlow et al., 2015; Passos et al., 2010). • If you’re following all of the guidelines above and you’re still struggling with insomnia, cognitive behavioral therapy for insomnia (CBT-I) is highly effective (Gunn et al., 2019; Ritterband et al., 2017; Trauer et al., 2015). CBT-I includes some of the measures

Heavy use of cell phones has been associated with sleep disturbances in young adults (Exelmans & Van den Bulck, 2016). Although such findings are correlational and the direction of causality has yet to be experimentally demonstrated, it certainly makes sense and does no harm to put away your phone at bedtime!

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JOURNAL 6.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS In a state between sleeping and waking, some people have thought they’ve seen a ghost or a visitor from space in their bedroom—a pretty scary experience. What other explanations are possible?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 6.2 to test your knowledge.

6.3 Exploring the Dream World Every culture has its theories about dreams. In some cultures, dreams are believed to occur when the spirit leaves the body to wander the world or speak to the gods. In others, dreams are thought to reveal the future. And according to the classic animated film

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Cinderella, a dream is a wish your heart makes. What do psychologists have to say about dreams? For years, researchers believed that everyone dreams, and indeed most people who claim they never have dreams will report them if they are awakened during REM sleep. However, as we noted earlier, a few rare individuals apparently do not dream at all (Pagel, 2003; Solms, 1997). In this section, we will explore the dream world, beginning with explanations of why people dream.

6.3.A Explanations of Dreaming Learning Objective 6.3.A Discuss explanations for why we dream.

In dreaming, the focus of attention is inward, though occasionally an external event, such as a wailing siren, can influence the dream’s content. While a dream is in progress, it may be vivid or vague, terrifying or peaceful. It may also seem to make perfect sense—until you wake up and recall it as illogical, bizarre, and disjointed. Although most of us are unaware of our bodies or Some common themes emerge from people’s dreams. For where we are while we are dreaming, some people say that they occasionexample, a survey of Canadian college students revealed ally have lucid dreams, in which they know they are dreaming and feel as that the most frequent dreams reported were about (1) being though they are conscious (Baird et al., 2019; LaBerge, 2014). A few even chased, (2) sexual experiences, (3) falling, (4) studying or taking exams, and (5) being late for something (Nielsen et al., 2003). claim that they can control the action in these dreams, much as a scriptwriter decides what will happen in a movie. Why do the images in dreams arise at all? Why doesn’t the brain just rest, switch off lucid dreams all thoughts and images, and launch us into a coma? Why, instead, do we spend our nights Dreams in which the dreamer is aware reliving an old love affair, flying through the air, showing up to class with no pants on, or of dreaming. fleeing from aliens in the fantasy world of our dreams? In popular culture, many people still hold to psychoanalytic notions of dreaming. Freud (1900/1953) claimed that our dreams reflect unconscious conflicts and wishes, often sexual or violent in nature. The thoughts and objects in these dreams, he said, are disguised symbolically to make them less threatening: Your father might appear as your brother, a penis might be disguised as a snake or a cigar, or intercourse with a forbidden partner might be expressed as a train entering a tunnel. Most psychologists today accept the notion that dreams are more than incoherent ramblings of the mind and that they can have psychological meaning, but they also consider psychoanalytic interpretations of dreams to be far-fetched. No reliable rules exist for interpreting the unconscious meaning of dreams, and there is no objective way to know whether a particular interpretation is correct. Nor is there any convincing empirical support for psychoanalytic interpretations. Even Freud warned against simplified “this symbol means that” interpretations; each dream, said Freud, must be analyzed in the context of the dreamer’s waking life. Not everything in a dream is symbolic; sometimes, he cautioned, “A cigar is only a cigar.” Let’s examine some explanations for why we dream. One explanation for dreams holds that they reflect the ongoing conscious preoccupations of waking life, such as concerns over relationships, work, sex, or health (Cartwright, 1977; Hall, 1953a, 1953b). In this problem-focused approach to dreaming, the symbols and metaphors in a dream do not disguise its true meaning; they convey it. Psychologist Gayle Delaney (1997) writes about a woman who dreamed she was in her backyard trying to fly, but no matter how hard she flapped her wings, she couldn’t get higher than about 6 feet. When she looked down, she saw her husband holding her ankle, keeping her close to the ground. When asked to describe her husband, this woman said he was loving but possessive and controlling and that he disapproved of her going to night school so that she could eventually start a career. “I feel like he is holding me down,” she explained, “and I feel very frustrated in my waking life, just as I do in the dream.”

DREAMS AS EFFORTS TO DEAL WITH PROBLEMS

Consciousness and Sleep

The problem-focused explanation of dreaming is supported by findings that dreams are more likely to contain material related to a person’s current concerns than chance would predict (Domhoff, 1996). Among college students, who are often worried about grades and tests, test-anxiety dreams are common: The dreamer is unprepared for an exam, shows up for the wrong exam, or can’t find the room where the exam is being given. Traumatic experiences can also affect dreams. In a cross-cultural study in which children kept dream diaries for a week, Palestinian children living in neighborhoods under threat of violence reported more themes of persecution and violence than did children living in peaceful environments (Punamaeki & Joustie, 1998). Some psychologists believe that dreams not only reflect our waking concerns but also provide us with an opportunity to resolve them. According to Rosalind Cartwright (2010), in people suffering from the grief of divorce, recovery is related to a particular pattern of dreaming: The first dream of the night comes sooner than it ordinarily would, lasts longer, and is more emotional. Depressed people’s dreams tend to become more positive as the night wears on, and this pattern, too, predicts recovery (Cartwright et al., 1998). Cartwright concluded that getting through a crisis or a rough period in life takes “time, good friends, good genes, good luck, and a good dream system.” DREAMS AS THINKING Like the problem-focused approach, the cognitive approach to dreaming emphasizes current concerns, but it makes no claims about problem-solving during sleep. In this view, dreaming is simply a modification of the cognitive activity that goes on when we are awake. In dreams, we construct reasonable simulations of the real world, drawing on the same kinds of memories, knowledge, and assumptions that we do when we are not sleeping (Antrobus, 1991, 2000; Foulkes & Domhoff, 2014). Thus, the content of our dreams includes thoughts and scenarios that may or may not be related to our daily problems. We are most likely to dream about our families, friends, jobs, worries, or recreational interests—topics that also occupy our waking thoughts. In the cognitive view, the brain is doing the same kind of work during dreams as it does when we are awake. Indeed, parts of the cerebral cortex involved in perceptual and cognitive processing during the waking hours are highly active during dreaming. The difference is that when we are asleep, we are cut off from sensory feedback from the world and our bodily movements; the only input to the brain is its own output. Therefore, our dreaming thoughts tend to be more unfocused than our waking ones—unless we’re daydreaming. Our brains show similar patterns of activity when we are night dreaming as when we are daydreaming—suggesting that both forms of dreaming might be mechanisms for simulating events that we think (or fear) might occur in the future (Domhoff, 2011, 2018). The cognitive view predicts that if a person could be totally cut off from all external stimulation while awake, mental activity would be much like that during dreaming, with the same hallucinatory quality. The cognitive approach also predicts that as cognitive abilities and brain connections mature during childhood, dreams should change in nature, and they do. Toddlers may not dream at all in the sense that adults do. And although young children may experience visual images during sleep, their cognitive limitations keep them from creating true narratives until age 7 or 8 (Foulkes, 1999). Their dreams are infrequent and tend to be bland and about everyday things (“I saw a dog; I was sitting”). But as they grow up, their dreams gradually become more and more intricate and storylike (Sándor et al., 2016). DREAMS AS INTERPRETED BRAIN ACTIVITY A third modern approach to dreaming, the activation–synthesis theory, draws heavily on physiological research and aims to explain not why you might dream about a test when you are about to take one, but why you might dream about being a clown that turns into a hippo that plays the cowbell in a rock band. Often dreams just don’t make sense; most are bizarre, illogical, or both. According to the activation–synthesis explanation, first proposed by psychiatrist J. Allan Hobson (1988, 1990), these dreams are largely the result of neurons firing spontaneously in the pons (in the lower part of the brain) during REM sleep. These neurons control eye movement, gaze, balance, and posture, and they send messages to sensory and motor areas of the cortex responsible during wakefulness for visual processing and voluntary action.

activation–synthesis theory The theory that dreaming results from the cortical synthesis and interpretation of neural signals triggered by activity in the lower part of the brain.

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J. Allan Hobson/Science Source

J. Allan Hobson/Science Source

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(a) BrainWork—These drawings from dream journals show that the images in dreams can be either abstract or literal. In either case, the dream may reflect a person’s concerns, problems, and interests. The two fanciful paintings here represent the dreams of a person who worked all day long with brain tissue, which the drawings rather resemble.

(b) Inspiration—This desk was sketched in 1939 by a scientist to illustrate his dream about a mechanical device for instantly retrieving quotations—an early desktop computer!

(b) J. Allan Hobson/Science Source

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Recording the Intangible

(c) Writing—It can be fun to record your dreams. As soon as you wake up, record everything you can remember about them. Do your dreams contain any recurring themes? Do you think they provide any clues to your current problems, activities, or concerns?

According to this view, the signals originating in the pons have no psychological meaning in themselves. But the cortex tries to make sense of them by synthesizing, or integrating, them with existing knowledge and memories to produce some sort of coherent interpretation, just as it does when signals come from sense organs during ordinary wakefulness (see Figure 6.5). The idea that one part of the brain interprets what has gone on in other parts, whether you are awake or asleep, is consistent with many modern theories of how the brain works. When neurons fire in the part of the brain that handles balance, for instance, the cortex may generate a dream about falling. When signals occur that would ordinarily produce running, the cortex may manufacture a dream about being chased. Because the signals from the pons occur randomly, the cortex’s interpretation—the dream—is likely to be confusing, but also related to your unique perceptions, conflicts, and concerns. And because the cortical neurons that control the initial storage of new memories are turned off during sleep, we typically forget our dreams upon waking unless we write them down or immediately recount them to someone else.

Consciousness and Sleep

Since Hobson’s original formulation, he and his colleagues have refined and modified this theory (Hobson et al., 2011; Tranquillo, 2014). The brain stem, they say, sets off responses in emotional and visual parts of the brain. At the same time, brain regions that handle logical thought and sensations from the external world shut down. These changes could further account for the fact that dreams are often emotionally charged, hallucinatory, and illogical. Hobson (1988) has argued that the brain “is so inexorably bent upon the quest for meaning that it attributes and even creates meaning when there is little or none to be found in the data it is asked to process” (p.85). In sum, the argument is that wishes do not cause dreams; brain mechanisms do.

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Figure 6.5 Activation–Synthesis Theory of Dreams

6.3.B Evaluating Dream Theories Learning Objective 6.3.B Summarize the strengths and weaknesses of each major dream theory. How are we to evaluate these attempts to explain dreaming? Each of these post-Freudian approaches accounts for some of the evidence, but each one also has its drawbacks. Are dreams a way to solve problems? It seems pretty clear that some dreams are related to current worries and concerns, but skeptics doubt that people can actually solve problems or resolve conflicts while sound asleep (Blagrove, 1996; Squier & Domhoff, 1998). Dreams, they say, merely give expression to our problems. The insights into those problems that people attribute to dreaming could be occurring after they wake up and have a chance to think about what is troubling them. The cognitive approach to dreams is promising, but some of its claims remain to be tested against neurological and cognitive evidence. At present, however, it is a leading contender because it incorporates many elements of other theories and fits what we currently know about waking cognition and cognitive development. Finally, the activation–synthesis theory has also been criticized (Domhoff, 2003). Not all dreams are as disjointed or as bizarre as the theory predicts; in fact, many tell a coherent, if fanciful, story. Moreover, the activation–synthesis approach does not account well for dreaming that goes on outside of REM sleep. Some neuropsychologists have emphasized different brain mechanisms involved in dreams. Perhaps it will turn out that different kinds of dreams have different purposes and origins. We all know from experience that some of our dreams seem to be related to daily problems, some are vague and incoherent, and some are anxiety dreams that occur when we are worried or depressed. But whatever the source of the images in our sleeping brains may be, we need to be cautious about interpreting our own dreams or anyone else’s. A study of people in India, South Korea, and the United States showed that individuals are biased and self-serving in their dream interpretations, accepting those that fit in with their preexisting beliefs or needs and rejecting those that do not. For example, they will give more weight to a dream in which God commands them to take a year off to travel the world than one in which God commands them to give away all of their possessions. And they are more likely to see meaning in a dream in which a friend protects them from attackers than one in which their romantic partner is caught kissing that same friend (Morewedge & Norton, 2009). Our biased interpretations may tell us more about ourselves than do our actual dreams.

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JOURNAL 6.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—TOLERATE UNCERTAINTY There are many research-based explanations for dreams and even more pseudoscientific ones. But at present, we cannot be sure about the function and meaning of dreams. What makes this topic particularly difficult to study, and what forms of evidence would you seek to disentangle competing explanations?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 6.3 to test your knowledge.

According to the activation–synthesis theory, dreams arise from 1) random signals in the pons that 2) higher brain centers attempt to interpret. Sometimes these interpretations are bizarre or illogical.

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6.4 The Riddle of Hypnosis For many years, stage hypnotists, “past-lives channelers,” and some psychotherapists have reported that they can “age-regress” hypnotized people to earlier years or even earlier centuries. Some therapists claim that hypnosis helps their patients accurately retrieve long-buried memories, and a few even claim that hypnosis has helped their patients recall alleged abductions by extraterrestrials. What are we to make of all this? Because hypnosis has been used for everything from parlor tricks and stage shows to police investigations of eyewitnesses and psychological treatments, it is important to understand just what this procedure can and cannot achieve. In this section, we will begin with a general look at the major findings on hypnosis; then we will consider two leading explanations of hypnotic effects. But first, take this short quiz to see how much you know about hypnosis.

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True or False? 1. A hypnotized person is usually aware of what is going on and remembers the experience later. 2. Hypnosis gives us special powers that we do not ordinarily have. 3. Hypnosis reduces errors in memory. 4. Hypnotized people play no active part in controlling their behavior and thoughts. 5. Hypnosis can help people recall events that happened to them in infancy. 6. Hypnosis can be a helpful tool for pain management.

See bottom of the page for answers.

6.4.A The Nature of Hypnosis Learning Objective 6.4.A Summarize the truths and misconceptions associated with hypnosis. A procedure in which the practitioner suggests changes in a subject’s sensations, thoughts, feelings, or behavior.

Hypnosis is a procedure in which a practitioner suggests changes in the sensations, thoughts, feelings, or behavior of the subject (Lynn & Kirsch, 2015). The hypnotized person, in turn, tries to alter their cognitive processes in accordance with these suggestions. Hypnotic suggestions typically involve performance of an action (“Your arm will slowly rise”), an inability to perform an act (“You will be unable to bend your arm”), or a distortion of normal perception or memory (“You will feel no pain,” “You will forget being hypnotized until I give you a signal”). People usually report that their response to a suggestion feels involuntary, as if it happened without their willing it. To induce hypnosis, the hypnotist typically suggests that the person being hypnotized feels relaxed, is getting sleepy, and feels the eyelids getting heavier and heavier. The hypnotist assures the subject that they are sinking “deeper and deeper.” Sometimes the hypnotist has the person concentrate on a color or a small object, or on certain bodily sensations. People who have been hypnotized report that the focus of attention turns outward, toward the hypnotist’s voice. They sometimes compare the experience to being totally absorbed in a good movie or favorite piece of music. The hypnotized person almost always remains fully aware of what is happening and remembers the experience later unless explicitly instructed to forget it. Even then, the memory can be restored by a prearranged signal. Since the 1960s, thousands of articles on hypnosis have appeared. Based on controlled studies, most psychological scientists agree that hypnosis is not a mystical trance or strange state of consciousness. Indeed, some worry that thinking of hypnosis as a kind of dark art has interfered with our understanding of it (Lynn et al., 2020; Posner & Rothbart, 2011). Although scientists disagree about what exactly hypnosis is, they generally agree on the following points: 1. Hypnotic responsiveness depends more on the efforts and qualities of the person being hypnotized than on the skill of the hypnotist. Some people are more Answers: 1. True 2. False 3. False 4. False 5. False 6. True

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responsive to hypnosis than others, but why they are is unknown (Barnier et al., 2014). Surprisingly, such susceptibility is unrelated to general personality traits such as gullibility, submissiveness, or conformity, and is only weakly related to the ability to become easily absorbed in activities and the world of imagination (Green & Lynn, 2010; Khodaverdi-Khani & Laurence, 2016; Nash & Nadon, 1997). 2. Hypnotized people cannot be forced to do things against their will. Like drunkenness, hypnosis can be used to justify letting go of inhibitions (“I know this looks silly, but after all, I’m hypnotized”). Hypnotized individuals may even comply with a suggestion to do something that looks embarrassing or dangerous. But the person is choosing to turn responsibility over to the hypnotist and to cooperate with the hypnotist’s suggestions (Lynn et al., 1990). Hypnotized people will not do anything that actually violates their morals or constitutes a real danger to themselves or others. Media depictions of forcible hypnosis, as in the example from Get Out referenced at the start of the chapter, are not particularly realistic. 3. Feats performed under hypnosis can be performed by motivated people without hypnosis. Hypnotized subjects sometimes perform what seem like extraordinary mental or physical feats, but hypnosis does not actually enable people to do things that would otherwise be impossible. With proper motivation, support, and encouragement, the same people could do the same things even without being hypnotized (Lynn et al., 2020; Spanos et al., 1988). 4. Hypnosis does not increase the accuracy of memory. The memories of hypnotized witnesses are usually completely mistaken. Although hypnosis can boost the amount of information recalled, it also increases errors, perhaps because hypnotized people are more willing than others to guess or because they mistake vividly imagined possibilities for actual memories (Dasse et al., 2015; Lynn et al., 2020; Robin et al., 2018). Because errors are so common in hypnotically induced recall, many scientific societies around the world oppose the use of “hypnotically refreshed” testimony in courts of law.

6. Hypnotic suggestions have been used effectively for many medical and psychological purposes. Although hypnosis is not of much use for finding out what happened in the past, it can be useful in the treatment of psychological and medical problems. Some people experience dramatic relief of pain resulting from conditions as diverse as burns, cancer, and childbirth, and others have learned to cope better emotionally with chronic pain (Langlois et al., 2022; Thompson et al., 2019). Hypnotic suggestions have also been used in the treatment of stress, anxiety, obesity, asthma, irritable bowel syndrome, and even chemotherapy-induced nausea (Nash & Barnier, 2007; Valentine et al., 2019). Visit Revel to learn more on this topic.

6.4.B Theories of Hypnosis Learning Objective 6.4.B Compare dissociation, sociocognitive, and biological perspectives on hypnosis, noting how each accounts for aspects of hypnotized behavior. Over the years, people have proposed many explanations of what hypnosis is and how it produces its effects, each approaching the phenomenon from a different perspective. One leading approach was originally proposed by Ernest Hilgard (1977, 1986), who argued that hypnosis, like lucid dreaming and even simple distraction, involves

DISSOCIATION THEORIES

Is it hypnosis that enables the man stretched out between two chairs to hold the weight of the man standing on him? This audience assumes so, but the only way to find out whether hypnosis produces unique abilities is to do research with control groups. It turns out that people can do the same thing even when they are not hypnotized.

Hulton-Deutsch Collection/Corbis Historical/Getty Images

5. Hypnosis does not produce a literal re-experiencing of long-ago events. Many people believe that hypnosis can be used to recover memories from as far back as birth, but this belief is just plain wrong. When people are “regressed” to an earlier age, they may use baby talk or report that they feel 4 years old again, but the reason is not that they are actually reliving the experience of being 4; they are just willing to play the role (Nash, 1987).

182 Chapter 6 dissociation, a split in consciousness in which one part of the mind operates independently of the rest of consciousness. In many hypnotized people, said Hilgard, most of the mind is subject to hypnotic suggestion, but one part is a hidden observer, watching but not participating. Unless given special instructions, the hypnotized part remains unaware of the observer. Hilgard attempted to question the hidden observer directly. In one procedure, hypnotized Hypnotist Split between hidden Person responds volunteers had to submerge an arm in ice water for induces observer or executiveto suggestions several seconds, an experience that is normally excruhypnotic control system and rest (“I’m 4 years ciating. They were told that they would feel no pain state of mind old”) but that the unsubmerged hand would be able to signal the level of any hidden pain by pressing a key. In this situation, many people said they felt little or no pain—yet at the same time, their free dissociation hand was busily pressing the key. After the session, these people continued to insist that they A split in consciousness in which had been pain-free unless the hypnotist asked the hidden observer to issue a separate report. one part of the mind operates independently of others. A contemporary version of this theory holds that during hypnosis, a dissociation occurs between two systems in the brain: the system that processes incoming information about the world and an “executive” system that controls how we use that information. In hypnosis, the executive system turns off and hands its function over to the hypnotist. That leaves the hypnotist able to suggest how we should interpret the world and act in it (Rainville et al., 1997; Woody & Sadler, 2012) (see Figure 6.6). Interactive

Figure 6.6 Dissociation Theories of Hypnosis

Another explanation for hypnosis is sociocognitive, proposing that the effects result from an interaction between the social influence of the hypnotist (the “socio” part) and the abilities, beliefs, and expectations of the subject (the “cognitive” part) (see Figure 6.7) (Sarbin, 1991; Spanos, 1991). The hypnotized person is basically enacting a role. This role has analogies in ordinary life, where we willingly submit to the suggestions of parents, teachers, doctors, therapists, and television commercials. In this view, even the “hidden observer” is simply a reaction to the social demands of the situation and the suggestions of the hypnotist (Lynn & Green, 2011). The hypnotized person is not merely faking or playacting, however. A person who has been instructed to fool an observer by faking a hypnotic state will tend to overplay the role and will stop playing it as soon as the other person leaves the room. In contrast, hypnotized subjects continue to follow the hypnotic suggestions even when they think they are not being watched (Kirsch et al., 1989; Spanos et al., 1993). Sociocognitive views can explain why some people under Figure 6.7 Sociocognitive Theories of Hypnosis hypnosis have reported spirit possession or “memories” of alien abductions (Clancy, 2005). Suppose a young woman goes to a therapist seeking an explanation for her Social influence of Person’s own loneliness, unhappiness, or nightmares. A therapist who hypnotist (“You’re cognitions (“I already believes in alien abduction may use hypnosis, going back in believe in age time”) regression”) along with subtle and not-so-subtle cues about UFOs, to shape the way the client interprets her symptoms. The sociocognitive view can also explain supposed cases of past-life regression. In a fascinating program of research, Nicholas Spanos and his colleagues (1991) Person conforms directed hypnotized Canadian college students to to suggestions regress past their own births to previous lives. About a (“I’m 4 years third of the students reported being able to do so. But old”) when they were asked, while supposedly reliving a past life, to name the leader of their country, say whether the Interactive

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country was at peace or at war, or describe the money used in their community, the students could not do it. Not knowing anything about the language, dates, customs, and events of their “previous life” did not deter the students from constructing a story about it, however. They tried to fulfill the requirements of the role by weaving events, places, and people from their present lives into their accounts and by picking up cues from the experimenter. The researchers concluded that the act of “remembering” another self involves the construction of a fantasy that accords with the rememberer’s own beliefs and also the beliefs of others— in this case, those of the authoritative hypnotist. BIOLOGICAL THEORIES Debates over what hypnosis really is and how it works have intensified as scientists have begun using neuroimaging technology to study it. We have known for some time from EEG studies that alpha waves are common when a person is in a relaxed hypnotic state. This is not surprising because alpha waves are associated with relaxed wakefulness. Brain scans, however, permit a more detailed picture of what is going on in the brain of a hypnotized person. According to some biological theories, hypnosis involves changes in the control of attention; thus, researchers have studied the “central executive” network in the brain, including the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and anterior cingulate gyrus. For example, one group of researchers found that transcranial magnetic stimulation applied to the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex increased participants’ susceptibility to hypnosis (Dienes & Hutton, 2013). Other biological theories have focused on the changes in self-reflective thought or awareness in hypnosis, thus shifting research attention to other brain networks (Landry et al., 2017). One study that used neuroimaging showed that hypnosis can reduce conflict between two mental tasks (Raz et al., 2005). The researchers gave participants the Stroop test, which is often used to study what happens when color identification conflicts with reading. In this test, participants look at words denoting colors (e.g., blue, red, green, yellow), with some of the words printed in the corresponding color (e.g., red printed in red) and others printed in a different color (e.g., red printed in blue). It is a lot harder to identify the ink color when it doesn’t match the word’s meaning. To see what we mean, try identifying as quickly as you can the ink color of the words in the illustration below. It’s pretty difficult, right? This is because your automatic inclination is to read the words, and the color-naming task forces you to override that inclination. You would not find the task as difficult if you could not understand English or if the words were shown in a language that you don’t know.

Replication Check ✔ The basic findings of the Stroop test (1935) have been replicated many times, including recently by Ebersole et al. (2016) in a study of 3,279 participants!

In the study, hypnotized participants were told that later, after they were no longer hypnotized, they would see words from the Stroop test on a computer screen but the words would seem like strings of meaningless symbols—like “characters in a foreign language that you do not know.” During the test, highly suggestible people were faster and better at color naming than people who were less suggestible; in fact, the “Stroop effect” virtually disappeared for the highly suggestible group. Moreover, during the task, they had reduced activity in a brain area that decodes written words and in another area toward the front of the brain that monitors conflicting thoughts. Because of the suggestions made during hypnosis, they were able to pay less attention to the words themselves during the task and thus were able to avoid reading them. They could focus solely on the color of the ink. What do findings like these mean for theories of hypnosis? The fact that hypnosis can affect patterns of activity in the brain gives encouragement to those who believe that hypnosis is a special state, different from elaborate role-playing or extreme concentration. Others feel that it is too soon to draw any conclusions from this research about the mechanisms or nature of hypnosis. Every experience alters the brain in some way. Moreover, suggestion can reduce

red yellow green blue red blue yellow green blue red

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184 Chapter 6 the Stroop effect in highly suggestible people even without hypnosis (Raz et al., 2006). In fact, highly suggestible people can even hallucinate color without hypnosis (McGeown et al., 2012). Further work may tell us whether or not there is something special about hypnosis. But whatever the outcome of this debate, researchers agree that hypnosis does not cause memories to become sharper or allow early experiences to be replayed with perfect accuracy. The study of hypnosis is teaching us much about human suggestibility, the power of imagination, and the way we perceive the present and remember the past.

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Meditation

(3) Improved Emotion Regulation—Another potential benefit is improved emotion regulation. Studies have found that mindfulness mediation decreases the emotional response people experience after seeing an unpleasant or stressful film and also facilitates return to a baseline emotional state after such exposure.

(2) Effects on Attention—Meditation can improve attention. Consider, for example, the Attentional Network Test (ANT), in which participants have to quickly identify the direction of the central arrow in a row. The task is more challenging in the bottom row depicted above, in which the incongruent arrows can be distracting. Just 5 days’ worth of 20 minutes of mindfulness meditation has been found to predict improved attentional performance on the ANT.

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

(1) Meditation—Today, meditation—as included in practices such as yoga and tai chi—may be an even more popular way than hypnosis to induce a relaxed state of mind. One example is mindfulness meditation, which involves a heightened but nonjudgmental attention to present experiences, and research indicates that it promotes both physical and mental health (Tang et al., 2015).

(4) Help With Addiction—Mindfulness meditation can also improve self-regulation, or the ability to control one’s own behavior and temptations. Clinical trials indicate that meditation may have the potential to help individuals who experience addiction, generalized anxiety, and behavioral problems.

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JOURNAL 6.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Imagine that you are a defense attorney in a criminal trial, and the prosecution claims that its critical eyewitness was able to recall details of the crime and recognize the defendant in a photo lineup after being hypnotized. What are some questions you would ask the police investigators and the eyewitness during your cross-examination to challenge these claims about posthypnosis memory? Which of the explanations detailed above might provide the best argument for you in the effort to refute this eyewitness testimony as being reliable evidence at trial?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 6.4 to test your knowledge.

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6.5 Consciousness-Altering Drugs In Jerusalem, hundreds of Hasidic men celebrate the completion of the annual reading of the holy Torah by dancing for hours in the streets. For them, dancing is not a diversion; it is a path to religious ecstasy. In South Dakota, Lakota (Sioux) adults sit naked in the darkness and crushing heat of a sweat lodge; their goal is euphoria, the transcendence of pain, and connection with the Great Spirit of the Universe. In the Amazon jungle, a young man training to be a shaman, a religious leader, takes a whiff of hallucinogen made from the bark of the virola tree; his goal is to enter a trance and communicate with animals, spirits, and supernatural forces. And some people simply sit quietly, focused intently on the private world of their innermost thoughts, absorbed in meditation as a means of enlightenment and expanded awareness. These rituals, seemingly quite different, are all aimed at release from the confines of ordinary consciousness. Because cultures around the world have devised such practices, some writers believe they reflect a human need, one as basic as the need for food and water (Siegel, 1989). William James (1902/1936), who was fascinated by alterations in consciousness, would have agreed. After inhaling nitrous oxide (“laughing gas”), he wrote, “Our normal waking consciousness, rational consciousness as we call it, is but one special type of consciousness, whilst all about it, parted from it by the filmiest of screens, there lie potential forms of consciousness entirely different.” But it was not until the 1960s, as millions of people began to seek ways to deliberately produce altered states of consciousness, that researchers became interested in the psychology, as well as the physiology, of psychoactive drugs. The filmy screen described by James finally began to lift.

(1) Spirituality—Different cultures have found different ways to alter consciousness. The Mevlevis of Turkey, the famous whirling dervishes, spin in an energetic but controlled manner to achieve religious rapture.

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Culture and Consciousness

(2) Meditation—People in many cultures meditate as a way to quiet the mind and achieve spiritual enlightenment.

(3) Hallucinogens—In some cultures, psychoactive drugs are used for religious or artistic inspiration, as in the case of the Huichol indigenous people of Western Mexico, one of whom is shown here harvesting hallucinogenic mushrooms.

6.5.A Classifying Drugs Learning Objective 6.5.A List the four main categories of psychoactive drugs, and summarize the main effects of each. A psychoactive drug is a substance that alters perception, mood, thinking, or behavior by interacting with the biochemistry of brain and body. Around the world and throughout history, the most common ones have been nicotine, alcohol, marijuana, mescaline, opium, cocaine, peyote—and, of course, caffeine. The reasons for taking psychoactive drugs have varied: to

psychoactive drugs Drugs capable of influencing perception, mood, cognition, or behavior.

186 Chapter 6 alter consciousness, as part of a religious ritual, to decrease physical pain or discomfort, and for psychological escape. In some societies, a whole group of recreational drugs exists, and new ones, both natural and synthetic, emerge every few years. Most of these drugs can be classified as stimulants, depressants, opiates, or psychedelics, depending on their effects on the central nervous system and their impact on behavior and mood (see Table 6.1). Here we describe their physiological and psychological effects.

stimulants Drugs that speed up activity in the central nervous system.

depressants Drugs that slow activity in the central nervous system.

opiates Drugs, derived from the opium poppy, that relieve pain and commonly produce euphoria.

psychedelics Consciousness­altering drugs that produce hallucinations, change thought processes, or disrupt the normal perception of time and space.

1. Stimulants speed up activity in the central nervous system. In moderate amounts, stimulants produce feelings of excitement, confidence, and well-being or euphoria. Examples of stimulants include amphetamines, methamphetamine (meth), MDMA (also known as Ecstasy, which also has psychedelic properties), cocaine, nicotine, and caffeine. In large amounts, they can make a person anxious, jittery, and hyperalert. In very large doses, they may cause convulsions, heart failure, and death. Amphetamines are synthetic drugs taken in pill form, injected, smoked, or inhaled. Methamphetamine is structurally similar to amphetamine and is used in the same ways; it comes in two forms, as a powder or in a freebase (purified) form as a crystalline solid. Cocaine is a natural drug, derived from the leaves of the coca plant. Rural workers in Bolivia and Peru chew coca leaf every day without apparent ill effects. In North America, the drug is usually inhaled, injected, or smoked in the freebase form known as crack (because of the crackling sound it makes when smoked). These methods provide more rapid access to the blood and therefore the brain, giving the drug a more immediate, powerful, and dangerous effect than when coca leaf is chewed. Amphetamines, methamphetamine, and cocaine make users feel charged up but do not actually increase energy reserves. Fatigue, irritability, and depression may occur when the effects of these drugs wear off. When used appropriately and under the guidance of medical professionals, some stimulants can be helpful in the treatment of specific conditions; for example,

Table 6.1 Some Psychoactive Drugs and Their Effects Class of Drug

Type

Common Effects

Some Results of Excessive Use

Amphetamines; methamphetamine; MDMA/Ecstasy*

Stimulant

Wakefulness, alertness, raised metabolism, elevated mood, suppressed appetite

Nervousness, headaches, high blood pressure, psychosis, heart damage, convulsions, death

Cocaine

Stimulant

Euphoria, excitation, feelings of energy, suppressed appetite

Excitability, sleeplessness, sweating, paranoia, anxiety, panic, depression, heart damage, heart failure, injury to nose if sniffed

Nicotine (tobacco)

Stimulant

Varies from alertness to calmness, depending on mental set, setting, and prior arousal; decreased appetite for carbohydrates

Nicotine: heart disease, high blood pressure, impaired circulation, erectile problems, damage throughout the body due to lowering of a key enzyme Tar (residue from smoking cigarettes): lung cancer, emphysema, mouth and throat cancer, many other health risks

Caffeine

Stimulant

Wakefulness, alertness, shortened reaction time

Restlessness, insomnia, muscle tension, heartbeat irregularities, high blood pressure

Alcohol

Depressant

Reduced anxiety and inhibition, slowed reaction time, poor coordination, depression, memory deficits

Blackouts, cirrhosis of the liver, other organ damage, mental and neurological impairment, psychosis, death with very large amounts

Tranquilizers (e.g., Valium), barbiturates (e.g., phenobarbital)

Depressant

Reduced anxiety and tension, sedation

Increased dosage needed for effects; impaired motor and sensory functions, impaired permanent storage of new information, withdrawal symptoms; possibly convulsions, coma, death (especially when taken with other drugs)

Opium, heroin, morphine, codeine, codone-based pain relievers

Opiate

Euphoria, relief of pain

Loss of appetite, nausea, constipation, withdrawal symptoms, convulsions, coma, possibly death

LSD, psilocybin, mescaline, Salvia divinorum

Psychedelic

Depending on the drug: exhilaration, visions and hallucinations, insightful experiences

Psychosis, paranoia, panic reactions

Marijuana

Mild psychedelic (classification controversial)

Relaxation, euphoria, increased appetite, dizziness, reduced ability to store new memories, other effects depending on mental set and setting

Throat and lung irritation, possible lung damage if smoked heavily

*MDMA/Ecstasy also has psychedelic properties.

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amphetamines and MDMA can be used to improve the symptoms of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and posttraumatic stress disorder, respectively (Correll et al., 2021; Cortese et al., 2018; Mitchell et al., 2021). 2. Depressants slow down activity in the central nervous system. Depressants usually make a person feel calm or drowsy, and they may reduce anxiety, guilt, tension, and inhibitions. They include alcohol, tranquilizers, barbiturates, and most of the common chemicals that some people inhale to try to get high. These drugs enhance the activity of GABA, the neurotransmitter that inhibits the ability of neurons to communicate with each other. In large amounts, depressants may produce insensitivity to pain and other sensations. Like stimulants, in very large doses they can cause irregular heartbeats, convulsions, and death. People are often surprised to learn that alcohol is a central The crystalline solid form of methamphetamine is the type of drug nervous system depressant. In small amounts, alcohol has some manufactured and sold by the characters featured in the television of the effects of a stimulant because it suppresses activity in parts series Breaking Bad. As depicted in the show, “meth” has a variety of the brain that normally inhibit impulsive behavior, such as of serious, negative effects on users’ psychological, physical, and loud laughter and clowning around. In the long run, however, social outcomes. it slows down nervous system activity. Like barbiturates and opiates, alcohol can produce anesthesia, which is why people may pass out (if they don’t vomit first) when they drink excessively. Over time, alcohol damages the liver, heart, and brain. Extremely large amounts of alcohol can kill by inhibiting the nerve cells in brain areas that control breathing and heartbeat. Every so often, a news report announces the death of a college student who ingested large amounts of alcohol as part of an initiation. What about a more occasional drink of wine, beer, or liquor? For many years, researchers argued that moderate drinking is associated with a variety of health benefits, including a reduced risk of heart attack and stroke (Mukamal et al., 2003; Reynolds et al., 2003). But because this type of research is correlational in nature, it can be difficult to determine whether moderate alcohol consumption or some other variable is responsible for reducing cardiovascular risk (Goel et al., 2018). In addition, recent research paints a more complicated picture, finding that one drink per day has no net benefit for life expectancy (Moissl et al., 2021; Wood et al., 2018)—and, alas, many people don’t limit themselves to just one drink per day. 3. Opiates relieve pain. These drugs work on some of the same brain systems as endorphins do, and some have a powerful effect on emotions. They include opium, derived from the opium poppy; morphine, a derivative of opium; heroin, a derivative of morphine; synthetic drugs such as fentanyl and methadone; and codeine and codone-based pain relievers such as oxycodone and hydrocodone. When injected, opiates can enhance the transmission of dopamine, and so produce a rush, a sudden feeling of euphoria. They may also decrease anxiety and motivation. Opiates are highly addictive and in large amounts can cause coma and even death. 4. Psychedelic drugs disrupt normal thought processes, such as the perception of time and space. Sometimes they produce hallucinations, especially visual ones. Some psychedelics, such as lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), are made in a laboratory. Others, such as mescaline (from the peyote cactus), Salvia divinorum (from an herb native to Mexico), and psilocybin (from certain species of mushrooms), are natural substances. Emotional reactions to psychedelics vary from person to person and from one time to another for any individual. A “trip” may be pleasant or unpleasant, a mystical revelation or a nightmare, as depicted with regularity across popular media, from TV shows as varied as Mad Men and The Simpsons, to movies over the years like Easy Rider, Booksmart, and Midsommar. And it was a half-century ago that The Beatles sang of a world with tangerine trees, marmalade skies, and a girl with kaleidoscope eyes—the band claimed that it was just a coincidence (wink, wink) that the title of their song “Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds” could be abbreviated as LSD.

Archives du 7e Art/AMC/Photo 12/Alamy Stock Photo

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David Pollack/Corbis Historical/Getty Images

188 Chapter 6 For decades, research on psychedelics languished because of a lack of funding. But some clinical researchers are now exploring their potential to help treat depression and anxiety (Muttoni et al., 2019) and to alleviate distress and despair in people with terminal illnesses (Grob et al., 2011; Schimmel et al., 2021). Some commonly used drugs fall outside these four classifications or combine elements of more than one category. One is marijuana, which is smoked or consumed in foods or beverages. Marijuana use has increased in recent years, in part due to its legalization in some states (Brown et al., 2017; Hasin et al., 2015). Some researchers classify it as a psychedelic, but others feel that its chemical makeup and its psychological effects place it outside the major classifications. The main active ingredient in marijuana is tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), derived from the hemp plant, Cannabis sativa. In some respects, THC appears to be a mild stimulant, increasing heart rate and making tastes, sounds, and colors seem more intense. But users often report reactions ranging from mild euphoria to relaxation or even sleepiness. Some researchers believe that heavy smoking of the drug (which is high in tar) may increase the risk of lung damage (Barsky et al., 1998; Mehra et al., 2006). In moderate doses, it can interfere with the transfer of information to long-term memory and impair coordination and reaction times, characteristics it shares with alcohol. In large doses, it can cause hallucinations and a sense of unreality. Metaanalyses have found impairment in memory and learning and structural abnormalities in the hippocampus among individuals who use cannabis over a long period Marijuana was once regarded as a mild and harmless of time (Broyd et al., 2016; Grant et al., 2003; Rocchetti et al., 2013). Nevertheless, sedative, but its image changed in the 1930s, when cannabis has been used therapeutically for nearly 3,000 years and is one of the funbooks and movies began to warn about the dire damental herbs of traditional Chinese medicine. Its benefits have been affirmed in consequences of “reefer madness.” contemporary medicine as well. Cannabis and its active chemical compounds have been shown to reduce the pain, nausea, and vomiting that often accompany treatment for cancer; muscle spasms caused by multiple sclerosis; and the intraocular pressure caused by glaucoma (Aggarwal et al., 2009; Freeman et al., 2019; Whiting et al., 2015). You may have noticed lately that another substance derived from cannabis, cannabidiol (CBD), has been popping up in all sorts of easily obtainable products, ranging from topical skin creams to drinks, oils, and other dietary supplements. However, the availability of CBD products does not necessarily imply that using them is a good idea! According to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (2020), only one CBD product is approved for use, and it is available only by prescription. In addition, CBD has been linked to potentially harmful side effects, and the lack of clear labeling on products makes it difficult for consumers to know how much CBD a product contains (Rubin, 2019; VanDolah et al., 2019). Overall, it would seem best to wait for placebo-controlled clinical trials to determine the efficacy, dosage, and side-effects of CBD products.

6.5.B The Physiology of Drug Effects Learning Objective 6.5.B Explain how drugs can affect neurotransmitters in the brain. Psychoactive drugs produce their effects by acting on brain neurotransmitters, the chemical substances that carry messages from one nerve cell to another. A drug may increase or decrease the release of neurotransmitters at the synapse, prevent the reuptake (reabsorption) of excess neurotransmitter molecules by the cells that have released them, or interfere with the receptors that a neurotransmitter normally binds to. Figure 6.8 shows how one drug, cocaine, increases the amount of norepinephrine and dopamine in the synapse by blocking the reuptake of these neurotransmitters. Cocaine, like other drugs, also increases the availability of serotonin (Müller & Homberg, 2015). These biochemical changes affect cognitive and emotional functioning. Alcohol activates the receptor for GABA, the inhibitory neurotransmitter found in virtually all parts of the brain. Because GABA is so prevalent and modulates the activity of other neurotransmitter systems,

Consciousness and Sleep

alcohol can affect many behaviors. Just a couple of drinks can affect perception, response time, coordination, and balance, despite the drinker’s own impression of unchanged performance. Alcohol also affects memory, possibly by interfering with the function of the hippocampus (Hermens & Lagopoulos, 2018; Vetreno & Crews, 2015). Consuming small amounts does not seem to affect sober mental performance, but even occasional binge drinking—usually defined as five or more drinks on a single occasion—can impair later abstract thought and executive functioning (Gunn et al., 2018; Parada et al., 2012; Salas-Gomez et al., 2016). In other words, a Saturday night binge is potentially more disabling than a daily drink. As for other recreational drugs, there is little evidence that light or moderate use can damage the human brain enough to affect cognitive functioning, but nearly all researchers agree that heavy or frequent use is another matter. For example, heavy users of methamphetamine have damage to dopamine cells and perform more poorly than other people on tests of memory, attention, and movement, even when they’re not actively using the drug (Ashok et al., 2017; Volkow et al., 2001). Under some conditions, the repeated use of some psychoactive drugs can lead to tolerance: Over time, more and more of the drug is needed to produce the same effect. When habitual heavy users stop taking a drug, they may suffer severe physical withdrawal symptoms, which, depending on the drug, may include nausea, abdominal cramps, sweating, muscle spasms, depression, disturbed sleep, and intense craving for more of the drug.

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Figure 6.8 Cocaine’s Effect on the Brain

Presynaptic neuron

Cocaine molecule blocking dopamine reuptake

Dopamine reuptake

Dopamine receptors

Postsynaptic neuron

Cocaine blocks the brain’s reuptake of dopamine and norepinephrine so that synaptic levels of these neurotransmitters rise. The result is overstimulation of certain brain receptors and a brief euphoric high. Then, when the drug wears off, a depletion of dopamine may cause the user to “crash” and become sleepy and depressed.

tolerance Reduced response to a drug after repeated use.

6.5.C The Psychology of Drug Effects Learning Objective 6.5.C Summarize the psychological variables that can moderate the physiological effects of drugs. People often assume that the effects of a drug are automatic, the inevitable result of the drug’s chemistry. But reactions to a psychoactive drug involve more than the drug’s chemical properties. They also depend on a person’s experience with the drug, individual characteristics, environmental setting, and mental set:

withdrawal Physical and psychological symptoms that occur when someone addicted to a drug stops taking it.

1. Experience with the drug refers to the number of times a person has taken it. When people try a drug—a cigarette, an alcoholic drink, a stimulant—for the first time, their reactions can vary markedly, from unpleasant to neutral to enjoyable. Reactions to a drug may become increasingly positive after a person has used a drug for a while and has become familiar with its effects.

oneinchpunch/Shutterstock

Sylvie Bouchard/123RF

2. Individual characteristics include an initial state of emotional arousal and personality. For individuals, a drug may have one effect after a tiring day and a different one after an arousing argument; the effect may vary with the time of day because of circadian rhythms The motives for using a drug, expectations about its effects, and the setting in which it is used all contribute to a person’s reactions to the drug. That is why drinking alone to drown your sorrows is likely to produce a different reaction than playing a drinking game at a party.

190 Chapter 6 that affect various neurotransmitters. And some differences among individuals in their responses to a drug may be due to their personality traits (Hutchison et al., 1999). When people who are prone to anger and irritability wear nicotine patches, dramatic bursts of activity occur in the brain while they are working on competitive or aggressive tasks. These changes do not occur, however, in more relaxed and cheerful people (Fallon et al., 2004). 3. “Environmental setting” refers to the context in which a person takes the drug. A person might have one glass of wine at home alone and feel sleepy but have three glasses of wine at a party and feel full of energy. Someone might feel happy and calm drinking with good friends, but fearful and nervous drinking with strangers. In short, the environmental setting can affect one’s physiological responses to a drug, and this effect can also be observed in non-human animals (Badiani & Robinson, 2004). 4. “Mental set” refers to a person’s expectations about the drug’s effects and reasons for taking it. Some people drink to become more sociable, friendly, or seductive; some drink to try to reduce feelings of anxiety or depression; and some may drink to have an excuse for abusiveness or violence (Field et al., 2004). Some people abuse drugs to escape from the real world, whereas people living with chronic pain may use the same drugs to function in the real world. The motives for taking a drug greatly influence its effects. Expectations can have a powerful effect on behavior. In several imaginative studies, researchers compared people who were drinking liquor (vodka and tonic) with those who thought they were drinking alcohol but were actually getting only tonic and lime juice. The experimenters found a “think–drink” effect: Men behaved more belligerently when they thought they were drinking vodka than when they thought they were drinking plain tonic water, regardless of the actual content of the drinks. And men and women reported feeling sexually aroused when they thought they were drinking vodka, regardless of what they were actually drinking (Abrams & Wilson, 1983; Marlatt & Rohsenow, 1980). None of this means that the influence of alcohol and other drugs are all in your head, however. Psychoactive drugs, as we have seen, have physiological effects, many of them extremely potent. Rather, these findings suggest that the mere expectation of a drug’s effects can produce at least some of those effects.

Interactive

JOURNAL 6.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS One person takes a drink and flies into a rage. Another has a drink and mellows out. What qualities of the user rather than the drug might account for this difference?

Interactive

In Revel, you can find Quiz 6.5 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: When You’re Stumped by a Problem, You Should “Sleep on It” STEP 1. Criticize This Claim After a long day, there’s nothing quite like the feeling of getting into bed, pulling up the blanket, and closing your eyes. Sleep lets us conserve energy and recharge. While asleep, the body repairs cells and the brain takes out its trash, removing accumulated waste products. And did you know, we also get mental work done while sleeping? At least, that’s the assumption underlying the advice to get some rest when you run into a mental roadblock. Let’s evaluate this claim: When you’re stumped by a problem, you should “sleep on it.” (continued )

Consciousness and Sleep

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STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder In assessing this claim, we might first ask questions about the opposite of getting sleep— sleep deprivation. What does research tell us about mental performance when we haven’t had enough rest? For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option to complete the sentence. Even though many college students have first-hand experience with the practice of “pulling an all-nighter,” research has demonstrated that lack of sleep has negative effects on mood, motor skills, and cognitive performance. At a biological level, as detailed in this chapter, chronic sleep deprivation increases levels of the stress hormone known as ________. More generally, the negative relationship between sleep deprivation and optimal performance supports recent decisions to ________. Indeed, in a 2018 study, Hartmann and Prichard examined responses from more than 50,000 college students and found a negative correlation between sleep problems and grade point average, which means that ________. 1) a. cortisol b. adrenaline c. serotonin 2) a. move start times earlier in many public high schools b. limit the number of hours in a day that airline pilots, truck drivers, and nuclear plant operators can work c. Cut insurance coverage for treatments related to sleep apnea, and narcolepsy 3) a. we can be confident that sleep problems influence GPA, but GPA does not influence sleep problems b. the more sleep problems students reported, the lower their GPA tended to be c. there was no reliable relationship between sleep problems and academic performance

STEP 3. Ask (More) Questions, Be Willing to Wonder A critical thinker would also ask whether sleep has positive cognitive effects, and indeed it does. Sleep is crucial for memory consolidation, in which new memories are strengthened and stabilized. During sleep, the neural pathways that were active during an original experience are reactivated, helping to transfer memories to long-term storage and even reorganize them. But how can we test the effects of “sleeping on it” when we’re stuck on a problem?

STEP 4. Define Your Terms We need a study with clearly defined variables and hypotheses, like the one Ullrich Wagner and his colleagues designed in 2004. They defined problem-solving in terms of math performance. Their hypothesis was that sleep would influence participants’ likelihood of figuring out the hidden shortcut for solving a string of problems. The researchers created three clearly defined experimental groups: One group trained on the task in the morning before coming back to it 8 hours later. One group trained in the evening and then stayed awake for 8 hours before returning to the task. And one group trained in the evening and then slept on the task for 8 hours, before returning to it the next morning.

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence Participants who slept on the problem were more than twice as likely as those in the other groups to discover the hidden shortcut. Additional studies have shown that participants who dream about a task benefit even more from insight while asleep.

(continued )

192 Chapter 6

1

Participants gaining insight (%)

70 60

4

1. The Y-axis here represents the dependent variable in the study, whether or not participants gained insight into the problem (i.e., whether or not they figured out the hidden shortcut).

50

2. Participants who were trained on the task in the morning and then returned to it 8 hours

40

later figured out the critical shortcut 25% of the time. 3. The same 25% rate was observed among participants who were trained on the task

30 2

20

in the evening and then kept awake for 8 hours before they were allowed to go back

3

to it. 4. By a significant margin (60%), the participants who were most likely to figure out the

10

trick to efficient problem solving were those who “slept on” the problem for 8 hours after being trained on it. ee p Sl

t gh ni W ak e-

W ak e-

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STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Sleep has a wide range of positive effects, including the potential to help us gain insight when solving problems. There is evidence to support the advice that when you’re stumped by a problem, you should “sleep on it.” That said, critical thinkers must tolerate uncertainty, and there is much we don’t yet know about how and why sleep has these effects. And while sleep can help with rule-based problems, more recent studies suggest that it may be less helpful for insight on creativity-based problems. The effects of sleep continue to be an issue for well-rested researchers to address. Answer key: 1) a, 2) b, 3) b

Summary: Consciousness and Sleep 6.1 Biological Rhythms: The Tides of Experience LO 6.1.A

Define circadian rhythms, and explain how the body’s “biological clock” works.

Consciousness is the awareness of oneself and the environment. Changing states of consciousness are often associated with biological rhythms—periodic fluctuations in physiological functioning. Circadian fluctuations occur about once a day and are governed by a biological clock in the suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) of the hypothalamus. The SCN regulates and, in turn, is affected by the hormone melatonin, which is responsive to changes in light and dark and which increases during the dark hours. When a person’s normal routine changes, the person may experience internal desynchronization, in which the usual circadian rhythms are thrown out of phase with one another. LO 6.1.B

Explain and summarize the evidence that mood varies with seasons and the menstrual cycle.

Some people experience depression every winter in a pattern that has been labeled seasonal affective disorder (SAD). The causes of SAD are not yet clear, although light treatments can be effective in alleviating symptoms. Another long-term rhythm is the menstrual cycle, during which various hormones rise and fall. Some people experience severe, impairing mood changes associated with their menstrual cycle, a condition called premenstrual

dysphoric disorder (PMDD). Expectations and learning affect how people interpret bodily and emotional changes.

6.2 The Rhythms of Sleep LO 6.2.A

Describe and explain the primary features of the stages of sleep.

During sleep, periods of rapid eye movement (REM) alternate with non-REM (NREM) sleep in an approximately 90-minute rhythm. Non-REM sleep is divided into stages on the basis of characteristic brain-wave patterns. During REM sleep, the brain is active and there are other signs of arousal, yet most of the skeletal muscles are limp; vivid dreams are reported most often during REM sleep. LO 6.2.B

List the mental consequences of sleep loss and the mental benefits of a good night’s sleep.

Sleep is necessary not only for bodily restoration, but also for normal mental functioning. Many people get less than the optimal amount of sleep, perhaps suffering from insomnia, sleep apnea, narcolepsy, or REM behavior disorder, but the most common reason for daytime sleepiness is probably a simple lack of sleep. Sleep may contribute to the consolidation of memories and subsequent problem solving.

Consciousness and Sleep

6.3 Exploring the Dream World LO 6.3.A

Discuss explanations for why we dream.

Freud thought that dreams allow us to express forbidden or unrealistic desires that have been forced into the unconscious part of the mind, but there is no objective way to verify Freudian interpretations of dreams and no convincing support for most of his claims. Three more recent theories of dreaming emphasize the connections between dreams and waking thoughts. The problem-focused approach holds that dreams express current concerns and may even help us solve current problems. The cognitive approach holds that dreams are simply a modification of the cognitive activity that goes on when we are awake. The difference is that during sleep we are cut off from sensory input from the world, so our thoughts tend to be more diffuse and unfocused. The activation–synthesis theory holds that dreams occur when the cortex tries to make sense of, or interpret, spontaneous neural firing initiated in the pons. The synthesis of these signals with existing knowledge and memories results in a dream. LO 6.3.B

Summarize the strengths and weaknesses of each major dream theory.

All of the current theories of dreams have some support, and all have weaknesses. Some psychologists doubt that people can solve problems during sleep. The cognitive approach is a leading contender, although some of its specific claims remain to be tested. The activation–synthesis theory does not seem to explain coherent, storylike dreams or non-REM dreams.

6.4 The Riddle of Hypnosis LO 6.4.A

Summarize the truths and misconceptions associated with hypnosis.

Hypnosis is a procedure in which the practitioner suggests changes in a person’s sensations, perceptions, thoughts, feelings, or behavior, and the person tries to comply. Although hypnosis has been used successfully for many medical and psychological purposes, people hold many misconceptions about what it can accomplish. It cannot force people to do things against their will, confer special abilities that are otherwise impossible, increase the accuracy of memory, or produce a literal re-experiencing of past events. LO 6.4.B

Compare dissociation, sociocognitive, and biological perspectives on hypnosis, noting how each accounts for aspects of hypnotized behavior.

A leading approach to understanding hypnosis is that it involves dissociation, a split in consciousness. In one version of this approach,

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the split is between a part of consciousness that is hypnotized and a hidden observer that watches but does not participate. In another version, the split is between an executive-control system in the brain and other brain systems responsible for thinking and acting. The sociocognitive explanation regards hypnosis as a product of normal social and cognitive processes in which the hypnotized person’s expectations and beliefs combine with the desire to comply with the hypnotist’s suggestions. In this view, hypnosis is a form of role-playing; the role is so engrossing that the person interprets it as real. Recent technological advances have also yielded biological accounts for hypnosis that indicate, for example, that hypnosis can affect patterns of activity in the brain.

6.5 Consciousness-Altering Drugs LO 6.5.A

List the four main categories of psychoactive drugs, and summarize the main effects of each.

In all cultures, people have found ways to produce altered states of consciousness. Psychoactive drugs alter cognition and emotion by acting on neurotransmitters in the brain. Most psychoactive drugs are classified as stimulants, depressants, opiates, or psychedelics, depending on their central nervous system effects and their impacts on behavior and mood. However, some common drugs, such as marijuana, straddle or fall outside these categories. LO 6.5.B

Explain how drugs can affect neurotransmitters in the brain.

A drug may increase or decrease the release of neurotransmitters at the synapse, prevent the reuptake (reabsorption) of excess neurotransmitter molecules by the cells that have released them, or interfere with the receptors that a neurotransmitter normally binds to. When used frequently and in large amounts, some psychoactive drugs can damage neurons in the brain and impair learning and memory. Their use may lead to tolerance, in which increasing dosages are needed for the same effect, and withdrawal symptoms if a heavy user tries to quit. LO 6.5.C

Summarize the psychological variables that can moderate the physiological effects of drugs.

Reactions to a psychoactive drug are influenced not only by its chemical properties but also by the user’s prior experience with the drug, individual characteristics, environmental setting, and mental set—the person’s expectations and motives for taking the drug.

Shared Writing: Consciousness and Sleep Much of this chapter has focused on body rhythms and biological fluctuations. But we humans have the ability to manipulate our own environments to optimize performance—whether we’re talking about academics, work productivity, social connections, or just general cognitive functioning. Look around your current living space, the physical place in which you work, live, and sleep. Can you identify two specific changes you could make to capitalize on your circadian rhythm and chronotype or to improve the quality (and quantity) of your time asleep?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 6 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 7

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Learning

Learning Objectives LO 7.1.A

Explain the key elements of classical conditioning.

LO 7.1.B

Discuss basic principles of classical conditioning, including extinction and recovery, higher-order conditioning, and stimulus generalization and discrimination.

LO 7.1.C

Explain why the stimulus to be conditioned should precede the unconditioned stimulus in classical conditioning.

LO 7.2.A

Provide an example of how classical conditioning contributes to forming preferences.

LO 7.2.B

Provide an example of how classical conditioning can create learned fears, and describe how the process of counterconditioning takes place.

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LO 7.2.C

Describe how classical conditioning is involved in avoiding a food associated with aversive outcomes.

LO 7.2.D

Describe how classical conditioning can affect reactions to medical treatments, including a patient’s reaction to a placebo.

LO 7.3.A

Discuss how Edward Thorndike’s research served as the basis for operant conditioning.

LO 7.3.B

Distinguish between reinforcement and punishment, and provide examples of the different types of reinforcement and punishment: primary and secondary and positive and negative.

LO 7.4.A

Describe the basic principles of operant conditioning, including extinction and recovery, stimulus generalization and discrimination, and schedules of learning and shaping.

Learning

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LO 7.4.B

Discuss some of the misconceptions surrounding both the work of B. F. Skinner and the general goals of operant conditioning.

LO 7.6.A

Define latent learning, and give an example of how it might work in the daily life of a college student.

LO 7.5.A

List and discuss reasons punishment often fails to effectively change behavior.

LO 7.6.B

LO 7.5.B

Discuss reasons rewards may backfire and not produce their intended results for behavior.

Define observational learning, and give an example of how it might occur during childhood.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Have you ever developed an aversion to a specific food that you ate right before becoming nauseated?

Think about the behaviors that you exhibit on any given day. You might drink coffee, run 3 miles, study for an exam, play some guitar, spend time on TikTok, and round up friends to go to dinner. Have you ever thought about how those behaviors originated and why you continue them? Why do you drink coffee or study for that exam? Also think about the behaviors that you do not exhibit. Maybe you refrain from drinking alcohol or you refuse to eat sushi. If so, why? Whether or not you are aware of it, many of the behaviors you exhibit (and even the ones you don’t) are a result of learning (also called conditioning). Many people report that they have developed an aversion to a specific food item that they ate right before becoming nauseated. As you will learn later in this chapter, this is called a conditioned taste aversion and can be explained using principles of classical conditioning. Your brain can readily form an association between the food and nausea, and you can become conditioned to expect nausea in response to future presentations of that food. As a result, you may choose to avoid that food entirely. In the above example, a conditioned taste aversion could be the reason you avoid drinking alcohol or eating sushi (if you once got sick right after having them). But let’s get back to why you study for an exam. There may be many reasons for doing so, including getting a good grade, feeling a sense of accomplishment, pleasing your family, and so forth. These pleasant consequences reinforce your behavior of studying and will likely maintain this behavior (or even increase it) in the future. And if you don’t study, the unpleasant consequences—a failing grade, frustration, embarrassment— may (hopefully) decrease the nonstudying behavior and prompt you to study more in the future. In this example, your behavior is affected by its consequences via a process called operant conditioning. These two types of conditioning, classical conditioning and operant conditioning, explain a great deal of behavior in people and other animals by focusing on associations among environmental stimuli and behavior. Research on learning and conditioning has been heavily influenced by behaviorism, the school of psychology that accounts for behavior in terms of observable acts and events. Unlike the cognitive approach, a behavioral perspective emphasizes the influence of prior experience, rather than thoughts, on current behavior. We will explore conditioning and various phenomena related to learning throughout the course of this chapter.

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7.1 Classical Conditioning Leonard Zhukovsky/Shutterstock

We will begin with a look at classical conditioning, one of the most basic forms of learning among both people and other animals. Also called Pavlovian conditioning, after the Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov (1849– 1936), this is a process that helps explain a variety of daily behaviors, such as why the beep of a microwave oven might make you salivate.

7.1.A New Reflexes From Old Learning Objective 7.1.A Explain the key elements of classical conditioning. At the turn of the 20th century, the Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov was studying salivation in dogs as part of a research program on digestion. One of his procedures was to make a surgical opening in a dog’s cheek and insert a tube that conducted saliva away from the animal’s salivary gland to measure it. To stimulate the reflexive flow of saliva, Pavlov placed meat powder or other food in the dog’s mouth (see Figure 7.1). Pavlov was a truly dedicated scientific observer, and he instilled in his students and assistants the same passion for detail. During his salivation studies, one of the assistants noticed something that most people would have overlooked or dismissed as trivial. After a dog had been brought to the laboratory a few times, it would start to salivate before the food was placed in its mouth. The sight or smell of the food, the dish in which the food was kept, and even the sight of the person who delivered the food were enough to start the dog’s mouth watering. These new salivary responses clearly were not inborn; they must have been acquired through experience. At first, Pavlov treated the dog’s drooling as just an annoying secretion. But he quickly realized that his assistant had stumbled onto an important phenomenon, one that Pavlov came to believe was the basis of most learning in human beings and other animals (Pavlov, 1927). He called that phenomenon a “conditional” reflex because it depended on environmental conditions. Later, an error in the translation of his writings transformed “conditional” into “conditioned,” the word most commonly used today. Such conditioning came to refer to a basic kind of learning based on association. Pavlov soon dropped what he had been doing and turned to the study of conditioned reflexes, to which he devoted the last three decades of his life. Why were his dogs salivating to things other than food? Pavlov initially speculated about what his dogs might be thinking when they drooled before getting their food. Was it the doggy equivalent of “Oh boy, this means chow time”? He soon decided, however, that such speculation was pointless. Instead, he focused on analyzing the environment in which the conditioned reflex arose.

Does the sound of an ice cream truck make you hungry? Happy? These reactions might be more than just nostalgia for your childhood—as you’ll discover when you read more about classical conditioning.

The process by which a previously neutral stimulus becomes associated with a stimulus that already elicits a response and, in turn, acquires the capacity to elicit a similar or related response.

learning A relatively permanent change in behavior (or behavioral potential) due to experience.

conditioning A basic kind of learning that involves associations among environmental stimuli and an organism’s behavior.

Figure 7.1 Pavlov’s Method

Fototeca Gilardi/AKG Images

classical conditioning

The photo shows Ivan Pavlov (in the white beard), flanked by his students and a canine subject. The drawing depicts an apparatus similar to the one he used; saliva from a dog’s cheek flowed down a tube and was measured by the movement of a needle on a revolving drum.

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Table 7.1 Classical Conditioning Terms: Part 1 Definition Unconditioned stimulus (US)

A stimulus that already elicits a certain response without additional learning

Unconditioned response (UR)

A response elicited by an unconditioned stimulus

Conditioned stimulus (CS)

An initially neutral stimulus that comes to elicit a conditioned response after being associated with an unconditioned stimulus

Conditioned response (CR)

A response that is elicited by a conditioned stimulus; it occurs after the conditioned stimulus is associated with an unconditioned stimulus

The original salivary reflex, according to Pavlov, consisted of an unconditioned stimulus (US), food in the dog’s mouth, and an unconditioned response (UR), salivation. By an unconditioned stimulus, Pavlov meant a thing or event that already produces a certain response without additional learning. By an unconditioned response, he meant the response that is produced. To see this process in action, watch a video in Revel regarding the basics of classical conditioning. In Pavlov’s lab, when some neutral stimulus such as a bell—a stimulus that did not previously cause the dog to salivate—was regularly presented just before the food, the dog learned to associate the bell and the food. As a result, the bell alone acquired the power to make the dog salivate. More generally, as a neutral stimulus and the US become associated, the neutral stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus (CS). The CS then has the capacity to elicit a learned or conditioned response (CR) that is usually similar or related to the original, unlearned one. In Pavlov’s laboratory, the sound of the bell, which had been neutral and didn’t previously elicit salivation, became a CS for salivation. See Table 7.1 for a summary of the key terms related to classical conditioning. Pavlov and his students went on to show that all sorts of things can become conditioned stimuli for salivation if they are associated with food: the ticking of a metronome, the vibrating sound of a buzzer, a touch on the leg, even a pinprick or an electric shock.

7.1.B Principles of Classical Conditioning Learning Objective 7.1.B Discuss basic principles of classical conditioning, including extinction and recovery, higher-order conditioning, and stimulus generalization and discrimination.

unconditioned stimulus (US) The classical­conditioning term for a stimulus that already elicits a certain response without additional learning.

unconditioned response (UR) The classical­conditioning term for a response elicited by an unconditioned stimulus.

conditioned stimulus (CS) The classical­conditioning term for an initially neutral stimulus that comes to elicit a conditioned response after being associated with an unconditioned stimulus.

conditioned response (CR) The classical­conditioning term for a response that is elicited by a conditioned stimulus, occurring after the conditioned stimulus is associated with an unconditioned stimulus.

Classical conditioning occurs in all species, from one-celled amoebas to human beings. Many responses aside from salivation have been classically conditioned, including heartbeat, blood pressure, alertness, hunger, and sexual arousal. Indeed, fans of the television show The Office (the American version, that is) may recall the episode in which Jim uses classical conditioning to play one of his beloved pranks on Dwight, prompting his coworker to crave an Altoid mint by associating it with the startup chime on Jim’s computer. In the laboratory, the optimal interval between the presentation of the neutral stimulus and the presentation of the US is often quite short, sometimes less than a second. Let’s look more closely at some of classical conditioning’s other important features: extinction, higher-order conditioning, and stimulus generalization and discrimination. EXTINCTION Conditioned responses can persist for months or years. But if a conditioned stimulus is repeatedly presented without the unconditioned stimulus, the conditioned response will decline and may eventually disappear, a process known as extinction (see Figure 7.2). Suppose that you train your dog Milo to salivate to the sound of a bell, but then you ring the bell every 5 minutes and do not follow it with food. Milo will salivate less and less to the bell and will soon stop salivating altogether to the bell; salivation as a response will have been extinguished. Extinction, however, is not the same as unlearning. If you come back the next day and ring the bell, Milo may salivate again for a few trials, although the response will probably be weaker than it was the first day. The reappearance of the response,

extinction The decline and eventual disappearance of a learned response.

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Figure 7.2 Acquisition and Extinction of a Salivary Response 14

called spontaneous recovery, explains why completely eliminating a conditioned response often requires more than one extinction session.

Drops of saliva to CS

Sometimes a neutral stimulus can become a conditioned stimulus by being 10 paired with an already-established CS, a procedure known as 8 higher-order conditioning. Say Milo has learned to salivate to 6 the sight of his food dish. Now you flash a bright light before presenting the dish. With repeated pairings of the light and 4 the dish, Milo may learn to salivate to the light. The procedure 2 for higher-order conditioning is illustrated in Figure 7.3. 0 Higher-order conditioning may explain why some 2 4 6 8 10 4 8 12 16 words trigger emotional responses in us—why they can Acquisition trials Extinction trials inflame us to anger or evoke warm, sentimental feelings. (CS predicts US) (CS presented alone) When words are associated with objects or other words that A neutral stimulus (e.g., a bell) that is consistently followed by an already elicit some emotional response, they too may come unconditioned stimulus for salivation (e.g., food) will become a conditioned to elicit that response (Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2018; stimulus for salivation, as shown by these hypothetical data (left side of graph). Staats & Staats, 1957). A child may learn a positive response But when this conditioned stimulus is then repeatedly presented without the unconditioned stimulus, the conditioned salivary response will decline and to the word birthday because of its association with gifts eventually disappear; it has been extinguished (right side of graph). and attention. Conversely, the child may learn a negative response to ethnic or other demographic labels if the labels are paired with words that the child has already learned are disagreeable, such as lazy spontaneous recovery or violent. Higher-order conditioning, in other words, may contribute to the formation of The reappearance of a learned prejudices. response after its apparent extinction. HIGHER-ORDER

12

higher-order conditioning In classical conditioning, a procedure in which a neutral stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus through association with an already­ established conditioned stimulus.

stimulus generalization After conditioning, the tendency to respond to a stimulus that resembles one involved in the original conditioning.

CONDITIONING

STIMULUS GENERALIZATION AND DISCRIMINATION After a stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus for a response, similar stimuli may produce a similar reaction, a phenomenon known as stimulus generalization. If you condition your patient pooch Milo to salivate to the sound of middle C on the piano, Milo may also salivate to D, which is a whole note above C, even though you did not pair D with food. Stimulus generalization is described nicely by an old English proverb: “He who hath been bitten by a snake fears a rope.” The mirror image of stimulus generalization is stimulus discrimination, in which different responses are made to stimuli that resemble the conditioned stimulus in some way. Suppose that you have conditioned Milo to salivate to middle C on the piano by repeatedly pairing the sound with food. Now you play C on a guitar, without following it with food (but you continue to follow C on the piano with food). Eventually, Milo will learn to salivate to a C on the piano and not to salivate to the same note on the guitar; that is, he will discriminate

stimulus discrimination The tendency to respond differently to two or more stimuli that are similar but yet different on some dimension.

Figure 7.3 Higher-Order Conditioning

CS

Neutral stimulus

CR

CS

CS

CR

CR

In this illustration of higher-order conditioning, the food dish is a previously conditioned stimulus for salivation (left). When the light, a neutral stimulus, is repeatedly presented just before the dish (center), the light also becomes a conditioned stimulus for salivation (right).

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Table 7.2 Classical Conditioning Terms: Part 2 Definition Extinction

The decline and eventual disappearance of a learned response; in classical conditioning, it occurs when the CS no longer predicts the US

Spontaneous recovery

The reappearance of a learned response after its apparent extinction

Higher-order conditioning

A procedure in which a neutral stimulus becomes a CS through association with an already-established CS

Stimulus generalization

After conditioning, the tendency to respond to a stimulus that resembles one involved in the original conditioning; in classical conditioning, it occurs when a stimulus that resembles the CS elicits the CR

Stimulus discrimination

The tendency to respond differently to two or more similar yet distinguishable stimuli; in classical conditioning, it occurs when a stimulus similar to (but different from) the CS does not evoke the CR

between the two sounds. If you keep at this long enough, you can train Milo to be a pretty discriminating drooler! See Table 7.2 to review these additional key terms related to classical conditioning.

7.1.C What Is Actually Learned in Classical Conditioning?

A critical feature of classical conditioning is that the animal or person learns to associate stimuli rather than learning to associate a stimulus with a response. Milo will learn to salivate to the bell because he has learned to associate the bell with food, not because he has learned to associate the bell with salivating. For classical conditioning to be most effective, the stimulus to be conditioned should precede the unconditioned stimulus rather than follow it or occur simultaneously with it. This makes sense because in classical conditioning, the conditioned stimulus becomes a signal that predicts the unconditioned stimulus. Classical conditioning enables the organism to anticipate and prepare for a biologically important event that is about to happen. In Pavlov’s studies, for instance, a bell, buzzer, or other stimulus was a signal that meat was coming, and the dog’s salivation was preparation for digesting food. Today, therefore, many psychologists contend that what an animal or person actually learns in classical conditioning is not merely an association between two stimuli that occur close together in time, but rather information conveyed by one stimulus about another: “If a tone sounds, food is likely to follow.” This view is supported by the research of Robert Rescorla (1988, 2008), who showed, in a series of imaginative studies, that the mere pairing of an unconditioned stimulus and a neutral stimulus is not enough to produce learning. To become a conditioned stimulus, the neutral stimulus must reliably predict the unconditioned stimulus. If food occurs just as often without a preceding tone as with it, the tone is unlikely to Using classical-conditioning procedures, try out your behavioral become a conditioned stimulus for salivation because the tone does not skills by conditioning an eye-blink response in a willing (and provide any information about the probability of getting food. Think of patient) volunteer. You will need a drinking straw and something it this way: If every text message you got brought bad news that made to make a ringing sound; a spoon tapped on a water glass works your heart race, your heart might soon start pounding every time the well. Tell your friend that you are going to use the straw to blow air phone chimed or buzzed—a conditioned response. Ordinarily, though, in their eye, but do not say why. Immediately before each puff of air, make the ringing sound. Repeat this procedure 10 times. Then upsetting texts occur infrequently and randomly scattered among a far make the ringing sound but don’t puff. Your friend will probably greater number of routine texts. The text alert sound that you hear may blink anyway and may continue to do so for one or two more repsometimes be paired with bad news, but it doesn’t always signal disas- etitions of the sound before the response extinguishes. Can you identify the US, UR, CS, and CR in this exercise? ter, so no conditioned heart-rate response occurs.

Iuri Cazac/123RF

Learning Objective 7. 1.C Explain why the stimulus to be conditioned should precede the unconditioned stimulus in classical conditioning.

200 Chapter 7 Rescorla (1988) concluded that “Pavlovian conditioning is not a stupid process by which the organism willy-nilly forms associations between any two stimuli that happen to co-occur. Rather, the organism is better seen as an information seeker using logical and perceptual relations among events, along with its own preconceptions, to form a sophisticated representation of its world.” Not all learning theorists agree; a hard-core behaviorist would say that it is silly to talk about the preconceptions of a rat. The important point, however, is that concepts such as “information seeking,” “preconceptions,” and “representations of the world” open the door to a more cognitive view of classical conditioning.

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JOURNAL 7.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Think of a detrimental association you’ve learned through classical conditioning. For example, maybe you study while lying on your bed. However, your bed is associated with drowsiness and sleep, and therefore when you try to study, all that really happens is that you feel tired and doze off. Identify the US, UR, CS, and CR in your example, and describe how you could change that detrimental association.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 7.1 to test your knowledge.

7.2 Classical Conditioning in Real Life Tobi/123RF

If a dog can learn to salivate to the ringing of a bell, so can you. In fact, you may have learned to salivate to the sound of a lunch bell, the phrase hot fudge sundae, and “mouth-watering” pictures of food. But classical conditioning affects us every day in many other ways.

7.2.A Learning to Like When you look at these lemons, can you feel a twinge in your salivary glands? Does your mouth water? If so, that’s conditioning at work!

behaviorism An approach that emphasizes the study of observable behavior and the role of the environment and prior experience as determinants of behavior.

Learning Objective 7.2.A Provide an example of how classical conditioning contributes to forming preferences. One of the first psychologists to recognize the real-life implications of Pavlovian theory was John B. Watson (1878–1958), who founded American behaviorism and enthusiastically promoted Pavlov’s ideas. Watson believed that the whole rich array of human emotion and behavior could be accounted for by conditioning principles. He even went so far as to claim that we learn to love another person when that person is paired with stroking and cuddling. Most psychologists, and nonpsychologists too, think Watson was wrong about love, which is a lot more complicated than he thought. But he was right about the power of classical conditioning to affect our emotions, preferences, and tastes. (And he makes a good point about the cuddling.) Classical conditioning plays a big role in our emotional responses to objects, people, symbols, events, and places. It can explain why sentimental feelings sweep over us when we see a school mascot, a hometown landmark, or the logo of a local sports team. For many of us, at least some of these objects have been associated in the past with positive feelings, as illustrated in Figure 7.4.

Figure 7.4 Conditioning and Positive Emotion

US Neutral stimulus UR (positive emotion)

CS

US

UR

Classical conditioning can explain why some people respond to a stimulus like the distinctive songs played by an ice cream truck with positive emotion.

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Many advertising techniques take advantage of classical conditioning’s role in emotional responses. When you see ads, notice how many of them pair a product with music the advertiser thinks you’ll like, good-looking people, idyllic scenery, or celebrities many people admire or think are funny. In classical-conditioning terms, the music, scenery, attractive person, or celebrity is an unconditioned stimulus for internal responses associated with pleasure, and the advertiser hopes that the product in the ad will become a conditioned stimulus, evoking similar responses in you.

7.2.B Learning to Fear Learning Objective 7.2.B Provide an example of how classical conditioning can create learned fears, and describe how the process of counterconditioning takes place. Positive emotions are not the only ones that can be classically conditioned; dislikes and fears can be as well. A person can learn to fear just about anything if it predicts something that elicits pain, surprise, or embarrassment. Human beings, however, may be biologically primed or “prepared” to acquire some kinds of fears more readily than others. It is easier to establish and maintain a conditioned fear of spiders, snakes, and heights than of butterflies, flowers, and toasters. The former can be dangerous to your health, and some researchers think that in the process of evolution, human beings may have acquired a tendency to learn quickly to be wary of them and to retain this fear (Hoehl et al., 2017; Mallan et al., 2013; Öhman & Mineka, 2001). For decades, researchers have meticulously studied the process of learning to fear, which is also called fear conditioning. What accounts for this intense research focus on fear conditioning? Many researchers think that understanding fear conditioning can help to shed light on the underlying mechanisms of phobias and other anxiety disorders and to devise effective treatments for them (Fullana et al., 2020; LeDoux, 2000). In laboratory studies of fear conditioning, a previously neutral stimulus (e.g., a tone) is presented just prior to an aversive US (e.g., an annoying electric shock). After repeated presentations, the previously neutral stimulus (the tone, which is now the CS) can elicit a fear response on its own (see Figure 7.5). Now, you may be wondering how researchers measure the fear response, especially in nonhuman animals who cannot verbally describe their emotions. Luckily, the fear response can be measured in other ways, such as by how much a rat freezes or startles, or by how much a human perspires. As in other forms of classical conditioning, the conditioned fear response can be extinguished by repeatedly presenting the CS without the US. Over repeated presentations of the CS alone, the organism will learn that the CS no longer predicts threat, and fear responses decline. This process is called fear extinction.

Figure 7.5 Fear Conditioning

Neutral stimulus

US

UR

fear (perspiration)

US

CS

UR fear (perspiration)

CR

fear (perspiration)

Stimuli that predict aversive events can come to elicit a fear response through classical conditioning.

fear conditioning A process by which an organism learns that a previously neutral stimulus (CS) reliably predicts an aversive stimulus (US), and the CS comes to elicit a conditioned fear response.

fear extinction A process by which an organism learns that a CS that used to predict an aversive US no longer does, and the conditioned fear response declines.

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Figure 7.6 Neurocircuitry of Fear Conditioning and Extinction

Ventromedial prefrontal cortex Amygdala

The amygdala plays a major role in fear conditioning. The ventromedial prefrontal cortex can inhibit the amygdala and is involved in the extinction of conditioned fear.

Researchers have identified the brain regions and circuits underlying fear conditioning and extinction. One of the brain’s major players in fear conditioning is the amygdala, which integrates sensory information about the CS and US and initiates a fear response by communicating with parts of the brainstem that control freezing, the startle response, and aspects of the “fight or flight” response (LeDoux, 2000). Another brain region, the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, is centrally involved in the process of fear extinction by stopping the amygdala from initiating the fear response (Fullana et al., 2016; Quirk & Mueller, 2008) (see Figure 7.6). By now you may be thinking, why not prevent fear conditioning entirely by removing or otherwise inhibiting the amygdala? Wouldn’t we be better off that way? Actually, probably not. We need the amygdala (and the rest of the brain’s fear-conditioning circuitry) to help us to detect and avoid potential threats. Classical conditioning principles can explain the origin of some fears, but perhaps even more importantly, they can also be used to treat fears and phobias. Mary Cover Jones and John Watson developed a treatment for a 3-year-old named Peter who was deathly afraid of rabbits (Jones, 1924). To reverse Peter’s fear, Watson and Jones used a method called counterconditioning, in which a conditioned stimulus is paired with some other stimulus that elicits a response incompatible with the

Revisiting the Classics Little Albert One of the most famous names in the study of fear conditioning is

Watson and Rayner chose a relatively even-tempered child for

not that of a psychologist or research scientist, but rather that of an

their study because they thought this meant that their demonstra-

11-month-old boy. Little Albert, as he came to be known, was the

tion would do him relatively little harm. At the start of the study,

unwitting subject of a study that was designed to demonstrate how

when they gave Albert a live, furry white rat to play with, he showed

a fear might be learned. John Watson and Rosalie Rayner (1920)

no fear. (They also presented Albert with other items, such as a rab-

used classical conditioning principles to establish a fear of a rat in

bit, a dog, a monkey, and cotton wool, and he showed no fear of

Albert. They also wanted to determine whether (1) a reaction of fear

any of them.) Then Watson and Rayner set about teaching Albert to

could transfer to other stimuli (today, we call this stimulus general-

fear the rat.

ization), (2) the conditioned fear would change over time, and (3) the fear could be experimentally “removed.”

In this study, a conditioning trial consisted of presenting Albert with the rat (CS) and then banging on a steel bar, which created a terrible noise (US). The noise startled Albert, making him tremble

John B. Watson, Little Albert experiment (1920)

and cry. After repeating this procedure multiple times, across multiple sessions, the rat became a conditioned stimulus for fear. Just holding out the rat to Albert without making the noise was enough to make the child fall over, cry, and crawl away so quickly that he almost reached the edge of the table he was sitting on before an adult caught him. Tests later showed that Albert’s fear had generalized to other hairy or furry objects, including a rabbit, cotton wool, a Santa Claus mask, and even John Watson’s hair. However, the fear did not generalize to dissimilar objects, like a set of toy blocks that Albert continued to approach and enjoy playing with throughout the experiment. Watson and Rayner (1920) also observed that Albert’s condiAn 11-month-old boy (“Little Albert”) participated in a study of fear conditioning conducted by Watson and Rayner (1920).

tioned fear decreased over a week’s time between sets of conditioning trials and over a month’s time after the conditioning trials

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ended, although the magnitude of the decrease is difficult to quan-

trials, they nevertheless continued on to administer a total of nine

tify given that the researchers did not record numerical ratings of

such trials over the course of the study, subjecting Albert to addi-

the intensity of Albert’s fear response. Unfortunately, because Albert

tional, avoidable distress. Furthermore, toward the end of the study,

eventually became unavailable for participation, Watson and Rayner

Watson and Rayner also associated a rabbit and a dog with the

were not able to use extinction techniques to reduce any remain-

startling noise, thereby further strengthening Albert’s fear response

ing conditioned fear. By now you are probably wondering whether

to two additional animals. Finally, Watson and Rayner’s written re-

Albert grew up with a fear of rats, and the answer is that we simply

port suggests that they may have been aware of Albert’s impending

do not know! We do not even know for sure who Albert was, making

departure from the study. Why, then, did they not administer extinc-

it difficult to trace his history and ultimate fate (Beck & Irons, 2011;

tion trials before Albert left? As you know, researchers usually strive to replicate findings, and

Fridlund et al., 2012; Powell et al., 2014). Clearly, Little Albert’s experiences in the lab raise a variety of eth-

Watson and Rayner’s study was later replicated with different stimuli

ical concerns, even though it is somewhat reassuring that Albert’s

(Jones, 1931, but see also Bregman, 1934); however, given ethical

fear seemed to decline both between and after the conditioning

concerns, no researcher today would be approved to conduct such

trials. From the start, Watson and Rayner themselves had ethical

a study on a young child. The study’s main conclusion, that fears

concerns about their study, even documenting their “considerable

can be conditioned, remains well accepted, even as the researchers’

hesitation” about initiating the experiment, yet they proceeded

efforts to safeguard the well-being of their impressionable and vul-

anyway. In addition, even after Watson and Rayner successfully

nerable participant have attracted a great deal of criticism over the

demonstrated conditioned fear of the rat in the first few conditioning

years. Visit Revel to watch a video to learn more about Little Albert.

unwanted response. Counterconditioning probably does not eliminate prior learning, but instead leads to new learning that overrides old learning. In this case, the rabbit (the CS) was associated with milk and a snack, which produced pleasant feelings that were incompatible with the conditioned response of fear. At first, Watson and Jones kept the rabbit some distance from Peter, so that his fear would remain at a low level. Otherwise, Peter might have learned to fear milk and snacks! Then gradually, over several days, they brought the rabbit closer and closer, as illustrated in Figure 7.7. Eventually, Peter learned to like rabbits. He was even able to sit with the rabbit in his lap, playing with it with one hand while he ate with the other. A variation of this procedure, called systematic desensitization, was later devised for treating phobias in adults. Today, exposure therapies that are used to treat phobias and other anxiety disorders involve elements that are similar to fear extinction—that is, repeatedly presenting a feared stimulus without an aversive stimulus, leading to decreased fear responses. In Revel, you can watch a video to observe this type of therapy in action.

counterconditioning In classical conditioning, the process of associating a conditioned stimulus with a stimulus that elicits a response that is incompatible with an unwanted conditioned response.

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Figure 7.7 Counterconditioning

US

CS

UR

CS

US

UR

New CR

A young boy named Peter overcame his fear of rabbits through counterconditioning, a process by which a rabbit was associated with a snack that he enjoyed.

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Replication Check ✔ Exposure and response prevention (ERP) is a psychological treatment for obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) that involves helping clients to expose themselves to a graded hierarchy of their feared stimuli and to prevent avoidance of those stimuli, leading to reduced fear and distress (Law & Boisseau, 2019). One research group has developed a new, more efficient version of ERP, which involves packing treatment sessions into a shorter time frame and administering it to groups of people at the same time (Havnen et al., 2014). Fortunately, this new version of ERP led to significant improvement in OCD symptoms, and this finding was replicated by the same group 3 years later (Havnen et al., 2017). Such replications are definitely encouraging! Even more compelling would be replication by other research groups because that would show that the treatment can be effectively learned and implemented by people who were not involved in its development.

Approximately 100 years after the initial work of Watson, Rayner, and Jones, scientists are exploring new methods for helping people overcome debilitating fears in ways that the early behaviorists could scarcely have imagined (Zenses et al., 2021). For example, one research group has found that presenting photos of spiders below conscious awareness to people with spider phobia can reduce avoidance of spiders in real life (Siegel et al., 2020). Other research groups have determined that giving rats a drug (called d-cycloserine) that enhances glutamate activity in the brain speeds up extinction (Schmidt et al., 2015; Walker et al., 2002). Inspired by these results, scientists set out to discover whether d-cycloserine, which is safe in humans, could help people with a phobic fear of heights (Davis et al., 2005). Using a double-blind procedure, they gave the drug to 15 people who had that phobia and gave 15 others a placebo (a pill or injection that has no active ingredients or direct physical effect on the problem). All participants then underwent two therapy sessions in which they donned virtual-reality goggles and “rode” a glass elevator to progressively higher floors in a virtual hotel—an incredibly scary thing to do if you’re terrified of heights. The participants also had the opportunity to “walk” out on a bridge and look down on a fountain in the hotel lobby. During each session, and again at 1-week and 3-month follow-up sessions, the participants rated their discomfort at each “floor.” Combining the therapy with d-cycloserine reduced symptoms more than combining it with the placebo. Furthermore, in their everyday lives, people who got the drug were less likely than the control group participants to avoid heights. Subsequent studies have confirmed that d-cycloserine enhances exposure therapy for phobias and other anxiety disorders (Rodrigues et al., 2014; Smits et al., 2020). Although it may sound more like science fiction, researchers are now using neurostimulation techniques to facilitate the process of fear extinction. For example, stimulating one of the brain’s cranial nerves (the vagus nerve) with electrical current appears to enhance fear extinction in both rats and humans (Burger et al., 2019; Noble et al., 2017, 2019; Szeska et al., 2020). (In humans, the vagus nerve can be stimulated through the skin in the ear!) Similarly, stimulating the frontal cortex of the human brain with transcranial magnetic stimulation or transcranial direct current stimulation also appears to enhance extinction (Dittert et al., 2018; Raij et al., 2018). Although these initial findings are encouraging, most neurostimulation techniques need further testing before they can be applied widely in clinical settings. At any rate, this research illustrates how studying the biological mechanisms that underlie fear conditioning can help us to understand and overcome our fears.

7.2.C Accounting for Taste Learning Objective 7.2.C Describe how classical conditioning is involved in avoiding a food associated with aversive outcomes. Classical conditioning can also explain learned reactions to foods and odors. In the laboratory, behavioral scientists have taught animals to dislike particular foods or odors by associating them with drugs that cause nausea or other unpleasant symptoms. For example,

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one team trained slugs to associate the smell of carrots, which slugs normally like, with a bitter-tasting chemical they detest. Soon the slugs were avoiding the smell of carrots. The researchers then demonstrated higher-order conditioning by pairing the smell of carrots with the smell of potato. Sure enough, the slugs began to avoid the smell of potato as well (Sahley et al., 1981). Conditioned taste aversions have been demonstrated in other animals too, such as toads, crabs, rats, ferrets, cats, monkeys, and humans (Lin et al., 2017)! Indeed, many people have learned to dislike a food after eating it and then falling ill, even when the two events were unrelated. The survey at the beginning of this chapter revealed that many students have developed an aversion to a specific food that they ate right before becoming nauseated, consistent with the findings of published studies (Lin et al., 2017; Scalera, 2002). The food, previ- Whether we say “yuck” or “yum” to a food may depend on a past ously a neutral stimulus, becomes a conditioned stimulus for nau- experience involving classical conditioning. sea or other symptoms produced by the illness. Psychologist Martin Seligman once described how he himself was conditioned to hate béarnaise sauce. One night, shortly after he and his wife ate a delicious filet mignon with béarnaise sauce, he came down with the flu. Naturally, he felt wretched. His misery had nothing to do with the béarnaise sauce, yet the next time he tried it, he found to his annoyance that he disliked the taste (Seligman & Hager, 1972). Notice that unlike conditioning in the laboratory, Seligman’s aversion to the sauce occurred after only one pairing of the sauce with illness and with a considerable delay between the conditioned and unconditioned stimuli. Moreover, Seligman’s wife did not become a conditioned stimulus for nausea even though she was seated at the table with him, and neither did his dinner plate or the waiter, even though they also had been associated with illness. Why? In earlier work with rats, John Garcia and Robert Koelling (1966) found the answer: There is a greater biological readiness to associate sickness with taste than with sights or sounds (the “Garcia effect”). This biological tendency probably evolved because it enhanced survival: Eating bad food is more likely to be followed by illness and death than are particular sights or sounds. Psychologists have taken advantage of this phenomenon to develop humane ways of discouraging predators from preying on livestock, using conditioned taste aversions instead of traps and poisons. In one classic approach, researchers laced sheep meat with a nausea-inducing chemical; after eating it just one or two times, coyotes and wolves still ran up to lambs, but instead of attacking, they retreated, hid, and vomited. They had developed a conditioned aversion to sheep (Gustavson et al., 1974; Gustavson & Gustavson, 1985). Similar techniques have been used to control other predators—for example, to deter foxes from eating bird eggs (Maguire et al., 2010; Tobajas et al., 2020).

7.2.D Reacting to Medical Treatments Learning Objective 7.2.D Describe how classical conditioning can affect reactions to medical treatments, including a patient’s reaction to a placebo. Because of classical conditioning, medical treatments can create unexpected misery or relief from symptoms for reasons that are entirely unrelated to the treatment itself. Many patients know that unpleasant reactions to a treatment can generalize to a wide range of other stimuli. This is a particular problem for patients with cancer, who sometimes come to associate the nausea and vomiting resulting from chemotherapy with the sights, sounds, or especially the smells associated with the treatment area (Kamen et al., 2014). The drug treatment is an unconditioned stimulus for nausea and vomiting, and through association, the other previously neutral stimuli can become conditioned stimuli for these responses, as illustrated in

inesbazdar/123RF

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Figure 7.8 Conditioning and Medical Treatment

Figure 7.8. Even mental images of the sights and smells of the clinic can become conditioned stimuli for nausea (Dadds et al., 1997; Redd et al., 1993). Some patients with cancer also acquire a classically conditioned anxiety response to anything associated with their chemotherapy (Jacobsen et al., 1995). On the other side of the coin, patients may have reduced pain and anxiety when they receive placebos. Placebos can be amazingly powerful, especially when they take the form of an injection, a large pill, or a pill with a brand name.

US

Replication Check ✔ UR (nausea)

The finding of diminished symptoms after taking a placebo has been demonstrated many times in clinical research studies of medications (Ashar et al., 2017; Forsberg et al., 2017). The placebo effect has also been observed in studies of nonmedication treatments like psychotherapy, surgery, and acupuncture, to name a few. One meta-analysis of 13 studies found that sham (fake) acupuncture provided significantly more pain relief than no acupuncture, nicely illustrating a placebo response (Madsen et al., 2009).

Neutral stimulus

US

UR CLINIC

CS

CR Classical conditioning can explain why the sight or smell of a chemotherapy treatment room can induce nausea in cancer patients.

Why do placebos work? Cognitive psychologists emphasize the role of expectations, at least in humans; expectations of getting better may reduce anxiety, and that reduction may have a positive effect on the immune system. Such expectations may also cause us to act in ways that produce the outcome we hope for (Michael et al., 2012; Rutherford et al., 2017). But behaviorists emphasize conditioning: The doctor’s white coat, the doctor’s office, and pills or injections all become conditioned stimuli for relief from symptoms because these stimuli have been associated in the past with real drugs (Ader, 2000). The real drugs are the unconditioned stimuli, and the relief they bring is the unconditioned response. Placebos acquire the ability to elicit similar responses, thereby becoming conditioned stimuli. The expectancy explanation of placebo effects and the classical-conditioning explanation are not mutually exclusive (Kirsch, 2004; Stewart-Williams & Podd, 2004). As we saw earlier, many behaviorists now accept the view that classical conditioning itself involves the expectation that the conditioned stimulus will be followed by the unconditioned stimulus. Thus, at least some classically conditioned placebo effects may involve the patient’s expectations. In fact, the patient’s previous conditioning history may be what created those expectations to begin with. JOURNAL 7.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Interactive

CLINIC

Associating a neutral stimulus with positive feelings capitalizes on the principles of classical conditioning. For example, a car dealer may offer free hot dogs and balloons for kids during a weekend sales event, or an ad for toothpaste may show beautiful people with perfect teeth smiling widely. Think of a distinct example in which an advertiser has used this technique in the hopes of increasing sales. Can you identify the classical conditioning principles of the US, UR, CS, and CR in your example?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 7.2 to test your knowledge.

7.3 Operant Conditioning Classical conditioning relies on the association between stimuli to form the basis of learning, and its applicability to both human and nonhuman learning situations is well documented. Operant conditioning involves a different kind of association, one that depends upon the consequences brought about by a particular behavior.

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7.3.A The Birth of Radical Behaviorism

One of us has a friend whose 3-year-old daughter does not enjoy dining at restaurants. Within about 15 minutes at such an establishment, she typically cries stridently, refuses to eat, and attempts to escape from her seat. Not wishing to bother other guests in the restaurant, her parents have often resorted to taking her home as soon as these behaviors appear. This is an understandable parental response, but what effect might it have on the young girl’s future behavior? Children, of course, cry for many valid reasons—pain, discomfort, fear, illness, fatigue— and these cries deserve our sympathy and attention. The child described above, however, most likely cries and fidgets in restaurants because she has learned from prior experience that such behavior results in a free trip home, where she prefers to be to begin with. Her restaurant tantrums illustrate one of the most basic laws of learning: Behavior becomes more likely or less likely depending on its consequences. This principle is at the heart of operant conditioning (also called instrumental conditioning), the second type of conditioning studied by behaviorists. In classical conditioning, it does not matter whether an animal’s or person’s behavior has consequences. In Pavlov’s procedure, the dog learned an association between two events that were not under its control (e.g., the sounding of a tone and the delivery of food), and the animal got food regardless of whether it salivated. But in operant conditioning, the organism’s response (such as the little girl’s sobbing) operates—produces effects—on the environment. These effects, in turn, influence how likely the response is to occur again. Thus, whereas the central feature of classical conditioning is an association between stimuli (the neutral stimulus and the unconditioned stimulus), in operant conditioning the central feature is an association between a response (a behavior) and a consequence. Classical conditioning and operant conditioning also tend to differ in the types of responses they involve. In classical conditioning, the response is typically reflexive (e.g., salivation), an automatic reaction to something happening in the environment (e.g., the sight of food). Generally, responses in operant conditioning are complex and are not reflexive—for instance, studying for a test, writing a letter, climbing a mountain . . . or throwing a tantrum. Edward Thorndike (1898) set the stage for operant conditioning research by observing cats as they tried to escape from a “puzzle box” to reach a scrap of fish located just outside. At first, the cat would scratch, bite, or swat at parts of the box in an unorganized way. Then, after a few minutes, it would happen upon the successful response (loosening a bolt, pulling a string, or hitting a button) and rush out to get the reward. Placed in the box again, the cat now took a little less time to escape, and after several trials, the animal immediately made the correct response. According to Thorndike, this response had been “stamped in” by the satisfying result of getting the food. In contrast, unsatisfying results “stamped out” behavior. Behavior, said Thorndike, is controlled by its consequences. This general principle was elaborated and extended to more complex forms of behavior by B. F. (Burrhus Frederic) Skinner. Skinner called his approach “radical behaviorism” to distinguish it from the behaviorism of John Watson, who emphasized classical conditioning. Skinner argued that to understand behavior, we should focus on the external causes of an action and the action’s consequences. He avoided terms that Thorndike used, such as “satisfying” and “annoying,” which reflect assumptions about what an organism internally feels and wants. To explain behavior, he said, we should look outside the animal or person, not inside.

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Learning Objective 7.3.A Discuss how Edward Thorndike’s research served as the basis for operant conditioning.

Food. Money. A warm smile and an ego-boosting compliment. Through a process known as operant conditioning, rewards like these can make us more likely to engage again in the behavior that first elicited them.

operant conditioning The process by which a response becomes more or less likely to occur, depending on its consequences.

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7.3.B The Consequences of Behavior Learning Objective 7.3.B Distinguish between reinforcement and punishment, and provide examples of the different types of reinforcement and punishment: primary and secondary and positive and negative. In Skinner’s analysis, which has inspired an immense body of research, a response (“operant”) can be influenced by two types of consequences: reinforcement The process by which a response is strengthened or made more likely by a stimulus or event that follows it.

1. Reinforcement strengthens the response or makes it more likely to recur. When your dog begs for food at the table, and you give her the lamb chop off your plate, her begging is likely to increase.

Response becomes more likely

Reinforcers are roughly equivalent to rewards, and many psychologists use reward and reinforcer as approximate synonyms. However, strict behaviorists avoid the word reward because it implies that something has been earned that results in happiness or satisfaction. To a behaviorist, a stimulus is a reinforcer if it strengthens the preceding behavior, whether or not the organism experiences pleasure or a positive emotion. Conversely, no matter how pleasurable a reward is, it is not a reinforcer if it does not increase the likelihood of a response. It’s great to get a paycheck, but if you get paid regardless of the effort you put into your work, the money will not reinforce “hard-work behavior.” References to operant conditioning and reinforcement even appear in popular culture. Fans of The Big Bang Theory may recall the episode in which Sheldon gives Penny a chocolate candy every time she exhibits behavior that he deems desirable, such as clearing dirty dishes from the table or taking her noisy cell phone conversations outside of his apartment. punishment The process by which a response is weakened or made less likely by a stimulus or event that follows it.

2. Punishment weakens the response or makes it less likely to recur. Any aversive (unpleasant) stimulus or event may be a punisher. If your dog begs for a lamb chop off your plate, and you lightly swat her nose and shout “No,” her begging is likely to decrease—as long as you don’t feel guilty and then give her the lamb chop anyway.

“No!”

Response becomes less likely

Parents, employers, and governments resort to reinforcers and punishers all the time—to get kids to behave well, employees to work hard, and taxpayers to pay up— but they do not always use them effectively. For one thing, they often wait too long to deliver the reinforcer or punisher. In general, the sooner a consequence follows a response, the greater its effect; you are likely to respond more reliably when you do not have to wait ages for a grade, a compliment, or a punishment. When other responses occur during a delay, it may be difficult to learn the connection between the desired or undesired response and the consequence.

Learning

PRIMARY AND SECONDARY REINFORCERS AND PUNISHERS Food, water, light stroking of the skin, and a comfortable air temperature are naturally reinforcing because they satisfy biological needs. They are therefore known as primary reinforcers. Similarly, pain and extreme heat or cold are inherently punishing and are therefore known as primary punishers. Primary reinforcers and punishers can be powerful, but they have some drawbacks, both in real life and in research. For one thing, a primary reinforcer may be ineffective if an animal or person is not in a deprived state; a glass of water is not much of a reward if you just drank three glasses. Also, for obvious ethical reasons, scientists cannot go around using primary punishers (say, by punching their research participants) or taking away primary reinforcers (say, by starving their volunteers). Fortunately, behavior can be controlled just as effectively by secondary reinforcers and secondary punishers, which are learned. Money, praise, applause, good grades, and gold stars are common secondary reinforcers. Criticism, demerits, scolding, fines, and bad grades are common secondary punishers. Most behaviorists believe that secondary reinforcers and punishers acquire their ability to influence behavior by being paired with primary reinforcers and punishers. (If that reminds you of classical conditioning, reinforce your excellent thinking with a pat on the back! Indeed, secondary reinforcers and punishers are often called conditioned reinforcers and punishers.) As a secondary reinforcer, money has power over people’s behavior because it can be exchanged for primary reinforcers such as food and shelter (Magoon & Critchfield, 2008; Thorndike & Forlano, 1933). It is also associated with other secondary reinforcers such as praise and respect.

In our example of the begging dog, something pleasant (getting the lamb chop) followed the dog’s begging response, so the response increased. Similarly, if you get a good grade after studying, your efforts to study are likely to continue or increase. This kind of process, in which a pleasant consequence makes a response more likely, is known as positive reinforcement. Another type of reinforcement, negative reinforcement, also makes a response more likely but involves the removal of something unpleasant. Negative reinforcement occurs when you escape from something aversive or avoid it by preventing it from ever occurring. For example, if someone nags you to study but stops nagging when you comply, your studying is likely to increase because you will then avoid the nagging.

POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE REINFORCERS AND PUNISHERS

A+ Positive reinforcer: Good grade Behavior: Studying

Result: Studying increases Negative reinforcer: Nagging ceases

Likewise, negative reinforcement occurs when taking a pill eliminates your pain or when you take a certain route across campus to avoid a loud, congested construction site. During the COVID-19 pandemic, wearing face masks, social distancing, and washing your hands were all negatively reinforced by avoiding the virus and decreasing anxiety about getting sick. Visit Revel to watch a video on this topic. The positive–negative distinction can also be applied to punishment: Something unpleasant may be applied following some behavior (positive punishment), or something

primary reinforcer A stimulus that is inherently reinforcing, typically satisfying a physiological need (e.g., food).

primary punisher A stimulus that is inherently punishing (e.g., electric shock).

secondary reinforcer A stimulus that has acquired reinforcing properties through association with other reinforcers.

secondary punisher A stimulus that has acquired punishing properties through association with other punishers.

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210 Chapter 7 pleasant may be removed (negative punishment). Both types of punishment make a response less likely. For example, if your friends tease you for studying (positive punishment) or if studying makes you lose time with your friends (negative punishment), you may stop studying.

Positive punishment: Ridicule by friends Behavior: Studying

Result: Studying decreases Negative punishment: Loss of time with friends

The distinction between positive and negative reinforcement and punishment has been a source of confusion for generations of students. You will master these terms more quickly if you understand that “positive” and “negative” have nothing to do with “good” or “bad.” They refer to whether something is given (positive) or taken away (negative). In the case of reinforcement, think of a positive reinforcer as something that is added or obtained (imagine a plus sign) and a negative reinforcer as avoidance of, or escape from, something unpleasant (imagine a minus sign). In either case, a response becomes more likely. Do you recall what happened when Little Albert learned to fear rats through a process of classical conditioning? After he acquired this fear, crawling away was negatively reinforced by escape from the now-fearsome rodent. The negative reinforcement that results from escaping or avoiding something unpleasant explains why so many fears are long-lasting. When you avoid a feared object or situation, you also cut off all opportunities to extinguish your fear. Understandably, people often confuse negative reinforcement with positive punishment because both involve an unpleasant stimulus. To keep these terms straight, remember that reinforcement, whether positive or negative, increases the likelihood of a response, and punishment, whether positive or negative, decreases it. In real life, punishment and negative reinforcement often go hand in hand. If you use a chain collar to teach your dog to heel, a brief tug on the collar punishes the act of walking; release of the collar negatively reinforces the act of standing by your side. You can positively reinforce your studying of this material by taking a short break now! As you master the material, a decrease in your anxiety will negatively reinforce studying. But we hope you won’t punish your efforts by telling yourself “I’ll never get it” or “It’s too hard”! To check your understanding of the different types of reinforcement and punishment, consult Table 7.3.

Interactive

Table 7.3 Positive and Negative Reinforcement and Punishment Strategy Used

Specifics

Example

Positive reinforcement

Adding stimulus to increase the likelihood of a response

Your professor praises you for studying hard.

Negative reinforcement

Removing stimulus to increase the likelihood of a response

Your professor stops scolding you when you attend class regularly.

Positive punishment

Adding stimulus to decrease the likelihood of a response

Your roommate ridicules you for studying so much.

Negative punishment

Removing stimulus to decrease the likelihood of a response

Your parents take away your driver’s license because you’ve been texting while driving.

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Interactive

JOURNAL 7.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Suppose you wanted to use operant conditioning to modify your own behavior, such as exercising more often, eating healthier foods, or cutting back on the number of hours you spend watching television or playing video games. Describe how you might use positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, positive punishment, and negative punishment to accomplish the goal you have in mind. Which of these would be most successful in modifying your behavior, and why?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 7.3 to test your knowledge.

7.4 Principles of Operant Conditioning Thousands of operant-conditioning studies have been conducted, many using animals. A favorite experimental tool is the Skinner box, a chamber equipped with a device that delivers a reinforcer, usually food pellets, when an animal makes a desired response, or a punisher, such as a brief shock, when the animal makes an undesired response (see Figure 7.9). In modern versions, a computer records responses across time. Early in his career, Skinner (1938) used the Skinner box for a classic demonstration of operant conditioning. A rat that had previously learned to eat from the pellet-releasing device was placed in the box. The animal proceeded to scurry about the box, sniffing here and there, and randomly touching parts of the floor and walls. Quite by accident, it happened to press a lever mounted on one wall, and immediately a pellet of rat food fell into the food dish. The rat continued its movements and again happened to press the bar, causing another pellet to fall into the dish. With additional repetitions of bar-pressing followed by food, the animal began to behave less randomly and to press the bar more consistently. Eventually, Skinner had the rat pressing the bar as fast as it could.

7.4.A The Importance of Responses Learning Objective 7.4.A Describe the basic principles of operant conditioning, including extinction and recovery, stimulus generalization and discrimination, and schedules of learning and shaping. Operant conditioning shares many terms in common with classical conditioning. Classical conditioning, however, emphasizes the association between two stimuli, whereas operant conditioning focuses on how responses can be modified by stimuli (reinforcers and punishers). The centrality of responses is illustrated in the operant conditioning principles we now turn to.

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Figure 7.9 The Skinner Box

Light

Bar Water

Food tray

When a rat in a Skinner box presses a bar, a food pellet or drop of water is automatically released. The photo shows Skinner training one of his subjects.

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212 Chapter 7 EXTINCTION In operant conditioning, as in classical conditioning, extinction is a procedure that causes a previously learned response to stop. In operant conditioning, however, extinction takes place when the reinforcer that maintained the response is withheld or is no longer available. At first, there may be a spurt of responding that lingers for a while, but then the responses gradually taper off and eventually cease. Suppose you put a coin in a vending machine and get nothing back. You may try another coin, or perhaps even two, but eventually you will probably stop trying. The next day, you may put in yet another coin, an example of spontaneous recovery. Eventually, however, you will give up on that machine. Your response will have been extinguished.

A stimulus that signals when a particular response is likely to be followed by a certain type of consequence.

continuous reinforcement A reinforcement schedule in which a particular response is always reinforced.

intermittent (partial) schedule of reinforcement A reinforcement schedule in which a particular response is sometimes but not always reinforced.

When a response is first acquired, learning is usually most rapid if the response is reinforced each time it occurs; this procedure is called continuous reinforcement. However, after a response has become reliable, it will be more resistant to extinction if it is rewarded on an intermittent (partial) schedule of reinforcement, which involves reinforcing only some responses, but not all of them. Skinner (1976) happened on this fact when he ran short of food pellets for his rats and was forced to deliver reinforcers less often. (Not all scientific discoveries are planned.) On intermittent schedules, a reinforcer is delivered only after a certain number of responses occur or after a certain amount of time has passed since a response was last reinforced; these patterns affect the rate, form, and timing of behavior.

LEARNING ON SCHEDULE

Table 7.4 Operant Conditioning Terms Interactive

discriminative stimulus

STIMULUS GENERALIZATION AND DISCRIMINATION In operant conditioning, as in classical conditioning, stimulus generalization may occur. That is, responses may generalize to stimuli that were not present during the original learning situation but resemble the original stimuli in some way. For example, a pigeon that has been trained to peck at a picture of a circle may also peck at a slightly oval figure. But if you wanted to train the bird to discriminate between the two shapes, you would present both the circle and the oval, giving reinforcers whenever the bird pecked at the circle and withholding reinforcers when it pecked at the oval. Eventually, stimulus discrimination would occur. Pigeons, in fact, have learned to make some extraordinary discriminations (Qadri et al., 2019). They have learned to discriminate between paintings by different artists, such as Vincent van Gogh and Marc Chagall (Watanabe, 2001). And then, when presented with a new pair of paintings by those same two artists, they have been able to tell the difference between them as well (Watanabe, 2010)! Sometimes an animal or person learns to respond only when some other stimulus, called a discriminative stimulus, is present. The discriminative stimulus signals whether a response, if made, will pay off. In a Skinner box containing a pigeon, a light may serve as a discriminative stimulus for pecking at a circle. When the light is on, pecking brings a reward; when it is off, pecking yields no reward. Human behavior is controlled by many discriminative stimuli, both verbal (“Store hours are 9 to 5”) and nonverbal (traffic lights, the ring of your phone, other people’s facial expressions). Learning to respond correctly when such stimuli are present allows us to get through the day efficiently and to get along with others. See Table 7.4 for a review of key terms and definitions related to operant conditioning.

Definition Extinction

The decline and eventual disappearance of a learned response; in operant conditioning, it occurs when a response is no longer followed by a reinforcer

Stimulus generalization

The tendency for a response that has been reinforced (or punished) in the presence of one stimulus to occur (or be suppressed) in the presence of other similar stimuli

Stimulus discrimination

The tendency of a response to occur in the presence of one stimulus but not in the presence of similar stimuli that differ from it on some dimension

Discriminative stimulus

A stimulus that signals when a particular response is likely to be followed by a certain type of consequence (reinforcement or punishment)

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Intermittent reinforcement helps explain why people often get attached to “lucky” hats, charms, and rituals. A baseball player eats chicken in the clubhouse before a game and gets four hits that night, and from then on insists on a pre-game chicken meal. A student takes an exam with a purple pen and gets an A, and from then on insists on taking all exams with a purple pen. Such rituals persist because sometimes they are followed, purely coincidentally, by a reinforcer—a good game, a good grade—and they become resistant to extinction as long as that positive outcome continues to happen at least once in a while. Skinner (1948/1976) once demonstrated this phenomenon by creating eight “superstitious” pigeons in his laboratory. He rigged the pigeons’ cages so that food was delivered every 15 seconds, even if the birds didn’t lift a feather. Pigeons are often in motion, so when the food came, each animal was likely to be doing something. That something was then reinforced by delivery of the food. The behavior, of course, was reinforced entirely by chance, but it still became more likely to occur and thus to be reinforced again. Within a short time, six of the pigeons were practicing some sort of consistent ritual: turning in counterclockwise circles, bobbing their heads up and down, or swinging their heads to and fro. None of these activities had the least effect on the delivery of the reinforcer; the birds were behaving “superstitiously,” as if they thought their movements were responsible for bringing the food. In short: If you want a response to persist after it has been learned, you should reinforce it intermittently, not continuously. If you have been giving Harry, your hamster, a treat every time he pushes a ball with his nose, and then you suddenly stop the reinforcement, Harry will soon stop pushing that ball. Because the change in reinforcement is large, from continuous to none at all, Harry will easily discern the change. But if you have been reinforcing Harry’s ball-pushing behavior after only some instances of it, when you stop the reinforcement, the change will not be so dramatic, and your hungry hamster will keep responding for quite a while. Pigeons, rats, and people on intermittent schedules of reinforcement have responded in the laboratory thousands of times without reinforcement before throwing in the towel, especially when the timing of the reinforcer varies. Animals will sometimes work so hard for an unpredictable, infrequent bit of food that the energy they expend is greater than that gained from the reward; theoretically, they could work themselves to death. So, if you really want to get rid of a response, whether it’s your own or someone else’s, you should be careful not to reinforce it intermittently. If you are going to extinguish undesirable behavior by ignoring it—a child’s tantrums, a friend’s midnight phone calls, a parent’s unwanted advice—you must be absolutely consistent in withholding reinforcement (your attention). Otherwise, the other person will learn that if they keep up the screaming, calling, or nagging long enough, it will eventually be rewarded. From a behavioral point of view, one of the most common errors people make is to reward intermittently the very responses that they would like to eliminate. SHAPING For a response to be reinforced, it must first occur. But suppose you want to train cows to milk themselves, a dog to skateboard, or a friend to play terrific tennis. Such behaviors, and most others in everyday life, have almost no probability of appearing spontaneously. You could grow old waiting for them to occur just so that you could reinforce them. The operant solution is a procedure called shaping. In shaping, you start by reinforcing a tendency in the right direction, and then you gradually require responses that are more and more similar to the final desired response. The responses that you reinforce on the way to the final one are called successive approximations. Take the problem of teaching cows to milk themselves. How can cows possibly do that when they have no hands? Ah, but cows can be trained to use a milking robot. In several countries, psychologists have done just that (Tse et al., 2018). First, they give the cow crushed barley (the cow equivalent of a chocolate treat) for simply standing on a platform connected to the robot. After that response is established, they give her barley for turning her body toward the spot where the robot attaches the milking cups. After that, they reward her for being in the exact spot the robot requires for attaching the cups, and so on until the cow finally learns to milk herself. The key is that as each approximation is achieved, the next one becomes

shaping An operant­conditioning procedure in which successive approximations of a desired response are reinforced.

successive approximations In the operant­conditioning procedure of shaping, rewarded behaviors that are of increasing similarity or closeness to the desired response.

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more likely, making it available for reinforcement. Cows allowed to milk themselves do so three or four times a day instead of the traditional twice a day, and show fewer signs of stress than other cows. Farmers show less stress too because they no longer have to get up at 5 a.m. for the early morning milking! Using shaping and other techniques, Skinner was able to train pigeons to play table tennis with their beaks and to “bowl” in a miniature alley, complete with a wooden ball and tiny bowling pins. (Skinner had a great sense of humor.) Today, animal trainers routinely use shaping to teach animals their parts in movies and TV shows and to act as the “eyes” of people who are blind and as the “limbs” of people with spinal cord injuries. These talented animal companions learn to turn on light switches, open refrigerator doors, and reach for boxes on shelves. Visit Revel to learn more. All principles of operant conditioning, like those of classical conditioning, are limited by an animal’s genetic dispositions and physical characteristics. If you try to teach a fish to dance the samba, you’re going to get pretty frustrated. Operant-conditioning procedures work best when they capitalize on inborn tendencies. Decades ago, two psychologists who became animal trainers, Keller and Marian Breland (1961), learned what happens when you ignore biological constraints on learning. They found that their animals were having trouble learning tasks that should have been easy. One animal, a pig, was supposed to drop large wooden coins in a box. Instead, the animal would drop the coin, push at it with its snout, throw it in the air, and push at it some more. This odd behavior actually delayed delivery of the reinforcer (food, which is very reinforcing to a pig), so it was hard to explain in terms of operant principles. The Brelands finally realized that the pig’s rooting instinct—using its snout to uncover and dig up edible roots—was keeping it from learning the task. They called such a reversion to more ingrained behavior instinctive drift. In human beings, too, operant learning is affected by genetics, biology, and the evolutionary history of our species. Human children are biologically disposed to learn language, and they may be disposed to learn some arithmetic operations as well. Furthermore, temperaments and other inborn dispositions may affect how a person responds to reinforcers and punishments. For example, it will be easier to shape belly-dancing behavior if a person is temperamentally disposed to be outgoing and extroverted than if the person is by nature shy.

Behavioral techniques such as shaping have many useful applications.

instinctive drift During operant learning, the tendency for an organism to revert to ingrained behavior.

BIOLOGICAL LIMITS ON LEARNING

7.4.B Skinner: The Man and the Myth Learning Objective 7.4.B Discuss some of the misconceptions surrounding both the work of B. F. Skinner and the general goals of operant conditioning. Because of his groundbreaking work on operant conditioning, B. F. Skinner is one of the best-known American psychologists. He is also one of the most misunderstood. Many people (even some psychologists) think that Skinner denied the existence of consciousness and the value of studying it. In reality, Skinner (1972, 1990) maintained that private internal events—what we call perceptions, emotions, and thoughts—are as real as other events, and we can study them by examining our own sensory responses, the verbal reports of others, and the conditions under which such events occur. But he insisted that thoughts and feelings cannot explain behavior. These components of consciousness, he said, are themselves simply behaviors that occur because of reinforcement and punishment. Skinner aroused strong passions in both his supporters and his detractors. Perhaps the issue that most provoked people was his insistence that free will is an illusion.

In contrast to humanist and some religious doctrines that human beings have the power to shape their own destinies, his philosophy promoted the determinist view that our actions are determined by our environments and our genetic predispositions. Because Skinner thought the environment should be manipulated to alter behavior, some critics have portrayed him as coldblooded. One famous controversy occurred when Skinner invented an enclosed “living space,” the Air Crib, for his daughter Deborah when she was an infant. This “baby box,” as it came to be known, had temperature and humidity controls to eliminate the usual discomforts that babies suffer: heat, cold, wetness, and confinement by blankets and clothing. Skinner believed that to reduce a baby’s cries of discomfort and make infant care easier for the parents, you should fix the environment. But people imagined, incorrectly, that the Skinners were leaving their child in the baby box all the time without holding her, and rumors circulated for years that she had sued her father, developed a mental disorder, or killed herself. Actually, both of Skinner’s daughters were cuddled and doted on, loved their parents deeply, and turned out to be successful, perfectly well-adjusted adults.

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B. F. Skinner invented the Air Crib to provide a more comfortable, less restrictive infant bed than the traditional crib with its bars and blankets. Here the Skinners play with their 13-month-old daughter, Deborah.

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JOURNAL 7.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS People cling to superstitious rituals because they think they work. How is this illusion of “effectiveness” explainable in terms of operant principles? How might extinction, stimulus generalization, stimulus discrimination, or schedules of reinforcement be involved in maintaining a superstitious belief?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 7.4 to test your knowledge.

7.5 Operant Conditioning in Real Life Operant principles can clear up many mysteries about why people behave as they do. These principles can also explain why people have trouble changing when they want to, in spite of all the motivational seminars they attend or resolutions they make. If life remains full of the same old reinforcers, punishers, and discriminative stimuli (a lazy roommate, a grumpy boss, a refrigerator stocked with junk food), any new responses acquired may fail to generalize. To help people change unwanted, dangerous, or self-defeating habits, behaviorists have carried operant principles out of the laboratory and into the wider world of the classroom, athletic field, prison, psychiatric hospital, nursing home, childcare center, factory, and office. The use of operant techniques in such real-world settings is called behavior modification (also known as applied behavior analysis). Behavior modification has had some enormous successes (Kazdin, 2012; Martin & Pear, 2014; Sandbank et al., 2020). Behaviorists have taught parents how to toilet train their children in only a few sessions. They have trained intellectually impaired adults to communicate, dress themselves, interact socially with others, and earn a living. They have taught patients with brain damage to control inappropriate behavior, focus their attention, and improve their language abilities. They have helped children with autism improve their social and language skills. And they have helped ordinary folk get rid of unwanted habits, such as smoking or nail-biting, or acquire desired ones, such as exercising more or studying.

behavior modification The application of operant­conditioning techniques to teach new responses or to reduce or eliminate maladaptive or problematic behavior.

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Taking Psychology with You Changing Your Behavior way you do but also determine how you can change your behavior for the better when change is needed. So, pretend it’s January 1, a brand-new year. The mistakes and lapses of the old year are behind you; the slate is clean, and you’re ready for a fresh start. Optimistically, you sit down to record your New Year’s resolutions: exercise more, face your fear of public speaking, procrastinate less, control your temper, manage your spending . . . (you can edit or add to this list as you see fit). What can increase your likelihood of effectively changing your behavior in the ways you want to? Let’s take the goal of getting more exercise. You’ve learned that behaviors increase with reinforcement, which should be administered right after the desired behavior. So, if you want to exercise more, set yourself a reachable goal (e.g., running 2 miles per day), and each time you reach it, give yourself a reinforcer that you enjoy, such as watching an episode of your favorite television show. It’s important to reward yourself soon after you complete the goal and only if you actually complete it. If you want to work up to 5 miles per day, you can progressively increase your running goal each week. Now let’s say you want to overcome a fear of public speaking. Maybe you recently had a class presentation that didn’t go well and made you feel panicked, and since then you’ve avoided such presentations. What can you do to modify your behavior? If the presentation didn’t go well because you were underprepared, you can use operant conditioning techniques to increase your preparation before the next one. For example, you could set a goal of preparing 2 hours per day for 5 days prior to the presentation and reward yourself after each 2-hour session with something you enjoy (e.g., a favorite snack or a study break with friends). You can plan to give practice presentations to your friends, who can offer constructive feedback about which elements worked well and which might be

improved. The aversive experience you had during your last presentation also may have classically conditioned you: The classroom might now be a CS that elicits a fear response. You can try to extinguish your fear response by going to the classroom early and practicing your presentation in the same room until you feel more comfortable. In short, learning goes on all around us, not just among students in a classroom. We learn to associate certain stimuli with dangerous or pleasurable outcomes. We learn which of our behaviors will be met with reward versus punishment. We learn how to act in expected and “appropriate” ways by observing the actions of other people. And now you are well-equipped to use this knowledge about learning and your critical-thinking skills to shape the behavior of others around you, extinguish some of your own negative tendencies, and reinforce positive life changes that you hope to implement.

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We hope that this chapter helps you understand why you behave the

The next time you’re making New Year’s resolutions—or engaged in any sort of effort to better yourself or your behavior—see if you can make use of principles from this chapter to maximize your odds of success.

7.5.A The Pros and Cons of Punishment Learning Objective 7.5.A List and discuss reasons punishment often fails to effectively change behavior. Punishment might seem to be an obvious solution to curbing the undesirable habits and antisocial acts in society. Indeed, some countries impose prison sentences on its citizens for nonviolent crimes and administer the death penalty for violent crimes. And, of course, in their relationships, people punish one another frequently by yelling, scolding, and sulking. Punishment clearly occurs in a variety of different contexts, but does punishment actually work? Sometimes punishment is effective. For example, punishment can deter some young criminals from repeating their offenses. A study of the criminal records of all Danish men born between 1944 and 1947 (nearly 29,000 men) examined repeat arrests (recidivism) through age 26 (Brennan & Mednick, 1994). After any given arrest, punishment reduced rates of subsequent arrests for both minor and serious crimes, though recidivism still remained fairly high. Contrary to expectation, however, the severity of punishment made no difference; fines and probation were about as effective as jail time

WHEN PUNISHMENT WORKS

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(Petrich et al., 2021; Al Weswasi et al., 2022). What mattered most was the consistency of the punishment. This is understandable in behavioral terms: When lawbreakers sometimes get away with their crimes, their behavior is intermittently reinforced and therefore becomes resistant to extinction. Even harsh sentencing laws and efforts to crack down on wrongdoers can fail (or backfire) when the punishment for offenders is implemented inconsistently. WHEN PUNISHMENT FAILS

Laboratory and field studies find that punishment often

fails, for several reasons: 1. The recipient of harsh or frequent punishment often responds with anxiety, fear, or rage. Through classical conditioning, these emotional side effects may then generalize to the entire situation in which the punishment occurs—the place, the person delivering it, and the circumstances. These negative emotional reactions can create more problems than the punishment solves. A teenager who has been severely punished may strike back or run away. A spouse who is constantly insulted, belittled, and criticized will feel resentful and is likely to retaliate with small acts of hostility. And extreme punishment— physical abuse—is a risk factor, especially in children, for the development of depression, low self-esteem, violent behavior, and many other problems (Fréchette et al., 2015; Gershoff et al., 2018; Heilmann et al., 2021). 2. The effectiveness of punishment is often temporary, depending heavily on the presence of the punishing person or circumstances. All of us can probably remember some transgressions of childhood that we never dared commit when our parents were around but that we promptly resumed as soon as they were gone and reinforcers were once again available. All we learned was not to get caught.

4. Punishment conveys little information. It may tell the recipient what not to do, but it does not communicate what the person (or animal) should do. Spanking a toddler for wetting their pants will not teach them to use the potty chair, and scolding a student for learning slowly will not teach them to learn more quickly. In contrast, for example, when prisoners engage in rehabilitative programs that teach them the information and skills that are needed to function in society, recidivism rates decline (Loeffler & Nagin, 2022). 5. An action intended to punish may instead be reinforcing because it brings attention. If a mother yells at a child who is throwing a tantrum, the very act of yelling may give the child exactly what they were after: a reaction from mom. In the schoolroom, teachers who scold children in front of other students, thus putting them in the limelight, may unwittingly reward the very misbehavior they are trying to eliminate. Because of these drawbacks, most psychologists believe that punishment, especially when it is severe, is a poor way to eliminate unwanted behavior. Consider spanking. A  Canadian review of two decades of research found that although spanking may put a halt to a child’s annoying or dangerous behavior in the short term, it

As we all know, people often do things that they’re not supposed to. Have you ever wondered why so many people ignore warnings and threats of punishment?

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3. Most misbehavior is hard to punish immediately. Punishment, like reward, works best if it quickly follows a response. But outside the laboratory, rapid punishment is often hard to achieve, and during the delay, the behavior may be reinforced many times. A prison sentence may start months (or even years) after the commission of the crime itself. If you punish your dog when you get home for having rummaged through the garbage can for food scraps hours earlier, the punishment will not do any good because you are too late. Your pet’s misbehavior has already been reinforced by the food scraps.

218 Chapter 7 backfires in the long term because children who are physically punished tend to become more aggressive and antisocial over time (Durrant & Ensom, 2012). Spanking is also associated with later mental health problems and impaired cognitive ability (Gershoff & GroganKaylor, 2016). Citing these findings, the American Academy of Pediatrics stated that parents and other caregivers should not use physical punishment or any other disciplinary measure that causes shame or humiliation (Sege et al., 2018). Fifty years ago, in many parts of the world, most parents thought that hitting their children was a good approach to correcting bad behavior, but today roughly half hold that belief (Holden et al., 2014; Roberts, 2000). Today, at least 60 countries—including nations as different as Aruba, Denmark, Guinea, Israel, Mongolia, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Seychelles, Togo, and Tunisia—have outright bans on hitting children. In special cases, as when children with mental disabilities are in immediate danger of seriously injuring themselves or a school bully is about to beat up a classmate, temporary physical restraint may be necessary. But even in these cases, alternatives are often available. School programs have successfully reduced school violence by teaching kids problem-solving skills, emotional control, and conflict resolution, and by rewarding good behavior (Hahn et al., 2007; McCarty et al., 2016; Wilson & Lipsey, 2007). And in some cases, the best way to discourage a behavior—a child’s nagging for a cookie before dinner, a roommate’s interruptions when you’re studying—is to extinguish it by ignoring it. Of course, ignoring a behavior requires patience and is not always feasible. If your dog barks all day and night, telling your neighbors that it’s best to ignore the racket will not be a winning strategy for long, even if you explain that you learned all about the drawbacks of punishment in your psychology class. Finally, when punishment must be applied, these guidelines should be kept in mind: (1) It should not involve physical abuse; instead, parents can use time-outs and loss of privileges (negative punishers); (2) it should be consistent; (3) it should be accompanied by information about the kind of behavior that would be appropriate; and (4) it should be followed, whenever possible, by the reinforcement of desirable behavior. In Revel, learn more about operant conditioning in real life by watching a video regarding the alternatives to punishment.

7.5.B The Problems With Reward Learning Objective 7.5.B Discuss reasons rewards may backfire and not produce their intended results for behavior. So far, we have been describing the virtues of praise and other reinforcers. But like punishers, rewards do not always work as expected. Let’s look at two complications that arise when people try to use them.

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What About You?

Did your parents ever give you money for earning good grades?

MISUSE OF REWARDS For many years, teachers have been handing out lavish praise, happy-face stickers, and high grades, even if students don’t deserve them, in hopes that students’ performance will improve as they learn to “feel good about themselves.” Scientifically speaking, however, this approach is misguided. Study after study finds that high selfesteem does not improve academic performance (Baumeister et al., 2003). Instead, academic achievement requires effort and persistence (Duckworth et al., 2011). It is nurtured not by undeserved rewards but by a teacher’s honest appreciation of the content of a student’s work and specific constructive feedback on how to correct mistakes or fix weaknesses

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(Aslam & Khan, 2020; Damon, 1995). These findings from psychological science have finally begun to influence some teachers who are now shifting away from doling out unwarranted “self-esteem boosters” and focusing on helping students appreciate the benefits of effort and persistence. Some might argue that one result of the misuse of rewards in schools has been grade inflation. Today, at U.S. universities, more than 40% of grades are now A’s (Jephcote et al., 2021; Rojstaczer & Healy, 2012). One study found that a third of college students expected Bs just for showing up to class, and 40% felt they were entitled to a B merely for doing the required reading (Greenberger et al., 2008). We have talked to students who feel that hard work alone should even be enough for an A. Perhaps this sounds good to you as well, but remember that critical thinking requires us to separate feelings from facts! The problem is that rewards, including grades, serve as effective reinforcers only when they are tied to the behavior one is trying to increase, not when they are dispensed indiscriminately. Getting a good grade just for showing up reinforces going to class, but not necessarily learning much after you are there. Would you want to be treated by a doctor, represented by a lawyer, or have your taxes done by an accountant who got through school just by showing up for class? Or who did all the required reading without understanding it? Most of our examples of operant conditioning have involved extrinsic reinforcers, which come from an outside source and are not inherextrinsic reinforcers ently related to the activity being reinforced. Money, praise, applause, and hugs are all Reinforcers that come from an outside extrinsic reinforcers. But people (and probably some other animals as well) also work for source and are not inherently related to the activity being reinforced. intrinsic reinforcers, such as enjoyment of the task and the satisfaction of accomplishment. In real-world settings, extrinsic reinforcement sometimes becomes too much of a good thing: intrinsic reinforcers If you focus on it exclusively, it can kill the pleasure of doing something for its own sake. Reinforcers that come from an internal Consider a classic study of how praise affects children’s intrinsic motivation (Lepper source and are inherently related to et al., 1973). Nursery school children were given the chance to draw with felt-tipped pens during the activity being reinforced. free play, and observers recorded how long each child spontaneously played with the pens. The children clearly enjoyed this activity. Then the researchers told some of the children that if they would draw with felt-tipped pens they would get a prize, a “Good Player Award” complete with gold seal and red ribbon. After drawing for Figure 7.10 Turning Play Into Work 6 minutes, each child got the award as promised. Other children did not expect 20 an award and were not given one. A week later, during free play, those children who had expected and received an award spent much less time with the pens than 16 they had before the start of the experiment. In contrast, children in a control group who had neither expected nor received an award continued to show as much interest in playing with the pens as they had initially, as you can see in Figure 7.10. 12 Similar results have occurred in other studies when people were offered a reward for doing something they already enjoyed (Liu et al., 2020; Tang & Hall, 1995). 8 Nevertheless, the strength of this effect can vary depending on how a study is designed and how intrinsic motivation is measured (Pittenger, 1996; Wiersma, 1992). Why should extrinsic rewards undermine the pleasure of doing something 4 for its own sake? Why might it be less than ideal for parents to offer money for getting good grades? Psychologists have suggested that when we are paid for 0 an activity, we interpret it as work instead of something we do because of our Before After own interests, skills, and efforts. It is as if we say to ourselves, “Because I’m experiment experiment being paid, it must be something I wouldn’t do if I didn’t have to.” Then, when = No reward = Expected the reward is withdrawn, we refuse to “work” any longer. Another possibility expected reward is that we tend to regard extrinsic rewards as controlling, so they make us feel pressured and reduce our sense of autonomy and choice (“I guess I have to do Extrinsic rewards can sometimes reduce the intrinsic pleasure of an activity. When preschoolers were promised what I’m told to do—but only what I’m told to do”) (Deci et al., 1999). A third, a prize for drawing with felt-tipped pens, the behavior more behavioral explanation is that extrinsic reinforcement sometimes raises temporarily increased. But after they got their prizes, they the rate of responding above some optimal, enjoyable level, at which point the spent less time with the pens than they had before the activity really does become work. study began (Lepper et al., 1973). Percentage of time spent with felt-tipped pens in classroom (intrinsic interest)

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WHY REWARDS CAN BACKFIRE

220 Chapter 7 Findings on extrinsic versus intrinsic reinforcements have wide-ranging implications. Economists have shown that financial rewards can undermine ethical and moral norms such as honesty, hard work, and fairness toward others, and can decrease people’s willingness to contribute to the common good (e.g., by paying taxes and giving to charity). In other words, an emphasis solely on financial rewards can sometimes (but not always) encourage selfishness (Andersson et al., 2018; Bowles, 2008). As for the relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic reinforcement, in general, if you get praise, money, or a trophy for doing a task well, for achieving a certain level of performance, or for improving your performance rather than for just doing the task, your intrinsic motivation is not as likely to decline (Cameron et al., 2001; Pierce et al., 2003). The rewards are likely to make you feel competent rather than controlled. And if you have always been passionate about reading or about playing the banjo, you will keep reading or playing even when you do not happen to be getting a grade or applause for doing so. In such cases, you will probably attribute your continued involvement in the activity to your own intrinsic interests and motivation rather than to the reward. So, what is the take-home message about extrinsic rewards? First, they are often useful or necessary. Few people would trudge off to work every morning if they never got paid, and in the classroom, teachers may need to offer incentives to some students. But extrinsic rewards should be used carefully and should not be overdone so that intrinsic pleasure in an activity can blossom. Educators, employers, and policymakers can avoid the trap of either/or thinking by recognizing that most people do their best when they get tangible rewards for real achievement and when they have interesting, challenging, and varied kinds of work to do.

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JOURNAL 7.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Because reinforcers increase desirable behavior, some teachers give out high grades whether or not students deserve them. Does this practice improve the students’ performance or just their self-esteem? What do these rewards actually reinforce? Can you think of an example from your own life where you were rewarded for something that wasn’t really reward-worthy? What were the psychological consequences of this questionable reward?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 7.5 to test your knowledge.

7.6 Learning and the Mind For half a century, most theories held that learning could be explained by specifying the “ABCs”: antecedents (events preceding behavior), behaviors, and consequences. Behaviorists liked to compare the mind to an engineer’s hypothetical “black box,” a device whose workings must be inferred because they cannot be observed directly. To them, the box contained irrelevant wiring; it was enough to know that pushing a button on the box would produce a predictable response. But even as early as the 1930s, a few behaviorists could not resist peeking into that black box.

7.6.A Latent Learning Learning Objective 7.6.A Define latent learning, and give an example of how it might work in the daily life of a college student.

Many behaviorists recognize that to best understand why people (and animals) act as they do, we need to investigate the workings of the “black box” that is the brain.

Behaviorist Edward Tolman (1938) committed virtual heresy at the time by noting that his rats, when pausing at turning points in a maze, seemed to be deciding which way to go. Moreover, the animals sometimes seemed to be learning even without any reinforcement. What, he wondered, was going on in their little rat brains that might account for this puzzle? In a classic experiment, Tolman and C. H. Honzik (1930) placed three groups of rats in mazes and observed their behavior daily for more than 2 weeks. The rats in Group

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1 always had food available at the end of the maze and quickly Figure 7.11 Latent Learning learned to find it. The rats in Group 2 never had food available and, as you would expect, they followed no particular route. 32 Group 3 was the interesting group. For these rats, food was not 28 available at the end of the maze for 10 days; they seemed to wan24 der aimlessly. But on the 11th day food became available, and the 20 rats quickly learned to run to it. By the following day, they were 16 doing as well as the rats in Group 1, who had been rewarded from Learning becomes the beginning (see Figure 7.11). 12 evident Group 3 had demonstrated latent learning, learning that is 8 not immediately expressed in performance. A great deal of human 4 learning also remains latent until circumstances allow or require it to be expressed. A driver gets out of a traffic jam and navigates 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 to Fourth and Kumquat Streets using a route she has never used Days before (without GPS!). A child observes his mom tightening a screw but does not act on this learning for years; later, he finds he knows Never Always Reinforced reinforced reinforced after day 10 how to do it. Latent learning raises questions about what, exactly, is learned during operant learning. In the Tolman and Honzik study, the rats In a classic experiment, rats that were always given food at the end of a that did not get any food until the 11th day seemed to have acquired maze made fewer and fewer errors in reaching the food (blue curve). In contrast, rats that received no food showed little improvement (green a mental representation of the maze. They had been learning the curve). But rats that got no food for 10 days and then found food on whole time; they simply had no reason to act on that learning until the 11th day showed rapid improvement from then on (red curve). This they began to find food. Similarly, the driver taking a new route result suggests that learning involves cognitive changes that can occur in can do so because she already knows how the city is laid out. What the absence of reinforcement and may not be acted on until a reinforcer seems to be acquired in latent learning, therefore, is not a specific becomes available (Tolman & Honzik, 1930). response, but rather knowledge about responses and their consequences. We learn how the world is organized, which paths lead to which places, and which latent learning actions can produce which payoffs. This knowledge permits us to be creative and flexible in A form of learning that is not reaching our goals. immediately expressed in an overt

7.6.B Social-Cognitive Learning Theories

response and occurs without obvious reinforcement.

Learning Objective 7.6.B Define observational learning, and give an example of how it might occur during childhood. During the 1960s and 1970s, many learning theorists concluded that human behavior could not be understood without taking into account the human capacity for higher-level cognitive processes. They agreed with behaviorists that human beings, along with rats and rabbits, are subject to the laws of operant and classical conditioning. But they added that humans, unlike rats or rabbits, are full of attitudes, beliefs, and expectations that affect the way they acquire information, make decisions, reason, and solve problems. Today, this view has become very influential. We will use the term social-cognitive theory for all theories that combine behavioral principles with cognitive ones to explain behavior in a social context (Bandura, 1986; Mischel, 1973; Mischel & Shoda, 1995). These theories share an emphasis on the importance of beliefs, perceptions, and observations of other peoples’ behavior in shaping learning and behavior. To a social-cognitive theorist, differences in beliefs and perceptions help explain why two people who live through the same event may come away with entirely different lessons from it (Bandura, 2012). All siblings know this. One sibling may regard being grounded by their father as evidence of his all-around meanness, whereas another may see the same behavior as evidence of his concern for his children. For these siblings, being grounded is likely to affect their behavior differently. Late one night, a friend living in a rural area was awakened by a loud clattering noise. A raccoon had knocked over a “raccoon-proof” garbage can and seemed

LEARNING BY OBSERVING

social-cognitive theories Theories that emphasize how behavior is learned and maintained through observation of others and cognitive processes such as plans, expectations, and beliefs.

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to be demonstrating to an assembly of other raccoons how to open it: If you jump up and down on the can’s side, the lid will pop off. According to our friend, the observing raccoons learned from this episode how to open stubborn garbage cans, and the observing humans learned how smart raccoons can be. In short, they all benefited from observational learning, learning by watching what others do and what happens to them for doing it. The observational learning demonstrated by the raccoons reflected operant conditioning, but observational learning can also occur by way of classical conditioning. Indeed, study participants who merely watched another person experience a classical conditioning procedure actually learned and exhibited a conditioned response themselves (e.g., Haaker et al., 2017; Kaźmierowska et al., 2022; Olsson et al., 2007). Thus, in addition to During the COVID-19 pandemic, social learning to be frightened of rats directly through classical conditioning, as Little Albert media and news coverage included stories did, you might learn to fear rats by observing the emotional expressions of other people of people who refused to wear face masks in public and, as a result, were infected when they see or touch one. The perception of someone else’s reaction serves as an unconwith the SARS-CoV-2 virus and became ditioned stimulus for your own fear, and the learning that results can be as strong as it very ill. People who saw those stories had would be if you had encountered the rat yourself. Children often learn to fear things in this an opportunity to engage in observational way, perhaps by observing a parent’s fearful reaction whenever a dog approaches (Mineka learning and increase the frequency of their & Zinbarg, 2006). own mask wearing. Behaviorists also refer to observational learning as vicarious conditioning and believe it can be explained in stimulus–response terms. But social-cognitive theorists believe that observational learning observational learning in human beings cannot be fully understood without taking into A process in which an individual account the thought processes of the learner (Meltzoff & Gopnik, 1993). They emphasize learns new responses by observing the the knowledge that results when a person sees a model—another person—behaving in cerbehavior of another (a model) rather than through direct experience. tain ways and experiencing the consequences (Bandura, 1977). Interestingly, observational learning appears to be enhanced when the model and learner are both from the same racial or social group (Golkar et al., 2015; Golkar & Olsson, 2017). Apparently, the easier it is to “see yourself” in the person you’re observing, the more likely you are to be conditioned by that person’s experiences. None of us would last long without observational learning. We would have to learn to avoid oncoming cars by walking into traffic and suffering the consequences, or learn to swim by jumping into a deep pool and flailing around. Parents and teachers would be busy 24 hours a day shaping children’s behavior. Bosses would have to stand over their employees’ desks, rewarding every little link in the complex behavioral chains we call typing, report writing, and accounting. But observational learning has its dark side as well: People often imitate antisocial or unethical actions (they observe a friend cheating and decide they can get away with it, too) or self-defeating and harmful ones (they watch a popular kid at school vaping and take up the habit in an effort to look cool). Many years ago, Albert Bandura and his colleagues showed just how important observational learning is for children who are learning the rules of social behavior (Bandura et al., 1961; Bandura et al., 1963). Nursery school children watched a short film of adults playing with toys. (Apparently the children did not think this behavior was particularly odd.) In one film, a man named Johnny refuses to share his toys, and another man named Rocky responds by clobbering him. Rocky’s aggressive actions are rewarded: While poor Johnny sits dejectedly in the corner, Rocky marches off with a sack full of toys under his arm. After viewing the film, each child was left alone for 20 minutes in a playroom full of toys, including some of the items shown in the film. Watching through a one-way mirror, the experimenters found that the children were much more aggressive in their play than a control group that had not seen the film. Some children imitated Rocky almost exactly. At the end of the session, one little girl even asked for a sack! In another study, children first watched an adult knock around a plastic, air-filled Bobo doll, the kind that is weighted in the bottom so that it bounces back upright after it’s been knocked down. The adult smacked the doll, kicked it back and forth, yelled at it, and even hit it with a mallet. When the kids were later allowed to play with the doll, they imitated the

BANDURA’S CLASSIC RESEARCH

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Observational Learning of Aggressive Response

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Lisa Shin

(e)

In studies by Albert Bandura and his colleagues, children watched films of an adult kicking, punching, and hammering on an inflated plastic Bobo doll (photos a and b). Later, the children imitated the adult’s behavior, some of them almost exactly (photos c and d). Bobo himself remains a scientific celebrity: The doll often makes appearances at international conferences where star-struck psychologists—like your authors—wait in line to take photos of him (photo e).

adults’ aggression toward the doll and even invented new and creative ways to be aggressive with Bobo. Children who did not first see an aggressive adult in action were rarely aggressive themselves when they got the chance to play with Bobo. Bandura’s research offers strong support for the role played by social learning when it comes to aggressive behavior. Findings on latent learning, observational learning, and the role of cognition in learning can help us evaluate arguments in the passionate debate about the effects of media violence. Children and teenagers see countless acts of violence on television, in films, and in video games. Does all this mayhem affect them? Do you think it has affected you? Recent research

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224 Chapter 7 indicates that violent video game play is associated with later physical aggression, although there is still disagreement about how practically meaningful this relatively small effect is (Anderson et al., 2010; Ferguson et al., 2020; Hilgard et al., 2017; Prescott et al., 2018).

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JOURNAL 7.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Sometimes we learn to do horrible things just from observing someone else and without any direct reinforcement of the behavior. For example, you could learn how to break into someone’s home or car from watching a crime show on television. Yet you’ll probably never enact such a behavior, nor will the vast majority of other people who’ve observed the same thing. How does this conclusion illustrate the distinction between learning and performance? Can learning take place without acting on that learning? If so, how do we know if the behavior is actually learned?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 7.6 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Kids Who Play Violent Video Games Learn to Be More Violent STEP 1. Criticize This Claim Bandura’s Bobo doll studies showed that children can learn to act violently by watching other people. Kids who saw an adult play aggressively with an inflatable doll were, themselves, more aggressive with it later. This observational learning went beyond copycat behavior. Children who saw an adult punch and kick Bobo played more aggressively with other toys as well. Today’s youth may not see many Bobo dolls. But there remain plenty of opportunities for observational learning. Let’s think critically about the claim: Kids who play violent video games learn to be more violent.

STEP 2. Analyze Assumptions and Biases People have strong opinions about this issue. Both liberal and conservative politicians have criticized the media for modeling violent behavior. Crimes in which people imitate violent video games attract emotionally charged news coverage. And, of course, violent video game makers strongly deny any link between their product and real-life violence. Critical thinking is especially important when it comes to controversial and emotional issues like this.

STEP 3. Define Your Terms To test whether Kids who play violent video games learn to be more violent, we need to define our terms. How might a researcher define what it means to “be more violent”? Cognition “More violent” could refer to a person’s cognitions. Does playing violent video games lead young people to think more about violence? To believe that violent responses to threat or insult are more appropriate? To have more positive attitudes about people who show aggressive or violent tendencies?

Affect “More violent” could also refer to a person’s affect or emotion. Do violent video games change the way children feel about violence? For example, many young people might initially feel alarmed, frightened, or disgusted by violent media. But do these negative emotions decrease with more and more exposure to violent depictions? Do violent video games make youth feel less empathy toward victims of violence?

Behavior Potential effects on thoughts and feelings are important, but perhaps the most critical research question is to what degree does playing violent video games change the way a person acts? This relationship between violent video games and violent behavior has been the focus of many research studies, as well as recent meta-analyses, in which statistical methods combine results across multiple studies to reveal reliable patterns and conclusions.

(continued )

Learning

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STEP 4. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder There’s a positive correlation between time spent on violent video games and violent behavior. But do video games cause real-life violence? Or are violent people simply drawn to these games? As you know, asking questions about causality requires experimental, not correlational, data.

Correlational (No Causal Conclusions)

Experimental (Causal Conclusions)

• Eighth and ninth graders who report more exposure to video game violence also get into fights at school. • Adolescents who report more aggressive feelings also report greater enjoyment of violent video games. • Elementary school kids who spend more time playing violent video games are also rated as more aggressive by their parents. • College students who report spending more time playing violent video games also score higher on a survey measure of “aggressive personality.”

• Two groups of college students were required to play either a violent or nonviolent video game three times. Afterward, the violent game group had quicker response times when reading words related to hostility. • Five- to 7-year-olds were asked to play either a karate video game or a nonviolent game; those who played the karate game were later rated as being more aggressive during free play. • College students assigned to play a violent video game were more likely than students assigned to play a nonviolent game to later respond aggressively to another research participant. • Adolescent boys who were assigned to play a violent video game were rated by peers as behaving more aggressively at recess later that day than were boys assigned to play a nonviolent video game (or just to watch someone else play a violent game).

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence Another way to examine learning over time is to conduct a study over time. Anna Prescott and her colleagues examined data from 24 longitudinal studies of 17,000 participants ages 9 to 19, who were followed by researchers for anywhere from 3 months to 4 years. These studies defined violence in various ways: surveys about aggressive thoughts; parents’ ratings of kids’ behavior; number of fights at school. A majority of studies indicated that playing violent video games predicted an increase in physical aggression over time. The overall effect was small, but statistically significant.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions This meta-analysis indicates that, indeed, Kids who play violent video games learn to be more violent. At least to a small degree. This doesn’t mean that everyone who plays violent games becomes violent. It doesn’t mean that violence is caused primarily by the media. But it is a finding that should give pause to those who play violent games, not to mention their parents. It was over a half-century ago that Bandura first used an inflatable doll to demonstrate the role of observational learning in violence. While toy technology has evolved quite a bit, the same risks remain: Even when it comes to violence, we often learn by example.

Summary: Learning 7.1 Classical Conditioning LO 7.1.A

Explain the key elements of classical conditioning.

Classical conditioning was first studied by Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov. In this type of learning, a neutral stimulus is associated with an unconditioned stimulus (US) that already elicits a certain unconditioned response (UR). The neutral stimulus can become a conditioned stimulus (CS), which has the capacity to elicit a conditioned response (CR) that is similar or related to the UR.

LO 7.1.B

Discuss basic principles of classical conditioning, including extinction and recovery, higher-order conditioning, and stimulus generalization and discrimination.

In extinction, the conditioned stimulus is repeatedly presented without the unconditioned stimulus, and the conditioned response eventually disappears, although later it may reappear (spontaneous recovery). In higher-order conditioning, a neutral stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus by being associated with

226 Chapter 7 an already-established conditioned stimulus. In stimulus generalization, after a stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus for some response, other similar stimuli may produce the same or similar reaction. In stimulus discrimination, different responses are made to stimuli that resemble the conditioned stimulus in some way. LO 7.1.C

Explain why the stimulus to be conditioned should precede the unconditioned stimulus in classical conditioning.

Many theorists believe that what an animal or person learns in classical conditioning is not just an association between the unconditioned and conditioned stimulus, but also information conveyed by one stimulus about another. Indeed, classical conditioning appears to be an evolutionary adaptation that allows an organism to prepare for a biologically important event. Considerable evidence exists to show that a neutral stimulus does not become a CS unless it reliably signals or predicts the US.

7.2 Classical Conditioning in Real Life LO 7.2.A

Provide an example of how classical conditioning contributes to forming preferences.

Classical conditioning helps account for positive emotional responses to particular objects and events, typically by associating a neutral stimulus (e.g., a car) with a pleasurable stimulus (an attractive spokesperson, free trinkets, or cash). LO 7.2.B

Provide an example of how classical conditioning can create learned fears, and describe how the process of counterconditioning takes place.

John Watson, Rosalie Rayner, and Mary Cover Jones showed how fears may be learned by the process of fear conditioning and then diminished through a process of counterconditioning. Fear extinction is another way to decrease conditioned fear. A drug called d-cycloserine and neurostimulation techniques may help to improve fear extinction. LO 7.2.C

Describe how classical conditioning is involved in avoiding a food associated with aversive outcomes.

Because of evolutionary adaptations, human beings (and many other species) are biologically primed to acquire some classically conditioned responses easily, such as conditioned taste aversions. Often a single trial pairing of a stimulus with an unpleasant outcome (e.g., a meal followed by nausea) can produce aversive conditioning. LO 7.2.D

Describe how classical conditioning can affect reactions to medical treatments, including a patient’s reaction to a placebo.

Classical conditioning can also account for reactions to medical treatments. Associating previously neutral stimuli (e.g., the color of a waiting room, the smell of disinfectant) with an unpleasant outcome (pain from an injection, nausea from chemotherapy) can lead to the stimuli themselves eliciting an aversive response.

7.3 Operant Conditioning LO 7.3.A

Discuss how Edward Thorndike’s research served as the basis for operant conditioning.

In operant conditioning, behavior becomes more or less likely to occur depending on its consequences. Responses in operant conditioning are generally not reflexive and are more complex than in classical conditioning. Research in this area is closely associated with B. F. Skinner, who called his approach “radical behaviorism,” although an early study conducted by Edward Thorndike (cats escaping a puzzle box) set the stage for some basic principles of operant conditioning. LO 7.3.B

Distinguish between reinforcement and punishment, and provide examples of the different types of reinforcement and punishment: primary and secondary and positive and negative.

In the Skinnerian analysis, reinforcement strengthens or increases the probability of a response, and punishment weakens or decreases the probability of a response. Reinforcers are called primary when they are naturally reinforcing because they satisfy a biological need and are called secondary when they have acquired their ability to strengthen a response through association with other reinforcers. A similar distinction is made for punishers. In positive reinforcement, something pleasant follows a response; in negative reinforcement, something unpleasant is removed. In positive punishment, something unpleasant follows the response; in negative punishment, something pleasant is removed.

7.4 Principles of Operant Conditioning LO 7.4.A

Describe the basic principles of operant conditioning, including extinction and recovery, stimulus generalization and discrimination, and schedules of learning and shaping.

Extinction, stimulus generalization, and stimulus discrimination occur in operant conditioning as well as in classical conditioning. A discriminative stimulus signals that a response is likely to be followed by a certain type of consequence. Continuous reinforcement leads to the most rapid learning. However, intermittent (partial) reinforcement makes a response resistant to extinction (and, therefore, helps account for the persistence of superstitious rituals). Shaping is used to train behaviors with a low probability of occurring spontaneously. Reinforcers are given for successive approximations to the desired response until the desired response is achieved. However, biology places limits on what an animal or person can learn through operant conditioning, or how easily it is learned. Animals sometimes have trouble learning a task because of instinctive drift. LO 7.4.B

Discuss some of the misconceptions surrounding both the work of B. F. Skinner and the general goals of operant conditioning.

Operant conditioning is one of the mainstays of learning theory, and its findings and conclusions have been demonstrated

Learning

repeatedly. As the sole explanatory system for why organisms do what they do, however, it is incomplete. Skinner’s radical behaviorism was often misinterpreted as a cold, mechanistic view of the human condition.

7.5 Operant Conditioning in Real Life LO 7.5.A

LO 7.5.B

intrinsic pleasure when a person is rewarded for succeeding or making progress or when a person is already highly interested in the activity.

7.6 Learning and the Mind LO 7.6.A

List and discuss reasons punishment often fails to effectively change behavior.

Punishment, when used properly, can discourage undesirable behavior, including criminal behavior. But it is frequently misused and can have unintended consequences. It is often administered inappropriately because of the emotion of the moment, it may produce rage and fear, its effects are often only temporary, it is hard to administer immediately, it conveys little information about the kind of behavior that is desired, and it may provide attention that is rewarding. Extinction of undesirable behavior, combined with reinforcement of desired behavior, is generally preferable to the use of punishment. Discuss reasons rewards may backfire and not produce their intended results for behavior.

Reinforcers can also be misused. Rewards that are given out indiscriminately, as in efforts to raise children’s self-esteem, do not reinforce desirable behavior. An exclusive reliance on extrinsic reinforcement can sometimes undermine the power of intrinsic reinforcement. But money and praise do not usually interfere with

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Define latent learning, and give an example of how it might work in the daily life of a college student.

Even during behaviorism’s heyday, some researchers were probing the “black box” of the mind. In the 1930s, Edward Tolman studied latent learning, in which no obvious reinforcer is present during learning and a response is not expressed until later, when reinforcement does become available. What appears to be acquired in latent learning is not a specific response but rather knowledge about responses and their consequences. LO 7.6.B

Define observational learning, and give an example of how it might occur during childhood.

The 1960s and 1970s saw the increased influence of socialcognitive theories of learning, which focus on observational learning and the role played by beliefs, interpretations of events, and other cognitions in determining behavior. Social-cognitive theorists argue that in observational learning, as in latent learning, what is acquired is knowledge rather than a specific response. Because people differ in their perceptions and beliefs, they may learn different lessons from the same event or situation.

Shared Writing: Learning Your best friend is struggling with increasingly frequent migraine headaches, which cause intense throbbing head pain, nausea, and vomiting. Their migraines are triggered by several different factors, such as sleep loss, red wine, dehydration, and chocolate. They’re asking for your advice on how to improve their situation and better avoid these headache triggers. What specific suggestions would you give them based on the learning principles in this chapter?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 7 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 8

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

Memory

Learning Objectives LO 8.1.A

LO 8.1.B

Distinguish between recall and recognition tasks in explicit memory and between explicit and implicit memory. Describe the basic characteristics of three memory systems according to the information-processing model, and note the challenges to this view proposed by parallel distributed processing.

LO 8.3.A

Outline the process of long-term potentiation in the formation of memories.

LO 8.3.B

Evaluate the evidence that memories are not stored in any one part of the brain.

LO 8.3.C

Summarize the evidence that memory can be influenced by emotion and hormonal levels.

LO 8.4.A

Describe and give examples of major memory retention strategies.

LO 8.5.A

Summarize the processes of decay, replacement, interference, and cue-dependent forgetting.

LO 8.2.A

Explain the function and duration of the sensory register in the three-box model of memory.

LO 8.2.B

Explain the function and duration of working memory.

LO 8.5.B

Discuss the reasons childhood amnesia is likely to take place.

LO 8.2.C

Describe the different forms of long-term memory, and explain the serial-position effect in transferring information from working memory to long-term memory.

LO 8.5.C

Explain why claims of repressed memories should be greeted with skepticism.

LO 8.6.A

Explain why memory is more reconstructive than people think.

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Memory

LO 8.6.B

Describe conditions under which confabulation is especially likely to occur.

LO 8.6.C

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Summarize the evidence indicating that eyewitness testimony can be susceptible to memory errors.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have two questions for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Do you remember where you were and what you were doing the moment when you found out in the spring of 2020 that your classes would be interrupted (i.e., canceled, postponed, or moved online) because of the COVID-19 pandemic?

What would life be like if you could never form any new memories? This can happen to older people who are suffering from dementia, and it also sometimes happens to younger people who have brain injury or disease. Henry Molaison is the most famous case study in the history of memory research (Annese et al., 2014; Corkin, 2013; Corkin et al., 1997; Hilts, 1995). In 1953, when Henry was 27 years old, surgeons made a last-ditch effort to cure his unrelenting epileptic seizures by removing his hippocampus, most of his amygdala, and a portion of his temporal lobes. The operation achieved its goal, as Henry’s seizures became milder and controllable with medication. But there was a major side effect: He could no longer remember new experiences for much longer than 15 minutes. New facts, songs, stories, and faces all vanished quickly for Henry, like water down a drain. He would read the same magazine over and over without realizing it; he could not recall the day of the week or even his most recent meal. Henry still loved to do crossword puzzles and play bingo, skills he had learned long before the operation. And he remained cheerful, even though he knew he had memory problems. Henry’s unique challenges captured the interest of researchers, who enlisted him in a series of memory-related studies over the course of decades, many of which you will read about throughout this chapter. In fact, Henry became quite famous in psychological circles, albeit anonymously: To protect his privacy while he was alive, published articles referred to him by only his initials, H. M. H. M. could occasionally recall an unusually emotional event, and he sometimes remembered that both of his parents were dead. But according to Suzanne Corkin, who studied him extensively, these “islands of remembering” were the exceptions in a vast sea of forgetfulness. This good-natured man felt sad that he had trouble making friends because he could never remember anyone, not even the scientists who studied him for dozens of years. He always thought he was much younger than he really was, and he was unable to recognize a photograph of his own face; he was stuck in a time warp from the past. After he died in 2008 at age 82, one neuroscientist said that H. M. gave science the ultimate gift: his memory (Ogden, 2012). Indeed, H. M. taught psychologists a great deal about how memory works more generally. Certainly, his plight revealed much about the biology underlying memory. And the fascinating case of H. M. illustrates that memory is not a simple, one-size-fits-all process, but rather is comprised of multiple systems and functions. For example, H. M. could learn to do new things, but he couldn’t remember learning to do them. This distinction between memory for procedures and memory for facts and episodes is one to which we’ll return later. Henry Molaison, known to scientists as H. Furthermore, consider the role of emotion in memory. We asked you two questions M., at age 60 in 1986. Molaison’s unusual to start this chapter. First, whether or not you remember what you were doing at a par- cognitive challenges taught us a great deal ticular, emotionally charged point in time: when your education was interrupted by the about how memory works.

Photograph by Jenni Ogden, author of the book “Trouble in Mind: Stories from a Neuropsychologist’s Casebook.”

Do you remember where you were and what you were doing exactly 1 week before that moment in the spring of 2020 when you found that your classes would be interrupted?

Landmark Media/Alamy Stock Photo

230 Chapter 8 COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. In previous editions of this chapter, we have asked about other emotional moments, including particular terrorist attacks, school shootings, and political elections. Our guess is that far more of you will remember where you were and what you were doing on the day you found out that your classes were interrupted than on the day exactly 1 week before then, likely a run-of-the-mill date without any particular emotional importance for you. Memory processes are different when emotion is involved (Cooper et al., 2019). Indeed, H. M. provides evidence for this conclusion as well. At one point, one of the researchers working with him asked Henry about a major news event that happened in 1963, 10 years after his surgery. H. M. reported that someone important had been assassinated, though he couldn’t recall the name. When given the initials The centrality of memory to daily life is demonstrated by how debili“JFK,” he replied “Kennedy.” Even for H. M., who lived most of tating it can be when memory begins to fail. In 2021, Anthony Hopkins won an Oscar for his portrayal of an older man with dementia in The his life unable to remember the new developments around him, an Father. A notable aspect of the movie is the intentionally disorienting emotionally resonant event seemed to be somewhat—even if still feeling it instills in viewers, as the filmmakers use a variety of surprisimperfectly—more memorable. ing techniques to make characters and time frames blur together much We will revisit many of these issues—biological perspecas they would in the mind of the lead character himself. tives on memory, different types of memory, emotion and memory—throughout this chapter. We will also meet H. M. again at several different points. You can learn more about his remarkable case in a video, found in Revel. We now turn to a discussion of measuring memory and models of how different memory systems work together.

8.1 In Pursuit of Memory The case of H. M. is fascinating (and sad) in its demonstration of ways in which memory sometimes doesn’t work. Let us now turn to studies of how it does work (Brewin et al., 2020), beginning with an effort to differentiate between different memory types and different ways of assessing memory.

8.1.A Measuring Memory

Conscious, intentional recollection of an event or an item of information is called explicit memory. It is usually measured using one of two methods. The first method tests

AF Archive/Alamy Stock Photo

Rudolph and the Other Guys Debra Millet/Alamy Stock Photo

Conscious, intentional recollection of an event or of an item of information.

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explicit memory

Learning Objective 8.1.A Distinguish between recall and recognition tasks in explicit memory and between explicit and implicit memory.

You can try this test of recall if you are familiar with the poem that begins “’Twas the night before Christmas” or the song “Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer.” Rudolph had eight reindeer friends; how many can you name? Now ask yourself, if you were given a list of 20 names and asked to pick out the eight correct responses, would this recognition task be even easier to complete?

Memory

for recall, the ability to retrieve and reproduce information encountered earlier. Essay exams and fill-in-the-blank questions require recall. The second method tests for recognition, the ability to identify information you have previously observed, read, or heard about. The information is given to you, and what you have to do is say whether it is old or new, or perhaps correct or incorrect, or pick it out of a set of alternatives. The task, in other words, is to compare the information you are given with the information stored in your memory. True–false questions and multiple-choice tests call for recognition. Recognition tests can be tricky, especially when the false or incorrect options closely resemble the correct ones. But recognition for visual images tends to be particularly impressive (Spachtholz & Kuhbandner, 2017). In one study, researchers showed participants pictures of 2,500 different objects over the course of 5½ hours before giving them a memory test. (And you thought you had to study for a long time for your last psychology exam!) The memory test presented a series of pairs of objects, one of which participants had seen before and one of which they had not. When the previously viewed object was paired with an object from a very different category (e.g., a cantaloupe slice and a rubber dragon), respondents did quite well, correctly identifying 92% of the objects they had seen before. But even when the previously viewed object was paired with a different picture of the same object (e.g., a cantaloupe slice from two different angles), recognition was still 87% (Brady et al., 2008). That’s quite an impressive performance given the massive number of photos participants had to remember. Under most circumstances, recognition is easier than recall. This conclusion was once demonstrated in a study of people’s memories of their high school classmates (Bahrick et al., 1975). The participants, ages 17 to 74, first wrote down the names of as many classmates as they could remember. Recall was relatively poor; even when prompted with yearbook pictures, the youngest people failed to name almost a third of their classmates, and the oldest failed to name most of them. Recognition, however, was far better. When asked to look at a series of cards, each of which contained a set of five photographs, and to say which picture in each set showed a former classmate, recent graduates were right 90% of the time—and so were people who had graduated 35 years earlier. More recent research has demonstrated that recognition of faces improves even further when we get to see multiple photos of the person in question (Jones et al., 2017). Sometimes, information encountered in the past affects our thoughts and actions even though we do not consciously or intentionally remember it, a phenomenon known as implicit memory (Bireta et al., 2018; Graf & Masson, 2011; Schacter, 2019). Implicit memory can emerge through classical conditioning, the process by which we form associations between stimuli, such as when a dog learns to associate the sound of a can opener with the delivery of food and then scampers excitedly to its dish upon simply hearing that sound. To get at this subtle sort of memory, researchers must rely on indirect methods rather than the direct ones like recall and recognition that are used to measure explicit memory. For example, researchers can assess implicit memory via priming, asking participants to read or listen to information and then testing them later to see whether that information affects performance on another type of task. Suppose that you read a list of words, some of which began with the letters def (such as define, defend, and defame). Later, if you were asked to complete word fragments (such as def-) with the first word that came to mind, you would be more likely to complete the fragments so they turned into words from the original list than would other people who had never seen that list—even if you couldn’t remember the original words very well when asked to recall them (Richardson-Klavehn & Bjork, 1988; Roediger, 1990). In this manner, the words on the original list have “primed” (made more available) your responses on the subsequent word-fragment completion task. Priming isn’t limited to words; priming people with unusual sentence constructions causes them to adopt those constructions a week later (Kaschak et al., 2011). Fragments of pictures can also act as primes. In one study, people briefly saw fragments of drawings depicting objects and animals. Then, 17 years later, they were mailed the same fragments and fragments of new drawings, with a request to name what the fragments depicted. Even when people couldn’t remember having been in the original experiment, they identified the primed objects much better than the new objects (Mitchell, 2006).

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recall The ability to retrieve and reproduce from memory previously encountered material.

recognition The ability to identify previously encountered material.

implicit memory Unconscious retention in memory, as evidenced by the effect of a previous experience or previously encountered information on current thoughts or actions.

priming A method for measuring implicit memory in which a person reads or listens to information and is later tested to see whether it affects performance on another type of task.

Abramsdesign/Shutterstock

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Money doesn’t grow on trees? Well, sometimes it does—in psychology experiments, at least. In one study, researchers attached dollar bills to a tree overhanging a walkway (Hyman et al., 2014). The vast majority of pedestrians, both those who were on their phones and those who were not, passed right by the tree without noticing the money. But very, very few of them bumped into the tree, even while distracted. Our ability to perform complex tasks—like walking while texting—without conscious thought or attention depends on processes related to implicit memory. Of course, with too much reliance on autopilot, we miss out on much of what life has to offer, money trees and otherwise!

Other examples of implicit memory can be seen in people’s ability to perform even complex tasks without much attention or conscious thought—operating on “autopilot,” so to speak. Have you ever found your mind wandering while driving or walking, leaving you unable to recall exactly how you got where you are? Have you ever found yourself in a good mood for some reason, and then realized that it’s because you smelled a certain food or perfume that somehow reminded you of a previous happy experience? Have you ever locked your front door, activated your car alarm, or turned off your oven without thinking much about it—to the point where, moments later, you feel a mild panic as you can’t remember whether or not you did it? Each of these tasks and experiences depends on processes related to implicit memory. These examples and the studies described above show that people know more than they think they know—and that they can know it for a very long time.

Replication Check ✔ This is a pretty remarkable finding: Brief exposure to images can prime responses 17 years later. It is precisely the type of finding that begs for replication, and indeed, Mitchell and colleagues (2018) repeated and extended their original research. In their replication, a new sample of participants exhibited similar priming effects for both picture and word fragment completion tasks conducted 11 or more years after original exposure; even individuals who didn’t remember their original participation in the research demonstrated the effects. Of course, replications conducted across multiple labs and researchers provide even more compelling evidence for the robustness of a finding, but this replication a decade later increases our confidence in the originally reported result.

8.1.B Models of Memory Learning Objective 8.1.B Describe the basic characteristics of three memory systems according to the information-processing model, and note the challenges to this view proposed by parallel distributed processing. Although people usually refer to memory as a singular concept, as in “I have a terrible memory” or “His memory is like a steel trap,” the term memory actually covers a complex collection of abilities and processes. Many cognitive psychologists liken the mind to an information processor, along the lines of a computer, though more complex. Accordingly, they have developed information-processing models of cognitive processes, liberally borrowing computer-programming terms such as input, output, accessing, and information retrieval. When you type something on your computer’s keyboard, a software program encodes the information into an electronic language, stores it on a hard drive, and retrieves it when you need to use it. Similarly, in information-processing models of memory, we encode information (convert it to a form that the brain can process and use), store the information (retain it over time), and retrieve the information (recover it for later use). In most information-processing models, storage is described as taking place in three interacting memory systems (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968, 1971). A sensory register retains incoming sensory information for a second or two, until it can be processed further. Then a short-term memory system—usually referred to by contemporary researchers as working memory—keeps available a limited amount of information for up to 30 seconds unless a conscious effort is made to keep it there longer. Long-term memory accounts for longer storage, from just a few minutes to as long as multiple decades. Information can pass from the sensory register to working memory and in either direction between working and long-term memory, as illustrated in Figure 8.1. This model, which is known informally as the three-box model, has dominated research on memory since the late 1960s, and we will review it in more detail in the next section of this chapter. One problem with this model, however, is that the human brain does not operate like your average computer. Most computers process instructions and data sequentially, one item after another, so the three-box model has emphasized sequential operations.

Memory

Figure 8.1 Three-Box Model Interactive

In contrast, the brain performs many operations simultaneously, in parallel. It recognizes patterns all at once rather than as a sequence of information bits, and it perceives new information, produces speech, and searches memory all at the same time. It can do these things because millions of neurons are active at once, and each neuron communicates with thousands of others, which in turn communicate with millions more. For these reasons, some cognitive scientists prefer a parallel distributed processing (PDP) model or connectionist model. Instead of representing information as flowing from one system to another, a PDP model represents the contents of memory as connections among a huge number of interacting processing units, distributed in a vast network and all operating at the same time—just like the neurons of the brain (Bowers, 2017; Braga et al., 2019; Rogers & McClelland, 2014; Rumelhart et al., 1986). So as opposed to Figure 8.1, where you see three boxes lined up in a row, picture dozens and dozens of boxes, grouped into layers, with each box connected within as well as between those layers. In other words, more of a spider web than a linear flow chart.

In the traditional three-box model of memory, information that does not transfer out of the sensory register or working memory is assumed to be forgotten forever. Once in long-term memory, information can be retrieved for use in analyzing new sensory information or performing mental operations in working memory.

JOURNAL 8.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Interactive

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Think about the ways in which you have been tested throughout your academic career. Chances are you’ve taken lots of types of exams: multiple-choice, true/false, essay, short-answer, fill-in-the-blank, etc. Which types of testing do you prefer? The ones that depend more on recall or on recognition skills? Generate one example of how you might improve your study habits for one of these exam types based on what you have learned so far about memory.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 8.1 to test your knowledge.

parallel distributed processing (PDP) model A model of memory in which knowledge is represented as connections among thousands of interacting processing units, distributed in a vast network, and all operating at the same time (also called a connectionist model).

8.2 The Three-Box Model of Memory The information-processing model consisting of three memory systems—sensory, working, and long-term—offers a convenient way to organize the major findings on memory, does a good job of accounting for these findings, and is consistent with biological facts about memory. Let us now peer into each of these three “boxes.”

sensory register A memory system that momentarily preserves sensory information.

8.2.A The Sensory Register: Fleeting Impressions

In the three-box model, incoming sensory information must make a brief stop in the sensory register, the entryway of memory. The sensory register includes a number of different memory subsystems, as many as there are different senses. Visual images usually remain in a visual subsystem for a maximum of a half second, whereas auditory stimuli remain in an auditory subsystem for a slightly longer time, but no longer than 10 seconds (Cheng & Lin, 2012; Sams et al., 1993). The sensory register acts as a holding bin, retaining information in a highly accurate form until we can select items for attention from the stream of stimuli bombarding our senses. It gives us a

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Learning Objective 8.2.A Explain the function and duration of the sensory register in the three-box model of memory.

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In a dark room or closet, swing a flashlight rapidly in a circle. You will see an unbroken circle of light instead of a series of separate points. The reason: The successive images remain briefly in the sensory register.

moment (well, a fraction of a moment, really) to decide whether information is extraneous or important, as not everything detected by our senses warrants our attention. Information that does not quickly go on to working memory vanishes, like a message written in disappearing ink (Pratte, 2018). The fleeting nature of incoming sensations is actually beneficial; it prevents multiple sensory images—“double exposures”—that might interfere with the accurate perception and encoding of information. One classic demonstration of sensory memory can be found in George Sperling’s research. In Sperling’s studies, participants were shown an array of 12 letters for just a fraction of a second. Fifty milliseconds—1/20th of a second—to be precise. The 12 letters were arranged in three rows of four, and when asked, most people could report no more than four or five of the letters they had seen. Why? Because, Sperling (1960) argued, by the time participants tried to provide an answer, their sensory memories were already fading. But an alternative hypothesis remained possible: Perhaps participants simply hadn’t had time to perceive all 12 letters to begin with. That is, in order to assert that most of the letters were fading from the sensory register before people had time to report them, Sperling first had to rule out the possibility that they never took in all the letters to begin with. Sperling’s ingenious solution: using a musical tone after the letters had disappeared to signal which row of letters participants should report on. Remember, there were three rows: top, middle, and bottom. And so a high tone indicated that participants should report the letters from the top row. A middle tone signaled the middle row. A low tone referred to the bottom row. Sperling (1960) found that participants did a reasonably good job of reporting three or four letters from whichever row the tone indicated, demonstrating that all 12 letters did indeed make it into the sensory register—it’s just that the other two rows faded away while participants were reporting on the other row. You can test out your own sensory register in Revel with an interactive that simulates Sperling’s influential studies.

8.2.B Working Memory: Memory’s Notepad Learning Objective 8.2.B Explain the function and duration of working memory. working memory A form of short­term memory that actively retains information for brief periods and keeps it available for current use.

Like the sensory register, working memory retains information only temporarily—for up to about 30 seconds by many estimates, although some researchers think that the maximum interval may extend to a few minutes for certain tasks (Baddeley, 1992; D’Esposito & Postle, 2015; Schneegans & Bays, 2018). In working memory, the material is no longer an exact sensory image but rather is an encoding of one, such as a word or a phrase. This material either transfers into long-term memory or decays and is lost forever. Victims of brain injury demonstrate the importance of transferring new information from working memory into long-term memory. For example, H. M. was able to store information on a short-term basis; he could hold a conversation and his behavior appeared normal when you first met him. Yet, for the most part, he could not retain explicit information about new facts and events for longer than a few minutes. His memory deficits involved a problem in transferring explicit memories into long-term storage. But even those of us with more typical memories know from personal experience how frustratingly brief short-term retention can be. We look up a phone number or a street address, and before we can use it, we find that the information has vanished from our minds. We meet someone at a party and 2 minutes later find ourselves unable to recall the person’s name. In this respect, our working memory can be a bit of a “leaky bucket.” According to most memory models, if the bucket did not leak it would quickly overflow, because at any given moment, working memory can actively retain only so many items (Popov et al., 2019). Years ago, George Miller (1956) estimated this “magic number” of working memory capacity to be seven, plus or minus two. That is, Miller proposed that for most people, working memory can only retain between five and nine items at a time. Conveniently, five-digit ZIP Codes fall in this range; alas, 16-digit credit card numbers do not. If we can only keep a fixed number of items in mind at once, how do we remember the beginning of a long spoken sentence until the speaker reaches the end? Most

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information-processing models of memory propose that we bind small bits of information into larger units, or chunks. The real capacity of working memory, it turns out, is not a few bits of information but a few chunks (Gilchrist & Cowan, 2012; Thalmann et al., 2019). A  chunk can be a word, a phrase, a sentence, or even an image, and it depends on previous experience. For most Americans, the number 1776 is one chunk, not four, because it represents the year in which their nation was born. Same with a Star Wars fan who sees C3PO as one chunk (and one of their favorite intergalactic droids). Yet another four-character string lacking such readily apparent meaning—say, 2PHQ—would be seen by most people as four separate items. A chunk can be visual as well: If you know (American) Even in the fictional world of Harry Potter, memory capacity is limited. Thus, the existence of the pensieve, a shallow stone or metal dish that only the most football, when you see a play unfolding, you might see a advanced wizards can use to store and review memories. The rest of us muggles, single chunk of information—say, a wishbone formation lacking in magical ability, cannot simply siphon off memories into a basin to be or a nickel defense—and be able to remember it. If you do recalled at a later date. Either we transfer information from working memory to not know football, you will see only a field full of players, long-term memory, or we lose future access to it altogether. and you probably won’t be able to remember their positions when you look away. But even chunking cannot keep working memory from evenchunk tually filling up. Information that will be needed for longer periods must be transferred to A meaningful unit of information; it long-term memory, or it will be displaced by new information and, ultimately, leak out of may be composed of smaller units. the bucket. Particularly meaningful items may transfer quickly, but other information usually requires more processing—unless we do something to keep it in working memory for a while, as we will discuss below. Where does the working come from in “working memory”? The original three-box model used the phrase “short-term memory” instead and proposed that this second box functioned basically as a container for temporarily holding on to new information or information retrieved from long-term memory. But this view of a short-term holding cell of sorts did not account for the sense of effort we feel when trying to solve a problem. Does 2 × (3 + 5)/4 = 4? Solving that problem feels as though we are not simply holding on to information but also working with it, which is why psychologists today typically refer to a more complex working memory system. This system includes a temporary holding bin, but also a more active component that controls attention, focusing it on the information we need for the task at hand and warding off distracting information (Baddeley, 2007; Cowan, 2017; Ma et al., 2014). In solving the preceding algebra problem, your working memory must contain the numbers and instructions for operating on them and also carry out those operations and retain the intermediate results from each step. More generally, when information is transferred from the sensory register to working memory, it can be compared with information already contained in long-term memory; if it matches, the stimulus can be identified more easily. People who do well on tests of working memory tend to do well on intelligence tests and other tasks requiring complex cognition and the control of attention, such as following directions, taking notes, playing cards, estimating how much time has elapsed, perceiving road hazards while driving, and many other real-life tasks (Broadway & Engle, 2011; Wood et al., 2016). When they are engrossed in challenging activities that require their concentration and effort, they stay on task longer, and their minds are less likely than other people’s to wander (Kane et al., 2007). The ability to bring information from long-term memory into working memory is not disrupted in patients like H. M. They can do arithmetic, relate new developments to events that predate their injury, and do anything else that requires retrieval of information from long-term into working memory. Their problem is with the flow of information in the other direction, from working memory to long-term memory.

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Revisiting the Classics The Magical Number 7 (± 2) In 1956, George Miller published an article in the prestigious journal Psychological Review titled “The magical number seven, plus or minus two.” In it, as we referenced above, he proposed that human memory span is limited such that most people can remember only about seven items from a random list, give or take a couple. In the half-century since, this article has been cited by more than 30,000 subsequent scientific publications, a remarkable (and, some might say, magical in its own right) number. A critical thinker recognizes, however, that sheer popularity does not equal scientific rigor! Miller’s number 7 may be a magical and lucky one for many, but when it comes to memory capacity, does it hold up to research scrutiny? For several decades after Miller’s orig-

In recent years, researchers have tested Miller’s original assertion, finding estimates that range across studies (Cowan et al., 2008; Mathy & Feldman, 2012) but converge on the conclusion that the short-term capacity of mental storage seems to be closer to 4 ± 1 items (Cowan, 2001). Contemporary research has also made it clear that some people have greater working memory capacity than others (Xu et al., 2018). Miller’s magical number of 7 ± 2 has not necessarily stood the test of time, but evidence has supported his original conclusion that the number of items that working memory can handle at any one time is limited and is relatively small.

inal paper was published, many researchers cited its conclusions, but few actually conducted their own investigations on the matter (Cowan, 2015). Psychologists and others were quick to point to observations that seemed consistent with the conclusion—there’s good reason phone numbers are 7 digits long!—but they were much slower to actually test the matter. In fact, it turns out that Miller himself may not have collected much data on the question before writing his famous paper. In an interesting article published 59 years later in the very same journal, Courtesy of Sophia Sommers

Nelson Cowan (2015) shared details of his personal conversations with Miller, who passed away in 2012. Miller explained that he settled on the number 7 because it made for a compelling story. His own research had demonstrated that when people have to categorize stimuli (e.g., tones of different pitches, objects of different shapes), they can only effectively use between five and nine categories—that is, 7 ± 2. And thus, when giving the keynote conference address upon which his paper would be based, he figured it would work well to use the same 7 ± 2 number to quantify memory capacity. So he did, and so, as Miller (1989) himself jokingly wrote decades later, “that is how I came to own the number 7.”

Whereas many people consider the number 7 to be lucky, psychologists long considered 7 to be a magical number . . . at least, when it came to memory capacity.

8.2.C Long-Term Memory: Memory’s Storage System Learning Objective 8.2.C Describe the different forms of long-term memory, and explain the serial-position effect in transferring information from working memory to long-term memory. long-term memory In the three­box model of memory, the memory system involved in the storage of information over longer durations.

The third box in the three-box model of memory is long-term memory. The capacity of long-term memory seems to have fewer practical limits. The vast amount of information stored there enables us to learn, navigate our environments, and build a sense of identity and personal history. Because long-term memory contains so much information, it must be organized so that we can find the particular items we are looking for. One way to organize words (or the concepts they represent) is by the semantic categories to which they belong. Chair, for example, belongs to the category furniture. In a study done many years ago, people had to memorize 60 words that came from four semantic

ORGANIZATION IN LONG-TERM MEMORY

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categories: animals, vegetables, names, and professions. Figure 8.2 Part of a Semantic Network in Long-Term Memory The words were presented in random order, but when people were allowed to recall the items in any order they wished, they tended to recall them in clusters corresponding to the four categories (Bousfield, 1953). This finding has been replicated and extended many times (Morton & Polyn, 2016), and you likely have used similar categorization strategies when trying to remember lists in your own life. Evidence for the storage of information by semantic category also comes from cases of people with brain damage. In one such case, a patient known as M. D. appeared to have made a complete recovery after suffering several strokes, with one odd exception: He had trouble remembering the names of fruits and vegetables. M. D. could easily name a picture of an abacus or a sphinx, but he drew a blank when he saw a picture of an orange or a carrot. He could sort pictures of animals, vehicles, and other objects into their appropriate categories but did poorly with fruits and vegetables. On the other hand, when M. D. was given the names of fruits Many models of memory represent the contents of long-term semantic memory as and vegetables, he immediately pointed to the corre- an immense network of concepts and the relationships among them. This illustration sponding pictures (Hart et al., 1985). Apparently, M. D. shows part of such a network. still retained information about fruits and vegetables, but his brain lesion prevented him from using their names to get to the information when he needed it, unless someone else provided those names. This evidence suggests that information in memory about a particular concept (such as orange) is linked in some way to information about the concept’s semantic category (such as fruit). Indeed, many models of long-term memory represent its contents as a vast network of interrelated concepts and propositions (Collins & Loftus, 1975; Jackson et al., 2016). A small part of a semantic or conceptual network for bird might look something like Figure 8.2. The way people use these networks depends on experience and education. In rural Liberia, for example, one study showed that the more schooling children had, the more likely they were to use semantic categories in recalling object lists (Cole & Scribner, 1974). This finding makes sense because in school, children must memorize a lot of information in a short time, and semantic grouping can help. Children with less formal education, and therefore less need to memorize lists, did not cluster items in this study and did not recall them as well. But this does not mean that unschooled children have poor memories: When the task is one that is meaningful to them, such as recalling objects that were in a story or a village scene, they remember quite well (Mistry & Rogoff, 1994). We organize information in long-term memory not only by semantic groupings but also in terms of the way words sound or look. Have you ever tried to recall some name, phrase, or word that just escaped you? Nearly everyone experiences these tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) states, which occur across many languages and cultures; users of sign language call them “tip of the finger” states (Thompson et al., 2005). Scientists value them as a sort of slow-motion video of memory processes (Brown, 2012b; Cleary et al., 2020; Resnik et al., 2014). People in a TOT state tend to come Culture shapes the encoding, storage, and retrieval of information in up with words that resemble the right one in sound, meaning, or long-term memory. Navajo healers, who use stylized, symbolic sand form (e.g., number of syllables) before finally recalling the one paintings in their rituals, must commit to memory dozens of intricate they’re searching for, indicating that information in long-term mem- visual designs because no exact copies are made and the paintings are ory is organized in those terms (Brown & McNeill, 1966). For the destroyed after each ceremony.

238 Chapter 8 name Luisa they might say, “Wait, it starts with an L and has three syllables . . . Loretta? Larissa? . . .” Information in long-term memory may also be organized by its familiarity, relevance, or association with other information. The method used in any given instance probably depends on the nature of the memory; you would no doubt store information about the major cities of Europe differently from information about your first date with your current partner at that panini place up the street. To understand the organization of long-term memory, then, we must know what different kinds of information can be stored there.

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Figure 8.3 Types of Long-Term Memories

THE CONTENTS OF LONG-TERM MEMORY

Percentage of people recalling the item

Recall our earlier discussion of explicit and implicit memory. Most theories of memory distinguish between, on the one hand, explicit knowledge of facts and events, and, on the other hand, implicit This diagram summarizes the distinctions among different types of long-term memories. An knowledge of how to do something—tie a shoe, implicit memory might be how to perform an entire dance routine that you once saw in a ride a bike, knit a sweater, throw a baseball (see movie; an explicit memory might be knowing that Tampa is the third-most populous city Figure 8.3). in Florida. Can you come up with your own examples of each memory type? Explicit memory—which is sometimes also semantic memories referred to as declarative memory—comes in two Memories of general knowledge, varieties: semantic and episodic (Renoult & Rugg, 2020; Tulving, 1985). Semantic memories including facts, rules, concepts, and are internal representations of the world, independent of any particular context. They propositions. include facts, rules, and concepts—items of general knowledge. On the basis of your semantic memory of the concept cat, you can describe a cat as a small, furry mammal that typically episodic memories spends its time eating, sleeping, prowling, and staring into space. You can articulate this Memories of personally experienced even though a cat may not be present when you do so and even though you probably won’t events and the contexts in which they know how or when you first learned it. occurred. Episodic memories are internal representations of personally experienced events. In serial-position effect other words, memories of episodes. When you remember how your friend’s cat once surThe tendency for people to recall the prised you in the middle of the night by pouncing on you as you slept, you are retrieving an first and last items on a list better than episodic memory. Episodic memory allows us to travel not only backward in time, but also the items in the middle of the list. forward, to imagine possible future experiences (Devitt & Schacter, 2018; Schacter et al., 2015). We mine our episodic memories to construct scenarios Figure 8.4 The Serial-Position Effect of what might happen and then rehearse how we might behave. We discussed implicit memory—which is sometimes also referred to as nondeclarative memory—above. Examples include classical conditioning and Recency priming, as well as learning a range of motor tasks and procedures. Research effect Primacy effect has indicated that implicit and explicit memory rely on different brain circuitry (LeDoux & Lau, 2020; Rugg et al., 1998).

Beginning

End Position of the item in the list

When people try to recall a list of similar items immediately after learning it, they tend to remember the first and last items best and the ones in the middle worst.

FROM WORKING MEMORY TO LONG-TERM MEMORY: A PUZZLE The three-box model of memory is often invoked to explain a phenomenon called the serial-position effect. If you are shown a list of items and are then asked immediately to recall them, your recall will be best for items at the beginning of the list (the primacy effect) and at the end of the list (the recency effect); the items in the middle of the list will tend to fade away (Bhatarah et al., 2008; Hurlstone & Hitch, 2018; Overstreet et al., 2017). If we plot the results, we see a U-shaped curve, as shown in Figure 8.4. One example of a serial-position effect might be meeting a lot of people at a party and finding that you can recall the names of the first few and the last few, but almost none in between.

Memory

Primacy and recency effects seem to occur for different reasons. Primacy effects happen because the first few items in a list are rehearsed many times and so are likely to make it to long-term memory and remain memorable (we will discuss the effects of memory rehearsal in more detail in a later section). Recency effects, on the other hand, occur because at the time of recall, they are plucked out of working memory, where they are still sitting. The items in the middle of a list are not so well retained because by the time they get into working memory, it is already crowded with the first few items. As a result, middle items often fade away before they can be stored for the long term. Indeed, a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study found that recognition memory for words early in a list activated areas in the hippocampus associated with retrieval from long-term memory, but recognition for words that came near the end of the list did not (Talmi et al., 2005).

Replication Check ✔ A recent replication demonstrates the robustness of the serial-position effect. In 2018, Rolf Zwaan and colleagues in the Netherlands recruited 240 participants to study 8 lists of 20 words each. The word lists were presented in random order on a computer screen after which participants were asked to recall as many as they could within 60 seconds. Which words were recalled most readily? Those presented in the 1st, 2nd, 18th, 19th, and 20th positions of the 20-word lists (Zwaan et al., 2018).

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JOURNAL 8.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Think of this concept: book. With that notion in mind, give an example of an implicit, semantic, and episodic memory related to that concept. Then indicate three terms that would be close to that concept in a semantic network in long-term memory and three terms that would be farther away from that concept but still in the same network, and explain why those near and far terms are still somewhat connected in your semantic network.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 8.2 to test your knowledge.

8.3 The Biology of Memory One way to discuss memory is in terms of information processing. But as the case of H. M. illustrates, memory is also dependent on specific structures, systems, and processes in the brain. What, exactly, is happening in the brain during memory-related information processing? For a preview of the answers, please visit Revel to watch a video on this topic.

8.3.A Changes in Neurons and Synapses Learning Objective 8.3.A Outline the process of long-term potentiation in the formation of memories. Forming a memory involves chemical and structural changes at the level of synapses, and these changes differ for working memory and long-term memory. In working memory, changes within neurons temporarily alter their ability to release neurotransmitters, the chemicals that carry messages from one cell to another. Evidence of this fact comes from studies with sea snails, sea slugs, and other organisms that have small numbers of easily identifiable neurons (Kandel, 2001; Sweatt, 2016). These primitive animals can be taught simple conditioned responses, such as withdrawing or not withdrawing parts of their bodies in response to touch. When the animal retains the skill for only the short term, the neurons involved temporarily show an increase or decrease in readiness to release neurotransmitter molecules into a synapse.

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long-term potentiation A long­lasting increase in the strength of synaptic responsiveness, thought to be a biological mechanism of long­term memory.

consolidation The process by which a long­term memory becomes durable and stable.

In contrast, long-term memory involves lasting structural changes in the brain. To mimic what they think happens during the formation of a long-term memory, researchers apply brief, high-frequency electrical stimulation to groups of neurons in the brains of animals or to brain cells in a laboratory culture. In various brain regions, especially the hippocampus, this stimulation increases the strength of synaptic responsiveness, a phenomenon known as long-term potentiation (Bliss & Collingridge, 1993; Dong et al., 2020; Whitlock et al., 2006). Certain receiving neurons become more responsive to transmitting neurons, making synaptic pathways more excitable. Long-term potentiation probably underlies many forms of learning and memory. Both calcium and the neurotransmitter glutamate seem to play a key role in this process, causing receiving neurons in the hippocampus to become more receptive to the next signal that comes along (Lisman et al., 2012). It is a little like increasing the diameter of a funnel’s neck to permit more liquid to flow through it. In addition, during long-term potentiation, dendrites grow and branch out, and certain types of synapses increase in number (Bosch et al., 2014; Greenough, 1984). At the same time, in another process, some neurons become less responsive than they were previously (Bolshakov & Siegelbaum, 1994). Most of these changes take time, which probably explains why long-term memories remain vulnerable to disruption for a while after they are stored—why a blow to the head may disrupt newer memories even though older ones are unaffected. Memories must undergo a period of consolidation before they “solidify.” Consolidation can continue for weeks in many animals and for several years in human beings. And memories probably never completely solidify. The very act of remembering previously stored memories can make them unstable again. A new round of consolidation often then sweeps up new information into the old memory, remolding it (Dumay, 2016). Sleep plays an important role in ensuring consolidation of new information (Boyce et al., 2016; Scullin et al., 2019; Seibold et al., 2018), which is just one of many reasons pulling an all-nighter to study before an exam may cause you more problems than it actually solves. In Revel, watch a video about the neuroscience of memory to learn more.

8.3.B Where Memories Are Made Learning Objective 8.3.B Evaluate the evidence that memories are not stored in any one part of the brain. Scientists have used electrodes, brain-scan technology, and other techniques to identify the brain structures involved in the formation and storage of specific types of memories. The amygdala is involved in the formation, consolidation, and retrieval of memories of emotionally arousing events (Buchanan, 2007; Girardeau et al., 2017). Areas in the frontal and parietal lobes of the brain are especially active during working-memory tasks (Constantinidis, 2016; Mitchell & Johnson, 2009). The frontal lobes and areas adjacent to the hippocampus in the temporal lobe are also important for the efficient encoding of pictures and words (Takashima et al., 2017). But the hippocampus plays the starring role in many aspects of memory (Rolls, 2022). It is critical to the formation of long-term explicit memories. As we have seen in the case of H. M., damage to this structure can cause amnesia for new facts and events. The hippocampus is also critical in recalling past experiences (Mack & Preston, 2016; Pastalkova et al., 2008) and even the more general ability to perceive the passage of time (Sabariego et al., 2021). For example, one team of researchers has identified how neurons in the hippocampus may become involved in specific memories. They implanted electrodes into the brains of people about to undergo surgery for severe epilepsy. (This is standard procedure because it enables doctors to pinpoint the location of the brain activity causing the seizures.) As the patients were being prepped, they watched a series of 5- to 10-second film clips of TV shows or of animals and landmarks. The researchers recorded which neurons in the hippocampus were firing; for each patient, particular neurons became highly active during particular videos and responded

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only weakly to others. After a few minutes, the patients were Figure 8.5 H. M.’s Mirror Tracing Task asked to recall what they had seen. They remembered almost all of the clips, and as they recalled each one, the very neurons that had been active when they first saw it were reignited (Gelbard-Sagiv et al., 2008). The formation and retention of implicit memories seem to involve other brain structures. For example, in work with rabbits, Richard Thompson (1983, 1986) showed that classical conditioning, such as a rabbit’s eyeblink in response to a tone, depends on activity in the cerebellum. Human patients with damage to the cerebellum are incapable of this type of conditioning (Daum & Schugens, 1996). Another kind of implicit memory task, which 30 involves learning a sequence of button presses, depends on 28 activity in a different brain area called the striatum (Rieckmann, 26 et al., 2010). 24 That explicit and implicit memories rely on different brain 22 areas could explain a curious finding about patients like H. M. 20 Despite their inability to form new declarative memories, with 18 sufficient practice such patients can acquire new procedural mem16 ories that enable them to solve a puzzle, read mirror-reversed words, or play tennis—even though they do not recall the train14 ing sessions in which they learned these skills. Apparently, the 12 parts of the brain involved in acquiring new procedural memo10 ries have remained intact. 8 Consider what happened when researchers asked H. M. to 6 practice a new task: mirror tracing. It’s very difficult to trace a 4 shape when you can only see it (as well as your hand and pencil) 2 in a mirror; right becomes left and left becomes right. The top half 0 of Figure 8.5 shows the star that H. M. was asked to trace; the bot0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 tom half tracks his progress across 3 days of practice at the task. Trial Number As you can see, H. M. starts off making a fair number of errors— Day2 Day3 Day1 close to 30—on Day 1, though he improves a bit over time, much as any of us might. By Day 3, even his initial effort produces only The top half of this figure shows the star that H. M. was asked to trace a few errors; he has clearly gotten much better at the task with while looking at it in a mirror. The bottom half shows his performance over practice (Milner, 1962). The brain areas involved in implicit mem- time with the task. As the graph details, H. M. makes fewer errors on the ory were spared in H. M., so his performance was able to improve task the more he practices it, much like you (or we) would. But without a with practice. However, he found himself surprised by this good hippocampus, and hence the ability to remember having practiced the task performance on Day 3. Why? Because the removal of his hippo- before, this improvement came as a big surprise to H. M., who couldn’t figure out why he seemed to be so good at something that seemed like it campus left him with no recollection of having practiced the task would be difficult to do for the first time. on Days 1 and 2. In fact, after his last testing session, he exclaimed, Adapted from Milner (1962) “Well, this is strange. I thought that would be difficult, but it seems as though I’ve done it quite well” (Corkin, 2013, p. 155). The brain circuits that take part in the formation and retrieval of long-term memories are not the same as those involved in long-term storage of those memories, however. Although the hippocampus is vital for the formation and retrieval of memories, the storage of memories eventually becomes the responsibility of the cerebral cortex (Battaglia et al., 2011; Cavalcante et al., 2017). In fact, memories may be stored in the same cortical areas that were involved in the original perception and processing of the information. When people remember pictures, visual parts of the brain become active; when people remember sounds, auditory areas become active (Brady et al., 2019; Nyberg et al., 2000; Thompson & Kosslyn, 2000). The typical “memory” is a complex cluster of information. When you recall meeting someone yesterday, you remember their tone of voice, what they were wearing, what kind

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Figure 8.6 Brain Areas Involved in Memory Frontal lobe

Cerebral cortex

Parietal cortex

Hippocampus Amygdala

Cerebellum

Different parts of the brain are involved in different aspects of memory. Structures deep within the brain (such as the hippocampus and amygdala) play an important role in encoding long-term explicit memories. Forming and storing a memory relies on many intertwined processes.

of car they were driving, and more. Even a single concept, such as cactus, includes a lot of information about its color, its location, and how prickly it is. These different pieces of information are processed separately and stored at different locations distributed across areas of the brain, with all these sites contributing to the representation of the event or concept as a whole (see Figure 8.6). The hippocampus may somehow bind together the diverse aspects of a memory so that even though these aspects are stored in different cortical sites, the memory can later be retrieved as one coherent entity (Moscovitch et al., 2016; Squire & Zola-Morgan, 1991). Table 8.1 summarizes the structures that we have discussed and some of the memory-related functions associated with them. But we have given you just a few small bites from the smorgasbord of research findings now available. Neuroscientists hope that someday they will be able to describe the entire stream of events in the brain that occur from the moment you say to yourself “I must remember this” to the moment you actually do remember—or find that you can’t. No simple summary of brain areas associated with memory can do this complex topic justice. What follows are just a few of the areas and functions that have been studied.

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Table 8.1 Memory and the Brain Brain Area

Associated Memory Function

Amygdala

Formation, consolidation, and retrieval of emotional memories

Frontal and parietal lobes

Working-memory tasks

Frontal and temporal lobes

Efficient encoding of words and pictures

Hippocampus

Formation of long-term explicit memories; aids in the retrieval of specific memories; may bind together diverse elements of a memory to be retrieved later as a coherent entity

Cerebellum

Formation and retention of simple classically conditioned responses

Cerebral cortex

Storage of long-term memories, possibly in areas involved in the original perception of the information

8.3.C Hormones, Emotion, and Memory

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Learning Objective 8.3.C Summarize the evidence that memory can be influenced by emotion and hormonal levels.

Years ago, before the smartphone era, a photographer who wanted to illuminate a subject would have used an attached flashbulb like the one above. When taking a photo, the bright bulb would go off, thus enabling the camera to capture an image exactly as it appeared at that moment in time. The name of the concept “flashbulb memory” borrows language from this old process of photography, but as detailed in this section, memory does not capture a perfect image the way a camera can.

Some shocking or tragic events—such as natural disasters and mass-casualty crimes—hold a special place in memory. So do some unusual, exhilaratingly happy events, such as learning that you just won the lottery. Years ago, these vivid recollections of where, when, and how we learned about emotional events were labeled flashbulb memories to capture the illumination and seemingly photographic detail characterizing them (Brown & Kulik, 1977). Some so-called flashbulb memories can last for years: In one Danish study, people who had lived through the Nazi occupation of their country in World War II retained for decades accurate memories of the day the radio announced liberation (Berntsen & Thomsen, 2005). And recall that our opening questions in this chapter revealed that more readers recalled what they were doing when they heard that their school was closing in the spring of 2020 because of the COVID-19 pandemic than what they had been doing the (unemotional) week before.

Memory

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J. F. K. assassination (1963)

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

Robb Elementary School shooting, Uvalde, Texas (2022)

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Flashbulb Memories

World Trade Center attack (2001)

College move-in-day

Events can produce memories with the characteristics of flashbulbs—vivid, emotion-laden images—if they have significant national or personal consequences, such as an extraordinary national event or a student’s first day of college (Talarico, 2009; Tinti et al., 2009).

That said, even flashbulb memories are not always accurate. People typically remember the gist of a startling, emotional event, but when researchers question them over time, errors creep into their memories (Neisser & Harsch, 1992; Talarico et al., 2019). Just 1 day after the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, researchers asked college students when they had first heard the news, who had told them, and what they had been doing at the time. They also asked the students to report details about a mundane event from the days immediately before the attacks to allow a comparison of ordinary memories with flashbulb ones. The students were retested at various intervals over the course of 8 months. Over that time, the vividness of the flashbulb memories and the students’ confidence in these memories remained higher than they were for the everyday memories. This confidence was misplaced, however. The details the students reported became less and less consistent over time and equally inconsistent for both types of memories (Hirst et al., 2015; Talarico & Rubin, 2003). Why do we tend to remember emotionally arousing events more clearly than unarousing ones? During arousal and stress, the adrenal glands release hormones, including epinephrine (adrenaline) and norepinephrine, that can enhance memory (a process that arises from, in part, communication between the amygdala and hippocampus). If you give people a drug that blocks the effects of these hormones, they will remember less about emotional stories they heard than a control group will (Cahill et al., 1994). Conversely, if you give

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244 Chapter 8 animals norepinephrine right after learning, their memories will improve (McGaugh, 2015). The link between emotional arousal and memory makes evolutionary sense: Arousal tells the brain that a piece of information is important enough to encode and store for future use. However, extreme arousal is not necessarily a good thing for memory. When animals or people are given very high doses of stress hormones, their memory for learned tasks sometimes suffers instead of improving; a moderate dose seems optimal (Andreano & Cahill, 2006). Two psychologists demonstrated the perils of high stress and anxiety in a real-life setting: the Horror Labyrinth of the London Dungeon (Valentine & Mesout, 2009). The labyrinth is a maze of disorienting mirrored walls set in Gothic vaults. As visitors walk through it, they hear strange noises and screams, and various causes for alarm suddenly appear, including an actor dressed in a dark robe who appears to be scarred and bleeding. Volunteers wore a wireless heart-rate monitor as they walked through the labyrinth so their stress and anxiety levels could be recorded. The result was that the higher their stress and anxiety, the less able they were able to accurately describe or recognize the “scary person” later. The effects of stress and anxiety on memory do not matter much at an amusement attraction, but they can have serious consequences when crime victims, police officers, and combat soldiers must recall details of a highly stressful experience, such as a shootout or capture by an enemy. Even highly trained soldiers have great difficulty in correctly identifying their captors after a high-intensity interrogation (Morgan et al., 2007). The effects of extreme stress on memory—combined with the unintended effects of misleading suggestions, as we will discuss in a later section of this chapter—mean that investigators should be especially cautious about how they gather intelligence information from captured suspected criminals and terrorists (Loftus, 2011). Assuming that adrenal hormones do not become too high, how might these hormones enhance the storage of information in the brain? One possibility is that norepinephrine affects glutamate receptors on the surfaces of nerve cells, increasing the strength of incoming signals (Hu et al., 2007; Mather et al., 2016). Another is that adrenal hormones cause the level of glucose (a sugar) to rise in the bloodstream, and from there the glucose can readily enter the brain, where it may enhance memory directly or by altering the effects of neurotransmitters. Indeed, increasing the amount of glucose available to the brain can enhance memory both in aging rats and humans (Garcia et al., 2021; Macpherson et al., 2015; Mantantzis et al., 2018). Before you switch to a high-sugar diet in the effort to strengthen your own memory, though, you should know that the effective dose of glucose is narrow: too much can impair cognitive functioning instead of helping it. The “sweet memories” effect also depends on a range of factors (Smith et al., 2011), including your metabolism, what else you have eaten that day, and the level of glucose in your brain before you ingest more of it. When it comes to the biology of memory, we still have much to learn. No one knows yet exactly how the brain stores information, how different memory circuits link up with one another, or how a student is able to locate and retrieve information at the drop of a multiple-choice item.

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JOURNAL 8.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS On one hand, it makes intuitive sense that there should be a “memory center,” just as there are other identifiable brain structures with well-defined properties. On the other hand, what risks would there be if memories were stored in such a center? In other words, from evolutionary, biological, and developmental perspectives, why would it be a bad idea if memories were all stored in a single location in the brain?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 8.3 to test your knowledge.

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Joshua Foer is a journalist who, by his own description, has an average memory. He sometimes forgets where he parks his car; he doesn’t always remember birthdays. Yet he is also a past champion of the USA Memory Competition. That’s right: the national championships of memory, an event Foer once won by memorizing the sequence of an entire deck of 52 playing cards in 1 minute and 40 seconds, setting a record at that time. (Alas, in an international competition today, Foer would have a lot of catching up to do: the world record is under 13 seconds!) How does someone with an average memory become an elite “memory athlete”? Practice. And the right strategies. As detailed in his fascinating book, Moonwalking with Einstein, Foer (2011) discovered memory competitions while writing an article. He was surprised to learn that there seemed to be nothing exceptional about those who competed in the event. In fact, one team of researchers published a study of top performers from the World Memory Championships. The researchers examined the brain anatomy and cognitive abilities of the “memory athletes,” and they found no major differences between them and the individuals in a control group. The only difference reported in the study was revealed by fMRI scans indicating that when elite performers were memorizing information, there was greater blood flow in the medial parietal cortex and right posterior hippocampus, brain regions typically associated with spatial memory and navigation Joshua Foer, author of Moonwalking with (Maguire et al., 2003). The reason: Most elite competitors relied on a strategy known as Einstein and self-made champion “memory the “memory palace,” in which they imagined themselves walking a route and encoun- athlete.” As you read this chapter, ask yourself what strategies you can use to improve tering the to-be-remembered items along the way. They then retraced their mental steps your own memory performance. when asked to recall the items. Joshua Foer practiced for a year, refining his ability to use the memory palace strategy. By the time he won the national title, he had developed a personal system in which he quickly translated every three cards he looked at into a particular, idiosyncratic image he visualized along his mental route. Three of clubs, seven of diamonds, jack of spades? The Incredible Hulk wearing oversized earrings while riding a stationary bike. (Why was the Hulk the three of clubs? You’d have to ask Foer. He doesn’t reveal all his secrets in the book.) Four of spades, king of hearts, three of diamonds? In Foer’s mental system, an image of himself moonwalking with Einstein. And so forth. Of course, most of us have no need to memorize the sequence of an entire deck of playing cards in a minute or two. But Foer’s exploits demonstrate that when it comes to memory, the how is just as important as the where and the who. All of us—whether studying for an exam, memorizing a grocery list, or trying to remember the driving directions a helpful stranger just gave us—can improve memory performance via the right techniques and strategies.

8.4.A Encoding, Rehearsal, and Retrieval Learning Objective 8.4.A Describe and give examples of major memory retention strategies. The memory palace is an example of a mnemonic [neh-MON-ik], a formal strategy or trick for improving memory. (Mnemosyne, pronounced neh-MOZ-eh-nee, was the ancient Greek goddess of memory.) Some mnemonics take the form of easily memorized rhymes (e.g., “Thirty days hath September/April, June, and November”). Others use formulas, sentences, or acronyms (e.g., “Every Good Boy Does Fine” for remembering which notes are on the lines of the treble clef in musical notation). Still others use visual images or word associations. Mnemonics may also permit chunking, which is why many companies use words for their phone numbers instead of less memorable numbers (e.g., 1-800-FLOWERS). In various ways, mnemonics can facilitate the processes of encoding, storing, and retrieving information.

mnemonics Strategies and tricks for improving memory, such as the use of a verse or an easy­to­remember sentence.

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8.4 How We Remember

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Pay Attention!

See bottom of the page for the answer.

It seems obvious, but often we fail to remember because we never encoded the information in the first place. If you live in the United States, you have seen what seems like zillions of pennies, yet you probably had trouble recognizing the real one here because you have never paid close attention to and encoded the details of its design (Nickerson & Adams, 1979). If you do not live in the United States, try drawing the front of one of the most common coins where you live and then check to see how well you did. Again, you’re likely to have trouble remembering all the details.

Our memories are not exact replicas of our experiences; memory does not function like a video camera. Sensory information is summarized and encoded as words or images almost as soon as it is detected. When you hear a lecture, you may hang on every word (we professors hope you do), but you do not memorize those words verbatim. You extract the main points and encode them. To remember information well, you have to encode it accurately in the first place. Sometimes, accurate encoding takes place automatically, without effort. Think about where you usually sit in your psychology class. You can probably provide this information easily, even though you never made a deliberate effort to encode it. But many kinds of information require effortful encoding: the plot of a novel, the procedures for assembling a cabinet, the arguments for and against a proposed law. To retain such information, you might have to select the main points, label concepts, or associate the information with personal experiences or other material you already know. Experienced students know that most of the information in a college course requires effortful encoding, otherwise known as studying. The mind does not gobble up information automatically; you must make the material digestible.

EFFECTIVE ENCODING

An important technique for keeping information in working memory and increasing the chances of long-term retention is rehearsal, the review or repetition of material while you are learning it. When people are prevented from rehearsing, the contents of their working memories quickly fade (Lilienthal et al., 2016; Peterson & Peterson, 1959). You are taking advantage of rehearsal when you look up a phone number and then repeat it over and over to keep it in working memory until you no longer need it. And when you can’t remember a phone number because your phone always remembers it for you, you are learning what happens when you don’t rehearse! Working memory holds many kinds of information, including visual information and abstract meanings. But most hearing people seem to favor speech for encoding and rehearsing the contents of working memory. The speech may be spoken aloud or to oneself. When people make errors on memory tests that use letters or words, they often confuse items that sound the same or similar, such as d and t, or bear and bare. These errors suggest that they have been rehearsing verbally. Some strategies for rehearsing are more effective than others. Maintenance rehearsal involves merely the rote repetition of material. This kind of rehearsal is fine for keeping information in working memory—for example, remembering the four items that you need to find at the grocery store—but it will not always lead to long-term retention. A better strategy if you want to remember for the long haul is elaborative rehearsal (Bartsch et al., 2018; Benjamin & Bjork, 2000; Craik & Lockhart, 1972). Elaboration involves associating new items of information with material that has already been stored; it can also involve analyzing the physical, sensory, and/or semantic features of an item. For example, rather than simply repeating the names of the four grocery items you want to buy—soup, fresh bread, milk, ice cream—you could think about your plans to prepare a hot dinner and cold dessert as a way to keep these items in mind. Elaboration might not seem that important for REHEARSAL

Rote repetition of material in order to maintain its availability in memory.

elaborative rehearsal Association of new information with already stored knowledge and deeper analysis to make it memorable.

Answer: The correct answer to our penny test is penny A.

maintenance rehearsal

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a short grocery list like this, but it can be particularly useful when trying to remember more complicated or longer sets of information. Suppose that you are studying the concept of working memory. Simply memorizing the definition is unlikely to help much. But if you can elaborate on the concept, you are more likely to remember it. The word “working” should remind you that working memory is involved in tasks that require effort and attention, and effort and attention bring clear memory benefits. Many students try to pare down what they are learning to the bare essentials, but knowing more details about something makes it more memorable; that is what elaboration means. When actors learn a script, they do not rely on maintenance rehearsal alone. They A related strategy for prolonging retention is also use elaborative rehearsal, analyzing the meaning of their lines and associatdeep processing, or the processing of meaning (Craik & ing their lines with imagined information about the character they are playing. Lockhart, 1972; Rose et al., 2015). If you process only the physical or sensory features of a stimulus, such as how the word hypothalamus is spelled and how it sounds, your processing will be shallow. If you recognize patterns and assign deep processing labels to objects or events (“Hypo means ‘below,’ so the hypothalamus must be below the In the encoding of information, the thalamus”), your processing will be somewhat deeper. If you fully analyze the meaning of processing of meaning rather than what you are trying to remember (perhaps by encoding the functions and importance of the simply the physical or sensory features hypothalamus), your processing will be deeper yet. Shallow processing is sometimes useful; of a stimulus. when you memorize a poem, for instance, you will want to pay attention to the sounds of the words and the patterns of rhythm in the poem and not just the poem’s meaning. Usually, though, deep processing is more effective when it comes to memory. That is why, if you try to memorize information that has little or no meaning for you, the information often does not stick.

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RETRIEVAL PRACTICE Many students think that the best way to remember course material is simply to study it once thoroughly, or maybe twice, so they can retrieve the correct answers on an exam. Unfortunately, within just a few weeks or months after the exam, some of those answers will have vanished like steam on a mirror once the bathroom door is opened. Retrieval practice, the repeated retrieval of an item of information from memory, is necessary if Figure 8.7 Effects of Retrieval Practice on Predicted and Actual a memory is to undergo consolidation and remain avail- Memory Performance able for a long time. And after all, that’s the real goal of Predicted Recall Actual Recall learning. 5.0 In one study, researchers gave students in three dif0.7 4.8 ferent conditions a series of educational texts to read 0.6 4.6 (Roediger & Karpicke, 2006). One group was given four separate study periods to read the text (the SSSS con4.4 0.5 dition, one S for each study period). A second group, 4.2 0.4 labeled SSSR, was given three study periods followed 4.0 by one retrieval period in which they were asked to 0.3 3.8 write down as many ideas from the text as they could 3.6 0.2 remember. The third group, SRRR, had an initial study SSSS SSSR SRRR SSSS SSSR SRRR period and then went through three separate retrieval periods. Roediger and Karpicke (2006) examined how retrieval practice influenced When the students were asked to predict how well participants’ predictions about how good their memory would be, as well as how they would remember the material in the future, the more it affected their actual memory performance. The SSSS condition gave participants four separate study sessions for the material. The SSSR condition consisted of three time they had spent reading and studying the material, study sessions and one retrieval session. Participants in the SRRR condition had the better they believed they had learned it. As depicted in an initial study period followed by three separate retrieval practice periods. As the the left-hand side of Figure 8.7, students in the SSSS condi- graph indicates, what we think will influence our memory is not always the same tion were the most confident in their future performance, as what actually influences our memory.

248 Chapter 8 followed by the SSSR and then SRRR conditions. However, as the right side of the figure shows, actual recall came out in precisely the opposite pattern of results. Those students who had four study periods and no retrieval periods had the weakest memory; the more retrieval practice students had, the better they remembered the original text. How can you capitalize on the beneficial effects of retrieval practice in your own life as a student? One way is to take short quizzes after you have learned material but before the big exam (which is why each section and chapter of this text ends with multiple-choice questions). In a series of experiments involving foreign language words, after a student had learned a word it was (1) repeatedly studied but not included in further testing, or (2) repeatedly tested but not included in further studying, or (3) not included in further studying or testing. Once again, to the surprise of the students, studying after learning had little effect on their subsequent ability to recall the foreign words. But repeated testing, which caused them to repeatedly retrieve the words from memory, had a big benefit (Karpicke, 2012; Karpicke & Roediger, 2008). Students may not realize that repeated testing is even more beneficial than repeated studying—they certainly may not enjoy frequent tests! But the research indicates that when your professors (and text authors) keep quizzing you, it’s often for your own good.

Taking Psychology with You Making Memory Work for You wrong: Memory does not work like a video camera. Being in a high-stress situation does not “burn in” a memory or leave us with an even more accurate recollection than usual. Passive re-reading is not the best way to improve your memory before an exam. As a student, you can take this newfound understanding of memory with you in a variety of productive ways. Indeed, this chapter is full of concrete tips for boosting academic performance. Perhaps the most applicable one is the power of repeated testing. Most students don’t relish the thought of subjecting themselves to more tests than they absolutely have to, but now you know that repeated recall efforts pay off even more so than repeated study sessions. So, take the end-of-section quizzes provided by your texts and professors. But also make up your own questions to quiz your study partners (or quiz yourself). The more you force yourself to retrieve information, the better you will retain it. Don’t underestimate the power of mnemonics. If ROY G BIV can help the younger you remember the colors of the rainbow, then similar techniques can help with your current coursework. Can you devise a mnemonic or two to help you remember concepts from this chapter? Avoid cramming. There are plenty of reasons to be skeptical of that college tradition, the “all-nighter” (we address some of them in Chapter 6, which is devoted to sleep). But one clear reason to avoid last-minute cramming is that we remember material better when we space out studying and testing efforts (Dunlosky et al., 2013). Anything you can do to incorporate more distributed practice into your routine—perhaps literally scheduling studying and self-testing

sessions on your calendar throughout the weeks leading up to an exam—has the potential to promote better memory and classroom performance. And this chapter isn’t even over yet! So as you read on, ask yourself how you might strategize to avoid the memory perils of decay, replacement, interference, and cue-dependent forgetting. OK, so maybe you don’t have plans to compete in a national memory competition. But there are still numerous strategies available to help you improve your abilities to encode, store, and retrieve information for academic purposes and across a variety of different life situations.

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Many common-sense assumptions about memory turn out to be

Despite its popularity, research suggests that highlighting isn’t all that effective a strategy for learning and retaining information (Miyatsu et al., 2018). Given what you have learned about the importance of elaborative rehearsal, can you explain why not?

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JOURNAL 8.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS One way to improve your study skills is to practice deep processing of information. Rather than memorizing a definition of a term from the margin of your text, challenge yourself to think of a novel example of the term. Generating examples requires more effort on your part—you have to think more about the information—which should lead to better retention. Can you think of two other techniques you might use in your own studying, and describe why they would lead to deep processing?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 8.4 to test your knowledge.

8.5 Why We Forget Paul Austring/Design Pics Inc/Alamy Stock Photo

It would seem that someone who followed the advice so far in this chapter would have a hard time forgetting things. Encoding information efficiently, practicing deep processing, relying on rehearsal strategies, and so on, should make memories resistant to fading. Many of our memories are quite accurate (Diamond et al., 2020), and many people have excellent memories, which is often a real advantage in life. But as it turns out, forgetting is also adaptive: We need to forget some things if we wish to remember everything else efficiently (Kuhl et al., 2007; Popov et al., 2019). Piling up facts without distinguishing the important from the trivial is confusing and leads to mental overload. Nonetheless, most of us forget more than we want to. Let’s take a look at some of the reasons information gets lost over time by focusing on the major explanations for forgetting.

8.5.A Mechanisms of Forgetting Learning Objective 8.5.A Summarize the processes of decay, replacement, interference, and cue-dependent forgetting.

Forgetting can be a good thing, allowing us

In the early days of psychology, in an effort to measure pure memory loss independent of to do a better job of remembering other, more personal experience, Hermann Ebbinghaus (1885/1913) conducted a unique set of research important information. But it can also be disastrous, as when surgical teams forget to remove studies over the course of several years. We say unique because these studies consisted of all instruments at the end of an operation or a single participant: Ebbinghaus himself. Ebbinghaus memorized long lists of nonsense adults accidentally leave a child strapped into syllables—such as bok, waf, and ged—and then tested his retention over a period of weeks. the car seat of an unattended parked car on a Why nonsense syllables? Because they would be free from any previously developed hot day. Recently, memory gaps have posed a associations, permitting a pure test of new learning and memory. Ebbinghaus found that challenge for public health contact tracing, as most of his forgetting occurred soon after the initial learning and then leveled off (see individuals who test positive for COVID-19 are asked to share all the places they went and Figure 8.8a), a finding often referred to as the forgetting curve. Generations of psycholpeople they crossed paths with while contaogists have since adopted Ebbinghaus’s method of studying memory and forgetting gious with the virus (Garry et al., 2021). In this (though most of them have used other people as participants!). But when you think about section, we explore multiple explanations for it, Ebbinghaus’s method did not tell us much about the kinds of memories that people forgetting. care about most—memories for real events and not just nonsense syllables. A century later, Marigold Linton decided to do just that: to find out how people forget real events. And like Ebbinghaus, she made the unconventional decision to use herself as a subject, but she charted the curve of forgetting over years rather than days. Every day for 12 years she recorded on a 4 × 6–inch card two or more things that had happened to her that day. Eventually, she accumulated a catalog of thousands of discrete events, both trivial (“I have dinner at the Canton Kitchen: delicious lobster dish”) and significant (“I land at Orly Airport in Paris”). Once a month, she took a random sampling of all the cards accumulated to that point, noted whether she could remember the events on them, and tried to date the events. Linton (1978) expected the kind of rapid forgetting reported by Ebbinghaus. Instead, as you can see in Figure 8.8b, she found that long-term forgetting for autobiographical events was slower and proceeded at a much more constant pace, as details more gradually dropped out of her memories. Of course, some events, especially those that mark important transitions, are more memorable than others. But why did Marigold Linton, like the rest of us, forget so many details from

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Figure 8.8 Two Kinds of Forgetting Curves

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Hermann Ebbinghaus, who tested his own memory for nonsense syllables, found that his forgetting was rapid at first and then tapered off (a). In contrast, when Marigold Linton tested her own memory for personal events over a period of several years, her retention was excellent at first, but then it fell off at a gradual but steady rate (b). Adapted from Ebbinghaus (1885/1913); Linton (1978)

the events in her life? Psychologists have proposed four mechanisms to account for forgetting: decay, replacement of old memories by new ones, interference, and cue-dependent forgetting. decay theory The idea that information in memory eventually disappears if it is not accessed.

One commonsense view, decay theory, holds that memories simply fade with time if they are not accessed now and then. We have already seen that decay occurs in sensory memory and that it occurs in working memory as well unless we keep rehearsing material. However, the mere passage of time does not account so well for forgetting in long-term memory. People commonly forget things that happened only yesterday while remembering events from many years ago. Indeed, some memories, both explicit and implicit, can last a lifetime. If you learned to swim as a child, you will still know how to swim at age 30, even if you have not been in a pool for 22 years. (And you’re likely familiar with the phrase “It’s just like riding a bike,” used to refer to other abilities that are retained over time even without much practice.) As teachers ourselves, it gratifies us to report that some school lessons have great staying power too. In one study, people did well on a Spanish test some 50 years after taking Spanish in high school, even though most had hardly used Spanish at all in the intervening decades (Bahrick, 1984). Decay alone cannot entirely explain lapses in long-term (or, for that matter, working) memory (Souza & Oberauer, 2015).

DECAY

Another theory holds that new information entering memory can wipe out old information, just as writing over the contents of a hard drive will delete the original material. In one study, researchers showed people slides of a traffic accident and used leading questions to get them to think that they had seen a stop sign when they had really seen a yield sign (e.g., “Did another car pass the red Datsun when it was stopped at the stop sign?”) or vice versa (visit Revel to see a video on this topic). People in a control group were not misled in this way and were able to identify the sign they had actually seen. Later, all the participants were told the purpose of the study and were asked to guess whether or not they had been misled. Almost all of those who had been misled

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

REPLACEMENT

Motor skills, which are stored as implicit memories, can last a lifetime without decaying.

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continued to insist that they had really, truly seen the sign whose existence had been planted in their minds by the leading questions (Loftus et al., 1978). The researchers concluded that the participants had not just been trying to please them and that people’s original perceptions had been overwritten by the misleading information. INTERFERENCE A third theory holds that forgetting occurs because similar items of informa-

tion interfere with each other in either storage or retrieval; the information may get into memory and stay there, but it becomes confused with other information. Such interference, which occurs in both working and long-term memory, is especially common when you have to recall isolated facts such as names, addresses, passwords, and ZIP Codes (Farrell et al., 2016; Yim et al., 2022). Suppose you are at a party and you meet someone named Julie. A little later you meet someone named Judy. You go on to talk to other people, and after an hour, you again bump into Julie, but by mistake you call her Judy. The second name has interfered with the first. As you can see in Figure 8.9, this type of interference, in which new information interferes with the ability to remember old information, is called retroactive interference. Because new information is constantly entering memory, we are all vulnerable to the effects of retroactive interference, or at least most of us are. H. M. was an exception; his memories of childhood and adolescence were unusually detailed, clear, and unchanging. H. M. could remember actors who were famous when he was a child, the films they were in, and who their costars had been. He also knew the names of friends from the second grade. Presumably, these early explicit memories were not subject to interference from memories acquired after the operation, for the simple reason that H. M. had not acquired any new memories. Interference also works in the opposite direction. Old information (such as the foreign language you learned in high school) may interfere with the ability to remember current information (such as the new language you are trying to learn now). As illustrated in Figure 8.10, this is called proactive interference. Over a period of weeks, months, and years, proactive interference may cause more forgetting than retroactive interference does because we have stored up so much information that can potentially interfere with anything new. CUE-DEPENDENT FORGETTING When we need to remember, we often rely on retrieval cues, details that can help us find the specific information we’re looking for. If you are trying to remember the name of an actor you saw in an old film, it might help to know the first letter of the name or the movie title. When we lack retrieval cues, we may feel as if we are lost in the mind’s library. In long-term memory, this type of memory failure, called cue-dependent forgetting, may be the most common type. Cues that were present when you learned a new fact or had an experience are apt to be especially useful later as retrieval aids (Doss et al., 2018; Hanczakowski et al., 2014).

The information you learned second (Judy’s name) interfered with your ability to recall the information you learned first (Julie’s name).

Forgetting that occurs when recently learned material interferes with the ability to remember similar material stored previously.

proactive interference Forgetting that occurs when previously stored material interferes with the ability to remember similar, more recently learned material.

cue-dependent forgetting The inability to retrieve information stored in memory because of insufficient cues for recall.

Figure 8.10 Proactive Interference Interactive

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Figure 8.9 Retroactive Interference

retroactive interference

The previous information stored in your memory (Julie’s name) interferes with your ability to recall the newly acquired information (Judy’s name).

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state-dependent memory The tendency to remember something when in the same physical or mental state as during the original learning or experience.

mood-congruent memory The tendency to remember experiences that are consistent with one’s current mood and overlook or forget experiences that are not.

childhood amnesia

8.5.B Childhood Amnesia: The Missing Years Learning Objective 8.5.B Discuss the reasons childhood amnesia is likely to take place.

What About You? Do you have any memories of events that happened to you when you were younger than 2 years old?

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The inability to remember events and experiences that occurred during the first 2 or 3 years of life.

This may explain why remembering is often easier when you are in the same physical environment as you were when an event occurred. Ordinarily, this overlap helps us remember the past more accurately. But it may also help account for the eerie phenomenon of déjà vu, the fleeting sense of having been in exactly the same situation that you are in now (déjà vu means “already seen” in French). Some element in the present situation, familiar from some other context that you cannot identify—even a dream, a novel, or a movie—may make the entire situation seem so familiar that it feels like it happened before (Jersakova et al., 2016). In other words, déjà vu may be a kind of mistaken recognition memory. Similar feelings of familiarity can actually be produced in the laboratory. When something about newly presented words, shapes, or photographs resembles elements of stimuli seen previously, people report that the new items seem familiar even though they can’t recall why (Cleary, 2008). In everyday situations, your mental or physical state may act as a retrieval cue, evoking a state-dependent memory. If you were afraid or angry at the time of an event, you may remember that event best when you are once again in the same emotional state (Carr, 2015; Lang et al., 2001). Your memories can also be biased by whether or not your current mood is consistent with the emotional nature of the material you are trying to remember, a phenomenon that has been observed in humans as well as nonhuman animals and is known as mood-congruent memory (Buchanan, 2007; Burman & Mendl, 2018; Fitzgerald et al., 2011). When you are feeling happy, you are more likely to remember happy events—and forget or ignore unhappy ones—than when you are feeling sad. Likewise, you are apt to remember unhappy events better (and remember more of them) when you are feeling unhappy, which in turn creates a vicious cycle: The more unhappy memories you recall, the more depressed you feel, and the more depressed you feel, the more unhappy memories you recall (Gaddy & Ingram, 2014; Joormann & Gotlib, 2007).

If these children remember this birthday party later in life, their constructions may include information picked up from family photographs, videos, and stories. They will probably be unable to distinguish their actual memories from information they picked up elsewhere. And if this had been a second or third birthday? Then we would really be skeptical of any personal memories they claimed to have.

As our discussions of flashbulb memories and episodic memory suggest, a great deal of memory is autobiographical. One curious aspect of this memory for our own lives is the phenomenon of childhood amnesia (sometimes called infantile amnesia), the idea that most adults cannot accurately recall events from their lives from earlier than age 2 (Jack & Hayne, 2010; Madsen & Kim, 2016). Childhood amnesia is disturbing to many people, so disturbing that some adamantly deny it, claiming to remember events from the second or even the first year of life. And, indeed, many readers of this chapter likely responded to the survey question above to say that they had such an early memory. But these are typically false memories— reconstructions of actual events based on photographs, family stories, and imagination; sometimes the “remembered” event may not even have taken place at all. Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (1952) once reported a memory of nearly being kidnapped at the age of 2. Piaget remembered sitting in his stroller, watching his nanny as she bravely defended him from the kidnapper. He remembered the scratches she received on her face and a police officer with a short cloak and a white baton who finally chased the kidnapper away. But when Piaget was

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15, his nanny wrote to his parents confessing that she had made up the entire story. Piaget noted, “I therefore must have heard, as a child, the account of this story ... and projected it into the past in the form of a visual memory, which was a memory of a memory, but false.” Of course, we do retain implicit memories from the toddler stage, when we first learned to use a fork, drink from a cup, throw a ball, and so much more. We also retain semantic memories acquired early in life: the rules of counting, the names of people and things, knowledge about objects in the world, words, and meanings. Moreover, toddlers often reveal nonverbally that they remember past experiences (e.g., by imitating something they saw earlier), and some 4-year-olds can remember experiences that occurred before age 2 and a half (Bauer, 2015; Tustin & Hayne, 2010). What young children do not do well is encode and retain their early episodic memories and carry them into later childhood or adulthood. They cannot start doing this consistently until about age 4 and a half (Fivush & Nelson, 2004). Contemporary psychologists have proposed at least three explanations for infantile amnesia: 1. Brain development. The prefrontal cortex, and other parts of the brain involved in the formation or storage of events, are not well developed until a few years after birth (Alberini & Travaglia, 2017; Newcombe et al., 2012). In addition, the brains of infants and toddlers are busily attending to all the new experiences of life, but this very fact makes it difficult for them to focus on just one event and shut out everything else that’s going on—the kind of focus necessary for encoding and remembering (Gopnik, 2009). 2. Cognitive development. Before you can carry memories about yourself with you into adulthood, you have to have a self to remember. The emergence of a self-concept usually does not take place before age 2 (Koh & Wang, 2012). In addition, only after acquiring language and starting school do children form schemas that contain the information and cues necessary for recalling earlier experiences (Howe, 2000). Young children’s limited language skills also prevent them from narrating some aspects of an experience to themselves or others. Later, even after their linguistic abilities have matured, they still cannot use those abilities to recall earlier, preverbal memories because those memories were not encoded linguistically (Simcock & Hayne, 2002). 3. Social development. Preschoolers have not yet learned social conventions or what is important to others. As a result, they focus on the routine aspects of an experience rather than the distinctive ones that could provide retrieval cues later. They also tend to rely on adults’ questions to provide retrieval cues (“Where did we go for breakfast?” or “Who did you go trick-or-treating with?”). But as children get older, their conversations with parents help them develop their own autobiographical memories, and thus play an important role in ending childhood amnesia (Reese et al., 2010).

8.5.C The Repression Controversy Learning Objective 8.5.C Explain why claims of repressed memories should be greeted with skepticism. Among adults, amnesia most commonly results from organic conditions, such as brain disease or head injury. In psychogenic amnesia, however, the causes of forgetting are psychological, such as a need to escape embarrassment, guilt, disappointment, or emotional shock. Psychogenic amnesia begins immediately after the precipitating event; involves massive memory loss (including loss of personal identity); and usually ends suddenly, after just a few weeks. If this type of amnesia sounds familiar, that is likely because it is so frequently portrayed in films, television, and novels—just a sampling of TV shows with amnesia storylines in the somewhat recent past would include Supergirl, Angel, CSI: NY, Chuck, Empire, and Blindspot, a series about a woman who wakes up naked in Times Square with no idea who she is or how she got there. And yet, such cases are quite rare in real life (McNally, 2003).

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In psychoanalytic theory, involuntary pushing of threatening or upsetting information into the unconscious.

JOURNAL 8.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Interactive

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Psychologists generally accept the notion of psychogenic amnesia. Traumatic amnesia, though, is much more controversial. Traumatic amnesia allegedly involves the burying of specific traumatic events for a long period of time, often years. When the memory returns, it is supposedly immune to the usual processes of distortion and confabulation and is recalled with perfect accuracy. The notion of traumatic amnesia originated with the psychoanalytic theory of Sigmund Freud, who argued that the mind defends itself from unwelcome and upsetting memories through the mechanism of repression, the involuntary pushing of threatening or upsetting information into the unconscious. Most memory researchers reject the argument that a special unconscious mechanism called “repression” is necessary to explain either psychogenic or traumatic amnesia (Rofé, 2008). Richard McNally (2003) reviewed the experimental and clinical evidence and concluded, “The notion that the mind protects itself by repressing or dissociating memories of trauma, rendering them inaccessible to awareness, is a piece of psychiatric folklore devoid of convincing empirical support.” The problem for most people who have suffered disturbing experiences is not that they cannot remember, but rather that they cannot forget: The memories keep intruding. There is no case on record of anyone who has repressed the memory of being in a concentration camp, being in combat, or being the victim of an earthquake or a terrorist attack––although details of even these horrible experiences are subject to distortion and fading over time, as are all memories. Furthermore, repression would be hard to distinguish from normal forgetting. People who seem to forget disturbing experiences could be intentionally keeping themselves from retrieving their painful memories by distracting themselves whenever a memory is reactivated (McNally, 2003). The debate over traumatic amnesia and repression erupted into the public arena in the 1990s, when claims of recovered memories of sexual abuse began to appear. Many people came to believe, during psychotherapy, that they could recall long-buried memories of having been victimized for many years, often in bizarre ways. Most researchers today believe that almost all of these memories were false, having been evoked by therapists who were unaware of research on the power of suggestion (Lynn et al., 2015; McNally, 2017; Schacter, 2001). By asking leading questions and encouraging clients to construct vivid images of abuse, such therapists unwittingly set up the very conditions that encourage false memories, as we will discuss in more detail in the final section of this chapter. Since the 1990s, accusations based on “recovered memories” have declined, but many individuals—including therapists—continue to believe in them (McHugh et al., 2004; Otgaar et al., 2019; Patihis et al., 2014). There remains good reason to evaluate such claims with a critical eye, especially those suggesting that someone has recovered abuse memories from the first year or two of life; as you now know, such early memories are not typically encoded and retained into adulthood. We should also be skeptical if a person suddenly recovers a traumatic memory after hearing about supposed cases of recovered memory in the news or reading about one in a best-selling autobiography. And we should hear alarm bells go off if a therapist used suggestive techniques—such as hypnosis, dream analysis, guided imagery, and leading questions—in an effort to “recover” the memories (Lynn et al., 2015).

How should critical thinkers evaluate someone’s claim that they repressed memories of bizarre, traumatic experiences that went on for years, and only remembered what happened decades later, in therapy? What other explanations can account for these apparent memories?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 8.5 to test your knowledge.

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Now that we have spent (almost) an entire chapter considering models of memory, how to measure it, its different types, its biological underpinnings, and when it fails, let’s take a step back and look at the big picture of how best to conceptualize what memory is and is not. People’s descriptions of memory have always been influenced by the technology of their time. Ancient philosophers compared memory to a soft wax tablet that would preserve anything imprinted on it. Later, with the advent of the printing press, people began to describe memory as a gigantic library, storing specific events and facts for later retrieval. Today, many people compare memory to a digital recorder or video camera, automatically capturing every moment of their lives. But by now you should recognize that all of these varied analogies are problematic.

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8.6 Reconstructing the Past

In what ways is memory like an enormous library storing information for later retrieval? In what ways does this comparison not work?

8.6.A The Manufacture of Memory Consider a more fanciful (and animated) take on how memory works. In the 2015 Pixar movie Inside Out, the audience gets to see the inner workings of the mind of an 11-year-old girl named Riley, with core emotions—Anger, Disgust, Fear, Joy, and Sadness—each represented by a different character. One of the responsibilities of these inner characters is to manage Riley’s memories, with each memory carefully preserved inside a globe so that it can be retrieved and played back (i.e., recalled) at any time later on. Once again, it is a depiction of memory as a pristine, perfect representation of past experience to be replayed at will. Popular and appealing though such beliefs about memory are, they are wrong. Not everything that happens to you is tucked away for later use. Memory can be biased in ways to make ourselves or others look better (Carlson et al., 2020; Karney & Coombs, 2000). Memory is also selective. If it were not, our minds would be cluttered with mental junk: the temperature at noon last Thursday, the price of milk 2 years ago, a phone number needed only once. Moreover, remembering is not at all like replaying a recording of an event. It is more like watching a few unconnected clips and then figuring out what the rest of the recording must have been like. One of the first to make this point was British psychologist Sir Frederic Bartlett (1932). Bartlett asked people to read lengthy, unfamiliar stories from other cultures and then tell the stories back to him. As the volunteers tried to recall the stories, they made interesting errors: They often eliminated or changed details that did not make sense to them, and they added other details from their own culture— details that made the story more sensible to them. Memory, Bartlett concluded, must be a reconstructive process: We may reproduce some kinds of simple information by rote, but when we remember complex Unlike the colorful orbs depicted in Pixar’s Inside Out, our meminformation, our memories are distorted by previous knowledge and ories do not remain in a preserved state to be replayed exactly as they occurred over and over again. But to be fair, Inside Out also beliefs. Since Bartlett’s time, hundreds of studies have supported his gets some important things right about memory. In the film, each original idea, showing that it applies to all sorts of memories. In short, memory globe that enters young Riley’s mind is color-coded by remembering is an active process, one that involves not only dredg- emotion: red for anger, blue for sadness, yellow for joy, and so ing up stored information but also putting two and two together to forth. Appropriately, the film recognizes the complex intertwining reconstruct the past. Sometimes, unfortunately, we put two and two of emotion and memory, with some recollections appearing as multiple colors swirled together. Other times, the touch from one together and get five. character—say, Sadness—turns a previously happy memory globe In reconstructing their memories, people draw on many sources. into one tinged with bittersweet nostalgia. And so, by the end of the Suppose that someone asks you to describe one of your early birthday movie, we get a more accurate sense of the malleability of memory parties. You may have some direct memory of the event, but as we over time.

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Learning Objective 8.6.A Explain why memory is more reconstructive than people think.

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When Ed Sheeran’s (left) “Shape of You” topped the music charts in 2017, some keen-eared listeners quickly noticed that the song’s melody seemed to share a lot in common with a hit from two decades earlier, “No Scrubs” by the group TLC (right). (You can listen for yourself if you search for various mashups on YouTube.) Was Sheeran consciously influenced by the earlier song when writing his? Was this a mere coincidence? Or could source misattribution have been at play, with Sheeran genuinely unaware of where all the bits and pieces of the melody he was constructing in his head may have come from? For what it’s worth, Sheeran ultimately opted to give songwriting credits (and royalty shares) to the creators of the older song.

source misattribution The inability to distinguish an actual memory of an event from information you learned about the event elsewhere.

discussed earlier, you may also incorporate information from family stories, home videos, and even accounts of other people’s birthdays or television depictions. If you have visual memories of the party, their perspective can evolve over time as well; you saw the original events through your own eyes, but your visual memories might shift to take on an observer’s viewpoint of the party, in which you can actually “see” yourself as an actor in the scene (St. Jacques, 2019). You take all these bits and pieces and perspectives and build one integrated account. Later, you may not be able to distinguish your actual memory from information you got elsewhere—a phenomenon known as source misattribution (Mitchell & Johnson, 2009; Ünal et al., 2016). A dramatic instance of reconstruction once occurred with H. M. (Ogden & Corkin, 1991). After eating a chocolate Valentine’s Day heart, H. M. stuck the shiny red wrapping in his shirt pocket. Two hours later, while searching for his handkerchief, he pulled out the paper and looked at it in puzzlement. When a researcher asked why he had the paper in his pocket, he replied, “Well, it could have been wrapped around a big chocolate heart. It must be Valentine’s Day!” But a short time later, when she asked him to take out the paper again and say why he had it in his pocket, he replied, “Well, it might have been wrapped around a big chocolate rabbit. It must be Easter!” Sadly, H. M. had to reconstruct the past; his damaged brain could not recall it in any other way. But those of us with normal memory abilities also reconstruct, far more often than we realize.

8.6.B The Conditions of Confabulation Learning Objective 8.6.B Describe conditions under which confabulation is especially likely to occur. confabulation Confusion of an event that happened to someone else with one that happened to you, or a belief that you remember something when it never actually happened.

Because memory is reconstructive, it is subject to confabulation—confusion of an event that happened to someone else with one that happened to you or coming to believe that you remember something that never really happened. Such confabulations are especially likely under certain circumstances (Brown et al., 2017; Garry et al., 1996; Mitchell & Johnson, 2009): 1. You have thought, heard, or told others about the imagined event many times. Suppose that at family gatherings you keep hearing about the time that your uncle Ralph got so angry at a party that he began pounding the wall with a hammer, with such force that the wall collapsed. The story is so colorful that you can practically see it unfold in your mind. The more you think about this event, the more likely you are to believe that you actually were there and that it happened as you “remember” it, even if you were asleep elsewhere at the time. This process has been called imagination inflation because your own

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2. The image of the event contains lots of details that make it feel real. Ordinarily, we can distinguish imagined events from real ones by the amount of detail we recall; memories of real events tend to contain more details. But the longer you think about an imagined event, the more likely you are to embroider those images with details— what your uncle was wearing, the crumbling plaster, the sound of the hammer—and these added details can persuade you that you really do remember the event (Ianì et al., 2018; Johnson et al., 2011). 3. The event is easy to imagine. If imagining an event takes little effort (like visualizing a man pounding a wall with a hammer), then we are especially likely to think that a memory is real. In contrast, when we must make an effort to form an image of an experience, a place we have never seen, or an activity that is foreign or implausible to us, we use our cognitive effort as a cue that we are merely imagining the event or have heard about it from others (Mazzoni et al., 2001; Pezdek et al., 2006). As a result of confabulation, you may end up with a memory that feels emotionally real and yet is false (Mitchell & Johnson, 2009). This means that your feelings about an As the main anchor at NBC starting in 2004, Brian Williams’s nightly accounts of the news event, no matter how strong, do not guarantee that the event really took place. Consider promised viewers reliable information. In 2015, again our Uncle Ralph story, which happens to be a real one. A woman we know believed however, he was suspended over an incident for years that she had been present as an 11-year-old child when her uncle destroyed a in which he misrepresented his involvement in wall. Because the story was so vivid and upsetting to her, she felt angry for what she an incident during the Iraq War a decade earthought was his problematic and violent behavior. Then, as an adult, she learned that lier. Williams had made claims about riding in she was not at the party at all but had merely heard about it repeatedly over the years. a helicopter that was shot at and had to make an emergency landing, when in reality, he had Moreover, Ralph had not pounded the wall in anger, but as a joke, to inform the assem- been in the aircraft behind the one that took bled guests that he and his wife were about to remodel their home. Nevertheless, our on gunfire. Was this a case of lying, embellishfriend’s family has had a hard time convincing her that her “memory” of this event is ment, or confabulation? entirely wrong, and they are not sure she believes them yet. We can’t give you a memory test for childhood stories. But we can give you a memory test for words. Ready? Read the following word list aloud, quickly, in order, one time only. Yes, there will be a test to follow. Here we go: thread, pin, eye, sewing, sharp, point, thimble, haystack, thorn, hurt, injection, syringe, cloth, knitting, sour, candy, sugar, bitter, good, taste, tooth, nice, honey, soda, chocolate, heart, tart, pie. OK, now that you’ve read all these words aloud, give yourself 1 minute to write down as many as you can remember, and once your time is up, continue reading. How did you do on the memory test? There were 28 words; how many did you recall? Did you remember the word thread? How about candy? Haystack? Heart? Did you remember needle? How about the word sweet? The interesting thing about the words you saw in this exercise is that they come from lists designed to try to get you to remember things that weren’t actually there. Needle wasn’t on the list, though it sure seemed like it was. That’s because of the other similarly themed words that did appear, like sewing, sharp, and thimble. Same with the word sweet—if you wrote that down on your list, it was a figment of your (logical) imagination, influenced by semantically related items that did appear, like bitter, chocolate, and tart. Researchers have used lists like these to examine the frequency, causes, and predictors of false memory (Deese, 1959; Oliver et al., 2016; Roediger & McDermott, 1995; Stadler et al., 1999). Here, we present this interactive exercise to counteract a tendency of many students (not to mention professors and textbook authors) to think that false memories and confabulation are interesting in theory, but they would never happen to us in real life. For many of you, they just did! If you wrote down either needle or sweet on your word list, then you fell victim to confabulation; you just had a false memory. And as our Uncle Ralph story illustrates—and as laboratory research verifies—false memories can be as stable over time as true ones (Carneiro et al., 2017; Johnson et al., 2012). There’s just no getting around it: Memory is reconstructive. Visit Revel for more on this topic.

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active imagination inflates your belief that the event really occurred that way (Garry & Polaschek, 2000; Scoboria et al., 2018). Even merely explaining how a hypothetical childhood experience could have happened inflates people’s confidence that it really did. Explaining an event makes it seem more familiar and thus real (Sharman et al., 2005).

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Replication Check ✔ Based on the early work of James Deese and then the follow-up of Henry Roediger and Kathleen McDermott, many researchers have used lists like you just saw to study false memories. In fact, the procedure is often referred to as the Deese–Roediger–McDermott (or DRM) paradigm, named after these three psychologists. Recent efforts indicate that the finding of false memory based on DRM word lists is replicable. Recall our discussion earlier in this chapter of a replication article published by Rolf Zwaan and colleagues. They also tested 36 different lists used in previous DRM paradigm studies and reported a significant tendency for participants to falsely remember having seen the implied-but-never-presented target word (Zwaan et al., 2018).

8.6.C The Eyewitness on Trial

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Learning Objective 8.6.C Summarize the evidence indicating that eyewitness testimony can be susceptible to memory errors. The reconstructive nature of memory helps the mind work efficiently. Instead of cramming our brains with infinite details, we can store the essentials of an experience and then use our knowledge of the world to figure out the specifics when we need them. But precisely because memory is reconstructive, it is also vulnerable to suggestion—to ideas implanted in our minds after the event, which then become associated with it. This fact raises thorny problems in legal cases that involve eyewitness testimony. The following example is a disturbing one involving both sexual abuse and wrongful imprisonment, but the doubly tragic story of Jennifer Thompson and Ronald Cotton is illustrative. After a man raped her, Thompson identified the person whom she believed to be her assailant from a book of mug shots; she later identified the same man in a lineup. After a jury heard her eyewitness testimony, Ronald Cotton was convicted and sentenced to prison for two life terms. A few years later, though, evidence surfaced that the real rapist might have been another man named Bobby Poole, who was serving time for a different crime. A judge ordered a new trial, where Jennifer Thompson looked at both men face to face and once again said that Ronald Cotton was the man who raped her. Cotton was sent back to prison. Eleven years later, DNA evidence completely exonerated Cotton and just as unequivocally implicated Poole, who finally confessed to the crime. As Thompson learned, much to her horror, eyewitness testimony is not always accurate. When looking at lineups and photo arrays, witnesses may often identify the person who looks most like the perpetrator of the crime relative to the other choices available (Fitzgerald et al., 2015; Wells & Olson, 2003). As a result, some convictions based on eyewitness testimony, like that of Ronald Cotton, turn out to be unjust mistakes. In a program of research spanning more than four decades, Elizabeth Loftus and her colleagues have shown that memories can also be influenced by the way in which questions are posed to an eyewitness and by suggesRonald Cotton (right) was convicted of rape solely on the basis tive comments made during an interrogation or interview. In one classic of eyewitness testimony by Jennifer Thompson (left). He spent 11 study, researchers demonstrated how even subtle changes in the wording years in prison until DNA evidence established that he could not of questions can lead a witness to give different answers. Participants first have committed the crime and that the real rapist was another watched short films depicting car collisions. Afterward, the researchers man. After his release, Cotton and Thompson became friends asked some of them, “About how fast were the cars going when they hit and advocates for eyewitness policy reform. In thinking about cases in which an eyewitness provides the only evidence against each other?” Other viewers were asked the same question, but with the a suspect, a critical thinker would ask: How accurate is eyewitverb changed to smashed, collided, bumped, or contacted. Estimates of how ness testimony, even when the witness gets a good look at the fast the cars were going varied, depending on which word was used. assailant? How trustworthy are our memories, even of traumatic Smashed produced the highest average speed estimates (40.8 mph), folevents? Psychological scientists have learned some surprising lowed by collided (39.3 mph), bumped (38.1 mph), hit (34.0 mph), and conanswers to these questions, as you might have guessed while reading this chapter. tacted (31.8 mph) (Loftus & Palmer, 1974). Even more strikingly, 1 week

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later, those participants who had previously heard the word “smashed” were the most likely to mistakenly remember having seen broken glass at the scene of the car collision. Leading questions, suggestive comments, and misleading information can all affect eyewitness memory (Bull Kovera & Evelo, 2020). Researchers have also successfully used these techniques to induce people to have false beliefs for events that never actually happened in their own lives, such as getting lost in a shopping mall, getting in trouble for playing a prank on a first-grade teacher, or spilling punch all over the mother of the bride at a wedding (Lindsay et al., 2004; Loftus & Pickrell, 1995; Scoboria et al., 2017). In one study, when people were shown a phony Disneyland ad featuring Bugs Bunny, about 16% later recalled having met a Bugs character at Disneyland (Braun et al., 2002). In later studies, the percentages were even higher, with some people even claiming to remember shaking hands with the character or hugging him. But these memories were impossible because Bugs Bunny is a Warner Bros. creation and would definitely be unwelcome at Disneyland! As you have learned in this chapter, memory does not function like a video camera. This fact has stark implications for the legal system. Indeed, research suggests that a mistaken eyewitness is one of the leading predictors of wrongful conviction of criminal defendants (Leo, 2017). In some countries, the legal system requires at least two independent witnesses before eyewitness evidence can be introduced; a defendant cannot be convicted on the basis of just one eyewitness. Of course, there’s no guarantee that multiple eyewitnesses will always be accurate, either. And this more stringent standard applied in the effort to curtail false convictions might also raise the risk that more guilty people go free. Now that you know all that you do about memory, let’s put your memory to the test again—this time, though, not as a memorizer of words, but as an eyewitness. In Revel, you’ll find a video of an individual engaged in suspicious activity, and then your eyewitness performance will be assessed.

Interactive

JOURNAL 8.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Have you ever played the “telephone game”? One person in a group whispers a message directly into the ear of another person, who, in turn, whispers it to another person, and so on, until the last person announces the message to everyone. By that point the message is usually far from what was originally whispered. Based on what you now know about the reconstructive nature of memory, what are some reasons why the message often changes so dramatically in this game?

Interactive

In Revel, you can find Quiz 8.6 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: This Herbal Supplement Has Been Clinically Proven to Boost Memory STEP 1. Criticize This Claim We are constantly bombarded with information about products that promise to make some aspect of our lives better. Many of these claims involve psychological effects. Ask your doctor about this drug so you can be happier! Sleep better! Have a better sex life! We can be more informed (and, yes, healthier and happier people) if we use our critical thinking skills to scrutinize such claims. Let’s practice with an example related to memory. Specifically, let’s criticize this claim: This herbal supplement has been clinically proven to boost memory.

STEP 2. Define Your Terms Claims like this can be vague in their terminology—sometimes intentionally. So, it’s up to us to figure out what they really mean. In this example, what does “clinically proven” refer to? Does this refer to research published in a peer-reviewed journal or just the company’s own data? Was it just one study with one sample? In this chapter, you’ve learned about a range of ways to define and measure memory. Does this supplement affect working or long-term memory? Episodic or semantic memory? Encoding, storage, or retrieval? If the claim doesn’t define its terms for us, we need to do so ourselves.

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260 Chapter 8 STEP 3. Analyze Assumptions and Biases A critical thinker would also ask whether sleep has positive cognitive effects, and indeed it does. Sleep is crucial for memory consolidation, in which new memories are strengthened and stabilized. During sleep, the neural pathways that were active during an original experience are reactivated, helping to transfer memories to long-term storage and even reorganize them. But how can we test the effects of “sleeping on it” when we’re stuck on a problem? Conflict of Interest

Rigorous researchers must go wherever the data lead them. But if a study is paid for by the company that makes a memory supplement, researchers may feel pressure to reach conclusions that support the product (or to not publish unfavorable findings). And even if they do their best to avoid bias, might the conflict of interest still influence them unconsciously? Placebo Effect

Sometimes just knowing that they’re receiving a treatment changes how people feel or perform. Simply expecting that a pill or procedure will make them feel better—or in this case, remember better—can be enough to lead to improvement. Researchers have to figure out how to design a study to control for this placebo effect. Overanalyzing the Data

Best practice is to generate precise hypotheses and data analysis plans before a study even begins. Sometimes, though, researchers slice a dataset in different ways, over and over again, until something “works” the way they hoped it would. Reading too much into a surprising result is risky—unexpected findings are particularly important to try to replicate.

STEP 4. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Now we’re ready to develop our own research to assess this memory supplement. We could address conflict of interest by finding researchers who have no financial stake in the supplement they’re testing. What about the placebo effect? In our study we’ll have one group take the supplement for a week; another will take nothing at all; and a third will take a similar-looking placebo, for the same time period. To measure memory, we’ll ask participants to study a list of words for a minute and then take a baseline memory test at Time 1. After a week of the supplement or placebo, or no pill at all, we’ll test their memory again with another set of words at Time 2.

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence Let’s look at some hypothetical data from our new study. To remind you, all participants take a baseline memory test at Time 1 and then another test 1 week later. Participants in the memory supplement condition take the supplement all week, participants in the control condition take nothing, and participants in the placebo condition take a sugar pill.

1. The results in the supplement condition seem to support the participants recall more words on the test than they did 1 week earlier, at baseline. 2. In the control group, on the other hand, there is no difference between Time 1 and Time 2. Again, this makes us think that maybe the supplement is working, since we see improvement in the supplement condition but not the control. 3. But don’t forget about the placebo condition! Importantly, we see

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effectiveness of the product. After a week of taking the supplement,

an increase here from Time 1 to 2, just like we did in the supplement condition. Results like these would suggest that it isn’t the supplement itself that affects memory—what’s actually influential is the expectation that whatever you’re taking will boost your memory.

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STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Companies look for any edge in marketing a product. Phrases like “studies indicate” and “clinically proven” are efforts to bolster the credibility of a claim. The next time you encounter research about a product, ask yourself who conducted the study and why? How did they define their terms? Did they take steps to limit bias or misleading conclusions? Does the idea of a magic pill to boost memory sound too good to be true? Most psychologists and physicians would agree that there’s a lack of rigorous placebo-controlled studies supporting such claims. Want to improve your memory? Forget about the drugstore—you’re better off focusing on eating well, exercising, and getting enough sleep!

Summary: Memory 8.1 In Pursuit of Memory LO 8.1.A

Distinguish between recall and recognition tasks in explicit memory and between explicit and implicit memory.

The ability to remember depends in part on the type of performance called for. In tests of explicit memory (conscious recollection), recognition is usually easier than recall. In tests of implicit memory, which is measured by indirect methods such as priming, past experiences may affect current thoughts or actions even when these experiences are not consciously remembered. LO 8.1.B

Describe the basic characteristics of three memory systems according to the information-processing model, and note the challenges to this view proposed by parallel distributed processing.

In information-processing models, memory involves the encoding, storage, and retrieval of information. The three-box model proposes three interacting systems: the sensory register, working memory, and longterm memory. Some cognitive scientists prefer a parallel distributed processing (PDP) or connectionist model, which represents knowledge as connections among numerous interacting processing units, distributed in a vast network and all operating at the same time.

8.2 The Three-Box Model of Memory LO 8.2.A

Explain the function and duration of the sensory register in the three-box model of memory.

In the three-box model, incoming sensory information makes a brief stop in the sensory register, which momentarily retains it in the form of sensory images. LO 8.2.B

Explain the function and duration of working memory.

Working memory retains new information for up to 30 seconds (unless rehearsal takes place). The capacity of working memory is limited but can be extended if information is organized into larger units by chunking. Early models portrayed this “second box” mainly as a short-term bin for the temporary storage of

information, but many models now envision it as a part of a more active memory system. Working memory permits us to control attention, resist distraction, and maintain information in an active, accessible state. LO 8.2.C

Describe the different forms of long-term memory, and explain the serial-position effect in transferring information from working memory to long-term memory.

Long-term memory contains an enormous amount of information that must be organized to make it manageable. Words (or the concepts they represent) are often organized by semantic categories and networks. Memories can take different forms, such as implicit or explicit, and within explicit memories, either semantic or episodic. The three-box model is often invoked to explain the serial-position effect in memory, including the primacy effect and recency effect.

8.3 The Biology of Memory LO 8.3.A

Outline the process of long-term potentiation in the formation of memories.

Working memory involves temporary changes within neurons that alter their ability to release neurotransmitters, whereas longterm memory involves lasting structural changes in neurons and synapses. Long-term potentiation, an increase in the strength of synaptic responsiveness, seems to be an important mechanism of long-term memory. Neural changes associated with long-term potentiation take time to develop, which helps explain why longterm memories require a period of consolidation. LO 8.3.B

Evaluate the evidence that memories are not stored in any one part of the brain.

The amygdala is involved in the formation, consolidation, and retrieval of emotional memories. Areas of the frontal and parietal lobes are especially active during working-memory tasks. The frontal lobe and parts of the temporal lobes are involved in the efficient encoding of words and pictures. The hippocampus plays a critical role in the formation and retrieval of long-term explicit memories. Other areas, such as the cerebellum

262 Chapter 8 and striatum, are crucial for the formation of implicit memories. The long-term storage of explicit memories takes place in cortical areas that were active during the original perception of the information or event. The various components of a memory are stored at different sites, with all of these sites participating in the representation of the event as a whole. LO 8.3.C

Summarize the evidence that memory can be influenced by emotion and hormonal levels.

Emotional memories are often intense and vivid, though even vivid flashbulb memories tend to become less accurate over time. Hormones released by the adrenal glands during stress or emotional arousal, including epinephrine and norepinephrine, enhance memory. These adrenal hormones also cause the level of glucose to rise in the bloodstream, and glucose may enhance memory directly or by altering the effects of neurotransmitters.

8.4 How We Remember LO 8.4.A

Describe and give examples of major memory retention strategies.

Some information, such as material in a college course, requires effortful, as opposed to automatic, encoding. Rehearsal of information keeps it in working memory and increases the chances of long-term retention. Elaborative rehearsal is more likely to result in transfer to long-term memory than is maintenance rehearsal, since deep processing is usually a more effective retention strategy than shallow processing. Retrieval practice is an effective way to facilitate long-term retention of memory, even if many people don’t realize it.

8.5 Why We Forget LO 8.5.A

Summarize the processes of decay, replacement, interference, and cue-dependent forgetting.

Forgetting can occur for several reasons. Information in sensory and working memory appears to decay if it does not receive further processing. New information may erase and replace old information in long-term memory. Proactive and retroactive interference may take place. Cue-dependent forgetting may occur when retrieval cues are inadequate. The most effective retrieval cues are those that were present at the time of the initial experience. A  person’s mental or physical state may act as a retrieval cue, evoking a state-dependent memory. According to the research on mood-congruent memory, we tend to remember best those events that are consistent with our current mood.

LO 8.5.B

Discuss the reasons childhood amnesia is likely to take place.

Most people cannot recall any events from earlier than the age of 2. The reasons for such childhood amnesia include the immaturity of certain brain structures, making it difficult for very young children to focus attention, encode, and remember; cognitive factors such as immature cognitive schemas, lack of linguistic skills, and lack of a self-concept; and lack of knowledge of social conventions for encoding and reporting events. LO 8.5.C

Explain why claims of repressed memories should be greeted with skepticism.

Psychogenic amnesia, which involves a loss of personal identity and has psychological causes, is rare. Traumatic amnesia, which allegedly involves the forgetting of specific traumatic events for long periods of time, is highly controversial, as is repression, the psychoanalytic explanation of traumatic amnesia. Because these concepts lack good empirical support, psychological scientists are skeptical about their validity and the accuracy of “recovered memories.”

8.6 Reconstructing the Past LO 8.6.A

Explain why memory is more reconstructive than people think.

Unlike a digital recorder or video camera, human memory is highly selective and reconstructive: People add, delete, and change elements in ways that help them make sense of information and events. They often experience source misattribution, the inability to distinguish information stored during an event from information added later. LO 8.6.B

Describe conditions under which confabulation is especially likely to occur.

Because memory is reconstructive, it is subject to confabulation, the confusion of imagined events with actual ones. Confabulation is especially likely when people have thought, heard, or told others about the imagined event many times and thus experience imagination inflation; the image of the event contains many details; or the event is easy to imagine. LO 8.6.C

Summarize the evidence indicating that eyewitness testimony can be susceptible to memory errors.

The reconstructive nature of memory also makes memory vulnerable to suggestion. Eyewitness testimony is especially vulnerable to error when leading questions are put to witnesses or when witnesses are given misleading information. Mistaken eyewitness identification is a major risk factor for wrongful conviction of innocent defendants.

Shared Writing: Memory Emotional events are also memorable events. So says the science; so say animated movies. Why do you think this is? From an evolutionary standpoint, why would it be a good thing that people are more likely to remember vividly the day of a mass shooting or statewide school closing (or otherwise emotionally charged events) than they are to remember an ordinary day with less emotional impact?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 8 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 9

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

Thinking and Intelligence

Learning Objectives LO 9.1.A

LO 9.1.B

LO 9.1.C

LO 9.2.A

Explain the basic elements of cognition: concepts, prototypes, schemas, and mental images. Distinguish between subconscious thinking and nonconscious thinking, and explain what is meant by multitasking and implicit learning. Contrast algorithms and heuristics as decision strategies, and explain how insight and intuition contribute to solving problems. Describe how the affect heuristic and the availability heuristic illustrate the tendency to exaggerate the improbable.

LO 9.2.B

Explain how the framing effect leads people to avoid loss in probabilistic judgments.

LO 9.2.C

Summarize and give examples of the fairness bias, hindsight bias, confirmation bias, and mental sets.

LO 9.2.D

Discuss the conditions under which cognitive biases can be beneficial as well as detrimental to reasoning.

LO 9.3.A

Define intelligence and the difference between its crystallized and fluid forms.

LO 9.3.B

Summarize the notion of IQ, how it is measured, its limitations, and the challenges to assessing it across cultures.

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LO 9.3.D

Describe how metacognition, the triarchic theory of intelligence, multiple intelligences, and emotional intelligence shed light on the diversity of what “intelligence” means.

LO 9.4.A

Summarize the evidence supporting and refuting the concept of animal intelligence.

LO 9.4.B

Summarize the evidence supporting and refuting the concept of animal language use.

Outline how longitudinal and crosscultural studies shed light on the interplay of motivation, hard work, and intellectual achievement.

LO 9.4.C

Explain the limitations of both the anthropomorphism and anthropodenial approaches to understanding animal cognition.

What About You? Interactive

LO 9.3.C

Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. When completing class readings or assignments, do you simultaneously use a smartphone, tablet, or other Internet-connected device?

Each day, in the course of ordinary living, we all make decisions, draw up plans, construct explanations, and organize and reorganize the contents of our mental world. Descartes’s famous declaration “I think, therefore I am” could just as well have been reversed: “I am, therefore I think.” Our powers of thought and intelligence have inspired humans to immodestly call ourselves Homo sapiens, Latin for wise or rational human. But just how wise are we, really? For every young entrepreneur whose creative innovation has the potential to change the world for the better, there’s a person who thinks it’s a good idea to place fireworks between their buttocks and set them off, leading to injury and hospitalization. (Yes, a 23-year-old Australian did this not long ago. No, we don’t recommend trying it yourself; this is one investigation that does not warrant replication.) Despite antics like these—or other shenanigans you may have observed among your friends at their less impressive moments—our cognitive abilities are actually pretty extraordinary. Think for a moment about what thinking does for you. It frees you from the confines of the immediate present: You can think about the War of 1812, a party scheduled for next Saturday, or eating at that terrific pizza place on your trip to Chicago a few years ago. Thinking carries you beyond the boundaries of reality: You can imagine unicorns and utopias, Martians and magic. You can make plans far into the future and judge the probability of events, both good and bad. Because you think, you need not grope your way clumsily through your problems but instead can apply knowledge and reasoning to solve them intelligently and creatively. Yes, the human mind—which has managed to come up with poetry, penicillin, and personal computers—is a miraculous thing. But the human mind has also managed to come up with pollution, pop-ads, and war. And even some of our more impressive inventions can have downsides when it comes to the capacity for thinking, as demonstrated by the survey question that opened this chapter. Our guess is that many of you are usually connected online while you complete class assignments—in the interest of full disclosure, your authors will also admit to being quite fond of their own phones, tablets, and laptops, even while working (including writing this chapter). But are we as good at multitasking as we think we are? To answer questions like this one and to better understand why the same species that figured out how to get to the moon is also capable of breathtaking bumbling here on Earth, we will examine how people reason, solve problems, and grow in intelligence, as well as the sources of some of their mental shortcomings.

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9.1 Thought: Using What We Know Just a decade ago, when an IBM computer named Watson defeated two very smart human contestants on Jeopardy!, the world was abuzz with questions about whether that meant that machines would finally outthink people. But cognitive scientists were quick to point out that the human mind is actually far more complex than a computer; machines have yet to learn to acquire insight into another person’s feelings, write an award-winning Broadway musical, or make jokes. Or, at least, they usually don’t make partic- What do you think? If a computer can beat human champions on a game show, does that ularly good jokes, as demonstrated by the follow- mean that the computer is intelligent? Is it actually thinking? ing computer-generated effort at humor: What is the difference between leaves and a car? Leaves you brush and rake, but a car you rush and brake. Ugh. Nonetheless, parallels between mind and machine can be useful guides to thinking about cognition because both actively process information by altering it, organizing it, and using it to make decisions. Just as computers internally manipulate representations of 0s and 1s to “think,” so do we mentally manipulate internal representations of objects, activities, and situations.

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9.1.A The Elements of Cognition Learning Objective 9.1.A Explain the basic elements of cognition: concepts, prototypes, schemas, and mental images. concept A mental category that groups objects, activities, or qualities having common properties.

prototype An especially representative example of a concept.

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One type of mental representation is the concept, a mental category that groups objects, activities, or qualities having common properties. The instances of a concept are seen as roughly similar: golden retriever, cocker spaniel, and poodle are instances of the concept dog; pretzels, banana bread, and empanadas are instances of the concept food. Concepts simplify and summarize information about the world so that it is manageable and so that we can make decisions quickly and efficiently. You may never have seen a basenji or eaten escargot, but if you know that the first is an instance of dog and the second an instance of food, you will know, roughly, how to respond. Basic concepts have a moderate number of instances and are easier to acquire than those having either few or many instances (Rosch, 1973). What is the object pictured on the right? You will probably call it an apple. The concept apple is more basic than fruit, which includes many more instances and is more abstract. But it is also more basic than Braeburn apple, which is quite specific. Children seem to learn basic-level concepts earlier than other concepts, and adults use basic concepts more often than other concepts because basic concepts convey an optimal amount of information in most situations. The qualities associated with a concept do not necessarily all apply to every instance: Some apples are not red; some chairs do not have four legs; some birds do not fly. But all the instances of a concept do share a family resemblance. When we need to decide whether something belongs to a concept, we are likely to compare it to a prototype, a representative instance of the concept (Gabora et al., 2008; Rosch, 1973). Which dog is “doggier,” a golden retriever or a Chihuahua? Which fruit is more fruitlike, an apple or an apricot? Which activity is more representative of sports, football or fencing? Most people within a culture can easily tell you which instances of a concept are most representative, or prototypical, to them.

What is this?

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Some instances of a concept are more representative or prototypical than others. A “bachelor” is an unmarried man. Is comedian Pete Davidson a bachelor, even though he has been romantically linked to different women for years at a time? Catholic priests do not marry; do we, then, consider them bachelors?

How do you divide up the hues visible in this image? People who speak a language that has only one word for blue and green, but separate words for shades of green, tend to handle green contrasts better than the blue–green distinction. English speakers tend to do the opposite.

cognitive schema An integrated mental network of knowledge, beliefs, and expectations concerning a particular aspect of the world.

The words used to express concepts may influence or shape how we think about them. Many decades ago, Benjamin Lee Whorf, an insurance inspector by day and a linguist and anthropologist in his free time (he worked toward a Ph.D. at Yale but never did finish the degree), proposed that language molds cognition and perception. According to Whorf (1956), because English has only one word for snow and the Inuit have many (for powdered snow, slushy snow, falling snow . . .), the Inuit notice differences in snow that English speakers do not. He also argued that grammar—the way words are formed and arranged to convey tense and other concepts—affects how we think about the world. Whorf’s theory was very influential for a while before falling out of favor. After all, English speakers can see all those kinds of snow and have plenty of adjectives to describe the different varieties. But Whorf’s ideas have once again gained attention more recently. Vocabulary and grammar do affect how we perceive the location of objects, think about time, attend to shapes and colors, and remember events (Boroditsky, 2003; Gentner et al., 2013; Wright et al., 2015). A language spoken by a group in Papua New Guinea, refers to blue and green with one word but to distinct shades of green with two separate words. On perceptual discrimination tasks, New Guineans who speak this language tend to handle green contrasts better than blue–green ones, whereas the reverse holds true for English speakers (Roberson et al., 2000). Similar results on the way language affects color perception have been obtained in studies comparing English with Himba, a language spoken in Namibia (Özgen, 2004; Roberson et al., 2005). Another example: In many languages, speakers must specify whether an object is linguistically masculine or feminine, as in Spanish, where la cuenta, the bill, is feminine but el cuento, the story, is masculine. It seems that labeling a concept as masculine or feminine affects the attributes that native speakers ascribe to it. Thus, a German speaker may describe a key (masculine in German) as hard, heavy, jagged, serrated, and useful, whereas a Spanish speaker is more likely to describe a key (feminine in Spanish) as golden, intricate, little, lovely, and shiny (Boroditsky et al., 2003). These findings are interesting, but also problematic in that they demonstrate just how deeply ingrained gender stereotypes are; indeed, gender-neutral movements have developed recently around the world for a variety of languages, including Spanish, German, French, Arabic, and Hebrew. Concepts are the building blocks of thought, but they would be of limited use if we merely stacked them up mentally. We must also represent their relationships to one another, which we do when we express our knowledge (“Roberta raises border collies”) or beliefs (“Border collies are smart”). More complex ideas like these, in turn, are linked together in integrated networks of knowledge, associations, and expectations. Psychologists call these networks cognitive schemas, mental frameworks for describing and thinking about various aspects of the world. For example, as alluded to in our discussion of language above, gender

Thinking and Intelligence

schemas represent a person’s beliefs and expectations about what it means to be masculine and feminine. People also have schemas about cultures, occupations, events, geographical locations, and many other features of the social and natural environment. Mental images—especially visual images, or pictures in the mind’s eye—are also important in thinking and in constructing cognitive schemas. Although no one can directly see another person’s visual images, psychologists are able to study them indirectly. One method is to measure how long it takes people to rotate an image in their imaginations or scan from one point to another in an image. The results suggest that visual images behave much like images on a computer screen: We can manipulate them, they occur in a mental space of a fixed size, and small ones contain less detail than larger ones (Edmiston & Lupyan, 2017; Kosslyn et al., 2001; Shepard & Metzler, 1971). People often rely on visual images when they solve spatial or mechanical puzzles (Hegarty & Waller, 2005). Most people also report auditory images (such as a song, slogan, or poem you can hear in your “mind’s ear”), and many report images in other sensory modalities as well—touch, taste, smell, or pain.

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mental image A representation in the mind that mirrors or resembles the thing it represents.

9.1.B How Conscious Is Thought? Learning Objective 9.1.B Distinguish between subconscious thinking and nonconscious thinking, and explain what is meant by multitasking and implicit learning. When we think about thinking, we usually have in mind those mental activities that are carried out in a deliberate way with a conscious goal in mind, such as solving a problem set, planning a vacation, or deciding where to go to college. However, much mental processing is not conscious. Some cognitive processes lie outside of awareness but can be brought into consciousness with a little effort when necessary. These subconscious processes allow us to handle more information and to perform more complex tasks than if we depended entirely on conscious processing. Indeed, many automatic but complex routines are performed “without thinking,” though they might have required, at first, your careful, conscious attention: typing, driving a car, knitting, and decoding the letters in a word in order to read it. Because of the capacity for automatic processing, people can eat lunch while reading a book or drive a car while listening to music; in such cases, one of the tasks has become automatic. However, this does not mean you should go ahead and text your friends while driving. That’s multitasking, and multitasking rarely works well. In fact, far from saving time, toggling between two or more tasks that require attention increases the time required to complete them, leads to increased error rates, and also increases stress (Lien et al., 2006; Szumowska & Kossowska, 2017). Even overhearing one side of someone else’s cell phone conversation siphons your attention away from a task you are doing, possibly because of the effort required to make sense of just one half of a conversation (Marsh et al., 2018). In one experiment, when people listened to a “halfalogue” while they were doing a visual task, they made more than 6 times as many errors than when they listened to an ordinary two-person conversation (Emberson et al., 2010). As for multitasking when you are the person talking on the phone, that can be hazardous to your health. Phone use greatly impairs a person’s ability to drive, whether the phone is hands-free or not; a driver’s attention is diverted far more by a phone conversation than by listening to music (Briggs et al., 2011; Medeiros-Ward et al., 2014). Other distractions are equally dangerous. Drivers have been caught on camera applying makeup, flossing, and putting in contact lenses—all while hurtling down the highway at high speeds (Klauer et al., 2006). Although we’d like to believe we have the unlimited cognitive capacity necessary to take on more and more tasks simultaneously, ample evidence suggests otherwise. In fact, some psychologists would suggest that multitasking isn’t really the right phrase at all—that we should call it task switching because our attention alternates between tasks rather than completing them simultaneously. What does this mean for those students who—according to our chapter-opening survey question—divide their attention between multiple devices while reading and completing assignments? Or those who use a laptop or tablet in class when taking notes (Jamet et al., 2020; Sana et al., 2013)? Watch the video on this topic in Revel to find out.

SUBCONSCIOUS THINKING

subconscious processes Mental processes occurring outside of conscious awareness but accessible to consciousness when necessary.

268 Chapter 9 nonconscious processes Mental processes occurring outside of and not available to conscious awareness.

implicit learning Learning that occurs when you acquire knowledge without being aware of how you did so and without being able to state exactly what you have learned.

Other kinds of thought, nonconscious processes, remain outside of awareness, even when you try to bring them back. As we will see shortly, people sometimes find the solution to a problem when it suddenly pops into mind after they have given up trying to figure it out. And sometimes people learn a new skill without being able to explain how they perform it. For instance, they may discover the best strategy for winning at a card game without ever being able to consciously identify what they are doing (Bechara et al., 1997; Chiu et al., 2018). With such implicit learning, you learn a rule or an adaptive behavior, either with or without conscious intention, but you don’t know how you learned it, and you can’t state, either to yourself or to others, exactly what you have learned (Frensch & Rünger, 2003; McDougle et al., 2015). Many of our abilities, from speaking our native language to walking up a flight of stairs, are the result of implicit learning. But implicit learning is not always helpful because it can also generate biases and prejudices. We can learn an association between, say, “dangerousness” and a particular group of people without being aware of how we learned it or who taught it to us.

NONCONSCIOUS THINKING

9.1.C Reasoning Rationally Learning Objective 9.1.C Contrast algorithms and heuristics as decision strategies, and explain how insight and intuition contribute to solving problems.

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Conscious and nonconscious processes are both involved in solving problems. In well-defined problems, the nature of the problem is clear (“I need more cookies for the party algorithm tomorrow”). Often, all you need to do to solve the problem is apply the right algorithm, a set of procedures guaranteed to produce the correct (or best) solution even if you do not A problem­solving strategy guaranteed to produce a solution even if the user understand why it works. For example, to increase the yield of a cookie recipe, if the original does not know how it works. recipe produced 10 cookies and you need 40, you can multiply each ingredient by four. The recipe itself is also an algorithm (add flour, stir lightly, add chocolate chips . . .), though you probably won’t be aware of every last chemical change involved when you combine the ingredients and heat the batter in an oven. Other problems are fuzzier. There is no specific goal (“What should I have for dinner tomorrow?”) and no clearly correct solution, so no algorithm applies. In such cases, you may heuristic resort to a heuristic, a rule of thumb that suggests a course of action without guaranteeing an optimal solution (“Maybe I’ll browse through some recipes online or go to the grocery store and A rule of thumb that suggests a course see what catches my eye”). Many heuristics, like those used when playing chess, help you limit of action or guides problem solving but does not guarantee an optimal your options to a manageable number of promising ones, reducing the cognitive effort it takes solution. to arrive at a decision (Ceschi et al., 2019; Galotti, 2007). Heuristics are useful to an investor trying to predict the stock market, a doctor trying to determine the best treatment for a patient, and a factory owner trying to boost production. All of these individuals are faced with incomplete information with which to reach a solution and may, therefore, resort to rules of thumb that have proven effective in similar scenarios in the past. As useful as algorithms and heuristics are, sometimes the conscious effort to try to solve a problem seems to get you nowhere. Then, with insight, you suddenly see how to do it without quite knowing how you found the solution. You’re probably familiar with the concept of insight—that aha! feeling that can accompany abrupt resolution of a previously vexing problem. Eureka! moments like these are common in popular culture, such as medical dramas where a physician suddenly figures out an elusive diagnosis or detective shows in which the police investigator suddenly cracks the case. Or consider movies with surprise endings—don’t worry; no specific plot spoilers to follow—like The Sixth Sense, Fight Club, or Us, in which all of a sudden, a character (or you, the viewer) realOf course, any discussion of aha! moments in popular ize the key to unlocking all that has preceded. culture must include Sherlock Holmes. Viewers of From a scientific standpoint, insight probably involves different stages of the BBC series Sherlock watch with riveted attention mental processing (Weisberg, 2015). First, clues in the problem automatically each episode as Benedict Cumberbatch’s famed detecactivate certain memories or knowledge. You begin to see a pattern or structure tive walks them (and Martin Freeman’s Dr. Watson) to the problem, although you cannot yet say what it is; possible solutions percothrough the insights he has used to solve a seemingly late in your mind. Although you are not aware of it, considerable mental work unsolvable puzzle.

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is guiding you toward a hypothesis, reflected in your brain as patterns of activity that differ from those associated with ordinary, methodical problem solving (Danek & Kizilirmak, 2021; Fields, 2011; Zhao et al., 2014). Eventually, a solution springs to mind, seemingly from nowhere (“Aha, now I see!”). People also say they sometimes rely on intuition—hunches and gut feelings—rather than conscious thinking when they make judgments or solve problems. Should you go with your gut when answering questions on your next test? Not necessarily. Daniel Kahneman’s book Thinking, Fast and Slow (2011) explains why. “Fast” thinking applies to our rapid, intuitive, emotional, almost automatic decisions; “slow” thinking requires intellectual effort. Naturally, most people rely on fast thinking because it saves time and effort, but it is often wrong. Here is one of his examples: Suppose that a bat and ball together cost $1.10 and that the bat costs one dollar more than the ball. How much does the ball cost? Most people answer with fast thinking and say Whether you are a chess grand master or just an ordinary person 10 cents. But the correct answer is five cents. Think (slowly) about it. solving ordinary problems, you probably rely on both algorithms Jerome Kagan (1989) once likened consciousness to firefighters and heuristics to help you decide on strategies. who are quietly playing cards at the station house until an alarm goes off, calling them into emergency action. Much of the time we rely on automatic processes and unconscious impressions to guide us through our daily tasks. Usually that’s a good thing. Walking around in a state of fully conscious awareness would be impossible; we would never get anything done if we had to examine “thoughtfully” every little thing we did. But multitasking and operating on automatic pilot can also lead to errors and mishaps, ranging from the trivial (misplacing your keys) to the serious (walking into traffic because you’re texting). Therefore, most of us would probably benefit if our mental firefighters paid a little more attention to their jobs. How can we improve our capacity to reason rationally and think critically? Purposeful mental activity that involves operating on information to reach a conclusion is known as reasoning. Unlike impulsive (“fast”) or nonconscious responding, reasoning requires us reasoning to draw specific inferences from observations, facts, or assumptions. In formal reasoning The drawing of conclusions or problems—the kind you might find, say, on an intelligence test—the information needed for inferences from observations, facts, or assumptions. reaching a solution is specified clearly, and there is a single right (or best) answer. In informal reasoning problems, there is often no clearly correct solution. Many approaches, viewpoints, or possible solutions may compete, and you may have to decide which one is most “reasonable.” To do this wisely, a person must be able to use dialectical reasoning, the process of compardialectical reasoning ing and evaluating opposing points of view to resolve differences. Dialectical reasoning is what A process in which opposing facts or juries are supposed to do to arrive at a verdict: consider arguments for and against the defenideas are weighed and compared, with a view to determining the best solution dant’s guilt, point and counterpoint. It is also what voters are supposed to do when thinking or resolving differences. about whether the government should raise or lower taxes, or about the best way to improve public education. Critical thinkers often make use of dialectical reasoning because they understand that although some things can never be known with certainty, some judgments are more valid than others because of their coherence, fit with the available evidence, usefulness, and so on. Of course, sometimes rational reasoning is easier said than done. A variety of cognitive, affective, and motivational tendencies are regularly encountered barriers to thinking rationally, as we will explore next.

Interactive

JOURNAL 9.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Think about the last time you found yourself mindlessly performing a task. Maybe your mind wandered as you drove and you missed your turn, perhaps you unthinkingly walked to the wrong classroom one day, or maybe you added the wrong ingredients to a recipe you thought you knew by heart. What types of information should you have paid attention to instead, and what kinds of cognitive processes should you have relied on to produce a more mindful result?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 9.1 to test your knowledge.

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9.2 Barriers to Reasoning Rationally Although most people have the capacity to think logically and reason dialectically, it is clear that they do not always do so. One obstacle is the need to be right; if your self-esteem depends on winning arguments, you will find it hard to listen with an open mind to competing views. Other obstacles include limited information and a lack of time to reflect carefully. But human thought processes are also tripped up by many predictable, systematic biases and errors. Psychologists have studied dozens of them (Kahneman, 2003, 2011). Here we describe just a few.

In 2002, Daniel Kahneman (left) won the Nobel Prize in Economics for his decades of research documenting the systematic biases and errors that influence human judgment. (Why was his prize in economics? Alas, there is no Nobel Prize in psychology—talk about irrationality!) In 2008, Dan Ariely (right) published his best-selling book Predictably Irrational, which offered additional challenges to the assumption that most human decision-making is based on rational considerations. For example, have you ever stood in a long line on a free burrito or ice cream scoop day at a local establishment? When you think about it, is the $3 in savings really worth a 45-minute wait? If we offered you $3 to spend 45 minutes of your time just standing in place, would you take that deal? If not, why is the “free” snack worth wasting the same amount of your time?

affect heuristic The tendency to consult one’s emotions instead of estimating probabilities objectively.

availability heuristic The tendency to judge the probability of a type of event by how easy it is to think of examples or instances.

9.2.A Exaggerating the Improbable Learning Objective 9.2.A Describe how the affect heuristic and the availability heuristic illustrate the tendency to exaggerate the improbable.

One common bias is the inclination to exaggerate the probability of rare events. This bias helps to explain why so many people enter lotteries and why irrational fears persist. Evolution has equipped us to fear certain natural dangers, such as snakes. However, in modern life, many of these dangers are no longer much of a threat; the risk of a renegade rattler sinking its fangs into you in New York City or London is very low! Yet the fear lingers on, and we overestimate the danger. Unfortunately, our brains were not designed to become alarmed by serious future threats that do not seem to pose an immediate, concrete danger, such as climate change (Gifford et al., 2018). When judging probabilities, people are strongly influenced by the affect heuristic, the tendency to consult their emotions (affect) to judge the “goodness” or “badness” of a situation rather than judging probabilities objectively (Slovic & Peters, 2006; Västfäll et al., 2014). Emotions can help us make decisions by narrowing our options or by allowing us to act quickly in an uncertain situation. But emotions can also mislead us by preventing us from accurately assessing risk. For example, Americans have had divergent responses to public health recommendations during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as the suggestions to stay home, practice social distancing, and wear masks in public. Those who came to view these preventative measures as unfair limitations on their personal freedom—fueled by media sources and politicians making similar arguments—often questioned their effectiveness and underrated the dangers posed by the virus. More generally, when people have negative feelings about a behavior, they tend to view its benefits as limited and its risks as great; when people have positive feelings about a behavior, they tend to view its benefits as great and its risks as limited (Slovic & Peters, 2006). Our judgments about risks are also influenced by the availability heuristic, the tendency to judge the probability of an event by how easy it is to think of instances of it (Tversky & Kahneman, 1973). The availability heuristic often works hand in hand with the affect heuristic. Catastrophes and shocking accidents evoke an especially strong emotional reaction in us, and thus stand out in our minds, becoming more available mentally than other kinds of negative events. This is why people overestimate the frequency of deaths from tornadoes and underestimate the frequency of deaths from asthma, which occur dozens of times more often but do not make headlines. It is why news accounts of a couple of shark attacks make people fear that they are in the midst of a shark-attack epidemic, even though such attacks on humans are rare.

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Availability Heuristic

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(1) The availability heuristic leads us to judge the probability of a type of event based on how easily examples of it come to mind. For example, you probably know people who are afraid of flying, but you probably have fewer friends who are afraid of driving—even though the odds of a fatal car crash are much greater than those of a plane crash. (2) Because of the availability heuristic, many of us overestimate the chances of suffering a shark attack. Shark attacks are rare, but they are easy to visualize (not to mention emotionally terrifying). (3) Quick, which are there more of: English words that start with the letter r or words that have r as the third letter? It’s easier to think of words that start with r, but there are actually more words with r as a third letter. (4) The availability heuristic can even play a role in the highest of high-stakes decision-making, such as medical diagnosis. A physician who just read an article about a rare condition may be more likely to accurately diagnose the disease because its symptoms are more available in conscious thought.

Replication Check ✔ Recently, researchers from 20 different universities across the United States and Canada replicated one of the original availability heuristic studies (Ebersole et al., 2016). Almost 2,500 respondents, participating either in person or online, were asked to think about five letters in the English alphabet: K, L, N, R, and V. For each letter, they were asked whether there were more English words that start with it or have it as a third letter. As in the original Tversky and Kahneman (1973) research, a majority of participants reported that more words started with these letters—even though these five letters actually show up in English words about twice as often in the third position than in the first position.

9.2.B Avoiding Loss Learning Objective 9.2.B Explain how the framing effect leads people to avoid loss in probabilistic judgments. In general, people try to avoid or minimize the risk of incurring losses when they make decisions. That strategy is rational enough, but people’s perceptions of risk are subject to the framing effect, the tendency to make different decisions depending on how the

framing effect The tendency for people’s choices to be affected by how a choice is presented, or framed, such as whether it is worded in terms of potential losses or gains.

272 Chapter 9 choices are presented. When a choice is framed as the risk of losing something, people will respond more cautiously than when the very same choice is framed as a potential gain. They will choose a PROBLEM 1 ticket that has a 5% chance of winning a raffle over one that has a First program Second program 95% chance of losing. They will rate a condom as effective when they are told it has a 99% success rate in preventing pregnancy but not when they are told it has a 1% failure rate—which of course is exactly the same thing mathematically (Linville et al., 1992; Walasek 100% probability that 1/3 jobs 1/3 probability that all jobs & Stewart, 2015). are saved are saved Suppose there is a financial meltdown about to hit, and you are a politician who has to choose between two job policies that will affect the 600 workers in your town. Which would you prefer: a pro2/3 probability that no jobs gram that will definitely save the jobs of 200 people, or a plan with a are saved one-third probability of saving all 600 people’s jobs and a two-thirds probability of saving none of their jobs? (Problem 1 in Figure 9.1 PROBLEM 2 illustrates this choice.) When asked this question, most people say First program Second program they would prefer the first program. In other words, they reject the riskier though potentially more rewarding solution in favor of a sure gain. However, people will take a risk if they see it as a way to avoid 100% probability that 2/3 jobs 1/3 probability that no jobs are lost loss. Suppose now that you have to choose between a program in are lost which 400 people will definitely lose their jobs and a program in which there is a one-third probability of nobody losing their jobs and a two-thirds probability that all 600 will lose their jobs. If you 2/3 probability that all jobs are lost think about it, you will see that the alternatives are exactly the The decisions we make can depend on how the alternatives are same as in the first problem in terms of probable outcomes; they framed. When asked to choose between the two programs in Problem are merely worded differently (see Problem 2 in Figure 9.1). Yet this 1, which are described in terms of jobs saved, most people choose the time, most people choose the second solution. They reject risk when first one. When asked to choose between the programs in Problem they think of the outcome in terms of jobs saved, but they accept 2, which are described in terms of jobs lost, most people choose the risk when they think of the outcome in terms of jobs lost (Tversky & second one. Yet the alternatives in the two problems are actually identical in terms of probability. Kahneman, 1981). Research has found that similar findings emerge for hypotheticals about programs designed to combat a deadly disease—that is, when the questions are about lives saved and lost, rather than jobs. It is true that few of us will have to face a decision involving hundreds of jobs or lives, but we do make important decisions that may be affected by how the problem is framed. And indeed, the susceptibility to framing effects appears to be ingrained enough that it has been observed among nonhuman primates. In one recent study, chimpanzees and bonobos were presented with a series of choices that had food-related payoffs. Much as we would expect among their human compatriots, the animals preferred choices that were framed as gains over those that were framed as losses, even when the actual payoffs were exactly the same (Krupenye et al., 2015). $

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Replication Check ✔ Tversky and Kahneman’s (1981) gain/loss framing findings have also been well replicated over the years (Ruggeri et al., 2020). In one international collaboration involving 36 different research samples, Klein et al. (2014) presented the “deadly disease” problem to more than 6,000 participants (using materials translated into six languages besides English). Consistent with Figure 9.1, participants preferred the first program in Problem 1 (the “gain” framing) but the second program in Problem 2 (the “loss framing”).

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9.2.C Biases and Mental Sets Learning Objective 9.2.C Summarize and give examples of the fairness bias, hindsight bias, confirmation bias, and mental sets. Relying on heuristics or being swayed by framing effects are just some of the barriers to rational reasoning. Human thinkers are also susceptible to a range of biases in the reasoning process. Let’s look at some of these. Imagine that you are playing a two-person game called the Ultimatum Game, in which your partner gets $20 and must decide how much to share with you. You can choose to accept your partner’s offer, in which case you both get to keep your respective portions, or you can reject the offer, in which case neither of you gets any money. How low an offer would you accept? Actually, it makes sense to accept any amount at all, no matter how paltry, because then at least you will get something. But that is not how most people respond when playing the Ultimatum Game. If the offer is too low, they are likely to reject it. In industrial societies, offers of 50% are typical and offers below 20% or 30% are commonly rejected, even when the total amount of money in question is large. In other societies, the amounts offered and accepted may be higher or lower, but there is always some amount that people consider unfair and refuse to accept (Güth & Kocher, 2014; Henrich et al., 2001). People are powerfully swayed by a fairness bias and are motivated to see fairness prevail in these situations— especially when any unfairness comes at their own personal expense. Why does a desire for fair play sometimes outweigh the desire for economic gain? Evolutionary theorists suggest that cooperative tendencies and reciprocity evolved because they were beneficial to our genetic ancestors, ensuring teamwork and harmony among members of a group (Debove et al., 2016; Trivers, 2004). Different cultures develop their own rules to promote cooperation and punish cheaters, but a concern with fairness appears to be universal, even among nonhuman primates. In one study, capuchin monkeys received a token that they could exchange for a slice of cucumber. The monkeys regarded this exchange as a pretty good deal—until they saw a neighboring monkey exchanging tokens for an even better reward, a grape. At that point, they became outraged by the unfairness of their predicament, sometimes refusing to exchange their token or even throwing the less desirable cucumber slice right back at the researcher (Brosnan & de Waal, 2003)! These monkeys preferred no reward at all to an unfair one. Human babies also seem to have a sense of fairness. In an ingenious series of studies, researchers took advantage of the fact that infants will look longer at something when it violates their expectations. When the experimenter failed to distribute rewards equally to two adults who were doing a chore, the infants’ expectation of fair play was violated (Sloane et al., 2012; Ziv & Sommerville, 2017). Although these young children might be learning about fair play from early interactions with adults, the early age at which infants seem to grasp at least some rules of fairness suggests a biological predisposition to acquire such rules. Some behavioral economists have studied fairness by using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to examine brain activity when people play variations of the Ultimatum Game (Feng et al., 2015; Haruno et al., 2014). Typically, while a person is deciding whether to accept a low or unfair offer, two brain areas are active: a part of the prefrontal cortex linked to rational problem solving and an area called the anterior insula, which is associated with pain, disgust, and other unpleasant feelings. Rationally speaking, it’s good to make money, but from an emotional standpoint, it’s frustrating to be taken advantage of. People with greater activation of the prefrontal cortex are likely to accept low offers; they do the economically smart thing and let the insult slide. In contrast, those with greater activation of the anterior insula are likely to refuse.

Courtesy of Sarah Brosnan

THE FAIRNESS BIAS

In this drawing, based on the Brosnan and de Waal (2003) study, the monkey on the right watches intently as the monkey on the left exchanges a token for a reward. What happens if our monkey observer is later offered a less appealing reward for the same behavior? Well, as you can see for yourself if you look on YouTube for actual footage of the study, hell hath no fury like a capuchin monkey scorned.

274 Chapter 9 hindsight bias

THE HINDSIGHT BIAS There is a reason for the saying that hindsight is 20/20. When people learn the outcome of an event or the answer to a question, they often feel sure The tendency to overestimate one’s that they “knew it all along.” Armed with the wisdom of hindsight, they see the outcome ability to have predicted an event after the outcome is known (i.e., the “I knew that actually occurred as inevitable, and they overestimate their ability to have predicted it all along” phenomenon). what would happen beforehand (Bernstein, 2021; Fischhoff, 1975; Pohl et al., 2018). This hindsight bias shows up all the time in evaluating relationships (“I always knew they confirmation bias would break up”), political elections (“I could have told you that this candidate was going The tendency to look for or pay to lose”), and even tragedies (“The government should have known that this terrorist attack attention only to information that was imminent”). confirms one’s own belief, and ignore, The hindsight bias also rears its head among students in psychology courses, who trivialize, or forget information that might feel as if they would’ve reached the same conclusion about a particular tendency disconfirms that belief. or phenomenon without even running a study—the reaction of “isn’t this all just common sense?” In fact, perhaps you feel that we are not telling you anything Figure 9.2 Confirming the Confirmation Bias new right now because you have always known about the hindsight bias. Perhaps. But then again, you may just have a hindsight bias about the hindsight bias.

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Suppose someone deals out four cards, each with a letter on one side and a number on the other. Only one side of each card is showing, as depicted here. Your task is to find out whether the following rule is true: “If a card has a vowel on one side, then it has an even number on the other side.” Which two cards do you need to turn over? The majority of people say they would turn over the E and the 6, but that’s not the right answer! You do need to turn over the E (a vowel) because if the number on the other side is even, it confirms the rule, and if it is odd, the rule is disproven as false. However, flipping over the 6 card actually tells you nothing. The rule says nothing about a card with an even number needing to have a vowel on the other side. Therefore, it doesn’t matter whether the 6 has a vowel or a consonant on the other side. The card you do need to turn over is the 7 because if it has a vowel on the other side, that would disconfirm the rule. People do poorly on this problem because they are biased to look for confirming evidence and to ignore the possibility of disconfirming evidence.

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Figure 9.3 Connect the Dots

When people want to make the most accurate judgment possible, they usually try to consider all relevant information. But when they are thinking about an issue they already feel strongly about, they often succumb to the confirmation bias, attending to evidence that confirms their belief and finding fault with evidence that points in a different direction (Kappes et al., 2020; Nickerson, 1998). You rarely hear someone say, “Oh, thank you for explaining to me why my lifelong philosophy of parenting (or politics, or investing) is wrong!” The person is more likely to say, “Oh, get lost, and take your wild ideas with you.” After you start looking for it, you will see the confirmation bias everywhere. Politicians and the partisans who vote for them brag about economic reports that confirm their party’s position and dismiss counterevidence as biased (Knobloch-Westerwick et al., 2020). Teachers come to have high expectations for certain students, focusing more on the assignments they ace and excusing their lesser work as an aberration (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968). Even police investigators fall victim to the bias, interviewing in more aggressive fashion those suspects whom they believe to be guilty—a high-pressure style that may very well make even innocent civilians more likely to sign a confession (Kassin, 2015). We bet you can see the confirmation bias in your own reactions to what you are learning in psychology as well. In thinking critically, most of us apply a double standard; we think most critically about results we dislike. That is one reason why the scientific method can be so difficult. It forces us to consider evidence that disconfirms our beliefs (see Figure 9.2).

THE CONFIRMATION BIAS

Another barrier to rational thinking is the development of a mental set, a tendency to try to solve new problems by using the same heuristics, strategies, and rules that worked in the past on similar problems (see Figure 9.3). Mental sets make learning and problem solving efficient. But mental sets are not helpful when a problem calls for fresh insights and methods. They cause us to cling rigidly to the same old assumptions and approaches, obscuring better or more rapid solutions. One general mental set is the tendency to find patterns in events. This tendency is adaptive because it helps us exert some control over what happens in our lives. But it also leads us to see meaningful patterns even when they do not exist. For example, many people with arthritis think that their symptoms follow a pattern dictated by the weather. They suffer more, they say, when the barometric pressure changes or when the weather is damp or humid. Yet

MENTAL SETS

How could you draw four straight lines that pass through all nine dots without lifting your finger and without touching any dot more than once? A line must pass through each point. Can you do it? Most people have difficulty with this problem because they have a mental set to interpret the arrangement of dots as a square. They then assume that they can’t extend a line beyond the apparent boundaries of the square. Now that you know this, try again; does knowing that your lines can extend beyond the square formed by the nine dots help you solve the problem?

Thinking and Intelligence

in one study of arthritis patients over 15 months, no association emerged between weather conditions and the patients’ self-reported pain levels, their ability to function in daily life, or a doctor’s evaluation of their joint tenderness (Redelmeier & Tversky, 1996; Smedslund & Hagen, 2011). Of course, because of the confirmation bias, the patients refused to believe the results.

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mental set A tendency to solve problems using procedures that worked before on similar problems.

Revisiting the Classics Pygmalion in the Classroom Perhaps the most well-known demonstration of the confirmation

negative expectations about any children. Critics also suggested

bias took place not in a psychology laboratory, but in an elementary

that Rosenthal and Jacobson oversold the strength and consis-

school in San Francisco, California, in the 1960s. Its authors were

tency of their results. Indeed, the IQ difference exhibited by first

Robert Rosenthal, a Harvard psychologist, and Lenore Jacobson,

graders was much smaller among second graders and not statisti-

the elementary school’s principal. Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968)

cally significant at all for students in Grades 3, 4, or 5. Moreover, a

titled the book about their study Pygmalion in the Classroom,

critical thinker reading Pygmalion today would likely raise a skepti-

named after the sculptor in Greek mythology who loved a statue

cal eyebrow at the generalized conclusions offered and the authors’

of a woman so much that the gods were inspired to bring her to

use of flowery prose to refer to the so-called late bloomers as

life. (Theater aficionados might also recognize Pygmalion as the

“magical children.”

title of the George Bernard Shaw play that inspired the musical

Have their findings been replicated? Sometimes yes; some-

and film My Fair Lady, in which Professor Henry Higgins seeks to

times no. One meta-analysis examined 18 published studies of

mold Eliza Doolittle, the working-class flower girl, into a “proper

confirmation bias in the classroom and concluded that manip-

lady.”)

ulating teachers’ expectations before they have had much con-

It was quite the elaborate study. Rosenthal and Jacobson

tact with students leads to more reliable effects on student

arranged for all students in Grades 1 to 5 to take the Harvard Test

performance than manipulating teachers’ expectations after they

of Inflected Acquisition, a new measure that could reputedly iden-

have already met and observed students (Raudenbush, 1984).

tify intellectual “late bloomers” on the verge of an academic break-

Study limitations and all, it remains clear a half-century later that

through. Every teacher was given a list of the students in their class

Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) were on to something important

flagged by the test as hidden stars (about 20% of students), and by

when they wrote Pygmalion in the Classroom. Their study has had

the end of the year, the test seemed to be an accurate predictive

a profound effect on research on confirmation bias and in educa-

tool. For example, in terms of IQ scores, the average first grader

tional psychology more generally, inspiring dozens of studies of

showed an increase of 12 points over the year. But among those

the ways in which teachers and students interact in the classroom

first graders identified as late bloomers, the average increase was

(Good et al., 2018; Weinstein, 2018).

more than twice that: 27 points. What does this have to do with confirmation bias, which as you’ll recall is the tendency to look for, or even elicit, information that confirms one’s existing beliefs? Well, it turns out that there is sive, but Rosenthal and Jacobson just made it up. The researchers simply chose the late bloomers in each classroom at random! And yet these students—whose names had essentially been picked out of a hat—still managed to live up to their teachers’ academic expectations. Can you think of how a teacher’s expectations might change—consciously or unconsciously—the way they interact with a student in the classroom, and how this might influence a student’s performance? Rosenthal and Jacobson’s (1968) findings made an immediate splash, but they also inspired criticism and controversy (Elashoff & Snow, 1971; Thorndike, 1968). Given that teachers were misled about students’ test scores, the study sparked ethical concerns, but the researchers were quick to note that they never instilled false

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no Harvard Test of Inflected Acquisition. The name sounds impres-

Expectations are powerful, and teachers are human. Forget about written lists of “late bloomers”—what ordinary factors, cues, and sources of information might lead teachers to develop expectations about their students? For that matter, can you think of ways in which confirmation bias might operate in the opposite direction? How can students’ expectations change the behavior and performance of their instructor?

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9.2.D Overcoming Our Cognitive Biases Learning Objective 9.2.D Discuss the conditions under which cognitive biases can be beneficial as well as detrimental to reasoning. Sometimes a mental bias is a good thing. Having a sense of fairness keeps us from behaving like self-centered jerks, and the hindsight bias can make a daunting world seem like a more orderly and predictable place. From this point of view, such tendencies are not so irrational after all. But our mental biases can also get us into trouble, permitting people to stay stuck with decisions that eventually prove to be self-defeating, harmful, or incorrect. Physicians may continue using outdated methods, district attorneys may overlook evidence that a criminal suspect might be innocent, and managers may refuse to consider better business practices. To review some of the ways in which cognitive biases can impair our reasoning, watch a video on this topic in Revel. To make matters worse, most people have a “bias blind spot.” They acknowledge that other people have biases that distort reality, but they think that they themselves are free of bias and see the world as it really is (Jones et al., 2018; Pronin et al., 2004). This blind spot is itself a bias, and it is a dangerous one because it can prevent individuals, nations, and ethnic or religious groups from resolving conflicts with others. Each side thinks that its own proposals for ending a conflict, or its own analyses of a problem, are reasonable and fair but the other side’s are “biased.” Fortunately, the situation is not hopeless. For one thing, people are not equally irrational in all circumstances. When doing things in which we have some expertise, when making decisions that have serious personal consequences, or after being trained to look out for cognitive biases, our biases often diminish (Sellier et al., 2019; Smith & Kida, 1991). Furthermore, after we understand a bias, we may, with some effort, be able to reduce or eliminate it, especially if we make an active, mindful effort to do so and take time to think carefully (Kida, 2006). Some people, of course, seem to think more rationally than others a great deal of the time; we often call them “intelligent.” Just what is intelligence, and how can we measure and improve it? We take up these questions next.

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JOURNAL 9.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER People’s decisions are not always based entirely on rational considerations. Is this necessarily a bad thing? What would human nature look like if decision-making were always rational? What might be the limitations or negative consequences of such a strict adherence to rationality?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 9.2 to test your knowledge.

9.3 Measuring Intelligence Are bigger brains smarter? Research indicates that there actually is a reliable, but small, relationship between brain size (specifically, gray matter volume) and intelligence (Nave et al., 2019). But measuring intelligence is far more complicated than just measuring how big a person’s brain is, as we will explore in the sections that follow.

Intelligent people disagree on just what intelligence is. Some equate it with the ability to reason abstractly, others with the ability to learn and profit from experience in daily life. Some emphasize the ability to think rationally, others the ability to act purposefully. Part of the disagreement lies in the fact that we can’t directly observe intelligence. If a surgeon wanted to know how much a person’s gallbladder weighed, the patient could be sliced open, the gallbladder removed and weighed, and the patient stitched back up again. If the surgeon wanted to know the weight of many people’s gallbladders, that procedure could be repeated with as many patients as desired. Gallbladders are tangible parts of the human body, able to be observed and measured directly. Intelligence, on the other hand, has an invisible quality to it; no matter how much you prod, poke, or search, intelligence can’t be held in one’s hands or weighed on a scale.

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9.3.A Measuring the Invisible Learning Objective 9.3.A Define intelligence and the difference between its crystallized and fluid forms. How, then, do we measure intelligence? Usually, we infer a certain degree of intelligence in a person based on those characteristics we can see and measure directly, such as the outcomes of rational decisions, answers to standardized tests, or the purposefulness of behavior. A typical intelligence test, for example, asks you to do several things, including notice similarities between objects, solve arithmetic problems, define words, assemble puzzles, and judge what behavior would be appropriate in a particular situation. More than a century of research has convinced most psychologists that a general ability, or g factor, underlies the various abilities and talents measured by intelligence tests (Gottfredson, 2002; Savi et al., 2019; Spearman, 1927; Wechsler, 1939). This general ability has two components (Brown, 2016; Horn & Cattell, 1966). Crystallized intelligence refers to knowledge and skills, the kind that allow you to do arithmetic, define words, and make decisions. Fluid intelligence refers to the capacity to reason and use information to solve new problems. Crystallized g is heavily dependent on education and tends to remain stable or even increase over a lifetime, whereas fluid g is relatively independent of education and tends to decrease in old age. Tests of g do a good job of predicting academic achievement and professional success (Kuncel et al., 2004; Simonton & Song, 2009). But, as we will see, some scientists dispute the existence of a global quality called “intelligence,” observing that a person can be smart in some areas and not in others (Gardner, 2011; Guilford, 1988). For more perspectives on what intelligence is, watch a video on this topic in Revel. Where in the brain does intelligence reside? You’re savvy enough about the brain by now to know that such a simple question has no simple answer! The emerging research consensus is that intelligence is not located in one discrete region of the brain, but rather is best conceptualized as a function of the flow of information across a network of different structures. One of the leading neuroscientific models of intelligence is known as the parietofrontal integration theory, or P-FIT (Deary et al., 2010; Jung & Haier, 2007). Based on data from neuroimaging studies, P-FIT suggests that general intelligence derives from the efficient transfer of information between regions, including the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, inferior and superior parietal lobe, anterior cingulate, and both the occipital and temporal lobes. So, in which lobe of the brain can you find intelligence? All of them! Or more precisely, in the flow of information between them. Yet another tough question is whether intelligence is the exclusive domain of living beings. As detailed in the final section of this chapter, debate exists surrounding whether and to what degree nonhuman animals possess intelligence. But what about entities that are not alive? Is the Watson computer that beat its human competitors on Jeopardy! intelligent? Can machines actually think? These are questions that cognitive psychologists, computer scientists, and philosophers have debated for decades and probably will for many more. As the phrase artificial intelligence implies, machines are able to perform some of the operations included in our definition of intelligence: profiting from experience, acquiring knowledge, and adapting to changes in the environment. But do machines think abstractly? Can they act purposefully? Watson beat two human game show champions, but did the computer truly understand the massive amounts of information that it analyzed during the show? These are complicated questions. We encourage you to keep them in mind as you read the rest of this chapter. And as you will soon see, contemporary psychologists often view intelligence as more than simply solving problems and learning how to complete tasks. Intelligence can also include self-awareness, artistic ability, creativity, and the ability to decode, predict, and empathize with emotional responses. The ultimate answers to questions

intelligence An inferred characteristic, usually defined as the ability to profit from experience, acquire knowledge, think abstractly, act purposefully, or adapt to changes in the environment.

g factor A general intellectual ability assumed by many theorists to underlie specific mental abilities and talents.

crystallized intelligence Cognitive skills and specific knowledge acquired over a lifetime.

fluid intelligence The capacity to reason and use information to solve problems.

278 Chapter 9 about artificial intelligence—or in the case of Jeopardy!, the questions to the answers—likely involve more than just the ability to perform well on a game show.

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9.3.B The IQ Test Learning Objective 9.3.B Summarize the notion of IQ, how it is measured, its limitations, and the challenges to assessing it across cultures.

The 2014 film The Imitation Game tells the story of Alan Turing, a British mathematician and computer scientist, played by Benedict Cumberbatch (he’s everywhere!). One of Turing’s lasting contributions is the Turing test, an effort to determine whether or not a machine or computer can think like a human. In the Turing test, human evaluators have text-only conversations with fellow humans and machines. If a machine is able to convince a majority of the evaluators that it is actually a human being, then it is said to have passed the test by imitating humanlike intelligence.

mental age (MA) A measure of development expressed in terms of the average mental ability at a given age.

intelligence quotient (IQ) A measure of intelligence originally computed by dividing a person’s mental age by their chronological age and multiplying by 100 and now derived from norms provided for standardized intelligence tests.

The first widely used intelligence test was devised in 1904, when the French Ministry of Education asked psychologist Alfred Binet (1857–1911) to find a way to identify children who needed remedial work. The ministry was reluctant to let teachers identify such children themselves because the teachers might have prejudices about children from low-income households or might assume that shy or disruptive children were mentally impaired. The government wanted a more objective approach.

BINET’S BRAINSTORM Binet had a great insight: In the classroom, the responses of children who were slower to learn resembled those of average children of younger ages. Bright children, in contrast, responded like children of older ages. The thing to measure, then, was a child’s mental age (MA), or level of intellectual development relative to that of other children. Then instruction could be tailored to the child’s capabilities, figured Binet. The test devised by Binet and his colleague, Théodore Simon, measured memory, vocabulary, and perceptual discrimination. Items ranged from those that most young children could do easily to those that only older children could handle, as determined by the testing of large numbers of youth. A scoring system developed later by others used a formula in which a child’s mental age was divided by the child’s actual age to yield an intelligence quotient (IQ). With this formula, all average children, regardless of their age, would have an IQ of 100 because their mental age and their actual age would be the same. But a child of 8 who performed like the average 10-year-old would have a mental age of 10 and an IQ of 125 (10 divided by 8, times 100). Visit Revel to watch a video regarding the brief history of the development of intelligence testing. Unfortunately, this method of computing IQ had serious flaws. At one age, scores might cluster tightly around the average, whereas at another age they might be more dispersed. As a result, the score necessary to be in the top 10% or 20% or 30% of your age group varied, depending on your age. Also, the IQ formula did not make sense for adults; a 50-year-old who scores like a 30-year-old does not have low intelligence! Today, therefore, intelligence tests are scored differently. The average is usually set at 100; tests are constructed so that about two-thirds of all people score between 85 and 115, and individual scores are computed from tables based on established norms. These scores are still informally referred to as IQs, and they still reflect how a person compares with other people, either children of a particular age or adults in general. At all ages, the distribution of scores approximates a bell-shaped curve, with scores near the mean more common than high or low scores (see Figure 9.4). Binet emphasized that his test merely sampled intelligence and did not measure everything covered by that term. A test score, he said, could be useful, along with other information, for predicting school performance, but it should not be confused with intelligence itself. The tests were designed to be given individually so that the test giver could tell when a child was ill or nervous, had poor vision, or was unmotivated. The purpose was to identify children with learning problems, not to rank all children. Alas, not all scholars of the era took such a nuanced approach to assessing intelligence. For example, Francis Galton

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Percentage of population

Figure 9.4 Expected Distribution of IQ Scores Interactive

was a British statistician and a cousin of the famed naturalist Charles Darwin. Though Galton did most of his writing in the 19th century, you’re familiar with at least some of his work; he is credited with coining the phrase “nature versus nurture.” In addition to being a prolific author and celebrated thinker of his day, Galton was an unapologetic racist. Galton was a proponent of eugenics and the scientific effort to bolster “superior” races through selective breeding that would avoid those of “poor blood and low stock.” Sadly, he was not alone: When the American Psychological Association (2021b) released a report with a detailed history of psychological science’s contributions to racism in the United States, it included the names of many well-known early researchers of human intelligence, including Raymond Catell, Louis Terman, and Robert Yerkes. While Alfred Binet’s ideas about (and test of) intelligence fortunately became the dominant perspective of the early 20th century, problematic efforts to use intelligence testing to advance racist ideologies continue to this day (Giangrande & Turkheimer, 2022; Gould, 1996; Winston, 2020).

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99.74% 95.44% 68.26%

0.13%

2.14%

2.14%

0.13%

13.59% 34.13% 34.13% 13.59% 55

70

85

100 115 IQ scores

130

145

In a large population, IQ scores tend to be distributed on a normal curve. On most tests, about 68% of people will score between 85 and 115; about 95% will score between 70 and 130; and about 99.7% will score between 55 and 145. In any actual sample, however, the distribution will depart somewhat from the theoretical ideal.

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THE IQ TEST COMES TO AMERICA In the United States, Stanford psychologist Lewis Terman (1916) revised Binet’s test and established norms for American children. His version, the Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scales, has been updated several times since its creation over 100 years ago. It can be given to adults or to children as young as age 2. The test asks a person to perform a variety of tasks—to fill in missing words in sentences, answer questions requiring general knowledge, predict how a folded paper will look when unfolded, measure a quantity of water using two containers of different sizes, and distinguish between similar concepts (such as, say, vigor and energy). The older the test taker is, the more the test requires in the way of verbal comprehension and fluency, spatial ability, and reasoning. Two decades later, David Wechsler (1939) designed another test expressly Figure 9.5 Performance Tasks on the Wechsler Tests for adults, which became the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS); it was followed by the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC; Wechsler, 1949). These tests, too, have been updated several times. They produce a general IQ score and separate scores for verbal comprehension, perceptual reasoning, Picture arrangement (Arrange the panels to make a meaningful story) processing speed, and working memory. Items measure a range of abilities, including vocabulary, arithmetic abil1 2 3 4 5 Code ities, the ability to recognize similarities (e.g., “How are books and movies Test 2 1 4 3 5 2 1 3 4 2 1 alike?”), general knowledge and comprePicture completion Object assembly Digit symbol hension (e.g., “Why do people who want (Supply the missing (Put together a (Using the key at the top, fill in the a divorce have to go to court?”), and nonfeature) jigsaw puzzle) appropriate symbol beneath each number) verbal skills such as the ability to recreate a block design within a specified time Nonverbal items are particularly useful for measuring the abilities of those who have poor hearing, are limit or to identify a part missing from a not fluent in the tester’s language, have limited education, or resist doing classroom-type problems. A picture. (See Figure 9.5 for some sample large gap between a person’s verbal score and performance on nonverbal tasks such as these sometimes items.) indicates a specific learning problem.

280 Chapter 9 Once again, remember that Binet had cautioned against intelligence testing being confused with intelligence itself, but when the IQ test was brought from France to the United States, its original purpose seemed to get lost in the process. IQ tests became widely used not to bring slow learners up to speed, but rather to categorize people in school and in the armed services according to their presumed “natural ability.” Testers also often overlooked the fact that in America, with its many ethnic groups, not all people shared the same background and experience (Gould, 1996), as we now explore in more detail. Intelligence tests developed between World War I and the 1960s for use in schools favored children from urban settings over rural settings, children from middle-class households over children from lower-income households, and White children over racially minoritized children. One item asked whether the Emperor Concerto was written by Bach, Beethoven, Brahms, Mahler, or Mozart. Critics complained that questions like these did not measure the kinds of knowledge and skills that indicate intelligent behavior in all neighborhoods or communities. (For example, did you know that the answer to the question above was Beethoven? We didn’t, and we consider ourselves intelligent individuals.) Some feared that because teachers thought IQ scores revealed the limits of a child’s potential, low-scoring children would not get the educational attention or encouragement they needed. Test makers responded by trying to construct tests that were unaffected by culture or that incorporated knowledge and skills common to many different cultures. But these efforts were disappointing. One reason was that cultures differ in the problem-solving strategies they emphasize (Serpell & Haynes, 2004; Serpell & Simatende, 2016). Testing experts also discovered that cultural values and experiences affect many things besides responses to specific test items. These include a person’s general attitude toward exams, comfort in the settings required for testing, rapport with the test-giver, competitiveness, and preference for solving problems independently rather than with others (Anastasi & Urbina, 1997; Sternberg, 2004; Suzuki et al., 2020). Moreover, people’s performance on IQ and other mental-ability tests also depends at least in part on their expectations about how they will do, and those expectations can be shaped by cultural stereotypes. Stereotypes that portray women or members of certain racial, ethnic, age, or socioeconomic groups as unintelligent sometimes impair the performance of people in those groups. Such stereotypes can lead individuals to feel a burden of doubt about their abilities and to worry that if they do not do well, they will confirm negative stereotypes about their group, creating an insecurity known as stereotype threat (Spencer et al., 2016; Steele, 2010; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Factors that increase the salience of stereotypes can increase stereotype threat and affect performance, such as taking the test in a setting where you are the only member from your group or being asked to state your race before taking the test (Gibson et al., 2014; Shih et al., 1999; Tellhed & Adolfsson, 2018). In Revel, a video on intelligence tests and stereotypes explores these issues further. What can be done to minimize stereotype threat? One approach is to assure people that the test is fair; another is to emphasize that individuals do not have a fixed level of intelligence but rather are able to strengthen performance in most domains through effort and trial and error—much as muscles can be strengthened through physical exercise (Good et al., 2008; Johns et al., 2005; Shapiro et al., 2013). But these solutions cannot eliminate all group differences in test scores, and this conclusion once again points to a dilemma at the heart of intelligence and mental-ability testing: Intelligence tests put some groups of people at a disadvantage, yet they also measure skills and knowledge that are useful in the classroom. In their efforts to operationally define and measure intelligence, psychologists and educators continue to wrestle with the challenge of how to recognize and account for cultural differences while, at the same time, promoting the mastery skills that help people succeed in school and beyond.

CULTURE AND INTELLIGENCE TESTING

stereotype threat A burden of doubt a person feels about their performance due to awareness of negative stereotypes about their group’s abilities.

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9.3.C Elements of Intelligence Learning Objective 9.3.C Describe how metacognition, the triarchic theory of intelligence, multiple intelligences, and emotional intelligence shed light on the diversity of what “intelligence” means.

Percentile

One cognitive ingredient of intelligence is working memory, a complex capacity that enables you to manipulate information retrieved from long-term memory and interpret it appropriately for a given task. It permits you to juggle your attention while working on a problem, shifting your attention from one piece of information to another while ignoring distracting or irrelevant information. People who do well on tests of working memory tend to be good at complex real-life tasks requiring the control of attention, including reading comprehension, writing, and reasoning (Engle, 2002). In contrast, people with less working-memory capacity often have trouble keeping their minds on the job at hand and do not get better on a task, even with practice (Kane et al., 2007). Instead of trying to help people do better on individual tasks, therefore, might it be possible to improve their working memories and thereby improve a crucial component of intelligence? Scientists have reported mixed success with working-memory training programs (Au et al., 2015; Redick, 2019). Another cognitive ingredient of intelligence is metacognition, the knowledge or metacognition awareness of your own cognitive processes and the ability to monitor and control them The knowledge or awareness of one’s (Heyes et al., 2020; Rouault et al., 2018). Students who are weak in metacognition fail to own cognitive processes and the ability to monitor and control them. notice when a passage in a textbook is difficult, and they do not always realize that they haven’t understood what they’ve been reading. As a result, they spend too little time on difficult material and too much time on material they already know. They are overconfident about their comprehension and memory and are surprised when they do poorly on exams (Dunlosky & Lipko, 2007). In contrast, students who are strong in metacognition check their comprehension by restating what they have read, testing themselves, triarchic theory of intelligence backtracking when necessary, and questioning what they are reading (Metcalfe, 2009; A theory of intelligence that Zabrusky et al., 2015). emphasizes analytic, creative, and It works in the other direction, too: The kind of intelligence that practical abilities. enhances academic performance can also help you develop metacognitive skills. Students with poor academic skills typically fail to realize how little Figure 9.6 Is Ignorance Really Bliss? they know; they think they’re doing fine (Schlösser et al., 2013). The very 100 weaknesses that keep them from doing well on tests or in their courses also 90 keep them from realizing their weaknesses. In one study, students in a psy80 chology course estimated how well they had just done on an exam relative 70 to other students. As you can see in Figure 9.6, those who had performed 60 in the bottom quartile greatly overestimated their own performance 50 (Dunning et al., 2003). In contrast, people with strong academic skills tend 40 to be more realistic. Often, they even underestimate slightly how their per30 formance compares with the performance of others. 20

Having a good working memory and strong metacognitive skills does not explain why some smart people keep making the same foolish choices in their relationships, or why people who don’t seem especially bright are wildly successful in their jobs. That is why some psychological scientists reject the idea of a g factor as an adequate description of intelligence and prefer to speak of different kinds of intelligence. For example, Robert Sternberg (2018), developed a triarchic [try-ARE-kick] theory of intelligence (triarchic means “three-part”). He defined intelligence as “the skills and knowledge needed for success in life, according to one’s own definition of success, within one’s sociocultural context.” A guitarist, builder, scientist, and farmer are all successful when they THE TRIARCHIC THEORY

10 0 Bottom

Second Third Actual Performance Quartile Perceived Test Performance

Top

Actual Test Performance

In school and in other settings, people who perform poorly often have poor metacognitive skills and therefore fail to recognize their own lack of competence. As you can see, the lower students scored on an exam, the greater the gap between how they thought they had done and how they actually had done (Dunning et al., 2003).

282 Chapter 9 make the most of their strengths and adapt to, select, and shape their environments to improve their lives. According to Sternberg, successfully intelligent people balance three kinds of intelligence: analytic, creative, and practical. If they are weak in one, they learn to work around that weakness. 1. Analytical intelligence refers to the information-processing strategies you draw on when you are thinking about a problem: recognizing and defining it, selecting a strategy for solving it, mastering and carrying out the strategy, and evaluating the result. Such abilities are required in every culture but are applied to different kinds of problems. 2. Creative intelligence refers to transferring skills to new situations. People with creative intelligence cope well with novelty and learn quickly to make new tasks automatic. Those who are lacking in this area perform well only under a narrow set of circumstances. 3. Practical intelligence refers to the application of intelligence, which requires you to take into account the different contexts in which you find yourself. If you are strong in practical intelligence, you know when to adapt to the environment, you know when to change environments, and you know when to fix the situation you’re in. tacit knowledge Strategies for success that are not explicitly taught but that instead must be inferred.

Practical intelligence allows you to acquire tacit knowledge—action-oriented strategies for achieving your goals that usually are not formally taught but must instead be inferred by observing others. People who have tacit knowledge and practical intelligence—be they college professors, business managers, or salespeople—tend to be better than others at their jobs. Among college students, tacit knowledge about how to be a good student actually predicts academic success as well as entrance exams do (Matošková, 2019; Sternberg et al., 2000). Table 9.1 provides a summary of Sternberg’s theory. Howard Gardner has also argued for an expanded definition of intelligence. His multiple intelligences theory (Gardner, 1983, 2011) holds that intelligence is best characterized as a capacity to process certain kinds of information. Just as bees, birds, and bears rely on the interplay of different biological and environmental mechanisms to navigate their cognitive worlds, so do humans. Rather than spotlighting a single g factor, Gardner claims that the information-processing skills we possess can take many forms. A person with a great deal of musical intelligence, for example, might process information about pitch or rhythm more effectively than someone else, just as someone with a lot of interpersonal intelligence might be skilled at decoding the nonverbal behavior of others.

MULTIPLE INTELLIGENCES multiple intelligences theory A theory of intelligence that emphasizes many different ways of processing information.

One of the most important kinds of nonintellectual “smarts” may be emotional intelligence, the ability to identify your own and other people’s emotions accurately, express your emotions clearly, and manage emotions (Goleman, 2020; Salovey & Grewal, 2005). People with high emotional intelligence, popularly known as “EQ,” use their emotions to motivate themselves, spur creative thinking, and deal empathically with others. People who are lacking in emotional intelligence are often unable to identify their own emotions and may express emotions inappropriately—for example, joking around or posting a lighthearted social media update when others nearby are in the midst of crisis. They may also misread nonverbal signals from others, giving a long-winded account of all their problems when the listener is obviously bored, or failing to realize that they could reduce the distress of the person they’re with through a simple hug or apology.

EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE emotional intelligence The ability to identify emotions accurately, express your emotions clearly, and regulate emotions.

Table 9.1 The Triarchic Theory of Intelligence Type of Intelligence

Characteristics

Example

Analytical

Recognizing and defining a problem, comparing and contrasting, selecting a strategy for solving the problem, mastering and carrying out the strategy, and evaluating the result

Solving logic problems in your college courses

Creative

Ability to transfer old skills to new situations

Finding a new use for a familiar object to solve a problem

Practical

Application of intelligence that requires you to take into account the different contexts in which you find yourself

Responding effectively to your boss’s bad mood

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Theorists who argue for an expanded definition of intelligence would say that a surveyor has spatial intelligence, a compassionate friend has emotional intelligence, and Lizzo has musical intelligence. Should the definition be broadened in this way? Or are these abilities better defined as talents?

Not everyone is equally enthusiastic about the proliferation of “intelligences” and their components. For example, some argue that emotional intelligence is not a special cognitive ability but a collection of ordinary personality traits, such as empathy and extraversion (Matthews et al., 2003; Waterhouse, 2006). Nonetheless, broadening the notion of intelligence has been useful for several reasons. It has forced us to think more critically about what we mean by intelligence and to consider how different abilities help us function in our everyday lives. It has generated research on tests that provide ongoing feedback to the test taker so that the person can learn from the experience and improve their performance (Sternberg, 2004). Most important, new approaches to intelligence encourage us to overcome the mental set of assuming that the only kind of abilities necessary for a successful life are the kind captured by IQ tests.

9.3.D Motivation, Hard Work, and Intellectual Success Learning Objective 9.3.D Outline how longitudinal and cross-cultural studies shed light on the interplay of motivation, hard work, and intellectual achievement.

Figure 9.7 Grades, IQ, and Self-Discipline 94 92 90 Final Percentage

Even with a high IQ, emotional intelligence, and practical know-how, you still might struggle at times. Talent does not inevitably rise to the top; success also depends on drive and determination. Consider a finding from one of the longest-running psychological studies ever conducted, as discussed in Chapter 3. In 1921, Louis Terman and his associates began following more than 1,500 children with IQ scores in the top 1% of the distribution. These children started out bright, physically healthy, sociable, and well adjusted. As they entered adulthood, most became successful, but others failed to live up to their early promise, dropping out of school or drifting between jobs. There was no average difference in IQ between the more and less successful individuals. Even if you are motivated to succeed intellectually, you still need self-discipline to reach your goals. In another longitudinal study, this one of an ethnically diverse, eighth-grade classroom, students received a self-discipline score based on their self-reports, parents’ reports, and teachers’ reports (Duckworth & Seligman, 2005). Students were also scored on a behavioral measure of self-discipline—their ability to delay gratification. (The teens had to choose between keeping an envelope containing $1 or returning it in exchange for $2 a week later.) Self-discipline was a far better predictor of students’ final grades and achievement test scores than was IQ, as you can see in Figure 9.7. In subsequent years, Angela Duckworth’s research has identified another similar, yet distinct, ingredient for achievement: grit, or the tenacity to continue to pursue goals even in the face of frustration and setback (Duckworth & Gross, 2014). It would seem that a combination of perseverance and self-control can be as important for intellectual success as your score on an IQ test. Also important are attitudes about intelligence and achievement, which are shaped by cultural values. For many years, Harold Stevenson and his colleagues studied attitudes toward achievement in Asia and the United States, comparing large samples of elementary

88 86 84 82

Self-Discipline IQ

80 1

2

3 4 Quintiles

5

Eighth-grade students were divided into five groups (quintiles) based on IQ scores and then followed for a year to test their academic achievement. Self-discipline was a stronger predictor of success than was IQ (Duckworth & Seligman, 2005).

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Figure 9.8 What’s the Secret of Math

Percentage who say studying hard is most important for math performance

Success? 100 90 80 70 60

• Beliefs about intelligence. American parents, teachers, and children were far more likely than their Asian counterparts to believe that mathematical ability is innate (see Figure 9.8). They tended to think that if you have this ability, you don’t have to work hard, and if you don’t have it, there’s no point in trying.

50 40 30 20 10 0

school-age children, parents, and teachers in Minneapolis, Chicago, Sendai (Japan), Taipei (Taiwan), and Beijing (China) (Stevenson, et al., 1993; Stevenson & Stigler, 1992). Their results have much to teach us about the cultivation of intellect. In one study they found that only 4% of the Chinese children and 10% of the Japanese children had math scores as low as those of the average American child. These differences could not be accounted for by educational resources, as the Chinese parents actually had lower average incomes than the American parents. Nor did it have anything to do with intellectual abilities in general; the American children were just as knowledgeable and capable as the Asian children on tests of general information. But the Asian and American samples were worlds apart in several key ways:

Teachers Japanese

Students Americans

Japanese teachers and students are much more likely than their American counterparts to believe that the secret to doing well in math is working hard. Americans tend to think that you either have mathematical intelligence or you don’t (Stevenson et al., 1993).

• Standards. American parents had far lower standards for their children’s performance; they were satisfied with scores barely above average on a 100-point test. In contrast, Chinese and Japanese parents were happy only with very high scores. • Values. American students did not value education as much as Asian students did. When asked what they would wish for if a wizard could give them anything they wanted, more than 60% of the Chinese fifth graders named something related to their education. A majority of the American children said money or possessions. When it comes to intellect, then, it’s not just what you’ve got that counts. It’s also what you do with it. Complacency, low standards, a lack of grit, and a desire for immediate gratification can prevent people from recognizing what they don’t know, ultimately reducing their efforts to learn.

Taking Psychology with You Bolstering Your Focus and Creativity When it comes to research on thinking and intelligence, there are many ways for you to take psychology with you in your daily life as a student. For example, our opening survey tells us that many readers of this chapter complete course assignments while the Internet is just a click away. Trust us: We get it. The temptations afforded by phones, tablets, and laptops are hard to pass up. We’d like to tell you that this entire text was written without any such distractions

moment to test your creativity with some items based on the Remote Associates Test, a test of mental flexibility. Your task is to come up with a fourth word that is associated with each item in a set of three words (Mednick, 1962). For example, if we gave you the word set news—clip—wall, your job would be to come up with the associated word paper. Got the idea? Now try these (the answers are given at the end of this section):

competing for your authors’ attention. We’d like to tell you that, but

1. aid—rubber—wagon

we’d be lying. Now that you—and we—know more about the cognitive challenges posed by multitasking, however, perhaps you—and we—will also be more motivated to seek out distraction-free environments when reading, writing, and studying. Multitasking siphons off valuable attention from what we’re supposed to focus on. The consequences of task switching like this can be hazardous to your grade-point average and even to your health. And just as the bias blind spot renders us unaware of some of our irrational tendencies, we’re often unaware of just how distracting multitasking can be— most of us think we’re a lot better at it than we really are. Another important domain is creativity. Throughout this text, we have emphasized the need to ask questions, think of nonobvious explanations, and examine assumptions and biases. These critical thinking guidelines depend upon creativity. Let’s take a

2. surprise—political—favor 3. cake—cottage—blue 4. stick—maker—tennis 5. bath—up—burst Creative thinking requires you to associate elements of a problem in new ways by finding unexpected connections. Less creative people rely on convergent thinking, following a particular set of steps that they think will converge on one correct solution, and then approaching future problems the same way. More creative people, in contrast, exercise divergent thinking; instead of stubbornly sticking to one tried-and-true path, they come up with new hypotheses, imagine other interpretations, and look for connections that might otherwise be overlooked (Amabile & Pillemer, 2012; Gralewski & Karwowski, 2019).

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kinds of situations that will permit you to express your abilities and experiment with new ideas. And don’t overlook the importance of metacognition—being able to understand and monitor your own mental processes. We hope that reading an entire chapter on thinking and intelligence will be a good place to start! [Answers to the creativity test: band, party, cheese, match, bubble] Julien Tromeur/Shutterstock

Of course, some individuals may be more creative than others, but circumstances can foster or inhibit creative accomplishment. Creativity is not just “in you”; it can be stimulated or suppressed by the situations in which you live and work. It flourishes when schools and employers encourage intrinsic motivation (a sense of accomplishment, intellectual curiosity, the sheer love of an activity) and not just extrinsic rewards such as gold stars and money (Auger & Woodman, 2016). It thrives when you work with others who have different ideas, perspectives, and training because they tend to jolt you out of your familiar way of seeing problems (Hundschell et al., 2021). Individual creativity often requires solitude—having time for productive daydreaming and mind-wandering (Fox & Beaty, 2019)—and the freedom to perform a task independently. Group “brainstorming” sessions often produce more storm than brain (Amabile & Khaire, 2008). So, if you hope to optimize your thinking and intelligence, this chapter is full of lessons to take with you. Avoid the pitfalls of task switching. Exhibit self-control and grit, and don’t assume that all successes depend on an innate set of skills. Remember that there are multiple ways to define intelligence. Seek out the

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Smart isn’t something you are—it’s something you get. At least, so asserted the young daughter of one of your authors 1 day after hearing the message at school. A bit corny? Sure. But the school (and the kid) had a point. This chapter is full of concrete tips we can take advantage of in working to think more effectively, creatively, and intelligently.

Interactive

JOURNAL 9.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Expanding the notion of intelligence to include different kinds of abilities allows us to recognize the strengths that people may have in nontraditional areas of thought and reasoning. However, there’s a danger of taking this approach too far. Tying one’s shoes quickly need not represent being high in shoe-tying intelligence, for example. How would you strike a balance, recognizing a core set of intellectual capacities without creating an “intelligence” for every skill or ability?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 9.3 to test your knowledge.

9.4 Animal Minds A green heron swipes some bread from a picnicker’s table and scatters the crumbs on a nearby stream. When a minnow rises to the bait, the heron strikes, swallowing its prey before you can say “dinnertime.” A sea otter, floating calmly on its back, bangs a mussel shell against a stone that is resting on its stomach. When the shell cracks apart, the otter devours the tasty morsel inside, tucks the stone under its flipper, and dives for another shell. Incidents such as these have convinced some scientists that humans are not the only animals with cognitive abilities—that “dumb beasts” are not so dumb after all. But how smart are they? And given that we can’t administer a written intelligence test to green herons and sea otters, how can we try to answer this question?

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9.4.A Animal Intelligence Learning Objective 9.4.A Summarize the evidence supporting and refuting the concept of animal intelligence. In the 1920s, Wolfgang Köhler (1925) put chimpanzees in situations in which tempting bananas were just out of reach and watched to see what the animals would do. Most did nothing, but a few turned out to be quite clever. If the bananas were outside the cage, the chimp might pull them in with a stick. If they were hanging overhead, and there were boxes in the cage, the chimp might stack the boxes and climb on top of them to reach the fruit. Often the solution came after the chimp had been sitting quietly for a while. It appeared as though the animal had been thinking about the problem and was struck by a sudden insight.

Just how smart is this otter? How can we go about answering a question such as this one, measuring an animal’s intelligence? What are the obstacles to overcome in any effort to do so?

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In an early study of animal intelligence, Sultan, a talented chimpanzee studied by Wolfgang Köhler, was able to figure out how to reach a cluster of bananas by piling up boxes and climbing on top of them. (1) If you’re a chimp, seeing bananas just out of your grasp poses a major problem. You want the bananas! But how to get them? (2) After sitting quietly for a while, Sultan gathered some crates and boxes that were in the room and stacked them high enough to offer a solution. (3) Success! Everyone wins: Sultan got his bananas, and psychologists learned about animal intelligence in the process.

cognitive ethology The study of cognitive processes in nonhuman animals.

Learning theorists, however, felt that this seemingly impressive behavior could be accounted for by the standard principles of operant learning, without resorting to mental explanations. Because of their influence, for years, any scientist who claimed that animals could think was likely to be ignored or laughed at. Today, however, the study of animal intelligence is booming, especially in the interdisciplinary field of cognitive ethology. (Ethology is the study of animal behavior, especially in natural environments.) Cognitive ethologists argue that some animals can anticipate future events, make plans, and coordinate their activities with those of their comrades (Bekoff, 2017; Griffin, 2001). When we think about animal intelligence, we must be careful because even complex behavior that appears to be purposeful might be genetically “prewired” and automatic, instead of requiring cognition (Wynne, 2004). The assassin bug of South America catches termites by gluing nest material on its back as camouflage, but it is hard to imagine how the bug’s tiny dab of brain tissue could enable it to plan this strategy consciously. Yet explanations of animal behavior that leave out any sort of consciousness and that attribute animals’ actions entirely to instinct do not seem to account for some of the amazing things that they can do. Many animals use objects in the natural environment as rudimentary tools, and in some nonhuman primates, this behavior is learned. Thus, chimpanzee mothers occasionally show their young how to use stones to open hard nuts (Boesch, 1991). Orangutans in one particular Sumatran swamp have learned to use sticks as tools, held in their mouths, to pry insects from holes in tree trunks and to get seeds out of cracks in fruit, whereas nearby groups of orangutans use only brute force to get to the delicacies (van Schaik, 2006). Even some nonprimates may have the capacity to learn to use tools, although the evidence remains controversial. Female bottlenose dolphins off the coast of Australia attach sea sponges to their beaks while hunting for food, which protects them from sharp coral and stinging stonefish, and they seem to have acquired this unusual skill from their mothers (Krützen et al., 2005). In the laboratory, nonhuman primates have accomplished even more surprising things; for example, chimpanzees have demonstrated that they have a rudimentary sense of number and an ability to solve logical reasoning tasks (Cantlon et al., 2016; Ferrigno et al., 2021). In one study, chimps compared two pairs of food wells containing chocolate chips. One pair might contain five chips and three chips, the other four chips and three chips. Allowed to choose which pair they wanted, the chimps almost always chose the one with

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the higher combined total, showing some sort of arithmetic ability (Rumbaugh, et al., 1988). Chimpanzees can even remember over a period of 20 minutes which of two containers holds more bananas after watching the bananas being placed one at a time into the containers. In fact, they do as well as young children on this task (Beran & Beran, 2004; Parrish et al., 2014). One of the most controversial questions about animal cognition is whether any animals besides human beings have a theory of mind, a system of beliefs about the way the minds of others work and an understanding of how thoughts and feelings affect behavior (Martin & Santos, 2016; Meunier, 2017). A theory of mind enables you to draw conclusions about the intentions, feelings, and beliefs of others; empathize with others (“What would I experience if I were in the other person’s position?”); deceive others; recognize yourself in a mirror; and know when others can or cannot see you. In human beings, a theory of mind starts to develop in the second year and is clearly present by about age 3 or 4. Some researchers believe that great apes (chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans), dolphins, and elephants have certain abilities that reflect a theory of mind (de Waal, 2001; Plotnik et al., 2006; Suddendorf & Whiten, 2001). When looking in a mirror, these animals may try to find marks on their bodies, suggesting self-recognition, or at least bodily awareness. In addition, chimpanzees console other chimps who are in distress, use deceptive tactics when competing for food, and point to draw attention to objects, suggesting that they are able to grasp what is going on in another chimp’s mind. In the wild, when one male African chimp makes an exaggerated scratching movement on part of its body during social grooming—say, on the forehead—a comrade will then groom the indicated spot (Pika & Mitani, 2006). Chimps and even monkeys may also be capable of some metacognition, the ability to understand and monitor their own cognitive processes. When they are tested on a new task, they will sometimes avoid difficult trials in which they are likely to be wrong. And they will press an icon on a touch screen to request “hints” provided by their human observers when they are unsure of the correct response, even when seeking a hint means getting a lesser reward for a correct answer (Kornell, 2009). These findings suggest that the animals know what they know and don’t know.

9.4.B Animals and Language Learning Objective 9.4.B Summarize the evidence supporting and refuting the concept of animal language use. A primary ingredient of human cognition is language, the ability to combine elements that are themselves meaningless into an infinite number of utterances that convey meaning. Do nonhuman animals have anything comparable? Many people have wished they could ask their pet what it’s like to be a dog or a cat or a fish. If only they could speak! To qualify as a language, a communication system must use combinations of sounds, gestures, or symbols that are meaningful, not random. It must permit displacement, communication about objects and events that are not present here and now but rather are located elsewhere in time or space. And it must have a grammar (syntax) that permits productivity, the ability to generate and comprehend an infinite number of new utterances. By these criteria, no nonhuman species has its own language. Animals do communicate, of course, using gestures, body postures, facial expressions, vocalizations, and odors. Some of these signals have highly specific meanings: Vervet monkeys seem to have separate calls to warn about leopards versus eagles versus snakes (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1985). But vervets cannot combine these sounds to produce entirely novel utterances, as in “Look out, Harry, that eagle-eyed leopard is about to get up in your grill.” Perhaps, however, some animals could acquire language if they got a little help from their human friends. Because the vocal tract of an ape does not permit speech, most investigators have used innovative approaches that rely on gestures or visual symbols. In one project, chimpanzees learned to use as words geometric plastic shapes arranged on a magnetic board (Premack & Premack, 1983). In another, they learned to punch symbols on a keyboard

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theory of mind A system of beliefs about the way the minds of others work and of how individuals are affected by their beliefs and feelings.

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Kanzi, a bonobo who answers questions and makes requests by punching symbols on a specially designed computer keyboard, also understands short English sentences.

Alex was a remarkably clever bird. His abilities have raised intriguing questions about the intelligence of animals and their capacity for specific aspects of language.

monitored by a computer (Rumbaugh, 1977). In yet another, they learned hundreds of signs in American Sign Language (Fouts & Rigby, 1977; Gardner & Gardner, 1969). Animals in these studies learned to follow instructions, answer questions, and make requests. They even seemed to use their newfound skills to apologize for being disobedient, scold their trainers, and talk to themselves. Koko, a lowland gorilla, reportedly used signs to say that she felt happy or sad, to refer to past and future events, to mourn for her dead pet kitten, and to lie when she did something naughty (Gold & Watson, 2018; Patterson & Linden, 1981). Most important, the animals combined individual signs or symbols into longer utterances that they had never seen before. Unfortunately, in their affection for their primate friends, some early researchers overinterpreted the animals’ utterances, reading all sorts of meanings and intentions into a single sign or symbol, ignoring scrambled word order (“banana eat me”), and unwittingly giving nonverbal cues that might enable the apes to respond correctly. But over the past few decades, as researchers have improved their techniques, they have discovered that with careful training, chimps can indeed acquire some aspects of language, including the ability to use symbols to refer to objects. Some animals have also used signs spontaneously to converse with each other, suggesting that they are not merely imitating or trying to get a reward (Van Cantfort & Rimpau, 1982). Bonobos (a type of ape) are especially adept at language (Graham et al., 2017). One bonobo named Kanzi has learned to understand English words, short sentences, and keyboard symbols without formal training (Savage-Rumbaugh & Lewin, 1994; Savage-Rumbaugh et al., 1998). Kanzi responds correctly to commands such as “Put the key in the refrigerator,” even when he has never heard the words combined in that particular way before. He picked up language as children do—by observing others using it and through normal social interaction. He has also learned, with training, to manipulate keyboard symbols to request favorite foods or activities (games, TV, visits to friends) and to announce his intentions. In yet another example, we now know that birds are not as . . . well, birdbrained as previously assumed. Irene Pepperberg (2002, 2008) has been working since the late 1970s with African gray parrots. Her favorite, named Alex, could count, classify, and compare objects by vocalizing English words. When he was shown up to six items and asked how many there were, he responded with spoken (squawked?) English phrases, such as “two corks” or “four keys.” He even responded correctly to questions about items specified on two or three dimensions, as in “How many blue key(s)?” Alex also made requests (“Want pasta”) and answered simple questions about objects (“Which is bigger?”). When presented with a blue cork and a blue key and asked “What’s the same?” he would correctly respond “color.” He actually scored slightly better with new objects than with familiar ones, suggesting that he was not merely “parroting” a set of stock phrases. Alex was also able to say remarkably appropriate things in informal interactions. He would tell Pepperberg, “I love you,” “I’m sorry,” and, when she was feeling stressed out, “Calm down.” One day, Alex asked Pepperberg’s accountant, “Wanna nut?” “No,” said the accountant. “Want some water?” “No,” she said. “A banana?” “No.” After making several other suggestions, Alex finally said, “What do you want?” (quoted in Talbot, 2008). To the sorrow of thousands of his admirers all over the world, Alex died suddenly in 2007.

9.4.C Thinking About the Thinking of Animals Learning Objective 9.4.C Explain the limitations of both the anthropomorphism and anthropodenial approaches to understanding animal cognition. These results on animal language and cognition are impressive, but scientists are still divided over just what the animals in these studies are doing (Tomasello, 2017). Do they have true language? Are they thinking in human terms? How intelligent are they? Are Koko, Kanzi, and Alex unusual, or are they typical of their species? In their efforts to correct the centuries-old underestimation of animal cognition, are modern researchers now reading too much into their data and overestimating animals’ abilities?

On one side of this debate are those who worry about anthropomorphism, the tendency to falsely attribute human qualities to nonhuman beings without considering simpler explanations for the animals’ behavior (Balter, 2012; Epley et al., 2013; Wynne, 2004). They like to tell the story of Clever Hans, the “wonder horse” at the turn of the century who was said to possess mathematical and other abilities (Spitz, 1997). Clever Hans could answer math problems by stamping his hoof the appropriate number of times. But a little careful experimentation by psychologist Oskar Pfungst (1911/1965) revealed that when Clever Hans was prevented from seeing his questioners, his powers left him. It seems that questioners were staring at the horse’s feet and leaning forward expectantly after stating the problem, then lifting their eyes and relaxing as soon as he completed the right number of taps. Clever Hans was indeed clever, but not at math or other human skills. He was responding to nonverbal signals that people were inadvertently pro- This old photo shows Clever Hans in action. viding. More than anything, perhaps he had a high EQ! On the other side are those who warn against anthropodenial, the tendency to think, mistakenly, that human beings have nothing in common with other animals, who are, after all, our evolutionary cousins (de Waal, 2001; Fouts, 1997). The need to see our own species as unique, they say, may keep us from recognizing that other species, too, have cognitive abilities, even if not as sophisticated as our own. Those who take this position point out that most modern researchers have gone to great lengths to avoid the Clever Hans problem. In sum, we human beings are used to thinking of ourselves as the smartest species around because of our astounding ability to adapt to change, find novel solutions to problems, invent new gadgets, and use language to create everything from puns to poetry. Yet, as this chapter has shown, we are not always as wise in our thinking as we might think. We can, however, boast of one crowning accomplishment: We are the only species that tries to understand its own misunderstandings and improve itself (Gazzaniga, 2008). We want to know what we don’t know; we are motivated to overcome our mental shortcomings. This uniquely human capacity for self-examination is probably the best reason to remain optimistic about our cognitive abilities.

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JOURNAL 9.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS Concepts such as emotional intelligence or the triarchic theory suggest that there are many ways of defining intelligent behavior. How would you apply that approach to the topic of animal cognition? Assuming a dolphin isn’t going to compose an operetta anytime soon, what would qualify as intelligent animal behavior, how could you recognize it, and how would you measure it?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 9.4 to test your knowledge.

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Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Different People Have Different Learning Styles STEP 1. Criticize This Claim Imagine you’re a tourist trying to find a destination in an unfamiliar city. Which type of help would you prefer? Option 1: Your friend, a local, hands you a map. Option 2: Your friend gives you step-by-step directions that you listen to and have to remember. Option 3: Your friend writes out step-by-step directions. Option 4: Your friend walks with you to show you the way so you can find it yourself next time. People think about new information in different ways. In fact, teachers often structure their lessons to match what they believe to be students’ varied ways of thinking. Let’s evaluate the underlying claim here: Different people have different learning styles.

STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder (Video) Our first step in criticizing this claim might be to ask whether we can reliably measure people’s preferences for thinking about new information. Can we measure different learning styles? We might, for example, develop written items to measure the four different learning styles referred to in our tourist example: visual, auditory, reading/writing, and physical (related to the body). For example, try answering the following questions to see what feedback you receive about your learning style. As you do this, think critically about the questions and the feedback. Are the scenarios presented in these questions reasonable ones for assessing learning style? Does your feedback seem accurate to you? 1) You buy a new piece of furniture that requires assembly. Which of the following steps would you try first? a. Examining the diagrams in the assembly instructions that come with it b. Playing around with the different pieces to see what seems to fit well c. Talking with a friend who just assembled the same item d. Reading the written assembly instructions that come with it 2) You have to give an oral presentation in class. Which of the following strategies would you find most helpful in preparing for it? a. Writing out your talk and reading it over several times to learn it b. Recording yourself giving the talk and then listening to it several times to learn it c. Including slides with diagrams and graphs to help you explain things as you present d. Practicing giving the presentation over and over again 3) You land a part in a musical theater production that requires choreography. Which of the following strategies would you find most helpful in learning the dance? a. Practicing the dance steps over and over again b. Watching a video of someone else doing the choreography over and over again c. Reading over a written list of the dance steps listed in order over and over again d. Recording an audio list of the dance steps listed in order and then listening to it over and over again

STEP 3. Define Your Terms Much as tourists prefer getting directions in different ways, people give different answers to questions like the ones you just saw. But think carefully about what these questions really ask. Do they measure learning styles per se? Or do they measure learning preferences? The term “learning style” implies that some people learn better with one mode of information, while other people learn better through other modes. Defining our terms precisely reminds us that there may be important differences between learning styles and learning preferences. (continued )

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STEP 4. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Another challenge is that “learning style” is a popular concept. It is appealing for students (and their parents) to think that everyone has the potential to learn more effectively—if only their instruction could be tailored to their individual needs. Let’s think about the reasons assumptions and biases might color how people think about learning styles. For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option to complete the sentence. Think about students who are struggling in class. Maybe the material is challenging, maybe their study strategies need adjustment, or maybe they just aren’t working hard enough. But the alternative conclusion that their teacher’s teaching style must not match up well with their own learning style would be a (1) ________ assumption. And when it comes to teachers themselves, Dekker et al., (2012) reported that 94% of educators believe that students perform better when they receive information in their preferred mode, suggesting that (2) ________. To examine these assumptions, we would need research studies that tested whether students who report that they have, for example, an aural learning style (3) ________ when they are presented with auditory information, while other students do not.

1) a. less ego-threatening b. less appealing c. more productive

2) a. teachers are more accurate about their students’ learning styles than the students are b. one source of students’ assumptions about learning styles is their teachers’ beliefs c. the majority of these teachers have conducted their own scientific research on this topic

3) a. enjoy it more b. draw pictures and other visual aids c. learn better

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence In 2008, Hal Pashler and colleagues reviewed the science and determined that despite the popularity of the idea, there was “no adequate evidence” to support basing teaching plans on learning-style assessments. Research since then has not changed this conclusion. Consider a 2017 study, in which people were categorized as either visual or verbal learners. Visual learners said they’d do better on a memory task for images; verbal learners said they’d do better on memory for words. But actual performance didn’t vary along these lines. Other studies have reported similar findings on tests of comprehension.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Do different people have different learning styles? No, at least not in the way that we usually think about this claim. Yes, people have different learning preferences. And, yes, people have different learning abilities. But the evidence does not indicate that the key to successful thinking is the match between teaching and learning style. This may be good news! Many tasks in life are best suited to one type of learning versus another. Much as the savvy tourist packs for various contingencies, we’re all better off viewing different types of learning as the different outfits we should keep in our mental suitcases wherever we go. Answer key: 1a) visual 1b) physical 1c) auditory 1d) reading/writing, 2a) reading/writing 2b) auditory 2c) visual 2d) physical, 3a) physical 3b) visual 3c) reading/writing 3d) auditory Answer key: 1) a, 2) b, 3) c

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Summary: Thinking and Intelligence 9.1 Thought: Using What We Know LO 9.1.A

Explain the basic elements of cognition: concepts, prototypes, schemas, and mental images.

A concept is a mental category that groups objects, activities, or qualities that share certain properties. Basic concepts have a moderate number of instances and are easier to acquire than concepts with few or many instances. Prototypical instances of a concept are more representative than others. When we consider the relationships of concepts to each another, we express more complex ideas that may be linked to form cognitive schemas, mental frameworks for thinking about aspects of the world. Mental images also play a role in thinking. LO 9.1.B

Distinguish between subconscious thinking and nonconscious thinking, and explain what is meant by multitasking and implicit learning.

Not all mental processing is conscious. Subconscious processes lie outside of awareness but can be brought into consciousness when necessary. They allow us to perform two or more actions at once when one action is highly automatic. But multitasking— toggling between tasks that are not automatic—is usually inefficient, introduces errors, and can even be dangerous. Nonconscious processes remain outside of awareness but nonetheless affect behavior; they are involved in implicit learning, when we learn something but don’t know how we learned it and aren’t able to state exactly what we’ve learned. LO 9.1.C

Contrast algorithms and heuristics as decision strategies, and explain how insight and intuition contribute to solving problems.

When problems are well defined, they can often be solved by applying an algorithm; when problems are fuzzier, however, people often must apply rules of thumb called heuristics. Some problems lend themselves to nonconscious processes such as intuition and insight. “Fast” thinking applies to rapid, intuitive, emotional, almost automatic decisions; “slow” thinking requires intellectual effort, which is why people often rely on the former—and make mistakes. Reasoning is purposeful mental activity that involves drawing inferences and conclusions from observations, facts, or assumptions. Dialectical reasoning weighs and compares opposing evidence and points of view.

9.2 Barriers to Reasoning Rationally LO 9.2.A

Describe how the affect heuristic and the availability heuristic illustrate the tendency to exaggerate the improbable.

People tend to exaggerate the likelihood of improbable events in part because of the affect and availability heuristics. Being able to

easily think of instances of an event, especially one with a strong emotional component, sways us to believe the event is particularly likely to happen. LO 9.2.B

Explain how the framing effect leads people to avoid loss in probabilistic judgments.

We are swayed in our choices by the desire to avoid loss and by the framing effect—how the choice is presented. The same information can be evaluated quite differently if it is presented in a positive versus negative light. LO 9.2.C

Summarize and give examples of the fairness bias, hindsight bias, confirmation bias, and mental sets.

People often forgo economic gain because of a fairness bias, which can be studied in primates and human infants, and by using brain scans. People also often overestimate their ability to have made accurate predictions (hindsight bias) and attend mostly to evidence that confirms what they want to believe (confirmation bias). Another barrier to reasoning is that people tend to form mental sets, seeing patterns where none exist. LO 9.2.D

Discuss the conditions under which cognitive biases can be beneficial as well as detrimental to reasoning.

“Biases” sound like bad things, but they also speed our mental processing of a complex world. Although we’d like to believe that other people are biased (but not ourselves), in fact most people can reduce their irrationality in many situations, such as when a decision is particularly important or personally meaningful.

9.3 Measuring Intelligence LO 9.3.A

Define intelligence and the difference between its crystallized and fluid forms.

Intelligence is difficult to define. Most psychologists believe that a general ability, a g factor, underlies this performance and that this general ability can be further described as either crystallized (reflecting accumulated knowledge) or fluid (reflecting the ability to reason and to use information to solve new problems). LO 9.3.B

Summarize the notion of IQ, how it is measured, its limitations, and the challenges to assessing it across cultures.

The intelligence quotient, or IQ, represents how well a person has done on an intelligence test compared to other people. Alfred Binet designed the first widely used intelligence test to identify children who could benefit from remedial work. IQ tests have

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been criticized for being biased in favor of White people from middle-class backgrounds; culture affects nearly everything to do with taking a test, from attitudes to problem-solving strategies to the experience of stereotype threat. LO 9.3.C

Describe how metacognition, the triarchic theory of intelligence, multiple intelligences, and emotional intelligence shed light on the diversity of what “intelligence” means.

Cognitive approaches to intelligence emphasize several kinds of intelligence and the strategies people use to solve problems. An important ingredient of intelligence is metacognition, the understanding and monitoring of your own cognitive processes. Robert Sternberg’s triarchic theory proposes three aspects of intelligence: analytic, creative, and practical. Gardner’s multiple intelligences theory holds that intelligence is best characterized as a capacity to process certain kinds of information. Emotional intelligence is also important; the ability to identify emotions accurately, express emotions clearly, and regulate emotions can facilitate social interactions. LO 9.3.D

Outline how longitudinal and cross-cultural studies shed light on the interplay of motivation, hard work, and intellectual achievement.

Intellectual achievement also depends on motivation, hard work, self-discipline, and grit. Cross-cultural work shows that beliefs about the origins of mental abilities, parental standards, and attitudes toward education play a major role in creating differences in academic performance.

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9.4 Animal Minds LO 9.4.A

Summarize the evidence supporting and refuting the concept of animal intelligence.

Some researchers, especially those in cognitive ethology, argue that nonhuman animals have greater cognitive abilities than has previously been thought. Some animals can use objects as simple tools, and chimpanzees and birds have shown evidence of a simple understanding of numbers. Some researchers argue that great apes, dolphins, and elephants have aspects of a theory of mind, an understanding of how the minds of others work. LO 9.4.B

Summarize the evidence supporting and refuting the concept of animal language use.

In projects using visual symbol systems or American Sign Language, primates have acquired linguistic skills. Some animals (even nonprimates such as dolphins and African gray parrots) seem able to use simple grammatical ordering rules to convey or comprehend meaning. LO 9.4.C

Explain the limitations of both the anthropomorphism and anthropodenial approaches to understanding animal cognition.

Scientists are divided about how to interpret the findings on animal cognition, with some worrying about anthropomorphism (falsely attributing human qualities to nonhuman beings) and others about anthropodenial (believing that human beings have nothing in common with other animals).

Shared Writing: Thinking and Intelligence You are helping out in a middle school classroom. One of the students in the class is finding a math worksheet challenging, and while working on it, he says, “I’m just not very smart.” Consider your newfound scientific understanding of thinking and intelligence. Choose one topic from among the following: the availability heuristic, multiple intelligences, metacognition, or attitudes about intelligence (or, for that matter, anything else covered in this chapter). How can you draw upon this concept to formulate a response to the student that will better position him for eventual academic success?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 9 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 10

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

Learning Objectives LO 10.1.A

Define motivation, and distinguish between its intrinsic and extrinsic forms.

LO 10.2.B

Explain how attachment theory can be applied to adult romantic relationships.

LO 10.1.B

Discuss the biological factors that contribute to weight, and explain what set point is.

LO 10.2.C

Summarize the research on gender and cultural differences in romantic relationships.

LO 10.1.C

Discuss and provide examples of major environmental influences on weight.

LO 10.3.A

LO 10.1.D

Distinguish between anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa, and discuss factors that contribute to each disorder.

Describe early research findings on sexuality and how biology, hormones, and expectations might contribute to differences in the sexuality of women and men.

LO 10.3.B

LO 10.2.A

Describe how vasopressin, oxytocin, and endorphins contribute to our understanding of the biology of love.

Discuss the biological factors associated with sexual orientation as well as the limitations of a single-explanation account for partner preference.

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LO 10.3.C

Discuss the varied motives for sex, and contrast them with motives for rape.

LO 10.4.B

Describe how working conditions affect motives to achieve.

LO 10.3.D

Explain the ways in which culture and gender contribute to sexual expectations and behavior.

LO 10.4.C

Discuss what research indicates makes people happy and how accurate people are at predicting their own happiness.

LO 10.4.A

Describe conditions that make goal-setting successful, and distinguish between performance goals and mastery goals.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Have you ever gone on a date with, “hooked up with,” or had a relationship with someone you first met online or using a mobile app?

If you’ve ever looked closely at the walls of an elementary school, dentist’s office, or company meeting room, you may feel you already know something about motivation. Chances are those locations have at least a poster or two featuring generic photos and a catchy inspirational message, such as “Believe you can, and you’re halfway there,” “The harder you work, the luckier you get,” and the perennial standby, “There is no ‘I’ in ‘TEAM.’” Understanding motivation, it seems, can be as simple as finding a color printer and four thumbtacks. But if that seems too simple, you might be willing to pay more for some “expert” advice. Google the phrase “motivational speaker” and you’ll get thousands of results. Numerous agencies and individuals are ready to tell you about everything from the secrets of innovation to the keys to success, to the best way to find your ideal mate—all for a fee, of course. If you’d rather not sit through a 45-minute presentation, many of them will happily sell you a set of workbooks and videos so that you can improve motivation on your own time. Critical thinkers, however, realize that understanding motivation is not as straightforward as glossy posters and online tutorials make it seem. Understanding a person’s motives means answering a core question of psychology: Why do people do what they do? Your own experience tells you that the reasons for behavior are varied and include biological, cognitive, emotional, cultural, and interpersonal forces. What’s more, due to the enormous range of thoughts and behaviors that people exhibit, any single answer to the “why” question is likely to fall short. For many decades, the study of motivation was dominated by a focus on biological drives: the need to acquire food and water, to find a partner, to have sex, to seek novelty, and to avoid discomfort and pain. But drive theories do not account for the full complexity of human motivation because people are conscious creatures who think and plan ahead, set goals for themselves, and plot strategies to reach those goals. People may have a drive to eat in order to survive, for instance, but that information doesn’t tell us why some individuals will go on hunger strikes to protest injustice while others will make a third trip up to the allyou-can-eat buffet even when already full. People have a drive to connect socially with others and to find their ideal intimate partner—the other pea for their pod, per the photo that

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When you come to a metaphorical fork in the road in your life, what motivations nudge you in one direction versus another?

motivation An inferred process that causes movement either toward a goal or away from an unpleasant situation.

intrinsic motivation The pursuit of an activity for its own sake.

10.1 Motivation and the Hungry Animal Before we begin examining specific motives, it’s important to understand what “motivation” means to psychologists in the first place.

10.1.A Defining Motivation Learning Objective 10.1.A Define motivation, and distinguish between its intrinsic and extrinsic forms.

Describing someone as “motivated” conjures up many possible definitions. Synonyms like goal-oriented, determined, or focused come to mind, but those terms call for definition as well. A scurrying cockroach appears motivated not to be eaten by a bird, but would you call the insect’s behavior “focused”? A general definition of motivation is necessary, and for most psychologists, it refers to a process within a person or animal that causes that organism to move toward a goal or away from an unpleasant situation. There are two main categories of motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to the desire to do something for its own sake and the pleasure it brings. For example, a runner may be motivated to exercise simply because it makes them feel good and energized. A young child may be motivated to read purely because reading is a pleasurable activity. Extrinsic motivation refers to the desire to do something for external rewards, such as money, good grades, or other external enticement. A runner whose motive is to win a slew of medals is focused on something other than the intrinsic value of exercise. Similarly, a child who reads only to rack up Good Reader points or get a certificate from the local library may find Many caregivers and schools use gold stars and other rewards to little internal pleasure in the world of books. As we see throughout encourage certain tendencies in children. But is this a good idea in the this chapter, whether your motives are intrinsic or extrinsic affects long term? Such extrinsic motivation can increase a child’s short-term how readily you meet your goals and how satisfied meeting them likelihood of engaging in these behaviors, but once the rewards are gone, will children still seek out the behavior on their own? makes you feel.

extrinsic motivation

The pursuit of an activity for external rewards, such as money or praise.

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began this chapter—but that doesn’t explain why some people you know bounce from casual encounter to casual encounter while others seem happier in exclusive, long-term relationships. Complicating matters further, psychologists seek to understand these motivations that biology and generations of evolution have shaped, but the subjects of their study—the human ones at least—are self-aware beings living in a complex and technologically advanced world. It has always been the case that animals must reproduce in order for a species to survive, but people looking for a mate in today’s society can quickly travel across continents or meet thousands of potential partners via dating websites and apps. The intersection of longstanding behavioral tendencies and preferences with relatively recent societal advances is an area of particular interest for psychologists who study motivation (Sbarra et al., 2019)—one to which we will return at various times in this chapter. Specifically, we will examine four central areas of human motivation: food, love, sex, and work (or achievement). We will also see how the kinds of goals we set for ourselves affect our happiness and well-being.

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Revisiting the Classics Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs We will examine a range of needs and motives in this chapter, from

not until 1960, almost two decades after Maslow (1943) introduced his

finding food to finding love; from desiring sex to desiring workplace

theory, that textbooks and other publications began depicting the theory

satisfaction. Years ago, the humanist psychologist Abraham Maslow

via a pyramid. This is more than just interesting trivia; this pyramid may

(1943, 1970) attempted to organize people’s different needs into a

have contributed to common criticisms of the hierarchy of needs. While

hierarchy. At the bottom level were basic survival needs for food,

the pyramid may imply that a need must be fully satisfied before an indi-

sleep, and water; at the next level were security needs for shelter and

vidual can move to a higher level and that people are only motivated to

safety. Higher-level needs were social and related to esteem, and at

fulfill one need at a time, Maslow himself never made such arguments

the top were those for self-actualization. Maslow suggested that it

(Bridgman et al., 2019). It is interesting, though, that Maslow never went

was difficult to pursue higher needs while lower-level needs remained

on record as objecting to the pyramid shape after its introduction.

unfulfilled—for example, someone who is literally starving will be

Another controversy relates to the 6 weeks Maslow spent in 1938

overwhelmed by the need to remedy that hunger: “Such a man may

at the reservation of the Siksika Tribe of the Blackfoot Confederation

fairly be said to live by bread alone” (Maslow, 1943, p. 374). Or during

in Alberta, Canada. Maslow was doing anthropological field research,

a crisis like a pandemic, people are likely to be more focused on stay-

during which he had multiple conversations about human nature.

ing healthy and keeping their job, with less bandwidth devoted to

Decades later, some have claimed that Maslow appropriated—

worrying about self-esteem or aesthetic desires. In Revel, watch the

without credit—aspects of Blackfoot philosophy and culture into his

video for a standard presentation of Maslow’s theory represented in

theory (Brown, 2014), and that the pyramid itself was based on a

the shape of a pyramid; see Figure 10.1 for a visual depiction.

First Nations tepee. We now know that Maslow himself never used

Maslow’s theory has become immensely popular. Motivational

the pyramid shape, but there do appear to be points of convergence

speakers refer to it often, using colorful pictures of the now-iconic

between Blackfoot traditions and the form of humanistic psychology

pyramid associated with his name. But the theory—as well as com-

that Maslow later articulated (Feigenbaum & Smith, 2019). And at least

mon depictions and criticisms of it—warrant our critical analysis. First,

some evidence exists of a disconnect between Maslow’s perceptions

it is important to note that Maslow’s theory depended in large part

of how welcome he was on the reservation and tribal perceptions of his

on his own observations of people he personally decided were “self-

time there. For starters, Maslow proudly wrote that he was given the

actualized.” Despite continuing popularity, the theory has little in the

Blackfoot name Naamitapiikoan during his visit, for which he offered

way of direct empirical support (Sheldon, 2011; Sheldon et al., 2001).

the English translation “Chief of the Northern People”; tribal members,

It also turns out that Maslow never actually used the pyramid that

however, have suggested that a more apt translation would be “guy

is now so closely associated with him (Bridgman et al., 2019)! It was

from the Southeast” (Feigenbaum & Smith, 2019). Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory remains

Figure 10.1 Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs

a favorite of textbooks and management consultants, as does the pyramid that wasn’t his idea. To find self-fulfillment and realize one’s potential

In revisiting this classic, one major challenge is

To appreciate beauty, order, and symmetry

to the contrary, Maslow recognized the possibility

Cognitive Needs

To know, understand, and explore

neous needs for comfort and safety and intimacy

Esteem Needs

To achieve, be competent, gain approval and recognition

and competence. He did not suggest that only an

To be with others, be accepted, and belong

archy and achieve self-actualization. He acknowl-

To feel secure and safe, out of danger

can all mean different things to different people.

SelfActualization Needs

Aesthetic Needs

Belongingnes

s and Love

Safety Nee

ds

Physiolo

Needs

To satisfy hunger, thirst, and fatigue

gical Ne

eds

separating fact from fiction. Despite suggestions (and even likelihood) that people can have simulta-

elite few are able to scale to the top of the hieredged that being content, secure, and satisfied True, there has not been much in the way of empirical corroboration for Maslow’s theory, but it is important to recognize that he was among the first psychologists to ask many of the questions central to this chapter—not to mention at the heart of

Maslow’s Hierarchy starts with basic survival-based needs on the bottom of its pyramid— needs that he argued must be fulfilled before an individual can turn their attention to higher-level needs related to relationships, esteem, and aesthetics.

human beings’ search for meaning in life: Why are certain people successful? What makes us happy? What does it mean to be psychologically fulfilled?

298 Chapter 10

10.1.B The Biology of Weight Learning Objective 10.1.B Discuss the biological factors that contribute to weight, and explain what set point is.

set point An individual’s genetically influenced weight range that is maintained by biological mechanisms that regulate food intake, fat reserves, and metabolism.

Having introduced and defined the concept of motivation, let’s begin by examining in more depth a very basic motive that needs to be met in order to survive: eating. If you’ve ever been extremely hungry, you know how powerful a motive food can be. You become focused only on satisfying your hunger, and you accept the first edible option you can find rather than taking your time to find the food you really crave or the dish that is healthiest for you. But assuming you don’t wait to arrive at the brink of starvation before you eat every day, how much do genes, psychological processes, and the environment influence our motivation to eat, as well as what we choose to eat? At one time, most psychologists thought that having a weight problem was a sign of emotional disturbance. If you were of above-average weight, it was because you hated your mother, feared intimacy, or were trying to fill an emotional hole in your psyche by loading up on dessert—or so the argument went. The evidence for such theories, however, came mainly from self-reports and from flawed studies that lacked control groups or objective measures of how much people were actually eating. When researchers performed controlled studies, they learned that heavier people, on average, tend to be no more emotionally disturbed than people of average weight. Even more surprising, researchers found that excess weight is not always caused by excess eating (Munsch & Jansen, 2014; Stunkard et al., 2004). Many heavy people do eat large quantities of food, but so do some thin people. In one early experiment, in which volunteers gorged themselves for months, it was as hard for slender people to gain weight as it was for most heavy people to lose weight. After the study was over, the people who were slender lost weight as fast as the people who were dieting gained it back (Sims, 1974).

GENETIC INFLUENCES ON WEIGHT AND BODY SHAPE The explanation that emerged from such findings was that a biological mechanism keeps your body weight at a genetically A compound that increases appetite, influenced set point, the weight you stay at—plus or minus 10%—when you are not trying to typically resulting in greater food gain or lose (Lissner et al., 1991; Müller et al., 2018). Set-point theory generated much research consumption. on how the body regulates appetite, eating, and weight gain and loss. Everyone has a genetically programmed basal metabolism rate, the rate at which the body burns calories for energy, anorexigenic substance and a fixed number of fat cells, which store fat for energy and can change in size. People A compound that decreases appetite, who meet clinical definitions of obesity have about twice the number of fat cells as do people typically resulting in lower food consumption. of average weight, and their fat cells are bigger (Kopelman et al., 2009). When people lose weight, they don’t lose the fat cells; the cells just get thinner, and easily plump up again. A complex interaction of metabolism, fat cells, and hormones keeps people at the weight their bodies are designed to be, much in the way that a thermostat keeps a house at a constant temperature. Hormones and other compounds that increase appetite are referred to as orexigenic substances; those that decrease appetite are referred to as anorexigenic substances. When a heavy person diets, the body’s metabolism slows down to conserve energy and fat reserves (Harrington et al., 2013). When a thin person overeats, metabolism speeds up, burning energy. In one study, in which 16 slender volunteers ate 1,000 extra calories every day for 8 weeks, their metabolisms sped up to burn the excess calories. They were like hummingbirds, in constant movement: fidgeting, pacing, and changing positions frequently (Levine et al., 1999). Body weight and shape are strongly affected by genetic factors. Set-point What sets the set point? Genes, to start with. Pairs of adult theory helps explain why the Pimas of the American Southwest gain identical twins who grow up in different families tend to be as weight easily but lose it slowly, whereas some people from other backgrounds can eat a lot of food yet remain slender. similar in body weight and shape as twins raised together. And

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orexigenic substance

299

when identical twins gain weight, they often gain it in the same place: Some pairs store extra pounds around their waists, others on their hips and thighs (Comuzzie & Allison, 1998; Horn et al., 2015). Genes also influence how much brown fat a person has in addition to the usual white fat. Brown fat is an energy-burning type of fat that seems important in regulating body weight and blood sugar. It is lacking in people who qualify as obese, which may be one reason they can’t burn all the calories they consume (Cypess et al., 2009). However, production of brown fat is also triggered by cold and exercise, which, in mice at least, turns ordinary white fat brown (Ouellet et al., 2012). Brown fat cells are fascinating; when they run out of their own sources of energy, they suck fat out of the rest of the body to keep their proprietor warm. When a mutation occurs in the genes that Both of these mice have a mutation in the ob gene, regulate normal eating and weight control, the result may be obesity. One gene which usually makes mice chubby, like the one on the that has been named obese, or ob for short, causes fat cells to secrete an anorexi- right. But when leptin is injected daily, the mice eat genic protein, which researchers have named leptin (from the Greek leptos, mean- less and burn more calories, becoming slim, like the ing “slender”). Leptin travels through the blood to the brain’s hypothalamus, mouse on the left. Leptin injections have not had the which is involved in the regulation of appetite. When leptin levels are normal, same results in most human beings. people eat just enough to maintain their weight. When a mutation of the ob gene causes leptin levels to be too low, however, the hypothalamus thinks the body lacks fat reserves and signals the individual to overeat. Injecting leptin into leptin-deficient mice reduces the animals’ appetites, speeds up their metabolisms, and makes them more active; as a result, the animals shed weight. For most people with a weight problem, taking leptin does not produce much weight loss (Comuzzie & Allison, 1998; Liu et al., 2013). Studies of mice suggest that leptin plays its most crucial role early in life, by altering the brain chemistry that influences how much an animal or a person later eats. More specifically, leptin helps regulate body weight by strengthening neural circuits in the hypothalamus that reduce appetite and by weakening circuits that stimulate it (Elmquist & Flier, 2004). During a critical period in infancy, leptin influences the formation of those neural connections, and the set point is, well, set (Bouret et al., 2004). Indeed, the leptin levels in breast milk have been found to vary by individual, with recent analyses indicating that a higher concentration of leptin in breast milk predicts lower infant weight in the first year of life (Chan et al., 2018). GENE MUTATIONS AND LEPTIN

OTHER FACTORS IN BODY WEIGHT Numerous other genes are linked to body weight (Frayling et al., 2007; Hasnain, 2016; Loos & Yeo, 2022). One gene modulates production of a protein that apparently converts excess calories into heat rather than fat. You have receptors in your nose and mouth that keep urging you to eat more (“The food is right there! It’s good! Eat!”), receptors in your gut telling you to quit (“You’ve had enough already!”), and leptin and other chemicals telling you that you have stored enough fat or not enough. The orexigenic hormone ghrelin makes you hungry and eager to eat more, and leptin turns off your appetite after a meal, making you eat less. This complex set-point system seems to explain why dieters who lose weight so rarely keep it off. Even a year after their weight loss, the bodies of dieters are still leptin deficient, sending out hormonal signals to eat more and restore the lost pounds (Kissileff et al., 2012). As if all this weren’t enough, your brain seems to get “high” on sugary foods as they increase pleasure-inducing dopamine levels in the brain, making you crave more rich food (de Araujo et al., 2008). Some individuals may have underactive reward circuitry, which leads them to overeat to boost their dopamine levels (Stice et al., 2008). When people with a weight problem lament that they are “addicted” to rich food, they may be right in the sense that high calorie foods can activate similar brain areas (the striatum) as those that are activated in people with drug addiction (Gabrieli et al., 2015); furthermore, brain activation to high- versus low-calorie foods can predict the outcome of a weight loss intervention, with greater activation predicting less weight loss (Hermann et al., 2019). The complexity of the mechanisms governing appetite and weight explains why appetite-suppressing drugs inevitably fail in the long run: They target only one of the many factors that conspire to keep you the weight you are.

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The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

300 Chapter 10 But efforts to sell weight-loss products, programs, and surgeries thrive because 66% of adults and at least 30% of high school students in the United States now qualify as overweight or obese, according to definitions and recent figures from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2020). Similar increases have occurred across sexes, social classes, age groups, and continents (Popkin, 2009); according to the World Health Organization (2020), worldwide obesity rates have nearly tripled since 1975. Many health researchers are worried about this trend because obesity is considered a leading risk factor in type 2 diabetes, high blood pressure, heart disease, stroke, and other disorders. In Revel, a video about food cravings and preferences offers some explanations for why it is easier to gain weight than to lose it and illustrates the complex balancing act between orexigenic and anorexigenic processes.

10.1.C Environmental Influences on Weight Learning Objective 10.1.C Discuss and provide examples of major environmental influences on weight. Some of the leading culprits responsible for the worldwide rise in weight reflect big changes in the environment: 1. The increased abundance of fast food and processed foods. Human beings are genetically predisposed to gain weight when rich food is abundant because, in our species’ evolutionary past, starvation was all too often a real possibility. A tendency to store calories in the form of fat can provide a survival advantage in such circumstances. Unfortunately, evolution did not produce a comparable mechanism to prevent people from gaining weight when food is inexpensive, readily available, and high in sugar, starch, and carbohydrates (Monteiro et al., 2013). That, of course, is precisely the situation today, surrounded as many of us are by 3/4-pound burgers, grande burritos, extra-large pizzas, and deep-fried candy bars. One research team followed thousands of ninth graders, before and after a new fast-food restaurant opened near their schools. Those whose schools were within a block of a burger or pizza place were more likely to qualify as obese in the next year than students whose schools were a quarter of a mile or more away (Currie et al., 2010). Proximity to fast food seems to be a major contributor to weight gain in the first year of college (sometimes referred to as the “freshman 15”) as well. In a study at two very different universities, one in the Midwest and the other on the East Coast, more than 70% of all first-year students gained significant amounts of weight (Lloyd-Richardson et al., 2009), though of course other causal possibilities might include anxiety and homesickness contributing to their weight gain (Vadeboncoeur et al., 2015).

There are many landmarks and memorable sights greeting visitors to the United States, but among those you won’t find on souvenir shop postcards are 50-ounce sugary drinks and giant-sized fast-food combos.

Ari N/Shutterstock

Joe Raedle/Getty Images News/Getty Images

2. The increased portion sizes of food and drinks. Servings of food and drinks have become supersized, double or triple what they were only one generation ago. Even babies

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

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3. The widespread consumption of high-sugar, high-calorie soft drinks. Throughout most of human history, the proportion of calories consumed in beverages (milk, wine, juice, and the like) was low, and thus the human body did not evolve a mechanism that would compensate for fluid intake by lowering food intake. Then, last century, soft drinks, which are loaded with sugar and calories, began spreading across the globe. Indeed, across dozens of studies, soft drink consumption has been linked to weight gain in adults and children (Malik et al., 2013). 4. The sharp decline in exercise and other expenditures of energy. Thanks to smartphones, laptops and tablets, televisions, video games, comfortable desk chairs, and the convenience of driving rather than walking or biking (not to mention jobs that require hours and hours of desk time), many contemporary humans spend a great deal of time engaged in sedentary activities, even outside of work (Maltagliati et al., 2022).

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and toddlers are being fed as much as 30% more calories than they need (Fox et al., 2004). In France, people eat rich food but much less of it than Americans do. Their notion of a proper portion—for yogurt, coffee, a salad, a sandwich, anything—is much smaller than in the United States (Rozin et al., 2003).

The next time you are out and about, pay attention to how much people (including you) eat and whether environmental influences are at work. For example, recent research in university dining halls suggests that your likelihood of eating veggies like the turnips pictured here increases dramatically when the dish is given a taste-focused name (Turnwald et al., 2019). Students are significantly more likely to help themselves to servings of Twisted Citrus Glazed Carrots, Ultimate Chargrilled Asparagus, and Honey Balsamic Glazed Turnips than to identical dishes with generic or health-focused names (like Light n’ Low Carb Green Beans).

5. The abundance of highly varied foods. When diets are predictable, people habituate to what they are eating and eventually eat less of it. That is why diets that restrict people to eating only a few kinds of foods may be successful at first, but then as soon as the allowable food becomes more varied, people eat more and gain more weight (Remick et al., 2009).

Ultimately, the motivation to eat is complicated. Many people believe that what and how much they eat is well regulated, but there are invisible external influences on eating habits. Situational cues that remind us of the rewards associated with eating—like sitting at the kitchen table or in a café—can increase salivation and desire to eat even when we aren’t hungry (Papies et al., 2020). Another influence on food consumption is distraction. Across two studies—one with pizza and another with macaroni and cheese—researchers examined how much (and how quickly) college students ate when in front of the television compared to a control condition in which they ate while listening to classical music (Blass et al., 2006). Students ate, on average, one slice more of pizza when in front of the television; while the time it took to eat each piece did not vary by condition, with the TV on, students were quicker to help themselves to another slice after finishing one. Students also ate more calories of mac and cheese in front of the TV. Other studies have found that watching television or being on a computer while eating can impair memory for how much food was consumed in a sitting (Higgs & Woodward, 2009; Oldham-Cooper et al., 2010).

10.1.D The Body as Battleground: Eating Disorders Learning Objective 10.1.D Distinguish between anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa, and discuss factors that contribute to each disorder. Some people experience a daily battle between the body they have, the body they think they have, and the body they want. Serious eating disorders can reflect an irrational fear of “becoming fat,” inaccurate self-assessments, or a self-evaluation that is unduly influenced by body weight and shape. In bulimia nervosa, the person binges (eats vast quantities of food), feels out of control with their eating, and then purges by inducing vomiting or misusing laxatives; other compensatory behaviors in bulimia include periods of fasting or excessive exercise. In anorexia nervosa, the person eats hardly anything and therefore becomes dangerously thin; people with anorexia typically have severely distorted body images, thinking they are fat even when they are emaciated. Anorexia has the highest mortality rate of all mental disorders because sufferers can die of organ failure or complications brought on by weakened bones.

bulimia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by episodes of excessive eating (bingeing) and a lack of control over eating, followed by forced vomiting or use of laxatives (purging) or periods of fasting or excessive exercise.

anorexia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by fear of becoming fat, a distorted body image, radically reduced consumption of food, and emaciation.

302 Chapter 10 Bulimia and anorexia are the most well-known eating disorders, but many pathological eating behaviors do not fit the diagnostic criteria for bulimia or anorexia (Thomas et al., 2009). People with binge-eating disorder binge without purging; others chew whatever food they want but spit it out without swallowing; others are average weight but take no joy in eating because they worry obsessively about gaining a pound. All of these pathological eating behaviors involve an unhealthy attitude toward food, weight, and the body. Genes play a role in the development of some eating disorders, particularly anorexia nervosa, which has been found across cultures and throughout history (Hinney et al., 2017; Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007). However, psychological factors—including depression and anxiety, low self-esteem, perfectionism, and a distorted body image—also play a role in the origin and persistence of eating disorders (Hilbert et al., 2014; Presnell, et al., 2004; Sherry & Hall, 2009).

Replication Check ✔

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Eating disorders are associated with observable alterations in the brain. For example, Leppanen and colleagues (2019) attempted to validate and replicate previous findings that acute anorexia nervosa is accompanied by changes to the cerebral cortex. They compared the magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) of 100 women, 46 of whom had anorexia nervosa and 54 of whom did not, and found evidence linking the disorder to a reduction in both the global volume and localized gyrification (formation of folds) of the cortex. However, whether these brain abnormalities reflect the underlying psychopathology of anorexia nervosa or the biological effects of starvation (or a bit of both) remains difficult to determine.

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Cultural factors can also shape dissatisfaction with one’s body. Bulimia has become a significant problem in North American and European cultures with the rise of the thin ideal for women in particular; it is less common but still prevalent in African, Asian, and South American cultures (Grabe et al., 2008; Kolar & Mebarak, 2022; Slevec & Tiggemann, 2011). United States culture is also rife with body shaming, the relentlessly critical and snide appraisals of other people’s bodies that get posted on blogs and social media and are constant topics for entertainment magazines and talk shows (Boepple & Thompson, 2016). So perhaps it is no wonder that American women’s dissatisfaction with their bodies crosses all ethnic lines (Bucchianeri et al., 2016). Eating disorders and body image distortions among boys and men are increasing too, sometimes in the manner described above, though eating disorders can also take different forms by gender (McLean et al., 2018). Some men have the delusion that their muscular bodies are puny, so they abuse steroids and exercise or lift weights compulsively (Thompson & Cafri, 2007). In contrast, Chinese men in Taiwan and pastoral nomads of northern Kenya do not think the heavily muscled male body is especially desirable or attractive, and their cultures do not promote media images of muscular males. Men in these cultures have fewer body image disorders than American men do and virtually no interest in musclebuilding drugs (Campbell et al., 2005; Yang et al., 2005). In sum, within a given environment, genetic predispositions for a certain body weight and metabolism interact with psychological needs, cultural norms, and individual habits to shape—in this case quite literally—who we are.

Some argue that the increased prevalence of anorexia nervosa and other eating disorders is a product of seeing ultra-thin fashion models on the pages of magazines and heavily-muscled action stars in popular media. What do you think?

Interactive

JOURNAL 10.1 THINKING CRITICALLY–ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER When it comes to eating, people want everything right now: fast food, rapid weight-loss schemes, and even quick fixes for eating disorders. Based on what you’ve learned about the motives for hunger and eating, why would you predict that a quick “anything” probably wouldn’t be an effective solution?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 10.1 to test your knowledge.

10.2 The Social Animal: Motives to Love

303 The Connecticut Post, BK Angeletti/AP Images

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

When John Betar and Ann Shawah eloped in Harrison, New York, on November 25, 1932, skeptical relatives suggested that the marriage would never last. Fast-forward to September 2018. John passed away in Fairfield, Connecticut, and even more impressive than his age of 107 years old? He and Ann had been married—quite happily by most accounts—for 85 years. Ann passed away 7 months later, at the age of 103. What did the Betars know that so many others do not? What kept them in love for more than 80 years, when so many other romantic passions die in 5 years, 5 weeks, or 5 hours? What is love, anyway—the hot-blooded, heart-palpitating feeling of falling for another person or the steady, stable feeling of deep and abidJohn and Ann Betar, who were America’s longest-married ing attachment? Psychologists who study love distinguish passionate (romantic) couple before John passed away at the age of 107. love, characterized by a whirlwind of intense emotions and sexual passion, from companionate love, characterized by affection and trust. Passionate love is the stuff of crushes, infatuations, “love at first sight,” and the early stage of love affairs. It may burn out completely or evolve into companionate love. Passionate love is known across cultures and has a long history. Wars and duels have been fought because of it; friendships and famous bands have broken up over it. In this section, we will explore biological, psychological, and cultural perspectives on love. But before we start this exploration, let’s ask the Betars themselves. In 2016, the couple offered advice and answered marriage questions on Twitter, using the hashtag #longestlove. Some of the highlights included Ann’s explanation that “You have to like a person before you love them. We were good friends.” John added, “We never hold grudges. Most arguments are about food.” And on the biggest question of all? How do you define love? Ann’s (lovely) response: “It’s a lifelong thing. Through actions, understanding, little things . . . .”

10.2.A The Biology of Love Learning Objective 10.2.A Describe how vasopressin, oxytocin, and endorphins contribute to our understanding of the biology of love. What do scientists know about the biological and neural links between romantic passion, sexual yearning, long-term love, and related processes? A lot actually! Researchers have studied olfactory cues in a potential partner’s scent that can turn you on (or off). Functional magnetic resonance (fMRI) studies indicate that the so-called pleasure center of the brain reacts differently to photos of romantic partners versus photos of unfamiliar but attractive strangers (Ueda & Abe, 2021). There are physical cues you perceive in a potential partner’s voice, body shape, smoothness of skin, smile, and even how similar their face is to yours that influence attraction. There is the rewarding jolt of dopamine and the arousal and excitement provided by adrenaline when seeing an attractive face or thinking about someone you love (Aron et al., 2005; Ortigue et al., 2010). And there are hormones involved in attachment and bonding. The neurological origins of passionate love may begin in infancy, in the baby’s attachment to the mother or primary caregiver. In the view of evolutionary psychologists, parental and romantic love, the deepest of human attachments, share a common evolutionary purpose—preserving the species—and so they share common neural mechanisms, the ones that make attachment and pair-bonding feel good. Key neurotransmitters and hormones that are involved in pleasure and reward are activated in the parent–baby pair-bond and again later in the pair-bond of adult romantic partners (Diamond, 2004). Two important hormones for social bonding are vasopressin and oxytocin, which play a crucial role in the attachment–caregiving system, influencing feelings of love, caring, and trust not only between caregivers and babies, but also between friends and between romantic partners

WHERE DOES LOVE BEGIN?

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304 Chapter 10 (Gonzaga et al., 2006; Poulin et al., 2012; Walum et al., 2008). Psychologists first became interested in oxytocin when studying its effects on the mate preferences of prairie voles, a species of monogamous rodents. By manipulating the level of oxytocin in the central nervous system, researchers have been able to enhance or disrupt these animals’ preference for a specific mating partner (Williams et al., 1992). For example, when given a drug that blocks oxytocin, prairie voles continue to mate, but they don’t get attached to their partners (Ross et al., 2009). These findings have inspired some oversimplifiers to call oxytocin the “love” or “cuddle” hormone. Cute, but if it really is such a spur to attachment, why do human beings still fight so much? It turns out that giving people doses of oxytocin makes them more likely to favor their own group over other groups and also increases defensive aggression against outsiders (De Dreu & Kret, 2016; De Dreu et al., 2011). So perhaps oxytocin is the “cuddle your own kind . . . and to hell with the rest of you” hormone. Moreover, people’s love and attachment histories affect how they respond to oxytocin as well as the other way around (DeWall et al., 2014). After inhaling oxytocin, men who had had positive attachments to their mothers remembered their moms as being particularly caring and supportive compared to men with positive attachments who were given a placebo, whereas oxytocin led men who had troubled early home lives to remember their moms as being less caring (Bartz et al., 2010). Some of the characteristic feelings that occur during attachment are mediated by reward circuits in the brain and involve the release of endorphins, the brain’s natural opiates. When baby mice and other animals are separated from their mothers, they cry out in distress, and the mother’s touch releases endorphins that soothe the infant. But when puppies, guinea pigs, and chicks are injected with low doses of either morphine or endorphins, the animals show much less distress than usual when separated from their mothers; the chemicals seem to be a biological replacement for mom (Nelson & Panksepp, 1998). And when mice are genetically engineered to lack certain opioid receptors, they become less attached to their mothers and do not show signs of distress when separated from them. These findings suggest that endorphin-stimulated euphoria may be a child’s initial motive for seeking affection and cuddling— that, in a sense, a child attached to a caregiver is a child addicted to love. The addictive quality of adult passionate love, including the physical and emotional The biology of the baby–parent bond may be the origin distress that new partners feel when they are apart, may involve the same bioof adult romantic love, with its exchange of loving chemistry (Diamond, 2004). gazes and depth of attachment. Using fMRI, neuroscientists have found other similarities between infant– caregiver love and adult romantic love. Certain parts of the brain are activated when people look at images of their sweethearts, in contrast to other parts that are activated when they see pictures of friends or furniture. And these are the same areas that are activated when mothers see images of their own children as opposed to pictures of other children (Acevedo et al., 2012; Bartels & Zeki, 2004). Clearly, then, the bonds of attachment have biological influences. Yet, as we saw with oxytocin, it is important to avoid oversimplifying, such as by concluding that “love occurs in this corner of the brain but not that one.” Human love affairs involve many other factors that affect whom we choose, how we get along with that person, and whether we stay with a partner over the years (perhaps even 85 years!). THE ROLE OF ENDORPHINS

10.2.B The Psychology of Love Learning Objective 10.2.B Explain how attachment theory can be applied to adult romantic relationships. Many romantics believe there is only one true love awaiting them. Considering that there are 8 billion people on the planet, the odds of finding said person can sometimes seem a bit

daunting. What if you’re in Des Moines and your true love just happens to be in Dubrovnik? Fortunately, evolution has made it possible for human beings to form deep and lasting attachments without traveling the world—to develop that spark of “chemistry” with a range of potential partners (Reis et al., 2022). In fact, the first major predictor of whom we love is plain proximity: We tend to choose our friends and lovers from the set of people who live, study, or work near us (Festinger et al., 1950; Shin et al., 2019). The second major predictor is similarity— although it is commonly believed that opposites attract, the fact is that we tend to choose friends and loved ones who are most like us (Montoya & Horton, 2013; Sprecher, 2019; West et al., 2014). We are drawn to others with similar attitudes, values, personalities, and looks to our own, as well as people who laugh at the same jokes as we do, agree with our taste in movies, and share our love of chocolate cake for dessert (as well as our The notion of a “soulmate” is a popular one in movdesire to ask the kitchen to hold the raspberry sauce that usually comes on top). ies, television, and books. Does learning about the And recent fMRI research indicates that when viewing movie clips, friends tend role that biology plays in attraction change how you to have more similar patterns of brain activation than acquaintances do, suggest- think about whether or not “soulmates” exist? ing that even at a neural level, we tend to be similar to close others in how we perceive and respond to the world around us (Parkinson et al., 2018). The Internet has made it possible to match people on all sorts of dimensions: age, political attitudes, religion, sexual orientation, preferences for particular sexual activities, and more. Are you a science fiction fan looking for love? Try TrekPassions.com. Or for those who are more agriculturally inclined, FarmersOnly.com is a dating site for—that’s right— farmers only. Many matchmaking companies administer lengthy questionnaires, claiming to use scientific principles to pair up potential soulmates; one, called Chemistry.com, promises to match you according to your pattern of neurotransmitters and sex hormones, and GenePartner claims it will find you a DNA match. However, these sites typically do not make public the studies on which they base their claims, and these sciency-sounding matchmaking sites may be . . . well little more than sciency-sounding (Finkel et al., 2012; King et al., 2009). A review of the research on Internet dating found that these sites often don’t deliver the love of your life (or even of your month), and they don’t fare much better in generating long-term relationships than do old-fashioned methods of meeting people (Finkel et al., 2016). Why do you think romantic desire is so hard for a machine or algorithm to predict (Joel et al., 2017)? • Matching attitudes are important at first, but other things are more important for the long haul, such as how the two partners cope when faced with decisions and stresses and how they handle conflict. • People’s self-reports are often distorted; they lie to themselves as well as on the questionnaire. • Many people don’t know why they are attracted to one person and not another. You can like the characteristics on a profile, but that has little connection to whether you will like that person in person, so to speak. Similarly, many people think they know exactly what they “must have” in a partner, and then they meet someone who has few of those qualities, but a whole bunch of others that suddenly become essential. The latest trend in digital dating is smartphone apps such as Tinder, Zoosk, Grindr, and Hinge, which allow people to make quick decisions about whether they are attracted to one another and often set up equally quick dates or meetups. Yet another means for meeting potential mates is speed dating, in which single individuals sign up for sessions that consist of a series of brief get-to-know-you conversations with a variety of people. In fact, some researchers have set up such events of their own in order to better study in a controlled setting the factors that influence attraction. Visit Revel to watch a video to learn more about speed-dating and the science of relationships.

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306 Chapter 10 THE ATTACHMENT THEORY OF LOVE After you find someone to love, how do you love? According to Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver (2017), adults, just like babies, can be secure, anxious, or avoidant in their attachments. Securely attached romantic partners are rarely jealous or worried about being abandoned. They are more compassionate and helpful than insecurely attached people and are quicker to understand and forgive their partners as needed (Konrath et al., 2014). Anxious partners are more agitated about their relationships; they want to be close but worry that their partners will leave them. Other people often describe them as clingy, which may be why they are more likely than secure individuals to suffer from unrequited (or unreciprocated) love. Avoidant people distrust and avoid intimate attachments. People’s attachment styles as adults seem to derive in large part from how their caregivers once cared for them (Simpson & Rholes, 2015). Children form internal “working models” of relationships. If a child’s primary caregivers are cold and provide little or no emotional and physical comfort, the child can learn to expect other relationships to be the same. In contrast, if children form secure attachments to trusted loved ones, they may become more trusting of others, expecting to form secure attachments with friends and partners in adulthood (Milan et al., 2013; Simpson & Rholes, 2017). However, a child’s own temperament can also help account for the consistency of attachment styles from childhood to adulthood (Fraley et al., 2011; Gillath et al., 2008). Children who are by nature fearful or difficult may reject even the kindest caregiver’s efforts to console. Such children may similarly come to feel anxious or ambivalent in their adult relationships. The Minnesota Longitudinal Study of Risk and Adaptation has followed a large sample of children from birth to adulthood to see how early attachment styles can create cascading effects on adult relationships. People who lack secure attachments early in life may end up on a pathway that makes committed relationships difficult. As teenagers, they have trouble dealing with and recovering from conflict with their peers; as adults, they tend to “protect” themselves by becoming the less-committed partner in their relationships. If these individuals are fortunate enough to get into a relationship with a securely attached partner, however, these obstacles to maintaining a stable partnership can be overcome (Oriña et al., 2011; Simpson & Overall, 2014). THE INGREDIENTS OF LOVE When people are asked to define the key ingredients of love, most agree that love is a mix of intimacy, passion, and commitment (Hutcherson et al., 2015; Joel et al., 2020; Lemieux & Hale, 2000). Intimacy is based on deep knowledge of the other person, which accumulates gradually, but passion is based on emotion, which is generated by novelty and change. That is why passion is usually strongest at the beginning of a relationship, when two people begin to disclose things about themselves to each other. Biological factors such as the brain’s opiate system may contribute to early passion, as we noted, but most psychologists believe that the ability to sustain a long and intimate love relationship has more to do with a couple’s attitudes, values, and balance of power than with genes or hormones. According to an analysis of 25 studies of couples in long- and shortterm relationships, romantic love can persist for many years and is strongly associated with a couple’s happiness. What diminishes among these happy couples is that part of romantic love we might call obsessiveness, constant worrying about the loved one and the relationship (Acevedo & Aron, 2009; Mizrahi et al., 2016). One of the most important psychological predictors of satisfaction in long-term relationships is the perception, by both partners, that the relationship is fair, rewarding, and balanced. Partners who feel overbenefited (getting more than they are giving) tend to feel guilty; those who feel underbenefited (not getting what they feel they deserve) tend to feel resentful and angry (Galinsky & Sonenstein, 2013; Sprecher et al., 2016). Another key psychological factor in couples’ ability to sustain love is the nature of their primary motivation to maintain the relationship: Is it positive (to enjoy affection and intimacy) or negative (to avoid feeling insecure and lonely)? Couples motivated by a positive goal tend to report more satisfaction (Gable & Poore, 2008). We will see that this difference in motivation—positive or negative—affects happiness and satisfaction in many different domains of life.

The critical thinking guideline “define your terms” may never be more important than in matters of love. The way we define love deeply affects our satisfaction with relationships and whether our relationships last. After all, if you believe that the only real love is the kind defined by obsession, sexual passion, and emotion, then you may decide you are out of love when the initial phase of attraction fades, and you may be repeatedly disappointed. People fall in love in different ways. Whereas most people report thinking that new love typically comes in the form of an immediate spark between strangers, research indicates that couples are more likely to grow close gradually, over time, after “falling in friendship” first (Stinson et al., 2022). Couples in arranged marriages may come to love each other long after the wedding (Aron et al., 2008). In short, all the fMRI scans in the world can’t capture the rich variety of how people grow to love one another.

10.2.C Gender, Culture, and Love Learning Objective 10.2.C Summarize the research on gender and cultural differences in romantic relationships.

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One question of interest to psychologists is how major societal developments— such as quarantine and pandemic—influence relationship satisfaction. Many people (and late-night comedy hosts) assumed that the forced proximity brought by COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns would lead to deteriorating relationship satisfaction and soaring divorce rates. But one recent study reports that the pandemic actually made people more forgiving of their partners’ behaviors (Williamson, 2020). Other research indicates that living with close others during lockdown had benefits for mental health and general well-being (Sisson et al., 2021).

Historically, most research about gender and intimate relationships has focused on comparisons between cisgender women and men. These studies have typically asked questions like: Are women more romantic than men? Are men more likely than women to fall in love but not commit? Do the answers to these questions vary for opposite-gender versus same-gender relationships? Pop-psych books are full of stereotyped answers, but in reality, there are not reliable gender differences when it comes to who loves whom the most (Dion & Dion, 1993; Hatfield & Rapson, 1996/2005). Everyone suffers the heart-crushing torments of unrequited love or the end of a relationship—assuming they did not want it to end. When it comes to the comparison of women and men, an average difference does emerge in how they tend to express the fundamental motives for love and intimacy. Boys in many cultures learn early on that revealing emotion can be construed as evidence of vulnerability and weakness, which are considered unmasculine. Thus, boys and men in such cultures sometimes develop ways of revealing love that are based on actions rather than words: doing things for the partner, initiating sexual contact, or sharing the same activity (Shields, 2002). Girls and women, on the other hand, are more likely to tend to the emotional climate of their relationships through either the presence of affection or the relative absence of negativity (Schoenfeld et al., 2012). Differences like these reflect gender roles, which are in turn shaped by social, economic, and cultural forces. For most of human history, around the world, the idea that two people would marry for love was considered preposterous. (“Love? Whatever. We have alliances to make, food to forage, and kids to produce.”) Only in the 20th century did love come to be seen as the “normal” motive for marrying (Coontz, 2005). Even then, women remained more pragmatic than men in choosing a partner until roughly the 1980s (Reis & Aron, 2008). One reason was that a straight woman did not traditionally marry just a man; she married an entire standard of living. Therefore, she could not afford to waste her time in a relationship that was not going anywhere, even if she loved the guy. She married, in short, for extrinsic reasons rather than intrinsic ones. In contrast, a straight man could afford to be sentimental and romantic in his choice of partner. Henry VIII married his six wives for six (or more) motives, but his wives didn’t have much say about it.

308 Chapter 10 In the second half of the 20th century, as women entered the workforce in increasing numbers, and as two incomes became more common in families, economic motivations to marry faded. Nowadays, most people marry for intrinsic motives, for the pleasure of being with the partner they chose, of the gender they prefer, if they marry at all (Pepping et al., 2018). Pragmatic reasons for marriage do persist in societies with high rates of poverty or in which the extended family controls women’s sexuality and the financial terms of marriage (Coontz, 2005). Yet, even in these countries, such as India and Pakistan, the tight rules governing marriage choices are loosening. So are the rules forbidding divorce, even in previously traditional nations such as China, Japan, and South Korea (Rosin, 2012). As you can see, our motivations to love may implicate biology and the workings of the brain, but they are also shaped by our early experiences with caregivers, the culture we live in, gender norms, and historical era.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 10.2 THINKING CRITICALLY–DEFINE YOUR TERMS Many people define love as an overwhelming romantic passion. What are the consequences of defining love that way? What other definitions might lead to greater satisfaction in a relationship over time?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 10.2 to test your knowledge.

10.3 The Erotic Animal: Motives for Sex Some people would characterize sex as nothing more than a biological drive, merely a matter of doing what comes naturally in order to reproduce and propagate the species. “What’s there to discuss about sexual motivation?” one might say. “Isn’t it all inborn, inevitable, and inherently pleasurable?” It is certainly true that among most animals, sexual behavior is genetically programmed. Without instruction, a male stickleback fish knows exactly what to do with a female stickleback, and a whooping crane knows when to, well, whoop. But as sex researcher and therapist Leonore Tiefer (2004) has observed, for human beings “sex is not a natural act.” Sex, she says, is more like dancing, something you learn rather than a simple physiological process. For one thing, the activities that one culture considers “natural”—such as mouth-to-mouth kissing or oral sex—are viewed as unnatural in another culture or historical time. Second, people learn from experience and culture what they are “supposed” to do with their sexual desires and how they are expected to behave. Third, people’s motivations for sexual activity are by no means always and only for reproduction or for intrinsic pleasure. Human sexuality is influenced by a blend of biological, psychological, and cultural factors. In this section of the chapter, we will cover a range of intimate topics about which people have very strong personal feelings, from sexual desire to orgasm to sexual orientation. We will do so through the critical thinking lens of psychological science. We will also turn our attention to upsetting topics such as unwanted sex and rape. By investigating the factors that contribute to such destructive actions, psychologists hope to dispel myths surrounding them and facilitate prevention efforts.

10.3.A The Biology of Desire Learning Objective 10.3.A Describe early research findings on sexuality and how biology, hormones, and expectations might contribute to differences in the sexuality of women and men. In the middle of the last century, Alfred Kinsey and his associates (1948, 1953) published two pioneering books on human sexuality, one about women and one about men. Kinsey’s team surveyed thousands of Americans from 1938 to 1963 about their sexual attitudes and

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behavior, and they also reviewed the existing research on sexual physiology. At that time, many people believed that women were not as sexually motivated as men and that women cared about affection rather than sexual satisfaction, notions soundly refuted by Kinsey’s interviews. Kinsey was attacked for his findings, but also for even daring to ask people about their sexual lives in the first place. The national uproar that accompanied the Kinsey Reports seems hard to believe today: “Danger Lurks in Kinsey Book!” screamed one headline. Yet still today, many adults remain uncomfortable discussing sexual activity, as can be seen among some efforts to prohibit sex education in the name of promoting youth abstinence, a strategy that sometimes actually increases rates of teenage sexuality and pregnancy (J. Levine, 2003; Stanger-Hall & Hall, 2011; Trenholm et al., 2007). Following Kinsey, the next wave of sex research began in the 1960s with the laboratory research of William Masters and Virginia Johnson (1966). Masters and Johnson’s The “Kinsey Report on American Women” was hardly greeted with praise and research helped to sweep away cobwebs of superstition acceptance. Cartoonists made fun of it being a “bombshell,” and this 1953 photo, and ignorance about how the body works. In studies of three celebrities (the members of the musical duo The Barry Sisters reading it physiological changes during sexual arousal and orgasm, over actress Beverly Lawrence’s shoulder) spoofed women’s shock about the they confirmed that female and male orgasms are remark- book—and their eagerness to read it. ably similar and that all orgasms are physiologically the same, regardless of the source of stimulation. If you have ever taken a sex education class, you may have had to memorize Masters and Johnson’s stages of the sexual response cycle: desire, arousal (excitement), orgasm, and resolution. Unfortunately, the impulse to treat these four stages as linear—as if they were the preprogrammed and inevitable cycles of a washing machine—can lead to a mistaken inference of universality. Not everyone has an orgasm even following great excitement, and desire can follow arousal (Laan & Both, 2008; Goldey & van Anders, 2012). Masters and Johnson’s research did not investigate how people’s physiological responses might vary according to age, experience, culture, and genetic predispositions, or their ability to inhibit and control sexual excitement (Bancroft et al., 2009; Tiefer, 2004). That is, some people are all accelerator and no brakes, and others are slow to accelerate but quick to brake. For an overview of historical and recent attitudes toward sexuality, please visit Revel to watch a video regarding the power of sex. One biological factor that promotes sexual desire across sexes is the hormone testosterone, an androgen (masculinizing hormone). Some people therefore assume that to treat anyone who complains of low sex drive, testosterone should be increased, like adding fuel to your gas tank. And if the goal is to reduce sexual desire, as with people who commit sex crimes, testosterone should be lowered. Yet these efforts often fail to produce the expected results (Berlin, 2003). Why? A primary reason is that in primates, unlike other mammals, sexual motivation requires more than hormones; it is also affected by social experience and context (Leavitt et al., 2019; Randolph et al., 2014; Wallen, 2001). Indeed, artificially administered testosterone does not do much more than a placebo to increase sexual satisfaction in healthy people, nor does a drop in testosterone invariably cause a loss of sexual motivation or enjoyment.

FACTORS PROMOTING SEXUAL DESIRE

SEX DIFFERENCES IN SEX? Despite the similarities in sexual response that Kinsey, Masters, and Johnson identified among women and men, the question of underlying, biologically based sex drive continues to provoke lively debate. Although women on average are certainly as capable as men of sexual pleasure, men do have higher rates of almost every kind of sexual behavior, including masturbation, erotic fantasies, casual sex, and orgasm

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The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

310 Chapter 10 (Peplau, 2003; Schmitt et al., 2012). Men are also more likely than women to agree to have sex with a stranger, regret missed sexual opportunities, and admit to having sex because “the opportunity presented itself” (Buss, 2016). Biological and evolutionary psychologists argue that these differences occur universally because of hormones and are due to different evolutionary pressures for women versus men (Buss, 2015; Schaller et al., 2017). For example, they maintain that for cisgender men, given that reproduction is a relatively low-cost investment, the motivation that should have evolved over generations would be to have sex with as many partners as possible. On the other hand, reproduction is far more costly for cisgender women, who face the potential discomforts of pregnancy, risks of childbirth, and (traditionally) the primary responsibility for caring for an infant. Accordingly, the argument goes, women should be choosier, waiting to have sex with high-quality partners with whom they feel some sort of meaningful bond. Other psychologists, however, believe that potential differences in sexual behavior reflect women’s and men’s different life roles and experiences (Ainsworth & Baumeister, 2012; Eagly & Wood, 1999; Tiefer, 2008). Women may be more reluctant than men to have casual sex not because they have a lesser “drive,” but because the experience is not as likely to be gratifying to them: Cisgender women are less likely than cisgender men to have an orgasm during vaginal intercourse; they are likely to be more concerned about the potential for harm and unwanted pregnancy; and in many societies, there is a stigma attached to women who have casual sex (Krems et al., 2021; Rudman et al., 2017; Wongsomboon et al., 2020). As Terri Conley and Verena Klein (2022) succinctly put it: Women get worse sex. When this disparity (and the other concerns identified above) are addressed, however, women become much more enthusiastic about casual sex. Straight women are actually just as likely as straight men to say they would accept sex with friends or casual hookups who they think will give them a “positive sexual experience” (Conley et al., 2011; Rosin, 2012), and bisexual women report greater enthusiasm for casual sex scenarios with other women as opposed to men (Conley, 2011). When the risks are reduced and the likelihood of sexual pleasure increased, women—quite understandably!—become much more receptive to the idea of casual sex.

Replication Check ✔ Research has also indicated differences in the mate preferences of women and men. Buss (1989) collected data from participants in 33 countries and found that women were more likely than men to prioritize a potential mate’s status and resources, whereas men were more likely than women to place a premium on a potential partner’s youth and attractiveness. A recent replication across 45 countries and over 14,000 participants found similar results (Walter et al., 2020). What remains a topic of lively debate, though, is whether these findings reflect different evolutionary pressures on women and men or different societal roles, expectations, and economic inequalities based on gender (Bech-Sørensen, & Pollet, 2016; Zentner & Mitura, 2012). One point of agreement, however, is that there are many important gender similarities as well: Across all genders, people tend to prefer potential partners who are healthy, kind, and intelligent.

10.3.B Biology and Sexual Orientation Learning Objective 10.3.B Discuss the biological factors associated with sexual orientation as well as the limitations of a single-explanation account for partner preference. Why is it that most people identify as straight, some as gay or lesbian, some as bisexual, and still others as asexual, pansexual, or a variety of orientations? Many psychological explanations for sexual orientation have been proposed and refuted over the years. For example, same-sex attraction is not a result of having a smothering mother, an absent father, or emotional problems. It is not caused by parental practices or role models—some gay men

Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin (left) lived together for 56 years and were finally allowed to marry legally in 2008. Gay men, like this couple on the right, are increasingly likely to adopt children. While the factors that contribute to sexual orientation are complex and remain in need of additional study, social attitudes toward same-sex marriage and parenting have shifted dramatically in the past decades (Curme et al., 2019), and the dynamics and psychological outcomes within such families will only continue to attract additional research attention in the years to come.

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There is ample evidence of same-sex sexual activity in nonhuman species. These young male penguins at a zoo in Germany entwine their necks, kiss, call to each other, and have sex—and they firmly reject females. Another male pair in another zoo, Silo and Roy, seemed so desperate to incubate an egg together that they put a rock in their nest and sat on it. When their human keeper gave them a fertile egg to hatch, Silo and Roy sat on it for the necessary 34 days until their chick, Tango, was born, and then they raised Tango beautifully. “They did a great job,” said the zookeeper.

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recall that they rejected the typical boy role and boys’ toys and games from an early age, in spite of enormous pressures from their parents and peers to conform to traditional conceptions of “maleness” (Bailey & Zucker, 1995; G. Li et al., 2017). Conversely, the overwhelming majority of children of gay or lesbian parents are not gay or lesbian themselves, as a learning explanation might predict, although they are more likely than the children of straight parents to be open-minded about sexual orientation and gender roles (Fedewa et al., 2015; Sasnett, 2015). Many researchers, therefore, have turned to biological explanations of sexual orientation. For example, same-sex behaviors such as courtship displays, sexual activity, and rearing of young by two males or two females have been documented in some 450 species, from bottlenose dolphins to penguins to chimpanzees (Volker & Vasey, 2006). Sexual orientation also seems to be moderately heritable, particularly in men (Bailey et al., 2000; Rahman & Wilson, 2003). But the majority of gay men and lesbians do not have a close gay relative, and their siblings, including twins, are overwhelmingly likely to be straight (Peplau et al., 2000). Researchers have examined the role of prenatal exposure to androgens and how this might affect brain organization and partner preference (McFadden, 2008; Rahman & Wilson, 2003). Female babies exposed to masculinizing hormones before birth are more likely than other female babies to identify as bisexual or lesbian when older (Breedlove, 2017; Collaer & Hines, 1995). However, most androgenized girls do not come to identify as lesbians, and most lesbians were not exposed to atypical prenatal hormones (Peplau et al., 2000). Other prenatal events might predispose a child toward a same-sex orientation. More than a dozen studies have found that the probability of a man being gay rises significantly with the number of biological older brothers he has, regardless of their sexual orientation. This “brother effect” has nothing to do with family environment but rather with conditions within the uterus before birth; growing up with older sisters, stepbrothers, or adoptive siblings had no influence at all (James & Grech, 2018). This increased chance of being gay occurred even when men had older biological brothers born to the same mother but raised in a different home (Bogaert, 2006). One hypothesis for this result is that during pregnancy, the development of a male fetus triggers a certain immune reaction that then becomes increasingly likely with each subsequent pregnancy (Bogaert & Skorska, 2011; Bogaert et al., 2018).

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312 Chapter 10 The basic problem with trying to find a single origin of sexual orientation is that sexual identity and behavior take different forms (Savin-Williams, 2006). Some people are straight in behavior but have gay fantasies and even define themselves as gay or lesbian. In some cultures, teenage boys go through a phase of same-sex sexual activity that does not affect their future relations with women (Herdt, 1984). Similarly, in Lesotho, in South Africa, some women have intimate relations with other women, including passionate kissing and oral sex, but they do not define these acts as sexual (Kendall, 1999). Furthermore, although some lesbians have an exclusively same-sex orientation their whole lives, the majority have more fluid sexual orientations. A researcher interviewed 100 lesbian and bisexual women over a 10-year span and found that only onethird reported consistent attraction only to other women. For most of these women, their sexual behavior depended on whether they loved the partner, not the partner’s gender (Diamond, 2008). And increasingly, a younger generation of individuals has become more likely to move beyond categories like lesbian, gay, bisexual, or straight and report sexual orientations such as queer, pansexual, or asexual (Foster et al., 2019; Galupo et al., 2017; Morandini et al., 2017). Biological factors cannot account for this diversity of sexual responses, cultural customs, or experience. At present, we must tolerate uncertainty about the origins of sexual orientation. Perhaps the origins will turn out to differ, on average, by sex, and differ among individuals, whatever their primary orientation. In Revel, a video provides more information about the multiple influences on sexual orientation.

10.3.C The Psychology of Desire Learning Objective 10.3.C Discuss the varied motives for sex, and contrast them with motives for rape. Psychologists are fond of observing that the sexiest sex organ is the brain, where perceptions begin. People’s values, fantasies, and beliefs profoundly affect their sexual desire and behavior. That is why a touch on the knee by an exciting new date feels terrifically sexy, but the same touch by a stranger on a bus feels creepy and threatening. It is why a worried thought can kill sexual arousal in a second and why a fantasy can be more erotic than reality. While many people tend to think of sex in “bottom-up” terms, with the physical stimulation of specific organs leading to the higher-level perception of pleasure in the brain, there is clearly a very important “top-down” component to sex as well—at least, when it comes to good sex! Sexual desire, pleasure, and even orgasm have obvious psychological components and are all facilitated by the right mindset. The primary motives for sex may seem obvious: to enjoy the pleasure of it, to express love and intimacy, to make babies. But other motives are not so positive, including seeking to obtain perks or status; feeling obligation, rebellion, or power over the partner; and submitting to the partner to avoid anger or rejection. As with other behaviors we have discussed in this chapter, having sex can be intrinsically and extrinsically motivated (Gravel et al., 2016). One survey of nearly 2,000 people yielded over 200 motives for having sex, and nearly every one of them was rated as the most important motive by someone (Meston & Buss, 2007). People across genders tended to list the same top 10, including attraction to the partner, love, fun, and physical pleasure. But other responses included, “I wanted to feel closer to God,” “I was drunk,” “to help me fall asleep,” “to make my partner feel powerful,” “to return a favor,” “because someone dared me,” “to hurt an enemy or a rival,” and “to get rid of a headache” (that was #173). Across studies of motives for sex, there appear to be several major categories (Kennair et al., 2015; Watson et al., 2017), as illustrated in the following gallery.

THE MANY MOTIVES FOR SEX

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

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Motives for Sex

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(1) Physical: the satisfaction and pleasure of sex, stress reduction. (2) Goal attainment: to make a profit, to get status, or to exact revenge. (3) Emotional: to express intimacy and commitment with the partner, spiritual transcendence. (4) Insecurity: reassurance that one is attractive, the desire to impress others or to “keep” a partner.

People’s motives for having sex affect many aspects of their sexual behavior, including whether they engage in sex in the first place, whether they enjoy it, and whether they have few or many partners (Browning et al., 2000; Muise et al., 2013; Snapp et al., 2014). Extrinsic motives, such as having sex to gain approval from others or to get some tangible benefit, are most strongly associated with risky behavior, including having many partners, not using birth control, and pressuring a partner into sex (Hamby & Koss, 2003). Among women, common extrinsic motives include not wanting to lose the relationship or wanting to avoid conflict (Impett et al., 2005). For men, some common extrinsic motives are peer pressure and a fear of seeming unmasculine (Seabrook et al., 2018). When one partner is feeling insecure about the relationship, they are also more likely to consent to unwanted sex. In a study of 125 college women, more than one-half reported that they had consented to having sex when they didn’t really want to. Do you remember the attachment theory of love discussed earlier? Anxiously attached women were the most willing to consent to unwanted sex, especially if they feared their partners were less committed than they were. They reported that they often had sex out of feelings of obligation and to prevent the partner from leaving. Securely attached women also occasionally had unwanted sex, but their reasons were different: to gain sexual experience, to satisfy their curiosity, or to actively please their partners and further the intimacy between them (Impett et al., 2005). Unfortunately, one of the most persistent differences in sexual experiences by gender has to do with coercion. A U.S. government survey, based on a nationally representative sample of 16,507 adults, reported that nearly one in five women said they had been raped or experienced attempted rape at least once. The investigators also found high rates of aggression not usually measured in studies of rape, including coercive SEXUAL COERCION AND RAPE

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314 Chapter 10 efforts to control the woman’s reproductive and sexual health (Black et al., 2011). An even more recent study examining a diverse sample of 12,531 adolescents found that girls, transgender boys, and nonbinary individuals reported greater rates of dating violence, harassment, and assault than did their cisgender male peers (Kiekens et al., 2021). While people of all genders (and sexual orientations) are victimized by sexual violence, these rates tend to be even higher among gender (and sexual) minoritized individuals. However, it is important to note that many people who experience a sexual assault that meets the legal definition of rape—being forced to engage in sexual acts against their will— do not label it as such (McMullin & White, 2006; Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2011). Most people define “rape” as being forced into intercourse by an acquaintance or stranger, as an act that caused them to fight back, or as having been molested as a child. They are less likely to call their experience rape if they were sexually assaulted by a partner, had previously engaged in consensual sex with the other party, were drunk or otherwise drugged, or were forced to have oral sex or unwanted manual stimulation. Some people are motivated to avoid labeling their experience with such a charged word because they feel shame or simply because they don’t want to think of someone they know personally as being a “rapist” (Koss, 2011; Perilloux et al., 2014; Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2011). As a result, the rate at which rape occurs is likely to be even higher than what self-report data from surveys indicate. The vast majority of rapists are men. What leads some men to rape? Evolutionary arguments—that rape stems from the male drive to fertilize as many partners as possible— have not been supported by research (Buss & Schmitt, 2011). Rape is often committed by high-status men—including celebrities, politicians, and corporate leaders—who could presumably find consenting sexual partners. And all too frequently, their victims are children or older adults, with whom reproduction is not possible. The human motives for rape thus appear to be primarily psychological, and include the following: • Narcissism and hostility toward women. Sexually aggressive men often are narcissistic and unable to empathize with other people, and especially with women. They misperceive women’s behavior in social situations and accuse women of provoking them (Bushman et al., 2003; Durán et al., 2018; Widman & McNulty, 2010). • A desire to dominate, humiliate, or punish the victim. This motive is apparent among soldiers who rape captives during war or who rape women who are cadets in their own ranks in an effort to humiliate them and get them to drop out (Olujic, 1998; Wood & Toppelberg, 2017). Aggressive motives also occur in the rape of men by other men, where the motive is to conquer and degrade the victim (King & Woollett, 1997). More generally, research supports the assertion that men who score high on measures of likelihood to commit sexual coercion also tend to associate sex with power (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010; Thomas & Gorzalka, 2013). • Sadism. Some people who rape are violent criminals who get pleasure out of inflicting pain on their victims (Healey et al., 2013; Turvey, 2008).

10.3.D Gender, Culture, and Sex Learning Objective 10.3.D Explain the ways in which culture and gender contribute to sexual expectations and behavior. Many people like to think about kissing, not to mention doing it. Indeed, some cultures have elevated the sexual kiss to high art (there must be a reason they call it French kissing, right?). But if you think kissing is natural, try to remember your first serious kiss and all you had to learn about noses, breathing, and the position of teeth and tongue. The sexual kiss is complicated, and it is not universal across cultures (Jankowiak et al., 2015). In fact, in some cultures it is thought that kissing another person’s mouth—the very place that food enters!—is disgusting (Tiefer, 2004). As the kiss illustrates, simply having the physical equipment to perform a sexual act is not enough to explain sexual motivation. People have to learn what is supposed to turn

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These individuals are following sexual scripts for gender and culture—the boys by flexing and seeking to appear hypermasculine in order to impress others and the girls by wearing makeup to look attractive.

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Set of implicit rules that specifies proper sexual behavior for a person in a given situation, varying with the person’s gender, age, sexual orientation, religion, social status, and peer group.

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them on (or off), which parts of the body and what activities are erotic (or repulsive), and even how to have pleasurable sexual relations. In some cultures, oral sex is regarded as a bizarre sexual deviation; in others, it is considered not only normal but also supremely desirable. In some cultures, straight men believe that women who have experienced sexual pleasure of any kind will become unfaithful, so sexual relations are limited to quick intercourse; in other cultures, straight men’s satisfaction is bolstered by knowing that the woman he is with is sexually satisfied. In some cultures, sex itself is seen as something joyful and beautiful, an art to be refined as one might cultivate the skill of gourmet cooking. In others, it is considered ugly and dirty, something to be gotten through as rapidly as possible. These differences in perceptions are explored further in Revel in a video regarding cultural norms and sexual behavior. How do cultures transmit to their members their rules and requirements about sex? One answer to this question focuses on gender and the idea that during childhood and adolescence, people learn their culture’s gender roles, collections of rules that determine “proper” attitudes and behavior. Like an actor in a play, a person following a gender role relies on a sexual script that provides instructions on how to behave in sexual situations (Klein et al., 2019; Sakaluk et al., 2014). If you are a teenage girl, are you supposed to be sexually assertive or sexually modest? What if you are a teenage boy? What if you are an older individual? The answers differ from culture to culture and generation to generation as members act in accordance with the sexual scripts for their gender, age, sexual orientation, religion, social status, and peer group. In many parts of the world, boys acquire their attitudes about sex in a competitive atmosphere where the goal is to impress other boys, and they talk and joke about masturbation and other sexual experiences with their friends. At an early age, girls learn that the closer they match the cultural ideal of beauty, the greater their power, sexually and in other ways (Impett et al., 2011; Matlin, 2012). With this power may also come unintended consequences, however, as some studies indicate that the more sexualized their clothing, the less likely girls and women are to be seen as competent and intelligent (Graff et al., 2012; Montemurro & Gillen, 2013). In general, sexualized individuals are more likely to be viewed as if they were objects, perceived as possessing fewer humanlike traits, and are less likely to elicit empathetic responses and behaviors from other people (Bernard et al., 2020). Scripts can be powerful determinants of behavior, including the practice of safe sex. In one study, researchers interviewed a sample of Black women aged 22 to 39 and found that a reduced likelihood of practicing safe sex was associated with scripts fostering the beliefs that male infidelity is normal; men control sexual activity; and women want to use condoms, but men control condom use (Bowleg et al., 2004). As one woman summarized, “The ball was always in his court.” Such scripts encourage women to maintain sexual relationships at the expense of their own needs and safety.

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In the TV series Girls, the friends included a virgin, a sexual adventurer, and a heroine looking for love and sex with one man. This rewriting of the traditional sexual script for women—and the easy, explicit way the girls talked about sex— drew both fans and critics.

Sexual scripts are changing, however, at least in part as a result of women’s improving economic status. The ball is no longer always in men’s court, and as a result, individuals of all genders increasingly feel free to control their own sexual lives (Rosin, 2012). Whenever women have needed marriage to ensure their social and financial security in a society, they have been more likely to regard sex as a bargaining chip, an asset to be rationed rather than an activity to be enjoyed for its own sake. After all, a woman with no economic resources of her own cannot afford to casually seek sexual pleasure if that means risking an unwanted pregnancy, her physical safety, or her reputation in society. When women gain better access to education, more employment opportunities, and the ability to control their own fertility, they are more likely to want sex for pleasure rather than as a means to another goal. What about the scripts and expectations of a culture familiar to many readers of this text, adolescents in the United States? One influence on shifting sexual scripts in the past few years has been the rise of the mobile phone camera. Today’s young people (under the anxious eyes of parents, guardians, and teachers) are still navigating this new technology and exploring how to best incorporate it into their burgeoning sexuality. On the question of “sexting”—sending sexually explicit videos, photos, or messages—a recent meta-analysis of 39 studies including more than 100,000 adolescent participants found that 15% of teens reported having sent a sext, with 27% reporting having received one; no gender differences emerged on either measure (Madigan et al., 2018). As for the more problematic practice of forwarding a sext to someone else without the consent of the party who originally sent it, 12% of participants reported that they had done this, and 8% reported knowledge that it had been done to them by someone else. These numbers are likely to climb in the years to come as smartphones become even more pervasive; the more recently published a study in this meta-analysis was, the more common it found sexting to be. JOURNAL PROMPT 10.3 THINKING CRITICALLY–ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Interactive

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Pick any topic covered in this section of the chapter: mate preference, orgasm, sexual orientation, motives for sex, online dating . . . . Now consider how psychologists might examine this topic using some of the different pillars of psychology: biological, cognitive, developmental, social/personality, and mental/physical health. What different questions about this topic might psychologists ask from these different perspectives?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 10.3 to test your knowledge.

10.4 The Competent Animal: Motives to Achieve Almost every adult works, in one way or another. Students work at studying. Parents and other caregivers who stay at home to care for their children work, often more hours than salaried employees. Artists, poets, and actors work, even if they are paid erratically (or not at all). Most people are motivated to work to meet the needs for food and shelter. Yet survival does not explain why some people want to do their work well, some just want to get it done, and yet others come to view work as a “higher calling” (Reed et al., 2022). And it does not explain why some people work to make a living and then put their passion for achievement

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into unpaid activities, such as learning to become an accomplished guitarist or traveling to Madagascar to catch sight of a rare entry on their bird-watching list. In this section, we’ll look at how motivation affects work but also at how work affects a person’s motivations. In Revel, watch a video for an overview of some of these issues.

10.4.A The Effects of Motivation on Work Learning Objective 10.4.A Describe conditions that make goal-setting successful, and distinguish between performance goals and mastery goals. Psychologists, particularly those in the field of industrial/organizational psychology, have measured the psychological qualities that spur achievement and the environmental conditions that influence productivity and satisfaction. THE IMPORTANCE OF GOALS To understand the motivation to achieve, researchers today emphasize goals rather than inner drives: What you accomplish depends on the goals you set for yourself and the reasons you pursue them (Dweck & Grant, 2008). Not just any old goals will promote achievement, though. A goal is most likely to improve your motivation and performance when certain conditions are met (Epton et al., 2017; Locke & Latham, 2006):

• The goal is specific. Defining a goal vaguely, such as “doing your best,” is as ineffective as having no goal at all. You need to be specific about what you are going to do and when you are going to do it. For example: “I will write three pages of this paper today.” • The goal is challenging but achievable. You are apt to work hardest for tough but realistic goals. The most difficult goals produce the highest levels of motivation and performance, unless, of course, you choose impossible goals that you can never attain. • The goal is set publicly. Understandably, some goals you prefer to keep to yourself, whether because they involve private objectives or simply because you want to make sure you meet them before sharing them. But setting a goal publicly can help keep you motivated by making yourself accountable to others who will be watching and keeping tabs on your progress. • The goal is framed in terms of getting what you want rather than avoiding what you do not want. Approach goals are positive experiences that you seek directly, such as getting a better grade or learning to scuba dive. Avoidance goals involve the effort to avoid unpleasant experiences, such as trying not to make a fool of yourself at parties or trying to avoid being dependent on others. All of the motives discussed in this chapter are affected by approach and avoidance goals. People who frame their goals in specific, achievable approach terms (e.g., “I’m going to lose weight by running three times a week”) tend to feel better about themselves, are more optimistic, and are less depressed than people who frame the same goals in avoidance terms (e.g., “I’m going to lose weight by cutting out rich foods”) (Coats et al., 1996; Gable & Gosnell, 2013). Similarly, people who have sex for approach motives—to enjoy their own physical pleasure, to promote a partner’s happiness, or to seek intimacy—tend to have happier and less conflicted relationships than those who have sex to avoid arguments, boredom, or a partner’s loss of interest (Gewitz-Meydan & Finzi-Dottan, 2018; Muise et al., 2013). Can you guess why approach goals often produce better results than avoidance goals? Approach goals allow you to focus on what you can actively do to accomplish them and on the intrinsic pleasure of the activity, while avoidance goals make you focus on what you have to give up. That said, successful people often implement some combination of approach and avoidance goals (Scholer et al., 2019). In the case of work, defining your goals will move you along the road to success, but what happens when you hit a pothole? Some people give up when a goal becomes difficult or they are faced with a setback, whereas others become even more determined to succeed.

approach goals Goals framed in terms of desired outcomes or experiences.

avoidance goals Goals framed in terms of preventing unpleasant experiences.

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performance goals Goals framed in terms of performing well in front of others, being judged favorably, and avoiding criticism.

mastery (learning) goals Goals framed in terms of increasing one’s competence and skills.

One crucial difference between them is why they are working for that goal: to show off in front of others or to learn the task for the satisfaction of it. People who are motivated by performance goals are concerned primarily with being judged favorably and avoiding criticism. Those who are motivated by mastery (learning) goals are concerned with increasing their competence and skills and finding intrinsic pleasure in what they are learning (Grant & Dweck, 2003; Kamarova et al., 2017; Smeding et al., 2022). When people who are motivated by performance goals do poorly, they will often decide the fault is theirs and stop trying to improve. Because their goal is to demonstrate their abilities, they set themselves up for grief when they temporarily fail, as all of us must if we are to learn anything new. In contrast, people who are motivated to learn new skills will generally regard failure and criticism as sources of useful information that will help them improve. They know that learning takes time. In business, education, and other areas of life, the lesson is clear: Failure is essential to eventual success. Mastery goals are powerful intrinsic motivators at all levels of education and throughout life. Students who are in college primarily to master new areas of knowledge choose more challenging projects, persist in the face of difficulty, use better study strategies, and are less likely than other students to cheat than are students who are there only to get a degree and a job (Elliot & McGregor, 2001; Grant & Dweck, 2003; Lee & Anderman, 2020). As usual, though, we should avoid oversimplifying: Olympic athletes, world-class musicians, and others who are determined to become the best in their field blend performance and mastery goals. Another contributor to success is self-control (Duckworth & Gross, 2014). As the name suggests, self-control is the ability to regulate attention, emotion, and behavior in the presence of temptation. If you’ve been able to focus on your studying while your TV, phone, and Instagram loom large, you’ve shown admirable self-control. In fact, you should keep it up. Researchers have demonstrated that higher levels of self-control early in life predict later academic achievement, enhanced physical health, better employment, and higher earnings (Duckworth & Carlson, 2013; Mischel, 2014; Moffitt et al., 2011). More recent research also highlights the importance of grit, a sustained dedication to a passionate interest with determination and effort over a period of years (Duckworth & Gross, 2014; Park et al., 2020). The performance of many experts from top violinists to chess masters to National Spelling Bee winners is often the result of thousands of hours of dedicated practice (Duckworth et al., 2011; Ericsson, 2001). That kind of grit, hanging in there over the long haul, contributes to success, though additional research remains necessary in order to more fully understand how grit may differ from other forms of self-control and perseverance (Credé et al., 2017; Duckworth, 2016; Eskreis-Winkler et al., 2014). How hard you work for something also depends on your expectations. If you are fairly certain of success, you will work harder to reach a goal than if you are fairly certain of failure. Your expectations are influenced by your level of confidence in yourself and your abilities (Dweck & Grant, 2008). No one is born with a feeling of confidence, or self-efficacy. You acquire it through experience in mastering new skills, overcoming obstacles, and learning from occasional failures (Bandura, 1982; Maddux & Gosselin, 2012). Self-efficacy also comes from having successful role models who teach you that your ambitions are possible and from having people around to give you constructive feedback and encouragement (Bandura, 2013). People who have a strong sense of self-efficacy are quick to cope with problems rather than stewing and moping about them. Studies in various cultures have found that self-efficacy has a positive relationship with just about every aspect of people’s lives: the grades they earn, how persistently they pursue their goals, the kind of career choices they make, their motivation to work for political goals, healthy eating habits, and even their chances of recovery from a heart attack (Bandura et al., 2001; Luszczynska et al., 2016). Meta-analyses of decades of research find that self-efficacy and the setting of ambitious but achievable goals are indeed the strongest predictors of learning and accomplishment (Lanaj et al., 2012; Sitzmann & Ely, 2011).

EXPECTATIONS AND SELF-EFFICACY

self-efficacy The belief that one is capable of producing desired results, such as mastering new skills and reaching goals.

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People are motivated to achieve for many reasons. Here are some well-known examples.

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(1) IMMORTALITY: Lao Tzu (6th century b.c.e.), philosopher and author—“Those who die without being forgotten get longevity.” (2) KNOWLEDGE: Helen Keller (1880–1968), blind/deaf author and lecturer—“Knowledge is happiness, because to have knowledge—broad, deep knowledge—is to know true ends from false, and lofty things from low.” (3) FREEDOM: Nelson Mandela (1918–2013), former president of South Africa—“For to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.” (4) AUTONOMY: Georgia O’Keeffe (1887–1986), artist—“[I] found myself saying to myself—I can’t live where I want to, go where I want to, do what I want to . . . I decided I was a very stupid fool not to at least paint as I wanted to.” (5) EXCELLENCE: Serena Williams (b. 1981), tennis champion, Olympic gold medalist—“I am lucky that whatever fear I have inside me, my desire to win is always stronger.” (6) DUTY: Captain Chesley Sullenberger (b. 1951), airline pilot who saved 155 passengers in an emergency landing on the Hudson River—“We were simply doing the job we were trained to do.” (7) INNOVATION: Steve Jobs (1955–2011), inventor, entrepreneur—“A lot of times, people don't know what they want until you show it to them.”

10.4.B The Effects of Work on Motivation Learning Objective 10.4.B Describe how working conditions affect motives to achieve. Many people think the relationship between work and motivation runs in one direction: You are motivated, so you choose a career and then work hard to succeed at it. But psychological scientists have also studied the reverse direction: how the availability of careers affects motivation. For example, one simple but powerful factor that affects many people’s motivation to work in a particular field are the gender proportions of individuals in that domain (Kanter, 2006; Meeussen et al., 2020). When occupations are segregated by gender, many people form gender stereotypes about the requirements of such careers: So-called female jobs traditionally require kindness and nurturance; so-called male jobs traditionally require strength and smarts. These stereotypes, in turn, stifle many people’s aspirations to enter certain careers and also create self-fulfilling prejudices in employers (Agars, 2004; Eccles, 2011).

320 Chapter 10 In the United States, there was a time when law, veterinary medicine, pharmacy, and bartending were almost entirely male professions—and nursing, teaching, and child care were almost entirely female—and few women aspired to enter these “male” professions. As norms (and discrimination laws) shift, however, so do people’s career motivations. Today, it is much more common to see women who are lawyers, veterinarians, pharmacists, and bartenders. Although women are still a minority in engineering, math, and science, their numbers have been rising: In 1960, women earned only 0.4% of the doctorates in engineering, 5.2% of those in mathematics, and 8.8% of those in the life sciences. But by 2018, according to government statistics, these percentages had jumped to 24.4%, 24.1%, and 55.7%, respectively (National Science Foundation, 2019). These increases challenge old-fashioned and biased views that women are not suited to the study of engineering, math, and science. Specific role models can also have a powerful influence on adolescents’ educational and achievement ambitions, as demonstrated by a natural experiment that occurred in India (Beaman et al., 2012). In 1993, a law was passed reserving leadership positions for women in nearly 500 randomly selected villages. Years later, a survey of 8,453 adolescents found that in villages with female leaders, the gender gap in educational aspirations had closed by nearly one-third. What you see around you, apparently, influences what you want—and what you think you can get (Olsson & Martiny, 2018). Imagine that you live in a town that has one famous company, whether it’s a manufacturing plant or a giant retail outlet. Everyone in the town is grateful for the company and goes to work there with high hopes. Soon, however, an odd thing starts happening to many employees. They complain of fatigue and irritability. They are taking lots of sick leave. Productivity declines. What’s going on? Is everybody just lazy? One possibility is that something is wrong with the company itself. Psychologists want to know how conditions at work nurture or crush our motivation to succeed. After people are in a job, what motivates some to do well? Why do others lose their motivation altogether and experience burnout (Bianchi et al., 2021)? To begin with, achievement depends on having the opportunity to achieve. When people do not do well at work, others are apt to say it is the workers’ fault because they lack the internal drive to make it. But sometimes what the workers really lack is a fair chance to make it, and this is especially true for those who have been subjected to systematic discrimination (K. P. Jones et al., 2017; Sabattini & Crosby, 2009). After they have entered a career, people may become more or less motivated to advance up the ladder, depending on how many rungs they are permitted to climb. Women used to be rare in politics, but today it’s not as newsworthy when women become mayors, governors, senators, or presidential candidates. Several other aspects of the work environment are likely to increase work motivation and satisfaction and reduce the chances of emotional burnout (Bakker, 2011; French & Shockley, 2020; Geldart et al., 2018): WORKING CONDITIONS

• The work feels meaningful and important to employees. • Employees have control over many aspects of their work, such as setting their own hours and making decisions. • Tasks are varied rather than repetitive. • Employees have supportive relationships with their superiors and coworkers, including informal and formal support for managing work-life balance. • Employees receive useful feedback about their work, so they know what they have accomplished and what they need to do to improve. • The company offers opportunities for its employees to learn and advance.

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(1) Psychologists are not the only ones to understand that working conditions have a dramatic influence on employee satisfaction and performance. Charlie Chaplin’s Modern Times (1936) may be the first in a long tradition of movies and television shows to highlight the potential frustrations of the workplace, in this case depicting—to comedic and chaotic effect—the exploits of a factory worker overwhelmed by a malfunctioning assembly line. (2) Films about the workplace have sometimes tackled important social issues. In 9 to 5 (1980), Dolly Parton and her female coworkers struggle to overcome (and exact entertaining revenge on) the institutional and individual sexism that prevents women from advancing at their company. (3) More recently, both British and American audiences turned out in large numbers to watch a critically acclaimed television series titled The Office. These shows highlighted the impact of daily working conditions on worker productivity, but they also drew attention to the central role played by the workplace in contemporary individuals’ social (and even romantic) lives. (4) The 2022 TV show Severance updates the criticisms of the modern workplace that Chaplin offered a century earlier, this time through the depiction of employees at a company that switches off their memory every time they arrive at the office, functionally severing their work selves from the rest of their identities.

Companies that foster these conditions tend to have more productive and satisfied employees. Workers become more creative in their thinking, are more engaged in their work, and feel better about themselves than they do if they feel stuck in routine jobs that give them no control or flexibility over their daily tasks. Conversely, when people are put in situations that frustrate their desire and ability to succeed, they often become dissatisfied, their motivation declines, and they may drop out. For example, a study of nearly 2,500 people in science, engineering, and technology explored the reasons that many women eventually left their jobs, with some abandoning science altogether. The women who lost their motivation to work in these fields reported feeling isolated (many said they were the only woman in their work group), and two thirds said they had been sexually harassed (Hewlett et al., 2008). Other reasons included being paid less than men for the same work and having working conditions that did not allow them to attend to family obligations. Indeed, mothers are still more likely than fathers to reduce their work hours, modify their work schedules, and feel distracted on the job because of child care concerns (Perry-Jenkins & Gerstel, 2020; Sabattini & Crosby, 2009). In sum, work motivation and satisfaction depend on the right fit between qualities of the individual and conditions of the work.

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Figure 10.2 The Misprediction of Emotion Interactive

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10.4.C The Pursuit of Happiness Learning Objective 10.4.C Discuss what research indicates makes people happy and how accurate people are at predicting their own happiness.

Happiness rating

As we conclude this chapter on the major motives of life, let’s examine what psychological scientists know about what makes people happy. When you 4 think about setting goals for yourself, here is a crucial psychological finding to keep in mind: People aren’t always great at predicting how happy (or miserable) events will make them, or at estimating how long such feelings 3 will last (Buechel et al., 2017; Eastwick et al., 2008; Wilson & Gilbert, 2005). In one study, college students were asked how happy or unhappy they imag2 ined they would feel after being randomly assigned to live in a dorm they thought was “desirable” or “undesirable” (Dunn et al., 2003). The students 1 predicted that their dorm assignments would have a huge impact on their overall level of happiness and that being assigned to an undesirable dorm 0 Desirable Undesirable would essentially wreck their satisfaction for the whole year. In fact, as you Desirability of dormitory can see from Figure 10.2, 1 year later, both groups had nearly identical levels of happiness no matter where they were living. Predicted Actual Why? Because the students had focused on the wrong factors when forecasting their future feelings of happiness. They had placed far more imporIn a real-life longitudinal study, college students about to be tance on what the house looked like and on its location rather than on the randomly assigned to a dorm had to predict how happy or unhappy they would feel about being assigned to a house question of who else would be living there. After all, it’s usually the people they had ranked as “desirable” or “undesirable.” Most who make a place fun or unpleasant to live in, and all of the dorms had likstudents thought that they would be much less happy in an able people in them. Because the students did not focus on this in answering “undesirable” dorm, but in fact, 1 year later, there was no the question, they incorrectly predicted their future happiness. difference between the two groups (Dunn et al., 2003). This result has been replicated in many different contexts: The good is rarely as good as we imagine it will be, and the bad is rarely as terrible. People adjust quickly to happy changes—new relationships, a promotion, even winning the lottery— and fail to anticipate that they will cope with bad experiences relatively quickly as well. Yet people make many decisions based on false assumptions about how they will feel in the future. Many spend more money than they can afford on a car or house because they think that this is what will make them truly happy. What, then, does make people happy? In all the domains of human motivation that we have examined, a key conclusion emerges: People who are motivated by the intrinsic satisfaction of an activity are happier and more satisfied than those motivated solely by extrinsic rewards (Deci, 2016; Deci & Ryan, 1985). In the United States, many people are more motivated to make money than to find activities they enjoy. They imagine that greater wealth will bring greater happiness, yet once they are at a financial level that provides basic comfort and security, more isn’t necessarily better. People adjust quickly to the greater wealth and then think they need even more of it to be happier (E. W. Dunn et al., 2011; Gilbert, 2006). Having great wealth even seems to impair people’s ability to savor and enjoy small pleasures—a cold drink on a sunny day, chocolate for dessert, a leisurely walk holding hands with the love of your life (Quoidbach et al., 2015). Regardless of whether they live in an affluent or less affluent nation, people who are primarily motivated to get rich have poorer psychological adjustment and lower well-being than do people whose primary values are self-acceptance, affiliation with others, or wanting to make the world a better place (Ryan et al., 1999). This is especially true when the reasons for striving for money are extrinsic (e.g., to impress others and show off your possessions) rather than intrinsic (e.g., so you can afford to do the volunteer work you love) (Carver & Baird, 1998; Srivastava et al., 2001). In contrast, having positive, intrinsically enjoyable experiences makes most people happier than having things: Doing, in other words, is often more satisfying than buying (Carter & Gilovich, 2012; Dunn & Norton, 2013).

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Taking Psychology with You Rethinking Motivation in the Modern Era aspects of our daily human experience. Food. Love. Sex. Work. For decades, psychologists have explored why we act the way we do when it comes to these familiar domains. One of the biggest challenges of this exploration is that many of the preferences that humans now exhibit evolved over many, many generations. The environmental factors that helped shape these tendencies across long periods of time have shifted suddenly with technological advances, creating interesting mismatches between human nature and modern society. For instance, foods high in sugar, fat, and protein used to be rare commodities, promoting fierce competition for survival, but today such foods are often readily available. Yet our preferences for sugary and fatty foods persist, contributing to the modern obesity epidemic. Or consider the search for companionship. How do preferences shaped over time by evolutionary pressures and cultural histories play out in a modern society in which an increasing number of relationships begin via website or mobile app? More generally, we hope that the research reviewed in this chapter will prompt you to ask some big-picture questions: What are your values? What would you most like to accomplish in your life? Wealth, security, freedom, fame, the desire to improve the world, finding your soulmate, being the best in a sport or other skill, or something else? What are your short-term goals: Would you like to improve your love life? Get better grades? Enjoy school more? Get in better shape? Become a better pickleball player, dessert chef, or listener to friends in need? A whole world of motivational speakers, books, and videos offers strategies for changing your life in just a few magic steps, but we hope that by now you will apply critical thinking to their promises. Enthusiastic inspiration is great, but it doesn’t always transfer to sustainable real-life change. Instead, think about some of the lessons that you have learned here: • Seek activities that are intrinsically pleasurable. If you really, really want to study Swahili or Swedish even though these languages are not in your graduation requirements, find a way to do it. As the great writer Ray Bradbury said at age 89, the secret to living to a grand old age is to “do what you

love and love what you do.” If you are not enjoying your major or your job, consider a path that would be more intrinsically pleasurable, or at least make sure you have other projects and activities that you enjoy for their own sake. • Focus on learning goals, not only on performance goals. In general, you will be better able to cope with setbacks if your goal is to learn rather than to show others how good you are. Regard failure as a chance to learn rather than as a sign of incompetence. • Assess your working conditions. Whether you are an investment banker, student, self-employed writer, or stay-at-home caregiver, check out your environment, especially if your motivation and well-being are starting to wilt. Are you getting support from others? Do you have opportunities to develop ideas and vary your routine, or are you expected to do the same thing day after day? Are there barriers that are limiting your advancement? • Take steps to resolve motivational conflicts. Are you torn between competing goals? For instance, are you unhappily stuck between the goal of achieving independence and a desire to be taken care of by your parents? The reconciliation of conflicts like these is important for your well-being.

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In this chapter, we have explored motivations related to central

It is important to think critically about the goals you have chosen for yourself: Are they what you want to do or what someone else wants you to do? Do they reflect your values? If you are not happy with your body, your relationships, your sex life, or your work, why not? Think about it. And then strategize and do something about it.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 10.4 THINKING CRITICALLY–EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Think about and briefly describe a time when you overestimated how good (or bad) a certain outcome would make you feel. Maybe it was an accomplishment that you worked long and hard for; maybe it was a negative event that you tried desperately to avoid. What explanations can you offer for why you overestimated the influence that this event would have on you? Knowing what you now know about the misprediction of emotion, do you think you would be as likely to make such an overestimation again in the future?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 10.4 to test your knowledge.

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324 Chapter 10

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: More College Students Than Ever Are “Hooking Up” for Casual Sex STEP 1. Criticize This Claim A burger and fries. A cool breeze on a summer day. An A+ grade. Finding the love of your life . . . then finding out that they love you, too. These are some of the best things life has to offer. And they illustrate central motivations that drive us: hunger; achievement; the need to connect with others emotionally but also physically. There are many claims we might consider regarding motivations for love and sex. Some people have suggested that young adults today prioritize physical over emotional connections. Let’s analyze a version of this claim: More college students than ever are “hooking up” for casual sex.

STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Even our most intimate of preferences and behaviors can be studied scientifically. But research questions about sex are also challenging for various reasons. Let’s think about the pros and cons of different methods researchers might use to ask questions about sexual behavior. For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option to complete the sentence. Human sexual behavior is a challenging topic to study. In fact, it wasn’t until the mid-20th century that (1) ________ and his colleagues conducted their pioneering research on male and female sexuality, which was published in two best-selling books. For reasons of privacy, ethics, and practical considerations, measures taken in studies like these are usually (2) ________ in nature. Of course, even asking questions about people’s sexual tendencies has limitations. Participants’ responses might be biased by their (3) ________. That said, survey data have provided many informative conclusions regarding human sexual behavior.

1) a. Sigmund Freud b. Alfred Kinsey c. David Buss

2) a. observational b. self-report c. naturalistic

3) a. concerns about revealing embarrassing information about themselves b. desire to make a positive impression on the person asking the questions c. Both responses above are correct.

STEP 3. Analyze Assumptions and Biases So what about casual sex in college? Do today’s students really have more sex partners than in past generations? Are magazines and blogs right that college campuses are dominated by a so-called “hookup culture”? This claim makes for a good story and a link we want to click on. But just because a headline is catchy doesn’t make it true. Are people just assuming that formal dating and committed relationships were more common in the past than they are now?

STEP 4. Define Your Terms One key to answering these questions is defining our terms. Young people today may talk more about “hooking up” than previous generations did. But what does the term actually mean? To many, the phrase seems to imply sexual intercourse. But a recent survey of college women found that only one-third of what they called hookups included intercourse. According to the data, hooking up can mean kissing. It can mean touching. It can mean a variety of things, but it doesn’t always mean sex. (continued)

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STEP 5. Examine the Evidence To find out about sex on campus, researchers have to ask precisely worded questions about sex on campus. And conclusions about how behavior has changed over time require comparing students today and from the past. Key: 1. These data come from an annual nationwide survey of young people. The three bars here represent frequencies of responses from young people between the years of 1988 and 1996, in an era before online dating and the popularity of the phrase “hooking up.” 2. The three bars here represent frequencies of responses from young

Total Number of Sex Partners for U.S. Young Adults Since Age 18

people between the years of 2004–2012. Comparing responses 60%

from the same population over two time spans allows researchers to

sexual partners and 51% report 3 or more partners. These numbers look pretty comparable to the same colored bars on the right side of the graph. 4. In our more recent sample, 36% of young people report having 1 or 2 sexual partners and 49% report 3 or more partners. These numbers do not support the claim that casual sex with multiple partners is more common today than it was decades ago. 5. Between 1988 and 1996, 10% of respondents reported having no sexual partners. This rate is actually lower than the rate giving this response two decades later, suggesting that if anything, celibacy has become more likely over time.

Percentage of Respondents

ask the question of whether sexual behavior has changed over time. 3. In our earlier sample, 39% of young people report having 1 or 2

50% 40% 3

30%

4

20% 10%

6

5 0%

6. Between 2004 and 2012, 15% of respondents reported having no sexual partners. Once again, if anything these data seem to sug-

0

1–2 3+ 1988–1996 1

0

1–2 3+ 2004–2012 2

gest less, not more casual sex among the more recent sample of young people.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions Data indicate that, no, today’s college students are not having more casual sex with more partners than ever before. The story of the newly emerging hookup culture on campus may be just that—a good story. Precise definition of terms is essential for critical thinking. When college students talk about “hooking up,” they aren’t always talking about sex. So when it comes to claims about emotionally charged and intimate processes like sex, personal accomplishment, falling in love . . . . Our assumptions do not always align with scientific data and actual behavior. Answer Key: 1) b, 2) b, 3) c

Summary: The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work 10.1 Motivation and the Hungry Animal LO 10.1.A

Define motivation, and distinguish between its intrinsic and extrinsic forms.

Motivation refers to a process that causes an organism to move toward a goal or away from an unpleasant situation. Intrinsic motivation refers to the desire to do something for its own sake and the pleasure it brings. Extrinsic motivation refers to the desire to do something for external rewards, such as money and good grades.

LO 10.1.B

Discuss the biological factors that contribute to weight, and explain what set point is.

Having a weight problem is not simply a result of failed willpower, emotional disturbance, or overeating. Hunger, weight, and eating are regulated by a set of bodily mechanisms, such as basal metabolism rate and number of fat cells, that keep people close to their genetically influenced set point. Genes influence body shape, distribution of fat, number of fat cells, and whether

326 Chapter 10 the body will convert excess calories into fat. Anorexigenic substances such as the hormone leptin reduce appetite and decrease food consumption. Orexigenic substances such as the hormone ghrelin spur appetite. LO 10.1.C

Discuss and provide examples of major environmental influences on weight.

Genetics alone cannot explain why body weight is rising all over the world among all social classes, ethnicities, and ages. Major environmental reasons include the increased abundance of inexpensive fast food and processed food, the increased consumption of high-calorie sugary sodas, the rise of sedentary lifestyles, increased portion sizes, and the ready availability of highly varied foods. LO 10.1.D

Distinguish between anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa, and discuss factors that contribute to each disorder.

Anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and other eating disorders are influenced by genetic and cultural factors. Depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, perfectionism, and a distorted body image also play a role in the origin and persistence of eating disorders.

10.2 The Social Animal: Motives to Love LO 10.2.A

Describe how vasopressin, oxytocin, and endorphins contribute to our understanding of the biology of love.

All human beings have a need for attachment and love. Various brain chemicals and hormones, including vasopressin and oxytocin, are associated with bonding and trust; endorphins and dopamine create the rushes of pleasure and reward associated with romantic passion. LO 10.2.B

Explain how attachment theory can be applied to adult romantic relationships.

Two strong predictors of whom people will love are proximity and similarity. When in love, people form different kinds of attachments. Attachment theory views adult love relationships, like those of infants, as being secure, avoidant, or anxious. LO 10.2.C

Summarize the research on gender and cultural differences in romantic relationships.

Reliable gender differences do not exist for how likely people are to feel love or need attachment. Gender differences do emerge in how people tend to express feelings of love and define intimacy. A couple’s attitudes, values, and perception that their relationship is fair and balanced are better predictors of long-term love than are genes or hormones.

10.3 The Erotic Animal: Motives for Sex LO 10.3.A

Describe early research findings on sexuality and how biology, hormones, and expectations might contribute to differences in the sexuality of women and men.

Human sexuality is not simply a matter of “doing what comes naturally” because what is natural for one person or culture may not be so natural for others. The Kinsey surveys of sexuality and the laboratory research of Masters and Johnson showed that physiologically, women and men are capable of sexual arousal and response. However, individuals vary enormously in sexual excitement, response, and inhibition. The hormone testosterone promotes sexual desire, although hormones do not cause sexual behavior in a simple, direct way. LO 10.3.B

Discuss the biological factors associated with sexual orientation as well as the limitations of a single-explanation account for partner preference.

Many researchers have turned to biological accounts in the effort to explain sexual orientation, including evidence of same-sex sexual contact among more than 450 animal species. Exposure to various prenatal hormones and inhabiting a uterus previously inhabited by a male fetus have been found to predict sexual orientation. Given that sexual identity and behavior take different forms and can be fluid over the course of the lifespan, however, it is difficult to explain sexual orientation using just a single type of explanation. LO 10.3.C

Discuss the varied motives for sex, and contrast them with motives for rape.

People have sex to satisfy many different psychological motives, including pleasure, intimacy, security, the partner’s approval, peer approval, or the attainment of a specific goal. People’s motives for consenting to unwanted sex vary, depending on their feelings of security and commitment in the relationship. Men who rape do so for diverse reasons, including narcissism and hostility toward women; a desire to dominate, humiliate, or punish the victim; and sometimes sadism. LO 10.3.D

Explain the ways in which culture and gender contribute to sexual expectations and behavior.

Cultures transmit ideas about sexuality through gender roles and sexual scripts, which specify appropriate behavior during courtship and sex, depending on gender, age, and sexual orientation. As in the case of love, gender differences (and similarities) in sexuality are strongly affected by cultural and economic factors. As women have become more economically independent, gender differences in sexual behavior have decreased, with women becoming more likely to prioritize sex for pleasure rather than as a bargaining chip.

The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work

10.4 The Competent Animal: Motives to Achieve LO 10.4.A

Describe conditions that make goal-setting successful, and distinguish between performance goals and mastery goals.

People achieve more when they have specific, focused goals; when they set high but achievable goals for themselves; when they commit publicly to their goals; and when they have approach goals (seeking a positive outcome) rather than avoidance goals (avoiding an unpleasant outcome). The motivation to achieve also depends on whether people set mastery (learning) goals, in which the focus is on learning the task well, or performance goals, in which the focus is on performing well for others. Self-confidence and grit both contribute to the attainment of goals. People’s expectations stem from their level of self-efficacy, and these expectations shape performance.

LO 10.4.B

327

Describe how working conditions affect motives to achieve.

Work motivation also depends on conditions of the job itself. When jobs are highly gender segregated, people often stereotype the abilities of the people working in those fields. Working conditions that promote motivation and satisfaction are those that provide workers with a sense of meaningfulness, control, variation in tasks, supportive relationships, feedback, and opportunities for advancement. LO 10.4.C

Discuss what research indicates makes people happy and how accurate people are at predicting their own happiness.

People are not good at predicting how happy or miserable life events will make them, or how long those feelings will last. Well-being increases when people enjoy the intrinsic satisfaction of an activity. Having intrinsically enjoyable experiences makes most people happier than having riches and possessions.

Shared Writing: The Major Motives: Food, Love, Sex, and Work Think of something that you’re motivated to accomplish: achieve in school, excel at a sport, improve your love life, change some unhealthy habits. Write down as specifically as you can what your current behavior is and what your desired end goal should be. Do you find that a combination of both intrinsic and extrinsic motives are driving your behavior as you seek to progress from point A to point B? For the goal you’ve selected, do environmental factors outweigh genetic ones in attaining your outcomes?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 10 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 11

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Emotion, Stress, and Health

Learning Objectives LO 11.1.A

Explain what emotions are, which emotions have universal facial expressions, and what some limitations are on decoding emotion.

LO 11.2.B

Explain how display rules and emotion work influence the communication of emotion.

LO 11.1.B

Discuss the brain structures involved in the experience of emotions, what mirror neurons do, and the primary chemicals involved in emotional experience.

LO 11.2.C

Describe and explain gender differences that appear to exist in emotional experience.

LO 11.3.A

Describe the three phases of general adaptation syndrome and how modern conceptualizations of the HPA axis and psychoneuroimmunology extend those ideas.

LO 11.3.B

Describe how optimism, conscientiousness, and a sense of control contribute to physical health.

LO 11.1.C

Summarize the basic research findings regarding the role that cognitive appraisal plays in emotional experience.

LO 11.2.A

Describe the ways emotional experience can differ across cultures in terms of concepts, language, and expectations.

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LO 11.4.A

Summarize the evidence that negative emotions (such as hostility and depression) have negative health effects.

LO 11.5.A

Discuss how emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping contribute to dealing with stress.

LO 11.4.B

Summarize the evidence that positive emotions contribute to health.

LO 11.5.B

LO 11.4.C

Discuss how confession, forgiveness, and other forms of “letting grievances go” contribute to health benefits.

Describe and give examples of effective coping strategies that rely on rethinking the stressful problem at hand.

LO 11.5.C

Discuss the ways in which friends can help or hinder successful coping efforts.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter.

The year 2020 will forever live in infamy, remembered for its seemingly endless litany of disruptive and dangerous stressors. A global pandemic erupted, threatening the health and safety of everyone on the planet and triggering a cascade of other stressors like quarantines, interrupted school years, and widespread loss of jobs and income. The tragic killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery—as well as a spike in hate crimes against Asian Americans and other individuals based on their race, ethnicity, religion, gender, and sexual oriention—led the American Psychological Association (APA) to declare that we also remain in the midst of a pandemic of racism and other forms of bigotry. Unprecedented bushfires in Australia destroyed homes and lives and polluted the air with dangerous smoke and ash, on top of an already escalating climate emergency. An explosion in Beirut devastated 300,000 homes, killed over a hundred people, and wounded thousands more. And all of this happened in just over the first half of the calendar year. These events fueled emotional responses of fear, sadness, surprise, and anger, as well as bodily and behavioral signs of stress. Indeed, people living in the United States reported experiencing significantly greater levels of loneliness and stress in 2020 than in previous years, and feelings of fear and anger rose as well (APA, 2020; McGinty et al., 2020). Even now, a few years later, many of these same crises continue or even worsen. We are confronted each day, often several times a day, with media coverage reminding us of these and other horrific global events, stoking our emotional responses and stress even further, and increasing the risk of impaired functioning (Holman et al., 2020). Yet, amazingly, stressful events like these can be followed by successful coping and resilience. During the early part of the pandemic, some people coped by focusing on the good aspects of stressors, like actor John Krasinski did in Some Good News, a YouTube show that provided heartwarming stories, tributes to essential workers, and virtual celebrations during the initial stages of the pandemic and quarantine. Others coped by reaching out to help other people—for example, providing needed supplies or helping friends and loved ones to combat loneliness, fear, and social isolation. And still others coped by committing their time and effort to address systemic inequities, racism, climate change, hunger, and other local and In early 2020, John Krasinski started his YouTube show Some Good News as an global problems. Some people somehow managed to do some of all of the above! Events need not be matters of life and death in order to be stressful, require coping, effort to provide some positive balance to all the negative emotion associated with and even have health consequences. Many readers of this chapter report that they find the COVID-19 pandemic. What strategies themselves more likely to get sick around the time of final exams compared to the rest of have you developed to try to cope with the the academic term. There’s good reason for this! As you will see, stress can weaken the anxiety and uncertainty of the pandemic immune system, making illness more likely. crisis?

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Do you find that you get sick more often right around exams compared to other times of the academic year?

330 Chapter 11 In this chapter, we will examine the physiology and psychology of emotions and stress. Experiencing recurrent negative emotions such as anger and fear can certainly be stressful, and stress can certainly produce negative emotions. Both of these processes, however, are shaped by how we interpret the events that happen to us, by the demands of the situations we are in, and by the rules of our cultures. As you can already tell from the preceding paragraphs, this chapter will cover potentially upsetting topics like stress and illness, as well as the disturbing events that can precede them, including natural disaster, assault, and hatred. But we will also investigate the science of positive emotions, coping, empathy, resilience, and various strategies for promoting physical health and mental well-being.

11.1 The Nature of Emotion

emotion A state of arousal involving facial and bodily changes, brain activation, cognitive appraisals, subjective feelings, and tendencies toward action.

People often wish to be freed from painful feelings of anger, jealousy, shame, guilt, and grief. But imagine a life without emotions. You would be unmoved by the magic of music. You would never care about losing someone you love not only because you would not know sadness, but also because you would not know love. You would never laugh because nothing would strike you as funny. And you would be socially isolated because you would not be able to understand what other people were feeling. You might not do anything if you didn’t have emotions because you wouldn’t care enough to take action. Emotions evolved to help people meet the challenges of life (Nesse & Ellsworth, 2009; Sznycer, 2019). For example, disgust evolved as a mechanism to protect us from eating tainted or poisonous food (Hlay et al, 2021; Stevenson et al., 2014). Embarrassment, so agitating to an individual, serves an important function: appeasing others when you feel you have made a fool of yourself, broken a rule, or violated a social norm (Crozier & de Jong, 2013; Feinberg et al., 2012). Collective outrage in response to unfairness, ineptitude, or violence can kick-start societal change in productive directions (Goldenberg et al., 2020). And the positive emotions of joy, love, laughter, and playfulness do not appear to be simply selfish feelings of pleasure; their adaptive function may be to help increase mental flexibility and resilience, build bonds with others, and stimulate creativity (Aknin et al., 2018; Baas et al., 2008; Kok et al., 2013). Let’s begin with some findings from neuroscientists and other researchers who study the physiological aspects of emotions: facial expressions, brain regions and circuits, and the autonomic nervous system.

11.1.A Emotion and the Face

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

Learning Objective 11.1.A Explain what emotions are, which emotions have universal facial expressions, and what some limitations are on decoding emotion.

Just how informative are nonverbal channels of communication? Enough to convey the emotional state of cookies in a bakery display case, through nothing more than a little creative icing.

The components of emotion are physiological changes in the face, brain, and body; cognitive processes such as appraisals and interpretations of events; subjective feelings; and action tendencies that spur us to fight or flee. In turn, culture and social context influence both the inner experience and the outward expression of emotion. There are many channels of communication that humans use to express their thoughts and feelings, but the simplest dichotomy is between verbal and nonverbal channels. Verbal communication refers to a person’s speech or writing—the words we use to send a message to another person. Nonverbal channels include all the other mechanisms used in communication: body language (including posture, hand gestures, interpersonal distance, eye contact), facial expressions, vocal channels (such as tone of voice, speech hesitations, or the rate of speech), and even the clothes we wear or how we maintain our physical environments (Hall et al., 2019; Knapp et al., 2014). Notice that there are many more forms of nonverbal communication than forms of verbal communication. Nonverbal channels can carry a great deal of information, especially when it comes to communicating emotion (de Gelder et al., 2015; Ekman & Friesen, 1969; Sauter & Fischer, 2018). But among nonverbal forms of communication,

Emotion, Stress, and Health

the face conveys the greatest degree of information about a person’s emotional state. A stranger’s crossed arms might signify a negative emotion, but is it anger, worry, defiance, or disgust? The face, packed with a rich array of muscles, is capable of communicating a wide range of expressions with a great deal of specificity (Hwang & Matsumoto, 2015). In 1872, Charles Darwin argued that human facial expressions—the smile, the frown, the grimace, the glare—are as innate as the wing flutter of a frightened bird, the purr of a contented cat, and the snarl of a threatened wolf (Darwin, 1872/1965). Such expressions evolved, he said, because they allowed our ancestors to tell at a glance the difference between a friendly stranger and a hostile one. In addition, he argued, the evolutionary functions of emotion are to prepare the organism to respond to challenges in the environment and to communicate important information to others; modern research supports these ideas (LeDoux, 2012; Shariff & Tracy, 2011). Decades ago, Paul Ekman and his colleagues gathered abundant evidence for the universality of the facial expressions of six emotions: anger, happiness, fear, surprise, disgust, and sadness (Ekman, 2003; Ekman et al., 1987). In every culture they studied—in Brazil, Chile, Estonia, Germany, Greece, Hong Kong, Italy, Japan, New Guinea, Scotland, Sumatra, Turkey, and the United States—a majority of people recognized these emotional expressions when portrayed by those in other cultures (see Figure 11.1). Even members of isolated cultural groups who had never watched a movie or read a popular magazine—such

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Figure 11.1 Some Universal Expressions

Most people around the world can readily identify expressions of anger, happiness, disgust, surprise, sadness, and fear—no matter the age, culture, sex, or historical era of the person conveying the emotion. Can you match the emotion to each face shown here?

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332 Chapter 11 as the Foré of New Guinea or the Minangkabau of West Sumatra—could recognize the emotions expressed in pictures of people who were entirely foreign to them, and participants in the United States could recognize the emotions of people from these isolated groups. This idea that there are core emotions universal to all people has become a familiar one in popular media as well. Consider, for example, the 2015 Pixar film Inside Out, in which five central emotions inside the head of an 11-year-old girl are represented by different animated characters. (Even though Ekman and other psychologists consulted on the making of the film, the emotion of surprise didn’t make the final cut!) Some researchers have proposed adding contempt to the list of universally recognized emotions (Fischer & Giner-Sorolla, 2016; Matsumoto, 1992). Other researchers have examined the emotion of pride, concluding that nonverbal displays of pride communicate to others about an individual’s status, expertise, or knowledge, and may have an adaptive function to motivate people to excel, thereby increasing their attractiveness to others (Keltner et al., 2019; Williams & DeSteno, The 2015 movie Inside Out depicts five core emotions inside 2009). Indeed, children as young as 4 years old, as well as people from the head of an 11-year-old named Riley: Disgust, Joy, Anger, isolated cultures, can reliably decode facial and bodily expressions of Sadness, and Fear. Research suggests, however, that very young children at first only seem to differentiate between generally pride (Sznycer et al., 2017; Tracy & Robins, 2007, 2008). And still other positive and generally negative emotions. researchers have found that 18 different emotions can be reliably distinguished from each other (Cowan & Keltner, 2021)! Clearly, there is still healthy disagreement about the number of core or “basic” emotions (Ortony, 2022). Ekman and his associates developed a coding system to identify and analyze how each of the nearly 80 muscles of the face are associated with various emotions (Ekman, 2003). According to Ekman, when people try to hide their true feelings and display a different emotion, they generally use different groups of muscles than they do for authentically felt emotions. When people try to pretend that they feel sad, for example, only 15% manage to get the eyebrows, eyelids, and forehead to wrinkle exactly right, mimicking the way true sadness is expressed spontaneously. And while authentic smiles last only 2 seconds, false smiles may last 10 seconds or more and rarely involve the muscles around the eyes (Ekman et al., 1988). THE FUNCTIONS OF FACIAL EXPRESSIONS As Darwin suggested, facial expressions probably evolved to help us communicate our emotional states to others and provoke a response from them—“Come help me!” “Get away!” (Fridlund, 1994; Hager & Ekman, 1979; Reed & DeScioli, 2017). This signaling function begins in infancy. A baby’s expressions of misery or frustration are apparent to most caregivers, who respond by soothing an uncomfortable baby or feeding a grumpy one (Cole & Moore, 2015; Izard, 1994). And an infant’s smile of joy usually melts the heart of the weariest caregiver, prompting a happy cuddle. Although infants and young children can obviously display facial expressions of various emotions, they have to learn how to decode those expressions in adults. At first, they seem to recognize only two general categories: positive (happy) and negative (notably fear and anger). By the age of 6 months, babies often reveal special sensitivity to adults’ fearful expressions (Leppänen & Nelson, 2012) and soon begin to alter their own behavior in reaction to their parents’ facial expressions of emotion. This ability, too, has survival value. If you have ever watched a toddler take a tumble and then look over at their parent before deciding whether to cry or to shrug it off, you will understand the influence of parental facial expressions. And you can see why they have had such survival value for babies: An infant needs to be able to read the parent’s facial signals of alarm because young children do not yet have the experience necessary for judging danger. Young children do not recognize adults’ expressions of sadness until they are about age 3, and disgust at about age 5; until then, they will usually misinterpret these expressions as anger (Widen & Russell, 2010). In studies of adults, some researchers have found that facial expressions not only reflect our internal feelings, but may also influence them. In other words, sometimes we

Emotion, Stress, and Health

don’t smile because we’re happy, but rather we’re happy because we smile. In this process of facial feedback, the facial muscles send messages to the brain about the emotion being expressed: A frown tells us that we’re sad or angry. When participants are shown photos of positive facial expressions and are asked to model them, their positive feelings increase; conversely, when participants model angry, displeased, or disgusted facial expressions, their positive feelings decrease (Kleinke et al., 1998). In addition, if you make an angry face, your heart rate will increase more than if you make a happy or neutral face; putting on a smile actually helps us bounce back more quickly from a stressful experience (Kraft & Pressman, 2012; Lee et al., 2013; Levenson et al., 1990). In one clever study, researchers asked participants to hold a pen either in their teeth (unobtrusively causing them to smile) or in their lips (causing them to pout). Participants who were asked to hold a pen in their teeth rated cartoons as funnier than did participants who were asked to hold a pen in their lips (Strack et al., 1988). So even though participants were not explicitly asked to model a particular emotional facial expression, their posed expression still seemed to have an effect on an emotional judgment.

Replication Check ✔ As a critical thinker, you may be wondering whether this latter finding was just a fluke—can holding a pen in your mouth in different ways really change your emotions? Others have shared this skepticism. A group of researchers tried to replicate this finding across 17 different studies and were unable to do so definitively (Wagenmakers et al., 2016). However, even more recently, researchers replicated the facial feedback effect when participants in the study were unaware of being observed, but not when participants knew they were being video recorded (Noah et al., 2018). In another study, researchers took steps to minimize participants’ self-focused attention (by not using video recording and administering the task in group settings) and were able to replicate the facial feedback effect in 400 participants (Marsh et al., 2019). Finally, other studies, including those using other designs, have provided data in support of the facial feedback hypothesis (Larsen et al., 1992; Soussignan, 2002). So can facial expressions change our emotions? It depends! And replication studies have helped identify the circumstances under which these effects are and are not likely to emerge.

Some studies have examined this same issue from a different perspective, asking what happens when facial feedback is blocked. Injections of botulinum toxin-A (otherwise known as Botox) block facial feedback by paralyzing facial muscles and can diminish an individual’s ability to process emotion, at least in some studies. For example, one study found that Botox injections (compared to injections of a nonparalyzing substance) decreased emotional responses to positive film clips (Davis et al., 2010). Another study found that women who had received Botox injections were significantly less accurate than other women at decoding both positive and negative emotions in photographs of human eyes (Neal & Chartrand, 2011). Finally, Botox injections decreased amygdala activation in people who were imitating angry facial expressions of others (Hennenlotter et al., 2009). Thus, paralyzing facial muscles doesn’t just make it harder to show emotion, but also to process emotion. Given this information, you might be wondering whether Botox injections could be used as a treatment for some psychological disorders like depression, but beware! This possibility has not been properly evaluated by independent researchers (who are not paid by drug companies) using well-controlled clinical trials (Coles et al., 2019). However, there are important cultural and social limits to the universal readability of facial expressions. When you decode another person’s facial expression, you are influenced by what else is happening in the situation, by your own emotional state, and by the cultural context (Caldara, 2017; Jack et al., 2012; Niedenthal et al., 2019). People are better at identifying emotions expressed by others in their own ethnic, national, or regional group than they are at recognizing the emotions of foreigners (Elfenbein, 2013). Within a culture, facial expressions can have different meanings depending on the FACIAL EXPRESSIONS IN CONTEXT

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facial feedback The process by which facial muscles send messages to the brain about the emotion being expressed.

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This athlete looks sad, but is more likely feeling joyful after winning a gold medal. Facial expressions do not always convey the emotion being felt.

situation; a smile can mean “I’m happy!” or “I don’t want to make you angry while I tell you this” (Barrett et al., 2019). Even facial hair makes a difference when it comes to emotion! One recent set of studies found that expressions of anger are more quickly and accurately perceived when the face in question has a beard; no such differences were found for displays of happiness or sadness, however (Craig et al., 2019). Likewise, people often interpret identical facial expressions—even of universal emotions such as disgust, sadness, and anger—in very different ways, depending on what else they are observing in the social context (Barrett, et al., 2011; Griffiths et al., 2018; Kumfor et al., 2018). For example, almost all adults recognize the expression of disgust if that’s all they see in a picture of a face. But when they see a picture of the same disgusted expression on a man with his arm raised as if to strike, they will say the expression is anger (Aviezer et al., 2008; Witkower & Tracy, 2018). In short, facial expressions are important but tell only part of the emotional story in question.

11.1.B Emotion and the Brain Learning Objective 11.1.B Discuss the brain structures involved in the experience of emotions, what mirror neurons do, and the primary chemicals involved in emotional experience.

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Various parts of the brain are involved in the different components of emotional experience: recognizing another person’s emotion, feeling a specific emotion, expressing an emotion, regulating an emotion, and acting on an emotion. As just one illustration, people who have a stroke that affects brain areas involved in the experience of disgust are often unable to feel or look disgusted. One young man with stroke damage in these regions had little or no emotional response to images and ideas that would be disgusting to most people, such as feces-shaped chocolate (Calder et al., 2000). Are you making a disgusted expression as you read that? He couldn’t. The amygdala plays a key role in emotion. It is responsible for evaluating incoming sensory information, determining its importance, and triggering a casFigure 11.2 Emotion and the Brain cade of bodily responses that support either approaching, freezing, or withdraw2. The cerebral cortex ing from a person or situation (LeDoux, 1996, 2012). The activity of the amygdala increases in response to important cues in the environment that are relevant to our survival. However, too much amygdala activation is not always ideal. One recent study found that exaggerated amygdala activation measured at one point in time predicted increased depression and anxiety following intervening life stress 1 to 4 years later (Swartz et al., 2015). Thus, exaggerated amygdala activation may increase the risk of developing more severe depression and anxiety symptoms after stress (Admon et al., 2009; Hinojosa et al., 2022). The amygdala’s initial response is sometimes overridden by the cortex, which can provide more accurate information about the person or situation that was initially seen as a potential threat, as illustrated in Figure 11.2. To oversimplify, when you suddenly feel a hand on your back in a dark alley, your amygdala drives your fear response, but your cortex helps decrease that response when it registers that the hand belongs to a friend who apparently thinks it’s funny to give you a scare. If either the amygdala or critical areas of the cortex are damaged, abnormalities result in the ability to experience fear or recognize it in others. A patient 1. The amygdala known in the published literature by the initials S. M. has a rare disease that Various parts of the brain are involved in emotional destroyed her amygdala; as a result, she cannot feel fear—not toward snakes, not reactions to events. The amygdala scrutinizes information when watching scary movies, not even when she was attacked in a park by a man for its emotional importance (“That could be a bear! Be with a knife (Feinstein et al., 2011). On the other hand, people with damage in the afraid! Run!”). Then the cerebral cortex generates a more cortex may have difficulty turning off their own fear responses, leading to anxiety. complete picture; it can override signals sent by the Parts of the brain’s cortex are involved in the regulation of emotion, likely by amygdala (“It’s only Mike in a heavy coat with a furry inhibiting the amygdala (Buhle et al., 2014; Morawetz et al., 2017). We can regulate collar.”)

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our emotions in many ways, such as by shifting our attention (for example, focusing on homework instead of an argument with a sibling) or by changing the way we think about a situation (for example, appreciating the positive effects of a traumatic event). Emotion regulation helps us modify and control our feelings, keeping us on an even keel, and responding appropriately to others (Gross, 2015). A degenerative disease that destroys cells in parts of the frontal lobes can cause not only a loss of cells, say researchers, but a profound decrease in a person’s ability to respond to the emotions of others, understand why they and others feel as they do, and adjust their own emotional responses appropriately. For example, a loving mother becomes indifferent to her child’s injury; an adult does embarrassing things and doesn’t notice the reaction of others (Levenson & Miller, 2007; Shiota et al., 2019). Most emotions motivate a response (an action tendency) of some sort: to approach the person who instills joy in you, yell at a person who makes you angry, withdraw from food that disgusts you, or flee from a person or situation that frightens you (Fontaine & Scherer, 2013; Frijda et al., 1989). Indeed, the amygdala appears to be connected with brain structures that control movement, such as the basal ganglia and cortex in the frontal lobes (Grèzes et al., 2014; Sander et al., 2018). In addition, there is some evidence that the two hemispheres of the brain are involved in different ways in the tendency to approach versus withdraw. Greater left (versus right) frontal activation is associated with the tendency to approach, whereas greater right (versus left) frontal activation is associated with the tendency to withdraw (Harmon-Jones & Gable, 2018). People who have greater-than-average activation of the left frontal areas, compared with the right, have more positive feelings, a quicker ability to recover from negative emotions, and a greater ability to suppress negative emotions (Urry et al., 2004). In 1992, a team of Italian neuroscientists accidentally made an astonishing discovery. They had implanted wires in the brains of macaque monkeys, in regions involved in planning and carrying out movement. Every time a monkey moved and grasped an object, the cells fired, and the monitor registered a sound. One day, a graduate student heard the monitor go off when the monkey was simply observing him eating an ice cream cone. The neuroscientists looked more closely and found that certain neurons in the monkeys’ brains were firing not only when the monkeys were picking up peanuts and eating them, but also when the monkeys were merely observing their human caretakers doing exactly the same thing. These neurons responded only to very spemirror neurons cific actions: A neuron that fired when a monkey grasped a peanut would also fire when the Brain cells that fire when a person or scientist grasped a peanut—but not when the scientist grasped something else (Rizzolatti & animal observes another carrying out Sinigaglia, 2010). The scientists called these cells mirror neurons. an action. Human beings also have mirror neurons that fire when we observe others doing something and mimic the action ourselves. The “mirror system,” containing millions of neurons, helps us identify what others are feeling, understand other people’s intentions, and imitate their actions and gestures (Ferri et al., 2015; Fogassi & Ferrari, 2007). When you see another person in pain, one reason you feel a jolt of empathy is that mirror neurons involved in pain are firing. When you watch a spider crawl up someone’s leg, one reason you have a creepy sensation is that your mirror neurons are firing—the same ones that would fire if the spider were crawling up your own leg. And when you see another person’s facial expression, your own facial muscles will often subtly mimic it, activating a similar emotional state (Dimberg et al., 2000; Hess, 2021). The discovery of mirror neurons is exciting, but scientists are still debating their function in human beings (Gallese et al., 2011; Keysers & Gazzola, 2018). For example, these neurons seem strongly involved in empathy, but empathy has social limits: Mirror neurons go to sleep (figuratively speaking) when people look at individuals they dislike or are prejudiced Mirror neurons are probably at work in this conversation.

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NEURONS FOR IMITATION AND EMPATHY

336 Chapter 11 against. If you like a person, mimicking their facial movements and gestures will increase that liking, but if you dislike the person, mimicking won’t improve matters at all (Stel et al., 2010; van Baaren et al., 2009). Among people who do like each other, mirror neurons may be the underlying mechanism for mood contagion, the spreading of an emotion from one person to another. Have you ever been in a cheerful mood, had lunch with a depressed friend, and come away feeling vaguely depressed yourself? Have you ever stopped to have a chat with a friend who was nervous about an upcoming exam and ended up feeling edgy yourself? That’s mood contagion at work. Mood contagion also occurs when two people feel rapport with one another’s positive emotions, nonverbal signals, and postures: Their gestures become more aligned, they behave more cooperatively, and they feel more cheerful (Salazar Kämpf et al., 2017; Wiltermuth & Heath, 2009). This phenomenon may be the reason that synchronized human activities—marches, dancing, singing karaoke with friends—can be socially and emotionally beneficial. And it means that our friends and neighbors may have more power over our moods than we realize. After the brain areas associated with emotion are activated, the next stage of the emotional relay is the release of hormones to enable you to respond quickly. When you are under stress or feeling an intense emotion, the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system spurs the adrenal glands to send out epinephrine and norepinephrine. These chemical messengers produce arousal and alertness. The pupils dilate, widening to allow in more light; the heart beats faster; blood pressure increases; breathing speeds up; and blood sugar rises. These changes provide the body with the energy needed to take action, whether you are happy and want to get close to someone you love or are scared and want to escape a person (Henderson et al., 2018; Löw et al., 2008). Epinephrine in particular provides the energy of an emotion, that familiar tingle of excitement. At high levels, it can create the sensation of being “seized” or “flooded” by an emotion that is out of your control. However, you can learn to control your actions when you are under the sway of an emotion. As arousal subsides, anger may melt into annoyance, ecstasy into contentment, fear into suspicion, past emotional whirlwinds into calmer breezes. But keep in mind that the physiological arousal associated with emotion is not always experienced as aversive. Indeed, some people enjoy moderate amounts of arousal, which may explain why they choose to watch horror movies, visit “haunted house” attractions, or ride roller coasters (Andersen et al., 2020). These physiological components of emotional response also have applications for real-world domains, such as efforts of police investigators (and others) to detect deception. For centuries, people have tried to determine when a person is lying by measuring physiological responses that cannot be controlled consciously. This is the idea behind the polygraph machine (lie detector), which was invented in 1915 by a Harvard professor named William Marston. (Marston went on to become famous for an even more well-known creation: the character Wonder Woman.) The polygraph is based on the assumption that a lie generates emotional arousal for most people. While responding to incriminating questions, a person who is guilty and fearful of being found out should have increased activity in the autonomic nervous system: a faster heart rate, increased respiration rate, and greater electrical conductance of the skin. Law enforcement officers remain enthusiastic about the polygraph, but most psychological scientists regard it as lacking in validity because there is no physiological pattern of autonomic arousal specific to lying (Leo, 2008; Lykken, 1998; Meijer & Verschuere, 2015). That is, machines cannot tell whether you are feeling guilty, angry, nervous, or amused; innocent people may be tense about simply being hooked up to a lie detector and answering a police investigator’s questions. The polygraph will correctly catch many liars and guilty people, but it also falsely identifies many innocent people as having lied and can miss guilty people who have no qualms about lying (see Figure 11.3). THE ENERGY OF EMOTION

Figure 11.3 Misjudging the Innocent 60

Percentage

50 40 30 20 10 0

Innocent Guilty people judged people judged guilty innocent

This graph shows the average percentages across three studies of classifications by polygraph exams. Nearly half of the innocent people were classified as guilty, and a significant number of guilty people were classified as innocent. The suspect’s actual guilt or innocence was independently confirmed by other means, such as by admissions by the actual perpetrators (Iacono & Lykken, 1997).

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Table 11.1 Emotion and the Body Body

Role in Emotion

Facial expressions

Reflect internal feelings, influence internal feelings (facial feedback), communicate feelings, signal intentions, affect behavior and feelings of others (mood contagion), conceal or fake an emotion (deception)

Amygdala

Evaluates incoming sensory information; triggers bodily responses supporting the decision to approach or withdraw; is involved in learning, recognizing, and expressing fear

Cortex

Appraises the significance of emotional information from the amygdala and further processes incoming sensory information, can inhibit the amygdala and help regulate emotion, is involved in emotion-related action tendencies

Mirror neurons

Found in various parts of the brain; fire in response to the actions or emotions of another person, possibly creating synchrony, promoting empathy, and generating mood contagion

Autonomic nervous system

Activates the hormones epinephrine and norepinephrine, which produce arousal and alertness

Given these concerns about the validity of the test, polygraph results are inadmissible in most courts, even as government agencies use them to screen potential employees and some police departments continue to use them in the effort to induce suspects to confess by telling them that they failed the test—whether or not they actually did (Kassin, 2015). In sum, the physiology of emotion involves characteristic facial expressions, activity in specific parts of the brain (notably the amygdala, specialized parts of the cortex, and mirror neurons), and sympathetic nervous system activity that prepares the body for action (see Table 11.1).

11.1.C Emotion and the Mind Learning Objective 11.1.C Summarize the basic research findings regarding the role that cognitive appraisal plays in emotional experience. Two friends of ours returned from a mountain-climbing trip to Nepal. One said, “I was ecstatic! The crystal-clear skies, the friendly people, the majestic mountains, the harmony of the universe!” The other said, “I was miserable! The bedbugs and fleas, the lack of toilets, the yak-butter tea, the unforgiving mountains!” Same trip, two different emotional reactions to it. As this story illustrates, understanding the processes involved in emotion can be complicated. If you ask people how emotions “work” within the body, some may explain that certain bodily responses lead to certain emotions. So, a hiker sees a bear, their heart starts pounding, and they therefore experience feelings of fear. Interestingly, though, some research suggests that people do not become fearful or angry or sad or ecstatic because of events or the bodily changes triggered by those events, but rather because of their explanations of those events and bodily responses. Stanley Schachter and Jerome Singer (1962) argued that the experience of emotion depends on two factors: both physiological arousal and how you interpret and explain that arousal. Your body may be churning away in high gear, but unless you can explain and label those changes, you will not feel emotion.

Revisiting the Classics Schachter & Singer (1962) In a classic experiment, Stanley Schachter and Jerome Singer

epinephrine. To manipulate the emotional context, the researchers

(1962) tested the idea that emotions arise from cognitive explana-

exposed participants to either a happy or an angry “participant”

tions of physiological arousal. Specifically, researchers manipulated

(actually, an actor who was working with the researchers). For a

participants’ physiological arousal and emotional context and then

contemporary re-enactment of these manipulations, please visit

examined the effects of these manipulations on the participants’

Revel for a video on this topic.

behaviors and self-reported emotions. To increase physiologi-

Now, let’s take a closer look at the complexities and com-

cal arousal, Schachter and Singer gave participants injections of

plications of this famous study. Of the participants who received

(continued)

338 Chapter 11 epinephrine injections, some were informed that they might expePearson Education, Inc.

rience “side effects” of the shot, such as increased heart rate, flushing, or trembling (the “informed” group), and others were not informed of any such effects (the “uninformed” group). If Schachter and Singer’s hypotheses were correct, then the uninformed group should be more likely to be affected by the happy or angry “participant” in their room, relative to the informed group, because they have no other explanation for their arousal. Schachter and Singer’s results were partially consistent with these hypotheses. In the happy condition, the uninformed participants did report feeling a bit happier than did the informed participants; however, the two groups did not significantly differ in terms of their happy behaviors,

In this re-enactment of the Schachter and Singer (1962) study, a seated participant works through a survey while a hula hooping actor working with the research team tries to create an atmosphere of euphoria.

such as joining in with the silly shenanigans of the happy “participant.” In the angry condition, the two groups did not significantly

though they were all strong and supportive of their hypotheses.

differ on self-reported anger; however, the uninformed participants

Furthermore, attempts to replicate Schachter and Singer’s (1962)

did exhibit more angry behaviors than the informed participants. In

findings have not been successful (for a review, see Reisenzein,

short, some of the expected effects were observed, but they were

1983), and even their own attempt to replicate and extend this

small and not consistent across measures of emotion.

study was underwhelming (Schachter & Wheeler, 1962).

The Schachter and Singer (1962) study has been evaluated crit-

Despite all of these limitations, the work of Schachter and Singer

ically in the years that followed. One criticism relates to research

(1962) remains important because it inspired many subsequent

ethics: participants were given false information about a drug they

studies on the topic and underscored the notion that one’s inter-

were to receive and hence could not truly give informed consent

pretation or appraisal of a given event is an important step in the

to participate in the study. In addition, many researchers have

unfolding of an emotional response and in the regulation of emotion

argued that the original effects were not as strong as the authors

(McRae & Gross, 2020). Indeed, deliberately altering one’s cognitive

claimed (Dror, 2017; Reisenzein, 1983). Indeed, as noted above,

appraisal of events is a critical component of cognitive behavioral

the results were inconsistent across different measures of emotion,

therapy, which is an empirically supported treatment for anxiety and

yet the authors (and others!) have often referred to the findings as

depression (Cristea et al., 2015; Cuijpers et al., 2013).

appraisals The perceptions, beliefs, attributions, and expectations that determine which emotion a person will feel in a given circumstance.

Although Schachter and Singer’s (1962) findings may not be as compelling as they made them out to be, the ideas underlying their two-factor theory have spurred many other investigators to study how emotions are created and influenced by appraisals: beliefs, perceptions, expectations, and attributions that people make to explain their own and others’ behavior (Moors et al., 2013; Scherer & Moors, 2019). Human beings, after all, are the only species that can say, “The more I thought about it, the madder I got.” We can think ourselves into an emotional state, and sometimes we think ourselves out of it. Appraisals in emotion also explain why two people often have different emotional reactions to the same situation. Imagine that you get an A on your psychology midterm; how will you feel? Or perhaps you get a D on that midterm; how will you feel then? Most people assume that success brings happiness and failure brings unhappiness, but the emotions you feel depend chiefly on how you explain your grade. Do you attribute your grade to your own efforts (or lack thereof)? Or to the teacher, fate, or luck? In a series of experiments, students who believed they did well because of their own efforts tended to feel proud, competent, and satisfied. Those who believed they did well because of a fluke tended to feel gratitude, surprise, or guilt (“I don’t deserve this”). Those who believed their failures were their own fault tended to feel regretful, guilty, or resigned. And those who blamed others tended to feel angry (Weiner, 1986). Those appraisal patterns also differ across cultures. Japanese and Americans tend to differ in their appraisals of the causes for errors and for success. Japanese are more likely to blame themselves when something goes wrong and to experience shame, whereas Americans are more likely to blame others and experience anger. In the case of success, Americans are more likely to take credit and feel proud, whereas Japanese are more likely to regard their success as reflecting the situation and opportunity—and feel lucky (Imada & Ellsworth, 2011).

Here is a surprising example of how thoughts affect emotions. Of two Olympic finalists, one who wins a second-place silver medal and one who wins a third-place bronze medal, who will feel happier? The silver medalist, right? Nope. In a study of athletes’ reactions, bronze medalists were found to be happier than silver medalists (Hedgcock et al., 2021; Medvec et al., 1995). Apparently, the athletes compared their performance to what might have been. The second-place winners were unhappy that they didn’t get the gold and were wracked with the frustration of their near-miss. But the third-place winners had a different near-miss—they just barely missed out on fourth place and no medal at all, so they were just happy to have made the medal podium! Clearly, cognitions and physiology are inextricably linked in the experience of emotion. An infant’s primitive emotions, however, do not have much mental sophistication: “Hey, I’m mad because no one is feeding me!” As a child’s cerebral cortex matures, these appraisals become more complex, and so do emotions: “Hey, I’m mad because this situation is entirely unfair!” Some emotions, such as shame and guilt, depend completely on the maturation of higher cognitive capacities and do not occur until a child is 2 or 3 years old (or for some people you may know, maybe never!). These self-conscious emotions require the emergence of a sense of self and the ability to perceive that you have behaved badly (Baumeister et al., 1994; Conroy et al., 2015; Tangney et al., 1996). Appraisals, therefore, are essential to the creation of most emotions. But when people decide that it is shameful for a man to dance on a table with a lampshade on his head or for a woman to walk down a street with her arms and legs uncovered, where do these ideas about shame originate? If you are a person who loudly curses at others when you are angry, where did you learn that cursing is acceptable? To answer questions like these, we next turn to the role of culture in emotional expression and communication.

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JOURNAL 11.1 THINKING CRITICALLY–EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Think about the last test you took or paper that you wrote, and write down all of the possible reasons you got the grade you did. Which of these reasons reflects the idea that your grade was under your control? How are these reasons related to your feelings about your grade? Would your reasons or feelings differ for good versus poor grades?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 11.1 to test your knowledge.

11.2 Emotion and Culture In today’s increasingly global society, people have far more exposure to individuals from other cultures than they ever have before. Accordingly, there is no shortage of websites documenting alleged cross-cultural differences that “everyone should know” before traveling abroad or doing business internationally. Here are some commonly cited tips for avoiding offense while traveling abroad. In Japan, it is impolite to ask direct questions or answer questions too directly. In China, it is customary to refuse a gift several times and then accept it. In Mexico, you should avoid making too much eye contact or making the “OK” sign with your hand (it means something far from OK). In Pakistan, eat with your right hand only because the left is considered unclean. In Kenya, wait until the eldest man present at a meal has started eating before you touch your food. It would be hard to assess fully the accuracy of the advice on these websites because even within a particular culture, local norms vary considerably from one region to the next: For example, an American who grew up in a major city on the East Coast might be surprised,

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Nikola Solic (CROATIA)/Thomson Reuters

Emotion, Stress, and Health

In this European swimming competition, silver medalist Vitaly Romanovich of Russia (left) is clearly feeling a lot grumpier not only than the gold medalist Federico Colbertaldo of Italy (center), but also than the bronze medalist Samuel Pizzetti of Italy. In fact, Romanovich can’t even bring himself to hold up his silver medal!

340 Chapter 11 upon visiting a grocery store in the Midwest, to be greeted by complete strangers with direct eye contact, a smile, and a verbal greeting. But it is certainly the case that across cultures, people feel angry and insulted in response to the violation of social rules. And as anyone who has ever offended others when traveling abroad can tell you—or as you know from watching any of a long list of movies documenting the idea of culture shock, like Elf, Borat, or Crazy Rich Asians—people from different cultures disagree about what these unwritten rules are. In this section, we will explore how culture influences the emotions we feel and the ways in which we express them.

11.2.A How Culture Shapes Emotions

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Learning Objective 11.2.A Describe the ways emotional experience can differ across cultures in terms of concepts, language, and expectations. Are some emotions specific to particular cultures? What does it mean that some languages have words for subtle emotional states that other languages lack? The Germans have schadenfreude, a feeling of joy at another’s misfortune. The Japanese speak of hagaii, helpless anguish tinged with frustration. Tahitians have mehameha, a trembling sensation felt when ordinary categories of perception are suspended—at twilight, in the brush, watching fires glow without heat. In the United States, an event that cannot be identified is usually greeted with fear, yet mehameha does not describe what Americans call fear or terror (Levy, 1984). Culture also shapes and labels the experience of blends of emotions, as in the English word bittersweet or the mixed emotions of pleasure and regret in nostalgia. But English lacks an emotion word that is central to inhabitants of the tiny Micronesian atoll of Ifaluk: fago, translated as “compassion/love/sadness,” which reflects the sad feeling one has when a loved one is absent or in need and the pleasurable sense of compassion in being able to care and help (Lutz, 1988). Do these interesting linguistic differences mean that Germans are more likely than others actually to feel schadenfreude, the Japanese to feel hagaii, and the Tahitians to feel mehameha? Or are they just more willing to give these emotions a name (Hepper et al., 2014)? A prototype is a typical representative of a class of things, and people everywhere consider some emotions to be prototypical examples of the concept emotion; thus, when asked to list emotions, most people will come up with anger and sadness before, say, irritability and nostalgia. Prototypical emotions are reflected in the emotion words that young children learn first: happy, sad, mad, and scared. As children develop, they begin to draw emotional distinctions that are less prototypical and more specific to their language and culture, such as ecstatic, depressed, hostile, or anxious (Hupka et al., 1999; Shaver et al., 1992). Their appraisals of a given situation will also vary depending on their culture’s values, norms, and traditions. In this way, children and adults come to experience the nuances of emotional feeling that their cultures emphasize. The result is many varieties of emotion, some blending into one another, which have labels in some languages but not in others. Culture and context can shape the experience of emotions (Barrett et al., 2019; Niedenthal et al., 2019). Anger may be universal, but the way it is experienced (whether it feels good or bad, useful or destructive) will vary from culture to culture. And cultures determine much of what people feel emotional about. For example, disgust is universal, but the content of what produces disgust changes as an infant matures, and it varies across cultures (Elwood & Olatunji, 2009; Oaten et al., 2014; Rozin et al., 1994). People in some cultures learn to become disgusted by bugs (which other people find beautiful or tasty), unfamiliar sexual practices, dirt, death, contamination by a handshake with a stranger, or particular foods (for example, meat if they are vegetarian or pork if they What you feel about the idea of consuming insects depends in are Muslims or Orthodox Jews). part on the culture you are from.

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11.2.B Communicating Emotions Learning Objective 11.2.B Explain how display rules and emotion work influence the communication of emotion.

Klaus-Werner Friedrich/imageBROKER/Alamy Stock Photo

Suppose that someone who was dear to you died. Would you cry, and if so, would you do it alone or in public? Your answer will depend in part on your culture’s display rules for emotion (Cordaro et al., 2018; Ekman et al., 1987; Fang et al., 2022; Hayashi & Shiomi, 2015). In some cultures, grief is expressed by weeping; in others, by tearless resignation; and in still others, by dance, drink, and song. When you feel an emotion, how you express it is rarely a matter of “I say what I feel.” You may be obliged to disguise what you feel. You may wish you could feel what you say. Even the smile, which seems a straightforward signal of friendliness, has many meanings and uses that are not universal (LaFrance, 2011). Americans smile more frequently than Germans—not because Americans are inherently friendlier, but because they differ in their notions of when a smile is appropriate. After a German–American business meeting, the Americans may complain that the Germans were cold and aloof, and the Germans may complain that the Americans were excessively cheerful, hiding their real feelings under the mask of a smile (Hall & Hall, 1990). Individuals from Japan are more likely than those from the United States to use smiles to maintain social hierarchy (Rychlowska et al., 2015). Display rules also govern body language, nonverbal signals of body movement, posture, gesture, and gaze (Birdwhistell, 1970). Much body language is specific to particular languages and cultures, which makes even the simplest gesture subject to misunderstanding and offense (Matsumoto & Hwang, 2013). The sign of the University of Texas at Austin football team, the Longhorns, is to extend the index finger and the pinkie while the thumb holds down the middle and ring fingers (“Hook ‘em, Horns!”). In Italy and other parts of Europe, this same gesture can have several different meanings, including that a man’s wife has been unfaithful to him—a serious insult. Display rules tell us not only what to do when we are feeling an emotion, but also how and when to show an emotion we do not feel. Most people are expected to demonstrate sadness at funerals, happiness at weddings, and affection toward relatives. What if we don’t actually feel sad, happy, or affectionate? Acting out an emotion we do not really feel because

Around the world, the cultural rules for expressing emotions differ. The display rule for a formal Japanese wedding portrait is “no direct expressions of emotion.”

display rules Social and cultural rules that regulate when, how, and where a person may express (or suppress) emotions.

342 Chapter 11 emotion work Expression of an emotion, often because of a role requirement, that a person does not really feel.

we believe it is socially appropriate is called emotion work. It is part of our efforts to regulate our emotions when we are with others (Gabriel et al., 2015; Gross, 1998). Sometimes emotion work is a job requirement. Flight attendants, waiters, and customer-service representatives must put on a happy face to convey cheerfulness, even if they are privately angry about a rude or drunken customer. Bill collectors must put on a stern face to convey threat, even if they feel sorry for the person from whom they are collecting money (Hochschild, 2003).

11.2.C Gender and Emotion Learning Objective 11.2.C Describe and explain gender differences that appear to exist in emotional experience. Research on gender differencs in emotional experience and expression unfortunately has most often considered gender as a binary construct. Although recent research has begun to focus on the mental health of individuals who identify as nonbinary (Chew et al., 2020; Scandurra et al., 2019), we know remarkably little about how everyday emotions are experienced and expressed across all genders. And as if that were not frustrating enough, most of what you think you know about gender differences in emotion likely comes from gender stereotypes, as demonstrated in common claims that “women are more emotional” or that “men are more closed off.” Generally, when people say that women are “emotional,” they are not thinking of the overwhelming evidence that far more men than women “lose their cool” by getting into fistfights and even killing each other. What, then, does “too emotional” mean? We need to define our terms and examine our assumptions. And we need to consider the larger culture in which people live, which shapes the gender rules and norms that govern how we are all “supposed to” behave. Although women are more likely than men to experience depression, gender differences are small to nonexistent when it comes to experiencing everyday emotions like anger, embarrassment, pride, anxiety, love, guilt, shame, or grief (Archer, 2004; Else-Quest et al., 2012; Kring & Gordon, 1998). Major gender differences in emotion have less to do with how we feel emotions than with how and when we express emotions—and how others perceive these expressions. American women talk about their emotions more than men do. They are more likely to cry in the presence of others and to acknowledge emotions that reveal vulnerability and weakness, such as “hurt feelings,” fear, sadness, loneliness, shame, and guilt (Chaplin, 2015; Grossman & Wood, 1993; Timmers et al., 1998). In contrast, most American men express only one emotion more freely than women do: anger toward strangers, especially other men. Otherwise, American men are typically expected to mask negative feelings. When they are worried or afraid, they are more likely than women to use vague terms, saying that they feel frustrated or on edge (Fehr et al., 1999). As with many a gender difference, the social influences on its emergence can be seen from a young age: Research indicates that when talking to their toddler children, parents are more likely to associate anger cues with boys and sadness and happiness cues with girls (van der Pol et al., 2015). However, the influence of a particular situation often overrides gender rules. You’ll find plenty of people of all genders expressing public emotion in the stands at a sporting event. Furthermore, people of all genders need to do similar emotion work when the situation or job requires it. One of the most important situational constraints on emotional expression is the status of the participants, whatever their gender (Kenny et al., 2010; Snodgrass, 1992). Men are as likely as women to control their temper when the target of anger is someone with higher status or power; few people will readily sound off at their professor or their employer. As for empathy in judging other people’s emotions, supposedly a “female” skill, a series of experiments found that working-class people, regardless of gender, are more skilled in empathic accuracy—judging emotional expressions in others and reading the emotions of strangers in job interviews—than upper-class people are. It would seem that working-class individuals have an interest in being able to read the nonverbal cues of those who have higher status and more power than they (Kraus et al., 2010).

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Emotion, Stress, and Health

Everyone feels emotionally attached to friends, but gender often predicts different expression of affection. From childhood on, girls tend to prefer “face-toface” friendships based on shared feelings; boys tend to prefer “side-by-side” friendships based on shared activities.

Even when gender differences exist, they are not universal (Fischer et al., 2004). Israeli and Italian men are more likely than women to mask feelings of sadness, but British, Spanish, Swiss, and German men are less likely than their female counterparts to inhibit this emotion (Wallbott et al., 1986). In sum, the answer to “Which gender is the most emotional?” depends on the circumstances, their culture, and how we define our terms.

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JOURNAL 11.2 THINKING CRITICALLY–ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER What does it mean if one language has a term for an emotion that another language lacks, like schadenfreude or hagaii? Are people whose languages include these words actually more likely to feel the emotion or just to have a term that describes it?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 11.2 to test your knowledge.

As we have seen, emotions can take many forms, varying in complexity and intensity, depending on physiology, cognitive processes, and cultural rules. These same three factors can help us understand those difficult situations in which negative emotions become chronically stressful and in which chronic stress can create negative emotions. When people say they are “stressed,” they may mean all sorts of things: They are upset about recurring conflicts with a parent or a partner, can’t keep up with work obligations, or are feeling worried about losing a job. Researchers define stress as an unpleasant response to something in the environment that is threatening or challenging (i.e., a stressor). Is stress linked to illness—to migraines, stomachaches, flu, or more life-threatening diseases? And does stress affect everyone in the same way? As you proceed through this section, it may help to think about the stressors in your own life—from the small hassles of ordinary situations to traumatic events—and how you cope with them.

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11.3 The Nature of Stress

Stress has a variety of effects on the body and mind.

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11.3.A Stress and the Body Learning Objective 11.3.A Describe the three phases of general adaptation syndrome and how modern conceptualizations of the HPA axis and psychoneuroimmunology extend those ideas.

general adaptation syndrome According to Hans Selye, a series of physiological reactions to stressors occurring in three phases: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion.

HPA (hypothalamus–pituitary– adrenal cortex) axis A system activated to energize the body to respond to stressors, in which the hypothalamus sends chemical messengers to the pituitary gland, which in turn prompts the adrenal cortex to produce cortisol and other hormones.

cortisol A hormone secreted by the adrenal cortex that elevates blood sugar and protects the body’s tissues in case of injury but, when chronically elevated due to stress, can lead to hypertension, immune disorders, and possibly depression.

The modern era of stress research began in 1956, when physician Hans Selye published The Stress of Life. Environmental stressors such as heat, cold, toxins, and danger, Selye wrote, disrupt the body’s equilibrium. The body then mobilizes its resources to fight off these stressors and restore normal functioning. Selye described the body’s response to stressors of all kinds as a general adaptation syndrome, a set of physiological reactions that occur in three phases: 1. The alarm phase, in which the body mobilizes the sympathetic nervous system to meet an immediate threat. The threat could be anything from taking a test you haven’t studied for to running from a rabid dog. As we saw earlier, the release of adrenal hormones epinephrine and norepinephrine occurs with any intense emotion. This boosts energy, tenses muscles, reduces sensitivity to pain, shuts down digestion (so that blood will flow more efficiently to the brain, muscles, and skin), and increases heart rate and blood pressure (see Figure 11.4). Decades before Selye, psychologist Walter Cannon (1929) described these changes as the “fight-or-flight” response, a phrase still in use. 2. The resistance phase, in which the body attempts to resist or cope with a stressor that cannot be avoided. During this phase, the physiological responses of the alarm phase continue, but these very responses make the body more vulnerable to other stressors. When your body has mobilized to deal with a heat wave or pain from a broken leg, you may find you are more easily annoyed by minor frustrations. In most cases, the body will eventually adapt to the stressor and return to normal. 3. The exhaustion phase, in which persistent stress depletes the body of energy, thereby increasing vulnerability to physical problems and illness. The same reactions that allow the body to respond effectively in the alarm and resistance phases are unhealthy as long-term responses. Tense muscles can eventually cause headache and neck pain. Increased blood pressure can become chronic hypertension. If normal digestive processes are interrupted or shut down for too long, digestive disorders may result. Selye did not believe that people should aim for a stress-free life. Some stress, he said, is positive and productive, even if it requires the body to produce short-term energy: competing in an athletic event, falling in love, working hard on a project you enjoy. And some negative stress is simply unavoidable; it’s called life.

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CURRENT APPROACHES One of Selye’s most important observations was that the very biological changes that are adaptive in the short run, because they permit the body to respond quickly to danger, can become hazardous in the long run. Modern researchers are learning how this happens (e.g., McEwen & Akil, 2020). When you are under stress, your brain’s hypothalamus sends messages to the endocrine glands along two major Figure 11.4 The Body’s Reactions to Stress pathways. One, as Selye observed, activates the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system for “fight Blood flow Stress hormones increases or flight,” producing the release of epinephrine and norepielevated Heart rate nephrine from the inner part (medulla) of the adrenal glands. speeds up In addition, the hypothalamus initiates activity along the Digestion HPA (hypothalamus–pituitary–adrenal cortex) axis. The slows hypothalamus releases chemical messengers that communiMuscles cate with the pituitary gland, which in turn sends messages tense to the outer part (cortex) of the adrenal glands. The adrenal cortex secretes cortisol and other hormones that elevate blood When faced with a stressful situation, several bodily systems activate to deal with it. sugar and protect the body’s tissues from inflammation in

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Figure 11.5 The Brain and Body Under Stress

PATHWAY 1

PATHWAY 2

Hypothalamus

Hypothalamus

Autonomic Nervous System (sympathetic division)

Pituitary

Stomach Adrenal Medulla (inner part of adrenal gland)

Adrenal Cortex (outer part of adrenal gland)

Colon Small intestine Secretes epinephrine and norepinephrine

Secretes cortisol and other hormones Adrenal gland Cortex Medulla Kidney

case of injury (see Figure 11.5). To get an idea of what your body goes through during stress, visit Revel to watch a video on this topic. One result of HPA axis activation is increased energy, which is crucial for short-term responses to stressors. But if cortisol and other stress hormones stay high too long, they can increase the risk of hypertension (high blood pressure), immune dysfunction, and cardiovascular disease (Godbout & Glaser, 2006; Hamer & Steptoe, 2012; Russell & Lightman, 2019; Vogelzangs et al., 2010). Elevated levels of cortisol can motivate animals (including humans) to seek out rich comfort foods and store the extra calories as abdominal fat, which is itself a risk factor for cardiovascular disease (Koene et al., 2016; Kouli et al., 2017). The cumulative effects of stressors may help us to understand why people of lower socioeconomic levels have worse health and higher mortality rates for almost every disease and medical condition (Adler & Snibbe, 2003; Steptoe et al., 2019). In addition to the obvious reasons of lack of access to good medical care and reliance on diets that lead to obesity and type 2 diabetes, people with low incomes often live with continuous environmental stressors: higher crime rates, discrimination, and greater exposure to hazards such as chemical contamination and noise pollution (Gallo & Matthews, 2003; Münzel et al., 2021). For example, in the United States, these conditions disproportionately affect Black people and other individuals of color and may help account for their higher incidence of hypertension, which can lead to kidney disease, stroke, and heart attacks (Clark et al., 1999; Pascoe & Richman, 2009). Persistent unemployment can also threaten health for people at all income levels, even increasing their vulnerability to the common cold. In one study, brave volunteers were given either ordinary nose drops or nose drops containing a cold virus and then were quarantined for 5 days. The people most likely to get a cold’s symptoms were those who had been underemployed or unemployed for at least a month. As Figure 11.6 shows, the longer the work problems lasted, the greater the likelihood of illness (Cohen et al., 1998).

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346 Chapter 11 This research finding is consistent with the experience of students who report being more likely to get sick right around exams than at other times of the school year. Routine stress Children are particularly vulnerable to the stressors associated Chronic stress by duration with poverty or maltreatment: People who grew up in such conditions may have abnormal cortisol levels (Chen et al., 2010; Doom et al., Less than 1 month 2018; Gustafsson et al., 2010) and signs of inflammation in the body 1 to 6 months (Danese et al., 2007; Fagundes et al., 2013). In addition, in terms of 6 months to 2 years behavioral outcomes, children living with chronic stress often become More than 2 years hypervigilant to danger, mistrust others, are unable to regulate their emotions, use drugs, and don’t eat healthy food. Given the presence Chronic stress by type (at least a month) of these biological and behavioral risk factors for adverse health outInterpersonal comes, it’s no wonder that by adulthood, such individuals have an Work (unemployment elevated risk of cardiovascular disease, autoimmune disorders, type 2 or underemployment) diabetes, and early mortality (Eriksson et al., 2014; Miller et al., 2011). 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 The physiological changes associated with stress do not occur Relative risk of a cold to the same extent in everyone. People’s responses to stressors vary Chronic stress lasting a month or more boosts the risk of catching a cold. according to their learning history, gender, pre-existing medical conThe risk is increased among people undergoing problems with their ditions, and genetic predisposition for various health issues (Belsky friends or loved ones; it is highest among people who are out of work (Cohen et al., 1998). & Pluess, 2013; McEwen, 2000, 2007; O’Connor et al., 2021). This is why some people respond to the same stressor with much greater increases in blood pressure, heart rate, and hormone levels than other individuals do, and why their physical changes take longer to return to normal. These hyperresponsive individuals may be the ones most at risk for eventual illness.

Figure 11.6 Stress and the Common Cold

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THE IMMUNE SYSTEM Researchers in the field of health psychology investigate how mind and body affect each other to preserve wellness or cause illness. To investigate these interweaving factors, researchers have created an interdisciplinary specialty with the cumbersome name psychoneuroimmunology (PNI). The “psycho” part stands for psychological processes such psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) as emotions and perceptions; “neuro” for the nervous and endocrine systems; and “immunolThe study of the relationships among ogy” for the immune system, which enables the body to fight disease and infection. psychological processes, the nervous PNI researchers are especially interested in the white blood cells of the immune system, and endocrine systems, and the which are designed to recognize foreign or harmful substances (antigens), such as viruses, immune system. bacteria, and tumor cells, and then destroy or deactivate them. The immune system deploys different kinds of white blood cells as weapons, depending on the nature of the enemy. Natural killer cells are important in tumor detection and rejection and are involved in protection against the spread of cancer cells and viruses. Helper T-cells enhance and regulate the immune response; they are the primary target of the HIV virus that causes AIDS. Chemicals produced by the immune cells are sent to the brain, and the brain in turn sends chemical signals to stimulate or restrain the immune system. Anything that disrupts this communication loop—whether drugs, surgery, or chronic stress—can suppress or dysregulate the immune system (O’Connor et al., 2021; Peters et al., 2021; Segerstrom & Miller, 2004). Although stress can suppress some aspects of immune system functioning, it may stimulate other aspects, leading to an inflammatory response in the body that can eventually become problematic. For example, stress may increase the release of immune cells from the bone marrow, which in turn can lead to inflammation and blockage in the arteries around the heart; this blockage of blood flow can increase the risk of cardiovascular disease events, such as a heart attack (Tawakol et al., 2017; Zhang et al., 2010). Some PNI researchers have gotten down to the level of cell damage to see The immune system consists of fighter cells that look how stress can lead to illness, aging, and even premature death. At the end more fantastical than any alien creature Hollywood of every chromosome is a protein complex called a telomere that, in essence, could design. In this image, the two smaller immune tells the cell how long it has to live. Every time a cell divides, enzymes whittle cells on the right attach themselves to the larger canaway a tiny piece of the telomere; when it is reduced to almost nothing, the cer cell on the left.

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cell stops dividing and dies. Chronic stress, especially if it begins in childhood, appears to shorten telomeres (Puterman et al., 2015). One team of researchers compared two groups of healthy adult women: some who had healthy children and others who were primary caregivers of children with chronic conditions, such as cerebral palsy. Of course, the mothers of the sick children felt that they were under stress, but they also had significantly greater cell damage than did the mothers of healthy children. In fact, the cells of the highly stressed women looked like those of women at least 10 years older, and their telomeres were much shorter (Epel et al., 2004). Subsequent meta-analyses have reported small but significant negative correlations between stress and telomere length (Mathur et al., 2016; Pepper et al., 2018).

11.3.B Stress and the Mind Learning Objective 11.3.B Describe how optimism, conscientiousness, and a sense of control contribute to physical health. Before you try to persuade your instructors that the stressor of constant studying is bad for your health, consider this mystery: The large majority of individuals who are living with stressors, even serious ones such as loss of a job or the death of a loved one, do not get sick (Galatzer-Levy et al., 2018; Kalisch et al., 2019). What protects them? What attitudes and qualities are most strongly related to health, well-being, and long life? When something bad happens to you, what is your first reaction? Do you tell yourself that you will somehow come through it okay, or do you gloomily mutter, “More proof that if something can go wrong for me, it will”? In a fundamental way, optimism—the general expectation that things will go well in spite of occasional setbacks—makes life possible. If people are in a jam but believe things will get better eventually, they will keep striving to make that prediction come true. At first, studies of optimism reported (optimistically!) that optimism is better for health, well-being, and even longevity than pessimism (Carver & Scheier, 2002; Maruta et al., 2000). You can see why popularizers in the media ran with this notion, some claiming that having an optimistic outlook would prolong the lives of people suffering from serious illnesses. Unfortunately, that hope proved false: A team of Australian researchers who followed 179 patients with lung cancer over a period of 8 years found that optimism made no difference in who lived or in how long they lived (Schofield et al., 2004). Indeed, for every study showing the benefits of optimism, another shows that it can actually be harmful: Among other things, optimists are more likely to keep gambling even when they lose money, and they can be more vulnerable to depression when the hoped-for outcome does not occur (McNulty & Fincham, 2012). Optimism also backfires when it keeps people from preparing themselves for complications of surgery (“Oh, everything will be fine”) or causes them to underestimate risks to their health (Friedman & Martin, 2011). Pessimists naturally accuse optimists of being unrealistic. But for optimism to reap its benefits, it must be grounded in reality, spurring people to take better care of themselves and to regard problems and bad news as difficulties they can overcome. Realistic optimists are more likely than pessimists to be active problem-solvers, get support from friends, and seek information that can help them (Brissette et al., 2002; Geers et al., 2009). They keep a sense of humor, plan for the future, and reinterpret situations in a positive light.

Optimism by itself does not predict health and well-being. You can recite “Everything is good! Everything will work out!” 20 times a day, but it won’t get you much (except odd glances from your classmates). Optimism needs a behavioral partner. In one of the longest longitudinal studies ever conducted in psychology—90 years!— researchers were able to follow the lives of more than 1,500 children originally studied by Lewis Terman, beginning in 1921 (Terman, 1925). Terman followed these children, affectionately called the “Termites,” long into their adulthood, and when he died in 1956, other CONSCIENTIOUSNESS AND CONTROL

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OPTIMISM

Is this glass half-empty or half-full? As you know, the answer to this question can depend on whether you are an optimist or a pessimist. But did you know that optimism can actually backfire in some instances when it comes to the pursuit of positive health outcomes?

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A general expectation about whether the results of your actions are under your own control (internal locus) or beyond your control (external locus).

JOURNAL 11.3 THINKING CRITICALLY–CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Interactive

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researchers took up the project (Kern et al., 2014). Health psychologists Howard Friedman and Leslie Martin (2011) found that the secret to longevity for the Termites was conscientiousness, a personality factor that reflects multiple traits like organization, self-discipline, reliability, and persistence in the pursuit of goals. Conscientious people are optimists in the sense that they believe their efforts will pay off, and they act in ways to make that expectation come true. The positive association between conscientiousness and longevity found in the Terman study has been replicated in several independent samples (Deary et al., 2010; Kern & Friedman, 2008). Conscientiousness is related to another important cognitive ingredient in health: having an internal locus of control. Locus of control refers to your general expectation about whether you can control the things that happen to you (Rotter, 1990). People who have an internal locus of control (“internals”) tend to believe that they are responsible for what happens to them. Those who have an external locus of control (“externals”) tend to believe that their lives are controlled by luck, fate, or other people. Having an internal locus of control, especially concerning things you can do right now rather than vague future events, is associated with good health, academic achievement, political activism, and emotional well-being (Albert & Dahling, 2016; Frazier et al., 2011; Roepke & Grant, 2011; Strickland, 1989). Most people can tolerate all kinds of stressors if they feel able to predict or control them. Consider crowding. Mice get really nasty when they’re crowded, but many people love crowds (in nonpandemic times), voluntarily getting squashed in New York’s Times Square on New Year’s Eve or at a concert. Human beings show signs of stress not when they are actually crowded, but when they feel crowded (Evans et al., 2000). People who have the greatest control over their work pace and activities, such as executives and managers, have fewer illnesses and stress symptoms than do employees who have little control, who feel trapped doing repetitive tasks, and who have a low chance of promotion (Canivet et al., 2012; Karasek & Theorell, 1990). People can usually cope better with continuous, predictable noise (such as the hum of a bustling city street) than with intermittent, loud, unpredictable noise (such as the racket of airplanes heard by people living near airports). This information has proven important in medical care because the high-decibel beeps and alarms going off in hospital rooms, at unpredictable intervals, are often very stressful to patients, elevating their blood pressure and cortisol (Stewart, 2011; Szalma & Hancock, 2011). Feeling in control affects the immune system, which may be why it helps to speed up recovery from surgery and some diseases (Griffin & Chen, 2006; Skinner, 1996). People who have an internal locus of control are better able than externals to resist infection by cold viruses (Cohen et al., 1993; Cohen et al., 2002). As with realistic optimism, feeling in control makes people more likely to take action to improve their health when necessary. In studies of patients recovering from heart attacks, those who believed the heart attack occurred because they smoked, didn’t exercise, or had a stressful job were more likely to change their bad habits and recover quickly. In contrast, those who thought their illness was due to bad luck, fate, or “old age”—factors outside their control—were less likely to generate plans for recovery and more likely to resume their old unhealthy habits (Affleck et al., 1987; Ewart, 1995; Stewart et al., 2016).

Most people think stress is something “out there” that just happens to them. However, there is another way of looking at stress—as something within you, something that depends on your thoughts and emotions. Do you see your work as an endless set of assignments you will never complete or as challenging tasks to master? How might your answer affect how stressed you tend to be?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 11.3 to test your knowledge.

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Perhaps you have heard people say things like “He was so depressed, it’s no wonder he got sick” or “She’s always so angry, she’s going to give herself a heart attack.” Are negative emotions, especially anger and depression, really hazardous to your health? Before proceeding, we need to separate the effects of negative emotions on healthy people from the effects of such emotions on people who are ill. After a person already has a virus or medical condition or is living in a chronically stressful situation, negative emotions such as anxiety and helplessness can indeed increase the risk of illness and affect the speed of recovery (Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 1998), whereas positive emotions can have the opposite effect (Stellar et al., 2015). People who become depressed after a heart attack are significantly more likely to die from cardiac causes in the succeeding year, even controlling for severity of the disease and other risk factors (Frasure-Smith et al., 1999; Zuidersma et al., 2013).

Learning Objective 11.4.A Summarize the evidence that negative emotions (such as hostility and depression) have negative health effects. One of the first modern efforts to link emotions and illness occurred in the 1970s, with research on the “Type A” personality, a set of qualities thought to be associated with heart disease: ambitiousness, impatience, anger, working hard, and having high standards for oneself. Later studies ruled out all of these factors except one: The toxic ingredient in the Type A personality turned out to be hostility (Myrtek, 2007). Indeed, working hard and having high standards proved to be important factors in good health and longevity (Friedman & Martin, 2011). By “hostility,” we do not mean the irritability or anger that everyone feels on occasion but rather cynical or antagonistic hostility, which characterizes people who are mistrustful of others and always ready to provoke furious arguments. In a classic study of male physicians who had been interviewed as medical students 25 years earlier, those who were chronically angry and resentful were five times as likely as nonhostile men to get heart disease, even when other risk factors such as smoking and a poor diet were taken into account (Ewart & Kolodner, 1994; Williams et al., 1985) (see Figure 11.7).

Stress can have negative physical effects on anyone but especially on those people who are already dealing with an illness.

Figure 11.7 Hostility and Heart Disease 15 Incidence of coronary heart disease 25 years later

11.4.A Hostility and Depression: Do They Hurt?

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10

5

0

0–8

9–13 14–17 18–31 Hostility score as student

Hostility is more hazardous to health than a heavy workload. Men who had the highest hostility scores as young medical students were the most likely to have coronary heart disease 25 years later (Williams et al., 1985).

Replication Check ✔ The finding that hostility (or “anger proneness”) predicts cardiovascular disease has been replicated in different ways across several large-scale studies (Chang et al., 2002; Krantz et al., 2006; KucharskaNewton et al., 2014; Williams et al., 2000). Meta-analyses also provide evidence consistent with this finding (Chida & Steptoe, 2009).

Proneness to anger is also a significant risk factor for impairment of the immune system, elevated blood pressure, and slower healing of wounds (Chida & Hamer, 2008; Gouin et al., 2008; Suinn, 2001). However, the relationship between hostility and cardiac risk may not be the same in all cultures. For example, one study found that the association between the expression of anger and cardiac risk (as measured by blood pressure, cholesterol, and inflammation) was positive in American participants but negative in Japanese participants (Kitayama et al., 2015).

350 Chapter 11 The authors speculated that anger expression may have different causes or social meanings in the two cultures, which may be reflected in the differing bodily responses to it. Clinical depression, too, is linked to at least a doubled risk of later heart attack and cardiovascular disease (Frasure-Smith & Lespérance, 2005; Gan et al., 2014). But what accounts for that link? Depression may lead to cardiovascular disease along several different pathways, and the relative strength of these pathways may differ across people. For example, depression can be accompanied by elevated cortisol, which can lead to weight gain, circulating fats in the blood, and elevated blood sugar, all of which can increase the risk of cardiovascular disease. Depression can also increase behavioral risk factors for cardiovascular disease, like smoking, drinking alcohol, and lack of exercise. Finally, depression is associated with inflammation and increased risk of forming blood clots, which are both linked to cardiovascular disease (Dhar & Barton, 2016). For some time, researchers have thought that depression might also increase the risk of cancer (Jia et al., 2017), and it looks as though the reverse also could be true—that cancer can cause depression, and not just because the diagnosis is “depressing.” Cancerous tumors, as well as the immune system that fights them, produce high levels of a chemical that can cause the emotional and behavioral symptoms of depression (Brüning et al., 2015). A study of cancer in rats—which, after all, are not aware of having the disease—found that the animals would float passively in water instead of swimming for safety and show other signs of anxiety and apathy (Pyter et al., 2009).

11.4.B Positive Emotions: Do They Help? Learning Objective 11.4.B Summarize the evidence that positive emotions contribute to health. Just as negative emotions can be unhealthful, positive emotions seem to be healthful, although it is difficult to separate cause and effect. Finding a group of very old people who are happy does not mean that happiness contributed to their longevity; as people age, they often become less angry and more content. They might have been really cranky when they were age 20 or 50, for all we know. Moreover, cheerfulness and health may coexist without one causing the other. A longitudinal study of Harvard men found that some life paths led them to be happy and well and others led them to be sad and ill. Happiness did not cause wellness, and sadness did not cause illness (Vaillant, 2012). Nonetheless, positive emotions can be physically beneficial because they counteract the high arousal caused by negative emotions or chronic stressors. They may dispose people to think more creatively about their opportunities and choices and, as with optimism and internal locus of control, motivate people to take action to achieve their goals (Kok et al., 2008). People who express positive feelings are also more likely to attract friends and supporters than are people who are always bitter and brooding, and, as we will see, social support is one of the most powerful contributors to good health (Friedman & Martin, 2011; Ong, 2010; Pressman & Cohen, 2012). If you don’t feel bouncy and happy all the time, don’t worry; everyone feels grumpy, irritable, and unhappy on occasion. But are negative emotions more typical of your life than positive ones? If so, what actions might you take to ensure a better ratio of positive to negative emotions? Visit Revel to watch a video in which a pioneering researcher in the field of health psychology discusses some of these issues.

11.4.C Emotional Inhibition and Expression Learning Objective 11.4.C Discuss how confession, forgiveness, and other forms of “letting grievances go” contribute to health benefits. If negative emotions are risky, you might assume that the safest thing to do when you feel angry, depressed, or worried is to try to suppress those feelings. For small problems and annoyances, suppression is usually just fine. But anyone who has tried to banish an unwelcome thought, a bitter memory, or pangs of longing for a loved one knows how hard it can be to do

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this (Ryckman & Lambert, 2015; Wenzlaff & Wegner, 2000). When you are trying to avoid thinking about something, you are in fact processing it more frequently; you are actively monitoring your thoughts on the lookout for the to-be-avoided idea. That is why, when you are obsessed with someone you were previously romantically involved with, trying not to think of the person actually prolongs your emotional responsiveness to them (Wegner & Gold, 1995). The continued inhibition of thoughts and emotions requires physical effort that can be stressful to the body. People who are able to express matters of great emotional importance to them show elevated levels of disease-fighting white blood cells, whereas people who suppress such feelings tend to have decreased levels (Smyth et al., 2012). Suppressing important feelings has a social cost, too. In a longitudinal study that followed first-year college students as they adjusted to being in a new environment, those who expressed their worries and fears openly with other students ended up with better, more satisfying relationships compared to those who said they preferred to keep their emotions to themselves (Srivastava et al., 2009).

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Thought Suppression

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Perhaps you have experienced just this sort of failed thought suppression on a sleepless night: The harder you try to ignore the agitating thoughts bouncing around in your head, the more agitating and worrisome they become.

Fyodor Dostoevsky wrote, “Try to pose for yourself this task: not to think of a polar bear, and you will see that the cursed thing will come to mind every minute.” He was right. Daniel Wegner and colleagues (1987) instructed research participants not to think of a white bear. They often failed, and on subsequent tasks, thoughts of the bear repeatedly intruded and interrupted them.

One way to improve your ability to avoid unwanted thoughts is to select a distractor thought or idea to focus on instead. For example, Wegner and colleagues found that participants were better able to avoid thinking of a white bear if given instructions to focus on a red Volkswagen instead.

Yet another solution is to talk about your worries with others rather than trying to suppress them. You don’t even need a human audience; as explored in more detail below, simply writing about troubling experiences and emotions can lead to psychological benefits.

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352 Chapter 11 THE BENEFITS OF CONFESSION Given the findings on the harmful effects of negative emotions and the difficulty and costs of suppressing them, what is a person supposed to do with them? One way to reduce the wear and tear of negative emotions comes from research on the benefits of confession: divulging (even if only to yourself) private thoughts and feelings that make you ashamed, worried, frightened, or sad (Pennebaker, 2002, 2011). A randomized controlled trial of 156 patients following their first heart attack found that those who wrote about their feelings about the heart attack fared better and improved more quickly than a control group who wrote about neutral daily activities (Willmott et al., 2011). And first-year college students who privately wrote down their “deepest thoughts and feelings” about coming to college? In the short term, they reported greater homesickness and anxiety, compared to students who wrote about trivial topics. But by the end of the school year, they had had fewer bouts of flu and fewer visits to the infirmary than the control group did (Pennebaker et al., 1990). This method is especially powerful when people write about traumatic experiences. When a group of college students was asked to write about a personal, traumatic experience for 20 minutes a day for 4 days, many told stories of sexual coercion, assault, humiliation, or parental abandonment. Yet most had never discussed these experiences with Everyone has secrets and private moments anyone. The researchers collected data on the students’ physical symptoms, white blood cell of sad reflection. But when you feel sad or counts, emotions, and visits to the health center. On every measure, the students who wrote fearful for too long, keeping your feelings about traumatic experiences were better off than those who wrote only about neutral topto yourself may increase your stress. ics (Pennebaker et al., 1988). Subsequent research has confirmed the benefits of expressing and working through memories of traumatic events head on rather than trying to suppress intrusive, troubling thoughts (Dalgleish et al., 2008). The benefits of writing occur primarily when the revelation produces insight and understanding, thereby fostering the ability to distance yourself from the bad experience and ending the stressful repetition of obsessive thoughts and unresolved feelings (Kross & Ayduk, 2011; Lepore et al., 2000). One young woman, who had been molested at the age of 9 by an older boy, at first wrote about her feelings of embarrassment and guilt. By the third day, she was writing about how angry she felt at the boy. By the last day, she had begun to see the whole event differently; he was a child too, after all. When the study was over, she said, “Before, when I thought about it, I’d lie to myself. . . . Now, I don’t feel like I even have to think about it because I got it off my chest. I finally admitted that it happened.” Beats per minute (change scores)

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Figure 11.8 Heartfelt Forgiveness 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0

On the classic television show Seinfeld—we know, the series is a few decades old, but trust us, this episode is still worth viewing—a father of one of the main characters grew tired of the commercialization of Christmas and instead invented his own winter holiday: Festivus. Festivus (“the holiday for the rest of us”) was unconventional in many respects. The family gathered around a plain aluminum pole instead of a tree. And rather than drinking eggnog and caroling, traditional activities included the airing of grievances—essentially, telling the rest of the family all the different ways that they had disappointed you in the preceding year. It was ridiculous, it was entertaining, and it did not facilitate positive familial relations. This “airing of grievances” is not what we (or other psychologists) have in mind when we suggest that releasing grudges and past frustrations can lead to psychological benefits. Rather, research suggests that one way of letting go of negative emotions and grievances is to give up the thoughts that produce them, adopting instead a perspective that might lead to forgiveness. When people rehearse their grievances and hold on to their grudges, their blood pressure, heart rate, and skin conductance rise. Forgiving thoughts reduce these signs of physiological arousal and restore feelings of control (Witvliet et al., 2015) (see Figure 11.8.) Forgiveness, like confession THE BENEFITS OF LETTING GRIEVANCES GO

3.5

Hurt

Grudge Imagery

Empathy Forgiveness Recovery

Participants in a study were asked to think of someone who they felt had offended or hurt them. Then they were asked to imagine unforgiving reactions (such as rehearsing the hurt and harboring a grudge) and forgiving reactions (such as feeling empathy or forgiving the person). As you can see from the orange bars, people’s heart rates increased much more from baseline when their thoughts were unforgiving (in the hurt and grudge conditions) compared to forgiving (in the empathy and forgiveness conditions). The blue bars show heart rate changes 8 seconds after the imagery was over—heart rate changes in the unforgiving conditions were still greater (Witvliet et al., 2001).

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when it works, helps people see events in a new light. It promotes empathy, the ability to see the situation from another person’s perspective. It strengthens and repairs ongoing relationships (Fehr et al., 2010). But it is important not to oversimplify: Forgiveness is not always a good thing; it depends on the context in which the conflict occurs (McNulty & Fincham, 2012). In a study of women at a domestic violence shelter, the women who forgave their abusive partners were more likely to return to them and experience continued psychological and physical violence (McNulty, 2011). Forgiveness does not mean that the offended person denies, ignores, or excuses the offense in question, which might be serious. It does mean that the victim is able, finally, to come to terms with the injustice and let go of obsessive feelings of hurt, rage, and vengefulness.

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JOURNAL 11.4 THINKING CRITICALLY–EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Confession and forgiveness are two powerful means of dealing with the burden of stressful emotions. Yet confession (divulging to yourself or to others some emotionally charged topic that’s been weighing on you) and forgiveness (coming to terms with an injustice or letting go of a grudge) can often be the last thing that people are motivated to do. What advice would you give to someone who’s been troubled by a stressful emotional event? How would you encourage a person to open up and let grievances go?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 11.4 to test your knowledge.

We have noted that most people who are under stress, even those living in difficult situations, do not become ill. In addition to feeling optimistic and in control, how do they manage to cope? The most immediate way to deal with the physiological tension of stress and negative emotions is to take time out and reduce the body’s physical arousal. One successful method is the ancient Buddhist practice of mindfulness meditation, which fosters emotional tranquility. The goal is to learn to accept feelings of anger, sadness, or anxiety without judging them or trying to get rid of them (Davidson et al., 2003; de Vibe et al., 2017). Many meditation practices exist; a common one is to focus on your breathing, and as thoughts intrude, acknowledge them without judgment. Doing this over several weeks can produce changes in brain activity (Gotink et al., 2016; Xue et al., 2011). Over an extended time, meditation seems to reduce stress, cortisol, inflammation, and blood pressure (Conversano et al., 2021; Khoury et al., 2015; Morgan et al., 2014; Pascoe et al., 2017). To learn more about the benefits of meditation, please visit Revel for a video on this topic. Another central way of reducing negative emotions and lowering the risk of illness is exercise (Otto & Smits, 2011). People who exercise regularly have lower physiological arousal to stressors and better cognitive and immune function than people who do not (Alvarez-Bueno et al., 2017; Hamer et al., 2006; Hörder et al., 2018; Simpson & Katsanis, 2020). Exercise even seems to slow the progression of degenerative diseases such as Parkinson’s (Gitler, 2011). These activities, along with any others that calm your body and focus your mind— yoga, tai chi, massage, prayer, music, dancing—are all good for health. But if your house has burned down or you need a serious operation, other coping strategies will be necessary.

Anna Fattaey

11.5 Coping With Stress

One recent study found that participants reported lower pandemic-related stress levels when they viewed humorous memes with captions related to the COVID-19 pandemic compared to other topics, suggesting that humor may help us cope with specific stressors (Myrick et al., 2022).

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11.5.A Solving the Problem Learning Objective 11.5.A Discuss how emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping contribute to dealing with stress. Years ago, at the age of 23, a friend of ours named Simi Linton was struck by tragedy. Linton, her new husband, and her best friend were in a horrific car accident. When she awoke in a hospital room, with only a vague memory of the crash, she learned that her husband and friend had been killed and that she herself had permanent spinal injury and would never walk again. How in the world does anyone recover from such a devastating event? Some people advise survivors of disaster or tragedy to “get it out of your system” or to “get in touch with your feelings.” But survivors know they feel miserable. What should they do? This question gets to the heart of the difference between emotion-focused and problem-focused coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Emotion-focused coping concentrates on the emotions the problem has caused, whether anger, anxiety, or grief. For a period of time after any tragedy or disaster, it is normal to give in to these emotions and feel overwhelmed by them. In this stage, people often need to talk obsessively about the event so that they can come to terms with it, make sense of it, and decide what to do about it (Lepore et al., 2000). Eventually, most people become ready to concentrate on solving the problem itself. The specific steps in problem-focused coping depend on the nature of the problem: whether it is a pressing but one-time decision; a continuing difficulty, such as living with a disability; or an anticipated event, such as having an operation. After the problem is identified, the coper can learn as much as possible about it from professionals and others in the same predicament (Clarke & Evans, 1998). Becoming informed increases feelings of control, which in turn can speed recovery (Doering et al., 2000). As for Simi Linton, she learned how to do just about everything in her wheelchair (including dancing!), and she went back to school. She got a Ph.D. in psychology, remarried, and became a highly respected teacher, counselor, writer, and activist committed to improving conditions and opportunities for people with disabilities (Linton, 2015). Stories such as hers remind us that people can be remarkably resilient, coping somehow with even the most challenging of trials.

11.5.B Rethinking the Problem Learning Objective 11.5.B Describe and give examples of effective coping strategies that rely on rethinking the stressful problem at hand.

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Some problems cannot be solved; these are the unavoidable facts of life, such as an inability to have children, losing a job, or developing a chronic illness. So, what can you do in the face of such troubles? Health psychologists have identified three effective cognitive coping methods: 1. Reappraising the situation. Although you may not be able to get rid of a stressor, you can choose to think about it differently, a process called reappraisal. Reappraisal can turn anger into sympathy, worry into determination, and feelings of loss into feelings of opportunity. Maybe that job you lost was dismal but you were too afraid to quit and look for another; now you can. Reappraisal improves well-being and reduces negative emotions (Moskowitz et al., 2009; Gross, 2015; Smith et al., 2021; Troy et al., 2018).

Television personality Robin Roberts is just one notable celebrity to have faced a series of life-threatening illnesses but persevered.

2. Learning from the experience. Many people emerge from adversity with newfound or newly acquired skills, having been forced to learn something they had not known before, such as how to cope with the medical system or how to take (or teach!) an online class during a pandemic. Others discover sources of courage and strength they did not know they had. Those who draw lessons from the inescapable tragedies of life, and find meaning in them, thrive as a result of adversity instead of simply surviving it (Davis et al., 1998; Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000). In fact, having a history of some experiences with

Emotion, Stress, and Health

loss, hardship, illness, or other stressors actually predicts better health outcomes over the years than having a life with no adversity (Seery et al., 2013). Facing life’s stresses head on gives people a sense of expertise and control, which are keys to well-being and knowing how to cope with further problems. 3. Making social comparisons. In a difficult situation, successful copers often compare themselves to others who they feel are less fortunate. Even if they have fatal diseases, they think about someone who is worse off (Taylor & Lobel, 1989; Wood et al., 2000). One patient with AIDS said in an interview, “I made a list of all the other diseases I would rather not have than AIDS. Lou Gehrig’s disease; being in a wheelchair; rheumatoid arthritis, when you are in knots and in terrible pain.” Sometimes successful copers also compare themselves to those who are doing better than they are. They might say, “Look at her—she’s had such family troubles and survived that awful bout with cancer, and she’s happier than ever with her life. How did she do it?” or “He and I have the same kinds of problems. How come he’s doing so much better in school than I am? What does he know that I don’t?” Such comparisons are beneficial when they provide a person with information about ways of coping, managing an illness, or improving a stressful situation (Klein & Rice, 2020; Suls et al., 2002).

11.5.C Drawing on Social Support Learning Objective 11.5.C Discuss the ways in which friends can help or hinder successful coping efforts. One more way to deal with negative emotions and stress is to reach out to others. Your health depends not only on what is going on in your body and mind, but also on what is going on in your relationships: what you take from them and what you give to them. When social groups provide individuals with a sense of meaning, purpose, and belonging, they produce enormous benefits for their members’ health and well-being (Finlay et al., 2018; Haslam et al., 2009; Uchino, 2009). Being involved in social networks and a close community is one of the most powerful predictors of having a long and healthy life (Friedman & Martin, 2011). Why? Think of all the ways in which family members, friends, neighbors, and coworkers can help you. They can offer concern and affection. They can help you evaluate problems and plan a course of action. They can offer resources and services such as lending you money or a car or taking notes in class for you when you are sick. Most of all, they are sources of attachment and connection, which everyone needs throughout life. Having strong social connections can even improve your health (Holt-Lunstad, 2021). Social support is especially important for people who have stressful jobs that require high cardiovascular responsiveness day after day, such as firefighters (Carpenter et al., 2015). Having social support helps the heart rate and stress hormones return to normal more quickly after a stressful episode (Roy et al., 1998). Stress can increase a person’s vulnerability to the common cold, but social support and physical contact in the form of hugs can help to reduce that risk (Cohen et al., 2003b, 2015). In one study of 16 couples, women were asked to lie in an MRI scanner, periodically receiving a mild but stressful electric shock on their ankle (Coan et al., 2006). At different times during the procedure, the women either held the hands of their partner, held the hands of a stranger, or were alone in the scanner. When the women held their partner’s hands, their unpleasantness ratings and activation in brain regions involved in emotional responses were lower compared to when they completed the test alone. Holding a stranger’s hand showed similar effects, although not as strong. In another study, participants who thought of a supportive person who made them feel safe and loved just prior to undergoing a fear conditioning task showed lower fear responses than did participants who thought of a hypothetical happy situation that did not involve others (Toumbelekis et al., 2018). WHEN FRIENDS HELP YOU COPE

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356 Chapter 11 When a touch is affectionate and welcome, it elevates “therapeutic” hormones, especially oxytocin, which induces relaxation and is associated with attachment. In fact, human bodies may be designed not only for a “fight-or-flight” response to stress and challenge, but also a “tend-and-befriend” response: being friendly and conciliatory, seeking out a friend or loved one, taking care of others (Taylor & Master, 2011). Animal studies find that early nurturing by parents or other adults who “tend and befriend” the young can affect the sensitivity of the HPA axis, making the infants more resilient to later chronic stressors (Young et al., 2014). Such findings may help explain why children who lack nurturing become more vulnerable to illness and also why children who grow up under adverse conditions but with warm and nurturing mothers often do not develop health problems (Miller et al., 2011). Again, though, it is important not to oversimplify by concluding that people can defeat any illness if they just have the right amount and kind of social support. Some years ago, a psychiatrist claimed, on the basis of a preliminary study, that women with advanced breast cancer lived longer if they joined support groups, but the study has been discredited and was never replicated (Coyne & Tennen, 2010; Coyne et al., 2009). This type of therapy does not appear to prolong survival, although it often is emotionally and socially beneficial to individual members. Moreover, not all cultural groups define “social support” the same way or benefit from the same kind of support. Some groups may be more reluctant than others to ask for help explicitly from friends, colleagues, and family and to disclose feelings of distress to others. For example, research indicates that Asian and Asian American individuals tend to be more reluctant to explicitly ask for support from even close others because they are concerned that doing so might have negative relationship consequences. As a result, they may feel more stressed and have elevated stress hormones when they are required to ask for help or reveal their private feelings (Kim et al., 2008). Needless to say, sometimes other people aren’t helpful. Sometimes they themselves are the source of unhappiness, stress, and anger, and sometimes relationships that have both positive and negative aspects can still

WHEN YOU HAVE TO COPE WITH FRIENDS

Taking Psychology with You How Much Control Do We Have Over Our Emotions and Our Health? Negative emotions and stress can affect our health by increasing

on health, such as not smoking (or quitting), eating a healthy diet,

the risk of illnesses, ranging from the common cold to heart dis-

exercising regularly, practicing meditation or yoga, and getting suf-

ease. For example, in people exposed to the influenza A virus,

ficient sleep. And, of course, social support is a key factor in buffer-

higher levels of perceived psychological stress were associated with

ing stress and decreasing the risk of illness.

greater flu symptom severity and greater inflammation (Cohen et al.,

We encourage you to think critically about how to most effec-

1999). However, having a positive emotional style and social support

tively handle your emotions and stress—perhaps especially around

reduced the risk of developing symptoms after infection with a cold

exam periods or other particularly challenging times. For example,

or flu virus (Cohen et al., 2003a, 2003b, 2015), reminding us that

hostility, as we have seen in this chapter, is particularly hazardous

multiple psychological factors play a role in the pathway to illness.

to health, but what should people do when they are enraged? The

What can we do to control negative emotions and stress and

idea of “venting your anger and getting it out of your system” often

reduce the risk of developing illness? In this chapter, we have

backfires: Many people feel worse both physically and mentally after

reviewed the evidence for the impact of a number of different fac-

an angry confrontation. When people talk to others incessantly about

tors on emotion, stress, and health. Some are psychological: Having

how angry they are or channel their feelings into hostile acts, their

an internal locus of control, being optimistic and conscientious, and

blood pressure shoots up, they feel angrier, and they behave even

letting go of grievances can have a positive impact on emotions

more aggressively later than if they had just let their feelings of anger

and health. Cognitive strategies can be useful, too, such as using

subside (Bushman et al., 2005; Salguero et al., 2020; Tavris,  1989).

reappraisal, learning from experience, and making social compari-

Instead, when people learn to control their tempers and express anger

sons. We can also use behavioral steps to reduce negative impacts

constructively, they usually feel better, not worse; calmer, not angrier.

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Emotion, Stress, and Health So when you feel angry, you may not be able to control your racing heart or the emotion itself, but you can control what you do next: You can take a few minutes, calm down, and cool off rather than act impetuously and make matters worse. You can use your critical thinking skills to avoid emotional reasoning and check your perceptions of the situation for accuracy. People who are quick to

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feel anger tend to interpret other people’s actions as intentional offenses. People who are slow to anger tend to give others the benefit of the doubt, and they are not as focused on their own injured pride. In short, we may not be able to control the stressors in our lives or the intensity of some emotions we feel after great loss, injustice, tragedy, or any of the other calamities we discussed in the think about our actions and to control what we do next.

Meditation and yoga are just two examples of behavioral strategies that can diminish stress and arousal.

have detrimental effects on health and well-being (Holt-Lunstad & Uchino, 2019). Even social media like Tik Tok, Instagram, and Snapchat, which bring feelings of connection to millions of people, have a dark side. “Everyone” seems so happy and successful—listing all their accomplishments, babies, promotions, adorable new puppies, perfect batches of cookies, and amazing vacations—that many people feel worse about themselves after spending time scrolling through their friends’ updates (Appel et al., 2016; Fan et al., 2019). After all, many people don’t post on social media that they are lonely or just got dumped. A series of studies of first-year college students found that most of them consistently underestimated their friends’ negative moods and experiences and overestimated how much fun their peers were having. As a result of social comparisons Friends can be our greatest source of warmth, support, and fun—and also sources of exasperation, anger, and to allegedly happier Facebook friends, many came away feeling more lonely and misery, as shown in the film Mean Girls. dejected; women were especially vulnerable to feelings of inadequacy (Jordan et al., 2011). Thus, even though social media can be a source of beneficial social support, they can also be a source of excessive social comparisons, which can lead to decreased emotional well-being for some people (Kross et al., 2021). Accordingly, some studies have found that decreasing or stopping social media use can increase well-being (Hunt et al., 2018; Tromholt, 2016). In addition to being sources of conflict, friends and relatives may be unsupportive in times of trouble simply out of ignorance, awkwardness, or an inability to understand your perspective. Other times they may actively block your efforts to change bad health habits, such as binge drinking or smoking, or make fun of you or pressure you to conform to what “everyone” does. They may abandon you or say something foolish and hurtful. And sometimes, because they have never been in the same situation and do not know what to do to help, they offer the wrong kind of support. In short, friends and relatives have a hard time helping you effectively when they aren’t on the same page as you to begin with. Finally, we should not forget the benefits of giving support, rather than always being on the receiving end of it. Julius Segal (1986), a psychologist who worked with Holocaust survivors, hostages, refugees, and other survivors of catastrophe, wrote that a key element in their recovery was compassion for others: “healing through helping.” Why? The ability to look outside yourself is related to all of the successful coping mechanisms we have discussed. It encourages you to solve problems instead of blaming others or just venting, helps you reappraise the situation by seeing it from another person’s perspective, fosters forgiveness, and allows you to gain perspective on your own problems (Brown et al., 2003).

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opening of this chapter, but we human beings do have the ability to

358 Chapter 11 Indeed, prosocial helping behavior during the pandemic was associated with greater positive affect and well-being and less anxiety in the helpers as compared to other types of behaviors (Haller et al., 2021; Miles et al., 2022; Varma et al., 2022). As you can see in Table 11.2, the factors that affect health and illness range from those we can’t do anything about to those that we can. Successful coping does not mean eliminating all sources of stress or all difficult emotions. It does not mean constant happiness or a life without anger, grief, and frustration. The healthy person faces problems, deals with them, learns from them, and gets beyond them. Chronic problems, difficult decisions, and occasional tragedies are inescapable. How we handle them is one test of our humanity.

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Table 11.2 Factors That Increase the Risk of Illness Factors

Examples

Environmental

Poverty, lack of access to health care, exposure to toxins, crime

Experiential

Childhood neglect, traumatic events, chronic job stress, unemployment, discrimination

Biological

Viral or bacterial infections, disease, genetic vulnerability, toxins

Psychological

Hostility, chronic major depression, emotional inhibition, low levels of conscientiousness, external locus of control (fatalism), feeling powerless

Behavioral

Smoking, poor diet, lack of exercise, abuse of alcohol and other drugs, lack of sleep

Social

Lack of supportive friends, low involvement in meaningful groups, excessive social comparisons, being in a hostile relationship

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JOURNAL 11.5 THINKING CRITICALLY–ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Think about a specific stressor that you’ve experienced in the past and how you made use of social support to cope with it. Who and where were your sources of social support? What assistance did they provide (or fail to provide), and why do you think it worked (or didn’t)? Does this experience on the receiving end of social support affect how you would give support to others in the future?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 11.5 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Emotional Support Animals Reduce Psychological Distress STEP 1. Criticize This Claim In 2018, a flight from Newark to Los Angeles denied boarding to a passenger named Dexter, even though Dexter was quiet, well-behaved, and completely sober. What, then, was the problem? Well, you see . . . Dexter was a peacock. Dexter’s owner claimed him as an emotional support animal. She’s not alone. Tens of thousands of passengers have flown with dogs, ducks, pigs, turtles, miniature horses, and even monkeys . . . typically with a therapist’s note stating that the animal reduces their travel distress. Dexter, however, was deemed too large to fly. These requests now crop up in college housing as well. So let’s evaluate the claim: Emotional support animals reduce psychological distress. (continued)

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STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Let’s begin by pondering the ethical questions that arise from emotional support animal requests. What if the source of support for one person causes distress for another? It seems noncontroversial that people should take steps to try to reduce their own feelings of psychological distress. But could emotional support animals (ESAs) also cause discomfort and even distress for other people (those with allergies, with phobias, or just made less comfortable by the animal in the seat next to them)? How do we balance the needs of the anxious traveler or student with those of everyone else around them?

What if people take advantage of these policies? One of the criticisms levied against ESA policies is that some of the people who make use of them may not truly “need” animal company to reduce distress. Do you feel differently about such requests when made by someone who just wants the convenience of traveling with their favorite animal? Or the college student who simply thinks it sounds like fun to have a pet on campus? How should we weigh the actions of those who might take advantage of such accommodations?

How should mental health professionals handle such requests? The idea of ESAs is new enough so that most psychotherapists have no training on the issue. And yet, since most airlines or universities require a note from a mental health professional in order to permit an ESA, therapists now receive such requests. With little in the way of formal guidelines to follow, how should they handle this? Should their response differ depending on the specific animal in question? Could therapists damage their relationships with a patient if they decide to decline such a request as being unwarranted?

STEP 3. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Can you think of any biases to account for in this analysis? Consider this: Over two-thirds of U.S. households own at least one pet. That’s over 80 million dogs and 90 million cats. People love pets! Could our affection for our furry and feathery friends color how we think about emotional support animals? What about the opposite bias of those who have pet allergies or phobias? In evaluating this claim about emotions, we have to be careful not to let our own emotions get in the way.

STEP 4. Define Your Terms Next, we need to define “psychological distress.” One definition might be feelings of stress. For example, do college students who get to interact with animals during busy times of the semester show changes in levels of stress and anxiety? Another definition would be negative emotions associated with a disorder. For example, does animal companionship reduce the symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder, or PTSD?

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence Few studies directly examine the influence of emotional support animals. The best we can do is look to research on other human–animal interactions. Students who participate in campus animal visits do report decreases in stress. Of course, onetime sessions are very different than having to care for a pet 24/7, especially for busy students living in cramped dorm rooms. Many veterans with PTSD report that their symptoms improve after adopting a dog. But these studies often lack a control group, making it difficult to pinpoint the cause of the improvements. More generally, with so many complicating variables, it’s even difficult to isolate the causal effects of pet ownership on psychological distress. Answer the following question about research involving emotional support animals. Which of the following studies would be the most persuasive test of the question: Do emotional support animals (ESAs) reduce psychological distress? a) A survey that demonstrated a positive correlation between number of pets owned and selfreported emotional well-being b) An interview study that found that airline passengers allowed to fly with an ESA reported feeling less anxious and stressed than they would have without the animal c) A comparison of the self-reported posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms of military veterans who chose to participate in an 8-week animal visitation program with those of veterans who did not d) An experiment in which students with anxiety are randomly assigned to live with an emotional support animal or not to for a semester, after which their symptoms and stress levels are compared (continued)

360 Chapter 11 STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions The jury is still out when it comes to the psychological effects of emotional support animals. There are many ways to define distress; there are ethical and practical complications to consider. We still don’t know the effects of round-the-clock animal companionship. More research is needed, as are clearer guidelines for how clinicians should handle emotional support animal requests. As for Dexter? Our peacock from the no-fly list? Don’t feel too bad; he and his owner hitched a ride to California—a cross-country road trip that they documented with colorful selfies on Dexter’s very own Instagram feed. Answer Key: d

Summary: Emotion, Stress, and Health 11.1 The Nature of Emotion LO 11.1.A

Explain what emotions are, which emotions have universal facial expressions, and what some limitations are on decoding emotion.

Emotions evolved to bind people together, motivate them to achieve their goals, and help them make decisions and plans. The experience of emotion involves physiological changes, cognitive processes, subjective feelings, and action tendencies. Some facial expressions—anger, fear, sadness, happiness, disgust, surprise, contempt, and possibly pride—are widely recognized across cultures. But an accurate reading of others’ facial expressions increases among members of the same ethnicity and depends on the social context. Also, because people can and do disguise their emotions, their expressions do not always communicate accurately. LO 11.1.B

Discuss the brain structures involved in the experience of emotions, what mirror neurons do, and the primary chemicals involved in emotional experience.

The amygdala is responsible for initially evaluating the emotional importance of incoming sensory information and is especially involved in detecting potential threat. The cerebral cortex provides the cognitive ability to override this initial appraisal. Mirror neurons throughout the brain are activated when people observe others, especially other people of the same group or others they like. These neurons seem to be involved in empathy, imitation, synchrony, and mood contagion. During the experience of any emotion, epinephrine and norepinephrine produce a state of physiological arousal to prepare the body for an output of energy. LO 11.1.C

Summarize the basic research findings regarding the role that cognitive appraisal plays in emotional experience.

Cognitive approaches to emotion emphasize the perceptions and appraisals that are involved in different emotions. Thoughts and emotions operate reciprocally, each influencing the other. Some emotions, such as shame and guilt, require complex cognitive capacities.

11.2 Emotion and Culture LO 11.2.A

Describe the ways emotional experience can differ across cultures in terms of concepts, language, and expectations.

Many psychologists believe that all human beings share the ability to experience certain basic emotions. However, cultural differences in values, norms, and appraisals generate emotion blends and culture-specific emotional feelings. Culture affects almost every aspect of emotional experience, including which emotions are considered appropriate or wrong, and what people feel emotional about. LO 11.2.B

Explain how display rules and emotion work influence the communication of emotion.

Culture strongly influences display rules, including those governing nonverbal body language, that regulate how and whether people express their emotions. Emotion work is the effort a person makes to display an emotion that they don’t feel but feel obliged to convey. LO 11.2.C

Describe and explain gender differences that appear to exist in emotional experience.

Women and men are equally likely to feel all emotions, although gender rules shape differences in emotional expression. American women on average are more expressive than men, except when it comes to expressing anger at strangers. Everyone tends to be less expressive to a person of higher status and to do the emotion work their job requires; some situations foster expressiveness in all of us.

11.3 The Nature of Stress LO 11.3.A

Describe the three phases of general adaptation syndrome and how modern conceptualizations of the HPA axis and psychoneuroimmunology extend those ideas.

Hans Selye argued that environmental stressors produce a general adaptation syndrome in which the body responds in three stages: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion. If a stressor persists, it may overwhelm the body’s ability to cope and illness may result. Modern

Emotion, Stress, and Health

research shows that when a person is under stress or in danger, the hypothalamus sends messages to the endocrine glands along two major pathways. One activates the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system, releasing epinephrine and norepinephrine from the inner part of the adrenal glands. The other activates the HPA axis, resulting in the release of cortisol from the outer part of the adrenal glands. When the stressors become chronic, they can increase people’s stress levels and increase their chances of illness. But responses to stress differ across individuals, depending on the type of stressor and the individual’s own predispositions. Researchers in psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) study the interaction among psychological factors, the nervous and endocrine systems, and the immune system. LO 11.3.B

Describe how optimism, conscientiousness, and a sense of control contribute to physical health.

Realistic optimism, conscientiousness, and having an internal locus of control improve immune function and also increase a person’s ability to tolerate pain, live with ongoing problems, and recover from illness, possibly because they motivate people to take better care of themselves.

acknowledge and cope with negative emotions. The effort to suppress worries, secrets, and memories of upsetting experiences can become stressful to the body. LO 11.4.C

11.5 Coping With Stress LO 11.5.A

Researchers have sought links among emotions, stress, and illness. Chronic anger, especially in the form of hostility, is a strong risk factor in heart disease. Major depression also increases the risk of later heart disease. LO 11.4.B

Summarize the evidence that positive emotions contribute to health.

People who consciously suppress their emotions (caused by serious matters) are at greater risk of illness than people who

Discuss how emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping contribute to dealing with stress.

An effective approach to coping is to focus on solving the problem (problem-focused coping) rather than on venting the emotions caused by the problem (emotion-focused coping).

11.4 Stress and Emotion Summarize the evidence that negative emotions (such as hostility and depression) have negative health effects.

Discuss how confession, forgiveness, and other forms of “letting grievances go” contribute to health benefits.

Two ways of letting go of negative emotions include confession and forgiveness. The goal is to achieve insight and understanding, distance oneself from the bad experience, and let go of grudges. Forgiveness can be harmful, of course, if it keeps people in violent and abusive relationships.

LO 11.5.B

LO 11.4.A

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Describe and give examples of effective coping strategies that rely on rethinking the stressful problem at hand.

Rethinking a problem, which involves reappraisal, learning from the experience, and comparing oneself to others, can provide new insights and a revised frame of mind. LO 11.5.C

Discuss the ways in which friends can help or hinder successful coping efforts.

Social support is essential in maintaining physical health and emotional well-being. A touch or a hug from a supportive partner can decrease negative emotions and raise levels of oxytocin, which may result in reduced heart rate and blood pressure. However, friends and family can also be sources of stress.

Shared Writing: Emotion, Stress, and Health Many of you have noticed an association between periods of stress, such as during exams, and getting sick. Write down three strategies that you commonly use to deal with stress in your life; then think critically about them. Based on what you’ve learned in this chapter, how effective are the techniques you rely on? Do some of your strategies work better for some forms of stress (e.g., deadlines, studying) whereas some are better suited to other situations (e.g., relationship issues, family matters)? What could you be doing differently to manage the stress in your life and become a better coper?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 11 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 12

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

Development Over the Lifespan

Learning Objectives LO 12.1.A

Outline the three stages of prenatal development, and list factors that can affect a pregnancy.

LO 12.1.B

Describe some inborn abilities of infants, and summarize cultural influences on physical and psychological development.

LO 12.1.C

Explain the concept of attachment, the factors that influence it, and its consequences across the lifespan.

LO 12.2.A

Describe the four stages of cognitive development proposed by Piaget, and outline criticisms of and modifications to Piaget’s theory.

LO 12.2.B

List the milestones of language development that occur in the first 6 years of life.

LO 12.3.A

Explain and critique Kohlberg’s stage model of moral development.

LO 12.3.B

Describe the roles played by parenting style and self-regulation in moral development.

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LO 12.4.A

Distinguish among assigned sex, gender identity, gender typing, and sexual orientation.

LO 12.4.B

Summarize the basic findings regarding biological, cognitive, and learning influences on gender identity and gender typing.

LO 12.5.A

Outline the physiological changes that people experience during adolescence.

LO 12.5.B

Outline the psychological and behavioral changes that people experience during adolescence.

LO 12.6.A

List the eight “crises” of development proposed by Erik Erikson.

LO 12.6.B

Outline the psychological and behavioral changes that people experience as they progress through emerging adulthood and middle age.

LO 12.6.C

Describe cognitive functioning as people age, and distinguish between fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence.

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Interactive

What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter.

Annegret Raunigk knows a thing or two about development over the lifespan. A few years ago, the then-65-year-old schoolteacher living in Berlin had 13 children and 7 grandchildren. But that year, her circle of offspring got even larger, as she gave birth to quadruplets, aided by in vitro fertilization treatments. Her motivation for getting pregnant again, she reported, was that her youngest daughter wanted to have a younger sibling. Annegret didn’t intend to have quadruplets: “I only wanted one child. But then things happen. I am not a planner, but rather spontaneous.” Addressing concerns about her giving birth at an advanced age to infants who were 14 weeks premature, she remarked, “No one who doesn’t know me can criticize me. I am doing what I think is right.” When, if ever, is a human being “too old” to have or adopt a baby? Do you feel the same way about older men as parents as you do about older women? Is there a “right time” to become a parent? For that matter, is there a right time to do anything in life—go to school, leave the home in which you grew up, get married, retire, die? The human journey from birth to death was once more predictable than it is today. In many cultures, going to college, choosing a job, starting a family, and advancing up the ladder to retirement were events that tended to happen in sequence. But because of demographic changes, advances in reproductive technology, and a variety of other forces, millions of people now reach these milestones “out of order”—if they care to reach them at all. Today, going to college, getting married, having children, or changing careers may occur in almost any decade of adulthood in many cultures. Developmental psychologists study physiological and cognitive changes across the lifespan and how such changes are affected by a person’s genetic predispositions, culture, circumstances, and experiences. Some researchers focus on children’s mental and social development, including socialization, the process by which children learn the rules and the behavior expected of them by society. Consider the question with which we began this chapter. Many of you can probably recall being told as a child that something you wanted to do or play with was “wrong” because of your apparent gender. Perhaps you were the little girl whose ponytail peeking out from behind a soldier’s helmet drew quizzical looks on Halloween. Maybe you were the little boy who was given a toy fire truck in your fast-food kids’ meal, even though you really wanted the purple pony instead. One of your authors remembers a recent conversation with a 3-year-old nephew at the mall in which the little guy confided, “I want to be a girl.” When asked to clarify, the response was, “I liked those pink sparkly shoes on the girl side of the store.” In this chapter we will review the biological, cognitive, and learning influences on the development of gender identity and the perception of gender roles and expectations. Speaking of which, this chapter will address a variety of important questions related to biology, assigned sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation. These are complex issues, and they are ones to which people have (understandably!) strong, personal connections. These are also issues for which terminology and language use In the classic board game The Game of Life, players continues to evolve at a rapid pace. To be clear: families, parents, and children come drive their plastic cars down a one-way path that requires them to pass through milestones in a particin all shapes, sizes, identities, and orientations. Many caregivers are the biological ular order: choose college or no college, get married, parents of the children they raise, but others are not. Many who consider them- have (blue and pink plastic) children, retire. As we selves mothers were themselves assigned a female sex at birth, but others were not. discuss throughout this chapter, real life develops in Studying this variability of human existence through inclusive and rigorous methods more circuitous and idiosyncratic ways.

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As a child, did you ever get teased because you wanted to engage in an activity that others considered “inappropriate” for your apparent gender?

364 Chapter 12 is one of the most exciting challenges faced by developmental scientists today. In this chapter, we sometimes refer to “pregnant mothers,” cite factors that influence “a father’s sperm,” or defer to the language used by the original researchers in older studies, but in doing so we are not suggesting that other family configurations or individual identities should be overlooked. Another point to keep in mind when reading this chapter is that socialization takes place across the lifespan, not just among children. Indeed, development is a lifelong process (note the title of this chapter). So, while many of the theories and studies you will read about focus on children—and, for that matter, fetuses and prenatal development (Reid & Dunn, 2021)—developmental psychologists study changes that take place throughout the life course. Some researchers, for example, specialize in the study of adolescents, adults, or older adults. Indeed, the development of the brain continues throughout the lifespan, as illustrated by the overview provided in a video available in Revel.

12.1 From Conception Through the First Year A baby’s development, before and after birth, is a marvel of maturation, the sequential unfolding of genetically influenced behavior and physical characteristics. In only 9 months of a pregnancy, a cell grows from a dot this big (.) to a squealing bundle of energy who may or may not, depending on whom you ask, look just like Uncle Ralph. In another 15 months, that bundle of energy grows into a babbling toddler who is curious about everything. No other time in human development brings so many changes so rapidly.

12.1.A Prenatal Development Learning Objective 12.1.A Outline the three stages of prenatal development, and list factors that can affect a pregnancy. Prenatal development begins at fertilization, when the sperm unites with the ovum (egg) to form a single-celled egg called a zygote. The zygote soon begins to divide, and in 10 to 14 days, it becomes a cluster of cells that attaches itself to the wall of the uterus. The outer portion of this cluster forms part of the placenta and umbilical cord, and when implantation is completed about 2 weeks after fertilization, the inner portion becomes the embryo. The placenta, connected to the embryo by the umbilical cord, serves as the growing embryo’s link for food from the pregnant mother. It allows nutrients to enter and wastes to exit, and it screens out some, but not all, harmful substances. During the fourth to eighth weeks, the hormone testosterone is secreted by the rudimentary testes in embryos that are genetically male; without this hormone, the embryo will typically

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Hulton Archive/Stringer/Getty Images

Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States

Bettmann/Getty Images

Interactive

Ordinary Babies

Each of these ordinary children grew up to be an extraordinary adult, for better or worse. You will learn their identities later in this chapter. And when you do, ask yourself what factors and influences help explain the very different paths these influential individuals eventually took in life as they grew older.

Development Over the Lifespan

develop to be anatomically female. After 8 weeks, the organism, now called a fetus, further develops the organs and systems that existed in rudimentary form in the embryonic stage. In Revel, a video provides more details about how a fetus develops into a female or a male. The womb is a sturdy protector of the growing embryo or fetus. Nonetheless, the prenatal environment is influenced by the pregnant mother’s own health, genetic predispositions, allergies, and diet, all of which can also affect the course of development (Coe & Lubach, 2008; Madigan, Oatley, et al., 2018). During pregnancy, some harmful influences can cross the placental barrier and affect the fetus (O’Rahilly & Müller, 2001). These influences include diseases such as German measles (rubella) or sexually transmitted diseases, which can be transmitted to the fetus and cause physical abnormalities. X-rays or other radiation, pollutants, and toxic substances can cause fetal deformities and cognitive abnormalities that can last throughout life; for example, exposure to lead, mercury (found most commonly in contaminated fish), pesticides, and air pollution have been associated with attention problems and lower IQ scores (Newland & Rasmussen, 2003; Perera et al., 2013; Raloff, 2011). Drugs can be harmful to a fetus, whether illicit such as cocaine and heroin, or legal such as alcohol, antibiotics, or prescription medications (Healy, 2012; Lester et al., 1998; Stanwood & Levitt, 2001). Regular consumption of alcohol can kill neurons throughout the fetus’s developing brain (Gautam et al., 2015; Streissguth, 2001): Having more than two drinks a day significantly increases the risk of fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, which are associated with low birth weight, facial deformities, lack of coordination, and developmental delays (Rangmar et al., 2015). Cigarette smoking during pregnancy is also dangerous, increasing the likelihood of miscarriage and premature birth. These negative effects, though, may also last long after birth, showing up in increased rates of infant sickness, sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), and—later in childhood—hyperactivity, learning difficulties, asthma, and even antisocial behavior (Button et al., 2005; Chudal et al., 2015). For that matter, a pregnant mother’s stress can affect a fetus, increasing the risk of later cognitive and emotional problems and vulnerability to adult diseases such as hypertension (Ping et al., 2015; Talge et al., 2007). Mothers who developed posttraumatic stress disorder in the aftermath of the World Trade Center attacks in 2001 were more likely to have babies that were underweight at birth and had abnormal cortisol levels at 1 year of age, both of which are indicators of future health problems (Yehuda et al., 2005). How can pregnant mothers increase their likelihood of having healthy babies? In addition to avoiding the harmful influences listed above, strategies include maintaining a healthy weight, taking prenatal vitamins (especially folic acid, which prevents neural defects in the brain and spinal cord), and seeking regular prenatal care (Abu-Saad & Fraser, 2010). Many may not realize it, but biological fathers play a major role in prenatal development, too. Because of genetic mutations in sperm, fathers over age 50 have three times the risk of conceiving a child who develops schizophrenia as do fathers under age 25 (Goriely et al., 2013); teenage fathers have an increased risk that their babies will be born prematurely or have low birth weight; babies of men exposed to solvents and other chemicals in the workplace are more likely to be miscarried or stillborn, or to develop cancer later in life; and having an older father increases the probability that a child will have autism or bipolar disorder (Frans et al., 2008; Kong et al., 2012; Sandin et al., 2014).

12.1.B The Infant’s World Learning Objective 12.1.B Describe some inborn abilities of infants, and summarize cultural influences on physical and psychological development. What happens when babies first open their eyes? Do they see the same sights, hear the same sounds, and smell the same smells as an adult does? Or is an infant’s world, as psychologist William James once suggested, a “blooming, buzzing confusion,” waiting to be organized by experience and learning? The truth lies somewhere between these two extremes. Newborn babies could never survive on their own, but they are far from being passive and inert. Many abilities, tendencies, and characteristics are universal in human beings and are typically present at birth or develop very early, given certain experiences. Newborns

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begin life with several motor reflexes, automatic behaviors that are necessary for survival. They will turn their heads toward a touch on the cheek and search for something to suck on, a handy reflex known as rooting that allows them to find the nipple or bottle. They will suck on anything suckable, even if it’s not actually a source of sustenance. They will grasp tightly a finger pressed on their tiny palms. Many of these reflexes eventually disappear, but others—such as the knee-jerk, eyeblink, and sneeze reflexes—remain. Babies are also equipped with a set of inborn perceptual abilities. They can usually see, hear, touch, smell, and taste, though none of these senses are fully developed yet. How do we know? After all, unlike adults, infants cannot verbally report their experiences to us. So, researchers who study infants have to get a bit creative. One strategy is to make use of habituation. For example, a researcher might present one visual object to an infant over and again until the infant gets used to it and stops looking at it (i.e., habituates). If the researcher then replaces the object with a new one, infants who recognize the novelty of this second object will start looking at it; among infants who continue to show habituation, we can assume that they can’t distinguish between the first and second object. Another method for studying infant perception involves preferential looking. Using this technique, a Infants are born with a grasping reflex; researcher presents two (or more) stimuli at once to determine whether the infant looks at they will cling to any offered finger. And one more than the other. they need the comfort of touch, which most adult caregivers love to provide. Using methods such as these, most assessments indicate that a newborn’s visual focus range is only about 8 to 12 inches, the average distance between a baby and the face of the person holding them, but visual ability does develop rapidly (Fantz, 1963). Newborns can motor reflex distinguish contrasts, shadows, and edges, and they seem to demonstrate a preference An automatic, innate physical behavior for looking at face-like stimuli (Constantino et al., 2017; Wilkinson et al., 2014). They can that facilitates survival, such as infants also discriminate their primary caregiver on the basis of sight, smell, or sound almost sucking on anything placed near their immediately (Sherman et al., 2015). Perhaps even more impressive, babies are born with mouth. an interest in novelty and some basic cognitive skills, including a fundamental sense of number (they know that three things are more than two things) and probability (they are surprised when a red ball is pulled out of a box that has far more white balls then red balls in it) (Denison & Xu, 2019; Izard et al., 2009; Odic, 2018). Another example of the considerable ingenuity that researchers have used to study infant development can be seen in research on depth perception. Eleanor Gibson and her colleagues devised a clever procedure by which they placed infants on a device called a visual cliff (Gibson & Walk, 1960). While the visual cliff looks quite scary to an infant who is starting to develop depth perception, it is actually harmless. The so-called cliff is really just a level pane of glass above a shallow surface and a deep one; both surfaces display a checkerboard pattern (see photo to the left). The infant is placed on a board in the middle, and the child’s caregiver tries to lure the baby across either the seemingly shallow side or the seemingly deep side. Babies only 6 months of age will crawl across the shallow side but will hesitate to crawl out over the “cliff,” suggesting that they have depth perception. Gibson and colleagues used this apparatus to conduct similar studies across a range of animals— including chickens, turtles, rats, sheep, cats, dogs, and pigs—in an effort to understand at what age, level of mobility, and visual acuity each species develops depth perception. Many cognitive abilities are inborn, but experience plays a vital role too. Characteristics of physical contexts—such as how noisy, crowded, or chaotic they are—can shape psychological Infants as young as 6 months usually hesitate to crawl past the appardevelopment in important ways (Evans, 2021). Consider research ent edge of a visual cliff, which suggests that they are able to perceive demonstrating that low levels of stimulation due to poverty, depth. The look on this infant’s face suggests feelings not that dissimineglect, or living in an overcrowded orphanage can limit neurolar from those of your adult authors when standing on a thick pane of nal growth and children’s cognitive development (Zeanah et al., glass on a skyscraper observatory deck, looking down a hundred or so 2003, 2012). This research demonstrates that early experiences stories to street level.

Development Over the Lifespan

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Replication Check ✔

have serious implications for how young people develop, but also that when children are removed from these circumstances of deprivation and placed in an enriched environment— particularly when this intervention takes place before they are 2 years old—their brains often respond with greater neuronal growth. Human resilience and the brain’s plasticity can be impressive. It is true, though, that when an infant misses out on certain experiences during a crucial window of time called a critical period, perception is often impaired. Innate abilities may not survive because cells in the nervous system deteriorate, change, or fail to form appropriate neural pathways. For example, people who are unable to see or hear until middle childhood or even adulthood can gain enough perceptual ability to get along fine in daily life, but their perception is unlikely to be perfect (Ostrovsky et al., 2006; Šikl et al., 2013). When adults who have been blind from infancy have their vision restored, most of them do not see well (Fine et al., 2003; Ostrovsky et al., 2009); generally, the best recoveries occur when an infant’s congenital blindness is corrected early, probably because a critical period for visual development occurs in infancy or early childhood. Similar findings apply to hearing. When adults who were born deaf receive cochlear implants (devices that stimulate the auditory nerve and allow auditory signals to travel to the brain), they tend to find sounds confusing, but cochlear implants are more successful in young children and in adults who became deaf late in life (Rauschecker, 1999; Sharma et al., 2002). Another example of experience playing a crucial role in shaping an infant’s mind, brain, and gene expression right from the beginning is that infants who do not get much physical touch tend to grow more slowly and release less growth hormone than their amply cuddled peers. Throughout their lives, infants deprived in this manner have stronger reactions to stress and are more prone to depression and its cognitive deficits (Diamond & Amso, 2008; Field, 2009). Infant development also depends on cultural customs that govern how their caregivers hold, touch, feed, and talk to them (Rogoff, 2003). In the United States, Canada, and most European countries, babies are expected to sleep for 8 uninterrupted hours by the age of 4 or 5 months. This milestone is considered a sign of neurological maturity, although many babies wail when their parent puts them in the crib at night and leaves the room. But among other cultures—including Mayans, residents of many rural villages across continents, and urban Japanese—this nightly clash of wills rarely occurs because the infant sleeps with a caregiver for the first few years of life, waking and nursing about every 4 hours. These differences in sleep arrangements reflect cultural and parental values. Parents in these cultures believe it is important to sleep with the baby so that both will forge a close bond; in contrast, many urban North American and Western European parents believe it is important to foster a child’s independence as soon as possible (Super & Harkness, 2013). Clearly, infants are born Cultural differences can affect the kinds of experiences newwith certain reflexes, predispositions, and other “hard-wired” tendencies, borns have and can influence their minds, brains, and gene but culture and experience influence their emergence. expression.

Joerg Boethling/Alamy Stock Photo

Many researchers—including Gibson herself—replicated and extended these visual cliff findings over the decades that followed. In studies with humans, researchers have found that infants often spend a considerable amount of time at the cliff’s edge, investigating the situation (Adolph et al., 2014; Kretch & Adolph, 2017). This would suggest that it isn’t fear that keeps infants from the deep side, but rather a curiosity to explore coupled with a recognition that the circumstances are somehow not quite right for normal locomotion (Adolph, 2000; Adolph & Kretch, 2012). Other studies have examined whether performance on the visual cliff depends on type of locomotion—crawling versus walking—and social incentives—whether caregivers encourage or discourage exploration of the deep section (Adolph et al., 2008).

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12.1.C Attachment Nina Leen/The LIFE Picture Collection/ Getty Images

Learning Objective 12.1.C Explain the concept of attachment, the factors that influence it, and its consequences across the lifespan.

Percentage of children who cried following mother’s departure

People are social animals. We form emotional connections to other people that not only make us feel good, but also are crucial for health and survival throughout the lifespan. An attachment is one such connection, a particularly strong, intimate, and long-lasting bond. For human infants, the mother is often the first and primary object of attachment, but in some cultures (and other species), babies become just as attached to their fathers, siblings, and grandparents (Hrdy, 1999; Shwalb & Shwalb, 2015). Some species take the idea of attachment much further than British psychiatrist John Bowlby (1969, 1973) was one of the we humans do. Consider the greylag goose, pictured here folfirst psychologists to emphasize the importance of attachment after lowing the Austrian animal researcher Konrad Lorenz. Lorenz he observed the devastating effects on babies who were raised in detailed the greylag’s tendency to imprint upon the first moving orphanages without touching or cuddling. The babies were physobject it encountered in the first few hours of life. Usually, this would mean imprinting upon the mother and then following ically healthy but emotionally remote and listless. By becoming her around for food and protection. Alas, these poor geese have attached to their caregivers, Bowlby said, children gain a secure base imprinted upon Lorenz himself; they continued to follow him from which they can explore the environment and a safe haven to around even when given access to their actual mothers. which they can return when they are afraid. Ideally, infants will find a balance between feeling securely attached to the caregiver and feelattachment ing free to explore and learn in new environments. Indeed, the pleasure of being touched A long­lasting, intimate, and emotional and held is crucial not only for newborns, but also throughout life because it releases a bond that persists across different types flood of pleasure-producing and stress-reducing endorphins (Jakubiak & Feeney, 2017; of interactions and social situations. Rilling & Young, 2014). Margaret and Harry Harlow famously demonstrated the importance of such contact comfort by raising infant rhesus monkeys with two kinds of artificial mothers (Harlow, 1958; Harlow & Harlow, 1966). One, which they called the “wire mother,” was a construction of wires and warming lights, with a milk bottle connected to it. The other, the “cloth mother,” was constructed of wire but Figure 12.1 The Rise and Fall of Separation covered in foam rubber and cuddly terry cloth. At the time, many psycholAnxiety ogists thought that babies become attached to their mothers simply because mothers provide food (Blum, 2002). But when the Harlows’ baby monkeys 100 were frightened or startled, they didn’t head to the wire mother that had “provided” them with food. Instead, they ran to the terry-cloth mother, and 80 snuggling with it calmed them down. Human children also seek contact 60 comfort when they are in an unfamiliar situation, are scared by a nightmare, or fall and hurt themselves. Visit Revel to watch a video and learn 40 more about the Harlows’ research. 20 0

15 months Age

Rural African

25 months

Guatemalan

Israeli Kibbutz

At around 6 months of age, many babies begin to show separation anxiety when the person who is their main source of attachment tries handing them over to someone else or leaves the room. This anxiety typically peaks at about 1 year of age and then steadily declines. But the proportion of children responding this way varies across cultures. It is high among rural African children and low among children raised in a communal Israeli kibbutz, where children become attached to many different adults (Kagan et al., 1978).

SEPARATION AND SECURITY Babies come to be emotionally attached to their primary caregivers, treating them as a secure base from which they are willing to depart from time to time to explore the world but to which they frequently return for comfort and reassurance. Forced separation from this secure base can be a wrenching experience. Accordingly, between 6 and 8 months of age, babies become wary or fearful of strangers. They wail if they are put in an unfamiliar setting or are left with an unfamiliar person. And they show separation anxiety if their primary caregiver leaves them, even temporarily. This reaction usually continues until the middle of the second year but continues for many children until they are about 3 years old (Hrdy, 1999). Most children go through this phase, although cultural childrearing practices predict how strongly the anxiety is felt and how long it lasts (see Figure 12.1). In cultures where babies are raised along with other children and many other adults around, separation anxiety is not as intense or as

Development Over the Lifespan

long-lasting as it can be in cultures where babies form attachments primarily or exclusively with the mother (Rothbaum et al., 2011). But one cross-cultural investigation of nine different countries—Canada, Colombia, France, Italy, Japan, Peru, Portugal, Taiwan, and the United States—found that children in each of these locations tended to use their mothers as a secure base (Posada et al., 2013).

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separation anxiety The distress that most children develop, at about 6 months of age, when their primary caregivers temporarily leave them with strangers.

Revisiting the Classics Ainsworth’s Strange Situation Studying infants requires creativity. Psychologists who seek to under-

securely attached: They cried or protested when the parent left the

stand the development of a cognitive ability like depth perception

room; they welcomed the parent’s return and then played happily

cannot—for obvious reasons—simply put infants in precarious situa-

again; and they were clearly more attached to the parent than to the

tions and see what happens next! The ingenuity of Eleanor Gibson’s

stranger. The baby in the video in Revel appears to fit this classifica-

visual cliff was that it provided a safe and controlled environment for

tion of securely attached. Other babies were classified as insecurely

such investigation. Similar creativity is called for when examining

attached, and this insecurity took one of two forms. Some children

social development. How can we safely and ethically study the nature

were avoidant, not caring if the parent left the room, making little

of the attachment between caregivers and babies, and what happens

effort to seek contact with the parent upon their return, and treat-

when that connection is threatened? One of the first researchers

ing the stranger about the same as the parent. Other insecure chil-

to devise a laboratory procedure to measure and classify a child’s

dren were anxious or ambivalent, protesting loudly when the parent

attachment to their caregiver was Mary Ainsworth (1973, 1979), one

left, but resisting contact with them upon reunion. Some anxious–

of the founders of attachment theory (Van Rosmalen et al., 2015).

ambivalent babies cried to be picked up and then demanded to be

Ainsworth’s early investigations took the form of observing mother– infant pairs in their own homes, in the United States, England, and

put down; others behaved as if they were angry with the parent and resisted efforts to comfort them.

Uganda (Bretherton, 2013). Studies like these were logistically chal-

In the decades since its first appearance in the scientific literature,

lenging and required observing interaction patterns over a long period

Ainsworth’s strange situation has been used and adapted by many

of time, inspiring Ainsworth to create a standardized laboratory proce-

researchers across many different cultures and samples (Archer et

dure that could be used to characterize a caregiver–child relationship in

al., 2015; van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). Of course, as with

one controlled session. The multi-step method that Ainsworth devised

any method, it is not without its critics (Field, 1996). One criticism has

is known as the strange situation (Ainsworth et al., 1971; Ainsworth &

been that the paradigm examines the caregiver–child relationship only

Wittig, 1969). It begins with a parent bringing their baby into an unfa-

during periods of momentary separation, and not during more naturally

miliar room containing lots of toys. After a bit, a stranger comes in and

occurring interactions during nonstressful times (Strand, 2020). Also,

attempts to play with the child, and then the parent leaves the baby with

it is designed to focus on attachment with a primary caregiver (usually

the stranger. The parent then returns and plays with the child and the

the mother), even though children also show attachments to different

stranger leaves. Finally, the parent leaves the baby alone in the room for

individuals in different ways. But Ainsworth’s strange situation endures

a while, before the stranger returns, and, eventually, the parent returns

as a notable example of creative experimental design and as an influ-

as well. For an example, watch a video on separation anxiety in Revel.

ential research paradigm for measuring attachment style.

At each step of this process, observers note how the baby behaves—with the parent, with the stranger, and when alone. In particular, Ainsworth suggested paying attention to three aspects of the infant’s response. First, in what ways does the infant use the caregiver as a secure base from which they are able to explore their surroundings? Ainsworth believed that such exploration was an Pearson Education, Inc.

essential component of healthy attachment. Second, how does the infant react to the presence of a stranger? Third, how does the infant respond when their parent leaves the room and when the parent returns? In the familiarity of their own homes, children often seemed reasonably comfortable with strangers and with their mother leaving for another room, but Ainsworth was interested in their reactions to such developments in an unfamiliar setting. On the basis of their reactions to the strange situation, Ainsworth divided children into categories. Some babies were described as

This baby is clearly distressed after her mother leaves her alone with a stranger in a variation on Ainsworth’s strange situation.

370 Chapter 12 Mary Ainsworth believed that differences among secure, avoidant, and anxious–ambivalent attachment styles were primarily determined by the way caregivers treat their babies during the first year. Parents who are sensitive and responsive to their babies’ needs, she said, create securely attached infants; parents who are uncomfortable with or insensitive to their babies create insecurely attached infants. Some have extrapolated from these ideas to propose that putting a child in day care impairs this attachment, but recent longitudinal studies have reported that quality day care does not negatively affect the security of children’s attachment (Cárcamo et al., 2016; Oliveira et al., 2015). As we noted earlier, Ainsworth’s measure of attachment does not take into account all aspects of a baby’s experience. Babies who become attached to many adults, because they live in large extended families or have spent time in day care, may seem to be avoidant in the strange situation because they don’t panic when their mothers leave. But perhaps they have simply learned Despite claims (and some parental anxieties) to the to be comfortable with strangers. It is also worth noting that most children, all contrary, high-quality day care can predict social over the world, form secure attachments to their caregivers in spite of wide and intellectual benefits for children. variations in childrearing practices (LeVine & Norman, 2008). Among the Efe of Africa, for example, babies spend about half their time in the care of older children and other adults (Tronick et al., 1992). Yet Efe children are not insecure, and they develop as normally as children who spend more time with their primary caregivers. What factors, then, do predict insecure attachment?

Jupiterimages/Stockbyte/Getty Images

WHAT DETERMINES ATTACHMENT STYLE?

• Abandonment and deprivation in the first years of life. Many babies adopted before age 1 or 2 eventually become as securely attached as any other children, but babies who are institutionalized are more likely to have later problems with attachment (Lionett et al., 2015; Vorria et al., 2015). • Parenting that is abusive or erratic because the parent is chronically irresponsible or clinically depressed. A South African research team observed 147 mothers and found that many who had experienced postpartum depression became either too intrusive with their infants or overly remote and insensitive. In turn, their babies were more likely to be insecurely attached at 18 months (Tomlinson et al., 2005). • The child’s own genetically influenced temperament. Babies who are fearful and prone to crying from birth are more likely to show insecure behavior in the strange situation, suggesting that their insecure attachment may reflect a temperamental predisposition (Gillath et al., 2008; Khoury et al., 2016). • Stressful family circumstances. Infants and young children may temporarily shift from secure to insecure attachment, becoming clingy and fearful of being left alone, if their families are undergoing a period of stress, as during a parent’s chronic illness (Belsky et al., 1996; Pinquart et al., 2013). The bottom line is that infants are biologically disposed to become attached to their caregivers (much as caregivers often show biological signs of attachment to their offspring; Piazza et al., 2020). Normal, healthy attachment will occur within a wide range of cultural, family, and individual variations in childrearing customs (Strand et al., 2019; van IJzendoorn & Kroonenberg, 1988). Attachment style also seems to have lasting consequences: Longitudinal research has shown that as they grow older, children who were securely attached infants tend to exhibit more independence, self-confidence, resilience in the face of setbacks, and adaptability in different social situations; they are also less likely to experience later depression and anxiety compared to those who were insecurely attached when younger (Agerup et al., 2015; Dagan et al., 2020; Sroufe, 2005). For that matter, a secure attachment in infancy has been found to predict positive emotional tendencies and other outcomes for adult romantic relationships as well (Simpson et al., 2007; Zeifman, 2019). Keep in mind, though, that attachment style is not written in stone and does not guarantee any sort of positive or negative outcome. Even in worst-case scenarios, where something has gone wrong in prenatal development or in the first year after birth, human resilience and the plasticity of the brain can overcome early harm or deprivation.

Development Over the Lifespan

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JOURNAL 12.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Infant attachment style has been found to predict outcomes for later childhood and even adult romantic relationships. Such findings may lead some to conclude that the quality of parenting that babies receive early in life is responsible for their social tendencies later on. Is that the only causal explanation possible for research findings linking attachment style to adult outcomes? What other aspects of temperament and environment might contribute? What circumstances might determine whether an individual’s attachment style remains relatively stable throughout the lifespan or changes over time?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 12.1 to test your knowledge.

A friend of ours told us about a charming exchange he had with his 2-year-old grandson. “You’re very old,” the little boy said. “Yes, I am,” said his grandfather. “I’m very new,” said the child. Two years old, and already this little person’s mind is working away, making observations, trying to understand the differences he observes and using language (creatively!) to describe them. The development of thought and language from infancy throughout childhood is a marvel to anyone who has ever watched a baby grow up. In this section, we’ll explore how these processes take place.

rawpixel/123RF

12.2 Cognitive Development

Adorable? Absolutely. But also, in various ways, ready to start trying to make sense of the world around them.

12.2.A Thinking Learning Objective 12.2.A Describe the four stages of cognitive development proposed by Piaget, and outline criticisms of and modifications to Piaget’s theory.

Lew Merrim/Science Source

Courtesy of Shannon LeMay-Finn

Children do not think the way adults do. If you cover a baby’s favorite rattle with a cloth, the baby thinks the rattle has vanished and stops looking for it. A 3-year-old might try to hide from you by holding their breath and covering their own eyes. A younger sibling may protest that their older sibling has more juice than they do when it is really only the shape of the two glasses that differs. For example, look at the two photos below. Non-preschool-aged readers of this chapter will recognize that in the photo to the left, the amount of clay in the pancake and ball could very well be comparable and that in the photo to the right, those two containers could contain the same amount of juice. Of course, it’s hard to make an exact comparison just by looking at pictures. But we adults recognize that the shape of the clay and the “height” of the juice levels do not tell us all that we need to know when it comes to estimating volume. As we will review in this section, this is actually a complicated question that causes younger children some difficulty.

372 Chapter 12 Yet it is important to note that children are quite smart in their own ways. Like good little scientists, they are always testing child-sized theories about how things work (Gopnik et al., 2015). When your toddler throws her spoon on the floor for the sixth time as you try to feed her, and you say, “That’s enough! I will not pick up your spoon again!” many a child will immediately test this claim to see if you’re serious. Are you angry? What will happen if she throws the spoon again? She is not doing this to drive you crazy; rather, she is learning that her desires and yours can differ—that sometimes those differences are important and sometimes they are not. How and why does children’s thinking change? In the 1920s, Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget [Zhan pee-ah-ZHAY] (1896–1980) proposed that children’s cognitive abilities unfold naturally, like the blooming of a flower. Although many of his specific conclusions have been challenged over the years, his ideas inspired thousands of studies by investigators all over the world. According to Piaget (1929/1960, 1984), as children develop, their minds constantly adapt to new situations and experiences. Sometimes they assimilate new information into their existing mental models. For example, a toddler discovers that when he pulls on his blanket, it gets closer to him. Same with his favorite toy. When he encounters a new object—the string of a balloon—he decides to pull on it as well. Lo and behold, it gets closer to him and he assimilates this new experience into his existing mental model. At other times, however, children must change their models of the world around them to accommodate their new experiences. When that same toddler decides to pull on the tail of the family cat, a very different outcome occurs. As such, he has to adjust his model to reflect—to accommodate for—this new discovery. Both the processes of assimilation and accommodation are constantly interacting, Piaget said, as children go through four specific stages of cognitive development. From birth to age 2, according to Piaget, babies are in the sensorimotor stage. In this stage, the infant learns through concrete actions: looking, touching, putting things in the mouth, sucking, grasping. “Thinking” consists of coordinating sensory information with bodily movements. Gradually, these movements become more purposeful as the child explores the environment and learns that specific movements will produce specific results. Pulling a cloth away will reveal a hidden toy; letting go of a fuzzy toy duck will cause it to drop out of reach; banging on the table with a spoon will produce a loud noise, something to eat, or maybe a parent taking the spoon away. Like a good little scientist, this child is trying to figure out cause and effect: “If I throw this dish, what will happen? Will there be a noise? Will a grown-up come and give it back to me? How many times will they give it back to me?” A major accomplishment children eventually reach during this stage, according to Piaget, is object permanence, the understanding that things continue to exist even when you can’t see or touch them. In the first few months of life, infants will look intently at a toy, but if you hide it behind a piece of paper, they make no effort to look behind the paper or to find the toy. It is as if, in their minds, the toy no longer exists. By about 6 months of age, however, infants begin to grasp the idea that the toy is still there whether or not they can see it. If babies of this age drop a toy from their playpen, they will look for it; they also will look under a cloth for a toy that is partially hidden. By 1 year of age, most babies have developed an awareness of the permanence of objects; even if a toy is covered by a cloth, it must be under there somewhere. This is when babies particularly love to play peekaboo. Object permanence, said Piaget, represents the beginning of the child’s capacity to use mental imagery and symbols. The child becomes able to hold a concept in mind even when they cannot physically see or interact with it. From about ages 2 to 7, a child’s use of symbols and language accelerates. Piaget called this the preoperational stage because he believed that these children still lack the cognitive abilities necessary for understanding abstract principles. Piaget believed that preoperational children cannot take another person’s point of view because their thinking is egocentric: They

PIAGET’S THEORY OF COGNITIVE STAGES

object permanence

James Woodson/DigitalVision/Getty Images

The understanding, which develops throughout the first year, that an object continues to exist even when you cannot see or touch it.

Even the smallest of people spend much of their time testing cause and effect and other hypotheses about the world around them.

see the world only from their own frame of reference and cannot imagine that others see things differently. (This belief about children of this age has been challenged more recently, as we will see.) Furthermore, Piaget proposed that preoperational children cannot grasp the concept of conservation, the idea that physical properties do not change when their form or appearance changes. Children at this age often fail to fully comprehend that an amount of liquid or a number of blocks remains the same even if you pour the liquid from one glass to another of a different size or if you stack the blocks in a different way. These children rely on the appearance of the liquid (its height in the glass) to judge its quantity, rather than logically reasoning through the question and determining that pouring liquid back and forth between two containers does not change the liquid itself. Visit Revel to watch a video for a nonliquid example of children working to master this concept. From the age of 7 to about 12, Piaget proposed, children increasingly become able to take other people’s perspectives and make fewer logical errors. Piaget called this the concrete operations stage because he thought children’s mental abilities are tied to information that is concrete—that is, to actual experiences or to concepts that have tangible meaning. Children at this stage are not as good at reasoning when they are asked to think about abstract ideas such as “patriotism” or “financial security.” Nonetheless, during these years, children’s cognitive abilities expand rapidly. They come to understand the principles of conservation and cause and effect. They learn mental operations, such as basic arithmetic. They are able to categorize and to order things serially from smallest to largest, lightest to darkest, and shortest to tallest. Finally, said Piaget, beginning at about age 12 or 13 and continuing into adulthood, people become capable of abstract reasoning and enter the formal operations stage. They are able to reason about situations they have not experienced firsthand, they can think about future possibilities, and they can think abstractly. They are able to search systematically for answers to problems. They are able to draw logical conclusions from premises common to their culture and experience. See Table 12.1 for a summary of Piaget’s stages. CURRENT VIEWS OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Piaget’s central idea has been well supported: New reasoning abilities depend on the emergence of previous ones. You cannot learn algebra before you can count, and you cannot learn philosophy before you understand logic. Many of Piaget’s specific research findings have since been replicated as well; other researchers have also found that 5- and 6-year-olds perform less well on conservation of mass, volume, and number tasks than do children ages 7 and older (Brown & Desforges, 1977; Elkind, 1961). But since Piaget’s original work, the field of developmental psychology has undergone an explosion of imaginative research that has allowed investigators to get into the minds of even the youngest infants. The result has been a modification of Piaget’s ideas, and some developmental scientists go so far as to say that his ideas have been overturned. Here’s a sampling of these critiques:

1. Cognitive abilities develop in continuous, overlapping waves rather than discrete steps or stages. If you observe children at different ages, as Piaget did, it will seem that they reason differently. But if you study the everyday learning of children at any given age, you will find that a child may use several different strategies to solve a problem, some more complex or accurate than others (Siegler, 2006). Learning occurs gradually,

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Table 12.1 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development Stage

Characteristics

Sensorimotor stage

Learning through concrete actions such as looking and touching

Preoperational stage

Increased use of symbols, but still failure to understand abstract principles

Concrete operations

Mental abilities tied to actual experiences rather than abstract reasoning

Formal operations

Ability for abstract thought and drawing logical conclusions

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Gavin Hellier/Robertharding/Newscom

Development Over the Lifespan

Experience and culture shape cognitive and neural development (Qu et al., 2020). As just one example, children who work with clay, wood, and other materials, such as this young potter in India, tend to understand the concept of conservation sooner than children who have not had this kind of experience.

conservation The understanding that the physical properties of an object, such as the number of items in a cluster or the amount of liquid in a glass, can remain the same even when its form or appearance changes.

Zak Waters/Alamy Stock Photo

374 Chapter 12 with retreats to former ways of thinking as well as advances to new ones. Children’s reasoning ability also depends on the circumstances—who is asking them questions, the specific words used, and what they are reasoning about—not just on the stage they are in. In short, cognitive development is continuous; new abilities do not simply pop up when a child turns a certain age (Courage & Howe, 2002; Golenia et al., 2017), nor does cognitive development stop once we hit 12 years of age.

2. Preschoolers are not as egocentric as Piaget thought. Most 3- and 4-yearolds can take another person’s perspective (Flavell, 1999; Hahn & Garrett, 2017). For example, one preschooler we know showed her teacher a picture she had drawn of a cat and an unidentifiable blob. “The cat is lovely,” Piaget’s formal operations stage seems to group 13-yearsaid the teacher, “but what is this thing here?” “That has nothing to do olds and adults into the same cognitive category. But with you,” said the child. “That’s what the cat is looking at.” many societies maintain different justice systems and By about ages 3 to 4, children also start asking why other people punishments for juvenile offenders, reflecting the belief behave as they do (“Why is Johnny so mean?”). In short, they are develthat an early teen who commits a crime is not as culpable oping theory of mind, a system of beliefs about how other people’s minds as an adult who does so. In fact, the U.S. Supreme Court work and how people are affected by their beliefs and emotions. They begin continues to grapple with the degree to which juvenile to use verbs like think and know, and by age 4, they understand that what offenders should be treated differently than adults, often another person thinks might not match their own knowledge. In one typical drawing upon psychological research regarding the cogniexperiment, a child watched as another child placed a ball in the closet and tive development of adolescents in that process (Albert et al., 2013; Steinberg, 2007). left the room. An adult then entered and moved the ball into a basket. The 3-year-olds predicted that when the other child returned, he would look for the ball in the basket because that is where the 3-year-old knew it was. But 4-year-olds theory of mind said that the child would look in the closet, where he placed the ball (Wellman et al., 2001). A system of beliefs about the way Remarkably, early aspects of theory of mind are present in infancy: Babies age the minds of others work and how 15 months are surprised when they realize that an adult has a false or pretend belief individuals are affected by their beliefs (Luo & Baillargeon, 2010). The ability to understand that people can have erroneous and feelings. beliefs is a milestone because it means the child is beginning to question how we know things—the foundation for later higher-order thinking (Moll et al., 2016).

3. Children, even infants, reveal other cognitive abilities much earlier than Piaget believed possible. Taking advantage of the fact that infants look longer at novel or surprising stimuli than at familiar ones, psychologists have designed delightfully innovative methods of testing what babies know. These methods—many of which were not used widely in Piaget’s day—reveal that babies may be born with mental modules or knowledge systems for numbers, spatial relations, and other features of the physical world (Kibbe & Leslie, Figure 12.2 Testing Infants’ Knowledge 2011; Schulze & Tomasello, 2015; Scott & Baillargeon, 2013). For example, at only 4 months of age, babies will look longer at a ball if it seems Possible event to roll through a solid barrier or hang in midair than they will when the ball obeys the laws of physics. This suggests that the unusual event is surprising to them (see Figure 12.2). Infants as young as 3 months are aware that objects continue to exist even when masked by other objects, a form of object permanence that Piaget never imagined possible in babies so young (Baillargeon, 2004). And, most devastating of all to Piaget’s notion of infant egocentrism, even 3-month-old infants are able to perceive other people’s actions as Impossible event being intentional; they detect when a person is reaching for a toy with their hand rather than accidentally touching it with a stick. At that tender age, they are obviously not yet skilled at intentionally reaching for objects. But when experimenters put their little hands in “sticky mittens”—covered with Velcro—the babies actually learned to distinguish the intentional versus accidental reaches of others (Sommerville et al., 2005; Woodward, 2009). In this clever procedure, a baby watches as a box 4. Cognitive development is influenced by a child’s culture (Heiphetz & Oishi, 2022). One of Piaget’s contemporaries, Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934), famously is pushed from left to right along a platform. The box is pushed until it reaches the end of the disagreed with Piaget by emphasizing the sociocultural influences on children’s cogniplatform (a possible event) or until only a bit of tive development. Vygotsky (1962) wrote that children develop mental representations it rests on the platform (an impossible event). of the world through culture, language, and the environment, and that adults play a Babies look longer at the impossible event, major role in this process by constantly guiding and teaching their children. As a result, suggesting that it surprises them. Somehow, he said, instead of going through fixed stages, a child’s cognitive development may prothey know that an object needs physical support and cannot just float on air (Baillargeon, 1994). ceed in any number of directions. Indeed, research has found that culture—the world of

Development Over the Lifespan

language, rituals, beliefs, and social institutions—structures children’s cognitive development, fostering some abilities and not others (Tomasello, 2014). Thus, nomadic hunters excel in spatial abilities because spatial orientation is crucial for finding water holes and successful hunting routes. In contrast, children who live in settled agricultural communities, such as the Baoulé of the Ivory Coast, tend to develop more rapidly in the ability to quantify but more slowly in spatial reasoning. Despite these criticisms, it is important to note that Piaget has left an enduring legacy: the insight that children are not passive vessels into which education and experience are simply poured. Children actively interpret their worlds, using their developing abilities to assimilate new information and figure things out. And perhaps his greatest impact of all? Inspiring generations of researchers to focus on the cognitive aspects of human development. Contemporary researchers who study questions related to how children think—and how thought processes develop over the lifespan—may disagree with some of Piaget’s basic assumptions and conclusions, but their work continues to address many issues that Piaget first brought to the forefront of the field a century ago.

12.2.B Language Learning Objective 12.2.B List the milestones of language development that occur in the first 6 years of life. Try to read this sentence aloud: Kamaunawezakusomamanenohayawewenimtuwamaanasana. Can you tell where one word begins and another ends? Unless you know Swahili, the syllables of this sentence will sound like gibberish.1 To a baby learning its native tongue, every sentence must be gibberish at first. How, then, does an infant pick out discrete syllables and words from the jumble of sounds in the environment, much less figure out what the words mean? And how is it that within a few years, children not only understand thousands of words but can also produce and understand an endless number of new word combinations? To answer, we must first appreciate that a language is not just any communication system; it is a set of rules for combining inherently meaningless elements into utterances that convey meaning. The elements are usually sounds, but they can also be the gestures of American Sign Language (ASL) and other manual languages that deaf and hearing-impaired people use. Because of language, we can refer not only to the here and now, but also to past and future events and to things or people who are not present. Furthermore, language, whether spoken, signed, or written, allows human beings to express and comprehend an infinite number of novel utterances, created on the spot. This ability is critical; except for a few fixed phrases (“How are you?” “Be right back!”), most of the utterances we produce or hear over a lifetime are new. How in the world do we manage this? Many psychological scientists believe that an innate facility for language evolved in human beings because it was extraordinarily beneficial (Pinker, 1994). It permitted our prehistoric ancestors to convey precise information about time, space, and events (as in “Honey, are you going on the mammoth hunt today?”) and allowed them to negotiate alliances that were necessary for survival (“If you share your water and berries with us, we’ll share our mammoth with you.”). Language may also have developed because it forges social bonds (Dunbar, 2004; Tomasello, 2003). Just as other primates will clean, stroke, and groom one another for hours as a sign of affection and connection, human friends will sit for hours—in person or virtually—and chat over coffee. At one time, the leading theory held that children acquired language by imitating adults and paying attention when adults corrected their mistakes. Then along came linguist Noam

LANGUAGE: BUILT IN OR LEARNED?

1 Kama unaweza kusoma maneno haya, wewe ni mtu wa maana sana, in Swahili, means “If you can read these words, you are a remarkable person.”

language A system that combines elements such as sounds or gestures to form structured utterances that convey meaning.

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376 Chapter 12 Chomsky (1957, 1980), who argued that language was far too complex to be learned bit by bit, as one might learn a list of world capitals. Because no one actually teaches us grammar when we are toddlers, said Chomsky, the human brain must contain an innate mental module—a universal grammar—that allows young children to develop language as long as they are exposed to an adequate sampling of conversation. Their brains are sensitive to the core features common to all languages, such as nouns and verbs, subjects and objects, and negatives (Baker, 2001; Nevins et al., 2009). In English, for example, even 2-year-olds use syntax to help them acquire new verbs in context: They understand that “Jane blicked the baby!” involves two people, but the use of the same verb in “Jane blicked!” involves only Jane (Dautriche et al., 2014; Yuan & Fisher, 2009). Evidence for Chomsky’s theory that humans have an innate mental module for language comes from several directions. First, children in different cultures go through similar stages of linguistic development, combining words in ways that adults never would. They reduce a parent’s sentence (“Let’s go to the store!”) to their own two-word version (“Go store!”) and make many charming errors that an adult would not (“The alligator goed kerplunk.”) (Marcus et al., 1992). Adults do not consistently correct their These deaf Nicaraguan children have invented their own children’s syntax, yet children learn to speak correctly anyway. The 2-yeargrammatically complex sign language, one that is unrelated to Spanish or to any conventional gestural language old who says, “Want milk!” is likely to get it; most parents would not wait (Senghas et al., 2004). for a more grammatical (or polite) request. Most compelling, deaf children who have never learned a standard language, either signed or spoken, have invented their own sign languages out of thin air, and these languages often show similarities in sentence structure across countries as varied as the United States, Taiwan, Spain, and Turkey (Fay et al., 2014; Goldin-Meadow, 2015). One astounding case comes from Nicaragua, where a group of deaf children created a homegrown but grammatically complex sign language that is unrelated to Spanish (Senghas et al., 2004). Scientists have had a unique opportunity to observe the evolution of this language as it developed from a few simple signs to a full-blown linguistic system. However, in the last decade, some psycholinguists have taken aim at Chomsky’s view, suggesting that the assumption of a universal grammar is wrong (M Dunn et al., 2011; Hinzen, 2014; Tomasello, 2003). Culture, some would argue, and not an innate grammar, is the primary determinant of a language’s linguistic structure. While parents may not go around correcting their children’s speech all day, they do recast and expand their children’s clumsy sentences (“Monkey climbing!” “Yes, the monkey is climbing the tree.”). Some scientists argue that instead of inferring grammatical rules because of an innate disposition to do so, children learn the probability that any given word or syllable will follow another (Seidenberg et al., 2002). Because so many word combinations are used repeatedly (“Pick up your socks!” “Come to dinner!”), youngsters seem able to track short word-sequence frequencies, which in turn teaches them not only vocabulary, but also syntax (Arnon & Clark, 2011). Almost all psychologists agree that language development depends on both biological readiness and social experience. Children who are not exposed to language during their early years rarely speak normally or catch up grammatically. Such evidence suggests a critical period in language development during the first years of life. During this time, children need exposure to language and opportunities to practice their emerging linguistic skills in conversation with others. For much the same reason, it is far easier to learn a second language when we’re young than when we’re older, as many of us have come to learn as adults (Norrman & Bylund, 2015). Let’s consider how these linguistic skills develop. The acquisition of language may begin in the womb. Canadian psychologists tested newborn babies’ preference for hearing English or Tagalog (a major language of the Philippines) by measuring the number of times the babies sucked on a rubber nipple—a measure of babies’ interest in a stimulus—while hearing each language alternating during a 10-minute span. Babies whose mothers spoke only English during pregnancy showed a clear preference for English by sucking more when English was

FROM COOING TO COMMUNICATING

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spoken. Those whose bilingual mothers spoke both languages showed equal preference for the two languages (Byers-Heinlein et al., 2010; Fennell & Byers-Heinlein, 2014). Thus, infants are already responsive to the pitch, intensity, and sound of language, and they react to the emotions and rhythms in voices. Adults take advantage of these infant abilities by using infant-directed speech. When most people speak to babies, their pitch is higher and more varied than usual, and their intonation and emphasis on vowels are exaggerated. Parents all over the world do this. Adult members of the Shuar, a nonliterate hunter-gatherer culture in South America, can accurately distinguish American mothers’ infant-directed speech from their adult-directed speech just by tone (Bryant & Barrett, 2007). Such speech helps babies learn the melody and rhythm of their native language (Burnham et al., 2002).

Replication Check ✔ A recent wide-scale replication effort provided support for the conclusion that infants prefer infant-directed speech over adult-directed speech. Researchers from 67 developmental psychology labs collaborated on this project in which more than 2,300 infants ages 3 to 15 months were studied, just under half of whom were learning to master English and just over half of whom were learning a different language. Preference for infant-directed speech was strongest among the older infants and when the speech in question matched the infants’ native language. Multi-lab collaborations like this are an exciting development in the effort to produce replicable research findings. The name of this particular endeavor, which yielded a list of authors that spans three pages in the final published article? The ManyBabies Consortium (2020).

By 4 to 6 months of age, babies can often recognize their own names and other words that are regularly spoken with emotion, such as “mommy” and “daddy.” They also know many of the key consonant and vowel sounds of their native language and can distinguish such sounds from those of other languages (Kuhl et al., 1992). Then, over time, exposure to the baby’s native language reduces the child’s ability to perceive speech sounds that do not exist in their own language. Thus, Japanese infants can hear the difference between the English sounds la and ra, but older Japanese children cannot. Because this contrast does not exist in their language, they become insensitive to it. Between 6 months and 1 year, infants become increasingly familiar with the sound structure of their native language. They will listen longer to words that violate their expectations of what words should sound like and even to sentences that violate their expectations of how sentences should be structured (Jusczyk, 2002). They start to babble, making many “ba-ba” and “googoo” sounds, endlessly repeating sounds and syllables. At 7 months, they begin to remember words they have heard, but because they are also attending to the speaker’s intonation, speaking rate, and volume, they cannot always recognize the same word when different people speak it (Houston & Jusczyk, 2003). Then, by 10 months, they can suddenly do it—a remarkable leap forward in a brief period of time. At about 1 year of age (the timing varies considerably by child) children take another giant step: They start to name things: “Mama,” “Doggie,” “Truck.” Communication need not require speech, of course. At the end of the first year, babies develop a repertoire of symbolic gestures, to request something (smacking the lips for “food”), to describe objects (raising the arms for “big”), and to reply to questions (opening the palms for “I don’t know”). Children whose parents encourage them to use gestures acquire larger vocabularies, are better listeners, and are less frustrated in their efforts to communicate than children who are not encouraged to use gestures (Goodwyn & Acredolo, 1998; Rowe et al., 2008). When babies begin to speak, they continue to gesture along with their words, just as adults often gesture when talking. Parents, in turn, use gestures to capture their babies’ attention and teach them the meanings of words (Clark & Estigarribia, 2011; Özçalışkan et al., 2017). Yet another example of communication without words involves music. Even young infants remember melodies and move spontaneously to music (Trainor et al., 2004; Zentner & Eerola, 2010); many a caregiver has spent sleepless nights singing to an infant in the effort to put them to bed. Why? Because music, like language, forges social bonds. In one remarkable study, 5-month-old infants listened at home to a novel song either sung by a parent,

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Symbolic gestures emerge early!

telegraphic speech A child’s first word combinations, which omit unnecessary words.

sung by stranger on a video, or coming from a toy (Mehr et al., 2016). Later, the babies came to a research lab where they watched two videos of strangers singing either the newly familiar song or a different song. The infants stared longer at the video of the familiar song, but only when they had originally heard it from a parent (that is, not when they had heard the original from a stranger or a toy). This study indicates that music is yet another means of communicating social messages to young children, especially when generated in person by a caregiver. Returning to more traditional communication, between the ages of 18 months and 2 years, toddlers begin to produce phrases in two- or three-word combinations (“Mama here,” “go away bug,” “my toy”). A child’s first combinations of words have been described as telegraphic speech. Back in the days when people had to pay for every word in a telegram, they quickly learned to drop unnecessary articles (a, an, or the) and auxiliary verbs (is or are), much like today’s adults drop words and letters to get under the character limit on Twitter. Similarly, the two-word sentences of toddlers omit articles, word endings, auxiliary verbs, and other parts of speech, yet these sentences are remarkably accurate in conveying meaning. Children use two-word sentences to locate things (“there dog”), make demands (“more fruit”), negate actions (“no want”), describe events (“car go”), show possession (“Mama car”), and ask questions (“where Daddy?”). Not too shabby for a little kid, right? By the age of 6, the average child has a vocabulary of thousands of words they say (and thousands more that they understand), meaning that children acquire, on average, several new words a day! They absorb new words as they hear them, inferring their meaning from their knowledge of grammatical contexts and from the social contexts in which they hear the words used (Golinkoff & Hirsh-Pasek, 2006). Children also come to some conclusions about adult speech that we might not intend. For example, recent research by Kelsey Moty and Marjorie Rhodes (2021) indicates that when 4- to 6-year-olds hear generic statements about social groups like “boys play sports” or “girls are smart,” they often make (understandable)

What is the relationship between screen time and language development (or between screen time and other important psychological trajectories)? These questions have become increasingly important in our current digital age (Barr, 2019). • Language Development – In a recent meta-analysis including nearly 19,000 toddler participants, Sheri Madigan and colleagues (2020) found that greater levels of daily screen use were negatively associated with children’s language skills. The results weren’t all bad news for screen time, though, as watching educational programming or co-viewing with caregivers were positive predictors of language skills. • Cognitive Skills – Bi Ying Hu and colleagues (2020) analyzed data from 579 five-year-olds in Guangdong, China. They differentiated between passive screen time that requires little user interaction (like watching television) and active screen time that allows for interactivity and engagement (like using a tablet or computer). Whereas passive screen time was negatively correlated with math achievement, science performance, and executive functioning, active screen time was positively related to science and language skills. • Psychological Well-Being – Studies of older children often focus on potential links between screen time and indicators of well-being (Orben & Przybylski, 2019; Rodman et al., 2021; Sewall et al., 2022). For example, Fors and Barch (2019) analyzed data from more than 4,500 children ages 9–11 and found that increased anxiety levels were associated with higher rates of video game play and video chatting, but not with other forms of electronic media use. • Conclusions – The relationship between screen time and any developmental outcome is likely to be a complex one that depends on type of media, age of child, parental involvement, and other individual differences. Screens aren’t inherently good or bad; it’s what we do with them that matters. After all, many of you are reading these words on a screen, and research has shown that this fact alone won’t determine how well you do when you take your next exam (Shin et al., 2021; Sommers et al., 2019)!

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assumptions about unmentioned groups: that girls must not play sports, or that boys probably aren’t so smart. When people talk, children listen—often more than we realize! All in all, the rapid development of language over a relatively short period of time during childhood is remarkable when you stop to think about it, and reflects both biological (innate) and environmental (learned) influences.

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JOURNAL 12.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER In most psychological experiments, if researchers wanted to know someone’s opinions, thoughts, or reactions, they would simply ask that person. That strategy doesn’t work so well with infants. What behaviors can researchers measure to infer what an infant is thinking about or noticing? How can we verify that our inferences are accurate?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 12.2 to test your knowledge.

12.3 Moral Development You’ve probably heard people refer to their child as “our little angel.” But clearly, children don’t always behave angelically! How do children come to tell right from wrong, resist the temptation to behave selfishly, and obey the rules of social conduct? Are these behaviors learned, or is there a genetic component to moral thinking? In this section, we’ll discuss these issues of moral development.

12.3.A Stages of Morality

In the 1960s, Lawrence Kohlberg (1964), inspired by Piaget’s work, argued that children’s ability to understand right and wrong evolved along with the rest of their cognitive abilities. To develop his model, Kohlberg asked people for their assessments of a series of ethical dilemmas. For example, one described a husband who couldn’t afford a drug that would save his dying wife; when the chemist who created it refused to sell it at a reduced but still profitable price, the husband broke into the lab and stole it. Kohlberg was less interested in whether respondents sided with the husband or the chemist than he was in the reasoning underlying their impressions. Kohlberg’s model proposed that people progress through three levels of moral reasoning in thinking about dilemmas such as this. Very young children, he suggested, tend to obey rules not because of some sort of personal moral code, but rather because they fear being punished if they disobey. Children exhibiting this first, preconventional level of morality might respond to the dilemma above by saying that the husband should not steal because stealing will land him in prison. Then at about age 10, according to Kohlberg, moral judgments shift to ones based on conformity and the approval of others, as well as a respect for the rule of law. Children at this conventional level of morality might suggest that the husband should steal the drug out of loyalty to his wife or that he shouldn’t do it because stealing is against the law. Finally, Kohlberg suggested that by adulthood, some—but not all—individuals progress to a postconventional level of morality based on abstract principles, standards, and concern for universal human rights. In this stage, a respondent might suggest that the husband should steal the Psychologists are interested in how children come to obey (or disdrug because human life is more valuable than property rights. See obey) rules, think about right and wrong, and develop a sense of morality (Killen & Dahl, 2021). Table 12.2 for a summary of Kohlberg’s stage model.

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Learning Objective 12.3.A Explain and critique Kohlberg’s stage model of moral development.

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Kohlberg (1964) identified three major categories of moral development through which he proposed some (but not all) individuals progress. Level

What Is Right?

Reasons for Doing Right

Associated Characteristics

Preconventional morality

Following rules, obedience for its own sake

To avoid punishment or the disapproval of authorities

Egocentric view and tendency for concrete, literal perspective

Conventional morality

Living up to roles, duties, expectations, and the general notion of “being good”

Caring for others, to meet obligations, the desire to be viewed by others (and the self) as a good person

Focus on relationships with other people and putting oneself in the other person’s shoes

Postconventional morality

Following self-chosen ethical principles, regardless of what laws or authority figures demand

To do the greatest good for the greatest number and to uphold abstract moral principles

Emphasis on objective impartiality, due process, and the challenges of integrating moral and legal points of view

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Table 12.2 Kohlberg’s Moral Development Model

How do children internalize moral rules? How do they learn that cheating, stealing, and grabbing a sibling’s toy are wrong?

As with other stage models, Kohlberg’s model of moral development has also received its share of criticism. The studies from which it was derived relied upon hypothetical and often relatively unfamiliar scenarios. Some have also suggested that Kohlberg’s conclusions were based on data from a relatively narrow range of samples. Most famously, Carol Gilligan (1982), who once worked with Kohlberg, argued that his model was disproportionately based on responses from male participants, overlooking the emphasis that women and other individuals often place on connectedness and interpersonal relationships. For example, consider our postconventional moralist above, who argued that property rights pale in comparison to the need to preserve human life. Kohlberg would’ve considered this an example of the highest level of moral thinking. But Gilligan argued that a similarly nuanced and insightful take could be that the husband should not steal because then he will go to prison, be unable to help his wife in the future, and be unable to support the rest of the family should she die. Here is a viewpoint that recognizes long-term relationship consequences—one that Kohlberg’s model would not have deemed to have reached the highest, postconventional level, but one that Gilligan believed was just as sophisticated a moral view on the situation. Kohlberg was right that moral reasoning skills increase during a child’s school years but, unfortunately, so do cheating, lying, cruelty, and the cognitive ability to rationalize these actions. Accordingly, developmental psychologists today place greater emphasis on how children learn to regulate their own emotions and behavior (Mischel, 2014). Most children learn to inhibit their wishes to beat up their younger siblings, steal a classmate’s toy, or scream at the top of their lungs if they don’t get their way. The child’s emerging ability to understand right from wrong, and to behave accordingly, depends on the emergence of conscience and moral emotions such as shame, guilt, and empathy (Kochanska et al., 2005; Ongley & Malti, 2014). Another focus of contemporary developmental science is when and how children learn to recognize and explain social inequalities and other forms of systematic exclusion (Elenbaas et al., 2020). By better understanding the development of how people think about and respond to such disparities, researchers hope to help foster a more just society. Interestingly, though, not all moral behavior and thinking seem to be learned. Yes, young children obey rules because they are afraid of what will happen to them if they don’t, but they also do so because they understand right from wrong. By age 5, they already know it is wrong to hurt someone even if a teacher tells them to (Turiel, 2014). For that matter, in studies in which babies are given different characters to see which one they reach for first, 6-month-old infants have been found to show preference for those they see helping others versus those they see hindering others, demonstrating awareness (and appreciation) of moral, prosocial behavior from a very young age (Hamlin et al., 2007). Findings like these suggest that a capacity for understanding right from wrong may have an inborn component. Evolutionary psychologists argue that this “moral sense” underlies the basic beliefs, judgments, and behavior that are considered moral almost everywhere and that it originated in cooperative, altruistic strategies that permitted our ancestors to resolve conflicts and get along (Bloom, 2013; Delton et al., 2011; Krebs, 2008).

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12.3.B Getting Children to Be Good Learning Objective 12.3.B Describe the roles played by parenting style and selfregulation in moral development. Early experiences with parental modeling and discipline also shape the development of a sense of morality. When you did something wrong as a child, did the adults in your family spank you? Shout at you? Threaten you with punishment? Try to explain the error of your ways? In the effort to enforce moral standards and good behavior, some parents and other caregivers rely on power assertion, which includes physical punishment, depriving the child of privileges, and generally taking advantage of being bigger, stronger, and having the upper hand. Of course, every parent has at one time or another in life fallen back on the line “Because I say so!” But for some caregivers, power assertion is a more chronic tendency. When power assertion consists of bullying, cruel insults (“You are so ugly,” “I wish you’d never been born”), and frequent physical punishment, it is associated with greater aggressiveness and reduced empathy in children (Alink et al., 2009; Kochanska et al., 2015). Physical punishment often backfires, especially when it is used harshly, spiraling out of control and causing the child to become angry and resentful. Moreover, aggressive parents teach their children that the way to discipline children is by behaving aggressively (Capaldi et al., 2003). What is the alternative? In contrast to power assertion, a parent can use induction, appealing to the child’s own abilities, empathy, and sense of responsibility (“You made Doug cry; it’s not nice to bite.” “You must never poke anyone’s eyes because that could really hurt them.”). Or the parent might appeal to the child’s own helpful inclinations (“I know you’re a person who likes to be nice to others.”) rather than citing external reasons to be good (“You’d better be nice or you won’t get dessert.”). More generally, psychologists have devised models for classifying parenting styles, as well as studies to compare the outcomes of these different styles. In one early but still influential model, Diane Baumrind (1966) described three major parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive (sometimes also referred to as indulgent parenting). More recent work has added a fourth category of neglectful or uninvolved parenting. Of course, determining the relationship between parental tendency and child behavior is not always easy. For example, if a child with a permissive parent engages in troubling behavior, it can be difficult to determine whether the parenting style enabled such behavior or the child’s behavior led to more permissive parenting—or some combination of both (Li et al., 2019). For more on parenting style and its consequences, visit Revel and watch a video on parenting. So what do we know about general parenting style and moral development? For one, the authoritarian parent—who relies on strict obedience to absolute rules—is more likely to practice power assertion in trying to shape behavior. The authoritative parent, on the other hand, who seeks a balance between authority and autonomy, is more likely to set limits but also to share the reasons for those limits and permit some back-and-forth negotiation. Research tends to indicate benefits of such a firm but democratic style. As one example, studies report that bullying is less likely among children of authoritative parents, compared to other common parenting styles (Gómez-Ortiz et al., 2016; Lereya et al., 2013). With caregiver help, as well as on their own, children acquire social-emotional skills, one of the most important of which is the ability to control their immediate impulses and wishes. In particular, they need to learn to delay gratification to gain later benefits. One classic investigation of delayed gratification used what has become known as the “marshmallow test”: Preschoolers were offered a choice between eating one marshmallow right away or having two marshmallows if they could wait a few minutes while the experimenter stepped out of the room (Mischel et al., 1989). Many similar studies have been conducted since, including follow-ups on what became of the children in the original experiments. The results indicate that children who are able to resist the single marshmallow (or other prize) in favor of getting a larger reward later tend to be somewhat better able to control negative emotions, pay attention to whatever task is at hand, and succeed in school. Indeed, the early ability to postpone gratification can predict positive tendencies related to health and well-being a decade or more later (Falk et al., 2020; Mischel, 2014; Watts et al., 2018).

power assertion A method of childrearing in which the parent or other caregiver uses punishment and authority to correct misbehavior.

induction A method of childrearing in which the parent appeals to the child’s own abilities, sense of responsibility, and feelings for others in correcting misbehavior.

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(2)

(3)

Being good, like so many other behaviors in life, needs to be learned. (1) Power assertion is the use of physical force, threats, insults, or other kinds of power to get the child to obey (“Do it because I say so!” “Stop that right now!”). The child may obey, but only when the caregiver is present—and the child often comes to feel resentful. (2) The caregiver who uses induction appeals to the child’s good nature, empathy, and sense of responsibility to others and offers explanations of rules (“You’re too grown up to behave like that.” “Fighting hurts your little brother.”). The child tends to internalize reasons for good behavior. (3) Children’s ability to regulate their impulses and delay gratification is a major milestone in the development of conscience and moral behavior.

Where does this skill come from? Partly from temperament and personality, as children who can control their emotions and impulses usually do so across situations (de Ridder et al., 2012; Raffaelli et al., 2005). And partly from learning, as young people can learn to improve their ability to delay gratification by focusing on the later benefits, by distracting themselves from thinking about the appealing prize, and by mentally “cooling” the hot, appealing features of the prize (e.g., by imagining the marshmallow as a cloud or a little cotton ball, rather than as a sweet treat). It is also important to note that delaying gratification is far easier when the future payoff is certain. For individuals who live in poverty or other chaotic circumstances, it is more challenging—and perhaps less advisable—to defer an immediate reward for the prospects of a future reward that may or may not arrive as promised. Children also learn about self-control by thinking about and observing those around them (Koomen et al., 2020). In a recent version of the marshmallow test, Sabine Doebel and Yuko Munakata (2018) assigned 3- to 5-year-olds to be on the “green team” for the study, telling them how great their team was and giving them a special green T-shirt to wear. The children were then told that other green team kids had passed up on the single marshmallow so that they could have two marshmallows later, but the orange team kids, on the other hand, had impatiently eaten the single marshmallows. This social information led children to exhibit greater self-control, waiting patiently like the other green teamers had. When the children were told that the other green kids hadn’t waited for two marshmallows, but the orange team kids had waited? Now they, too, showed less self-control and became less likely to wait (Doebel & Munakata, 2018). Recent research indicates that children’s concerns about making a good impression on certain people also influence whether or not they delay gratification. Ma and colleagues (2020) found that 3- and 4-year-olds were most likely to exhibit self-control in front of a teacher, somewhat less likely in front of a peer, and least likely in front of a stranger from the research team.

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What About You? If a family member sent you a gift 1 week before your birthday, would you wait until the actual date to open it?

Development Over the Lifespan

More generally, parental treatment is a major influence on children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development (Davis-Kean et al., 2021; Meyer & Wissemann, 2020). One longitudinal study of 106 preschoolers explored the links among parental discipline, the child’s self-control, and the emergence of conscience (Kochanska & Knaack, 2003). How do researchers measure a concept as abstract as conscience? In this study, children were shown pairs of puppets who offered contradictory statements about their own moral tendencies. For example, one puppet might “say,” “When I’m by myself, I don’t do things Mom says not to do.” The other puppet might say, “Sometimes, when I’m by myself, I do things Mom says not to do.” The children then had to point to the puppet from each pair that was more like them. The researchers found that the children who were most able to regulate their impulses early in life were the most likely to have a high conscience score on this task. They also turned out to be the least likely to get in trouble later on by fighting or being destructive. Once again, parenting style matters, too. In this same study, those children with mothers who ordered their children to behave—that is, who relied on power assertion—tended to be more impulsive and aggressive. As we noted earlier, though, cause and effect can work in both directions. Some mothers relied on power assertion because their children were impulsive, defiant, and would not listen to them. This pattern of findings reminds us one more time to avoid oversimplifying by concluding either that “It’s because of the parents” or that “It’s all because of the child’s personality.” Caregivers and children, it seems, raise each other.

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JOURNAL 12.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER How do you think you would have performed on the marshmallow test when you were in preschool? Would you have been able to resist the temptation of one marshmallow now for the promise of two marshmallows later? Do you think your ability to delay gratification has remained consistent as you’ve gotten older, or have your tendencies along these lines changed at all? Today, are there some areas where you are better than others at delaying gratification?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 12.3 to test your knowledge.

12.4 Gender Development When they learned a baby girl was on the way, two of our psychologist friends took a scientific approach to naming her. First, they consulted lists of the 100 most popular names over the past several years and selected those between 51 and 100; they wanted popular, but not too popular. Then they narrowed the list to names that were gender-neutral, such as Chris or Morgan, and asked a sample of friends to rate both the familiarity and femininity of a large set of names. When the data were analyzed (and the parents weighed in with their own preferences), their daughter Casey finally had her name. But then something interesting happened. Casey was born without a lot of hair, and her parents shied away from early ear-piercing, ribbons and bows, or pink clothing. Within the first year of her life, strangers would comment “What a darling little fellow!” or “Hi there, buddy,” assuming that this child, devoid of many typical gender markers, must be a boy. The efforts to give Casey a fair start in life, with a gender-neutral name that wouldn’t immediately activate people’s stereotypical assumptions about girls, didn’t stop people from assuming that a baby without long hair or pink clothes must be a boy. Psychological scientists have increasingly turned their attention to understanding what it means to be a “girl” or a “boy,” to the processes underlying a variety of gender identities and expressions, and to all that goes into how we tend to classify ourselves and each other. In terms of gender development, some of the primary questions are these: How soon do children notice that there are different assigned sexes? How do children learn

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384 Chapter 12 the so-called rules of femininity and masculinity, including the things that “girls do” and those that “boys do”? What are the biological, cognitive, and learning factors that shape our gender development?

12.4.A Gender Identity Learning Objective 12.4.A Distinguish among assigned sex, gender identity, gender typing, and sexual orientation.

gender identity A fundamental sense of self­ identification as a woman, man, neither, or other classifications outside of this binary.

gender typing The process by which children learn the abilities, interests, and behaviors associated with femininity and masculinity in their culture.

transgender An adjective referring to people whose gender identity does not align with their sex assigned at birth.

cisgender An adjective referring to people whose gender identity aligns with their sex assigned at birth.

Let’s start by clarifying some terms. Psychologists distinguish between the terms sex and gender. “Sex” is typically assigned at birth and based on apparent physiological or anatomical attributes, and is often referred to using the terms female and male. “Gender” refers to a social identity: attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that are learned. Thus, psychologists might speak of a sex difference in the frequency of baldness, but gender differences in average fondness for romance novels or mixed-martial arts matches. Of course, as we have noted repeatedly in this text, nature and nurture are inextricably linked (Roughgarden, 2004). But critical thinkers define their terms carefully, and this means not using the terms sex and gender interchangeably. Another distinction of note: Gender identity refers to a person’s sense of being a woman, man, neither, gender-fluid, or other classifications outside of this binary. Gender typing is the process of socializing children into their gender roles and thus reflects society’s ideas about which abilities, interests, traits, and behaviors are “appropriately” feminine or masculine. A person can have a strong gender identity and not be gender typed: A woman may be confident in her femaleness and not feel threatened by doing “unfeminine” things such as serving in combat; a man may be confident in his maleness and not feel threatened by doing “unmasculine” things such as needlepointing. The question with which we open this chapter asks you whether you were ever teased as a child for wanting to play with or do things that were viewed as “inappropriate” for your apparent gender. In other words, this question—to which we will return shortly—is about gender typing. Previous editions of this (and other) textbooks typically offered a definition of gender identity that implied (or stated directly) an either/or nature to gender. As in: Girl or boy? Woman or man? But gender is not that simple, a conclusion reflected in contemporary psychological research (Hyde et al., 2019; Morgenroth & Ryan, 2021). Some women and some men identify more strongly with their gender than do others; some people consider themselves to be gender fluid or prefer the pronoun they to either he or she. And many individuals are transgender, a term describing a broad category of people who do not identify with the sex to which they were assigned at birth (as opposed to cisgender individuals, whose gender identity aligns with their assigned sex). Some transgender people feel uncomfortable in or distressed by their gender of rearing and consider themselves members of another gender, in some instances taking hormonal and surgical steps to change their physical appearance. Increasingly, psychologists devote attention to developmental questions such as what factors predict when gendernonconforming children engage in social transitions, such as changing their hairstyle, clothing, pronouns, or name to match to an identified gender rather than an assigned sex (deMayo et al., 2022; Rae et al., 2019). The past few years have also witnessed a surge in attention to transgender issues in the media, politics, and pop culture, as detailed in the photo gallery below. One question for future research will be the degree to which these popular depictions of trans individuals shape public attitudes and prejudices. But arguably even more important is the growing body of research on factors contributing to positive mental health outcomes for transgender individuals, a population at elevated risk for bullying, violence, social stress, and alcohol and drug use (Reisner et al., 2015; Thoma et al., 2021; Valentine & Shipherd, 2018). For example, recent research indicates that multiple types of social support can mitigate some of these challenges and predict well-being among transgender people, including parental support, general social support, and more specific connectedness to the trans community (Bränström, & Pachankis, 2021; Seibel et al., 2018; Sherman et al., 2020).

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Gender Identity in the Media

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(1) For many years, popular media depictions of individuals whose gender identity or appearance did not feat neatly into a “traditional” binary of woman/man were usually played for comedic effect. But 1999’s Boys Don’t Cry was a landmark film in its portrayal of the real-life story of Brandon Teena—portrayed by Hilary Swank—a transgender man who was brutally victimized by a hate crime in Nebraska. (2) In the years since, the viewing public has become more familiar with several trans regulars on television shows—some fictional, such as Sophia Burset (played by Laverne Cox) on Orange Is the New Black. (3) Former Olympian Caitlyn Jenner came out as a transgender woman in 2015. Her story spawned the reality series, I Am Cait. (4) Asia Kate Dillon, shown here in character as Taylor Mason on Billions, became the first nonbinary gender identifying actor to be cast in a major television series in 2017. Dillon uses singular they pronouns.

Also related to issues of gender development is sexual orientation, a relatively enduring pattern of romantic or sexual attraction, usually characterized in terms of the gender(s) to which an individual is drawn. Examples include straight (women attracted to men or men attracted to women), gay (attracted to the same gender), bisexual (attracted to women and men), and pansexual (attracted to people of all genders). Researchers are currently addressing a variety of important psychological questions related to sexual orientation: What predicts how families respond after a child “comes out” as gay? (Positive predictors of family satisfaction include pre-existing flexibility, communication, and cohesion; Chrisler, 2017; Schneider et al., 2016). How are the developmental outcomes of children raised by same-gender couples similar to and different from those of children raised by mixed-gender couples? (In short, little to not at all, with no reliable differences emerging between either male–male or female–female couples; Patterson, 2017; Richards et al., 2016). And, of course, what factors determine and predict an individual’s sexual orientation? As we covered in Chapter 10, the answers to this developmental question typically include a combination of genetic, biological, and social factors.

sexual orientation A relatively enduring pattern of romantic or sexual attraction, usually characterized in terms of the gender(s) to which an individual is drawn (e.g., bisexual, gay, straight).

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12.4.B Influences on Gender Development Learning Objective 12.4.B Summarize the basic findings regarding biological, cognitive, and learning influences on gender identity and gender typing.

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To understand the typical course and variations of gender development, psychologists study the interacting influences of biology, cognition, and learning on gender identity and gender typing.

If research studies showed that boys were more likely than girls to want to dress up like and pretend to be construction workers or police officers, how might we explain this? Would it be a matter of biological differences such as the influence of prenatal sex hormones? The result of learned behavior from media and adult role models? Perhaps a combination of these explanations, or other reasons altogether?

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Starting in the preschool years, girls and boys congregate primarily with other children of their same apparent gender: left to their own devices, girls often choose to play with girls and boys choose to play with boys. The kind of play that young girls and boys enjoy also differs, at least on average. Compared to little girls, little boys, like young males in all primate species, are more likely to opt for physical roughhousing and aggressive displays; such differences occur all over the world (Lytton & Romney, 1991; Maccoby, 1998, 2002). Some parents lament that although they give their children the same toys, their daughters still want dolls and their sons still want trucks and guns. Of course, there is a great deal of within-group variation: Many boys love dolls, and one of your authors frequently includes in his lecture on gender development an extensive photo montage of his own daughters playing with and inside of dozens of planes, trains, boats, and other supposedly “masculine” vehicles. Biological scientists believe that these play and toy preferences have a basis in prenatal hormones, particularly the presence or absence of prenatal androgens (masculinizing hormones). Girls who were exposed to higher-than-normal prenatal androgens in the womb are later more likely than nonexposed girls to prefer “boys’ toys,” and they are also more physically aggressive than other girls (Berenbaum & Beltz, 2021; Martin & Dinella, 2012). A study of more than 200 healthy children in the general population also found a relationship between fetal testosterone and play styles. (Testosterone is produced in fetuses of both sexes, although it is higher on average in males.) The higher the levels of fetal testosterone, as measured in the amniotic fluid during pregnancy, the higher the children’s later scores on a measure of male-typical play (Auyeung et al., 2009). And in studies of rhesus monkeys, male monkeys, like human boys, often prefer to play with wheeled toys rather than cuddly plush toys, whereas female monkeys, like human girls, are more varied in their toy preferences (Hassett et al., 2008).

BIOLOGICAL INFLUENCES

COGNITIVE INFLUENCES Cognitive psychologists explain children’s gender segregation and toy and play preferences by studying children’s changing cognitive abilities. Even before babies can speak, they can discriminate people by apparent gender. By the age of 9 months, most babies can discriminate female faces from male faces (Leinbach & Fagot, 1993; Quinn et al., 2002) and they can match female faces with female voices (Poulin-Dubois et al., 1994). By 18 to 20 months, most toddlers have a concept of gender labels (Zosuls et al., 2009). After children start labeling themselves and others as being girls or boys, they often change their behavior to conform to the category with which they identify. Many begin to prefer samegender playmates and gender-traditional toys without being explicitly taught to do so (Halim et al., 2014; Martin et al., 2002). They become more gender typed in their toy play, games, and aggressiveness than children who still cannot consistently label girls and boys. By about age 5, most children have developed a stable genLook familiar? In a scene typical of many homes and schools, the girl der identity. Only then do they understand that what girls and is playing with dolls and the boy is playing with trucks. Whether or boys do does not necessarily indicate what sex or gender they not such behavior is biologically based, the gender rigidity of the early are: A girl doesn’t stop being a girl if she can throw a football, years does not inevitably continue into adulthood unless cultural rules reinforce it. and a boy remains a boy even if he has long hair. At this age,

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children consolidate their knowledge, with all of its mistakes and misconceptions, into a gender schema, a mental network of beliefs and expectations about what it means to be a girl or a boy and about what girls and boys are “supposed” to wear, do, feel, and think (Bem, 1993; Martin & Ruble, 2004; Todd et al., 2017). Gender schemas are most rigid between ages 5 and 7; at this age, it’s really hard to dislodge a child’s notion of what girls and boys can do (Martin et al., 2002). Gender schemas even include metaphors. After age 4, children will usually say that soft, flowery, or fuzzy things are female and rough, spiky, or mechanical things are male; that pink poodles are female and black bears are male (Leinbach et al., 1997). But the content of these schemas is not innate by any means. A hundred years ago, an article in Ladies’ Home Journal advised the opposite of what many people might think today: “Pink, being a more decided and stronger color, is more suitable for the boy, while blue, which is more delicate and dainty, is prettier for the girl” (Paoletti, 2012). The invention of gender-specific “rules” of clothing for babies and young children was a creation of late-20th-century marketing. Nonetheless, color has widespread influence on behavioral tendencies, with toddlers demonstrating an increased willingness to play with “gender atypical” toys when the color of that toy is more gender-typical (Wong & Hines, 2015)—for example, a pink motorcycle for girls or a blue cooking set for boys. Many people retain inflexible gender schemas throughout their lives. Unfortunately, some people feel uncomfortable or angry with women or men who break out of traditional roles, not to mention with nonbinary individuals who don’t fit either category or transgender individuals. However, with experience and cognitive sophistication, older children often become more flexible in their gender schemas, especially if their families and cultures encourage such flexibility (Martin & Ruble, 2004). Cultures and religions, too, differ in their gender schemas. In cultures where female education is prohibited in the name of religious law, many girls who attend school receive death threats and are targeted by vicious attacks. Gender schemas can be powerful and problematic, and events that challenge their legitimacy can be threatening to some. Another influence on gender development is the environment, which is full of subtle and not-so-subtle messages about what girls and boys are supposed to do (Sommers, 2011). Behavioral and social-cognitive learning theorists study how the process of socialization instills these messages in children (Eagly & Wood, 2013). They find that gender socialization begins at the moment of birth, with adults often responding to the same baby differently depending on the sex signaled by a baby’s clothing or the pitch of a crying baby’s voice (Reby et al., 2016; Shakin et al., 1985). (If you are curious, even though high-pitched cries are more likely to be attributed to girls and low-pitched cries to boys, there are no reliable sex differences in the pitch of a crying baby’s voice.) Parents, teachers, and other adults convey their beliefs and expectations about gender even when they are unaware that they are doing so (Kollmayer et al., 2018). When parents believe that girls are naturally better at English or interpersonal relationships and boys are naturally better at math or sports, they unwittingly communicate those beliefs by how they respond to a child’s success or failure. They may tell a daughter who did well in math, “Wow, you really worked hard in math, Carla, and it shows!” But if a son gets good grades, they may say, “You’re a natural math whiz, Carlo!” The implication is that girls have to try hard at math, but boys have a natural gift for it. Messages like these are not lost on children. Girls and boys tend to lose interest in activities that are supposedly not natural for them, even when they all start out with equal abilities (Dweck, 2006; Frome & Eccles, 1998). Again, recall the question we asked you at the start of this chapter, regarding being criticized when younger for wanting to play with or do things that were viewed as “inappropriate” for your apparent gender. Being teased in this manner is a direct and blatant

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gender schema A set of beliefs, knowledge, and expectations about what it means to be a girl or a boy (or a woman or a man).

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Messages About Gender

(1) Connecticut teenager Antonia Ayres-Brown started an online campaign to convince McDonald’s to stop automatically giving different toys to girls and boys who bought Happy Meals. After years of efforts, she finally received a letter from the company’s chief diversity officer stating that they would recommend that employees simply ask children which toy they would prefer without any reference to a “girls toy” or a “boys’ toy.” (2) In 2015, Amazon. com took steps toward gender neutrality by removing the labels “Girl Toys” and “Boy Toys” from its search filters. Target followed suit almost immediately and did the same in the labeling it uses in its physical stores, but other stores continue to use such gender labels. (3) In other instances, outcry has followed in response to specific instances of gendered messaging, such as when DC Comics licensed a shirt for girls that read “Training to be Batman’s wife,” which was sold in many stores alongside more traditional superhero shirts for boys. Walmart and other stores pulled the shirts from their shelves. (4) For many years, most female protagonists in children’s movies were depicted as beautiful and in need of rescuing, often by a muscular and heroic prince. Some more recent fare has included strong, independent female leads, such as Moana, who ultimately saves her people . . . and does so with no love interest in sight.

form of socialization. But other messages about gender expectations are subtler, as when the fast-food restaurant gives a fashion doll to girls who order a kids’ meal and a toy airplane to boys. Or when a disproportionate majority of strong characters with roles central to the plot in children’s movies are male rather than female. Again, kids pick up on these messages, sometimes even unconsciously. Luckily, awareness of these gendered messages seems to be heightening in many segments of today’s society, as detailed in the photo gallery above. Indeed, in today’s fast-moving world, society’s messages to women, men, and individuals of all genders—and parents’ messages to their children—keep evolving. Gender development has become a lifelong process, in which gender schemas, attitudes, and behavior change as people have new experiences and as society itself changes (Rosin, 2012). A 5-year-old child may behave in sexist ways while trying to figure out what it means to be a girl or a boy. Their behavior is shaped by a combination of hormones, genetics, schemas, social lessons, and cultural customs. But their gender-typed behavior as 5-year-olds usually has little to do with

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Courtesy of Crystal Smith

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Author Crystal Smith transcribed a number of commercials directed to girls (left) or boys (right) and made these “word clouds” out of the result. You can see how advertisers cater to exaggerated gender schemas.

how they will behave at 25 or 45. In fact, by early adulthood, women and men show virtually no average differences in cognitive abilities, personality traits, self-esteem, or psychological well-being (Hyde, 2007). In this manner, children can grow up in an extremely gender-typed family and yet, as adults, find themselves in careers or relationships or identities they would never have imagined for themselves.

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JOURNAL 12.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Sex versus gender. Gender identity versus gender typing. Gender identity versus sexual orientation. All of these pairs describe similar, yet distinct concepts. Pick one pair and explain, in your own words, what the difference is, citing specific, concrete examples to illustrate. Why is the distinction an important one?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 12.4 to test your knowledge.

12.5 Adolescence Adolescence refers to the period of development between the age at which a person becomes capable of sexual reproduction and adulthood. For most of human history, this time span has been considered to be only a few months. This view is still held in some cultures, where a sexually mature adolescent is expected to marry and assume adult tasks. In modern Western societies, however, teenagers are not considered emotionally mature enough to assume the full rights, responsibilities, and roles of adulthood. In this section, we’ll examine the ups and downs of adolescence, starting with changes in the body and then turning to changes in the mind. Kelsey McNeal/Freeform/Everett Collection

12.5.A The Physiology of Adolescence Learning Objective 12.5.A Outline the physiological changes that people experience during adolescence. In middle childhood (ages 6 to 12), children go through a period called adrenarche [a-DREN-ar-kee], when the adrenal glands begin pumping out hormones that affect brain development, most notably an androgen called DHEA (Campbell, 2011). These hormones divert glucose in the brain to foster the maturation of brain regions vital to interpreting social and emotional cues. Indeed, children’s brains during these years are at their most flexible and responsive to learning. Children become able to control their impulses, reason better, focus and plan for the future, and understand mortality and death. Typically, as children approach the end of middle childhood, they enter puberty, the age at which a person becomes capable of sexual reproduction.

In Western cultures, many young people move out of their parents’ house and start to live on their own for the first time, often on a college campus. This time of transition is marked by success and setback, trial and error. Many books, television shows, and movies have chronicled these ups and downs to dramatic and comic effect over the years, including the series Grownish, depicted here.

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Until puberty, human female and male bodies produce roughly the same levels of androgens (masculinizing hormones) and estrogens (feminizing hormones). But from A time in middle childhood when the adrenal glands begin producing the puberty on, the female body produces a higher level of estrogens than the male body adrenal hormone DHEA and other does and the male body produces a higher level of androgens than the female body hormones that affect cognitive and does. In the female body, the reproductive glands are the ovaries, which release eggs; in social development. the male body, the reproductive glands are the testes (testicles), which produce sperm. During puberty, these organs mature and the individual becomes capable of reproducpuberty tion. Signs of sexual maturity in the female body are the development of breasts and The age at which a person becomes menarche (men-AR-kee), the onset of menstruation. The signs in the male body are the capable of sexual reproduction. onset of nocturnal emissions and the growth of the testes, scrotum, and penis. Hormones are also responsible for the emergence of secondary sex characteristics, such as widening menarche of hips and enlarged breasts and nipples for many girls, deepened voice and facial and The onset of menstruation during chest hair in many boys, and pubic hair more generally. puberty. The onset of puberty depends on both biological and environmental factors. Menarche depends on a female’s having a critical level of body fat, which is necessary to sustain a pregnancy and which triggers hormonal changes. An increase in body fat among children in developed countries may help explain why the average age of puberty declined in Europe and North America until the mid-20th century. The average age of menarche now occurs at or just after the 12th birthday (Anderson et al., 2003). However, other signs of female puberty, such as pubic hair and breast buds, have been appearing at younger and younger ages; male puberty, too, is beginning 6 months to 2 years sooner than previously estimated. In short, puberty varies considerably. Some young people go through menarche at 9 or 10, or even earlier, and some are still growing in height after age 19. Some early-maturing girls have the prestige of being socially popular, but they are also more likely to fight with their parents, drop out of school, have a negative body image, abuse drugs, have poorer relationships, and be angry or depressed (Skoog et al., 2016; Westling et al., 2012). Early menarche itself does not cause these problems; rather, it tends to accentuate existing behavioral problems and family conflicts. Girls who go through puberty relatively late, in contrast, have a more difficult time at first, but by the end of adolescence, many are happier with their appearance and more popular than their early-maturing classmates (Beltz et al., 2014; Caspi & Moffitt, 1991). Early-maturing boys generally have a more positive view of their bodies than late-maturing boys do, and their relatively greater size and strength often give them a boost in sports and the prestige associated with it. But they are also more likely to smoke, drink alcohol, use other drugs, and break the law than later-maturing boys (Cota-Robles et al., 2002; Rudolph et al., 2014). Hormones and maturing bodies are not the only physical changes of adolescence. The adolescent brain also undergoes significant developmental changes, notably a major pruning of synapses, in which unused synaptic connections are eliminated to increase the efficiency of neural communication. This pruning occurs primarily in the prefrontal cortex, which is responsible for impulse control and planning, and the parts of the brain involved in emotional processing (Drzewiecki et al., 2016; Spear, 2000). Errors in the pruning process during adolescence may be involved in the onset of schizophrenia in vulnerable individuals (McCutcheon et al., 2020). Another change in adolescence involves an increase in the amount of myelin that insulates neurons. This myelination improves the efficiency of neural transmission, strengthening the connections between brain areas, including the emotional areas of the brain and the reasoning prefrontal cortex (Kwon et al., Research indicates that puberty is beginning at an earlier age than 2020). This process may continue through the late teens or early ever before. Possible explanations include increased childhood obesity, 20s, which would help explain why the strong emotions of the exposure to new chemicals that mimic the effect of hormones, and adolescent years often overwhelm rational decision making and family stressors (Maron, 2015).

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sometimes cause teenagers to behave more impulsively than adults. It explains why adolescents are more vulnerable to peer pressure that encourages them to try risky things—why taunts of “I dare you!” and “Everyone is doing it!” have more power over a 15-year-old than a 25-year-old. Even when teenagers know they are doing the wrong thing, many lack the reasoning ability to foresee the consequences of their actions down the line (Reyna & Farley, 2006). Visit Revel to watch a video to learn more on brain development during adolescence.

12.5.B The Psychology of Adolescence

The media love sensational stories about teenagers who are angry or violent, live in emotional turmoil, feel lonely, have low self-esteem, and run wild sexually. The prototypical popular culture depiction of teens has focused on rebellion, angst, and upheaval, from James Dean in Rebel Without a Cause (1950s) to the detention quintet of The Breakfast Club (1980s) to more recent fare like Mean Girls, Gossip Girl, Euphoria, and the Twilight and Hunger Games series. Back in real life, parents and prosecutors have become so alarmed about “sexting,” the exchange of nude pictures with friends, that adolescents in the United States and Canada have been convicted on charges of creating and distributing child pornography. Yet in reality, overall feelings of self-esteem do not suddenly plummet after the age of 13 (Gentile et al., 2009), and the rate of violent crimes committed by adolescents has been dropping steadily since 1993. As for sex, according to the National Youth Risk Behavior Survey, today’s high school students are actually more conservative than their parents were at their age; fewer are sexually active, and among those who are, the average number of partners has declined (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2019; Rosin, 2012). Similarly, studies of representative samples of adolescents find that only a minority is seriously troubled, angry, or unhappy. Nevertheless, three kinds of problems are more common during adolescence than during childhood or adulthood: conflict with parents; mood swings and depression; and higher rates of reckless, rule-breaking, and risky behavior (Steinberg, 2007). Peers become especially influential in adolescence because they represent the values and style of the generation that teenagers identify with, the generation that they will share experiences with as adults (Harris, 2009; Smith et al., 2014). Many people report that feeling rejected by their peers when they were teenagers was more devastating than punitive treatment by parents. According to a government-sponsored review of whether and how online technologies affect child safety, the most frequent dangers that teenagers face on the Internet are not pornography or even predatory adults, and definitely not sexting. “Bullying and harassment, most often by peers, are the most frequent threats that minors face, both online and offline,” the report found (Berkman Center for Internet & Society, 2008, 2012). Some psychologists have suggested that today’s teenagers do differ in one notable way from adolescents of earlier eras: narcissism. Narcissism is a personality trait that is not the same thing as selfSocietal depictions aren’t always kind to teenagers. TV shows and esteem; it is a combination of excessive self-regard and lack of movies portray them as moody, rebellious, and uncooperative. empathy or interest in others (Twenge, 2013). Jean Twenge and her During the COVID-19 pandemic, discussions about reopening colcolleagues (2008) proposed that narcissism has been rising among lege campuses often focused on maskless parties and other examples today’s cohort of college students and younger teenagers. For exam- of noncompliance with distancing rules. But let’s give today’s teens ple, the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) is a written scale that some credit! The pandemic arrived at a particularly lousy developmental time for them, canceling their proms, sports seasons, musical measures a grandiose sense of importance, entitlement, and cynicism productions, graduations, and college tours. And many adolescents (for example: “I wish somebody would someday write my biography” should be commended for their creative physical distancing solutions and “I find it easy to manipulate people”). Twenge and colleagues during the lockdown era, from online meetups to outdoor picnics to assert that college students’ scores on the NPI have increased over parking lot social circles from inside the safety of their own cars.

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Learning Objective 12.5.B Outline the psychological and behavioral changes that people experience during adolescence.

392 Chapter 12 the past two decades (Twenge & Foster, 2010; Twenge et al., 2008). Why? One answer is that we live in a time in which American culture has become more self-focused and less otherdirected. Consider, for example, selfie and TikTok culture and the popularity of the phrase, “Pics or it didn’t happen!” This seems to be a generation of people focused on documenting every aspect of their lives, with themselves as the center of attention. Others propose that there’s actually little evidence of meaningful change over time in NPI scores and that people have always tended to be more narcissistic when young but less so as they get older (Roberts et al., 2010). What do you think? Is today’s youth culture a particularly narcissistic one? Or does every generation of adults tend to view young people with such a skeptical eye? To be fair, aren’t there plenty of adults today who take selfie after selfie and post social media photos of every single meal they order at every single restaurant they go to? Haven’t many young people across the world taken the lead to organize and demand change related to the global climate crisis, human rights, gun violence in the United States, and other ongoing societal emergencies that older generations haven’t managed to solve yet? How would a critical thinker answer questions about youth culture today?

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JOURNAL 12.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Adolescence is the period between puberty and adulthood, but we live in a culture that likes gradations and distinctions. Many people now divide the period traditionally known as adolescence into “the tweens,” “preadolescence,” “late adolescence,” and so on. Do you think these distinctions are important? Consider the cognitive, social, physical, and emotional development that has taken place during your adolescence. How was your psychological profile different in your “early” versus “late” adolescence?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 12.5 to test your knowledge.

12.6 Adulthood According to ancient Greek legend, the Sphinx was a monster—half lion, half woman—who terrorized passersby on the road to Thebes. The Sphinx would ask each traveler a question and then murder those who failed to answer correctly. (The Sphinx was a pretty tough grader.) The question was this: What animal walks on four feet in the morning, two feet at noon, and three feet in the evening? Only one traveler, Oedipus, knew the solution to the riddle. The animal, he said, is humankind, who crawls on all fours as a baby, walks upright as an adult, and limps in old age with the aid of a staff or cane. The Sphinx was arguably the first lifespan theorist. Since then, many philosophers, writers, and scientists have speculated on the course of adult development. Are the changes of adulthood predictable, like those of childhood? What are the major psychological issues of adult life? Are mental and physical deterioration in old age inevitable? Why is it that even though adults were all once younger and young people all plan on becoming adults, the two groups sometimes struggle—OK, Boomer—to understand and empathize with each other? For more on this last question, watch a video available in Revel.

12.6.A Stages and Ages Learning Objective 12.6.A List the eight “crises” of development proposed by Erik Erikson. As we noted earlier, even though many people associate developmental psychology with the study of children, developmental psychologists are interested in development across the lifespan (check out the title of this chapter). One of the first modern theorists to emphasize such a lifespan approach was psychoanalyst Erik H. Erikson (1902–1994). Erikson (1950/1963, 1982) proposed that all individuals go through eight stages in their lives. Each stage is characterized by what he called a “crisis,” a particular psychological challenge that ideally should be resolved before the individual moves on:

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• Trust versus mistrust. In the first year, a baby depends on others to provide food, comfort, cuddling, and warmth. If these needs are not met, the child may never develop the essential trust of others necessary to get along in the world. • Autonomy versus shame and doubt. Toddlers wrestle with questions of independence. Young children are learning to be autonomous but must do so without feeling too uncertain about their actions and capabilities. • Initiative versus guilt. As a preschooler develops, the child acquires new physical and mental skills, sets goals, and enjoys newfound talents. But children must also learn to control impulses. The danger lies in developing too strong a sense of guilt over their wishes and fantasies. • Competence versus inferiority. School-age children are learning to make things, use tools, and acquire the skills for adult life. Children who fail these lessons of mastery and competence may come out of this stage feeling inadequate. • Identity versus role confusion. In adolescence, teenagers must decide who they are, what they are going to do, and what they hope to make of their lives. Erikson used the term identity crisis to describe what he considered to be the primary conflict of this stage. Those who resolve it will emerge with strong identities, ready to plan for the future. Those who do not will sink into confusion, unable to make decisions. • Intimacy versus isolation. In young adulthood, after you have decided who you are, you must share yourself with another and learn to make commitments, according to Erickson. No matter how successful you are in your work, you are not complete until you are capable of intimacy. • Generativity versus stagnation. In middle adulthood, now that you know who you are and maybe have an intimate relationship, will you sink into complacency and selfishness, or will you experience creativity and renewal? Parenthood is a common route to such generativity, but people can be productive, creative, and nurturing in other ways, in their work or their relationships with the younger generation.

Erikson recognized that cultural and economic factors affect progression through these stages. Some societies make passage relatively easy. If you know you are going to be a farmer like the rest of your family, you are unlikely to have an adolescent identity crisis (unless you hate farming). However, if you have many choices or if, on the contrary, the economy has made it difficult to find any good job, this transition can become prolonged (Schwartz, 2004). Similarly, cultures that place a high premium on independence and individualism will make it difficult for many of their members to resolve Erikson’s sixth crisis, that of intimacy versus isolation. Now that people’s lives have become less predictable, these psychological issues may also occur in different orders or return even after having seemed to be resolved. For example, although adolescence in Western societies is often a time of confusion about identity and aspirations, an identity crisis is not limited to the teen years. An individual who has worked in one job for 20 years and then is laid off at age 45 must sometimes find an entirely new career; such an adult may have an identity crisis, too (Ibañez & Lopez, 2018). Likewise, competence is not mastered once and for all According to Erik Erikson, children must master the crisis of compein childhood. People learn new skills and lose old ones throughout tence, and older adults must resolve the challenge of generativity. But their lives, and their sense of competence rises and falls accordingly. are the needs for competence and generativity really significant at only And people who are highly generative, in terms of being committed one particular stage of life?

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• Ego integrity versus despair. This is the final challenge of late adulthood and old age. As they age, people strive to reach the ultimate goals of wisdom, spiritual tranquility, and acceptance of their lives. Just as the healthy child will not fear life, said Erikson, the healthy adult will not fear death.

394 Chapter 12 to helping their communities or the next generation, tend to do volunteer work or choose occupations that allow them to contribute to society throughout their lives (McAdams, 2006). Stage theories, therefore, do not fully capture how adults grow and change, or remain the same, across the lifespan. Yet Erikson was right to show that development does not stop at adolescence or young adulthood; it is an ongoing process. His ideas were influential because he placed adult development in the context of family, work, and society, and he specified many of the essential concerns of adulthood: trust, competence, identity, generativity, and the ability to enjoy life and accept death. Collectively, they reflect the timeless and universal human concerns of adulthood (Dunkel & Sefcek, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2013).

12.6.B The Transitions of Life Learning Objective 12.6.B Outline the psychological and behavioral changes that people experience as they progress through emerging adulthood and middle age. When nearly everyone your age goes through the same experience or enters a new role at the same time—going to college, having a baby, retiring—adjusting to these transitions is relatively easy. Similarly, if you aren’t doing these things and hardly anyone you know is doing them either, you will not feel out of step. Today, however, most people will face unanticipated transitions—events that can happen without warning, such as taking time off from school, losing a job, divorce, or taking time to manage family illness. And many people have to deal with changes that they expect to happen but don’t materialize: not getting a job after college, not getting married at the age they expected, realizing that they cannot have children, not being able to afford to retire (Anderson et al., 2011). With this in mind, let’s consider some of the major transitions of life. In industrialized nations, major demographic changes have postponed the timing of career decisions, marriage, and parenthood for many people until their late 20s or 30s. Many young people between the ages of 18 and 25 are in college and at least partly dependent financially on their parents. This phenomenon has created a phase of life that some call emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2014; Wood et al., 2018). When emerging adults are asked whether they have reached adulthood, the majority answer: in some ways yes, in some ways no. In certain respects, emerging adults have moved beyond adolescence into maturity, becoming more emotionally controlled, more confident, and less angry and alienated (Azmitia et al., 2008; Roberts et al., 2001). But they are also the group most likely to live unstable lives and feel unrooted. Emerging adults move more often than people in other demographic groups do—back to their parents’ homes and then out again, from one city to another, from living with roommates to living on their own. And their rates of risky behavior (such as binge drinking, having unprotected sex, and driving at high speeds or while drunk) are higher than those of any other age group, including adolescents (Arnett, 2014). Of course, not all young people in this age group are alike. Some groups, such as Mormons, promote early marriage and parenthood. And young people who are poor, who have dropped out of school, who had a child as a teenager, or who have few opportunities to get a good job will not have the income or leisure to explore as many options (Arnett, 2016). But the overall shift in all industrialized nations toward a global economy, increased education, and delayed career and family decisions means that emerging adulthood is likely to grow in importance as a distinct phase of prolonged exploration and freedom. For more on this phase of development, watch a video on emerging adulthood in Revel.

EMERGING ADULTHOOD

For many people, the years between 35 and 65 are the prime of life (Mroczek & Sprio, 2005). Contrary to the many jokes about “midlife crises”—in which a formerly conventional adult changes partner, job, or appearance and buys a flashy new car—these years are typically a time of the greatest psychological well-being, health, productivity, and community involvement. They are also often a time of reflection and reassessment. People look back on what they have accomplished, take stock of what they regret not having done, and THE MIDDLE YEARS

Development Over the Lifespan

think about what they want to do with their remaining years. When crises do occur, it is often for reasons not related to aging but to specific life-changing events, such as illness, the loss of a job or partner, or, of course, a global pandemic (Robinson & Wright, 2013; Wethington, 2000). This is also the time when most cisgender women experience menopause, which is the cessation of menstruation after the ovaries stop producing estrogen and progesterone. This gradual process, which usually occurs between the ages of 45 and 55, produces physical symptoms, notably hot flashes, as the vascular system adjusts to the decrease in estrogen. Although the risk of depression is increased during menopause, most women do not experience new episodes of depression during this time (Cohen et al., 2006; Freeman et al., 2006). One recent meta-analysis has shown that the older a woman is at the onset of menopause, the lower her risk of depression (Georgakis et al., 2016). Although the female body loses fertility after menopause and the male body theoretically remains fertile throughout the life course, cisgender men have a so-called biological clock, too. Testosterone diminishes, although it never drops as sharply in the male body as estrogen does in the female body. Sperm count may also gradually drop, and the sperm that remain are more susceptible to genetic mutations that can increase the risk of certain diseases in children conceived by older fathers, as we reviewed earlier (Wyrobek et al., 2006). The physical changes of midlife do not by themselves predict how people will feel about aging or how they will respond to it (Ayalon et al., 2021; Schaie & Willis, 2002). People’s views of aging are influenced by the culture they live in and by the promises of technology to prolong life and health—some realistic, some still science fiction. Is aging something natural and inevitable, to be accepted gracefully? Or is it a process to be fought tooth and nail, with every chemical, surgical, and genetic weapon we can lay hands on? If we can live to 100, why not have a baby at 65? To what extent should society pay for life-extending interventions? These issues will be hotly debated in the years to come.

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menopause The gradual process of cessation of menstruation and of the production of ova.

12.6.C Old Age Learning Objective 12.6.C Describe cognitive functioning as people age, and distinguish between fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence. When does old age start? A few decades ago, you would have been considered old in your 70s, but that has changed. The fastest-growing segment of the population in North America now consists of people over the age of 85. There were 6.7 million Americans age 85 or older in 2020, and the Census Bureau projects that there may be as many as 18 million by 2050 (Ortman et al., 2014). Gerontologists, researchers who study aging and older adults, have been investigating the likely consequences of this massive demographic change. One consequence is that the phase of retirement will change significantly. When people expected to live only until their early 70s, retirement at 65 was associated with loss: a withdrawal from work and fulfilling activities, with not much to look forward to but illness and old age. Today, retirement might last 20 or 30 years. Thus, it is no longer simply a life transition from working to not working, but also can also involve finding new careers, volunteer work, or other engrossing activities (Lewis & Hill, 2020; Sullivan & Al Ariss, 2019). Nonetheless, various aspects of intelligence, memory, decision-making, and other forms of mental functioning decline significantly with age. After roughly age 65, adults start scoring lower on tests of reasoning, spatial ability, and complex problem-solving than do younger adults. It takes them longer to retrieve words and names, dates, and other information; in fact, the speed of cognitive processing in general slows down. However, older people vary in this respect, with some declining significantly and others remaining sharp (Conte et al., 2022; Lövdén et al., 2020; Salthouse, 2017). For example, Emily Hittner and colleagues (2020) conducted a longitudinal study with nearly 1,000 middle-aged and older adults, and found that those individuals who experienced more positive affect—such as feeling enthusiastic, proud, and attentive—exhibited less memory decline over the course of 9 years. Fortunately, not all cognitive abilities worsen with age. Fluid intelligence is the capacity for deductive reasoning and the ability to use new information to solve problems.

fluid intelligence The capacity to reason deductively and to use new information to solve problems.

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It reflects in part an inherited predisposition, and it parallels other biological capacities in its growth and later decline (Au et al., 2015; Opitz et al., 2014; Spreng & Turner, 2019). Crystallized intelligence consists of knowledge and skills built up over a lifetime, the kind of intelligence that gives us the ability to do arithmetic, define words, or take political positions. It depends heavily on education and experience, and it tends to remain stable or even improve over the lifespan. This is why physicians, lawyers, teachers, farmers, musicians, politicians, psychologists, and people in many other occupations can continue working well into old age. Also, older adults are often able to compensate for age-related declines by recruiting parts of the brain that are not commonly activated when young people do the same tasks—an example of the brain’s impressive flexibility (Huang et al., 2012). Many of the physical and mental losses that occur in old age are People are living healthy, active, mentally stimulating lives until older ages than ever before. physiologically and genetically based, but others have to do with cultural, behavioral, and psychological factors (Park & Gutchess, 2006). crystallized intelligence Psychologists have made great strides in separating conditions previously thought to be an inevitable part of old age from those that are preventable or treatable: Cognitive skills and specific knowledge acquired over a lifetime.

• Apparent senility in older adults can be caused by malnutrition and harmful combinations of prescription medications and over-the-counter drugs (such as sleeping pills and antihistamines), all of which can be hazardous to older people (Saka et al., 2010). • Weakness, frailty, and even many of the diseases associated with old age are often caused by being inactive and sedentary (Booth & Neufer, 2005). • Depression, passivity, and memory problems may be exacerbated by the loss of meaningful activity, intellectual stimulation, goals to pursue, and control over events (Wang & Blazer, 2015). Older people can profit from aerobic exercise and strength training, which maintain physical strength and flexibility, boost the brain’s blood supply, and promote the development of new cells in the hippocampus and other areas of the brain (Duzel et al., 2016; Falck et al., 2019). The result is improved functioning in memory, planning, concentration, and making schedules (Erickson et al., 2011; Hertzog et al., 2008). Mental stimulation also fosters the growth of neural connections in the brain, even well into old age. Cognitive enrichment cannot prevent most cases of serious cognitive decline and dementia, but the declines may be delayed (Bozzali et al., 2015; Gatz, 2007). Perhaps the best news is that as people get older, most become better able to regulate negative feelings and emphasize the positive. The frequency of intense negative emotions is highest among people ages 18 to 34, then drops sharply until age 65. After 65, it levels off, rising only slightly among old people facing crises of illness and bereavement (Opitz et al., 2014; Urry & Gross, 2010). Apparently, many people do grow wiser, or at least more tranquil, with age. Indeed, in a study conducted during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, Laura Carstensen and colleagues (2020) found that when compared to younger adults, older adults managed to maintain greater emotional well-being and coping ability with the prolonged stress of the crisis, even though their own health was at greatest risk from the virus. Some researchers who study aging are therefore optimistic. In their view, people who have challenging occupations and interests, who remain active mentally and physically, and who adapt flexibly to change are more likely than others to maintain their cognitive abilities and well-being. “Use it or lose it,” they say, and they are hopeful that research into the brain’s remarkable plasticity will one day produce successful interventions to prevent or delay cognitive decline (Lövdén et al., 2010). Other gerontologists are less upbeat. “When you’ve lost it, you can’t use it,” they reply. They are worried about the growing numbers of people living into their 90s and beyond, when rates of cognitive impairment and dementia rise dramatically (Salthouse, 2006). The challenge for society is to prepare for the many people who will be living into advanced old age by helping as many as possible to keep exercising their brains instead of losing cognitive and emotional capabilities.

Development Over the Lifespan

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Taking Psychology with You Remember That Development Lasts a Lifetime Most people take it for granted that the path from childhood to

to be elected vice president. Yes, these accomplishments require

adolescence to adulthood is a straight one. We think of the last-

great perseverance and resilience to countless challenges. But they

ing attitudes, habits, and values our parents and other role models

are achievable.

taught us. And we think of the negative, too: Children who have

You can use your critical thinking skills to overcome these

been neglected or abused are more likely than other children to

and other obstacles and put yourself (and close others) in the

have emotional problems, become delinquent, and develop mental

best situation for ultimate success. Newly aware of gender typing

disorders and chronic stress-related illnesses (Margolin & Gordis,

and other influences on gender identity, might you be better able

2004; Repetti et al., 2002).

to help your own children (or other young relatives) avoid pre-

Yet early trauma does not always have long-lasting effects.

conceived notions and strategize for overcoming social biases?

Most children are resilient, eventually overcoming the effects of

Perhaps knowing about the positive outcomes predicted by the

abusive or alcoholic parents, sexual abuse, and even war (Nelson

ability to delay gratification will change the way you think about

et al., 2007; Rutter et al., 2004; Werner, 1989). Resilience is actually

eating, keeping to a budget, or various endeavors. Maybe think-

surprisingly ordinary (Masten, 2001). Many children who outgrow

ing about Erikson’s eight “identity crises” will remind you that

early deprivation and trauma have easygoing temperaments or

development is never finished, but rather continues throughout

personality traits, such as self-efficacy and self-control, which help

the lifespan.

them roll with even severe punches. They have a secure attach-

So, take the findings of this chapter to heart. It may seem that

ment style, which helps them work through traumatic events in a

the trials and tribulations, worries and woes, stresses and storms

way that heals their wounds and restores hope and emotional bal-

you’re enduring at your present stage in life will be with you forever.

ance (Mikulincer et al., 2006). Or they have experiences outside the

Chances are they won’t—life is a continuous process of change and

family—in schools, places of worship, or other organizations—that

adaptation. But even if they are, you’re probably more resilient than

give them a sense of competence, moral support, solace, and self-

you give yourself credit for. And while genetics, hormones, culture,

esteem (Barcelata Eguiarte, 2021; Cowen et al., 1990).

and our earliest learning encounters shape us in dramatic ways,

So, we are by no means hopelessly at the mercy of the social

we humans are not like the young goose, forever imprinted by our

experiences, biological influences, cognitive tendencies, and cul-

first experiences after birth. We are individuals with the potential of

tural messages we experience early in life. Yet another illustration of

taking many different routes on the anything-but-straight path from

this conclusion can be seen in our discussion of gender typing. Yes,

childhood to adolescence to adulthood.

being bombarded with gendered messages about roles, aptitudes, and professional expectations shapes people’s own preferences and plans as they develop. For example, researchers have found

come to endorse the idea that boys are good at math and girls are good at reading (Beilock et al., 2010). Even subtly conveyed messages from parents, teachers, and role models matter. But we are not bound by gender typing or other societal expectations. Of all the readers who reported in our chapteropening survey question being teased for certain tendencies when younger, some are women who will become engineers, mathematicians, physicists, and professionals in other traditionally maledominated fields. Some are men who will successfully pursue careers, hobbies, and activities in domains more often associated with women. Some are nonbinary individuals who will thrive personally and professionally in a society that is only slowly learning to shed historically rigid assumptions and expectations about gender. In 2016, Hillary Clinton became the first woman to secure a major party nomination for president of the United States; in 2020, Kamala Harris became the first woman, and first person of color,

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teacher is, the more likely it is that girls—but not boys—in her class

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that the more anxious about math a female elementary school

All political candidates face obstacles, and as Hillary Clinton and Kamala Harris can attest, women face additional challenges relevant to the issues of gender typing discussed in this chapter. And yet Clinton still earned more than 65 million votes in the 2016 election, which at the time, was the second-highest total for any U.S. presidential candidate ever; Harris was elected vice president in 2020. These women, as well as other mayors, governors, and Congresswomen across party lines, have set inspiring examples of perseverance for future politicians.

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David Cole/Alamy Stock Photo

Interactive

Ordinary Babies Revisited

Remember the ordinary children pictured at the beginning of the chapter? Each turned out to be not-so-ordinary later in life. They are Adolf Hitler, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Albert Einstein, and Michelle Obama. Now that you have read this chapter, what kinds of genetic, familial, and historical influences can you think of that might explain what made these four famous people so remarkably different?

Interactive

JOURNAL 12.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER People assume that aging inevitably produces physical weakness, loneliness, and a decline in mental abilities. But what other factors besides simply growing older could help account for some of these problems?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 12.6 to test your knowledge.

Interactive

Development Over the Lifespan

399

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: The Marshmallow Test Predicts Success Later in Life STEP 1. Criticize This Claim Imagine the following: A preschooler sits down at a table with a bell and two bowls on it. One bowl has one marshmallow; the other has two marshmallows. The researcher asks which bowl the child prefers—the one with two marshmallows, of course! The researcher then explains that she has to leave the room for a bit. If the child can wait patiently for her return (in what turns out to be 15 minutes), he’ll get two marshmallows. If he doesn’t want to wait, he can ring the bell at any time, but then he’ll only get one marshmallow. Children’s ability to delay gratification in the marshmallow study has been used to make predictions about behavior years down the road. Let’s think critically about this claim: The marshmallow test predicts success later in life.

STEP 2. Define Your Terms Wouldn’t it be great if we could predict children’s future success with one simple test? Of course, first we need to define “success.” What, exactly, might the marshmallow test predict later in life? Let’s think about the children in this study as being either “one-marshmallow” or “two-marshmallow” kids (below you will find one column for each category). The one-marshmallow kids were unable to wait patiently for the researcher to return; the two-marshmallow kids did wait successfully. In the left-hand column is a list of behavioral outcomes that should be more likely to occur for onemarshmallow kids. In the right-hand column is a list of later outcomes that should be more likely for two-marshmallow kids. That is, if indeed the marshmallow test predicts future success in life. One-marshmallow:

Two-marshmallow:

• • • • •

• • • • •

Is overweight Has difficulty concentrating Has trouble coping with stress Is more likely to have addiction issues Engages in physical aggression

Has higher standardized test scores Is able to plan ahead Controls negative emotions when they arise Persists in the face of frustration or failure Is seen by parents as having good coping skills

STEP 3. Examine the Evidence Since Walter Mischel’s original marshmallow studies in the 1960s, researchers have reported links between children’s ability to delay gratification and various future outcomes. In a 1990 study, adolescents who had been able to wait for two marshmallows in preschool were better able to make longterm plans, cope with stress, and maintain attention on tasks one decade later. The marshmallow test even predicted SAT scores. Students who could wait 15 minutes back in the day scored, on average, 200 points higher on the SAT than students who could wait only 30 seconds.

STEP 4. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder These results are remarkable: A child’s behavior in the lab predicting outcomes a decade later!? The marshmallow test became famous, appearing in movies, children’s TV shows, and pop psychology books. But it’s important to continue to ask questions about a study even after it’s published. Let’s think about the questions we might want to ask in the effort to continue to think critically about these marshmallow test claims. For each blank in the passage below, select the appropriate option to complete the sentence. Many of the follow-ups to the original marshmallow test data were based on 50 or fewer participants. It is important to ask whether the same findings would emerge with larger samples because (1) ________. In the original marshmallow test studies, the participants were primarily children from highly educated and wealthy parents, meaning that another important question to ask is would similar findings emerge (2) ________? Just because a study has been published does not mean we shouldn’t keep asking questions about it. 1) a. it is more time consuming and expensive to conduct a study with larger sample sizes b. the more participants we have in a study, the more reliable and persuasive the findings tend to be c. studies with bigger samples are experiments, but studies with smaller samples are correlational

2) a. among children from different backgrounds b. if the desired object wasn’t food, like marshmallows, but rather was a toy c. with male and female participants

(continued)

400 Chapter 12 STEP 5. Examine the Evidence In 2018, Watts, Duncan, and Quan conducted a replication with almost 1,000 children of diverse backgrounds. They found that delay of marshmallow gratification predicted future outcomes, but the relationship was much weaker than previously reported. They also found that poorer children were more likely to opt for the single marshmallow. This seems logical: When you’re used to scarcity, it seems wise to take a treat while you can get it. This recent analysis paints a more complicated picture and suggests that simply teaching kids to delay gratification may not affect their outcomes later in life

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions The marshmallow test is a classic. All the more reason we should think critically about what it does and does not permit us to conclude. Is it true that the marshmallow test predicts success later in life? To some degree, yes. But perhaps not as much as we once believed. Family circumstances and environmental factors are likely even better predictors of future academic, social, and health outcomes. Perhaps the most important lesson is how crucial replication is in science. Just because a study is published or taught in class doesn’t mean we stop asking questions and challenging assumptions about it. A critical thinker’s job is never done. Answer Key: 1) b, 2) a

Summary: Development Over the Lifespan 12.1 From Conception Through the First Year LO 12.1.A

Outline the three stages of prenatal development, and list factors that can affect a pregnancy.

Prenatal development begins at fertilization, when the male sperm unites with the female ovum (egg) to form a single-celled egg called a zygote. During the first 8 weeks of prenatal development, the organism is called an embryo; after that, it is known as a fetus. Harmful influences that can adversely affect a fetus’s development include toxic substances, some sexually transmitted diseases, cigarettes, alcohol, illegal drugs, over-the-counter medications, and chronic maternal stress. Fathers affect prenatal development, too; the sperm of teenagers and those over age 50 may have mutations that increase the risk of miscarriage, birth defects, and certain diseases in their offspring. LO 12.1.B

Describe some inborn abilities of infants, and summarize cultural influences on physical and psychological development.

Babies are born with motor reflexes, perceptual abilities, and rudimentary cognitive skills. Cultural practices affect the timing of physical milestones. LO 12.1.C

Explain the concept of attachment, the factors that influence it, and its consequences across the lifespan.

Babies have an innate need for contact comfort and tend to become emotionally attached to their caregivers, treating them as a secure base from which exploration can take place. By the age of 6 months, infants begin to feel separation anxiety.

Studies using Mary Ainsworth’s strange situation procedure have distinguished secure from insecure attachment, with insecurity taking one of two forms, avoidant or anxious– ambivalent attachment. Styles of attachment are relatively unaffected by the normal range of childrearing practices, and also by whether or not babies spend time in day care. Insecure attachment is predicted by a range of parental and other environmental factors.

12.2 Cognitive Development LO 12.2.A

Describe the four stages of cognitive development proposed by Piaget, and outline criticisms of and modifications to Piaget’s theory.

Jean Piaget argued that children’s thinking changes and adapts through assimilation and accommodation. Piaget proposed four stages of cognitive development: sensorimotor (birth to age 2), during which the child learns object permanence; preoperational (ages 2 to 7), during which language and symbolic thought develop, although the child remains egocentric in reasoning; concrete operations (ages 7 to 12), during which the child comes to understand conservation; and formal operations (age 12 to adulthood), during which abstract reasoning develops. Today, we know that the changes from one stage to another are not as clear-cut as Piaget implied; development is more continuous and overlapping. Babies and young children have greater cognitive abilities, at earlier ages, than Piaget thought, and young children are not always egocentric.

Development Over the Lifespan

LO 12.2.B

List the milestones of language development that occur in the first 6 years of life.

In support of the view that the human brain contains a mental module that is sensitive to a universal grammar, children from different cultures go through similar stages of language development. However, languages also vary around the world, suggesting that language is a cultural tool. At 4 to 6 months of age, babies begin to recognize the sounds of their own language. They go through a babbling phase from age 6 months to 1 year, after which point they start saying single words and using symbolic gestures. At age 2, children speak in two- or three-word telegraphic sentences that convey a variety of messages.

12.3 Moral Development LO 12.3.A

Explain and critique Kohlberg’s stage model of moral development.

Lawrence Kohlberg proposed that as children mature cognitively, they go through three levels of moral reasoning: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional. But people can reason morally without behaving morally, and some have criticized Kohlberg’s model as relying too much on hypothetical scenarios and disproportionately male samples. Developmental psychologists also study how children learn to internalize standards of right and wrong, an ability that depends on the emergence of conscience and the moral emotions of guilt, shame, and empathy. LO 12.3.B

Describe the roles played by parenting style and self-regulation in moral development.

As a strategy for teaching children to behave, a parent’s use of power assertion is associated with a child’s aggressiveness and lack of empathy. Induction is associated with children who develop empathy, internalize moral standards, and can resist temptation. The capacity of very young children to delay gratification and control their feelings is associated with the development of internalized moral standards and conscience, as well as other positive life outcomes.

12.4 Gender Development LO 12.4.A

Distinguish among assigned sex, gender identity, gender typing, and sexual orientation.

Gender development includes the emerging awareness of assigned sexes; gender identity, a person’s sense of being male, female, or other classifications outside of this binary; and gender typing, the process by which children learn what it means to be masculine or feminine in their culture. Transgender individuals do not identify with the sex to which they were assigned at birth; cisgender individuals do identify with their assigned sex. Sexual orientation refers to the gender(s) to which an individual feels romantic or sexual attraction.

LO 12.4.B

401

Summarize the basic findings regarding biological, cognitive, and learning influences on gender identity and gender typing.

Young children tend to prefer playing with other children of their same gender and with toys typically associated with their gender. Biological psychologists account for such phenomena in terms of genes and prenatal androgens. Cognitive psychologists study how children develop gender schemas, which in turn shape their gender-typed behavior. Learning theorists study the direct and subtle reinforcers and social messages that foster gender typing.

12.5 Adolescence LO 12.5.A

Outline the physiological changes that people experience during adolescence.

During adrenarche, the adrenal glands begin releasing hormones that affect brain development. Adolescence begins with the physical changes of puberty. In the female body, puberty is signaled by menarche and the development of breasts; in the male body, it begins with the onset of nocturnal emissions and the development of the testes, scrotum, and penis. Hormones produce secondary sex characteristics, such as pubic hair. LO 12.5.B

Outline the psychological and behavioral changes that people experience during adolescence.

Most American adolescents do not go through extreme emotional turmoil, anger, or rebellion. However, conflict with parents, mood swings and depression, and reckless or rule-breaking behavior increase. Some have suggested that today’s teenagers are more narcissistic than teens of previous eras, while others dispute this characterization.

12.6 Adulthood LO 12.6.A

List the eight “crises” of development proposed by Erik Erikson.

Erik Erikson proposed that life consists of eight stages, each with a unique psychological challenge, or crisis, that must be resolved, such as an identity crisis in adolescence. Erikson identified many of the essential concerns of adulthood and showed that development is a lifelong process. However, psychological issues or crises are not confined to particular chronological periods or stages. LO 12.6.B

Outline the psychological and behavioral changes that people experience as they progress through emerging adulthood and middle age.

Many people between the ages of 18 and 25, especially if they are not financially independent, find themselves in a life phase called emerging adulthood. The middle years are generally not a time of turmoil or crisis but the prime of most people’s lives. In cisgender women, menopause begins in the late 40s or early 50s. In cisgender men, hormone production slows down and sperm

402 Chapter 12 count declines during middle age; fertility continues, but with increased risk of fetal abnormalities. LO 12.6.C

Describe cognitive functioning as people age, and distinguish between fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence.

The speed of cognitive processing slows down in old age, and f luid intelligence parallels other biological capacities

in its eventual decline. Crystallized intelligence, in contrast, depends heavily on culture, education, and experience, and it tends to remain stable over the lifespan. Exercise and mental stimulation promote neural connections even well into old age, although some mental losses appear to be more inevitable.

Shared Writing: Development Over the Lifespan It is hardly controversial to note that there are biological differences between women and men. Gender typing, though, focuses on expectations regarding social preferences, behavioral patterns, and how one presents and expresses oneself. Clearly, children are going to learn to categorize people by apparent gender and other social dimensions—do you think this means that gender typing and other forms of stereotypes are inevitable? Can children learn to recognize physical difference (and similarity) between people without jumping to conclusions about how they should act? Should we strive to prevent such conclusions? Do your answers to these question differ depending on whether we are talking about gender versus another dimension such as race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 12 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 13

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Social Psychology

Learning Objectives LO 13.1.A

Contrast situational and dispositional attributions, and explain the fundamental attribution error and other biases that people hold.

LO 13.3.A

Outline the Asch line-judging study, and discuss how conformity differs from related concepts such as obedience and persuasion.

LO 13.1.B

Explain factors that shape our attitudes and predict persuasion and attitude change.

LO 13.3.B

Define groupthink, and describe its symptoms.

LO 13.1.C

Outline the process of cognitive dissonance and how it can lead to attitude change.

LO 13.3.C

LO 13.1.D

Summarize social psychological elements that contribute to indoctrination.

Explain how an increased sense of anonymity in a crowd can lead to both the bystander effect and deindividuation.

LO 13.3.D

Compare social norms and social roles, and note how they contribute to rules that guide behavior.

Discuss the specific situational factors that increase one’s likelihood of helping others and breaking with group norms.

LO 13.4.A

LO 13.2.B

Outline and critique Milgram’s obedience research and Zimbardo’s Stanford Prison Experiment.

Define social identity, and discuss its links to how people think about the world around them.

LO 13.4.B

LO 13.2.C

Explain the factors that contribute to destructive forms of obedience.

Explain what in-groups and out-groups are, and discuss how easily we fall into us–them thinking.

LO 13.2.A

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404 Chapter 13 LO 13.4.C

Define stereotyping, and discuss specific ways in which stereotypes distort reality.

LO 13.5.B

Describe the multiple ways of measuring prejudice.

LO 13.5.A

Describe the psychological, social, economic, and cultural sources of prejudice.

LO 13.5.C

Describe situational factors that can help reduce prejudice and intergroup conflict.

Interactive

What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Can you recall a time when you knew that a group you were in was making a bad decision but you didn’t speak up to stop it?

Consider the following (real-life) scene: It is just after 7:00 a.m. on a January Thursday in New York City. Police officers are called to the subway—specifically, the Q train—where, sadly, Eugene Reilly, a U.S. Postal Service employee from Brooklyn, has been found dead. His shift as a mail handler had ended just after midnight, and given that his trip home usually took only 30 minutes, he likely died several hours before being discovered; it remains unclear just how many other passengers crossed paths with him after he died while riding the subway. For New Yorkers, news of this event conjures memories of other similar subway incidents such as one in which a tourist from Delaware died on the 1 train during the morning rush-hour commute. Even though that subway car had been crowded with hundreds of passengers making the trip between the Bronx and Lower Manhattan (and back again), at least 3 hours passed before anyone noticed that their fellow rider needed assistance. Now consider the following (also real-life) scene, this one another example of the darker side of human nature, but even more sobering and of far wider impact: Adolf Eichmann, who had been a high-ranking German officer of the Nazi elite 2 decades prior, was finally captured and sentenced to death for his part in the deportation and killing of millions of people during World War II. He had always been proud of his efficiency at work and his ability to resist feeling pity for his victims. But when the Israelis captured him, he insisted that he was not anti-Semitic or prejudiced in any way against the religious, political, sexual, or ethnic groups targeted by the Nazi Holocaust. Rather, Eichmann viewed himself as a loyal foot soldier who was simply following the orders of his superiors—as he once wrote in a letter, a “mere instrument” in the larger bureaucracy that was Nazi Germany. Shortly before his execution for war crimes, Eichmann said, “I am not the monster I am made out to be. I am the victim of a fallacy” (Brown, 1986). One interpretation of the fallacy to which Eichmann referred is the belief that a person who engages in monstrous actions must be a monster. Indeed, if you’re anything like us, your initial inclination is to label Eichmann and others who have perpetrated terrible acts against humanity as just that: monsters who must be deranged, evil, and somehow of a completely different species than the rest of us. To a lesser degree, perhaps you have a similar reaction to those passengers on the subway who couldn’t be bothered to check on an unresponsive fellow rider. What callous, indifferent, and self-absorbed people they must be, we’re often quick to conclude. Let us be clear: Eichmann’s crimes were unambiguously monstrous. And we’d all like to think that we would come to the aid of a fellow subway rider in need. But in this chapter, we will explore the possibility that there’s more to evil behavior than evil people, and more to apathetic bystanders than apathetic personality types. Consider the question we asked you to open this chapter: Can you recall a time when you knew that a group you were in was making a bad decision but you didn’t speak up to stop it? Most people answer yes to this question, suggesting that many of us know from personal experience that good people

When thinking about Adolf Eichmann—or other people who have participated in crimes that horrified the world—it is easy to jump to the conclusion that he must have been some sort of “monster.” But is this an oversimplification? If we dismiss all evil behavior as the result of hopelessly evil people, do we get a complete picture of human nature?

John Mccopy/Los Angeles Daily News/ZUMA Wire/Alamy Live News/Zuma Press, Inc/Alamy Stock Photo

sometimes fail to take action to prevent bad outcomes. Of course, in answering this question, you probably weren’t thinking about life-and-death situations. But some of the same psychological tendencies that prevent you from, say, speaking up and telling the rest of your study group that you think they’ve settled on the wrong definition for an important concept can also play a role in maladaptive and even destructive decision-making in other domains. Keep in mind, though, that our objective in this chapter is not to justify or excuse such problematic behavior but rather to better understand it—and, perhaps, prevent it in the future. While there does seem to be much cruelty and indifference in the world, there is also much kindness, sacrifice, and heroism. After all, sometimes a commuter in a busy subway station jumps down onto the tracks to help a stranger who has fallen, putting themselves in grave danger. And some heroic individuals in World War II disobeyed orders to save others, risking their own lives in the process. How can we even begin to explain both the darker and brighter sides of human nature? Social psychology approaches this question by examining the powerful influence of our social and cultural environment on the actions of individuals and groups. In this chapter, we will focus on the basic principles of social psychology, some of which can help us understand why seemingly ordinary people do unspeakably evil (or, for that matter, heroic) things. We will look at the influence of roles and attitudes, how individuals’ behavior is affected by the groups and situations they are in, the conditions under which people conform or dissent with the masses, and some of the social and cultural reasons for prejudice and conflict between groups. As our opening examples illustrate, we will probe the depths of problematic, upsetting, and even immoral behavior. But fear not—this chapter will focus on the more positive and pro-social aspects of human nature as well. We propose that a better understanding of social psychology will not only make you better able to understand and predict the daily tendencies of other people, but it will also enable you to be a more thoughtful, engaged, and effective individual as you navigate the social world around you. We will begin by exploring some of the cognitive aspects of social psychology, namely the question of how people think about the behavior of others.

13.1 Social Beliefs As the opening to this chapter illustrates, social psychologists are interested in what people do in social situations. But social psychologists also care about what goes on in people’s heads while they are doing it. Those who study social cognition examine how people view themselves and others and also how the social environment influences these thoughts and beliefs. In this section, we will consider two important topics in social cognition: attributions and attitudes.

13.1.A Attributions LO 13.1.A Contrast situational and dispositional attributions, and explain the fundamental attribution error and other biases that people hold.

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Social Psychology

The Houston Astros won the World Series in 2017 and 2022 (and fell just short of championships in 2019 and 2021), but this successful run has been tarnished by a cheating scandal in which they used cameras at their home ballpark to steal pitching signs from their opponents. What forces lead professional athletes to break the rules of their sport? How do fans reconcile conflicted feelings about players and teams accused of cheating? These are the types of questions we will consider as we explore the psychology of attributions and attitudes.

We spend much of our lives trying to figure out why the people around us behave as they do (Olcaysoy Okten et al., 2018): Does the salesperson really think I look good in this shirt, or are they just saying that because they work on commission? Did my friend snap at me because they’re cranky from not getting enough sleep, or are they just a jerk? These people are out at a crowded bar during a pandemic—are they reckless, selfish, or actually oblivious as to what’s happening in the world? According to attribution theory, our explanations for behavior generally fall into two categories. When we make a situational attribution (also referred to as an external attribution), we identify the

attribution theory The idea that people seek to explain their own and other people’s behavior by attributing causes of that behavior to an external situation or an internal disposition.

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The tendency, in explaining other people’s behavior, to overestimate personality factors and underestimate the influence of the situation.

Attribution Theory Interactive

fundamental attribution error

cause of an action as something in the situation or environment: “Walter turned to a life of selling drugs because his family needed the money.” When we make a dispositional attribution (also referred to as an internal attribution), we identify the cause of an action as something in the person: “Walter turned to a life of selling drugs because he was born power hungry and has dubious morals.” When people try to explain someone else’s behavior, they often tend to overestimate the role played by personality traits and underestimate the influence of the situation (Gilbert & Malone, 1995; Li et  al., 2012; Stiensmeier-Pelster & Heckhausen, 2018). In the language of attribution theory, they are ignoring situational/external attributions in favor of dispositional/internal ones. This tendency has been called the fundamental attribution error (Jones, 1990; Ross, 2018).

Attributional Question: “Why is Aurelia so mean and crabby lately?”

Situational

Dispositional

“She’s under pressure at work.”

“She’s self-involved and clueless.”

“Her kids have been sick, and she isn’t sleeping enough.”

“She’s an unfriendly person.”

“She has been having financial problems.”

“She doesn’t care what other people think.”

Were the subway riders who didn’t come to the aid of a fellow passenger just born apathetic? Is every student who cheats on an exam or plagiarizes a paper immoral by nature? Is every driver who has ever cut you off in traffic a rude and inconsiderate person? Those who assume so are committing the fundamental attribution error. We are more likely to commit this error when we believe that people chose, out of their own free will, how to act in the scenario in question (Genschow et  al., 2017). Nevertheless, the impulse to explain others’ behavior in terms of their personalities is so strong that we sometimes do it even when we learn that they were required to behave in a certain way (Yzerbyt et al., 2001). The fundamental attribution error is especially prevalent in nations in North America and Europe, where people are more likely to believe that individuals are responsible for their own actions and to dislike the idea that the situation has much influence over them (Dean & Koenig, 2019; de Oliveira & Nisbett, 2017; Na & Kitayama, 2011). For example, when asked, many Americans report thinking that they would have come to the aid of a fellow subway passenger in need and that they would refuse a superior’s cruel orders. In contrast, in many nations in Asia, Africa, and South America, where people place more emphasis on group goals and the interrelatedness of everyone, individuals are more likely to be aware of situational constraints on behavior (Choi et al., 2003; Krys et al., 2022; Lee et al., 2017). Thus, if someone is behaving oddly, makes a mistake, or commits an ethical lapse, a person from India or China, may be more likely to make a situational attribution (“He’s under pressure”) than a dispositional one (“He’s incompetent”).

Replication Check ✔ In 2018, more than 180 researchers from three dozen countries conducted a multi-site investigation of cross-cultural differences in attributional tendencies (Klein et al., 2018). Examining more than 7,000 participants, this wide-scale replication effort found that individuals from North American and European cultures were more likely to make internal, disposition-based attributions for other people’s behavior than were individuals from other cultures, providing strong evidence that the fundamental attribution error is more fundamental in some cultures than others.

A primary reason for the fundamental attribution error is that people rely on different sources of information to judge their own behavior versus that of others. You know what you are thinking, but you can’t always know the same about others. Thus, you assess your

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own actions by introspecting about your feelings and intentions, but when you observe others, you have only their outward behavior to guide your interpretations (Boothby et al., 2017; Pronin, 2008). This basic asymmetry in social perception is further widened by self-serving biases, habits of thinking that make us feel good about ourselves, even (perhaps especially) when we shouldn’t, such as when we choose the most forgiving of attributions to explain our own lapses in behavior. Below you will read about two more specific types of selfserving biases that also affect our social perception, but first, please complete the following quick survey.

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What About You? Are you an above average driver? Are you above average in leadership skills? Are your social skills above average?

1. The bias to believe that we are better than average. Most people tend to think they are above average on valued dimensions: more virtuous, more competent, and more attractive (Kim et  al., 2017; Zell et  al., 2020). They overestimate their willingness to do the right thing in a moral dilemma, aid a stranger in trouble, take self-protective measures during a pandemic, and so on (Kulesza et  al., 2022). Of course, everyone (or almost everyone) can’t be better than average. That’s just not the way that averages work! And this sometimes-inflated self-confidence can exaggerate our tendency to give ourselves the benefit of the doubt when coming up with attributions for our own problematic behavior. Does the survey above provide any evidence of this better-than-average effect? When we have asked students in our classes to raise their hands if they are above-average drivers (first telling them to close their eyes to avoid any influence of peer pressure or potential embarrassment), we usually find that 75% (or more) of the class thinks they are better than average; similar rates emerge for questions about leadership and social skills.

better-than-average effect The bias for most individuals to believe that they are above­average performers in most domains.

just-world hypothesis The belief that the world is fair, and

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2. The bias to believe that the world is fair. According to the just-world hypothesis, that bad people are punished and good attributions are also affected by the need to believe that justice usually prevails, that people are rewarded. good people are rewarded and bad people are punished (Lerner, 1980; Nudelman & Otto, 2019; Sutton et al., 2017). When this belief is thrown into doubt—especially when bad things happen to “good people” who are just like us—we are motivated to reassert it (Aguiar et al., 2008; Hafer & Rubel, 2015). Unfortunately, one common way of restoring the belief in a just world is a dispositional attribution called victim blaming. For example, learning that a fellow student was robbed or attacked can be distressing to your sense of campus safety. Deciding that the victim must have done something to deserve what happened or to provoke it—walking alone too late at night; being impaired in public—might be a tempting way to convince yourself that you would never find yourself in the same situation. Of course, such a mindset problematically comes at the expense of sympathy When people lack the musical ability to carry a tune, do for the victim, placing the blame for an incident on the wrong party. It is good for our self-esteem to feel that we are kinder, more competent, and more moral than other people and to believe that only good things will happen to us if we are good people. That’s why these beliefs are referred to as self-serving. But these flattering delusions can also distort communication, impede the resolution of conflicts, and predict a variety of mixed interpersonal outcomes (Dufner et al., 2018; Makridakis & Moleskis, 2015).

they sometimes also lack the ability to recognize this limitation? The early episodes of each season of American Idol typically suggest a resounding (and out-of-key) answer of yes! Regular viewers of the show are already familiar with the conclusion that many people who are not aboveaverage singers still believe that they are. Psychologists would refer to this misplaced confidence as an example of the better-than-average effect.

408 Chapter 13 Of course, sometimes dispositional attributions do explain a person’s behavior. The important conclusion is that the attributions you make can have huge consequences. For example, a member of a happy couple will often attribute their partner’s occasional thoughtless lapses to something situational (“Poor guy is under a lot of stress”) and the partner’s loving actions to a stable, internal disposition (“She has the sweetest nature”). But a person in an unhappy couple will likely do just the reverse. They will attribute lapses to the partner’s personality (“She is totally selfish”) and good behavior to the situation (“Yeah, he showed some affection toward me, but only because he wanted a favor later”) (Karney & Bradbury, 2000; Kimmes et al., 2017). You can see why the attributions you make about your partner, parents, and friends will affect how you get along with them—and how well they put up with you.

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Reviewing the Attribution Process Concept

Definition

Attribution theory

Argues that people are motivated to explain their own and other people’s behavior by assigning causality to internal or external forces

Situational/external attribution

A conclusion that a person’s behavior was due to the effects of their circumstances, setting, or surroundings

Dispositional/internal attribution

A conclusion that a person’s behavior is due to something internal; something about the person

Fundamental attribution error

The tendency to overestimate dispositional causes and underestimate situational causes, when explaining people’s behavior

Self-serving biases

Attributional tendencies that paint oneself in a particularly favorable light

Just-world hypothesis

The belief that good things happen to good people, bad things happen to bad people, and the world is fair

Better-than-average effect

The bias for most individuals to believe that they are above average performers in most domains

13.1.B Attitudes LO 13.1.B Explain factors that shape our attitudes and predict persuasion and attitude change.

familiarity effect The tendency of people to feel more positive toward a person, product, or item the more familiar they are with it.

People hold attitudes about all sorts of things—food, movies, sports heroes, the death penalty, you name it. An attitude is a belief about people, groups, or ideas. Some attitudes are implicit: We are unaware of them, they may influence our behavior in ways we do not recognize, and they are measured in indirect ways (Hahn et  al., 2014; Kurdi et  al., 2019; Payne & Hannay, 2021). Others are explicit: We are aware of them, they shape our conscious decisions and actions, and they can be measured with self-report questionnaires (Albarracin & Shavitt, 2018). On most everyday topics—music, TV shows, or whether it’s more effective to back into or pull front-first into a parking space—people’s attitudes range from casual to committed. If your best friend is neutral about baseball whereas you are an insanely devoted fan, your friendship will probably survive. But when the subject involves beliefs that give meaning and purpose to a person’s life—notably, politics and religion—then it’s another ballgame, so to speak. Wars are fought over people’s most passionate convictions, even though our own beliefs aren’t always as superior to others’ as we think they are (Hall & Raimi, 2018). Irreconcilable attitudes cause continuing conflict and sometimes are used to justify terrorism and other atrocities, as we will explore in more detail shortly. All around you, every day, advertisers, politicians, and friends try to influence your attitudes. One weapon they use is the drip, drip, drip of a repeated idea (Lee et al., 2015). Repeated exposure even to a nonsense syllable such as zug is enough to make a person feel more positive toward it (Zajonc, 1968). The familiarity effect, the tendency to hold positive attitudes toward familiar people or things, has been demonstrated across cultures, across species, and across states of awareness, from alert to preoccupied (Kawakami &

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Yoshida, 2015; Montoya et al., 2017). Familiar things—like comfort food, sounds or smells we remember from childhood, and even recognizable commercial jingles—elicit warm feelings. There are also different means (or routes) by which people try to change our attitudes. According to the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion, sometimes we are motivated elaboration likelihood model to pay close attention to the information in a persuasive communication and other times A model proposing two routes (central we are not (Petty & Briñol, 2014; Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). When we have the motivation and peripheral) by which persuasive communications can produce (and available cognitive resources) to scrutinize a message, we are more persuaded by the attitude change, as determined by strength of its arguments than by superficial characteristics such as the attractiveness of the an individual’s cognitive ability and person who delivers it. In other words, when the topic is of central personal importance to motivation. us, we elaborate on the message, thinking carefully about its content. Psychologists refer to this as the central route to persuasion. Other times, though, when we are lacking in motivation or cognitive resources (such as when we are busy, distracted, or tired), we are influenced through the peripheral route to persuasion. The peripheral route is a less mindful, less thoughtful one, in which we find a longer message more persuasive than a shorter message simply because of its length and the arguments of a celebrity spokesperson more persuasive than those of someone not famous, regardless of the actual facts presented. The next time you’re hoping to change someone’s attitudes, you’d be wise to consider which route to persuasion is most likely to work given the audience and message in question (Xu & Petty, 2022). And sometimes you might want to do even more than change someone’s beliefs—you may want to persuade them to take certain action as well. One tried-and-true strategy for doing so is the foot-in-the-door technique, a two-step procedure by which getting someone to first agree to a small request makes that person more Successful advertising companies, like the fictional Lido likely to agree to a second, larger request (Burger, 1999). Getting individuals & Stevens on the TV show Blackish, can use psychological to agree to a first request can lead them to see themselves as helpful people, principles of attitude change to make almost any product seem attractive, useful, and even downright necessary. which then makes them more likely to agree to a follow-up request as well. Interestingly, the opposite strategy is also effective: Ask for a large request that you know will be refused and follow up with a smaller request that then seems more reasonable by comparison. This is known as the door-in-the-face technique (Feeley et al., 2017). Watch a video in Revel to learn more about tactics such as these, as well as the two routes to attitude change.

13.1.C Cognitive Dissonance LO 13.1.C Outline the process of cognitive dissonance and how it can lead to attitude change. Attitudes can change when others persuade you, when you have new experiences, and on occasion because you decide you are wrong about something. Attitudes also change because of the mind’s biases in processing information and our psychological need for consistency. Cognitive dissonance is the uncomfortable feeling that occurs when two attitudes—or an attitude and a behavior—are in conflict (i.e., are dissonant). To resolve this dissonance, most people will change one of their attitudes. If a politician or celebrity you admire does something stupid, immoral, or illegal, you can restore consistency either by lowering your opinion of the person or by deciding that the behavior wasn’t so bad after all. Let’s use the example of cheating in an academic setting (Bryan et al., 2013; Stephens, 2017). Perhaps two students have the same attitude that it’s not an ideal way to get ahead, but it’s not the worst crime, either. Now, while taking an important exam, they freeze on a crucial question. They have a choice: Read their neighbor’s answers and cheat, or maintain integrity but get a lower grade. Impulsively, one cheats; the other doesn’t. What happens next? To reduce dissonance, they will justify their actions to make them consonant with their beliefs. The one who refrained from cheating will begin to think that cheating is serious after all, that it harms everyone, and that cheaters should be punished (“Expel them!”). The one who cheated will need to resolve the dissonance between “I am an honest human being”

cognitive dissonance A state of tension that occurs when a person simultaneously holds two beliefs that are psychologically inconsistent or when a person’s belief is incongruent with their behavior.

410 Chapter 13 and “I just cheated.” This student could say, “I guess I’m not an honest person after all,” but it is more likely that they will instead decide that cheating isn’t really that serious (“Hey, everyone does it!”). Understanding how cognitive dissonance works to keep our beliefs and behavior in harmony is important because the way we reduce dissonance can have unexpected consequences. The student who cheated “just this once” and then decided that cheating isn’t really that serious will find it easier to cheat again on future assignments—perhaps by turning in a term paper written by someone else—sliding down the slippery slope of problematic behavior. By the time the cheater has slid to the bottom, it will be difficult to go back because that would mean admitting “I was wrong; I did a bad thing.” This is how a small act of dishonesty, corruption, or error—from cheating on an exam to staying in a bad relationship—can set a person on a course that becomes increasingly self-defeating and foolhardy . . . and difficult to reverse (Tavris & Aronson, 2007). Unfortunately for critical thinking, people often restore cognitive consistency by dismissing evidence that might otherwise call their existing beliefs into question (Aronson, 2012). In fact, they often become even more committed to a belief once it is discredited. In one study, when people were thrown into doubt about the rightness of a belief that was important to them—such as being a vegetarian or meat-eater—they reduced dissonance by advocating their original position even more strongly (Gal & Rucker, 2010). This tendency helps explain why people in religious cults that have invested heavily in failed predictions about the end of the world rarely say, “What a relief that I was wrong.” Instead, many become even more committed to the cause (Festinger et al., 1956). To learn more, watch a video in Revel.

13.1.D Persuasion or “Brainwashing”? Suicide Bombers, Cults, and Conspiracy Theorists LO 13.1.D Summarize social psychological elements that contribute to indoctrination. Let’s take a leap. We have been examining mundane behaviors like driving skills, advertising, and cheating scandals. Now we will shift gears and consider how social psychological factors related to attributions and attitudes might help explain an extreme form of destructive behavior, the disturbing phenomenon of suicide bombers. In many countries, young people have wired themselves with explosives and blown up soldiers, civilians, and even children, sacrificing their own lives in the process. While people on different sides of a conflict tend to dispute the definition of terrorism—one side’s “terrorist” is the other side’s “freedom fighter”—most social scientists define terrorism as politically motivated violence specifically designed to instill feelings of terror and helplessness in a population (Moghaddam, 2005; Roberts, 2015). Are these suicide perpetrators mentally ill? Have they been “brainwashed”? The term “brainwashing” implies that a person has had a sudden change of mind without being aware of what is happening; it sounds mysterious or even magical. To the contrary, the methods used to recruit a suicide bomber are often pretty straightforward (Bloom, 2005; Moghaddam, 2005). Some people may be more vulnerable than others to these methods, but many who become terrorists are not easily distinguishable from the general population. Indeed, most have no psychopathology, and some are educated and affluent (Krueger, 2007; Sageman, 2008). Rather than defining themselves as terrorists, they see themselves as committing “self-sacrificing violence for the greater good”; far from being seen as crazy loners, many suicide bombers are celebrated by their families for their “martyrdom.” This social support enhances their commitment to the cause (Bloom, 2005; Ginges & Atran, 2011). The methods of indoctrination that lead to that commitment include the following: • Change the person’s behavior incrementally. Ordinary people do not become terrorists overnight; the process proceeds step by step. At first, the new recruit agrees to only small things, but gradually the demands increase, and they are asked to spend more time and more money and make more sacrifices (Moghaddam, 2005).

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• Provide and emphasize one simple attribution to explain the person’s personal and political problems: “It’s all the fault of those bad people; we have to eliminate them.”

These methods are similar to those that have been used to entice people into cults (Ofshe & Watters, 1994; Singer, 2003). In the 1970s, cult leader Jim Jones told the more than 900 members More than 900 members of the People’s Temple took their own lives in 1978 of his “People’s Temple” that the time had come to die, and at the instigation of their leader, Jim Jones. they dutifully lined up to drink a Kool-Aid-like drink mixed with cyanide. (One legacy of this tragedy is the phrase “drinking the Kool-Aid,” which refers to a person or group’s unquestioning belief in a position.) In 1997, Marshall Applewhite convinced more than three dozen followers of the Heaven’s Gate cult to take a lethal dose of barbiturates, supposedly in an effort to meet up with a spaceship hidden in the tail of the Hale-Bopp comet. In these groups, most recruits started out as ordinary people, but after being subjected to the techniques described earlier, they ended up doing things that they previously would have found unimaginable. Cult activity is hardly limited to the annals of history. In just the past few years, cult-like activity has been observed among adherents to QAnon conspiracy theories, the anti-vaccine movement, and election denialists. Indeed, some have argued that in addition to the COVID-19 public health pandemic, we are also in the midst of an epidemic of misinformation and conspiracy theory (Pertwee et al., 2022). Once again, many of the individuals who have found themselves caught up in these webs of indoctrination and destructive behavior seem to be ordinary people seeking information, comfort, and social connection in turbulent times (Douglas & Sutton, 2023). In short, social psychological principles can help explain the extremes of persuasion found in terrorism, cult activity, and conspiracy theory—including those observed in the real-life cases described above and in recent television shows depicting cult activities, such as The Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt, The Path, and The Vow.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 13.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Recent research suggests that Americans tend to underestimate the average wealth difference between racial groups in the United States (Kraus et al., 2019). That is, participants fail to realize just how big the wealth gap is between the average White family and the average Black family in the U.S. How might the just-world hypothesis help explain this misperception? In what ways might learning about the true scope of inequities in their society create cognitive dissonance for some Americans?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 13.1 to test your knowledge.

13.2 Social Forces At some point in your life, have you daydreamed about how nice it would be, even just briefly, to have the whole planet to yourself? Maybe you were in a traffic jam, dealing with loud neighbors, or anxious about living up to someone else’s expectations. But as aggravating as other people can be, social isolation is no picnic. Consider how extreme isolation is depicted

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• Rigidly control the person’s access to disconfirming (dissonant) information. As soon as an individual becomes a committed believer, the leader limits their choices, denigrates critical thinking, and suppresses private doubts. Recruits are separated from their families, indoctrinated, and trained for months or longer, and eventually become emotionally bonded to the group and the leader (Atran, 2010).

Courtesy of Heather Urry, Lisa Shin, Sam Sommers, Keith Maddox.

412 Chapter 13 in popular culture: the loneliness of stranded astronauts in movies like The Martian or Gravity, or other solitary characters who turn to creating “friends” out of inanimate objects just so they have someone to talk to, most famously Tom Hanks and his sidekick Wilson the volleyball in Cast Away. And then in 2020, real life took a turn for the science fiction script, with millions of us across the globe self-quarantining to try to prevent the viral spread of COVID-19. How did we react? By maintaining and renewing connections via social media, video chat, texting, and old-school phone calls. Preserving physical distance became important for public health; avoiding too much social distance became important for mental and emotional health (Van Lange & Columbus, 2021). Throughout 2020, social media documented numerous examples of As these examples illustrate, we humans are social animals the creative ways in which humans sought to maintain social connecwho pay a high price for loneliness, isolation, and exclusion tion during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns, from friends sipping (Cacioppo et al., 2015; Friedler et al., 2015; Williams, 2009). In fact, cocktails via webcam at virtual happy hours to impromptu balcony the social pain of being excluded, rejected, or humiliated activates sing-alongs across Europe. Pictured above are two of your authors with two colleagues during their weekly (non-alcoholic and non-musical) parts of the brain that are also activated by physical pain (Chen self-quarantine trivia lunch. Perhaps you created new social routines et  al., 2008; Dalgleish et  al., 2017), and the physiological cues of of your own? loneliness seem to signal to the body that social connections are needed (Kornienko et al., 2020). Of course, sometimes it seems like we pay a high price for social engagement as well, as anyone knows who has ever lived with a difficult roommate, shared small space with siblings on a road trip, or navigated the ups and downs of a turbulent romantic relationship. In short, when humans agree to enter into social arrangements, a complex set of rules, expectations, and standards are an implicit part of the bargain. Let us now consider the various social forces that shape how we interact with one another.

13.2.A Rules and Roles LO 13.2.A Compare social norms and social roles, and note how they contribute to rules that guide behavior. norms Rules and expectations that regulate social life, including explicit laws and implicit cultural conventions.

role A given social position that is governed by a set of norms for “proper” behavior.

“We are all fragile creatures entwined in a cobweb of social constraints,” social psychologist Stanley Milgram once said. The constraints he referred to are social norms, rules and expectations about how we are supposed to act, enforced by threats of negative consequence if we violate them (and promises of reward if we follow them). Norms are the conventions of everyday life that make interactions with others predictable and orderly; like a cobweb, they are often as invisible as they are strong. Every society has norms: for how to approach a stranger, for nonverbal behavior during a conversation, for appropriate public attire, for negotiating a purchase, and so on. Norms can be implicit, or unspoken cultural understandings that people follow without giving them much thought. (Such as A public bus is not an appropriate place to sing at the top of your lungs. Or Students shouldn’t put their feet on their professor’s desk during office hours.) Norms can also be explicit, formalized expectations that others state clearly. (Such as It is impolite to discuss religion or politics at a dinner party. Or Always say thank you when someone holds the door for you.) Violating a norm is embarrassing and, in extreme cases, leads to social isolation. Therefore, it is often only when people observe that everyone else seems to be going against a social norm that they feel liberated to do so as well. And in this manner, the glue that ordinarily holds society together can fall apart. For example, in six natural field experiments conducted in the Netherlands, passersby were more likely to litter, park illegally, and even steal money from a mailbox if the sidewalks were dirty, graffiti marked the walls, or strangers were setting off illegal fireworks. All of these cues demonstrated that other people weren’t following social norms, either (Keizer et al., 2008). Every society also includes a variety of social roles, positions that are regulated by norms about how different “types” of people “should” behave. Gender roles, for example,

define the “proper” behavior typically expected of women and men. Occupational roles determine the “correct” behavior for a manager and an employee or a professor and a student. Like norms, roles can be implicit. That is, sometimes the requirements of a social role are unwritten—you just know when you violate them, either intentionally or unintentionally, because you feel uncomfortable. Like norms, roles can also be explicit, as when someone tells you boys don’t cry or an employee should treat customers as if they’re always right. Another example is when your professor’s syllabus spells out specific expectations for how students in their course are expected to behave. When certain aspects of a role are not carried out, there are penalties that can be emotional, social, financial, or professional. The requirements of social roles (and the specifics of social norms) are shaped by the culture you live in. Culture can be Either alone or with a friend, try a mild form of norm violation (nothing alarming, offensive, or dangerous, please—one Times defined as a set of values, beliefs, and customs shared by most Square naked cowboy is plenty, thank you very much!). You might members of a community and passed from one generation to stand backward in line somewhere; sit right next to a stranger in another (Heine, 2015; Lonner, 1995). You learn most of your cul- public, even when other seats are available; stand too close to or too ture’s rules and values the way you learn your native language: far from a friend in conversation; or give your professor a high-five without thinking about it. One cultural norm governs the rules for or fist bump as you walk into class. Notice the reactions of onlookers, as well as your own feelings, while you violate this norm. Will how close people normally stand to one another when speaking you find it easy to do this exercise? Why or why not? (Burgoon et al., 2016; Gharaei & Rafieian, 2018). Anyone who has spent time traveling will recognize that social expectations for personal space vary— culture in one culture, people may stand close enough to touch your arm and see your eyes, A set of values, beliefs, and customs whereas in another country the same proximity can make a stranger uneasy. One study shared by members of a community that governs their behavior. examined preference for interpersonal distance across nearly 9,000 participants from 42 different countries (Sorokowska et al., 2017). When thinking about interactions with a stranger, the cultures that preferred the greatest proximity to a stranger included Argentina, Peru, Russia, and Ukraine. On the other end of the spectrum, those who preferred the greatest social distance included Hong Kong, Romania, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. The United States fell somewhere in the middle. And even within a culture, ratings varied interestingly by situation: South Koreans were middle-of-the-road for preferred distance from a stranger, but reported the closest preferred distance for interacting with a close friend. Indeed, simply being aware of such cultural differences can lead to better social outcomes. If you find yourself getting angry over something a person from another culture is doing (or not doing), you can use your critical thinking skills to figure out whether your expectations and perceptions are appropriate. For example, people who shake hands as a gesture of courtesy are likely to feel insulted if a person from another culture is reluctant to do the same, unless they have asked themselves the question, “Does everyone have the custom of shaking hands that my culture does?” Take the time to examine your assumptions and biases, consider other explanations for the person’s actions, avoid emotional reasoning, and you may sidestep the tendency to stereotype and to see cultural differences in hostile, negative ways. Hopefully, others will return the favor and do the same for you. Naturally, people also bring their own personalities and interests to the Norms are powerful, they vary by culture and situation, and social roles they play. Just as two actors can play the same part differently we often strive to avoid running afoul of them. Watching even when reading from the same script, you will have your own reading someone else violate them? That can be entertaining as well of how to play the role of student, friend, significant other, or employee. as cringe-worthy, as Abbi and Ilana (above) demonstrate in nearly every episode of Broad City. Indeed, a variety of Nonetheless, the requirements of a social role are strong, so strong that they television comedies—including The Office, Insecure, Curb Your can even cause you to behave in ways that shatter your fundamental sense Enthusiasm, and Parks and Recreation—derive much of their of the kind of person you are. We turn now to some classic studies that seek humor from depicting the uncomfortable consequences of to examine the power of social roles in our lives. challenging or flat-out ignoring social norms.

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

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13.2.B The Power of Situations LO 13.2.B Outline and critique Milgram’s obedience research and Zimbardo’s Stanford Prison Experiment. In the early 1960s, Stanley Milgram (1963, 1974) designed a study that would become one of the most famous in all of psychology—if not all of the behavioral sciences. Milgram was interested in whether instructions from an authority figure could compel ordinary people to violate their own ethical standards. Why this interest in obedience to authority? In large part, because he wanted to understand the psychology behind the Nazi Holocaust of World War II—systematic genocide that could only have happened, according to Milgram (1963), “if a very large number of persons obeyed orders.” Of course, it isn’t easy to study something like this. The creative procedure that Milgram came up with is in large part why his research remains so well-known more than a half-century later. Milgram’s participants thought they were part of an experiment on the effects of punishment on learning. Each was assigned, apparently at random, to the role of “teacher.” Another person, introduced as a fellow volunteer, was to be the “learner.” Whenever the learner, seated in an adjoining room, made an error responding to word pairs he was supposed to have memorized, the teacher was instructed to give him an electric shock by depressing a lever on a machine (see Figure 13.1). With each error the learner made, the voltage (marked from 0 to 450) was to increase by another 15 volts. The shock levels on the machine were labeled from SLIGHT SHOCK to DANGER—SEVERE SHOCK and, finally and ominously, XXX.

(a)

Courtesy of Alexandra Milgram

Courtesy of Alexandra Milgram

Courtesy of Alexandra Milgram

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Figure 13.1 The Milgram Obedience Experiment

(c)

(b)

Teacher and Learner are in different rooms Teachers are all women Experiment done in office building Teacher and Learner are in the same room Teacher places Learner’s hand on shock plate Experimenter is absent, gives orders by phone Non-Experimenter gives orders (ordinary man) Teacher sees two other peers rebel

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Percentage of Subjects Who Went to 450V

(a) Milgram’s original shock machine. (b) The “learner” being strapped into his chair by the experimenter and the “teacher.” (c) Milgram conducted several variations of his study (summarized in the bar graph above), including one in which the teacher had to administer shock directly to the learner.

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Now, in reality, the learner was an actor working with Milgram—often referred to as a “confederate”—who did not receive any actual shocks. But the teachers didn’t know this. The actor-learner played his part convincingly: As the study progressed, he shouted in pain and pleaded to be released, all according to a prearranged script. Thus, the participants— the teachers—believed their fellow volunteer in the next room was truly suffering at their hands. While all of this was going on, a researcher wearing an official-looking white lab coat sat impassively nearby, offering calm but stern words of encouragement any time the teacher started to waver. “Please go on,” for example. Or “The experiment requires that you continue.” Milgram’s question: To what degree would people obey the problematic orders of this authority figure? Before starting his research, Milgram had asked a number of psychiatrists, students, and other adults how many people they thought would “go all the way” up the shock panel to XXX (450 volts). The psychiatrists predicted that most people would refuse to go beyond 150 volts, stopping when the learner first demanded to be freed. They predicted that only 1 person out of 1,000—someone who was unusually disturbed and sadistic—would go to the highest voltage level. The laypeople agreed, adding that they personally would disobey early on in the procedure. This is not, however, how the results turned out. Every single participant administered some shock to the learner, and about two-thirds of the teachers, of all ages and from all walks of life, obeyed to the fullest extent. Many protested to the experimenter, but nevertheless continued to obey when he calmly asserted, “It is absolutely essential that you continue.” They often obeyed even when the learner shouted for them to stop. They continued moving up the shock panel even when they themselves appeared visibly anguished about the pain they believed they were causing. As Milgram (1963, p.  375) noted, participants would “sweat, tremble, stutter, bite their lips, groan, and dig their fingernails into their flesh.” They were uncomfortable; they clearly had moral reservations. But still, they obeyed. According to Milgram, it wasn’t participants’ personalities or occupations or previous life experiences that dictated their performance in the study—it was the power of the situation. “The key to [their] behavior,” Milgram (1974, p. 168) summarized, “lies not in pent-up anger or aggression but in the nature of their relationship to authority. They have given themselves to the authority . . . once so defined, they are unable to break free.” For classic footage from Milgram’s study, watch a video in Revel. Milgram set up several variations of his original study to determine the specific circumstances under which people might disobey the experimenter (see Figure  13.1). He found that virtually nothing the learner did or said changed the likelihood of compliance, even when the victim said he had a heart condition, screamed in agony, or stopped responding entirely as if he had collapsed; women and men also seemed to perform in similar ways in the role of teacher. However, participants were more likely to disobey under some conditions: • When the experimenter left the room, many teachers subverted authority by giving low levels of shock but reporting that they had followed orders. • When the victim was right there in the same room, and the teacher had to administer the shock directly to the victim’s body, many people refused to go on. • When two experimenters issued conflicting demands, one telling participants to continue and another saying to stop, participants usually stopped inflicting shock. • When the person ordering them to continue was not an authority figure, but rather just another volunteer, many participants disobeyed. • When participants worked with fellow teachers who refused to go further, they often gained the courage to disobey.

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Replication Check ✔ Practical and ethical concerns make Milgram’s elaborate procedure a challenging one to replicate, but some researchers have taken up the challenge. In 2009, Jerry Burger recruited “teachers” who had not heard of the original study and asked them to administer shocks up to only 150 volts (the point at which the learner first begins to protest). This level of shock had been a critical choice point in Milgram’s original study, as nearly 80% of teachers who went past 150 volts ended up going to the end of the shock panel. Overall, in Burger’s (2009) study, obedience rates were slightly (though non-significantly) lower than that. More recently, researchers in Poland reported similar levels of obedience, also using Burger’s modified procedure (Doliński et al., 2017).

In addition to efforts to replicate Milgram’s studies directly, more than 3,000 people have participated over the decades in variations on the Milgram study. The majority of them— individuals of various nationalities, cultural backgrounds, and genders—inflicted what they believed to be harmful outcomes upon complete strangers (Caspar et al., 2016; Caspar et al., 2018; Meeus & Raaijmakers, 1995). And in a rather eerie, cyber version of Milgram’s study, participants were asked to shock a virtual woman on a computer screen. Even though they knew she wasn’t real, their heart rates increased, and they reported feeling bad about delivering the “shocks.” Yet they kept doing it (Slater et al., 2006). Milgram’s research has also drawn a fair amount of criticism and alternative explanation over the years (Griggs & Whitehead, 2015; Haslam & Reicher, 2017; Kaposi, 2020). Understandably, some have raised questions about the ethics of the study (Nicholson, 2011; Tolich, 2014), as many participants found the experience quite distressing, and all were kept in the dark about what was really happening until the session was over. Recent critiques have also called into question whether Milgram fully debriefed all participants as he claimed he did, responsibly informing them afterward that no shocks had actually been administered (Perry, 2013; Turowetz & Hollander, 2018). Other psychologists have questioned Milgram’s conclusion that personality traits are largely irrelevant to the question of whether people obey authority, as certain traits—especially hostility, narcissism, and rigidity—do predict increased obedience and a willingness to inflict pain on others (Blass, 2000; Twenge, 2009). Still others have objected to the parallels Milgram drew between the behavior of his participants and the brutality of the Nazis. The people in Milgram’s study seemed to obey reluctantly when the experimenter was hovering right there. In contrast, many Nazis acted without over-the-shoulder supervision or feelings of anguish. There is little dispute, however, that Milgram’s study has had a tremendous influence on public awareness of the dangers of uncritical obedience, and the power of situational forces more generally. As psychologist John Darley (1995, p. 134)—whose work on bystander behavior we will review later in this chapter—observed, “Milgram shows us the beginning of a path by means of which ordinary people, in the grip of social forces, become the origins of atrocities in the real world.”

Revisiting the Classics The Stanford Prison Experiment In the minds of many people—and the syllabi of many courses—

by the researchers. More recently, however, the study’s legacy has

Milgram’s research is linked to another study touted as a demon-

been complicated by concerns about ethics, sampling, and the

stration of the power of roles: Philip Zimbardo’s Stanford Prison

rigor of its design and conclusions. Let’s take a critical look at this

Experiment. For decades, Zimbardo’s study has been taught as a

well-known experiment.

classic illustration of the speed and strength with which situational

First, the basics. Zimbardo and colleagues sought to study

forces shape the behavior of ordinary individuals, with generations

what would happen if ordinary college students were randomly

of students watching emotionally charged clips from videos made

assigned to the roles of prisoners and guards. To do so, they set

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up a serious-looking “prison” in the basement of the Stanford Psychology Department, complete with individual cells, numbered prison uniforms, and nightsticks for the guards (Haney et al., 1973). The students agreed to live and work in the simulated prison for Courtesy of Philip G. Zimbardo

2 weeks, and within a short time, Zimbardo reported that many prisoners became distressed and even helpless, developing emotional symptoms and physical ailments. The guards began to enjoy their new power, with many becoming punitive, forcing prisoners into solitary confinement, threatening them, and instructing them to enact dehumanizing behaviors. Zimbardo himself later reported that he had not expected such an alarming transformation, and so he ended the study early, after only 6 days. To Zimbardo, these outcomes illustrated just how much roles affect behavior: The guards’ aggression resulted from wearing a guard’s uniform and having the power conferred by a guard’s authority (Haney & Zimbardo, 1998). But contemporary psychologists have offered several compelling criticisms of the study that raise questions about its scientific merit and conclusions (Le Texier, 2019): • Was the study ethical? Zimbardo has long maintained that no one experienced long-term negative consequences as a result of participating. Even if this were the case, it is difficult to characterize research as truly voluntary when participants are being held captive as prisoners and have no say as to how they are treated (Bartels et al., 2016). After all, Zimbardo himself had sufficient concerns to end the research early. • Was the sample representative? Carnahan and McFarland (2007) placed a newspaper ad that was virtually identical to the one Zimbardo originally used to recruit participants. Compared to people who responded to a control ad for a generic psychology study, those who responded to the prison study ad tended to be higher in aggressiveness, authoritarianism, and social dominance, and lower in empathy. Perhaps a different, more “average” group of participants might not have responded as drastically in Zimbardo’s original study. • Were the guards just role playing? Consider the briefing that Zimbardo provided to the guards at the beginning of the study:

Pictured here is a guard from Zimbardo’s prison study.

powerlessness. That is, in this situation we’ll have all the power and they’ll have none (Zimbardo, 1989). These are powerful suggestions to the guards about how to behave, and they convey Zimbardo’s personal encouragement (Bartels et  al., 2016; Carnahan & McFarland, 2007; Haslam et  al., 2019). Perhaps it should be no surprise, then, that some followed his lead and behaved brutally. One particularly sadistic guard later said he was just trying to play the role of the worst, meanest guard he’d seen in the movies; one prisoner whose breakdown was recorded by the research team has since claimed that he, too, was simply acting out a role. Perhaps the best way to assess whether the Stanford Prison Experiment is a rigorous test of hypotheses related to social roles would be to see what happens when other researchers try to replicate it. Indeed, when such efforts haven’t used the same sort of suggestible instructions that Zimbardo did, they typically have not produced the same type of pathological behavior observed in the original study (Bartels, 2015, 2019; Reicher & Haslam, 2006). Where, then, does this leave us? The Zimbardo study is highly original, not to mention memorable. But our critical review raises enough compelling concerns to call into question whether the Stanford Prison Experiment was a scientifically rigorous enough investigation to be highlighted in today’s social psychology textbooks and lectures. We opt to include it here as a well-known and historically notable endeavor, but also to present it through a criti-

You can create in the prisoners feelings of boredom, a sense of

cal lens, warts and all. At the end of the day, if you are looking for

fear to some degree, you can create a notion of arbitrariness that

a convincing demonstration of the power of situational forces to

their life is totally controlled by us, by the system, you, me, and

shape how people think and act, there are many well-designed and

they’ll have no privacy. . . . We’re going to take away their individu-

replicated studies to choose from that do not suffer the same limita-

ality in various ways. In general what all this leads to is a sense of

tions as Zimbardo’s famous prison study.

13.2.C Why People Obey LO 13.2.C Explain the factors that contribute to destructive forms of obedience. Milgram’s research provides a sobering look at the consequences of obedience to authority. Of course, following authority or the norms of a situation is not always harmful. A certain amount of compliance with rules is necessary in any group, and obedience to authority has benefits. A nation could not operate if all its citizens ignored traffic signals, cheated on their taxes, or dumped garbage wherever they chose. A business could not function if its

Kamonwan Thongduang/123RF

418 Chapter 13 members came to work only when they felt like it. But it is clear that obedience also has a darker aspect. Throughout history, the plea “I was only following orders” has been offered to excuse actions that were foolish, destructive, or immoral. Writer C. P. Snow (1961, p. 24) once observed that “more hideous crimes have been committed in the name of obedience than in the name of rebellion.” Most people follow orders because of the obvious consequences of disobedience: They can be suspended from school, fired from their jobs, or arrested. But people may also obey authority in order to secure personal advancement or out of respect for the authority’s legitimacy and the belief that their cause must be virtuous (Haslam & Reicher, 2017; van der Toorn et al., 2011). That said, what about all those people in Milgram’s study who felt they were doing wrong and who wished they could leave the study, but who still could not untangle themselves from the “cobweb of social constraints”? Why do people sometimes act in ways that they know, deep down, violate their own priorities and values? In Milgram’s study, one likely answer is that participants were influenced by a variety of snap judgments and preconceived notions. They were participating in scientific study on a college campus overseen by a confident researcher in a white lab coat. All of these cues conveyed a certain legitimacy to the proceedings—many of us would assume that no respectable university scientist would ever let something truly dangerous happen in a study. As such, they went along with his instructions (and, indeed, when the person giving the instructions was not dressed as a scientist in a lab coat, obedience rates dropped considerably). Another critical aspect of the situation Milgram created was that obedience was demanded in gradual increments, not all at once. Consider, for example, the participant who had just administered a 15-volt shock. The next level was “only” 30 volts, which doesn’t seem that much worse. Through small increments like this, before they knew it, participants found themselves entrapped into giving what they believed to be dangerously strong shocks, making it difficult to justify a sudden decision to quit—If I just gave 150 volts, how can I refuse 165? This is similar to the gradual indoctrination we described earlier among terrorists and cult members. Another (chilling) example is provided by a study of 25 men who had served in the Greek military police during the authoritarian regime that ended in 1974 (Haritos-Fatouros, 1988). A psychologist interviewed them and uncovered how they were trained to use torture in interrogations. As a first step, trainees were ordered to stand guard outside the interrogation cells. Then they stood guard inside the detention rooms, where they observed the torture of prisoners. Then they helped beat up prisoners. After they had obediently followed these orders and become more and more actively involved, they found it easier to carry out torture on their own. Similar procedures have been used around the world to train military and police interrogators to torture political opponents and criminal suspects (Huggins et al., 2003; Mayer, 2009). And yet another factor contributing to the obedience Milgram observed is the readiness with which those who administered the highest levels of shock were able to justify their own actions by mentally handing over responsibility to the authority figure (the experimenter) and absolving themselves of accountability (Burger, 2014; Modigliani & Rochat, 1995). In contrast, individuals who refused to give high levels of shock justified their decision to quit by taking responsibility for their actions. “One of the things I think is very cowardly,” said a 32-year-old engineer, “is to try to shove the responsibility onto someone else. See, if I now turned around and said, ‘It’s your fault . . . it’s not mine,’ I would call that cowardly” (Milgram, 1974, p. 52). Similar processes take place in real life too, as torturers justify their actions by seeing themselves as “good guys” who are just “doing their jobs,” especially during wartime. Such justification is dangerous: Before long, Social psychological studies challenge the notion the torturer has shifted their reasoning from “If this person is guilty, they deserve that bad behavior always results from “bad apples.” to be tortured” to “If I am torturing this person, they must be guilty.” Or even Rather, research suggests that a variety of social more disturbingly: “If I am doing it, it can’t be torture.” And so the abuse escalates forces, norms, and roles can shape the behavior of (Tavris & Aronson, 2007). ordinary people in both positive and negative ways.

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For those people who tend to divide the world into “good guys” versus “bad guys,” the situational antecedents of torture and other destructive forms of obedience can be difficult to process. It is hard for some of us to imagine that good people might do brutal things; if it’s bad behavior, then, by definition, it must be bad individuals doing it. Yet in everyday life, as in the Milgram study, people often set out on a path that is morally ambiguous, only to find that they have traveled a long way toward violating their own principles. From Greece’s torturers to Nazi bureaucrats, from Milgram’s well-meaning volunteers to all of us in our everyday lives, from lying to a friend to cheating on an exam, people often cross lines that they think they won’t. Research suggests that many times, the demands of norms, roles, and the social pressures of a situation entrap people and manage to overwhelm their inner voice of conscience.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 13.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Think of three social roles that you fill. Which of these roles are implicit and which are explicit? Describe what you might do to violate the norms associated with one of those roles. What kinds of reactions would come from the people around you, and what kinds of punishment might you experience because of that violation?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 13.2 to test your knowledge.

As we’ve discussed, the need to affiliate with others is among the most powerful of all human motivations. Social rejection impedes the ability to empathize, think critically, and solve problems, and can contribute to other negative psychological outcomes such as disordered eating and attempted suicide (Buelow et al., 2015). Conversely, social acceptance, a sense of belonging, is linked to many positive outcomes (Higgins et  al., 2021; Wentzel et al., 2020). As one example, interventions aimed to increase Black college students’ feelings of belonging in school have been found to increase student grades, health, and well-being (Walton & Cohen, 2011). This drive to be with others makes good evolutionary sense, too, because, like apes, bees, and elephants, human beings could never have survived without being part of a tribe. Of course, we all belong to many different social groups, which vary in their importance to us. But the bottom line is that as soon as we join a bunch of other people, we act differently than we would on our own. This change occurs regardless of whether the group has convened to solve problems and make decisions, consists of anonymous bystanders, or has gathered together to have a party. In this section, we will look at the many ways the presence of other people can affect our own behavior.

13.3.A Conformity LO 13.3.A Outline the Asch line-judging study, and discuss how conformity differs from related concepts such as obedience and persuasion. Many popular websites offer some variation on the “you might also like” theme. Whether you’re downloading an e-book or buying a song, chances are you’ll get a message highlighting the recommendations and preferences of other people who’ve purchased the same item. This strategy comes straight from a phenomenon known as the “wisdom of crowds”: the finding that a crowd’s judgment is often more accurate than that of its individual members (Surowiecki, 2004; Vul & Pashler, 2008). Just as neurons interconnect in networks that create thoughts and actions beyond the scope of any individual cell, so does a crowd create a

To see how “social” you are, try this simple experiment: Turn off your phone. That’s right: Off! How long can you go without checking your texts, Instagram, TikTok, e-mail, or anything else online? Does this disconnection make you feel anxious? We often rely on our phones to feel connected to other people, though it’s worth considering recent research findings indicating that extensive phone use can actually undermine our happiness and sense of belonging because it distracts us during face-to-face interaction (and can even prevent such interactions in the first place) (Kushlev et al., 2019).

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13.3 Individuals in Groups

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420 Chapter 13 social network whose behavior becomes more than what any individual member may have intended (Goldstone et al., 2008). But crowds can create havoc, too. They can spread gossip, misinformation, and panic as quickly as they can share Netflix recommendations. They can turn in a flash from helpful and peaceful to misleading and even destructive. Suppose that you are required to appear at a psychology laboratory for an experiment on perception. You join 7 other students seated in a room. You are shown a 10-inch line and asked which of 3 other lines is identical to it. The correct answer, line A, is obvious, so you are amused when the first person in the group chooses line B. “Bad eyesight,” you say to yourself. “He’s off by 2 whole inches!” The second person also chooses line B. “What a fool,” you think. But by the time the fifth person has chosen line B, you are beginning to doubt yourself. The sixth and seventh students also choose line B, and now you are worried about your eyesight. The experimenter looks at you. “Your turn,” she says. Do you follow the evidence of your own eyes or the collective judgment of the group? This was the design for a famous series of studies of conformity conducted by Solomon Asch (1952, 1965). The 7 “nearsighted” students were actually Asch’s confederates. Asch wanted to know what people would do when a group unanimously contradicted an obvious fact. He found that when people made the line comparisons on their own, they were almost always accurate. This accuracy rate dropped, however, in the group condition. More often than not, people still gave the right answer. But in 37% of the trials on which the group gave the wrong answer, the participant conformed to this incorrect response. In fact, 75% of the individual respondents went along with the wrong answer at least once during the study. And whether or not they conformed, the students often felt uncertain about their decision and anxious about how best to handle the situation. As a participant later said, “I felt disturbed, puzzled, separated, like an outcast from the rest.” Asch’s experiment has been replicated and extended many times and in many countries over the years (Bond & Smith, 1996; Gaither et al., 2018). Watch a video in Revel for more on this classic finding, including a re-enactment of the study. There are two basic motives for conformity, and, remarkably, both motives appear in many other species, from rats to primates, suggesting that conformity has a powerful adaptive function (Claidière & Whiten, 2012). One is the need for social acceptance, which is the reason that people can end up doing all kinds of stupid (or smart) things simply because their friends are doing them, in order to fit in. As we discussed earlier, the motivation to follow group norms is a powerful one. By understanding this, social psychologists have designed interventions to capitalize on people’s peer groups to help them stop smoking and binge drinking, stay in school, combat bullying, adopt more sustainable consumer practices, and make other beneficial changes they might not attempt on their own (Loschelder et al., 2019; McDonald & Crandall, 2015; Wilson, 2011). So, while it may be easy to scoff at the participants in Asch’s study, thinking of them as mindless followers, it is important to remember that conformity can produce positive outcomes as well. In the summer of 2014, would millions of people have dumped ice water on themselves to raise money for ALS if they hadn’t first seen videos of friends doing it on social media? Highly unlikely. It was the desire to join a social movement that fostered the ice bucket challenge phenomenon. And consider the more recent #MeToo campaign, in In 2017, the #MeToo movement exploded on-line, providwhich so many people used the hashtag on social media to state clearly, and ing a compelling example of how processes related to conpublicly, that they have personally experienced sexism, sexual harassment, or formity can produce positive social outcomes. But the “Me sexual assault. Some of these posts recounted specific details of episodes that Too” idea actually originated more than a decade earlier, had not been shared widely before; some simply used the hashtag. For many of the brainchild of Tarana Burke (above), founder of a nonthese individuals, the precedent set by others is what empowered them to come profit organization designed to help people who have been sexually harassed or assaulted. Using your critical thinking forward—some for the very first time. Seeing examples of other people with skills, what do you think it says about social norms and similar experiences convinced them that it was acceptable, safe, and, in fact, roles that this movement created by a Black activist only normative to tell their own stories. took off when promoted by White celebrities like Alyssa The second reason for conformity is the need for information before decidMilano and Ashley Judd? Or that #MeToo went viral not ing on the “right” thing to do (Cialdini, 2009; Sherif, 1936). People intuitively long after a presidential campaign in which allegations of sexual assault emerged as a prominent issue? understand that sometimes the group knows more than they do, a realization

We often conform to feel part of the group . . . but we also sometimes like to assert our individuality.

that begins in early childhood. When 3- and 4-year-old children were given a choice between relying on information about the name of an unfamiliar object provided by a three-adult majority or a single adult, they sided with the majority (Corriveau et al., 2009). The belief that “everyone else” is doing something often implies that this must be the wisest course of action. Again, social psychologists have used this knowledge to induce people to make improvements. For example, when hotels put notices in guest bathrooms saying that “the majority of guests in this hotel reuse their towels” (in contrast to simply requesting that they do so because it’s good for the environment), the number of people who opt to reuse towels rises markedly (Goldstein et al., 2008). Conformity, therefore, has positive aspects, just like obedience does. Society runs more smoothly when people feel that they belong, know how to behave in an ambiguous situation, and share the same norms. But also, like obedience, conformity has negative consequences, notably its power to suppress critical thinking and creativity. In a group, many people will deny their private beliefs, agree with silly notions, and even reject their own values—just to be accepted. It is also important to consider how conformity differs from other similar tendencies such as obedience. After all, there are obvious parallels between the Milgram and Asch studies. In both cases, individuals behaved differently in the presence of others than they did on their own. But there are critical differences as well. In the Milgram study, the researcher instructed the participant how to behave, with any change in behavior therefore reflecting obedience to authority. In the Asch study, no one told the individual participant what to do. Rather, the participant inferred on their own what the accepted behavior was. Conformity isn’t about being told what to do; it’s about sensing what is expected of you and adjusting your behavior accordingly. In a similar vein, conformity can be distinguished from persuasion, which is not typically a subtle, internal process, but rather an intentional effort by one party to change the attitudes of another party. In short, many of the tendencies addressed in this chapter share a similar theme of the group exerting influence on the individual, but it is important to keep in mind the critical distinctions between these related concepts.

13.3.B Groupthink LO 13.3.B Define groupthink, and describe its symptoms. Close, friendly groups usually work well together and enjoy themselves in the process. But they can also face the problem of not eliciting the best ideas and efforts from their members—sometimes a group places too much emphasis on getting along at the expense of making the best decision it can. As we learned from the survey question that began this chapter, many of you reading this have, at least once in your life, gone along with a

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Courtesy of Mark Bussell

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422 Chapter 13 Fred Schilling Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States/UPI/Shutterstock

group decision that you knew was problematic. An extreme form of this type of conformity is called groupthink, the tendency for a group to think alike and suppress dissent. According to Irving Janis (1982, 1989), groupthink occurs when a group’s need for total agreement overwhelms the need to make the wisest decision. The symptoms of groupthink include the following: • An illusion of invulnerability. The group believes it can do no wrong. • Self-censorship. Dissenters decide to keep quiet rather than make trouble or offend their friends.

Many important decisions are made by groups rather than individuals. While people may enjoy groups the most when they are comprised of others with similar attitudes, group performance is often best when different viewpoints are represented and expressed.

groupthink The tendency for all members of a group to think alike for the sake of harmony and to suppress disagreement.

• Pressure on dissenters to conform. The leader teases or humiliates dissenters or otherwise pressures them to go along. • An illusion of unanimity. By discouraging dissent and failing to consider alternative courses of action, leaders and group members create a false sense of consensus, whereby individuals assume that everyone else agrees with the group even when they actually don’t.

Researchers who study groupthink have applied the concept to disastrous decisions throughout history (Lee, 2019). In 1986, NASA officials insulated themselves from the dissenting objections of engineers who warned them that it was unsafe to launch the space shuttle Challenger at cold temperatures; NASA launched it anyway, and it exploded shortly after takeoff. And when, in 2003, President George W. Bush invaded Iraq, claiming the country had weapons of mass destruction and was allied with al-Qaeda, he and his team ignored dissenters and evidence from intelligence agencies that called both claims into question (Mayer, 2009). Indeed, these agencies themselves later accused the Bush administration of “groupthink.” Fortunately, groupthink can be minimized when a leader rewards the expression of doubt and dissent, asks group members to generate as many alternative solutions to a problem as they can, and has everyone try to think of the risks and disadvantages of the preferred decision (Packer, 2009; Turner et al., 2003). Not all leaders want to run their groups this way, of course. For many people in positions of power, from politicians to corporate managers, the temptation is to surround themselves with others who agree with what they want to do and to demote or fire those who are perceived as “disloyal.” Perhaps a key quality of great leaders is that they are able to rise above this temptation.

13.3.C The Bystander Effect LO 13.3.C Explain how an increased sense of anonymity in a crowd can lead to both the bystander effect and deindividuation.

bystander effect The finding that when more people are around, it becomes less likely that any particular individual comes to offer assistance to someone in need.

diffusion of responsibility In groups, the tendency of members to avoid taking action because they assume that others will.

Suppose you were out in public and, much to your surprise, encountered someone in trouble— say, being mugged or having a sudden health emergency. Do you think you would be more likely to offer assistance to this person if (1) you were the only one passing by, (2) a few other people were also passing by, or (3) dozens of other people were in the area? Many people would choose the third option, but that is not how human beings often operate. On the contrary, research indicates that the more people around you, the less likely that you will be to come to the aid of someone in need, a finding referred to as the bystander effect. Why is this the case? One answer has to do with a process called the diffusion of responsibility, by which the sense of responsibility for an outcome is spread, or diffused, among many people, reducing each individual’s personal sense of accountability. Think about receiving a group e-mail that includes a request for your time or resources. If you’re anything like us, you probably find such a plea much easier to ignore or even delete than you would a direct, one-on-one request. Or think about seeing a burned-out streetlight. It’s normal to assume that someone else will take care of calling it in to get it fixed. In both examples, ironically, the more people around you who might be plausibly counted upon to do something, the more anonymous

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and unaccountable you begin to feel. These same processes come into play during an emergency. People become more likely to come to a stranger’s aid if they are the only ones around to help. In such a situation, responsibility cannot be diffused to anyone else—it all falls upon you, the one person who can do something. But in a crowd, individuals often fail to take action when they see someone in trouble because they assume that someone else will do so (Darley & Latane, 1968; Fischer et al., 2011). Just think about the subway examples we cited at the start of this chapter. In fact, recent research suggests that the bystander effect is even evident among 5-year-old kids (Plötner et al., 2015). To study this, the researchers created a nonemergency scenario in which children were asked to color a picture. Some of the 5-year-olds colored with only the adult researcher in the room; others colored in the presence of the adult and two other children. When the adult then “accidentally” knocked over a cup of water, children coloring by themselves were more likely to help clean up than were those coloring in a room with other children who were also available to help. There is also cause for optimism, though. A meta-analysis of the many studies of bystander apathy revealed that in truly dangerous, unambiguous emergencies—people trapped in a burning building, for example—the presence of others can spur bystanders to rush in and help. One reason is that anyone who does intervene often gets physical and psychological support from other observers (Fischer et al., 2011; Greitemeyer, 2015). And in a recent study of actual public conflicts captured by surveillance cameras in the Netherlands, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, in the majority of instances at least one person ultimately intervened (Philpot et al., 2020). Even if each individual tends to become more passive in a crowd, a crowd also means more opportunities for at least someone to take action. In Revel, watch a video to review the processes at work in explaining (and combating) the bystander effect. Unfortunately, an even more extreme instance of diffusion of responsibility and accountability can also rear its head in mobs or crowds, whether we’re talking about cheerful sports deindividuation fans or angry rioters. People sometimes lose awareness of their individuality and seem to A loss of awareness of one’s own hand themselves over to the mood and actions of the crowd, a state called deindividuation individuality whereby people in (Festinger et al., 1952). You are more likely to feel deindividuated in a large city, where no crowds, feeling anonymous, may do one recognizes you, than in a small town, where it is hard to hide. You are also more likely to destructive things they would never do feel deindividuated in large classes, where you might—mistakenly!—think you are invisible on their own. to the teacher, than in small ones. Certain organizations sometimes even promote the deindividuation of their members through uniforms or masks, which reduce each member’s distinctive identity. Deindividuation has long been considered a prime reason for mob violence. According to this explanation, because deindividuated people in crowds “forget themselves” and do not feel accountable for their actions, they are more likely to violate social norms and laws—breaking store windows, getting into fights, or rioting—than they would be on their own. Recent research has also linked online anonymity with frequency of cyberbullying (Barlett, 2015; Sambaraju & McVittie, 2020). Then again, deindividuation does not always make people more combative. Sometimes it makes them friendlier: Think of the chatty strangers on buses and planes who reveal things to their seatmates People in crowds, feeling anonymous, may do destructive things they would be they would never tell anyone else. less likely to do on their own. For example, a handful of individuals upset about an What really seems to be happening when people election result and riled up by conspiracy theories might produce a spirited protest. are in large crowds or anonymous situations is not But as seen at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021, a crowd of thousands of that they inevitably become aggressive. Rather, they such individuals, egged on by each other and political leaders, can devolve into a become disinhibited, just as if they were intoxicated. That full-blown riot or even insurrection.

424 Chapter 13 disinhibition, in turn, makes them more likely to conform to the norms of the specific situation, which could be either antisocial or prosocial (Hirsh et al., 2011). College students gone wild during spring break may be violating local laws because they are conforming to the “Let’s party!” norms of their fellow students. Crowd norms can also foster helpfulness, as they often do in the aftermath of disasters, when strangers come out to help victims and rescuers, leaving food, clothes, and tributes. So, the effects of being in a crowd cut both ways, but one conclusion remains clear: We are frequently different people in the presence of others than we are when on our own.

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The Presence of Others Affects Our Behavior People sometimes rise to the occasion and offer help that’s needed in an emergency. Other times they appear cold and callous, standing idly by while someone in need suffers. Review these concepts relating to helping and harming others, then quiz yourself by matching each term with its definition.

Concept

Definition

Bystander effect

Contrary to intuition, the more people around you, the less likely you are to offer assistance in an emergency.

Diffusion of responsibility

When in a group, feelings of responsibility for an outcome get spread out across group members, resulting in each individual feeling less personal responsibility for acting.

Deindividuation

A feeling of uniformity of anonymity, often brought on by being in a group or a crowd.

Disinhibition

A lack of restraint brought on by feelings of deindividuation.

13.3.D Altruism and Dissent

EyePress/Newscom

LO 13.3.D Discuss the specific situational factors that increase one’s likelihood of helping others and breaking with group norms.

Dr. Li Wenliang, an ophthalmologist, was reprimanded by Chinese authorities for sounding a public alarm about a new virus sweeping the city of Wuhan in the waning days of 2019. By early 2020, the COVID-19 crisis had snowballed into a global pandemic, proving Dr. Li right but, sadly, also claiming him as one of its many casualties. What personality traits do you think predict an individual’s having the strength to stand up against a powerful authority as Dr. Li did? What situational factors make it difficult to be a whistle-blower?

We have seen how roles, norms, and pressures to obey authority and conform can cause individuals to behave in ways they might not otherwise. Yet throughout history, people have disobeyed orders they believed to be wrong and have gone against prevailing cultural beliefs. Remember, 75% of participants in Asch’s line-judging research conformed during the course of the study, which means that 25% never did. And 95% of the participants disagreed with the rest of the group at least one time. Even more importantly, nonconformists have changed the course of society. In 1955, in Montgomery, Alabama, a woman named Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a White passenger, and she was arrested for breaking the law. Her protest sparked a 381-day bus boycott and helped launch the modern civil rights movement. Alas, the costs of dissent, courage, and honesty are often high: Remember that most groups do not welcome disagreement. Consider whistle-blowers, those individuals who call out a person or organization for secretive behavior that may be unethical or illegal. Many whistle-blowers, far from being rewarded for their bravery, are punished for it, often paying a steep personal or professional price for speaking up (Dungan et  al., 2015). In fact, studies of whistle-blowers find that more than half lose their jobs and have to leave their professions entirely, with many losing homes and even families (Andrade, 2015). Recognizing the potential costs of retribution, a majority of states have passed laws to protect whistle-blowers. Increasingly, psychological research is turning its attention to the study of the factors that predict people’s motivation to respond to apparent wrongdoing by becoming a whistle-blower (Anvari et al., 2019; Dungan et al., 2019). Nonconformity, protest, and altruism, the willingness to take selfless action on behalf of others, are in part a matter of personal convictions and conscience. However, just as there are situational reasons for obedience and conformity, there are external influences on a person’s decision to state an unpopular opinion, choose conscience over conformity, or

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help a stranger in trouble. Here are some of the situational factors that can help people to overcome bystander apathy and increase their likelihood of behaving courageously:

2. Cultural norms encourage you to take action. Would you tell a passerby that she had dropped a pen? Assist a blind person across the street? An international field study investigated strangers’ helpfulness in response to this sort of nonemergency situation in 45 cities across the world. Cultural norms for helping were more important than population density in predicting helpfulness. Helping rates ranged from 93% in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to 40% in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia (R. V. Levine, 2003; Levine et al., 2001).

Amble Design/Shutterstock

1. You perceive the need for intervention or help. It may seem obvious, but before you can take independent action, you must realize that such action is necessary. Blindness to the need for action can occur when a situation imposes too many demands on people’s attention, as it often does for residents of densely populated cities or passengers in crowded subway cars.

Helping others doesn’t always need to involve dramatic, heroic actions. These people have come together to help one another and improve their community.

3. You have an ally. In Asch’s conformity research, the presence of just one other person who gave the correct answer was enough to drastically reduce conformity. In Milgram’s study, the presence of someone who disobeyed the experimenter’s instruction to shock the learner sharply increased the number of participants who also disobeyed. One dissenting member of a group may be viewed as a troublemaker, but two or three constitute a coalition. An ally reassures a person of the rightness of the protest, and their combined efforts may eventually persuade the majority (Jetten & Hornsey, 2014; Wood et al., 1994). As you can see, certain social and cultural factors make altruism and dissent more likely to occur, just as other external factors tend to suppress them.

Taking Psychology with You Becoming a More Conscientious and Engaged Social Being Social psychology leads to the conclusion that human nature

Learning about these phenomena can be empowering,

includes the potential for unspeakable acts of cruelty. Philosopher

however. You now know that there are conditions under which

Hannah Arendt (1963) used the phrase “the banality of evil” to

independent thought and principled objection are more easily

describe how it was possible for Adolf Eichmann and other seemingly ordinary people in Nazi Germany to commit the monstrous acts they did. (Banal means “commonplace” or “unoriginal.”) Good Emma Swann/Alamy Stock Photo

people can do terribly disturbing things, and some of the explanations for this include all-too-common processes we discuss in this chapter such as obedience to authority, conformity, groupthink, deindividuation, stereotyping, and prejudice. Perhaps the most difficult conclusion of all to swallow? That these processes exist within all of us. As just one example, think about the question that opened this chapter: Many of us have found ourselves in situations in which others around us engaged in questionable or even destructive behavior, and we went along with it. Perhaps we failed to speak up to protect an individual from poor treatment at the hands of others. Perhaps we joined in, engaging in some sort of crowd behavior that we never would have considered on our own.

The next time you see a group headed toward a bad decision or negative social outcome, will you feel empowered to say something?

(continued)

426 Chapter 13 accomplished. Moving forward, you can use your newfound aware-

someone seems like they might need help, but no one else seems

ness and critical thinking skills to combat some of the less savory

alarmed, remind yourself that diffusion of responsibility might be

tendencies of human nature. For example, the next time you feel

setting in, and take action accordingly. By identifying the conditions

yourself going along with the crowd, ask yourself if the conformity is

that create the banality of many negative social behaviors, perhaps

of the harmless or destructive variety, and see if you can strategize

you can also create other conditions that foster the “banality of

to stop the momentum of group processes gone awry. Similarly,

virtue”—everyday acts of kindness, selflessness, fairness, generos-

the next time you come across an ambiguous situation in which

ity, and even heroism.

JOURNAL PROMPT 13.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS

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AND BIASES Is it bad to go along with the group? Is conformity a sign of being weak or spineless? These simple questions turn out to be loaded with nuance. Describe one situation in which conformity can lead to negative outcomes or seems to be the wrong response to make. Then describe one situation where conformity produces beneficial effects for an individual, group, or wider society.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 13.3 to test your knowledge.

13.4 Us Versus Them: Group Identity and Conflict Just who do you think you are? That’s not a challenge or an insult, but rather a primary question that social psychologists explore. Defining who we are is often an exercise in thinking about the situations in which we find ourselves, examining the people we associate with, and considering how they define themselves. In this section, we will explore these issues, starting with the question “What is a social identity?”

13.4.A Social Identity LO 13.4.A Define social identity, and discuss its links to how people think about the world around them.

Igorstevanovic/Shutterstock

Each of us develops a personal identity that is based on our particular traits, unique life history, and comparisons drawn with others (Morina, 2021). Toddlers as young as 18 months social identity old begin to show signs of a sense of self, recognizing themselves when placed in front of a The part of a person’s self-concept that mirror (as opposed to younger children who, to the amusement of adults, think that the face is based on their identification with a staring back at them in the mirror belongs to another baby; Ross et al., 2016). But we also national, religious, ethnic, gender, or other social affiliation. develop social identities, which are based on the groups we belong to, including national, religious, ethnic, political, and occupational groups (Abrams, 2015; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). The hallmarks of having a social identity are that you identify with the group, feel emotionally attached to the group, and are influenced by the group’s rules, values, and norms. Most of us, in fact, have multiple social identities, and different aspects of our sense of self are activated at different times under different circumstances. As just one example, we tend to think of ourselves in those terms that make us more distinctive (Grant & Hogg, 2012). Sitting in a lecture hall with your fellow classmates, your identity as a college student might not rise to the forefront if we ask you to list your social identities (i.e., if we asked you some variation of that question with which we began this section: Just who do you think you are?). But asked the same question at the airport, doctor’s office, or grocery store, your student identity would be more One important question social psychologists study is why distinctive and, thus, more mentally accessible to you. Similarly, exchange we so easily fall into “us versus them” styles of thinking.

students describe themselves in terms of nationality more often when abroad than at home, men are more conscious of their gender identity at a baby shower than at a football game, and so forth. Indeed, having multiple, compatible social identities predicts psychological well-being (Brook et  al., 2008). This makes sense: It can be easier to deal with challenges related to one aspect of your identity when you have other social affiliations to draw upon as well. Different social identities can also collide, however, especially in multicultural societies. Members of minoritized groups often face the dilemma of balancing a close religious or ethnic identification with acculturation, or identification with the dominant culture (B. Y. Cheung et al., 2011; Phalet & Baysu, 2020; Phinney, 2006). It is also important to note that the lines between social identities are not as rigid as many assume them to be. In 2019, nearly 19% of all new marriages in the United States were interracial, with the number of self-identified multiracial Americans having tripled since 1980 (Parker & Barroso, 2021). Research suggests that multiracial individuals sometimes identify strongly with the label “multiracial” (Norman & Chen, 2020), and sometimes feel pressure to “choose” one racial identity over another, depending on who they are with and what they are doing (Gabriel et al., 2022; Gaither, 2015; Pauker et al., 2018). This flexibility related to having a multiracial identity—or, more generally, to being someone with multiple social identities of any type—has also been linked to psychological resilience and more creative problem-solving even on tasks that have little to do with identity (Gaither et al., 2015; Shih et al., 2019). It would seem that being used to thinking of the self in flexible terms can also carry over into a variety of other thought processes.

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Social Psychology

Most of us have multiple social identities that we carry with us across a range of social situations. How we think about ourselves often depends on where we are, what we’re doing, and whom we’re with.

13.4.B In-Groups and Out-Groups LO 13.4.B Explain what in-groups and out-groups are, and discuss how easily we fall into us–them thinking. Social identities give us a sense of place and position in the world. It feels good to be part of an “us,” whether a political group, students at a particular school, or fans of a certain sports team. But is there a downside to our eager readiness to affiliate with an “us”? Does doing so mean that we automatically feel superior to all the “thems” out there? Indeed, there does seem to be a pervasive tendency for people to believe that their own culture, nation, or religion (and political group, school, or sports team) is superior to others. At some level, this may be an adaptive tendency by increasing people’s attachment to their own group and their willingness to work on its behalf. It is even embedded in some languages: The Chinese word for China means “the center of the world” (suggesting that the other 6 and a half billion residents of the planet are living in the suburbs!), and the Navajo, the Kiowa, and the Inuit call themselves simply “The People.” As soon as we create a category called “us,” we invariably perceive everybody else as “not us.” For every in-group you belong to—those aforementioned social identities— there exists at least one (and often more than one) out-group. American voter registered as a Democrat? Well, you’ve got at least one out-group in the form of Republicans, not to mention Independents and smaller political parties. Catholic? Well, with that religious affiliation, Protestants, Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, and others have all become out-groups. Yankees fan? Congratulations: You’ve just picked up 29 new out-groups in the form of fans of other baseball teams. In fact, in-group solidarity can actually be manufactured in a laboratory, as Henri Tajfel and his colleagues (1971) demonstrated. Tajfel showed British schoolchildren slides displaying varying numbers of dots and asked the students to guess how many there were. At random, some children were told that they were dot “overestimators.” Others were told, arbitrarily, that they were dot “underestimators.” Later, all the students were asked to work on another task in which they had a chance to allocate points to other students who had also been identified as overestimators or underestimators. Although children worked alone, they tended to assign far more points to others they thought were like them: fellow overestimators or underestimators. In other words, the children demonstrated in-group favoritism, the

in-group favoritism The tendency for people to be more generous with fellow members of their own group than they are with members of other groups.

428 Chapter 13 tendency to be more generous—in both thought and deed— with fellow members of their own group. More on how Tajfel and others have studied this idea of in-group favoritism can 40 be found in a video available in Revel. Us–them social identities are further strengthened when 30 two groups compete with each other. Years ago, Muzafer Sherif and his colleagues used a natural setting, a Boy Scout camp called Robbers Cave, to demonstrate the effects of com20 petition on group hostility and conflict (Sherif, 1958; Sherif et  al., 1961). Sherif randomly assigned 11- and 12-year-old 10 boys to one of two groups, the Eagles and the Rattlers. To build a sense of in-group identity and team spirit, he had each group work together on projects such as making a rope bridge 0 Before cooperative After cooperative and building a diving board. Sherif then put the Eagles and activities were introduced activities were introduced Rattlers in competition for prizes. During fierce games of footEagles Rattlers ball, baseball, and tug-of-war, the boys whipped up a competitive fever that soon spilled beyond the playing fields. They Competitive games fostered hostility between the Rattlers and the Eagles. Few began to raid each other’s cabins, call each other names, and boys had a best friend from the other group (left). But after the teams had to start fights. cooperate to solve various problems, the percentage that made friends across Then Sherif decided to try to undo the hostility he had “enemy lines” shot up (right) (Sherif et al., 1961). created and forge peace between the Eagles and Rattlers. He and his colleagues set up a series of predicaments in which both groups needed to work together to reach a desired goal—for example, pooling their resources to get a movie they all wanted to see or pulling a stuck truck up a hill on a camping trip. This practice of interdependent mutual goals was successful in reducing the boys’ group conflict and hostility; many boys eventually made friends with their former enemies (see Figure 13.2). Interdependence has a similar effect in adult groups (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2012). The reason, it seems, is that cooperation causes people to think of themselves as members of one big group instead of two competing groups, us and them. Percentage of boys who had a best friend in the out-group

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Figure 13.2 The Experiment at Robbers Cave

13.4.C Stereotypes LO 13.4.C Define stereotyping, and discuss specific ways in which stereotypes distort reality.

stereotype A summary impression that members of a group share common characteristics.

We’re going to bet you don’t have a lot of experience with people from Lichtenstein, a tiny nation located in the Alps between Switzerland and Austria. At only 62 square miles and populated by only 39,000 people, it’s smaller than many cities in the United States. Yet knowing just this much about it, you’ve probably already formed an opinion of what a typical Lichtensteinian might be like. Perhaps something along the lines of: fair-skinned, somewhat wealthy, good at skiing, with a fondness for yodeling? A stereotype is a summary impression of a group of people in which members of the group are viewed as sharing common characteristics. People have stereotypes of those who drive Ferraris or Hondas, of engineering students and art students, of feminists and fraternity members. Stereotypes can be negative (members of Group X are lazy) or, at least on the face of it, positive (members of Group Y are good at math), though the experience of being “positively” stereotyped remains an uncomfortable one for many people, and such stereotypes also contribute to societal disparity and privilege (Alt et  al., 2019; Czopp et  al., 2015). Stereotypes can be based on accurate perceptions (Y.-T. Lee et  al., 2013); there are, for example, actual differences in average height by gender and nation of origin. Stereotypes can also be useful tools in the mental toolbox—energy-saving short-cuts that allow us to make efficient decisions, quickly process new information, and retrieve memories (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000). They allow us to use past experience to make sense of differences among individuals and groups as well as predict how people will behave in the future. In fact, the brain automatically registers and encodes basic categories such

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as gender, ethnicity, and age, suggesting a neural basis for the cognitive efficiency of stereotyping (Ito & Urland, 2003; Kubota & Ito, 2017). That said, and as alluded to earlier, many of us have had the experience of being on the receiving end of stereotypes—an experience that can be unsettling, particularly for negative stereotypes. Furthermore, although stereotypes can reflect real differences among people, they also distort that reality in various ways (Bai et al., 2022; Rogers & Biesanz, 2014; Wilson et al., 2017). First, they exaggerate differences between groups (Eyal & Epley, 2017), making the stereotyped group seem odd, dangerous, and not like “us.” Second, they produce selective perception (Moskowitz & Carter, 2018); people tend to see only the evidence that fits the stereotype and reject any perceptions that do not fit. Third, they underestimate differences within the stereotyped group (Zhou & Can you guess what this woman’s occupation is? Among non-Muslims, Bankston, 2020), creating the impression that all members of that the assumption is that Muslim women who wear the full-length black niqab must be repressed politically, not to mention sexually. But the group are the same. answer to our question here calls into question this stereotype: Wedad Cultural values can also shape how people evaluate the Lootah, a Muslim living in Dubai, is a marriage counselor, sexual activist, actions of another group and how negative a particular stereo- and author of a best-selling Arabic book, Top Secret: Sexual Guidance for type becomes (Cuddy et  al., 2015; Forgas & Bond, 1985). For Married Couples. example, Chinese students in Hong Kong, where communalism and respect for elders are valued, tend to think that a student who comes late to class or argues with a parent about grades is being selfish and disrespectful of adults. But Australian students, who value individualism, might see the same behavior as less problematic. You can see how Chinese might form negative stereotypes of “disrespectful” Australians, and how Australians might form negative stereotypes of the “overly deferential” Chinese. Unfortunately, it’s a small step from stereotypical thinking like this to the formation of prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory behavior. In the next section, we will examine how prejudice develops, how scientists can measure it, and what can be done to reduce it. Before we address those topics, take a look at a video in Revel for some additional insights on stereotyping.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 13.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—AVOID EMOTIONAL REASONING Write down three stereotypes that you hold. (Don’t try to argue that you don’t have any—we all do.) Now write about how events in your own life might have contributed to the formation of those stereotypes. For example, does your own ethnic identity play a role in how you see other people? Were you consciously taught to hold some stereotypes, or were they formed implicitly? Did a personal experience with one person lead you to conclude that all members of Group X behaved that way? Sometimes the act of thinking critically about where your attitudes come from can counteract the emotional bases for those attitudes. Putting your thoughts into words can help you understand the origins of stereotype formation.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 13.4 to test your knowledge.

13.5 Prejudice

prejudice

Stereotypes are cognitive in nature. That is, they are beliefs about what other groups are like. Stereotypes—the negative ones, in particular—are often accompanied by prejudice, which is more emotional, or about feeling. Prejudice entails strong dislike or hatred of a group. And, of course, prejudice fuels conflict and discrimination, which entails negative and unjust action toward a group or its individual members because of their group identity. In this section, we examine the causes and consequences of prejudice, and consider ways that prejudice-fueled conflict and various types of discrimination can be reduced.

discrimination

A strong, unreasonable dislike of a group and its members, often coinciding with negative stereotypes.

Negative and unjust treatment of a group or its individual members based on their group identity.

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13.5.A The Origins of Prejudice LO 13.5.A Describe the psychological, social, economic, and cultural sources of prejudice.

Prejudice occurs at an interpersonal level, between individuals and groups, and this chapter reviews its origins and consequences. But it is important to keep in mind that institutional practices and social structures (e.g., governmental programs, laws, culture) are also critically important causes of real-world disparities (Banaji et al., 2021). For example, interpersonal prejudice alone cannot account for the sobering findings that Black Americans have lower median net worth, higher unemployment, higher rates of COVID-19 infection, and shorter life expectancy than White Americans. To fully understand as well as address such systematic disparities requires attention to individual as well as institutional and structural forms of discrimination (Salter et al., 2018; Trawalter et al., 2022).

The targets of prejudice change over time and across societies. The oldest prejudice in the world may be sexism, and it, too, serves to legitimize existing roles and inequities in power, traditionally to the deteriment of women. According to research with 15,000 participants across 19 nations, hostile sexism, which reflects active dislike of women, is different from benevolent sexism, which puts women on a so-called pedestal (Glick et al., 2000; Glick & Fiske, 2012). The latter type of sexism may seem affectionate, but it is patronizing, conveying the attitude that women are so kind and moral that they should stay at home, away from the rough-and-tumble (and power and income) of public life (Oswald et al., 2019; Ramos et al., 2018). Because benevolent sexism lacks hostility, it may not seem like a prejudice to some people, but both forms of sexism—whether someone thinks women are not good enough for certain roles and responsibilities or are too good for them—legitimize discrimination against women (Brandt, 2011; Monteith & Hildebrand, 2020). Despite differences across eras, cultures, and targets, prejudice persists everywhere in various forms. Why? In large part because it has so many sources and functions: psychological, social, economic, and cultural.

1. Psychological. Prejudice can ward off feelings of doubt, fear, and low self-esteem. Though we may hate to admit it, research from many nations has confirmed that we try to puff up our own feelings of low self-worth by disliking groups and viewing them as inferior (Goplen & Plant, 2015; Pica et al., 2016). Prejudice also allows people to use a scapegoat (“Those people are the source of all my troubles”) to displace anger and cope with feelings of powerlessness. Immediately after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, some White Americans took out their anger on fellow Americans of Middle Eastern background, and a similarly disturbing spike in anti-Asian American sentiment (and acts) have occurred since the COVID-19 outbreak of 2020. Unfortunately, in this manner, prejudice seems to assuage insecurities and impose a sense of order on an otherwise threateningly unpredictable world. 2. Social. Not all prejudices have deep-seated psychological roots. Some are acquired through pressure to conform to the views of friends, relatives, or associates. If you don’t agree with a group’s prejudices toward another group, you may be gently or abruptly asked to leave the group. Some biases are passed mindlessly from one generation to another, as when parents communicate to their children, “We don’t associate with people like that” (Odenweller & Harris, 2018). 3. Economic. Prejudice makes official forms of discrimination seem legitimate by justifying the majority group’s dominance, status, or greater wealth. When a majority group systematically discriminates to preserve its power, it usually claims that its actions are legitimate because the minority is inferior and incompetent (Jost et al., 2008; Sidanius et al., 1996). You can see how prejudice rises and falls with changing economic conditions by observing what happens when two groups are in direct competition for jobs, or when people are worried about their incomes: Prejudice increases. 4. Cultural and national. Prejudice also bonds people to their own ethnic or national group. By disliking “them,” we feel closer to “us.” That feeling, in turn, justifies whatever we do to “them” to preserve our own customs and national policies. In fact, although many people assume that prejudice causes war, the reverse is often the

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Table 13.1 Sources of Prejudice Though prejudice manifests itself in different ways and against different groups across eras and society, its common sources can be categorized as psychological, social, economic, and cultural/national. Psychological

Social

Economic

Cultural/National

Low self-esteem Anxiety Insecurity Powerlessness

Groupthink Conformity Family messages

Majority’s desire to preserve its status Competition for jobs, power, resources

In-group/out-group thinking Desire for group identity The justification of war

“Those people are not smart enough to do this work.”

“We have to protect our religion/country/ government from those monsters.”

Examples of resulting prejudice “Those people are not as moral and decent as we are.”

“My parents taught me that those people are just no good.”

case: War can cause prejudice. When two nations declare war, or when a leader displaces the country’s economic problems onto a minority scapegoat, the citizenry’s prejudice against that enemy is inflamed. War can turn legitimate anger into blind prejudice and the belief that “those people” are not only the enemy, but also less than human (Haslam & Loughnan, 2014; Rai et al., 2017). This is why enemies are so often described as vermin, mad dogs, or monsters—anything but human beings “like us.” See Table 13.1 for a review of the different sources of prejudice.

13.5.B Measuring Prejudice LO 13.5.B Describe the multiple ways of measuring prejudice.

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systemic racism Social climates evolve constantly. Over a decade ago, with the historic election of Barack Obama as the nation’s first Black president, and with women increasingly attaining posiWhen racial disparities in opportunity and outcome are embedded and tions of status in business and government, some voiced hope that the worst forms of racism perpetuated in the way societal and sexism in the United States were coming to an end. Alas, in the contemporary United structures operate. States—as in many countries around the world—there has been a resurgence of hate speech, hate crimes, and White supremacy (Buchholz, 2021). In the summer of 2020, protests spread rapidly around the U.S. after the police killings of unarmed Black civilians George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. On the economic front, the historical binary gender wage gap persists, such that women continue to be paid, on average, less than men for doing the same jobs (Gharehgozli & Atal, 2020). In short, contrary to recent claims of having achieved a prejudice-free society, bias very much continues to rear its ugly head (Richeson & Sommers, 2016; Salter et al., 2018). One challenge for psychologists who study these issues is that many people believe that the only form of bias that exists is when one person harbors negative feelings about another person or group—an overt and blatant type of interpersonal prejudice—or intentionally engages in discrimination. Indeed, when asked about their attitudes and interactions, many individuals today claim (as well as genuinely believe) that they are without prejudice based on race, gender, and other social categories. And yet, pervasive, systemic disparities persist. Even people who believe themselves to be without prejudice make judgments or engage in actions that suggest otherwise. And an exclusive focus on the hearts and minds of individual people comes at Dehumanization of the enemy is common during times of war. the expense of recognizing more deeply embedded structural forms of Fans of the British TV series Black Mirror will recognize this discrimination such as systemic racism, when race-based inequalities tendency taken to the extreme in a fifth-season episode titled in opportunities and outcomes are built-in to how a society functions “Men Against War,” in which a military force seeks to root out and destroy a tribe of living beings known (and seen) only as (Banaji et al., 2021). Psychologist Gordon Allport (1954/1979) observed “Roaches.” No spoiler alerts here, though; we will refrain from long ago that “defeated intellectually, prejudice lingers emotionally.” ruining the science fiction (and psychological) plot twist that Even when publicly expressed attitudes change and discriminatory follows. . . .

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Prejudice has a long and universal history. Why do new prejudices keep emerging, some fade away, and others persist? Content warning: The language and biases depicted in the images that follow are hateful and disturbing.

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Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 [LC-USF34-058504-D]

Some prejudices, such as those toward Native Americans, have been widespread for centuries.

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Prejudices against Black people have long been part of history. In the United States, segregation by race was legal until the 1950s.

Filbert Rweyemamu/AFP/Getty Images

Some prejudices rise and fall with historical events such as war or disease outbreak. Reports of anti-Asian attitudes and crimes rose starting in 2020 as the COVID-19 pandemic spread from China to Korea to the rest of the globe.

In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, Americans’ hostility mounted toward Middle Easterners and Muslims.

Prejudice against Jews is not just a past problem; in 2021, for example, there were over 2,700 incidents of antisemitism reported in the United States, a 34% increase over the previous year (Anti-Defamation League, 2021).

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The Many Targets of Prejudice

Other prejudices emerge with changing economic and geopolitical concerns. Anti-immigrant prejudice has many causes but often increases when native-born citizens are worried about their jobs.

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Some prejudices, notably those based on sexual orientation, seem to persist, at least in part, because they reflect people’s deeper anxieties and insecurities.

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While women are no longer explicitly barred from specific occupations in the United States, data indicate that for every dollar men earn in salary, women earn just over 80 cents for the same work (a disparity that is even greater for women of color).

behavior is outlawed, deep-seated negative feelings can continue in subtle ways. Prejudices may lie dormant during good times, only to be easily aroused during bad times. And operating within societies that continue to be influenced by historical, legal, and economic disparities, these individual biases contribute to systemic inequalities (Salter et al., 2018). Furthermore, not all prejudiced people are prejudiced to the same extent or in the same way. Suppose that Raymond wishes to be tolerant and open-minded, but he grew up in a small, homogeneous community and finds himself uncomfortable with members of other cultural and religious groups. Should we put Raymond in the same category as Rupert, an outspoken bigot who voices his dislike for all ethnic groups other than his own? Do good intentions count? What is the difference between overt prejudice and ignorance? Or between prejudice and thoughtlessness? What about people who say they are not prejudiced but then make remarks or decisions that suggest otherwise? Although evidence indicates that many explicit, conscious prejudices have declined and that it is no longer as acceptable as it once was to admit certain biases, researchers have devised creative measures to determine whether implicit, unconscious negative feelings between groups have also diminished (Charlesworth & Banaji, 2022). For example, when seated in front of a computer and asked to click on either a “Like” or “Dislike” button about various racial groups, most participants choose “Like.” But according to software that tracks mouse movements, some participants’ cursors veer closer to the “Dislike” button when evaluating members of out-groups—and these less decisive mouse users are also more likely to show racial discrimination in later, unrelated settings (Melnikoff et al., 2020). The idea is that implicit attitudes, being automatic and unintentional, reflect lingering negative feelings that keep prejudice alive below the surface (Cheon et al., 2015; Dovidio & Gaertner, 2008). Researchers have developed several ways of measuring such feelings (Gawronski, 2019; Olson, 2009): 1. Measures of social distance and “microaggressions.” Social distance, a reluctance to get “too close” to another group, is a possible behavioral expression of prejudice. Does a straight man stand farther away from a gay man than from another straight man? Does a nondisabled woman move away from a woman in a wheelchair? Some psychologists call these subtle acts “microaggressions”: the slights, indignities, and put-downs that many minorities and people with physical disabilities experience (Jones & Galliher, 2015; Spanierman et al., 2021; Williams, 2020). Derald Sue (2010) offers these examples: A White professor compliments an Asian American graduate student on his “excellent English,” although the student has lived in the United States his whole life. Men in a

434 Chapter 13 discussion group ignore the contributions of the only woman member, talking past her and paying attention to only one another. A White woman leaving work starts to enter an elevator, sees a Black man inside, covers her necklace with her hand, and “remembers” that she left something at her desk and needs to head back to it. 2. Measures of unequal treatment. Many forms of explicit discrimination are now illegal in the United States, but prejudices can express themselves behaviorally in less obvious ways. Consider how Black and White people are treated unequally in the “war against drugs” (Donnelly et al., 2019; Fellner, 2009). Relative to their numbers in the general population and among drug offenders, Black Americans are disproportionately arrested, convicted, and incarcerated on drug charges. A study in Seattle, which is 70% White, found that the great majority of those who use or sell serious drugs are White, yet almost twothirds of people arrested are Black. White individuals constitute the majority of those who use or sell methamphetamine, Ecstasy, powder cocaine, and heroin; Black individuals are the majority of those who use or sell crack. But historically, law enforcement has virtually ignored the White market and concentrated on crack arrests. The researchers concluded that the police department’s drug law enforcement reflects the unconscious impact of race on perceptions of who is causing the city’s drug problem (Beckett et al., 2006). 3. Measures of what people do when they are stressed or angry. Some people are willing to control their negative feelings under normal conditions, but as soon as they are angry, drunk, or frustrated, their unexpressed prejudice reveals itself (Aronson, 2012). In one of the first experiments to demonstrate this phenomenon, White students were asked to administer shocks to Black or White confederates of the experimenter in what the students believed was a study of biofeedback. In the experimental condition, participants overheard the “victim” (who actually received no shock) saying derogatory things about them. In the control condition, participants did not overhear nasty remarks. Participants’ degree of aggression was defined as the amount of shock they administered. At first, White students actually showed less aggression toward a Black confederate than toward a White confederate, but as soon as they were angered by overhearing derogatory remarks, they showed more aggression toward the Black confederate (Rogers & Prentice-Dunn, 1981). Similar effects have emerged in studies of men’s sexist behavior toward women (Maass et al., 2003; O’Connor et al., 2017).

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4. Measures of brain activity. Social neuroscientists have used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to determine which parts of the brain are involved in forming stereotypes and holding prejudiced beliefs and feelings about an out-group (Izuma et al., 2019; Rösler & Amodio, 2022). In one study, when Black and White Americans saw pictures of each other, activity in the amygdala (the brain structure that responds to signs of potential threat) was elevated. But it was not elevated when people saw pictures of members of their own group (Hart et al., 2000). However, the fact that parts of the brain are activated under some conditions does not necessarily mean a person is “prejudiced.” The brain may be designed to register differences, but any negative associations with those differences depend on context and learning (Wheeler & Fiske, 2005). Racism and other prejudices come in a variety of forms. In 2017, hundreds of tiki-torch-bearing White supremacists marched in Charlottesville, Virginia, bringing newfound attention to a movement calling itself the “alt-right.” In the first published psychological research on this group, Forscher and Kteily (2020) found that self-identified members were actually optimistic about the economy and relatively trusting of big business. Rather than economic anxiety, alt-right members primarily reported concerns about advancing the supremacy of dominant groups such as White people at the expense of other groups.

5. Measures of implicit attitudes. One method of assessing prejudice is the Implicit Association Test (IAT), which measures the speed of people’s positive and negative associations with a target group (Greenwald et al., 1998; Greenwald et al., 2009). Its proponents have argued that if respondents take longer to respond to Black faces associated with positive words (e.g., triumph, honest) than to Black faces associated with negative words (e.g., devil, failure), it indicates an unconscious prejudice against Black people. Tens of millions of people have taken versions of this test online, and it has also been used to assess alleged prejudices toward women, older adults, gays, people who are heavy, and various other social categories (Nosek et al., 2007).

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We say “alleged” prejudices because other social psychologists believe that the test does not assess personal attitudes (De Houwer et al., 2009; Oswald et al., 2013). Some suggest that the test captures cultural associations, much in the same way that people would be quicker to pair milk + cookies than milk + telephone simply because they have encountered previously one set of ideas together more often than the other. It is worth noting that some studies do show that the higher a person’s IAT bias score, the more likely they are to discriminate against the target of this bias (Greenwald et al., 2015). But just because people get an IAT score indicating bias doesn’t necessarily mean we can definitively predict whether or not they will behave in discriminatory fashion in the future (Gawronski, 2019). As you can see, defining and measuring prejudice is not easy! To understand prejudice, we must distinguish explicit attitudes from unconscious ones, active hostility from simple discomfort, what people say from what they feel, and what people feel from how they actually behave.

13.5.C Reducing Conflict and Prejudice LO 13.5.C Describe situational factors that can help reduce prejudice and intergroup conflict.

1. All parties must have equal legal status, economic opportunities, and power. This requirement is behind efforts to change laws that permit discrimination. Integration of public facilities in the American South would never have occurred if civil rights advocates had waited for segregationists to see the light and have a change of heart. Women would never have gotten the right to vote, attend college, or work in “male professions” without challenges to the laws that permitted gender discrimination. But changing the law is not enough if one group retains power and dominance over others. 2. Authorities and institutions must provide moral and economic support for all sides. Society must establish norms of equality and support them through the actions of its officials—teachers, employers, the judicial system, government officials, and the police. Where segregation is an unofficial but established practice, conflict and prejudice not only will continue, but also will seem normal and justified. When politicians and other leaders say nothing in the face of prejudicial rhetoric or actions, their silence is viewed as tacit approval of the bias in question (Ruisch & Ferguson, 2022). 3. People must have many opportunities to work and socialize together, formally and informally. According to the contact hypothesis, prejudice declines when people have the chance to get used to another group’s rules, customs, and attitudes, thereby discovering their shared interests and humanity. Multiethnic college campuses are a living laboratory for testing the contact hypothesis. White students who have roommates, friends, and romantic relationships across ethnic lines tend to become less prejudiced and find commonalities (Gaither & Sommers, 2013; Van Laar et al., 2008). Cross-group friendships benefit members of underrepresented groups, too: A longitudinal study of Black and Latinx students at a predominantly White university found that friendships with White students increased feelings of belonging and reduced feelings of dissatisfaction with the school. (Mendoza-Denton & Page-Gould, 2008; see Figure 13.3) 4. All parties must cooperate, working together for a common goal. Although contact reduces prejudice, it is also true that prejudice reduces contact. And when groups

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Research demonstrates that attempts to reduce prejudice by appealing to moral or intellectual arguments are usually not enough. More successful efforts must also touch people’s deeper insecurities, fears, or negative associations. Of course, given the many sources and functions of prejudice, no one method will work in all circumstances or for all prejudices. But just as social psychologists investigate the circumstances that increase prejudice and animosity between groups, they have also examined the circumstances that Figure 13.3 The Impact of Cross-Ethnic Friendships on Minority Students’ Well-Being might reduce them (Badea & Sherman, 2019; Dovidio & Gaertner, 2010; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Here are four of them: 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Fewer White friends

More White friends

Feeling of belonging

Satisfaction with university

Cross-ethnic friendships benefit all parties. In a longitudinal study at a predominantly White university, many Black students at first felt left out and dissatisfied with their educational experience. But the more White friends they made, the greater their sense of belonging (green bar) and satisfaction with the university (pink bar). This finding was particularly significant for Black students who initially had felt the most anxious and insecure about being at a largely White school. The study was later replicated with an experimental design and Latinx participants (Mendoza-Denton & Page-Gould, 2008).

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If contact with people from other backgrounds can reduce prejudice, what about exposure to television characters from different ethnic or racial groups? For example, how are the racial attitudes of White (or other non-Black) viewers influenced by watching the likeable antics of the Johnson family on Blackish? How does getting to know—via TV at least—the Huang family from Fresh Off the Boat affect attitudes about Asian people? While previous studies have found that television characters’ interactions can influence viewers’ racial attitudes (Weisbuch et al., 2009), more research is needed as to how the contact hypothesis might apply to popular media.

don’t like each other, forced contact can just make each side resentful and even more prejudiced, as a longitudinal survey of students in Belgium, England, and Germany found (Binder et al., 2009). To reduce such intergroup tension, Elliot Aronson and his colleagues developed the “jigsaw” method of building cooperation. Students from different ethnic groups work together on a task that is broken up like a jigsaw puzzle; each person needs to cooperate with the others to put the assignment together. Students in such classes, from elementary school through college, tend to like their classmates better and become less prejudiced in their thinking than students in traditional classrooms (Aronson, 2000; 2010). Cooperation and interdependence can reduce us–them thinking by creating and encompassing social identity, much like we saw at the Robbers Cave camp with the Eagles and Rattlers. And the same thing seems to happen in fictional universes as well, such as that of the Twilight series, in which werewolves and vampires are age-old enemies with a contempt-filled rivalry—that is, until they must join forces in the cooperative effort to protect the heroine Bella. In this manner, as in real life, former adversaries can develop a measure of respect for one another; each group’s prejudice toward the other begins to break down, and a new sense of community is formed.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 13.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS What does it mean to be “prejudiced”? Is prejudice always blatant hostility, or does it also include vague discomfort with another group, an unconscious sentiment of dislike, or ignorance about an unfamiliar culture?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 13.5 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Police Treat Black and White Civilians Differently STEP 1. Criticize This Claim We ended this chapter with a focus on stereotyping and prejudice, which, unfortunately, many people experience regularly. But when it comes to any single interaction or decision, it’s difficult to pinpoint the precise influence of social identities like race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation. Consider recent protests and debates regarding how people’s race influences the way police treat them. Let’s take a critical look at this important claim: Police treat Black and White civilians differently. (continued)

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STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder This claim elicits passionate reactions. Consider the controversy when professional football players drew attention to the issue by taking a knee during the national anthem. How can we assess this claim through an unemotional and scientific lens? First, let’s think about one of the sources of evidence often cited for this claim: specific examples of police shootings. These are real-life incidents with tragic outcomes, so be warned that reading about them is quite sad and potentially distressing.

Michael Brown

Jay Shaw Baker/Nurphoto/Alamy Stock Photo

Gina Kelly/Alamy Live News Feed/Alamy Stock Photo

Philando Castile

By multiple reports, Philando Castile was beloved by kids at the elementary school in Minnesota where he worked as a cafeteria supervisor. In July 2016, he was pulled over by police, and when the 32-year-old Black man reached for his ID, he was shot five times by an officer named Jeronimo Yanez. Castile’s girlfriend livestreamed the aftermath of the shooting on social media. Yanez was acquitted by a jury of all criminal charges.

Stephon Clark

Justine Damond

In March 2018, a concerned neighbor in Sacramento, California, called police to report the sound of broken glass and a potential nighttime robbery in progress. The subsequent police response ended with the death of Stephon Clark, an unarmed 22-year-old Black man who had been standing in his grandmother’s backyard. An autopsy revealed that Clark was shot eight times, mostly in his back. No charges were brought against the police in this case.

Gina Kelly/Alamy Stock Photo

Zack Abrams/Alamy Stock Photo

When Michael Brown, a Black 18-year-old, was shot and killed by White police officer Darren Wilson in August 2014, it touched off days of protests and police/civilian clashes in and around Ferguson, Missouri. Brown was shot six times, though he himself was unarmed. A St. Louis grand jury decided not to indict Wilson, who claimed to have fired in self-defense.

Justine Damond, a 40-year-old White woman originally from Australia, was living in Minnesota in July 2017 when she called 911 to report a possible assault behind her house. When she went out to the street and approached the driver’s side window of an arriving squad car, she was fatally shot by Officer Mohamed Noor. Damond’s death demonstrates that police shootings can happen to victims of varied demographics. Noor was convicted of third-degree murder in the case in 2019.

(continued)

438 Chapter 13 Conclusions One way to ask psychological questions is to look at real-world events around us. Reviewing these individual police shootings leads to the conclusion that sometimes, tragically, police officers shoot and kill unarmed civilians. But still other important questions remain. How often does this happen? Are fatal episodes more likely to occur to individuals of certain racial groups? For that matter, what about to men versus women? Compiling a list of examples may help us identify a potential problem or relationship. But a list of individual incidents is not as rigorous a means of investigating a claim as a scientific investigation. So, let’s consider what a more scientific analysis might look like.

STEP 3. Define Your Terms In order to test the claim that police treat Black and White civilians differently, we need to define the term “treat.” For example, we could define it in terms of how someone’s race influences the attention that police pay to them in any given environment. Or we could investigate police decisions to detain or arrest an individual. Or we could examine police use of force. Indeed, a rigorous assessment might include all three of these definitions.

STEP 4. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Especially when examining an emotionally charged issue, we must stop to consider our potential assumptions and biases. Do you have personal experiences or attitudes that could shape how you think about policing? Have you ever had any encounters with the police? Do you have family members or friends who are police? Do people’s own identities predict how they think about these issues? In a recent poll, only 28% of White respondents agreed that the police are generally too quick to use deadly force, while 74% of Black respondents thought so. And in another poll, only 14% of White people expressed strong support for the Black Lives Matter movement, compared to 41% of Black people.

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence Let’s consider what evidence we would find using different definitions of police treatment. Police Attention Jennifer Eberhardt and colleagues (2004) have found that police pay more attention to Black faces than White faces when in a situation that makes them think about crime. For example, showing participants subliminal images of weapons and other crime-related objects leads them to spend more time looking at photos of Black versus White individuals.

Decision to Arrest Analysis of real-world data indicates that police are more likely to detain, search, and arrest individuals of certain demographics. In New York City in 2017, for example, 58% of police stops were of Black civilians, 32% were Hispanic, and 9% were White, even though the citywide population was 23% Black, 28% Hispanic and 33% White—and even though a higher percentage of searches of White individuals actually uncovered evidence of illegal activity.

Use of Force Joshua Correll and colleagues (2014) have conducted police simulation studies in which participants, including actual officers, must determine if they should shoot or not shoot, depending on whether an individual is shown holding a weapon or a harmless object like a phone or wallet. Participants in these studies are more likely to mistakenly shoot at photos of unarmed Black men versus White men.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions The idea that civilians might be treated differently based on their race or ethnicity is troubling. Data do support this claim, though, and they come from studies of real-world police stops as well as lab experiments. But remember, the vast majority of police/civilian interactions do not end tragically. And the potential for racial bias has been observed among a wide range of professionals, including doctors, lawyers, judges, teachers, hiring managers, and more. Critical thinking and the scientific method are always important tools, but perhaps never more so than when considering emotionally charged and controversial claims.

Social Psychology

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Summary: Social Psychology 13.1 Social Beliefs LO 13.1.A

Contrast situational and dispositional attributions, and explain the fundamental attribution error and other biases that people hold.

According to attribution theory, people are motivated to search for causes to which they can attribute their own and other people’s behavior. Their attributions may be situational or dispositional (also referred to as external or internal). The fundamental attribution error occurs when people overestimate personality traits as a cause of behavior and underestimate the influence of the situation. Attributions are further influenced by three self-serving biases: the bias to choose the most flattering and forgiving explanations of our own behavior; the bias that we are better, smarter, and kinder than others; and the bias that the world is fair (the just-world hypothesis). LO 13.1.B

Explain factors that shape our attitudes and predict persuasion and attitude change.

People hold many attitudes about people, things, and ideas. Attitudes may be explicit (conscious) or implicit (unconscious). One powerful way to influence attitudes is by taking advantage of the familiarity effect, while other efforts at persuasion take place through the central route and peripheral route as described in the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion. LO 13.1.C

Outline the process of cognitive dissonance and how it can lead to attitude change.

The uncomfortable feeling caused by the inconsistency between beliefs (or between a belief and behavior) is known as cognitive dissonance. When faced with dissonance, people engage in a variety of strategies to alleviate this discomfort, including efforts to justify the problematic behavior, minimize the apparent inconsistency, or dismiss information that would create even more dissonance. LO 13.1.D

Summarize social psychological elements that contribute to indoctrination.

Suicide bombers and terrorists have not been “brainwashed,” and most are not psychopaths or mentally ill. Often, they have been entrapped into taking increasingly violent actions against real and perceived enemies, encouraged to attribute all problems to that one enemy, and cut off from access to dissonant information. Similar processes can be seen among members of cults or those who adhere to and spread conspiracy theories.

13.2 Social Forces LO 13.2.A

Compare social norms and social roles, and note how they contribute to rules that guide behavior.

Social psychologists study how social roles, attitudes, relationships, and groups influence individuals; cultural psychologists study the influence of culture on human behavior. Many cultural rules, such as those governing personal space, are unspoken but nonetheless powerful.

LO 13.2.B

Outline and critique Milgram’s obedience research and Zimbardo’s Stanford Prison Experiment.

Milgram’s obedience studies illustrate the power of norms and roles to affect individual actions; most people in the role of “teacher” inflicted what they thought was extreme shock on another person because of the authority of the experimenter. Milgram’s basic findings have been replicated in the years that followed, but debate continues today regarding the ethics and interpretation of his original studies. In Zimbardo’s Stanford Prison Experiment, college students behaved in accordance with their randomly assigned role of “prisoner” or “guard.” Contemporary critiques of the research focus on its ethics, the representativeness of the participant sample, and the suggestive instructions that may have led participants to role play during the study. LO 13.2.C

Explain the factors that contribute to destructive forms of obedience.

Obedience to authority can maintain a sense of order in society, but it can also lead to actions that are foolish, illegal, or even deadly. People obey orders because they can be punished if they do not, out of respect for authority, and because they think they are aiding a worthy cause. Even when they would rather not obey, people may justify each incremental decision they make and hand over mental responsibility for any harmful actions they commit to the authority.

13.3 Individuals in Groups LO 13.3.A

Outline the Asch line-judging study, and discuss how conformity differs from related concepts such as obedience and persuasion.

In groups, individuals often behave differently than they would on their own. Like obedience to authority, conformity permits the smooth running of society, but it can also lead to problematic outcomes. Two motives for conformity are the need for social acceptance and the need for information. As the Asch study demonstrated, though, sometimes people will conform to the judgments of others even when the others are obviously wrong. Compared to obedience and persuasion, conformity is a subtler process by which individuals sense what is expected of them and adjust behavior accordingly. LO 13.3.B

Define groupthink, and describe its symptoms.

Close-knit groups are vulnerable to groupthink, the tendency of group members to think alike, censor themselves, actively suppress disagreement, and feel that their decisions are invulnerable. Groupthink often produces faulty decisions because group members fail to seek disconfirming evidence for their ideas. However, groups and situations can be structured to counteract groupthink.

440 Chapter 13 LO 13.3.C

Explain how an increased sense of anonymity in a crowd can lead to both the bystander effect and deindividuation.

Contrary to intuition, the more people around you, the less likely you are to offer assistance in an emergency, a tendency known as the bystander effect. One explanation for this tendency is diffusion of responsibility, by which members of a group fail to take action because they assume that someone else will do so. An even more extreme consequence of the loss of awareness of one’s individuality is deindividuation, which has been linked to rioting and other forms of the so-called mob mentality. LO 13.3.D

Discuss the specific situational factors that increase one’s likelihood of helping others and breaking with group norms.

The willingness to speak up for an unpopular opinion, blow the whistle on illegal practices, or help a stranger in trouble and perform other acts of altruism is partly a matter of personal belief and conscience. But several situational factors are also important: The person perceives that help is needed, cultural norms support taking action, or the person has an ally that helps them stand up to the power of group norms.

13.4 Us Versus Them: Group Identity and Conflict LO 13.4.A

Define social identity, and discuss its links to how people think about the world around them.

People develop social identities based on membership in groups, including ethnicity, nationality, religion, politics, and gender. Most people have multiple social identities that manifest themselves differently in different contexts, both collide with and complement each other, and shape the way they view the world around them. LO 13.4.B

Explain what in-groups and out-groups are, and discuss how easily we fall into us–them thinking.

Every social identity we have creates an in-group, which in turn creates one (or more than one) out-group. This distinction can lead to us–them thinking, hostility between groups, and bias in the form of in-group favoritism. One way to reduce group conflict appears to be interdependence or forcing both sides to work together to reach a common goal.

LO 13.4.C

Define stereotyping, and discuss specific ways in which stereotypes distort reality.

Stereotypes help people rapidly process new information, organize experience, and predict how others will behave. But they can also distort reality by exaggerating differences between groups, underestimating the differences within groups, and producing selective perception.

13.5 Prejudice LO 13.5.A

Describe the psychological, social, economic, and cultural sources of prejudice.

A prejudice is an unreasonable negative feeling toward a category of people. Psychologically, prejudice can ward off feelings of anxiety and bolster self-esteem when a person feels threatened, sometimes by providing a scapegoat. Prejudice also has social causes, as people acquire prejudices mindlessly, through conformity and family influence. Prejudice can be used to justify a majority group’s economic interests and dominance. Finally, prejudice can serve the cultural and national purpose of bonding people to their social groups, and in extreme cases justifying war. LO 13.5.B

Describe the multiple ways of measuring prejudice.

Psychologists measure racism and other prejudices in a variety of ways. Some try to measure prejudice indirectly by assessing social distance and instances of “microaggressions,” measuring unequal treatment by the police or other institutions, determining whether people are more likely to behave aggressively toward a target when they are stressed or angry, observing changes in the brain, or assessing unconscious positive or negative associations with a group, as with the Implicit Association Test (IAT). Debates continue regarding the effectiveness and limitations of each of these techniques. LO 13.5.C

Describe situational factors that can help reduce prejudice and intergroup conflict.

Efforts to reduce prejudice target both people’s explicit and implicit attitudes. Four conditions help to reduce groups’ mutual prejudices: All sides must have equal legal status, economic standing, and power; all sides must have the legal, moral, and economic support of cultural institutions; all sides must have opportunities to work and socialize together (the contact hypothesis); and all sides must work together for a common goal.

Shared Writing: Social Psychology At the start of this chapter, we asked whether there was ever a time when you knew that a group you were in was making a bad decision but you didn’t speak up to stop it. Most people say yes to this question. And even if you didn’t, we’re sure you can think of occasions when this has happened to others you know. Let’s put your newfound knowledge to the test: Pretend that you are talking to someone who is getting ready to enter junior high school. You want to help that person prepare for the peer pressure of the adolescent experience. Of the grouprelated processes detailed in this chapter—for example, conformity, obedience to authority, bystander apathy, deindividuation, groupthink— pick one and explain what it means in your own words. Then give your young friend an example of the type of situation in which this tendency might emerge and how they might resist such group pressure from leading to negative behavior.

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 13 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 14

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Theories of Personality

Learning Objectives LO 14.1.A

Describe the psychoanalytic perspective on the structure of personality, psychological defense mechanisms, and stages of psychosexual development.

LO 14.2.A

Outline some ways in which objective personality inventories differ from popular personality tests used in business, dating, or online.

LO 14.1.B

Explain how the views of Carl Jung differed from Sigmund Freud’s approach to personality.

LO 14.2.B

List and describe the characteristics of each of the Big Five personality dimensions.

LO 14.3.A

Define temperament, and discuss how it relates to personality traits.

LO 14.3.B

Explain how twin studies can be used to estimate the heritability of personality traits.

LO 14.1.C

Summarize the ways in which psychodynamic theories falter under scientific scrutiny.

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442 Chapter 14 LO 14.4.A

Explain the concept of reciprocal determinism, and discuss how traits and behavior can be shaped by the environment.

LO 14.4.B

Summarize the evidence that suggests parental influence over children’s personality development is limited.

LO 14.4.C

Discuss some ways in which peers influence the development of personality in children.

LO 14.5.A

Compare individualist and collectivist cultures, and describe some of the generalized personality differences between them.

LO 14.5.B

Evaluate some pros and cons of the cultural approach to understanding personality.

LO 14.6.A

Describe the core humanist ideas advanced by Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, and Rollo May.

LO 14.6.B

Discuss how the narrative approach to personality hinges on answering the central question, “Who am I?”

LO 14.6.C

Summarize the contributions and shortcomings of the humanist and narrative approaches to personality.

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What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter.

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Do you prefer one-on-one conversations to group activities?

When you think about Kim Kardashian, what personality characteristics come to mind? Does it surprise you to learn that she has become a prison reform activist who works to raise awareness of racial disparities in the legal system and plans to take the bar exam and then practice law? Media depictions don’t always provide us with enough reliable information on which to base valid conclusions about celebrities’ personalities, and people are usually far more complicated than reality TV makes them out to be.

If you’ve ever been set up on a blind date, you might have heard that the mystery individual “has a great personality.” What, exactly, does that mean? What distinguishes a great personality from a pretty good or run-of-the-mill personality? And where does personality come from in the first place? In the world of romantic relationships, “personality” usually refers to a constellation of desirable attributes: The person is funny, a good conversationalist, caring, attentive, and so forth. But when psychologists talk about personality, they are not referring only to these attributes; rather, personality psychologists study other more global and enduring patterns of thoughts and behaviors. In fact, the “person” part of “personality” implies that there’s something stable, all-encompassing, and far-reaching involved—something that gets right to the very core of what makes a person who they are. Indeed, one active area of research among psychologists today is examining the extent to which personality traits predict long-term cognitive, social, and health outcomes (Hoff et al., 2021; Leger et al., 2021). Consider the opening survey question above. Many readers of this chapter report a preference for more intimate, one-on-one settings over interacting in larger groups. Some would propose, then, that readers who answered this question in this way are introverts rather than extraverts (we’ll return to those terms later in this chapter). But is a conclusion like this fair based on just the one scenario described? Would your answer to the chapter-opening question have been different if you were thinking about one-on-one time with a friend versus small talk with a stranger? Or being with a group of people you don’t know well versus an outing with several close friends? For that matter, is it better to be introverted or extraverted? Some studies have shown that more outgoing, extraverted people also report greater happiness and work satisfaction (Lucas et al., 2008; Seddigh et al., 2016). Perhaps you—or others you know—are more productive when hashing out ideas in a collaborative group setting or while seated in a noisy coffee shop. On the other hand, the thesis of Susan Cain’s (2012) bestselling book Quiet: The Power of Introverts in a World That Can’t Stop Talking is that a great deal of innovation and productivity come from people who do their best work when they are left alone to think and focus in relative solitude. In this chapter, we will address questions like these. We will see how psychologists study personality and how they explain where it comes from. We will begin with the oldest

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theory of personality, the psychodynamic view; we will explore its widespread influence as well as why many of its ideas have since fallen out of favor with most scientists. Next, we will consider evidence for the newest theory, the genetic view. We will then examine leading approaches to personality that are neither psychodynamic nor biological: the environmental approach, which emphasizes the role of social learning, situations, caregivers, and peers; the cultural approach, which emphasizes cultural influences on traits and behavior; and the humanist and narrative approaches, which emphasize self-determination and people’s own view of themselves.

14.1 Psychodynamic Theories of Personality This chapter will review, compare, and contrast multiple schools of thought on personality— beginning with the psychodynamic viewpoint of Sigmund Freud—but let us begin by offering a definition. Even though they approach the topic from different perspectives, most psychologists would agree that personality is a distinctive pattern of behavior, mannerisms, thoughts, motives, and emotions that characterize an individual over time and across situations. Notable in this definition is the idea of some sort of stability. Personality is typically conceived of not as a fleeting or temporary snapshot of an individual in just one setting or at one specific point in time, but rather as a way to more reliably characterize patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving.

personality A distinctive and relatively stable pattern of behavior, thoughts, motives, and emotions that characterizes an individual.

14.1.A Freud and Psychoanalysis

An individual apologizes for “displacing” their frustrations at work onto their family. A person suspects that they are “repressing” a childhood trauma. Someone with alcohol use disorder reveals that they are no longer “in denial” about their drinking. A teacher informs a divorcing couple that their 8-year-old child is “regressing” to immature behavior. These notions of displacing, repressing, denying, and regressing have become commonplace in everyday language, but their usage in this context can be traced back to Sigmund Freud’s views on personality. To enter the world of Sigmund Freud is to enter a realm of unconscious motives, raging passions, guilty secrets, unspeakable yearnings, and conflicts between desire and duty. These unseen forces, Freud believed, have far more power over our personalities than our conscious intentions do. Freud’s theory of psychoanalysis highlighted the role of these motives and conflicts in shaping personality. Freud’s theory is called psychodynamic because it emphasizes the movement of psychological energy within the person. (Dynamics is a term from physics that refers to the motion and balance of systems under outside or internal forces.) Today’s psychodynamic theories differ from Freudian theory and from one another, but they all share an emphasis on unconscious processes within the mind. They also share an assumption that adult personality and problems are formed primarily by experiences in early childhood. These experiences produce unconscious thoughts and feelings, which later form characteristic habits, conflicts, and often self-defeating behavior. THE STRUCTURE OF PERSONALITY In Freud’s theory, personality consists of three major systems: the id, the ego, and the superego. Any action we take or problem we have results from the interaction and degree of balance among these systems (Freud, 1905b, 1920/1960, 1923/1962).

psychoanalysis A theory of personality and a method of psychotherapy, originally formulated by Sigmund Freud, that emphasizes unconscious motives and conflicts.

psychodynamic theories Theories that explain behavior and personality in terms of unconscious energy dynamics within the individual.

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Learning Objective 14.1.A Describe the psychoanalytic perspective on the structure of personality, psychological defense mechanisms, and stages of psychosexual development.

Sigmund Freud (1856–1939)

444 Chapter 14

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The id, which is theorized to be present at birth, is the reservoir of unconscious psychological energies—it is the source of primitive motives to obtain pleasure and avoid pain. The id contains two competing instincts: the life, or sexual, instinct (fueled by sexual energy called the libido [li-BEE-do]) and the death, or aggressive, instinct. As energy builds up in the id, strengthening the impulses to seek gratification of these instincts, tension results. The id may discharge this tension in the form of reflex actions, physical symptoms, or uncensored mental images and thoughts. The ego, the second system to emerge according to Freud, serves as a referee between what instincts want and what society demands. It bows to the realities of life, putting the brakes on the id’s desire for sex and aggression until a suitable, socially appropriate outlet for them Freud’s ideas about personality continue to have direct and indirect influences can be found. The ego, said Freud, is both conscious and on popular culture today. Consider the fictional character facing an ethical dilemma who is depicted with an animated devil on one shoulder and angel on unconscious, and it represents “reason and good sense.” the other. What you’re seeing played out on your screen is the battle between id The superego, the last system of personality to and superego, with the main character in the unenviable position of ego caught develop, is the voice of conscience, representing a learned in the middle. For that matter, many TV shows include characters that serve as sense of morality (and reflecting parental authority). The (more or less) representations of Freudian ideas. Fans of The Office (depicted here) superego judges the activities of the id, handing out poshave many such examples to choose from—for example, consider the accounting itive feelings such as pride and satisfaction when you do department at Dunder Mifflin, in which Kevin’s impulsive pleasure seeking (id) and Angela’s judgmental criticism (superego) often leave Oscar stuck in the midsomething well and handing out miserable feelings such dle to mediate (ego). as guilt and shame when you break the rules. The superego is partly conscious but largely unconscious. According to Freud, the healthy personality must keep all three of these systems id in balance. Someone who is too controlled by the id will run wild with impulse and In psychoanalysis, the part of selfish desires. Someone who is too controlled by the superego will be rigid, moralistic, personality driven by unconscious and bossy. Someone who has a weak ego will be unable to balance personal needs and drives, particularly those motivating wishes with social duties and realistic limitations. What is the empirical evidence for the pursuit of pleasure. the existence of these three psychic systems? Good question! As we will review in more detail below, scientific support is lacking for many aspects of Freud’s theories. Still, the libido Freudian perspective is an important early landmark in the study of personality, and its In psychoanalysis, the energy that influence continues to be seen in scientific as well as popular culture characterizations of fuels the life or sexual instincts of human nature. the id.

ego In psychoanalysis, the part of personality that represents reason, good sense, and rational self­control.

superego In psychoanalysis, the part of personality that represents conscience, morality, and social standards.

defense mechanisms Methods used by the ego to prevent unconscious anxiety or threatening thoughts from entering consciousness.

If a person feels anxious or threatened when the wishes of the id conflict with social rules, the ego has weapons at its command to relieve this tension, according to Freud. These unconscious strategies, called defense mechanisms, deny or distort reality while protecting us from conflict and anxiety. They can become unhealthy, but only when they cause self-defeating behavior and emotional problems. Here are five primary defense mechanisms identified by Freud and later analysts (Freud, 1967; Perry & Metzger, 2014; Vaillant, 1992):

DEFENSE MECHANISMS

1. Repression occurs when a threatening idea, memory, or emotion is blocked from consciousness. Someone who had a frightening childhood experience that they cannot remember is said to be repressing her memory of it. Modern analysts tend to think of it only as an unconscious defense mechanism, although Freud used the term repression to mean both unconscious expulsion of disturbing material from awareness and conscious suppression of such material. 2. Projection occurs when a person’s own unacceptable or threatening feelings are attributed to someone else. A man who is embarrassed about having sexual feelings toward other men may project this discomfort onto gay people more generally and report that he has negative beliefs about people being gay.

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3. Displacement occurs when people direct emotions that make them uncomfortable or conflicted—commonly, anger and lust—toward others who are not the real object of their feelings. Children who are forbidden to express anger toward their parents may “take it out” on their toys or a younger sibling. When displacement serves a higher cultural or socially useful purpose—as in channeling sexual passion into the creation of art or aggressive energy into sports—it is called sublimation. 4. Regression occurs when a person reverts to a previous phase of psychological development. An 8-year-old who is anxious about their parents’ divorce may regress to earlier habits of thumb sucking or clinging. Adults may also regress to immature behavior when they are under pressure—perhaps by having temper tantrums when they don’t get their way. 5. Denial occurs when people refuse to admit that something unpleasant is happening, such as mistreatment by a partner; that they have a problem, such as drinking too much; or that they are feeling a forbidden emotion, such as anger. Denial protects a person’s self-image and preserves the illusion of invulnerability: “It can’t happen to me.” Freud argued that personality develops in a series of psychosexual stages, in which sexual energy takes different forms as the child matures. Each new stage produces a certain amount of frustration, conflict, and anxiety. If these are not resolved properly, normal development may be interrupted, and the child may remain fixated, or stuck, at the current stage. Freud thought that some people remain fixated at the oral stage, which occurs during the first year of life, when babies experience the world through their mouths. As adults, they will seek oral gratification in smoking, overeating, or nail-biting. Others remain fixated at the anal stage, at ages 2 to 3, when toilet training and control of bodily wastes are the key issues. They may become “anal retentive,” holding everything in, obsessive about neatness and cleanliness. Or they may become just the opposite, “anal expulsive”—messy and disorganized. For Freud, however, the most crucial stage for personality formation was the phallic (Oedipal) stage, which lasts roughly from age 3 to 5. During this stage, said Freud, the child unconsciously wishes to possess a different-sex parent and get rid of a same-sex parent. Children often proudly announce, “I’m going to marry Daddy (or Mommy) when I grow up,” and they reject a same-sex “rival.” Freud labeled this phenomenon the Oedipus complex, after the Greek legend of King Oedipus, who unwittingly killed his father and married his mother. Freud believed that when the Oedipus complex is resolved, at about age 5 or 6, the child’s personality is fundamentally formed. Unconscious conflicts with parents, unresolved fixations and guilt, and attitudes toward the sexes will continue to replay themselves throughout life. The child settles into a supposedly nonsexual latency stage in preparation for the genital stage, which begins at puberty and leads to adult sexuality. In Freud’s view, therefore, your adult personality is shaped by whether your ego is strong enough to balance the conflict between the id (what you would like to do) and the superego (your conscience), which defense mechanisms you developed to reduce anxiety, and how you progressed through the early psychosexual stages of development (see Table 14.1).

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY

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Table 14.1 Psychosexual Stages of Personality of Development Stage

Age Range

Oral

First year of life

Anal

Age 2 to 3 years

Phallic (Oedipal)

Age 3 to 5 years

Latency

Age 5 to puberty

Genital

Puberty through adulthood

psychosexual stages In Freud’s theory, the idea that sexual energy takes different forms as the child matures: oral, anal, phallic (Oedipal), latency, and genital.

Oedipus complex In psychoanalysis, a conflict occurring in the phallic stage, in which a child desires a different­sex parent and views a same­sex parent as a rival.

446 Chapter 14 FREUD IN PERSPECTIVE As you might imagine, Freud’s ideas were controversial. Sexual feelings in 5-year-olds! Repressed longings in respectable adults! Unconscious meanings in dreams! This was strong stuff in the early 20th century, and before long, psychoanalysis had captured the public imagination in Europe and the United States. But psychoanalysis also produced a sharp rift with the emerging schools of empirical psychology because so many of Freud’s ideas were scientifically untestable—or they were tested and not supported. Modern critics have argued that Freud was not the theoretical genius, impartial scientist, or even successful clinician that he claimed to be. On the contrary, Freud sometimes bullied his patients into accepting his explanations of their symptoms and ignored evidence disconfirming his ideas (Borch-Jacobsen & Shamdasani, 2012; Samuel, 2013; Webster, 1995). On the positive side, Freud welcomed women into the profession, wrote eloquently about the devastating results of society’s suppression of female sexuality, and argued, ahead of his time, that being gay was neither a sin nor a perversion but a “variation of the sexual function” and “nothing to be ashamed of” (Freud, 1967). Moreover, don’t be too quick to conclude that Freud has no influence on the scientific study of psychology today. His focus on the role of the unconscious in daily functioning continues to have echoes in modern research regarding priming, implicit attitudes, and self-enhancing cognitions. Thus, Freud was a mixture of intellectual vision and blindness, sensitivity and arrogance. His provocative ideas left a controversial legacy to psychology, one that others began to tinker with immediately.

14.1.B Other Psychodynamic Approaches Learning Objective 14.1.B Explain how the views of Carl Jung differed from Sigmund Freud’s approach to personality.

In Jungian theory, the universal memories and experiences of humankind, represented in the symbols, stories, and images (archetypes) that occur across all cultures.

archetypes

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Universal, symbolic images that appear in myths, art, and dreams, which Jung argued reflect the collective unconscious.

In the Jungian view, Sith lords in the Star Wars saga are modern archetypes of evil, fighting the wise and pure hero archetypes of the Jedis.

Lucasfilm/Photo 12/Alamy Stock Photo

collective unconscious

Some of Freud’s followers stayed in the psychoanalytic tradition and modified his theories from within. Clara Thompson (1943/1973) and Karen Horney [HORN-eye] (1926/1973), for example, took issue with Freud’s suggestion that women, as they developed, felt “penis envy,” arguing that it was insulting and unscientific to claim that half of humanity is jealously dissatisfied with its own anatomy. Rather, when women feel inferior to men, they argued, we should look for explanations in the disadvantages that women live with and their second-class status in society. Other psychoanalysts broke away from Freud, or were actively rejected by him, and went off to start their own schools. Carl Jung [YOONG] (1875–1961) was originally one of Freud’s closest friends and a member of his inner circle, but the friendship ended with a furious quarrel about the nature of the unconscious (hey, friendships have broken up over far less weighty disagreements!). According to Jung (1967), in addition to the individual’s own unconscious, all human beings share a vast collective unconscious, containing universal memories and stories, as well as symbols, which he called archetypes [AR-ki-tipes].

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An archetype can be an image, such as the “magic circle”—called a mandala in religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, and Shinto—which Jung thought symbolizes the unity of life and “the totality of the self.” Or it can be a figure found in fairy tales, legends, and popular stories, such as the Hero, the nurturing Earth Mother, the Strong Father, or the Wicked Witch. It can even be an aspect of the self; the shadow archetype reflects the prehistoric fear of wild animals and represents the bestial, evil side of human nature. Some basic archetypes do appear in the stories and images of virtually every society (Campbell, 1949/1968; Neher, 1996). Indeed, Jungians would consider Darth Vader, Dracula, Batman’s Joker, and Harry Potter’s Voldemort to be expressions of the shadow archetype. Although Jung shared with Freud a fascination with the darker aspects of the personality, he had more confidence in the positive, forward-moving strengths of the ego. He believed that people are motivated not only by past conflicts, but also by their future goals and their desire to fulfill themselves. Many of Jung’s ideas were more suited to mysticism and philosophy than to empirical psychology, which may be why so many Jungian ideas became popular with New Age and other spiritual movements. Notably, though, Jung was also among the first to identify extraversion/introversion as a basic dimension of personality. (Yes, you are reading correctly: In this chapter, we spell it as extraversion with an a, not extroversion with an o. Though the o spelling has become popular in contemporary usage, most personality psychologists stick to the a spelling. This makes sense given that in Latin, the prefix extra means “outside” and vert means “turn.” Extraverts, therefore, are those who turn outward, compared to introverts, who turn inward.)

14.1.C Evaluating Psychodynamic Theories

Psychodynamic psychology is the thumb on the hand of psychology—connected to the other fingers, but also set apart from them because it differs radically from empirical approaches in its language, methods, and standards of acceptable evidence. Many psychological scientists believe that psychodynamic approaches belong in novels or movies rather than in psychology texts. But some psychotherapists and laypeople remain attracted to the psychodynamic perspective’s emphasis on the darker, less visible aspects of personality. Although modern psychodynamic theorists differ in many ways, they share a general belief that to understand personality we must explore its unconscious dynamics and origins. They see the overall framework of Freud’s theory as timeless and brilliant, even if many of his specific ideas have proved faulty (Westen et al., 2008). The majority of psychological scientists, however, think that most of the assumptions of psychoanalytic theory are best regarded as literary metaphors rather than scientific explanations (Cioffi, 1998; Crews, 1998). Indeed, most of the cornerstone assumptions in psychoanalytic theory, such as the notion that the mind “represses” traumatic experiences, have not been supported scientifically (Rofé, 2008; Wegner, 2011). Psychological scientists have shown that psychodynamic theories are lacking in at least three scientific ways: 1. Violating the principle of falsifiability. Many psychodynamic concepts about unconscious motivations are, in fact, impossible to confirm or disconfirm. Followers often accept an idea because it seems intuitively right or their experience seems to support it. Anyone who doubts the idea or offers disconfirming evidence is then accused of being “defensive” or “in denial.”

According to psychodynamic theories, babies construct unconscious representations of their parents that will influence how they relate with others throughout life.

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Learning Objective 14.1.C Summarize the ways in which psychodynamic theories falter under scientific scrutiny.

448 Chapter 14 2. Drawing universal principles from the experiences of a few atypical patients. Of course, sometimes case studies can generate valid insights about human behavior. The problem occurs when the observer fails to confirm observations by studying larger, more representative samples and including appropriate control groups. For example, some psychodynamically oriented therapists, believing in Freud’s notion of a childhood “latency” stage, have assumed that if a child masturbates or enjoys sex play, the child has probably been sexually molested. But research finds that masturbation and sexual curiosity are not found only in abused children; these are normal and common childhood behaviors (Bancroft, 2006; Friedrich et al., 1998). 3. Basing theories of personality development on the retrospective accounts of adults. Most psychodynamic theorists have not observed random samples of children at different ages to construct their theories of development. Instead, they have worked backward, creating theories based on themes in adults’ recollections of childhood. But memory is often inaccurate, influenced as much by what is going on in our lives now as by what happened in the past. Retrospective analysis also creates an illusion of causality between events. People often assume that if A came before B, then A must have caused B: If your mother spent 3 months in the hospital when you were 5 years old, and today you feel shy and insecure in college, you might be inclined to draw a connection between the two facts. But a lot of other things could be causing your shyness and insecurity. When psychologists conduct longitudinal studies, following people from childhood to adulthood, they often get a very different picture of causality from the one that emerges by looking backward. Some psychodynamic concepts have been empirically tested and validated. Research has confirmed the psychodynamic idea that we are often unaware of the motives behind our own puzzling or self-defeating actions. Researchers have found evidence for several defense mechanisms such as projection, denial, and displacement (Baumeister et al., 1998; Cramer, 2000; Marcus-Newhall et al., 2000). One fascinating study suggests that homophobia can be an attempt to deal with unconscious but threatening feelings of same-sex attraction. When people were subliminally shown the word me or other before seeing pictures and words related to being straight or being gay, and were asked to sort the pictures and words into the appropriate categories, most sorted the words and pictures associated with their own sexual orientation faster when me had been the subliminal cue. But a subset of self-identified straight people sorted the gay-related words and images faster when they had been exposed to me—and those people were also more likely to favor antigay policies (Weinstein et al., 2012).

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JOURNAL 14.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Freud and his followers assumed they could derive general principles of personality by studying patients in therapy, that childhood traumas inevitably have lifelong emotional consequences, and that memories are reliable guides to the past. Pick one of these assumptions and challenge it.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 14.1 to test your knowledge.

14.2 The Modern Study of Personality For centuries, people have enjoyed trying to fit themselves and their friends into “types.” Early Greek philosophers thought our personalities fell into four fundamental categories depending on mixes of body fluids. If you were an angry, irritable sort of person, you supposedly had an excess of choler, and even now the word “choleric” describes a hothead. And if you were sluggish and unemotional, you supposedly had an excess of phlegm, making you a “phlegmatic” type.

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Our affinity for determining personality type remains strong today. Many a job applicant is asked to complete a personality inventory during the interview process, the idea being that certain positions are better suited for certain dispositions (perhaps an extraverted individual would thrive in sales, whereas someone more accommodating and risk-averse fits well in customer service). And on social media and various websites, one is often bombarded by offers to take a quick quiz to learn the answer to important questions like: Are you a narcissist? Which Game of Thrones character are you? And Which Rihanna song best captures your personality type? You won’t be shocked to learn that some of these personality tests are more scientifically rigorous than others, as detailed below.

14.2.A Popular Personality Tests Learning Objective 14.2.A Outline some ways in which objective personality inventories differ from popular personality tests used in business, dating, or online. What makes a personality test scientific (Cattell & Kline, 1977; McCrae & Mõttus, 2019)? Two critical ingredients are validity and reliability. While you may think of those words as interchangeable, they are not! Though validity and reliability are related ideas, they refer to different aspects of a measure’s rigor. For a test to have validity, it must measure what it is supposed to measure. A personality measure of aggressiveness, for example, should correlate with an individual’s aggressive behaviors in real life, as well as with the results of other measures that were designed to assess aggressiveness. The reliability of a measure refers to its consistency—over time and across circumstances. If the same person takes the same personality test 2 days in a row and gets very different scores, that test would seem to be lacking in reliability. The hallmarks of a sound psychological test are reviewed in Revel in a video on measuring personality. Just because a test is widely used doesn’t mean that it is particularly scientific. Consider the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), which is hugely popular in business, at motivational seminars, and with matchmaking services, with millions of Americans taking it each year (Gladwell, 2004). As detailed in the Revisiting the Classics box, the test is influenced by Jungian perspectives on personality and assigns people to one of 16 different types. Unfortunately, the MBTI is not much more reliable than the ancient Greek strategy of measuring body fluids; one study found that fewer than half of MBTI respondents scored as the same type again a mere 5 weeks later when retested. Worse, knowledge of a person’s type does not reliably predict that person’s behavior on the job or in relationships (Barbuto, 1997; Paul, 2004; Pittenger, 2005). Faring a bit better in terms of scientific validity is another popular test, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI; Egger et al., 2003; Van der Heijden et al., 2013). The MMPI is more than 75 years old, though it has been updated multiple times over the decades. It consists of several hundred true/false statements and has been translated into many languages for use across dozens of cultures (Butcher & Williams, 2009). The MMPI appears to be most useful not for classifying individuals into general personality types, but rather for clinical assessment—for evaluating traits associated with dimensions such as anxiety, obsessiveness, conduct problems, social discomfort, and paranoia. The MMPI also has built-in safeguards intended to prevent those who take it from misrepresenting themselves by either exaggerating their positive qualities or playing down their personal problems. In short, the effort to identify broad personality “types” hasn’t advanced the study of personality much. The study of specific traits—habitual ways of behaving, thinking, and feeling—has produced measures that are scientifically valid and more useful in research and practice. These objective tests (inventories) are standardized questionnaires that provide information about countless aspects of personality, including values, interests, self-esteem, emotional problems, and typical ways of responding to situations. Using well-constructed inventories, psychologists have identified hundreds of traits, ranging from sensation-seeking (the enjoyment of risk) to mood awareness (attention directed toward one’s emotional states) to perfectionism (a striving for flawlessness).

The idea of personality type makes its way into the Harry Potter series in the form of the sorting hat, which assesses students’ tendencies and capabilities in assigning them to one of Hogwarts’ four houses. And so the kind and loyal are sent to Hufflepuff, the intelligent and self-sufficient to Ravenclaw, the cunning and power hungry to Slytherin, and the daring and chivalrous to Gryffindor.

trait A characteristic of an individual, describing a habitual way of behaving, thinking, or feeling.

objective tests (inventories) Standardized questionnaires that typically include scales on which people are asked to rate themselves.

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Revisiting the Classics The Myers–Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) Their relationship was never going to work; one of them was an

spend a great deal of money on the MBTI as a tool for assigning

INTP and the other an ESFJ!

workers to the roles that will best suit them—the cost is between

If you were able to extract meaning from this sentence, then you must speak fluent Myers–Briggs. As alluded to earlier, the MBTI is

$15 and $40 to take the measure and $1,700 to become trained to administer it.

an exceptionally popular measure that purports to classify people

Alas, actual data provide less assured conclusions about the

by personality type. The measure was the brainchild of Katherine

validity and reliability of the MBTI than these tattoos and business

Cook Briggs and Isabel Myers, an early 20th-century mother–

expenses imply (Pittinger, 2005). The measure’s mother–daughter

daughter team who were avid fans of Carl Jung and believed that

origin story may be a unique one, and the horoscope-like feel of the

every individual had a deeply ingrained and permanent personality

MBTI certainly strengthens people’s loyalty to the measure as they

type just waiting to be discovered (Emre, 2018). The questions they

use their assigned type to impose a sense of predictability in often

developed for this purpose typically had two response options. For

unpredictable world. But psychological science has moved away

example: When I read something, I usually. . . a) confine my thoughts

from inventories like the MBTI that force individuals into permanent

to what is written there, or b) read between the lines and relate the

either/or categorizations. Today, most personality psychologists think

words to other ideas. As its instructions specify, there are no right

of traits as existing along a continuum and evolving over the course

or wrong answers on the MBTI. Indeed, Briggs and Myers went to

of the lifespan as well as across contexts (Wagner et al., 2020).

great lengths to call their creation a “type indicator” rather than a “test” (Emre, 2018). The MBTI sorts individuals using four different dimensions. A Jeffrey Coolidge/Stone/Getty Images

person is either an extravert (E) or an introvert (I), sensing (S) or intuitive (N), thinking (T) or feeling (F), judging (J) or perceiving (P). These four either/or dimensions produce 16 different personality types, each represented by a different four-letter abbreviation. So the INTP from our opening example refers to an introvert/intuitive/thinking/ perceiving type. Their incompatible partner, the ESFJ, would be an extravert/sensing/feeling/judging type. Much of the appeal of the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator can be found in the sense of identity bestowed by these 16 personality types. For example, an ENTJ is likely to take pride in being known

identifying their type and have even been known to memorialize

Far be it from your authors to nose too much into your personal affairs. But if you are in the market for a tattoo, we’ll just offer one quick bit of advice: validity and reliability tend to be a lot higher for the sentiment of “I love you, Mom” than for the 4-letter personality type you get after taking the

their four-letter classification in the form of tattoos. Companies

MBTI.

as “The Commander,” someone who takes charge and organizes others in order to achieve goals. An INFP may boast of being “The Healer,” an idealist guided by personal beliefs and nonjudgmental compassion. Today’s MBTI aficionados post social media badges

14.2.B Core Personality Traits Learning Objective 14.2.B List and describe the characteristics of each of the Big Five personality dimensions. Are some personality traits more important or central than others? Do some of them overlap or cluster together? For Gordon Allport, one of the most influential psychologists in the empirical study of personality, the answer to both questions was yes. Allport (1961) recognized that not all traits have equal significance in people’s lives. Most of us, he said, have 5 to 10 central traits that reflect a characteristic way of behaving, dealing

Theories of Personality

with others, and reacting to new situations. For instance, some people see the world as a hostile, dangerous place, whereas others see it as a place for fun and playful exploration. Secondary traits, in contrast, are more changeable aspects of personality, such as music preferences, habits, casual opinions, and the like. Subsequent psychologists advanced the study of this issue by applying a statistical method called factor analysis (Cattell, 1973). Performing a factor analysis is like adding water to flour: It causes the material to gather into little clumps. When applied to traits, this procedure identifies clusters of correlated items that seem to measure some common, underlying factor. Today, hundreds of factor-analytic studies support the existence of a cluster of five central “robust factors,” known informally as the Big Five (Chang et al., 2012; Chiorri et al., 2016; Costa & McCrae, 2014): 1. Openness describes the extent to which people are open to new experiences. Are you curious, imaginative, and creative? Or more conforming and uncomfortable with novelty? Someone who scores high on a measure of openness would be likely to express strong agreement to a statement like, “I am someone who is original and comes up with new ideas.” 2. Conscientiousness describes the degree to which people are responsible and reliable. Are you well organized, careful, and self-disciplined? Or more impulsive and spontaneous? High-scorers on a conscientiousness scale would tend to agree with a statement like, “I am someone who makes plans and follows through with them.” 3. Extraversion describes the extent to which people are outgoing and sociable and enjoy being the center of attention. The opposite of extraversion is introversion, which describes someone who is more inwardly focused, quiet, and inclined to stay in the shadows. An individual who scores high on extraversion would be more likely to agree with a statement like, “I am someone who generates a lot of enthusiasm.” An individual who scores high on introversion would be more likely to agree with, “I am someone who tends to keep to themselves.” 4. Agreeableness describes people’s tendency to be good-natured, cooperative, and forgiving, as opposed to suspicious, demanding, and more likely to respond with hostility. Agreeableness reflects the tendency to have friendly social relationships, with a high score more likely among those who would agree with a statement like, “I am not someone who tends to find fault with others.” 5. Neuroticism describes the extent to which a person experiences anxiety and a tendency to feel negative emotions such as anxiety, guilt, and resentment. Neurotic individuals can be high strung, even when they have no major problems, whereas less neurotic individuals tend to be more relaxed and content (Barlow et al., 2014). Someone scoring high on the factor of neuroticism would be more likely to agree with a statement such as, “I am someone who worries a lot.” In spite of some cultural variations, the Big Five have been identified as central personality factors in countries as diverse as Australia, Britain, Canada, China, the Czech Republic, Ethiopia, Germany, Iran, Israel, Japan, the Netherlands, the Philippines, Portugal, Russia, South Korea, Spain, and Turkey (Atari et  al., 2017; Katigbak et  al., 2002; McCrae & Terracciano, 2005). One monumental research venture gathered data from thousands of people across 50 cultures. In this massive project (as in many smaller ones), the five personality factors emerged whether people were asked for self-reports or were assessed by others (McCrae & Terracciano 2005; Terracciano & McCrae, 2006). Indeed, more generally, a recent meta-analysis involving more than 33,000 individuals from 152 research samples indicated a high level of agreement between the Big Five personality ratings we give ourselves and those that friends and family give to us (Kim et al., 2019).

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factor analysis A statistical method for identifying clusters of measures or scores that are highly correlated and assumed to assess the same underlying trait or ability (i.e., factor).

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For each of the 10 items that follow, write a number from 1 to 7 indicating the extent to which you see that trait as being characteristic of you, where 1 = “I disagree strongly that this trait describes me” to 7 = “I agree strongly that this trait describes me.” Use the midpoint, 4, if you neither agree nor disagree that the trait describes you. (This selftest comes from Gosling et al., 2003.)

To score yourself on the Big Five traits, use this key:

1. ____________ Extraverted, enthusiastic 2. ____________ Critical, quarrelsome

Openness:

High on item 5, low on item 10

Conscientiousness:

High on item 3, low on item 8

Extraversion:

High on item 1, low on item 6

Agreeableness:

High on item 7, low on item 2

Neuroticism:

High on item 4, low on item 9

Now ask a friend or relative to rate you on each of the 10 items. How closely does that rating match your own? If you find a discrepancy, what might be the reason for it?

3. ____________ Dependable, self-disciplined 4. ____________ Anxious, easily upset 5. ____________ Open to new experiences, complex 6. ____________ Reserved, quiet 7. ____________ Sympathetic, warm 8. ____________ Disorganized, careless 9. ____________ Calm, emotionally stable 10. ____________ Conventional, uncreative

Although the Big Five are quite stable over a lifetime, they are also influenced by universal processes of maturation and aging (Schwaba et al., 2018; Stephan et al., 2015). A  meta-analysis of 92 longitudinal studies found that young people, ages 16 to 21, are the most neurotic and the least agreeable and conscientious. But there is good news for crabby and impulsive neurotics, especially young ones. As you can see in Figure  14.1, people tend to become more agreeable, more conscientious, and less neurotic between ages 30 and 40 (Bleidorn et al., 2013; Roberts et al., 2006). In their later years, people also tend to become less extraverted and less open to new experiences (Roberts & Mroczek, 2008; Specht et al., 2011). Experience, too, shapes personality traits (Bleidorn et al., 2018; Denissen et al., 2019). For example, extraverts obviously seek out certain experiences that introverted people might not, but after people are in a situation that brings out qualities they did not know they had, their traits may be modified accordingly (Specht et al., 2011). Those situations can

Figure 14.1 Consistency and Change in Personality Over the Lifespan 60 Conscientiousness score

60 Neuroticism score

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55 50 45 40

16–21

22–29 30–49 Age (years) American sample

50+

55 50 45 40

16–21

German sample

22–29 30–49 Age (years)

50+

Spanish sample

Although the Big Five traits are fairly stable, changes do occur over the lifespan. As you can see, neuroticism is highest among young adults and then declines, whereas conscientiousness is lowest among young adults and then steadily increases (Costa et al., 1999).

Theories of Personality

change with social and economic conditions. In one impressively ambitious research project, a large group of women, graduates of Mills College, was followed from college until their 70s. When these women were young, they led relatively constrained lives that were highly gender stereotyped. As a result, at that time their personality traits did not predict their work or educational experiences—extraverts and introverts alike behaved conventionally in their choices of family and work. But as gender roles changed and opportunities for women opened up in society at large, individual personality traits took on more power to predict the behavior of these women. In particular, the traits of extraversion, conscientiousness, and openness to experience came to be better predictors of the kind of work the women were doing and how satisfied they felt in their middle and later years (George et al., 2011).

Replication Check ✔ How well do links between the Big Five and various life outcomes replicate? Christopher Soto (2019) recently published the results of the Life Outcomes of Personality Replication Project, in which 78 replications were conducted of previously published trait-outcome associations. These studies considered a range of consequential life outcomes including romantic satisfaction, substance abuse, religious beliefs, financial security, and overall well-being. The replications used large samples—an average of 1,500 participants each—and nearly 90% produced statistically significant results in the expected direction of the original publication. Indeed, the large sample size of many personality studies likely increases the replicability of their findings.

The Big Five do not provide a complete picture of personality, of course. Clinical psychologists note that various traits involved in mental disorders are missing, such as psychopathy (lack of remorse and empathy), self-absorption, and obsessiveness (Hong et al., 2020; Westen & Shedler, 1999). Personality researchers also note that other significant traits are missing, such as religiosity, dishonesty, humorousness, independence, perfectionism, and empathy (Abrahamson et al., 2002; Paunonen & Ashton, 2001; Smith et al., 2019). One alternative that is gaining popularity is the HEXACO model, a six-factor taxonomy that converts the Big Five’s agreeableness and neuroticism factors into three separate dimensions: agreeableness, emotionality, and honesty/humility (Anglim & O’Connor, 2018; Ashton et al., 2015). In an interesting contemporary spin on personality assessment, researchers have branched out from more traditional sources of data and begun exploring what they can learn about personality from exploring people’s “stuff.” This research indicates that behavioral evidence of personality can be inferred from people’s bedroom and office decorations, their bank account spending records, their taste in music, and their social media feeds (Gladstone et al., 2019; Gosling, 2008; Nave et al., 2018; Qiu et al., 2012). For more on this emerging line of research, watch a video on this topic in Revel.

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JOURNAL 14.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS The word “shy” gets used a lot in casual conversation. Perhaps you consider yourself a shy person; perhaps you see yourself as shy in some situations but less so in others. How does your understanding of “shyness” relate to the Big Five? That is, think about someone you consider to be shy and predict how they might score on each of the Big Five dimensions. Does the possibility of someone seeming shy in some circumstances but not in others change the way you think about the stability of the so-called Big Five traits?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 14.2 to test your knowledge.

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14.3 Genetic Influences on Personality

Do these twins have different temperaments? Or are they experiencing different situational influences on their current mood state? How can we tell?

A mother we know was describing her two children: “My daughter has always been difficult, intense, and testy,” she said, “but my son is the opposite, placid and good-natured. They just came out of the womb that way.” Is she right? Is it possible to be born touchy? Or dispositionally good-natured? What aspects of personality might have an inherited component? Researchers measure genetic contributions to personality in multiple ways: by studying the temperaments of human infants and children, by studying personality traits in other species, and by conducting heritability studies of twins and adopted individuals. Let’s examine each of these approaches in turn.

14.3.A Heredity and Temperament Learning Objective 14.3.A Define temperament, and discuss how it relates to personality traits.

temperament A physiological disposition to respond to the environment in certain ways, which is present in infancy (and in many nonhuman species) and is assumed to be innate.

Even in the first weeks of life, human babies differ in activity level, mood, responsiveness, heart rate, and attention span (Fox et  al., 2005). Some are irritable and cranky; others are placid and calm. Some will cuddle up in an adult’s arms and snuggle; others squirm and fidget, as if they cannot stand being held. These differences appear even when you control for possible prenatal influences such as a pregnant mother’s nutrition, drug use, or pregnancy complications. Babies thus are born with a genetically influenced temperament, a disposition to respond to the environment in certain ways (Clark & Watson, 2008). Temperaments include reactivity (how excitable, arousable, or responsive a baby is), soothability (how easily the baby is calmed when upset), and positive and negative emotionality. Temperaments are quite stable over time and are the clay out of which later personality traits are molded (Dyson et al., 2015; Else-Quest et al., 2006; M. Li et al., 2017). Even at 4 months of age, highly reactive infants are excitable, nervous, and fearful; they overreact to any little thing, even a colorful picture placed in front of them. As toddlers, they tend to be wary of new things—toys that make noise, odd-looking robots—even when their parents are right there (Van Bakel & Riksen-Walraven, 2004). At 5 years, many of these children are still timid and uncomfortable in new situations and with new people (Hill-Soderlund & Braungart-Rieker, 2008). Later in childhood, many continue to have symptoms of anxiety, even if nothing traumatic has ever happened to them. They are worried about being separated from their parents, they need to sleep with the light on, and they are afraid of sleeping in an unfamiliar house. In contrast, nonreactive infants lie there without fussing, babbling happily. As toddlers, they are outgoing and curious about new toys and events. They are likely to continue to be easygoing throughout childhood (Fox et al., 2005; Kagan, 1997). Children at these two extremes differ physiologically, too. During mildly stressful tasks, reactive children are more likely than nonreactive children to have increased heart rates, heightened brain activity, and high levels of stress hormones (Filippi et  al., 2020; Fox et  al., 2018; X. Fu et  al., 2017). You can see how biologically based temperaments might form the basis of the later personality traits we call extraversion, agreeableness, or neuroticism. As the following photos illustrate, in recent years scientists have drawn on research in physiology, genetics, and ecology to investigate the nature of temperament in our fellow animals in order to better understand the biological and evolutionary underpinnings of human personality traits. These investigators argue that just as it has been evolutionarily adaptive for human beings to vary in their ways of responding to the world and those around them, so it has been for other animals. It would be beneficial for a species if some of

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Courtesy of Dr. Stephen J. Suomi

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Temperament Across Species

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its members were bold or impulsive enough to expose themselves to risk to confront a stranger or to experiment with a new food, and if other members were more cautious. Indeed, bears, dogs, pigs, hyenas, squirrels, goats, cats, and, of course, primates have distinctive ways of behaving that make them different from their fellow species members (M. J. Adams et al., 2015; Clary et al., 2014; Weinstein et al., 2008). At one time, scientists were reluctant to refer to those distinctive patterns as related to personality traits, but articles about the personalities of mice started appearing in the 1950s and 1960s, and then, in 1993, an academic article described personality in a most unlikely species: the octopus. When the researchers dropped a crab into a tank of octopi and had independent observers note what happened, some of the creatures would aggressively grab their dinner right away; others seemed more passive and waited for the crab to swim near them; some waited and attacked the crab when no one was watching (Mather & Anderson, 1993). Apparently, you don’t have to be a person to have personality. You don’t even have to be a mammal. To date, some of the Big Five factors have been identified in more than 60 different species. These findings point to the evolutionary importance of these personality dimensions as well as their biological basis. So when you hear your dog- or horse- or cat-crazy friend say, “Rover is such a shy and nervous guy, whereas Mr. Sprinkles is outgoing and sociable,” they may very well be observing accurately.

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Extreme shyness and fear of new situations tend to be biologically based, stable aspects of temperament, in humans as in nonhuman animals. (1) Humans— This solitary girl’s shyness may be fostered by her temperament; research suggests she would be likely to respond to even a mildly stressful task with an increase in heart rate and stress hormone levels. (2) Monkeys—Similar processes have been observed among nonhuman animals, such as this timid infant rhesus monkey cowering behind a friend in the presence of an outgoing stranger. (3) Squirrels—Such findings are not limited to primates. Research on ground squirrels indicates that those animals exhibiting a greater tendency to display vigilance in the face of a novel object also tended to have higher levels of stress hormones.

Family portraits of dogs, as of people, often reveal different personalities: Someone is posing nicely, someone isn’t paying attention, someone is distracted, and someone is goofing off by biting a sibling’s ear. In an imaginative set of studies, Gosling et al. (2003) studied canine personality by recruiting dogs and their owners in a local park. First, the owners provided personality assessments of their dogs and themselves. The owners then designated another person who knew them and their dogs and who could also judge the personalities of both. Next, the owners brought their dogs to an enclosed section of the park where independent observers rated the dogs. The dog owners, their friends, and the neutral observers all agreed in their ratings of the dogs’ personalities along four of the Big Five dimensions: extraversion, agreeableness, neuroticism, and openness.

14.3.B Heredity and Traits Learning Objective 14.3.B Explain how twin studies can be used to estimate the heritability of personality traits. Another way to study genetic contributions to personality is to estimate the heritability of specific traits within groups of children or adults. Heritability refers to how much of the variability in a trait can be explained by genetic differences among individuals within a

heritability A statistical estimate of how much of the variability in a given trait can be explained by genetic differences among individuals within a group.

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456 Chapter 14 population. Estimates of heritability come from studies of adopted children and of identical and fraternal twins reared apart and together. Findings from adoption and twin studies have provided compelling support for a genetic contribution to personality. Identical twins reared apart will often have unnerving similarities in gestures, mannerisms, and moods; indeed, their personalities often seem as similar as their physical features. If one twin tends to be optimistic, glum, or excitable, the other will probably be that way too (Braungart et al., 1992). Behavioral-genetic findings have produced remarkably consistent results: For the Big Five and many other traits from aggressiveness to overall happiness, heritability is about 0.50 (Bartels, 2015; Vukasović & Bratko, 2015; Weiss et al., Identical twins Gerald Levey (left) and Mark Newman were separated 2008). This means that within a group of people, about 50% of the at birth and raised in different cities. When they were reunited at age variation in such traits can be explained by genetic differences 31, they discovered some astounding similarities. Both were volunteer firefighters, had mustaches, and were unmarried. Both liked to hunt, among individuals, findings that have been replicated in many watch old John Wayne movies, and eat Chinese food. They drank the countries. For more information on heritability and personality, same brand of beer, held the can with the little finger curled around it, watch the video on this topic in Revel. and crushed the can when it was empty. It’s tempting to conclude that To date, behavioral-genetic research permits us only to infer the all of these similarities are due to heredity, but we should also consider existence of relevant genes. Scientists expect that the actual genes other explanations: Some may result from shared environmental factors such as social class and upbringing, and some could be due merely to underlying key traits will one day be discovered, and many possichance. For any given set of twins, it is difficult to know for sure. ble associations between specific genes and personality traits have already been reported (Kalin, 2017; Plomin et al., 2013; Rao et al., 2018; Verweij et  al., 2016). You will be hearing lots more about genetic discoveries in the coming years, so it is good to understand what they mean and don’t mean. Psychologists hope that one intelligent use of behavioral-genetic findings will be to help people become more accepting of themselves and their children. Although we can all learn to make improvements and modifications to our personalities, most of us probably will never be able to transform our personalities completely because of our genetic dispositions and temperaments. This realization might make people more realistic about what psychotherapy can do for them, and about what they can do for their children. However, many people oversimplify this information and conclude “it’s all in our genes.” A few years back, a judge in New York imposed a severe sentence on a man convicted of one count of possession of child pornography because the judge was sure the man had “an as-of-yet-undiscovered gene” that caused his behavior and, presumably, would render him a permanent threat to public safety. (That judge needs to take an intro psych course.) Fortunately, the ruling was overturned. This judge not only knew nothing about genetics— there is no “porn gene”—but also failed to understand that even when genetics are implicated in some behavior, having a genetic predisposition does not necessarily imply genetic inevitability. A person might have a genetic predisposition toward depression or anxiety, but without certain environmental stresses or circumstances, they will probably not develop an emotional disorder. Let us now turn our attention to environmental influences on personality.

Replication Check ✔ Recently, Robert Plomin and colleagues (2016) compiled and published a Top 10 List of replicated findings from behavioral genetics. The first finding they listed? That all psychological traits show significant and substantial genetic influence. Second on their list? That no traits are 100% heritable. In other words, although a well-replicated body of research indicates that heritability estimates for traits such as those associated with personality are significantly greater than 0%, they are also significantly less than 100%. When it comes to the age-old question of nature versus nurture, replication studies indicate that personality depends on both, a conclusion we explore in more detail in the following section.

Theories of Personality

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JOURNAL 14.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—WEIGH CONCLUSIONS Some personality traits, such as openness to new experience, are highly heritable. Does this mean that “genes are everything”? That someone who is not particularly open to new things can never learn to be more adventurous, so there’s no point trying to change? What is the most accurate way to think about the impact of heredity on personality?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 14.3 to test your knowledge.

14.4 Environmental Influences on Personality When we say that the environment may exert an influence on variations in personality, what do we mean exactly? In this section, we will consider the relative influence of three aspects of the environment: the situations you find yourself in, how your primary caregivers treat you, and who your peers are. The words “parenting” and “parental” appear often in the sections that follow, as many researchers have examined concepts they refer to as parenting style and parental influence. But not all children are raised by biological, step, or adoptive parents, and these conclusions related to parenting can often be conceived more generally as applicable to a range of primary caregivers including grandparents, other relatives, or other adults.

14.4.A Situations and Social Learning Learning Objective 14.4.A Explain the concept of reciprocal determinism, and discuss how traits and behavior can be shaped by the environment.

Popular media provide compelling examples of how someone’s personality can become very different depending on the circumstances in which they find themselves. Fans of TV’s Breaking Bad will recall the dramatic transformation undergone by Walter White as health and financial concerns led him to trade in a life as a high school chemistry teacher for one as a drug manufacturer and, eventually, kingpin.

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The very definition of a trait is that it is consistent across situations. But people often behave, for example, one way with their parents and a different way with their peers; one way at college and another way at home. In learning terms, the reason for these apparent inconsistencies is that different behaviors are rewarded, punished, or ignored in different contexts. You are more likely to be wildly extraverted when part of an audience of screaming, cheering fans at a concert than when at a library or at a job interview. This is why some behaviorists think it does not even make much sense to talk about “personality.”

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458 Chapter 14 Social-cognitive learning theorists, however, argue that people do acquire central personality traits from their learning history and their resulting expectations. A child who studies hard and gets good grades, admiration from Aspects of Individual Aspects of Situation friends, and praise from family members will come to expect that hard work (e.g., temperament, (e.g., opportunities, learned habits, rewards or in other situations will also pay off. That child will become, in terms of perperceptions, and punishments, chance sonality traits, “ambitious” and “motivated.” A child who studies hard and beliefs) events) gets poor grades, is ignored by teachers and caregivers, and is rejected by friends for working all the time will come to expect that working hard isn’t worth it. That child will become, in personality terms, “unambitious” or “unmotivated.” Today, most personality researchers recognize that people can have a core set of stable traits and that their behavior can vary across situations (Fleeson, 2004; Rauthmann et al., 2015; Wagner et al., 2020). Your temperament, habits, and beliefs influence how you respond to others, whom you hang out with, and the situations you seek (Bandura, 2001; Mischel & Shoda, 1995). In turn, the situation influences your behavior and beliefs, rewarding some and extinguishing others (Golle et al., 2019). In social-cognitive learning theory, this process is called reciprocal determinism, which is illustrated in Figure 14.2. reciprocal determinism The two-way process of reciprocal determinism (as opposed to the one-way determinIn social­cognitive learning theories, ism of “genes determine everything” or “everything is learned”) helps answer a question the two­way interaction between aspects of the environment and asked by everyone who has a sibling: What makes children who grow up in the same aspects of the individual in the family so different, apart from their genes? The answer seems to be an assortment of expeshaping of personality traits. riences that affect each child differently, chance events that cannot be predicted, situations that children find themselves in, and peer groups that the children belong to (Harris, 2006; Plomin, 2011). Behavioral geneticists refer to these unique and chance experiences that are not shared with other family members as the nonshared environment: being in Mrs. nonshared environment Schmidt’s class in the fourth grade (which might inspire you to become a scientist), winUnique aspects of a person’s ning the lead in the school play (which might push you toward an acting career), or being environment and experience that are not shared with family members. bullied at school (which might cause you to see yourself as weak and powerless). All of these experiences work reciprocally with your interpretations of them, your temperament, and your perceptions (Did Mrs. Schmidt’s class excite you or bore you?). Keeping the concept of reciprocal determinism in mind, let us look at two of the most important environmental influences in people’s lives: their parents and their friends.

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Figure 14.2 Reciprocal Determinism

Who is the “real” Dwayne Johnson? A doting father of three? A glamorous Hollywood actor? “The Rock,” an intimidating professional wrestler? An aspiring politician? By understanding reciprocal determinism, we can avoid oversimplifying. Our genetic dispositions and personality traits cause us to choose some situations over others, but situations then influence which aspects of our personalities we express.

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14.4.B Parental Influence—and Its Limits Learning Objective 14.4.B Summarize the evidence that suggests parental influence over children’s personality development is limited. If you check out parenting books, you will find that in spite of the zillion different kinds of advice they offer, they typically share one entrenched belief: Childrearing practices are the strongest influence, maybe even the sole influence, on children’s personality development. For many decades, few psychologists thought to question this assumption, and many still accept it. Yet the belief that personality is primarily determined by how parents treat their children has begun to crumble under the weight of three kinds of evidence (Harris, 2006, 2009; Plomin, 2011): 1. The shared environment of the home has relatively little influence on most personality traits. In behavioral-genetic research, the “shared environment” includes the experiences and background you shared with your siblings and parents. If these had as strong an influence as commonly assumed, then studies should find a strong correlation between the personality traits of adopted children and those of their adoptive parents. In fact, the correlation is weak to nonexistent, indicating that the influence of childrearing practices and family life is very small compared to the influence of genetics (Cohen, 1999; Plomin, 2011). 2. Few parents have a single childrearing style that is consistent over time and that they use with all their children. Developmental psychologists have tried for many years to identify the effects of specific childrearing practices on children’s personality traits. The problem is that parents’ practices vary, depending on their own stresses, moods, and marital satisfaction (Holden & Miller, 1999; Mabbe et  al., 2018). As one child we know said to her exasperated mother, “Why are you so mean to me today, Mommy? I’m this naughty every day.” Moreover, parents tend to adjust their methods of childrearing according to the temperament of the child; they are often more lenient with easygoing children and more punitive with difficult ones.

Of course, interactions with parents do influence children in many ways that are unrelated to the child’s personality. Parents contribute to their children’s religious beliefs, intellectual and occupational interests, motivation to succeed, skills, and social biases (Beer et al., 1998; Krueger et al., 2001; Spiel et al., 2016). Above all, what caregivers do profoundly affects the quality of their relationship with their children—whether their children feel loved, secure, and valued or humiliated, frightened, and worthless (Harris, 2009). Parents even have some influence on traits in their children that are highly heritable. In one longitudinal study that followed children from age 3 to 21, those who were impulsive, uncontrollable, and aggressive at age 3 were far more likely than calmer children to grow up to be impulsive, unreliable, and prone to criminal behavior (Caspi, 2000). Early temperament was a strong and consistent predictor of these later personality traits. But not every child came out the same way. What protected some of those at risk, and helped them move in a healthier direction, was having parents who made sure they stayed in school, supervised them closely, and gave them consistent discipline.

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3. Even when parents try to be consistent, there may be little relation between what they do and how the children turn out. Some children of troubled and abusive parents are resilient and do not experience lasting emotional damage, and some children of the kindest and most nurturing parents struggle with addiction, mental illness, or risky behavior.

Do you have siblings? All you have to do to appreciate how a parent’s childrearing style might evolve over time is think about ways in which birth order can predict different interactions between kids and their parents.

460 Chapter 14 Nevertheless, it is clear that, in general, parents have less influence on a child’s personality than many people assume. Because of reciprocal determinism, the relationship runs in both directions, with parents and children continually influencing one another. Moreover, as soon as children leave home, starting in preschool, parental influence on children’s behavior outside the home begins to wane. At that point, the nonshared environment takes over.

14.4.C The Power of Peers Learning Objective 14.4.C Discuss some ways in which peers influence the development of personality in children. When two psychologists surveyed 275 freshmen at Cornell University, they found that most of them had private selves that they never revealed to their parents (Garbarino & Bedard, 2001). On social media, for example, many teenagers report having committed crimes, drinking, taking drugs, cheating in school, sexting, and having sex, all without their parents having a clue. (Many social media users assume, often incorrectly, that what they reveal is private and accessible only by their friends and followers.) This phenomenon of showing only one facet of your personality to your parents and an entirely different one to your peers becomes especially apparent in adolescence. Children, like adults, live in two environments: their homes and their world outside the home. At home, children learn how their parents want them to behave and what they can get away with; as soon as they go to school, however, they are more likely to conform to the dress, language, and rules of their peers. Most adults can remember how terrible they felt when their classmates laughed at them for doing something “stupid” (i.e., not what the rest of the kids were doing), and many recall the pain of being excluded. To avoid being laughed at or rejected, most children will do what they can to conform to the norms of their immediate peer group (Harris, 2009; Wright, 2018), including behavior that could get them into trouble and may even be illegal. It is difficult to tease apart the separate effects of parents and peers because parents usually try to arrange things so that their children’s environments resemble their own values and customs. To see which has the stronger influence on personality, therefore, we must look at situations in which the peer group’s values clash with parents’ values. When parents value academic achievement and their child’s peers think that success in school is less important (or only for “sellouts”) whose view wins? The answer, typically, is peers (Harris, 2009; Menting et  al., 2016). Conversely, children whose parents gave them no encouragement to succeed may find themselves with peers who are working rigorously to get into college, motivating them to start studying hard themselves. Thus, peers play a tremendous role in shaping our personality traits and behavior, causing us to emphasize some attributes and downplay others. Of course, as the theory of reciprocal determinism would predict, our dispositions also cause us to select particular peer groups instead of others, and our temperaments predict how we behave within a group. But when we are among peers, most of us go along with them, molding facets of our personalities to the pressures of the group. In sum, core personality traits may stem from genetic dispositions, but they are profoundly shaped by learning, peers, situations, experience, and, as we will see next, one of the largest environments of all: our surrounding culture.

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JOURNAL 14.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Think of a central trait that both you and those people close to you would agree captures your personality; maybe you’re particularly outgoing, empathetic, assertive, or funny. Now answer this question: What environmental forces shaped that trait? What type of influence did your parents or other family members have on the development of this trait? How did peers, friends, or teachers help to shape that aspect of your personality? Give an example of how the situations you’ve found yourself in and the people you’ve interacted with helped to mold your personality.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 14.4 to test your knowledge.

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Cultures vary with regard to their emphasis on individualism versus a more collectivistic, or community-oriented, view of the self. A more individualistic culture might emphasize exercising by biking, walking, or jogging, all at different paces in different directions. The second picture depicts a more collectivist routine, in this case Japanese employees at a hiring ceremony exercising in identical fashion.

14.5 Cultural Influences on Personality If you get an invitation to come to a party at 7 p.m., when are you actually likely to get there? If someone asks you to describe what “type of person” you are, would you describe yourself in terms of stable personality traits or in terms of social roles, group memberships, and family considerations? Most psychologists think of the self as reflecting genetic dispositions as well as personal experience. But culture also has a profound effect on people’s behavior, attitudes, and the traits they value or disdain (and as you’ll read shortly, it would likely shape how you answer the questions we asked above).

14.5.A Culture, Values, and Traits Learning Objective 14.5.A Compare individualist and collectivist cultures, and describe some of the generalized personality differences between them. Quick—answer this question: “Who are you?” Your answer will be influenced by your cultural background and particularly by whether your culture emphasizes individualism or community and the collective good (Krassner et al., 2017; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1996). In individualist cultures, the independence of the individual often takes precedence over the needs of the group, and the self is frequently defined as a collection of personality traits (“I am outgoing, agreeable, and ambitious”). In collectivist cultures, group harmony often takes precedence over the wishes of the individual, and the self is defined in the context of relationships and the community (“I am one of three brothers, sons of a farmer, descended from generations of farmers on my father’s side. . .”) (see Table 14.2). In one fascinating study that showed how

individualist cultures Cultures in which the self is more likely to be regarded as autonomous, with individual goals and wishes prized above duty and relations with others.

collectivist cultures Cultures in which the self is more likely to be regarded as embedded in relationships, with harmony with one’s group prized above individual goals and wishes.

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Table 14.2 Some Generalized Differences Between Individualist and Collectivist Cultures Members of Individualist Cultures

Members of Collectivist Cultures

Define the self as autonomous, independent of groups

Define the self as an interdependent part of groups

Give priority to individual, personal goals

Give priority to the needs and goals of the group

Value independence, leadership, achievement, self-fulfillment

Value group harmony, duty, obligation, security

Give more weight to an individual’s attitudes and preferences than to group norms as explanations of behavior

Give more weight to group norms than to individual attitudes as explanations of behavior

Attend to the benefits and costs of relationships; if costs exceed advantages, a person is likely to drop the relationship

Attend to the needs of group members; if a relationship is beneficial to the group but costly to the individual, the individual is likely to stay in the relationship

Source: Triandis (1996)

462 Chapter 14 culture shapes our thinking, bicultural individuals born in China tended to answer “Who am I?” in terms of their own individual attributes when they were writing in English. But they described themselves in terms of their relations to others when they were writing in Chinese (Ross et al., 2002). Individualist and collectivist ways of defining the self can influence many aspects of life, including which personality traits we value, how we draw conclusions about personality based on people’s physical appearance, how and whether we express emotions, and how much we value having relationships (Forbes et  al., 2009; Oh et  al., 2022; Yamawaki et  al., 2015). These influences are subtle but powerful. In one study, Chinese and American pairs of individuals had to play a communication game that required each partner to be able to take the other’s perspective. Eye-gaze measures showed that the Chinese players were almost always able to look at things from their partner’s perspective, whereas the American players often failed at this task (Wu & Keysar, 2007). Of course, members of both cultures are able to understand the difference between their own view of things and that of another person’s, but research studies like this one indicate that collectivist-oriented individuals tend to pay closer attention to the nonverbal expressions and perspectives of others. Because people from collectivist cultures are often more concerned with adjusting their own behavior depending on social context, they tend to regard personality and the sense of self as more flexible than do people from individualist cultures (Haas & vanDellen, 2020; Triandis, 2001). In a study comparing Japanese and American respondents, the Americans reported that their sense of self changes only 5%–10% in different situations, whereas the Japanese said that 90%–99% of their sense of self changes (de Rivera, 1989). Japanese people tend to be more group-oriented, believing that it is important to enact tachiba, to perform your social roles correctly so that there will be harmony with others. American people, in contrast, tend to value “being true to yourself” and having a “core identity” (Hamamura & Heine, 2008). Another group of cross-cultural psychologists conducted in-depth research with Chinese and South African respondents, administering personality inventories that had been developed in Europe and North America, but also developing new measures to capture cultural variations (F. M. Cheung et al., 2011). In China, they found evidence for a personality factor they called “interpersonal relatedness.” This trait occurs universally, just as the Big Five do, but Asian individuals (and Asian Americans who report being less acculturated to American society) score higher on it than do White individuals (or Asian Americans who report being highly acculturated). In South Africa, where a personality inventory was developed in multiple Bantu languages, Afrikaans, and English, the researchers found the familiar Big Five, but also a few other central factors, including “relationship harmony” and “soft-heartedness.” When people fail to understand the influence of culture on behavior, they may erroneously attribute another person’s mysterious or annoying actions to individual personality traits. Take helpfulness: Many years ago—in a cross-cultural study of children in India, Japan, Kenya, Mexico, the Philippines, and the United States—researchers measured how often children behaved altruistically (offering help, support, or unselfish suggestions) or egoistically (seeking help and attention or wanting to dominate others) (Whiting & Edwards, 1988; Whiting & Whiting, 1975). American children were the least altruistic on all measures and the most egoistic. The most altruistic children came from societies in which children are assigned many responsibilities such as caring for younger children and gathering and preparing food. These children knew that their work made a genuine contribution to the well-being of the family. In cultures that value individual achievement and self-advancement, taking care of others has less importance, and altruism as a personality trait is not cultivated to the same extent (de Guzman et al., 2014). Or consider tardiness. Individuals differ in whether they try to be places “on time” or are always late, but cultural norms affect how individuals regard time in the first place. In northern Europe, Canada, the United States, and many other individualistic cultures, time is organized into linear segments in which people do one thing at a time (Hall, 1983; Leonard, 2008).

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Theories of Personality

In many cultures, children are expected to contribute to the family income and to take care of their younger siblings. These experiences encourage helpfulness over independence.

The day is divided into appointments and schedules; because time is a precious commodity, people don’t like to “waste” or “spend” too much of it on any one activity. In such cultures, being on time is a sign of conscientiousness and being late is a sign of indifference or intentional disrespect. Therefore, it is considered the height of rudeness (or high status) to keep someone waiting. But in Mexico, southern Europe, the Middle East, South America, and Africa, time is more often organized along parallel lines. People often do many things at once, and the needs of friends and family supersede mere appointments; they think nothing of waiting hours or days to see someone. The idea of having to be somewhere “on time,” as if time mattered more than a person, is unthinkable in some societies.

14.5.B Evaluating Cultural Approaches Learning Objective 14.5.B Evaluate some pros and cons of the cultural approach to understanding personality. A woman we know, originally from England, married a Lebanese man. They were happy together but had the usual number of marital misunderstandings and squabbles. After a few years, they visited his family home in Lebanon, where she had never been before. “I was stunned,” she told us. “All the things I thought he did because of his personality turned out to be because he’s Lebanese! Everyone there was just like him!” Our friend’s reaction illustrates both the contributions and the limitations of cultural studies of personality. She was right in recognizing that some of her husband’s behavior was attributable to his culture; his Lebanese notions of time were indeed very different from her English notions. But she was wrong to infer that Lebanese people are all like her husband: Individuals are affected by their culture, but they vary a great deal within it. Cultural psychologists face the problem of how to describe cultural influences on personality without oversimplifying or stereotyping (Church & Lonner, 1998). As one student of ours put it, “How come when we students speak of ‘the’ Japanese or ‘the’ Americans, it’s called stereotyping, and when you do it, it’s called ‘cross-cultural psychology’?” This question shows excellent critical thinking! The study of culture does not rest on the assumption that all members of a culture behave the same way or have the same personality traits. People vary according to their temperaments, beliefs, and learning histories, and a great deal of variation occurs within every culture.

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464 Chapter 14 Moreover, culture itself varies within every society. The United States has an individualist culture overall, but the South, with its history of strong regional identity, is more collectivist than the rugged, independent West (Vandello & Cohen, 1999). The collectivist Chinese and Japanese cultures both value group harmony, but Chinese people are more likely to also promote individual achievement, whereas Japanese people are more likely to strive for group consensus (Dien, 1999; Lu, 2008). Black Americans are more likely than White Americans to blend elements of individualism and collectivism (Brannon et al., 2015; Komarraju & Cokley, 2008). Average cross-cultural differences, even in a dimension as influential as individualist–collectivist, are not rigidly fixed or applicable to all groups within a society (Oyserman & Lee, 2008). Finally, in spite of their differences, cultures share many human concerns and needs for love, attachment, family, work, and communal tradition. Nonetheless, cultural rules are part of what, on average, make Swedish people different from Bedouin people, and Cambodian people different from Italian people. The traits that we value, our sense of self versus community, and our notions of the right way to behave—all key aspects of personality—begin with the culture in which we are raised. Our self-esteem and well-being are deeply influenced by feeling that our own personal traits match the cultural norm: Extraverts are happiest in a culture that values individual success and self-promotion; conscientious people are happiest in a tidy, rule-governed country. When an individual’s personality traits clash with those endorsed by the larger culture, as travelers and immigrants know, people can feel oddly out of sync with the world around them (Fulmer et al., 2010).

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JOURNAL 14.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS People often speak of “the” German personality or “the” British character. How can we think about the cultural factors that influence personality traits without falling into stereotyping?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 14.5 to test your knowledge.

14.6 The Inner Experience A final way to look at personality starts from each person’s own point of view, from the inside out. Biology may hand us temperamental dispositions that benefit or limit us, the environment may deal us some tough or fortunate experiences, our family may treat us as we would or would not have wished, but the sum total of our personality is how we, individually, weave all of these elements together. In Revel, watch an intriguing video to appreciate the many ways in which people might define personality.

14.6.A Humanist Approaches humanist psychology A psychological approach that emphasizes personal growth, resilience, and the achievement of human potential.

unconditional positive regard Love or support given to another person with no conditions attached, according to Carl Rogers.

Learning Objective 14.6.A Describe the core humanist ideas advanced by Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, and Rollo May. One such approach to personality comes from humanist psychology, which was launched as a movement in the early 1960s. The movement’s chief leaders—Abraham Maslow (1908–1970), Carl Rogers (1902–1987), and Rollo May (1909–1994)—argued that it was time to replace psychoanalysis and behaviorism with a “third force” in psychology, one that would draw a fuller picture of human potential and personality. Psychologists who take a humanist approach to personality emphasize our uniquely human capacity to determine our own actions and futures. ABRAHAM MASLOW The trouble with psychology, said Maslow (1970, 1971), is that it ignores many of the positive aspects of life, such as joy, laughter, love, and peak experiences,

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rare moments of rapture caused by the attainment of excellence or the experience of beauty. The traits that Maslow thought most central to personality were not the Big Five, but rather the qualities of the self-actualized person—the person who strives for a life that is meaningful, challenging, and satisfying. For Maslow, personality development could be viewed as a gradual progression toward self-actualization. Most psychologists, he argued, had a lopsided view of human nature, a result of their emphasis on studying emotional problems and negative traits such as neuroticism or insecurity. As Maslow (1971, p. 43) wrote, “When you select out for careful study very fine and healthy people, strong people, creative people . . . then you get a very different view. . . . You are asking how tall can people grow, what can a human being become?” As a clinician, Rogers (1951, 1961) was interested not only in why some people cannot function well, but also in what he called the “fully functioning individual.” How you behave, he said, depends on your subjective reality, not on the external reality around you. Fully functioning people experience congruence, or harmony, between the image they project to others and their true feelings and wishes. They are trusting, warm, and open, rather than defensive or intolerant. Their beliefs about themselves are realistic. To become fully functioning people, Rogers maintained, we all need unconditional positive regard—love and support for the people we are, without strings (conditions) attached. This doesn’t mean that Zoë should be allowed to kick her brother when she is angry with him or that Zach may throw his dinner out the window because he doesn’t like pot roast. In these cases, a parent can correct the child’s behavior without withdrawing love from the child. The child can learn that the behavior, not the child, is what is bad. “The rule in our house is ‘no violence,’ children” is a very different message from “You are horrible children for behaving so badly.” Unfortunately, Rogers observed, many children are raised with conditional positive regard: “I will love you if you behave well, and I won’t love you if you behave badly.” Adults often treat each other this way, too. People treated with conditional regard begin to suppress or deny feelings or actions that they believe are unacceptable to those they love. The result, said Rogers, is incongruence, a sense of being out of touch with your feelings, of not being true to your real self, which in turn produces low self-regard, defensiveness, and unhappiness. A person experiencing incongruence scores high on neuroticism, becoming bitter and negative. May (2007) shared with the humanists a belief in free will. But he also emphasized some of the inherently difficult and tragic aspects of the human condition, including loneliness, anxiety, and alienation. May brought to American psychology elements of the European philosophy of existentialism, which emphasizes such inevitable challenges of humanity as the search for the meaning of life, the need to confront death, and the importance of taking responsibility for our actions. Free will, wrote May, carries a price in anxiety and despair, which is why so many people try to escape from freedom into narrow certainties and blame others for their misfortunes. For May, our personalities reflect the ways we cope with the struggles to find meaning in existence, to use our freedom wisely, and to face suffering and death bravely. May popularized the humanist idea that we can choose to make the best of ourselves by drawing on inner resources such as love and courage, but he added that we can never escape the harsh realities of life and loss.

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CARL ROGERS

You are never too old for self-actualization. Hulda Crooks, shown here at age 91 climbing Mt. Fuji, took up mountain climbing at age 54. “It’s been a great inspiration for me,” she said. “When I come down from the mountain I feel like I can battle in the valley again.” She died at the age of 101.

existentialism A philosophical approach that emphasizes the inevitable dilemmas and challenges of human existence.

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ROLLO MAY

Existential psychologists remind us of the inevitable struggles of human existence, such as the fight against loneliness and alienation.

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14.6.B Narrative Approaches Learning Objective 14.6.B Discuss how the narrative approach to personality hinges on answering the central question, “Who am I?” In the past few decades, another approach to personality has focused on the importance of the life narrative, the story that each of us develops over time to explain ourselves and make meaning of everything that has happened to us (Bruner, 1990; McAdams & Guo, 2015; McAdams & Manczak, 2015). In the narrative view, your distinctive personality rests on the story you tell to answer the question, “Who am I?” Because the narrative approach emphasizes how the stories we tell give us an identity, shape our behavior, and motivate us to pursue or abandon our goals, it integrates the many diverse influences on personality that we have discussed in this chapter. Do you believe you are a victim of bad childhood experiences or a survivor of them? Do you believe that your mood swings are caused by a biochemical imbalance or an imbalanced love affair? When you talk about your life to others, do you play the hero or the passive bystander? The life narrative you create for yourself reflects your needs and justifies the actions you take, or fail to take, to solve your problems. It affects whether you even feel that you can solve your problems and transform your life (McAdams & Manczak, 2015). Psychotherapist David Epston worked with an immigrant woman named Marisa, who had been abused and rejected all her life. “To tell a story about your life turns it into a history,” he told her, “one that can be left behind, and makes it easier for you to create a future of your own design” (quoted in O’Hanlon, 1994). Marisa came to see that she could tell a new story about her experiences, one that did not emphasize the tragedies that had befallen her but rather her triumphs in overcoming them. “My life has a future now,” she told Epston. “It will never be the same again.” In the narrative view, your stories about how you see and explain yourself are the essence of your personality, capturing everything that has happened to you and all the factors that affect your biology, psychology, and relationships. They are what make you unique.

14.6.C Evaluating Humanist and Narrative Approaches Learning Objective 14.6.C Summarize the contributions and shortcomings of the humanist and narrative approaches to personality.

positive psychology A psychological approach that focuses on the strengths and resilience that enable individuals and communities to thrive.

As with psychodynamic theories, the major scientific criticism of humanist psychology is that many of its assumptions are untestable. Freud looked at humanity and saw destructive drives, selfishness, and lust. Maslow and Rogers looked at humanity and saw cooperation, selflessness, and love. May looked at humanity and saw fear of freedom, loneliness, and the struggle for meaning. These differences, say critics, may tell us more about the observers than about the observed. Many humanist concepts, although intuitively appealing, are difficult to define operationally. How can we know whether a person is self-fulfilled or self-actualized? How can we tell whether a person’s decision to quit her accounting job and become a professional bullrider represents an “escape from freedom” or a freely made choice? And what exactly is unconditional positive regard? If it is defined as unquestioned support of a child’s efforts at learning a new skill, or as assurance that the child is loved in spite of making mistakes, then it is clearly a good idea. But in the popular culture, it has often been interpreted as an unwillingness ever to say “no” or to offer constructive criticism and set limits, which children need. Despite such concerns, humanist psychologists have brought balance to the study of personality. More recently, a specialty known as positive psychology has followed in the footsteps of humanism by focusing on the qualities that enable people to be optimistic and resilient in times of stress (Donaldson et  al., 2015; Gable & Haidt, 2005; Seligman &

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Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Influenced in part by the humanists, these psychologists study many positive human traits such as courage, altruism, and the motivation to excel. Developmental psychologists are studying ways to foster children’s empathy and creativity. Affective scientists are studying positive emotions such as joy, gratitude, and pride, and examining their relationship to a wide range of cognitive, social, and health-related outcomes. As for narrative approaches, research is flourishing, showing how the stories that we tell about ourselves play a crucial role in shaping our distinctive personalities (McAdams & Manczak, 2015). Cognitive psychologists emphasize how our stories shape and distort our memories. Psychotherapists are exploring the ways in which clients who tell self-defeating life stories might turn them around, creating more hopeful and positive ones. Social and cultural psychologists examine how a culture’s or society’s dominant myths and shared stories influence people’s ambitions and expectations, political views, and beliefs that the world can be improved or will never change. The humanist, existential, and narrative views of personality share one central message: We have the power to choose our own destinies, even when fate delivers us into tragedy. Across psychology, this message has fostered an appreciation of resilience in the face of adversity. For a review of the major influences and perspectives on personality, see Table 14.3.

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Table 14.3 The Major Influences on Personality Influence

Explanation

Psychodynamic

Unconscious dynamics shape human motives, guilt, conflicts, and defenses.

Genetic

Children are born with particular temperaments, and most traits are highly influenced by genes.

Environmental

Learning, situations, and unique experiences affect which traits are encouraged and which genes are expressed.

Cultural

Norms specify which traits are valued, affect basic notions of the self and personality, and shape behaviors from aggressiveness to altruism.

Humanist

Despite genetic, environmental, cultural, and psychodynamic influences, people can exercise free will to become the kind of people they want to be.

Narrative

Personality rests on the stories people create to explain their lives (e.g., whether they see themselves as victims or survivors); these stories can change.

Taking Psychology with You Thinking Scientifically About Personality Throughout this chapter, starting with our opening question about

When people believe that this description was written just for

whether you prefer one-on-one interactions or group settings, you

them, as the result of a personalized horoscope or handwriting

have considered a series of different ways intended to measure per-

analysis or Myers–Briggs personality type, they often say some-

sonality. Allow us to present one more. How well does the following

thing like: “It describes me exactly!” People easily slip into think-

paragraph describe you?

ing that this description is accurate because it is vague enough to

Some of your aspirations tend to be pretty unrealistic. At times you are extraverted, affable, and sociable, while at other times you are introverted, wary, and reserved. You pride yourself on being an independent thinker and do not accept others’ opinions without satisfactory proof. You prefer a certain amount of change and variety, and you become dissatisfied when hemmed in by restrictions and limitations. At times you have serious doubts as to whether you have made the right decision or done the right thing.

apply to almost anyone. Plus it is flattering. Wouldn’t we all like to consider ourselves to be “independent thinkers”? This is why many psychologists worry about the “Barnum effect” (Snyder & Shenkel, 1975). P. T. Barnum was the great circus showman who said, “There’s a sucker born every minute.” He knew that the formula for success was to “have a little something for everybody,” which is just what unscientific online personality quizzes and horoscopes have in common and what makes them unfalsifiable. Moving forward, if you do not want to fall victim to the Barnum effect, research offers this advice to help you think critically about nonscientific efforts to assess personality: (continued )

468 Chapter 14 • Beware of all-purpose descriptions that could apply to anyone. Sometimes you doubt your decisions; who among us hasn’t? Sometimes you feel outgoing and sometimes shy; who doesn’t? Do you “have sexual thoughts that you are afraid of confessing”? Just about everybody does. You should recognize these are general statements that could apply to more or less anyone and therefore offer no real insight. • Beware of your own selective perceptions. Some of us are Leremy/Shutterstock

so impressed when an astrologer, psychic, or personality type inventory gets something right that we overlook all the descriptions that are just plain wrong. Use your critical thinking skills to counteract the confirmation bias—the tendency to explain away all the descriptions that don’t fit so that our preconceived notions are left standing. • Resist flattery and emotional reasoning. This is a hard one! It is easy to reject a profile that describes you as selfish or foolish. Watch out for the ones that make you feel good by telling you how wonderful you are, what a great leader you will be, or how modest you are about your exceptional abilities. Psychic readings and paid personality assessments are rarely going to paint a critical picture of you—the providers of such services need to make you happy so that you keep coming back (and paying) for more. If you keep your ability to think critically with you, you won’t end up wasting money on unfalsifiable advice, or taking a job you dislike because it fits your supposed “personality type.” You won’t fall victim to what a recent psychological research article referred

Research suggests that another influence on how people think about personality is body type. Ying Hu (2018) and colleagues presented computer-generated body types to participants and asked them to form impressions of these hypothetical individuals. Consensus emerged, especially when it came to ratings of extraversion and conscientiousness—people really do make judgments about personality based on body shape. But critical thinkers beware! This doesn’t mean that first impressions based on how someone looks are accurate. The Hu et al. (2018) research did not explore links between real people’s body types and their actual personality traits.

to—in precise scientific terminology—as the “reception of pseudoprofound bullshit” (Pennycook et  al., 2015). In other words, you’ll have resisted the Barnum effect.

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JOURNAL 14.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Unconditional positive regard sounds like a good thing, but what does it mean, exactly? Does it mean giving loved ones your total support and approval, no matter what they do? Does it permit setting limits and offering constructive criticism? What situations can you think of where telling someone an unpleasant truth about themselves or putting boundaries on their behavior might be the most loving thing to do?

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In Revel, you can find Quiz 14.6 to test your knowledge.

Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Young People Today Are More Narcissistic Than Ever STEP 1. Criticize This Claim In Greek and Roman mythology, the tale of Narcissus is a tragedy. It’s the story of a stunningly beautiful young man who catches a glimpse of a reflection while walking by a lake and immediately falls in love . . . with himself. Smitten, Narcissus can’t pull himself away, even as hunger and thirst set in. He dies heartbroken because his true love is a one-way street. Just imagine how insufferable Narcissus would have been with a selfie stick and social media accounts. Indeed, some psychologists argue that self-love is at an all-time high these days. Let’s evaluate this claim: Young people today are more narcissistic than ever.

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STEP 2. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Any time a claim raises concerns about young people, it’s wise to ask, Is there evidence? Or is this just complaining from grumpy adults who miss the so-called good old days? These kids today, the arguments might go . . . they’re narcissists. Hypersensitive. Lazy, phoneaddicted zombies who don’t appreciate how good they have it. When I was their age, I had to walk to school barefoot through snow uphill in both directions. . . . People have a way of romanticizing the past and criticizing society’s changes. A careful and critical thinker cuts through these biases and looks for ways to assess claims objectively and empirically.

STEP 3. Define Your Terms To test this claim, we need to define narcissism and figure out how we can measure it. What might a narcissism questionnaire look like? The following questions come from a measure known as the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI). For each question on the NPI, a respondent’s task is to choose which one of two response choices is the one they most identify with. The NPI is typically considered to have three underlying factors or categories of items: leadership, vanity, and entitlement. 1. Which item do you most identify with? If you identify with both equally, choose which one you think is most important. a) I like to have authority over other people. b) I don’t mind following orders. 2. Which item do you most identify with? If you identify with both equally, choose which one you think is most important. a) Compliments embarrass me. b) I like to be complimented. 3. Which item do you most identify with? If you identify with both equally, choose which one you think is most important. a) I insist on getting the respect that is due to me. b) I usually get the respect that I deserve. What do your answers mean? 1. This question belongs to the leadership factor of the NPI. A response of a) to this question would increase your leadership score. A response of b) would decrease your leadership score. 2. This question belongs to the vanity factor of the NPI. A response of a) to this question would decrease your vanity score. A response of b) would increase your vanity score. 3. This question belongs to the entitlement factor of the NPI. A response of a) to this question would increase your entitlement score. A response of b) would decrease your entitlement score.

STEP 4. Examine the Evidence Jean Twenge and her colleagues have examined scores from the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (or the NPI) across decades and have concluded that college students have become more and more narcissistic over time.

(continued )

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Photo of Jean M. Twenge courtesy of Sandy Huffaker

18.0 17.5

NPI Score

17.0 16.5 16.0 15.5 15.0

1980–84 1985–89 1990–94 1995–99 2000–04 2005–06 Year

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Twenge et al. (2008) analyzed data from more than 16,000 college students collected between 1979 and 2006. They reported a steady increase of NPI scores over these years, with the most recent samples scoring 30% higher on the measure than the earliest samples.

Findings like these have led Twenge to argue that we’re currently in the midst of a “narcissism epidemic.” She has referred to the cohort of today’s youth as “Generation Me” and argues that young people are more confident and assertive than ever, but also less happy and less prepared for independent adulthood.

In addition to questionnaire scores, Twenge has suggested that the rise in narcissism can also be seen in an increased focus on the self in pop songs and pop psychology books. Social media and our contemporary “selfie culture” have also been cited as factors that may lead young people today to hold exaggeratedly positive self-views.

STEP 5. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder But other researchers continue to ask questions about these conclusions. For one, does the NPI measure what it’s supposed to? When a participant chooses the statement “I am assertive” over “I wish I were more assertive,” is that harmful narcissism or just healthy confidence? Other analyses indicate that NPI scores haven’t increased over time or that students of different generations interpret the scale’s items in different ways. And what about findings that youth today are more likely than ever to do volunteer work and have more positive attitudes about diversity? When we shift from self-report evidence to actual behavior, how might our conclusions change?

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions The jury is still out when it comes to whether young people today are more narcissistic than ever. The evidence varies depending on how we define terms and which questions we ask. One complication is that this claim feels true. We live in the era of selfies, social media apps, YouTube celebrities, and various forms of self-promotion. It’s easy to imagine Narcissus fitting right in, enjoying a personalized hashtag to celebrate his newfound love. But mythology and common sense are not the same as science! Unlike Narcissus, when scientists see their own reflection, they look beyond the superficial. And what they often see gazing back at them is someone who needs to collect more data before drawing conclusions.

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Summary: Theories of Personality 14.1 Psychodynamic Theories of Personality LO 14.1.A

Describe the psychoanalytic perspective on the structure of personality, psychological defense mechanisms, and stages of psychosexual development.

Personality is thought of as a distinctive pattern of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that characterize an individual over time and across situations. Sigmund Freud was the founder of psychoanalysis, which was the first psychodynamic theory, emphasizing unconscious processes and a belief in the formative role of childhood experiences and early unconscious conflicts. To Freud, the personality consists of the id, the ego, and the superego. Defense mechanisms protect the ego from unconscious anxiety and include repression, projection, displacement (one form of which is sublimation), regression, and denial. Freud believed that personality develops in a series of psychosexual stages, with the phallic (Oedipal) stage the most crucial. LO 14.1.B

Explain how the views of Carl Jung differed from Sigmund Freud’s approach to personality.

Several thinkers splintered from Freud’s original psychodynamic views. Carl Jung believed that people share a collective unconscious that contains universal memories and images, called archetypes. Many of these archetypes appear to exist across cultures, such as the Hero, nurturing Earth Mother, strong Father, or the menacing Shadow. Clara Thompson and Karen Horney criticized the Freudian idea that women suffer from “penis envy.” LO 14.1.C

Summarize the ways in which psychodynamic theories falter under scientific scrutiny.

Psychodynamic approaches have been criticized for violating the principle of falsifiability; for overgeneralizing from atypical patients to everyone; and for basing theories on the unreliable memories and retrospective accounts of adults, which can create an illusion of causality. However, some psychodynamic ideas have received empirical support, such as the existence of nonconscious processes and defenses.

14.2 The Modern Study of Personality LO 14.2.A

Outline some ways in which objective personality inventories differ from popular personality tests used in business, dating, or online.

Many popular tests that divide personality into “types” are not valid, reliable, or particularly scientific. In research, psychologists typically rely on objective tests (inventories) to identify and study personality traits and disorders.

LO 14.2.B

List and describe the characteristics of each of the Big Five personality dimensions.

Gordon Allport argued that people have a few central traits that are key to their personalities and a greater number of secondary traits that are less fundamental. Subsequent psychologists used factor analysis to identify clusters of traits that are highly correlated and assumed to assess the same underlying components of personality. Studies around the world provide strong evidence for the Big Five dimensions of personality: openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism. Although these dimensions are quite stable, some of them do change over the lifespan, reflecting maturational development, societal events, and adult responsibilities.

14.3 Genetic Influences on Personality LO 14.3.A

Define temperament, and discuss how it relates to personality traits.

In human beings, individual differences in temperament—such as reactivity, soothability, and positive or negative emotionality— emerge at birth or early in life and influence subsequent personality development. Similar tendencies have been observed among other animal species. LO 14.3.B

Explain how twin studies can be used to estimate the heritability of personality traits.

Behavioral-genetic data from twin and adoption studies suggest that the heritability of many adult personality traits is about 0.50. Genetic influences create dispositions and set limits on the expression of specific traits, but even traits that are highly heritable are often modified throughout life by circumstances, chance, and learning. The conclusion that “biology is destiny” is not warranted.

14.4 Environmental Influences on Personality LO 14.4.A

Explain the concept of reciprocal determinism, and discuss how traits and behavior can be shaped by the environment.

People often behave inconsistently in different circumstances when behaviors that are rewarded in one situation are punished or ignored in another. According to social-cognitive learning theory, personality results from the interaction of the environment and aspects of the individual, in a pattern of reciprocal determinism. LO 14.4.B

Summarize the evidence that suggests parental influence over children’s personality development is limited.

Three lines of evidence challenge the popular assumption that parent behavior has the greatest impact on their

472 Chapter 14 children’s personalities and behavior: (1) Behavioral-genetic studies find that the major environmental influence is from the nonshared environment, (2) few parents have a consistent childrearing style over time and with all their children, and (3) even when parents try to be consistent, there may be little relation between what they do and how the children turn out. However, parents can modify their children’s temperaments, prevent children at risk of delinquency from choosing a path of antisocial behavior, and influence many of their children’s values and attitudes. LO 14.4.C

Discuss some ways in which peers influence the development of personality in children.

A person’s peer groups can influence personality more than caregivers do. Most children and teenagers behave differently with their parents than with their peers, for a variety of reasons.

14.5 Cultural Influences on Personality LO 14.5.A

Compare individualist and collectivist cultures, and describe some of the generalized personality differences between them.

Many qualities that psychologists treat as individual personality traits are heavily influenced by culture. On average, people from individualist cultures define themselves in different terms than those from collectivist cultures, and they perceive their “selves” as more stable across situations. Cultures vary in their norms for many behaviors, such as altruism and notions of time. LO 14.5.B

Evaluate some pros and cons of the cultural approach to understanding personality.

Cultural theories of personality face the problem of describing broad cultural differences and their influences on

personality without promoting stereotypes or overlooking universal human needs.

14.6 The Inner Experience LO 14.6.A

Describe the core humanist ideas advanced by Abraham Maslow, Carl Rogers, and Rollo May.

Humanist psychologists focus on a person’s subjective sense of self and the free will to change. They emphasize human potential and the strengths of human nature, as in Abraham Maslow’s concepts of peak experiences and self-actualization. Carl Rogers stressed the importance of unconditional positive regard in creating a fully functioning person. Rollo May brought existentialism into psychology, emphasizing some of the inherent challenges of human existence that result from having free will, such as the search for meaning in life. LO 14.6.B

Discuss how the narrative approach to personality hinges on answering the central question, “Who am I?”

As another way of understanding personality from the “inside,” some personality psychologists study life narratives, the stories people create to explain themselves and make sense of their lives. These stories may serve to suppress changes in our lives or encourage them. LO 14.6.C

Summarize the contributions and shortcomings of the humanist and narrative approaches to personality.

Some ideas from humanist and narrative psychology are subjective and difficult to measure, but others have fostered research on positive psychology, focusing on optimism and resilience under adversity.

Shared Writing Prompt: Theories of Personality Using 10 words (no more, no less), describe yourself. That is, answer the question that underlies this entire chapter: Who are you? Not easy to do in 10 words, is it? But now that the hard part is done, look back over your response. Does your sense of self, as reported here, reflect more of genetic, environmental, or cultural influences on personality? Does it seem more consistent with a psychodynamic, Big Five, humanist, or narrative approach? What makes you say that?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 14 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 15

Courtesy of Mark Bussell

Psychological Disorders

Learning Objectives LO 15.1.A

Consider why it is difficult to obtain a universally agreed-upon definition of mental disorder.

LO 15.3.B

Describe the characteristics of a phobia, and explain why agoraphobia can be so disabling.

LO 15.1.B

Describe the DSM, and give examples of the challenges associated with using it to diagnose mental disorders.

LO 15.4.A

Define posttraumatic stress disorder, and discuss its symptoms and origins.

LO 15.4.B

Distinguish between obsessions and compulsions, and discuss the defining elements of obsessive–compulsive disorder.

LO 15.5.A

Explain the main features of borderline personality disorder.

LO 15.5.B

Distinguish between the terms antisocial personality disorder and psychopathy, and identify the common elements.

LO 15.1.C

Describe clinical interviews, self-report questionnaires, and projective tests, and identify potential problems associated with these techniques.

LO 15.2.A

Outline how major depression differs from normal feelings of sadness.

LO 15.2.B

Explain the main features of bipolar disorder.

LO 15.2.C

Discuss the factors that contribute to the onset of depression.

LO 15.5.C

List and explain the central features of psychopathy.

LO 15.3.A

Differentiate the major symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder and panic disorder.

LO 15.6.A

Discuss how the biological model of addiction would explain drug and alcohol use disorders.

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474 Chapter 15 LO 15.6.B

Discuss how the learning model of addiction would explain drug and alcohol use disorders.

LO 15.7.A

Identify the factors that make dissociative identity disorder a controversial diagnosis. Evaluate the likely explanations for dissociative identity disorder.

Describe the five major symptoms of schizophrenia, and give an example of each.

LO 15.8.B

Describe three main contributing factors to the origin of schizophrenia.

What About You? Interactive

LO 15.7.B

LO 15.8.A

Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Do you think that heavy use of a smartphone can become an addiction?

Leonardo DiCaprio is a seven-time Academy Award nominee known for his roles in hit movies such as Titanic, The Departed, and Don’t Look Up. Demi Lovato first became famous acting on Disney television shows, before serving as a judge on The X Factor and launching a solo singing career. John Nash was an influential mathematician at Princeton whose work on equilibrium in the context of competitive game theory was recognized with the Nobel Prize in economics. Naomi Osaka was once the top-rated singles player in women’s tennis and has four grand slam titles to her name. Pete Davidson joined the cast of Saturday Night Live at the age of 20, making him one of the youngest regular cast members in the long history of the show. And Lady Gaga is an award-winning singer, songwriter, and actress who, in addition to being one of the world’s best selling music artists, also founded a cosmetics company and a non-profit organization. What do these people from diverse backgrounds share, aside from their celebrity and notable achievements? Each of them has faced some form of mental illness that affected their lives. DiCaprio has spoken about his struggles with obsessive–compulsive disorder, including the urge to micromanage details of his life and surroundings to the smallest degree. Lovato has gone public with her diagnosis of bipolar disorder, a condition that involves periods of both agitated excitement and deep depression. As detailed in the film A Beautiful Mind, Nash spent much of his adult life living with schizophrenia, a brain disorder that can lead to erratic behavior and strained interpersonal relationships. In 2021, Osaka withdrew mid-tournament from the French Open, citing her anxiety about siting through media interviews and long bouts with depression ever since she was catapulted into the global spotlight a few years earlier. Davidson has wrestled with substance use and has discussed on late-night TV his diagnosis of borderline personality disorder. Finally, Lady Gaga has revealed that she has posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) resulting from a sexual assault when she was 19. Indeed, one of her songs (Til It Happens To You) highlights the unique perspective of survivors of assault. Most psychological problems are far less newsworthy but also far more common than the public’s impression of them. Some people go through episodes of complete inability to function yet get  along fine between these episodes. Some people function adequately every day yet experience constant melancholy, always feeling below par. Still other people cannot control their worries or tempers. In this chapter, you will learn about the many psychological problems that predict unhappiness and anguish and about the severe disorders that make people unable to control their behavior. Be forewarned: We will cover potentially upsetting topics, including trauma, self-harm, suicide, extreme sadness, and addiction.

You should also keep in mind that when reading about psychological disorders, it can be easy to see some of the symptoms in yourself, and this can make you worry. It is normal to worry, especially when you are reading about psychological problems! And it is also normal to have problems. All of us occasionally have difficulties that seem too much to handle, and it is often unclear precisely when “normal” problems turn into a disorder. This difficulty distinguishing between normal problems and a disorder is related to the question we posed at the start of this chapter. Specifically, we asked you whether heavy smartphone use can become an addiction (i.e., a disorder)? Students often answer yes to this question, indicating that they see some sort of boundary between normal and disordered phone use. But where should that boundary be placed exactly? At what point does normal use cross over into pathological use? And who makes this decision? We will revisit these important questions at several points in this chapter.

15.1 Diagnosing Mental Disorders Many people confuse unusual or “abnormal” behavior—behavior that deviates from the norm—with mental disorder, but the two are not the same. A person may behave in ways that are statistically rare (collecting ceramic dolphins, being a math genius, committing murder) without having a mental disorder. And some mental disorders are not statistically rare! People also tend to confuse mental disorder and insanity. In the law, the definition of insanity rests primarily on whether people are aware of the consequences of their actions and can control their behavior. But insanity is a legal term only; a person may have a mental illness and yet be considered “sane” by a court.

15.1.A Dilemmas of Definition Learning Objective 15.1.A Consider why it is difficult to obtain a universally agreed-upon definition of mental disorder. How, then, should we define a “mental disorder”? Diagnosing mental problems is not as straightforward as diagnosing medical problems such as diabetes or appendicitis. One leading definition that takes evolutionary factors and social values into account is that a mental disorder is a “harmful dysfunction.” That is, it involves behavior or an emotional state that is (1) harmful to oneself or others, as judged by the community or culture in which it occurs, and (2) dysfunctional because it is not performing its evolutionary function (Wakefield, 2006, 2012). Evolution has prepared us to feel afraid when we are in danger so that we can escape; dysfunction occurs when this normal alarm mechanism fails to turn on in the face of danger or to turn off after the danger is past. If a behavior is not troubling to the individual or harmful to society, it is not a mental disorder. Conversely, a behavior that is harmful or undesirable, such as illiteracy or delinquency, is not considered a mental disorder if an evolutionary function isn’t impaired. This definition of mental disorder does not include behavior that simply departs from current social or cultural notions of what is normal: A student who gets tattoos all over their body might deviate from the norm, but that does not mean that they have a mental disorder! However, this definition does include the behavior of people who think they are perfectly fine yet cause harm to themselves or others, such as a child who is unable to control the desire to set fires, compulsive gamblers who lose their families’ savings, or people who hear voices telling them to stalk a celebrity. The main criticism of defining mental disorder as “harmful dysfunction” is that we have to know what the evolutionary function of a particular behavior is before we can determine whether it’s impaired, and that’s not always easy to

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Self Expression . . . or Mental Disorder?

(2)

Juan Cevallos/AFP/Getty Images

(1)

(3) What is a mental disorder? (1) In Papua New Guinea, young men go through an initiation rite in which small, deep cuts are made on their backs to create permanent scars that signify a crocodile’s scales. This common cultural practice would not be defined as a disorder. (2) In contrast, most people would agree that people who cut themselves for the sole purpose of inflicting injury and pain have a mental disorder. (3) But what about the scars on the arm of this 23-year-old woman who had them made by a “body artist”? She also has scars on her leg and her stomach, along with 29 piercings. Does she have a mental disorder?

mental disorder A disturbance in thinking, emotion, or behavior that causes a person to suffer, is self­destructive, seriously impairs a person’s ability to work or get along with others, or makes a person unable to control the impulse to endanger others.

figure out (Stein et al., 2021). In this chapter, therefore, we define mental disorder as a disturbance in thinking, emotion, or behavior that causes a person to suffer, is self-destructive, seriously impairs a person’s ability to work or get  along with others, or makes a person unable to control the impulse to endanger others. By this definition, many people will have some mental health problem in the course of their lives.

15.1.B Dilemmas of Diagnosis Learning Objective 15.1.B Describe the DSM, and give examples of the challenges associated with using it to diagnose mental disorders. Even with a reasonably good general definition of mental disorder, classifying mental disorders in an accurate and unbiased way is not an easy job. In this section, we will see why this is so. CLASSIFYING DISORDERS: THE DSM

The current standard reference manual used to diagnose mental disorders is the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-5-TR), published by the American Psychiatric Association (2022). The DSM’s primary aim is descriptive: to provide clear diagnostic categories so that clinicians and researchers can agree on which disorders they are talking about, researchers can study the disorders, and clinicians can treat them. Its diverse diagnostic categories include neurodevelopmental disorders, neurocognitive disorders (due to brain damage from disease or drugs), feeding and eating disorders, problems with sexual identity or behavior, impulse–control disorders (such as violent rages and pathological gambling or stealing), and sleep–wake disorders, along with other major disorders we will discuss in this chapter.

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The Danger of Overdiagnosis If you give a kid a hammer, the old saying goes, it will turn out that everything they run into seems to need a good pounding. Likewise, say critics, if you give mental health professionals a new diagnosis, they will be more likely to notice its signs and symptoms in their clients. In other words, just having a label available might encourage clinicians to use it even when it may not be appropriate, possibly leading to overdiagnosis. Consider attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), a diagnosis made in children and adults who are impulsive, restless, easily frustrated, and have trouble concentrating to the point of impairment. Since ADHD was added to the DSM, the number of cases has skyrocketed in the United States, where it is diagnosed at least

Tatyana Dzemileva/Shutterstock

The DSM lists the symptoms of each disorder and, wherever possible, gives information about the typical age of onset, predisposing factors, course of the disorder, prevalence of the disorder, sex ratio of those affected, and cultural issues that might affect diagnosis. In making a diagnosis, clinicians are encouraged to take into account many factors such as the client’s personality traits, medical conditions, stresses at work or home, and the duration and severity of the problem (Caspi et al., 2014; Galatzer-Levy & Bryant, 2013). The DSM has had an extraordinary impact worldwide. Most textbooks in psychiatry and psychology include the DSM in their discussions of mental disorders. With each new edition of the manual, the number of mental disorders has grown. The first edition, published in 1952, was only 86 pages long and contained about 100 diagnoses. The DSM-III-R, published in 1987, was six times that length and had 292 diagnoses. The DSM-IV, published in 1994 and slightly revised in 2000, was over 900 pages long and contained nearly 400 diagnoses of mental disorders. The DSM-5, published in 2013, is 947 pages and contains about the same number of diagnoses. The DSM-5-TR is 1,120 pages long and includes one additional diagnosis (prolonged grief disorder). From the first edition to the most recent edition of the DSM, the number of diagnoses has increased by more than 300%. What are the reasons for this apparent surge of mental disorders? It doesn’t necessarily mean that more people are facing mental disorders than before; it may just be that the more recent editions of the DSM capture more existing disorders (and split them up into more narrowly defined classifications). Yet other reasons are more practical: Insurance companies require clinicians to assign an appropriate DSM code number for whatever their client’s problem is, which puts pressure on those who write the manual to add more diagnoses so that physicians and psychologists will be compensated and patients will be covered (Whooley, 2010). Whether and how a particular disorder is included in the DSM can also affect school-aged children’s eligibility for individualized educational plans (Lobar, 2016). The DSM affects all of us in ways you probably have not previously realized. Its influence is reflected in the casual way that people today talk of someone’s being “bipolar,” being “on the (autism) spectrum,” or suffering from PTSD. As we will see, some of its diagnostic categories became, more or less, cultural fads that spread like wildfire, causing harm before the fires were extinguished. Other times, the evolution of the DSM across editions has had positive effects, as with the removal of homosexuality as a listed disorder in 1973 and the addition—influenced by lobbying from military veteran interest groups—of PTSD for the first time in 1980. Because of the DSM’s powerful influence, it is important to understand its limitations and some of the problems that are associated with its effort to classify and label mental disorders.

If you’ve ever watched a group of children, you know that they can often be impulsive, inattentive, and restless. Those qualities are also part of the diagnosis of ADHD. How would you distinguish between typical boisterous behavior and a clinical diagnosis? Does having a diagnostic label available make it easier to apply a diagnosis when one might not be called for?

478 Chapter 15 twice as often as it is in Europe. Critics fear that parents, teachers, and mental health professionals are overdiagnosing this condition, especially in boys, who are 3 times more likely than girls to be diagnosed with ADHD. The critics argue that relatively normal behavior in children—being rambunctious, refusing to nap, not listening to teachers in school—has been turned into a psychological problem (Cummings & O’Donohue, 2008). There is indeed evidence for the overdiagnosis of ADHD (Kazda et al., 2021). This critique has also been raised in the popular media, including in a satirical article that appeared in The Onion with the headline More US Children Being Diagnosed with Youthful Tendency Disorder (YTD). According to the tongue-in-cheek story, “In the thrall of YTD, sufferers run, jump, climb, twirl, shout, dance, do cartwheels, and enter unreal, unexplainable states of ‘make-believe.’” In all seriousness, some critics suggest that there seems to be too fine a line between “normal” childhood tendencies and the symptoms of ADHD. The Power of Diagnostic Labels After a person has been given a diagnosis, others may begin to see that person primarily in terms of the label, overlooking other possible explanations for behavior (Corrigan, 2007). When a rebellious, disobedient teenager is diagnosed as having “oppositional defiant disorder” or a child is labeled as having “disruptive mood dysregulation disorder,” people tend to regard those problems as being inherent in the individual. But maybe some teenagers are “defiant” because their parents don’t listen to them, and maybe some children have “disruptive” temper outbursts because their parents are not setting limits. The danger is that after the label is applied, observers will ignore changes in future behavior (i.e., all the times a teenager is not defiant or a child is not having tantrums). On the other hand, many people welcome having a diagnostic label applied to them. Being given a diagnosis reassures those who are seeking an explanation for emotional symptoms (“Whew! So that’s what it is!”). Some people even come to identify themselves according to a diagnosis and make it a central focus of their lives. For example, some people with Asperger’s disorder established websites and support groups and even adopted a nickname (“Aspies”). What happens, then, when the label vanishes? Those individuals may perceive a loss of social support and/or identity. Indeed, some patients protested when Asperger’s was removed as a DSM-specific diagnosis and integrated into the broader spectrum of autism disorders. (As it turns out, new evidence that Hans Asperger collaborated in the murder of children with disabilities during the Nazi era further justifies the removal of his name from the DSM; Czech, 2018; Sheffer, 2018). To learn more about one student’s personal experiences with autism spectrum disorder, watch a video in Revel. The Illusion of Objectivity Some psychologists argue that the whole enterprise of the DSM is a futile attempt to impose a veneer of science on an inherently subjective process (Horwitz & Grob, 2011; Houts, 2002; Kutchins & Kirk, 1997). Many decisions about what to include as a disorder, say these critics, are based not on empirical evidence, but on group consensus. The problem is that group consensus often reflects prevailing attitudes and prejudices rather than objective evidence. It is easy to see how prejudice operated in the past. In the early 19th century, a physician argued that many enslaved people were experiencing drapetomania, an diagnosable urge to escape from slavery (Landrine, 1988). (He made up the word from drapetes, the Latin word for “runaway slave,” and mania, meaning “crazy.”) Thus, doctors could assure enslavers that a mental illness, not the intolerable condition of slavery, made slaves seek freedom. This diagnosis was very convenient for slave owners, though today we recognize how cruel and ridiculous it was. And in a less egregious yet still upsetting example, a clinician may decide on a diagnosis for a patient’s “symptoms” but fail to consider that those “symptoms” might have arisen from repeated experiences with racial discrimination (Mekawi et al., 2021). Indeed, in response to the long history of structural racism in psychiatry, the American Psychiatric Association (2021) has issued a formal apology to Black and Indigenous people of color and have declared a commitment to developing antiracist practices.

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Inaccurate Diagnoses Most medical conditions are defined by their root causes, not their symptoms. For example, a fever that develops as a result of the influenza virus is referred to as the flu, not as a fever disorder. In contrast, psychological disorders are defined by their symptoms, not their root causes, because the exact causes of psychological disorders are not yet known. DSM diagnoses are constellations of signs and symptoms that a handful of clinical researchers who were selected to play a role in writing (and revising) the DSM have decided should be included. Although research has informed the choices that the authors of the DSM have made, and the DSM offers a great amount of detail regarding the diagnoses it describes, there is still no strong evidence that it defines the disorders entirely accurately, reflecting their causes or how they actually appear “in nature” without arbitrary definitions forced on them. For example, according to the DSM-5-TR, an individual with bulimia nervosa experiences binge eating and inappropriate compensatory behaviors (such as purposeful vomiting) at least once per week for 3 months. How do we know that this is the “right” frequency? Why not 2 months? Or 4? As another example, depression and PTSD have overlapping symptoms and often coexist in the same individual. Are these two different disorders, as the DSM-5-TR suggests, or are they instead slightly different aspects of a single disorder? One way to try to address this problem is to think about psychological disorders in a different way: not as discrete categories that are either present or absent in an individual, but rather as gradations from mild to severe on different emotional, cognitive, or behavioral dimensions. In fact, clinicians, scientists, and funding agencies (like the National Institute of Mental Health, or NIMH) are changing the way that research is being conducted, focusing less on discrete categorical diagnoses and more on gradations of emotional, cognitive, or behavioral dimensions underlying them (Cuthbert, 2014; Watkins, 2015). For example, instead of studying brain function in PTSD, researchers funded by the NIMH are studying brain function associated with dimensions of behavior that likely underlie PTSD, such as fear conditioning (i.e., learning the cues that predict threat) (Marin et  al., 2020). However, critics argue that this new approach is not (yet) clinically useful because it does not clearly distinguish between those who are well versus ill or help clinicians select appropriate treatments (Frances, 2014; Weinberger et al., 2015). Despite the limitations associated with the DSM, its supporters maintain that DSM diagnoses are needed to guide the selection of appropriate treatments, at least until a better system is discovered (Frances, 2014). They fully acknowledge that the boundaries between “normal problems” and “mental disorders” are fuzzy and often difficult to determine (Helzer et al., 2008; McNally, 2011). CULTURE AND MENTAL DISORDERS Even though some mental disorders may be universal, affecting people everywhere similarly, culture can shape whether a person notices their symptoms, views them as problematic, and talks about them with other people. Culture can also affect how a person describes their symptoms and how they view the causes of

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Over the years, psychiatrists have quite properly rejected many other “disorders” that reflected cultural prejudices, such as lack of vaginal orgasm, childhood masturbation disorder, and homosexuality. But critics argue that some DSM diagnoses continue to be affected by prejudices and personal values, as when clinicians try to decide if wanting to have sex “too often” or “not often enough” indicates a mental disorder (Wakefield, 2012). Emotional problems allegedly associated with menstruation remain in the DSM-5-TR, but behavioral problems associated with testosterone have never been considered for inclusion. In short, critics maintain, many diagnoses continue to stem from cultural biases about what constitutes normal or appropriate behavior. Harriet Tubman (on the left) poses with some of the people she helped to escape from slavery on her “Underground Railroad.” Slaveholders welcomed the absurd idea that Tubman and others who insisted on their freedom had a mental disorder called “drapetomania.”

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Table 15.1 Culture and the DSM The DSM-5 makes a concerted effort to recognize the influence of culture on mental disorders and their diagnoses, discussing three culture-related concepts: • Cultural syndrome, a cluster of symptoms specific to the culture in which they occur. For example, Latinx people may experience an ataque de nervios, an episode of uncontrollable screaming, crying, and agitation. In Japan, taijin kyofusho describes an intense fear that the body, its parts, or its functions may offend others. • Cultural idiom of distress, a linguistic term or way of generally talking about suffering without relating to a specific diagnosis. For example, the Shona of Zimbabwe have kufungisisa, “thinking too much”—ruminating on upsetting thoughts and worries. • Cultural explanation of symptoms, a culture’s own way of explaining illness. For example, in Haiti, maladi moun (“humanly caused illness”) refers to illness that is caused by other people’s envy and malice.

mental disorders (Kleinman, 1988; Wilshire et al., 2021), as shown in Table 15.1. For example, depression occurs all over the world, but members of various ethnic groups differ in what symptoms they tend to express (including fatigue, drinking, crying, withdrawing), in their willingness to talk about their feelings and seek help, and in the likelihood of suicide (Goldston et al., 2008; Kirmayer & Ryder, 2016; Zhou et al., 2016). A person having a panic attack in Latin America or southern Europe is more likely to report feelings of choking, shortness of breath, chest pain, and fear of dying as compared to a person having a panic attack in the United States, Canada, and northern Europe. And in Greenland, experiences similar to panic attacks (“kayak-angst”) involving dizziness and fear can occur while fishing in small, one-person kayaks (Amering & Katschnig, 1990). As a final example, in North America, social anxiety often reflects a fear of doing something that may cause embarrassment to oneself, whereas in some Asian countries, the fear often concerns doing something that could make other people feel embarassed or uncomfortable (Zhu et al., 2014). Overall, knowing how disorders might manifest themselves in different cultures can help clinicians make informed diagnoses and hence select proper treatments. The DSM-5-TR provides a set of standard interview questions (called a Cultural Formulation Interview) that clinicians can use during an evaluation to help determine how a person’s symptoms may be shaped by their culture.

Revisiting the Classics Rosenhan (1973) “If sanity and insanity exist, how shall we know them?” So asked

remained hospitalized for an average of 19 days; 1 remained insti-

the opening line of one of the most influential papers ever published

tutionalized for nearly 2 months. Rosenhan’s (1973) jarring con-

in the field of psychological disorders, by David Rosenhan (1973).

clusions? Psychiatric diagnosis is more art than science. Once

The paper’s premise was shocking. Rosenhan described an adven-

doctors formed an initial impression of the pseudopatients—not

ture that seemed equal parts research study and undercover sting,

to mention affixed an official diagnosis—that impression and label

in which 8 people without psychiatric diagnoses or symptoms—

stuck, coloring their interpretations of everything else the pseu-

pseudopatients, he called them—gained admission to different

dopatients did.

mental health hospitals by falsely reporting one unusual symptom

Psychology was shaken by Rosenhan’s article, even as critics

during their intake interview: auditory hallucinations in which a voice

voiced concerns (Fleischman et al., 1973; Spitzer, 1975). For a sci-

in their head said the words empty, hollow, and thud.

entist bemoaning the subjectivity of diagnostic labels, Rosenhan

After that, according to Rosenhan, the pseudopatients, includ-

seemed to have taken some liberties himself. Yes, the title of his arti-

ing the author himself, stopped simulating symptoms. They just

cle was clever and eye-catching: On Being Sane in Insane Places.

acted like themselves. Despite the apparent lack of continuing

But “insanity” is a concept that laypeople and the legal system use,

symptoms, none of the 8 was unmasked by hospital staff as pseu-

not psychologists. Moreover, all the pseudopatients had been dis-

dopatients, wrote Rosenhan. To the contrary, 7 received diagnoses

charged. Most of their discharge diagnoses were the rarely used

of schizophrenia and one received a diagnosis of manic depression

category “schizophrenia in remission,” indicating no continuing evi-

(which we refer to today as bipolar disorder). The pseudopatients

dence of the disorder. Thus, the staff actually did accurately detect (continued)

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from the article altogether. Of

“condition.” Think for a moment

course, that’s not how science

about the situation from the hos-

works! Researchers don’t get

Nagel Photography/Shutterstock

the change in the pseudopatients’

pital staff’s point of view: They admitted people who reported auditory hallucinations and, after observation,

discharged

them

when they seemed to be well again. Hadn’t the hospitals performed appropriately, especially given the very unusual clinical presentation of the pseudopatients? A few years ago, this is where our story would have ended. Fortunately for us, though, one critical thinker

Pictured here is the Museum of Mental Health––formerly the Oregon State Hospital––in Salem, Oregon. Although this former hospital is not believed to have been involved in Rosenhan’s study, it was the setting of the 1975 film One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, which inspired viewers to think critically about the inner workings of psychiatric hospitals.

to pick and choose which data to include to fit the story they wish to tell. Most problematically, Cahalan’s (2019) book compiles enough examples of data errors, missing details, and other factual inconsistencies to call into question whether there ever were eight pseudopatients to begin with. It now seems very possible that the “data” in Rosenhan’s (1973) article were

and best-selling author, Susannah Cahalan, never stopped asking ques-

fabricated to enhance the conclusions he drew from his own pseu-

tions. In her research on a different but related project, Cahalan came

dopatient experience.

across the Rosenhan study. She read through Rosenhan’s personal

Rather than delete all mention of Rosenhan (1973) from this text,

notes, managed to track down two of the previously anonymous pseu-

we have opted to present the study’s rise and fall, warts and all. The

dopatients, and wrote a book revisiting the classic research (Cahalan,

article serves as a cautionary tale that reminds us of the importance

2019). Her conclusions were just as shocking as the original study.

of honesty, precision, transparency, and replicability in psycholog-

At the very least, Cahalan’s research demonstrates that

ical science. Research that fails to live up to these standards has

Rosenhan was not honest in his paper. During his own intake inter-

the potential to do great harm. In this case, while Rosenhan’s article

view as a pseudopatient, Rosenhan did not present only a single

added momentum to the movement to standardize psychological

symptom of hearing voices—he described other delusional beliefs

diagnoses in the DSM, it also inspired a great deal of criticism of

and suicidal thoughts, which helps explain why the hospital staff

psychiatry and cynicism regarding mental health treatment more

needed to observe him over several days. Even worse, Cahalan

generally (Cahalan, 2019). Criticism and healthy skepticism are

determined that when the experiences of one pseudopatient did

always encouraged, of course! But critical thinkers base them on

not turn out as Rosenhan expected, he excluded that individual

rigorous research and replicable findings.

15.1.C Psychological Assessment Learning Objective 15.1.C Describe clinical interviews, self-report questionnaires, and projective tests, and identify potential problems associated with these techniques. Clinical psychologists and psychiatrists usually arrive at a diagnosis by interviewing a person and observing their behavior. But many also use psychological tests to help determine a diagnosis. Such tests also may be used in schools (for example, to determine whether a child has a learning disorder) and in court settings (perhaps to try to determine whether a defendant is mentally competent to stand trial). CLINICAL INTERVIEWS One of the first forms of assessment that a clinician will use when evaluating a new client or clinical research participant is a clinical interview. In general, clinical interviews consist of a series of questions that a clinician asks a client in order to determine (1) what specific issues are prompting them to seek clinical attention; (2) their emotional, cognitive, and behavioral state and whether their signs and symptoms meet established criteria for a diagnosis; (3) their history of trauma and other stressors; (4) their risk of harming themselves or others; and (5) their educational, occupational, and family status and functioning (LeMaire et al., 2021; Sommers-Flanagan, 2016). The clinician must also take into account the client’s culture and identities, which can shape their experience and reporting of symptoms (Oh et  al., 2019). Clinical interviews may be structured or unstructured—structured clinical interviews are those that include a “script” of questions

482 Chapter 15 that the clinician asks verbatim in a specific order to make sure that no important questions are inadvertently omitted and that all clients or participants are evaluated in the same way. Thus, using structured clinical interviews is critical to conducting methodologically rigorous clinical research. Unstructured clinical interviews are more flexible, allowing a clinician to ask their own questions in an idiosyncratic order. In both clinical practice and research, clinicians may also want to assess the severity of an individual’s symptoms, and for this, they may use self-report questionnaires. Self-report questionnaires ask directly about the test taker’s emotions, cognitions, and behaviors related to a clinical issue. Once completed and tallied, these questionnaires often yield an overall score that indicates the severity of a person’s clinical issue. For example, the Beck Depression Inventory is a leading self-report questionnaire that assesses the severity of the symptoms of depression, with total scores ranging from 0 (lowest severity) to 63 (highest severity). The Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test is a self-report questionnaire that assesses the presence and severity of problematic use of alcohol, and the PTSD Checklist assesses the severity of symptoms of PTSD. One classic questionnaire that assesses personality and emotional disorders is the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI). The MMPI is organized into 10 categories, or scales, covering such problems as depression, paranoia, and schizophrenia. Four additional validity scales indicate whether a test taker is likely to be lying, defensive, or evasive while answering the items (Reeves et  al., 2022). Self-report questionnaires have been developed and validated to assess many additional psychological concepts, including anxiety, well-being, hostility, daily functioning, and emotion regulation. Self-report questionnaires are only as good as their individual items and how knowledgeably they are interpreted. Some questions on the MMPI, for example, fail to consider differences among cultural, regional, and socioeconomic groups. For example, Mexican and Puerto Rican respondents score differently on average from non-Hispanic Americans on the Masculinity–Femininity Scale (Cabiya et al., 2000). This result implies a difference in personality traits between Latinx individuals and White individuals, but other researchers have argued that it really reflects variation in masculine and feminine sex roles across cultures (Lucio et al., 2001). Also, the MMPI may label a person’s responses as evidence of mental disorder when they really result from understandable stresses and conflicts such as during divorce or other legal disputes (Guthrie & Mobley, 1994). Fortunately, testing experts continue to improve the reliability and validity of self-report questionnaires in clinical assessment, restructuring them to reflect current research (Butcher & Perry, 2008; Bovin et al., 2016; Sellbom, 2019).

SELF-REPORT QUESTIONNAIRES

projective tests Psychological tests used to infer a person’s motives, conflicts, and unconscious dynamics on the basis of the person’s interpretations of ambiguous stimuli.

Projective tests consist of ambiguous pictures, sentences, or stories that the test taker interprets or completes. A child or adult may be asked to draw a person, a house, or some other object or to finish a sentence (such as “My father . . . ”). One assumption behind projective tests is that the person’s unconscious feelings will be “projected” onto the test and revealed in the person’s responses. Projective tests can help clinicians establish rapport with their clients and can encourage clients to open up about anxieties and conflicts they might be ashamed to discuss. But many of these tests lack reliability and validity, which makes them inappropriate for assessing personality traits or diagnosing mental disorders. They lack reliability because different clinicians can interpret the same person’s scores differently, perhaps projecting their own beliefs and assumptions when they decide what a specific response means. The tests have low validity because they fail to measure what they are supposed to measure (Hunsley et al., 2015). One reason is that responses to a projective test are significantly affected by sleepiness, hunger, medication, worry, verbal ability, the clinician’s instructions, and the clinician’s personality. One of the most popular projective tests is the Rorschach inkblot test, which was devised by Swiss psychiatrist Hermann Rorschach in 1921. It consists of 10 cards with symmetrical abstract patterns, originally formed by spilling ink on a piece of paper and folding it in half. Five of the cards are black and gray, two are black and red, and the last three are multicolored. The test taker reports what they see in the inkblots,

PROJECTIVE TESTS

and the clinician interprets the answers according to the symbolic meanings emphasized by psychodynamic theories. Though the test had been in use for many decades, it was not until the 1980s that a comprehensive system of guidelines emerged for administering, coding, and interpreting it. A recent meta-analysis indicates that the reliability and validity of the Rorschach test for diagnosing psychological disorders varies considerably across the 65 variables included in the comprehensive coding system (Mihura et al., 2013; Wood et al., 2015). For example, seeing signs of human movement in the inkblots (e.g., “It looks like two people setting a table”) has been theorized to predict mental abilities related to planning and empathy. Indeed, across multiple samples, reports of human movement were positively correlated with respondent intelligence and education levels and negatively correlated with diagnoses of Alzheimer’s, Asperger’s, and ADHD. On the other hand, the Rorschach system A Rorschach inkblot. What do you see in it? refers to reporting images of nature (e.g., “I see a barren landscape”) as an isolation index that should predict the experience of being lonely, withdrawn, and depressed, but there is little to no evidence that this is actually the case (Mihura et al., 2013). Why would a clinician use a projective test (and remember, the Rorschach is just one example of a projective test)? One reason might be to help young children express feelings they might not be able to reveal verbally. But during the 1980s, some clinicians began using projective methods for another purpose: to determine whether a child had been sexually abused. They claimed they could identify a child who had been abused by observing how the child played with “anatomically detailed” dolls (dolls with realistic genitals; Ceci & Bruck, 1995). Unfortunately, these therapists had not tested their beliefs by using a fundamental scientific procedure: comparison with a control group. They had not asked, “How do nonabused children play with these dolls?” When psychological scientists conducted research to answer this question, they found that large percentages of nonabused children are also fascinated with the dolls’ genitals. They will poke at them, grab them, insert objects into them, and do other things that alarm adults. The crucial conclusion: One cannot reliably diagnose sexual abuse on the basis of children’s doll play (Bruck et al., 2000; Hunsley et al., 2015; Koocher et al., 1995). Over the years, clinicians have turned to other kinds of “props” that they hope will facilitate children’s reporting of abuse. Unfortunately, studies involving alleged abuse victims, children who have been through medical exams, and children who have participated in lab experiments have failed to find consistent evidence that props improve young children’s ability to make accurate reports. On the contrary, these props actually elevate the risk of false reports of touching (Poole et al., 2011). You can see how someone who does not understand the subjectivity of projective tests, or who lacks an understanding of children’s cognitive limitations, might make For years, many therapists used anatomically detailed dolls as a projective test to determine whether a child had been sexually inferences about a child’s behavior that are dangerously wrong. abused. But the empirical evidence, including studies of nonWe will now turn to a closer examination of some of the disorabused children in a control group, demonstrates that this practice ders described in the DSM. Because we cannot cover all of them in one is simply not valid. It can lead to false allegations because it often chapter, we have selected several that illustrate the range of psycholog- misidentifies nonabused children who are merely fascinated with ical problems that afflict humanity, from the common to the very rare. the dolls’ genitals.

Interactive

JOURNAL PROMPT 15.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS The study of psychological disorders is often called abnormal psychology. Given that the word abnormal literally means “deviating from what is normal or usual,” why is the term “abnormal psychology” insufficient to capture what’s included in this area of study? Can a person behave abnormally yet not be disordered? Can you think of examples from your own behavior when you’ve “deviated from what is normal or usual” without meeting criteria for a diagnosis?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.1 to test your knowledge.

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15.2 Depressive and Bipolar Disorders In the DSM-5, depressive disorders include a number of conditions that involve persistent sad, empty, or irritable moods, accompanied by physical and cognitive changes that affect the person’s ability to function in everyday life. People often speak of feeling “depressed,” and, of course, everyone feels sad from time to time. These feelings, however, are not the same as serious clinical depression.

15.2.A Depression Learning Objective 15.2.A Outline how major depression differs from normal feelings of sadness.

major depression

PARAMOUNT TELEVISION/Album/Newscom

A disorder involving disturbances in emotion (excessive sadness), behavior (loss of interest or pleasure in one’s usual activities), cognition (thoughts of hopelessness), and body function (fatigue and loss of appetite).

The TV drama 13 Reasons Why explored the suicide of a fictional 17-year-old named Hannah Baker. Some praised the series for its efforts to raise awareness of bullying and teen suicide. Others criticized the show for failing to adequately explore the numerous mental health issues related to suicide and for potentially glorifying suicide; critics were also concerned that adolescents who watch it may be inspired to consider copycat actions. Unfortunately, as predicted, hospital admissions related to suicide attempts and suicide rates in the United States increased following the premiere of the show (Bridge et al., 2020; Cooper et al., 2018; Niederkrotenthaler et al., 2019). Increasingly, suicide has been the focus of popular media attention, from Logic’s hit song 1-800-273-8255 (the title of which is the number of a suicide prevention hotline) to coverage of the deaths of Tim Bergling (Avicii), Kate Spade, and Stephen “tWitch” Boss.

Major depression involves emotional, behavioral, cognitive, and physical changes severe enough to disrupt ordinary functioning. People with major depression feel despairing and worthless, and they lose interest in activities that usually give them pleasure. They feel unable to get up and do things; it takes an enormous effort even to get dressed. They may overeat or stop eating, have difficulty falling asleep or sleeping through the night, have trouble concentrating, and feel tired all the time. Some episodes can last as long as several months, subside, and later recur. One symptom of major depression is recurring thoughts of death, leading some sufferers to try to take their own lives. In the United States, suicide is the second leading cause of death among people ages 15 to 24, after accidents (National Center for Health Statistics, 2017). Most people with suicidal thoughts do not really want to die; they want relief from the terrible pain of feeling that nobody cares, that life is not worth living, and that they are a burden on those they love (Mandrusiak et al., 2006; van Orden et al., 2006). Approximately 20% of people experience major depression at some time in their lifetime (Hasin et  al., 2018), and depression occurs at least twice as often among women as among men, all over the world. The origin of this gender difference has been a topic of debate for decades, and researchers have carefully examined the biological, cognitive, and psychosocial influences and interactions that likely contribute to it (Hyde & Mezulis, 2020). Although clear consensus has not been reached, some researchers think that because the gender difference in the prevalence of depression first emerges in adolescence, its origin may lie in the different biological and psychosocial changes that occur in young women and men (Cyranowski et al., 2000). Other researchers note that because women are more likely than men to talk about their feelings and more likely to seek help, depression in men is probably underdiagnosed. Men who are depressed may instead try to mask their feelings by withdrawing, abusing alcohol or other drugs, or behaving violently (Canetto & Cleary, 2012; Cavanagh et al., 2017). In one study, researchers measured substance use, risk taking, and anger attacks as possible “alternate” signs of depression. They found a higher prevalence of these behaviors in men than women; furthermore, when they included these signs in their definition of depression, the gender difference disappeared (Martin et  al., 2013). Critical thinkers, take note! This finding shows that changes to a disorder’s definition can have an enormous impact on its demographic characteristics. Which definition of depression do you think is more “accurate,” and how would you decide?

Replication Check ✔ The finding that women are more likely to report depression than men has been replicated many times in different studies and in at least 26 different countries (Hopcroft & Bradley, 2007; Kessler et al., 1993, 2003). Although these replications are important, we still don’t know exactly why this difference occurs.

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15.2.B Bipolar Disorder Learning Objective 15.2.B Explain the main features of bipolar disorder. At the opposite pole from depression is mania, an abnormally high state of exhilaration. Mania is not the normal joy of being in love or winning the lottery. Instead of feeling fatigued and listless, a manic person is excessively wired and often irritable when thwarted. Instead of feeling hopeless and powerless, the person feels powerful and is full of plans, but these plans are usually based on delusional ideas such as thinking that they have invented something that will solve all of the world’s problems. People in a state of mania often get into serious trouble, for example, by going on extravagant spending sprees or making rash decisions. When people experience at least one episode of mania, typically alternating with episodes of depression, they are said to have bipolar disorder (formerly called manic-depressive disorder). The writer Mark Twain had bipolar disorder, which he described as “periodical and sudden changes of mood. . . from deep melancholy to half-insane tempests and cyclones.” Other writers, artists, musicians, and scientists have also suffered from this disorder (Jamison, 1992). During the highs, many of these creative people believe that they produce their best work, but the price of the lows is disastrous relationships, bankruptcy, and sometimes suicide. The DSM-5-TR lists bipolar disorders in their own category, as a bridge between depressive disorders and schizophrenia. The reason, as research has found, is that symptoms and causes of bipolar disorder can overlap with those of depression and schizophrenia (and other disorders as well) (Berrettini, 2000; Schulze et al., 2014; Lee, 2019).

bipolar disorder A mood disorder in which episodes of both depression and mania (excessive euphoria) occur.

15.2.C Origins of Depression Learning Objective 15.2.C Discuss the factors that contribute to the onset of depression.

1. Genetic predispositions. Major depression is a moderately heritable disorder, but the search for specific genes is still in progress. One genome-wide association study (GWAS) that included over 1  million participants found evidence implicating several gene variants in depression, including one that is associated with the dopamine (D2) receptor in the nucleus accumbens, a part of the brain involved in processing reward (Levey et  al., 2021). This finding is interesting, given that a loss of interest or pleasure is a key symptom of depression. Another focus of investigation has been the genes that regulate serotonin, a neurotransmitter involved in mood. An early theory held that depression results from abnormally low levels of this neurotransmitter. However, depleting animals of serotonin does not induce depression, nor does increasing brain serotonin necessarily alleviate it. The fact that some

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Stressful events frequently precede episodes of depression. However, one of the great mysvulnerability–stress model teries of depression is that most people who experience such events do not become clinically An approach that emphasizes how depressed, and many people who are clinically depressed have not had objectively stressindividual vulnerabilities might ful experiences (Monroe & Reid, 2009). Thus, other factors must play a role in the onset interact with external stresses or of depression. Indeed, most researchers emphasize a vulnerability–stress model: how a circumstances to produce specific mental disorders such as depression. person’s vulnerabilities (genetic predispositions, personality traits, or habits of thinking) may interact with stressful events (violence, abuse, death of a loved one, or job loss) to lead to a psychological disorder (see Figure  15.1). This model can help account for the origins of Figure 15.1 Vulnerability–Stress Model depression as well as other disorders. Let’s consider the evidence for the central contributing facVULNERABILITYtors to depression: STRESS MODEL Individual vulnerability Genetic predisposition

Stressful, triggering events Loss of loved one

Negative ways of thinking

Failure

Hopelessness Brooding rumination

Severe depression

Loss of job Trauma Violence

The vulnerability–stress model highlights the interplay between individual differences (in genetics, personality, or cognitive habits) and stressful life events. The vulnerabilities (or stressful events) alone may not lead to a diagnosable disorder, but for some people with some vulnerabilities in some stressful situations, the outcome may be a disordered reaction such as depression.

486 Chapter 15 antidepressants raise serotonin levels does not mean that low serotonin levels caused the depression—a common but mistaken inference (Lacasse & Leo, 2005). In 2003, in a study of 847 New Zealanders who had been followed from birth to age 26, researchers reported that those who had a short variant of a serotonin transporter gene called 5-HTT were much more likely to become severely depressed in the aftermath of extremely stressful events than were people with a long variant of this gene (Caspi et al., 2003). This basic effect was replicated in some individual studies, but more recent studies have failed to replicate it (Border et  al., 2019; Culverhouse et  al., 2018 Duncan & Keller, 2011). The notion that any one genetic variant alone could account for the vulnerability to depression seems highly unlikely. Instead, multiple genetic variants probably work together to confer this vulnerability (Dunn et al., 2015; Howard et al., 2019). It is also likely that the genetic variants that contribute to depression contribute to other psychological disorders as well (P. H. Lee et al., 2019).

Replication Check ✔ A recent genome-wide study—which was both a meta-analysis of previous studies that included 807,553 participants and a replication study including 1,306,354 (!) participants—found 87 genetic variants that were significantly related to depression in the replication part of the study (Howard et al., 2019). Many of the variants were related to synaptic structure and activity, and the serotonin transporter (5-HTT) variant was not among them.

It is important to remember that not all people who have risk gene variants end up developing depression. For example, children who are at high genetic risk for developing depression (or other disorders) may grow up without developing the disorder, especially if they have parents who monitor and control their vulnerabilities (Dick et al., 2011; Dougherty et al., 2011). Moreover, the relative influence of genetic and environmental factors varies over the lifespan. A review of eight studies of identical twins found that although genetic predispositions predicted the twins’ levels of depression and anxiety in childhood and young adulthood, by middle adulthood, environmental factors and life experiences had become more influential (Kendler et al., 2011). 2. Personality traits. Some personality traits are associated with an elevated risk for developing depression. For example, neuroticism is the tendency to experience negative emotional states (like anxiety, guilt, and anger) easily in response to stress or even just ordinary situations. One longitudinal study of more than 20,000 people in Sweden found that those with higher levels of neuroticism were relatively more likely to develop depression later in their lives (Kendler et al., 2006). Similarly, in a much smaller study, people with higher levels of negative emotionality measured 3 to 5 years before Hurricane Sandy reported more depression symptoms after the hurricane (KopalaSibley et al., 2016). Conversely, high levels of positive emotionality have been associated with lower levels of depression (Khazanov & Ruscio, 2016). But let’s think critically about these findings! When researchers attempt to determine whether personality traits predict later depression, they need to make sure that their personality measures do not simply reflect depression that may be present already at the time of (or before) the personality assessment. Researchers can do this by carefully assessing depression and controlling for it, perhaps by analyzing data only from those participants without current or past depression. The studies cited above did take this careful approach, but not all studies do! A critical thinker should keep this issue in mind when considering the association between personality traits and depression. We just reviewed genetic predispositions, and interestingly, personality traits are moderately heritable (Vukasović & Bratko, 2015). Indeed, one study of twins found that the relationship between neuroticism and depression was mostly due to genetic factors (Kendler et  al., 2006). This means that personality vulnerability factors for depression

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may reflect, at least in part, genetic vulnerability factors. So, although we describe them separately, the different vulnerability factors for depression may overlap with one another. 3. Cognitive habits. Depression also involves specific, negative ways of thinking about one’s situation (Beck, 2005; Mathews & MacLeod, 2005). Depressed people typically believe that their situation is permanent (“Nothing good will ever happen to me”) and uncontrollable (“I’m ugly and horrible and I can’t do anything about it”). Expecting nothing to get better, they do nothing to improve their lives and therefore remain unhappy. When people with depression and people without depression are put into a sad mood and given a choice between looking at sad faces or happy faces, depressed people often choose the sad faces—a metaphor for how they process the world in general, attending more to that which confirms the gloominess of life rather than any of its joys (Joormann & Gotlib, 2007). And when asked to recall happier times, people without depression usually experience an improvement in their moods, but people with depression can feel even worse, as if the happy memory makes them feel that they will never be happy again (Joormann et al., 2007). These cognitive biases are not just associated with depression. Longitudinal studies show that they also play a causal role, interacting with severe life stresses to generate further depressive episodes (Hallion & Ruscio, 2011; Monroe et al., 2007). People with depression, especially if they also have low self-esteem, tend to ruminate—to brood about everything that is wrong in their lives, persuading themselves that no one cares about them, and dwelling on reasons to feel hopeless. They have trouble preventing these thoughts from entering and remaining in their memory, which keeps them stewing in unhappy perceptions of past events (Joormann et  al., 2011; Kuster et al., 2012; Moore et al., 2013). In contrast, people without depression who undergo stressful events are usually able to distract themselves, look outward, and seek solutions. Beginning in adolescence, women are much more likely than men to develop a ruminating, introspective style, which contributes both to longer-lasting depressions in women and to the gender difference in reported prevalence rates (Hamilton et al., 2015; Treynor et al., 2003). 4. Violence and abuse. One of the most powerful environmental factors associated with major depression is repeated experience with violence. The World Health Organization conducted a massive international research project in 21 countries, involving more than 100,000 people over age 18. The strongest predictors of suicide and attempted suicide were repeated experiences of sexual abuse and violence when young (Stein et al., 2010). Among adults, domestic violence takes a particular toll on women (Lövestad et al., 2017). A longitudinal study that followed men and women from ages 18 to 26 compared those in physically abusive relationships with those in nonabusive ones. Although depressed women were more likely to enter abusive relationships to begin with, involvement in a violent relationship independently increased their rates of depression and anxiety—but, interestingly, not men’s (Ehrensaft et al., 2006). 5. Losses of important relationships. Another line of investigation emphasizes the loss of important relationships in setting off depression in vulnerable individuals. When an infant is separated from a primary attachment figure, the result is not only despair and passivity, but also harm to the immune system, which can later lead to depressive illness (Hennessy et al., 2009). Many people suffering from depression have a history of separations, losses, rejections, and impaired, insecure attachments (Cruwys et al., 2014; Hammen, 2009; Kumar et al., 2017). The factors we have described—genetics, personality traits, cognitive habits, violence, and loss of important relationships—combine in different ways to produce a given case of depression. That is why the same sad event—such as failing a course, ending a relationship, or losing a job—can affect two people entirely differently: One rolls with the punches, and another is knocked flat.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 15.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS Imagine for a moment that a breaking news headline announces that a gene has been identified as a cause of depression. Does this mean that everyone with the gene will become depressed? How should critical thinkers interpret this research?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.2 to test your knowledge.

15.3 Anxiety Disorders

generalized anxiety disorder A continuous state of anxiety marked by feelings of worry, apprehension, difficulties in concentration, and signs of motor tension.

Anyone who is waiting for important news or living in an unpredictable situation quite sensibly feels anxiety, a general state of apprehension or psychological tension. And anyone who is in a dangerous and unfamiliar situation, such as making a first parachute jump or encountering a snake mid-hike, quite sensibly feels flat-out fear. In the short run, these emotions are adaptive because they energize us to cope with danger. They ensure that we don’t make that first jump without knowing how to operate the parachute and that we get away from that snake as fast as we can. But sometimes fear and anxiety become detached from actual danger, or these feelings continue even when danger and uncertainty are past. The result may be generalized anxiety disorder, marked by long-lasting feelings of apprehension and worry; panic disorder, involving recurrent panic attacks, which are short-lived but intense feelings of arousal and fear; or phobias, excessive fears of specific things or situations.

panic disorder

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An anxiety disorder in which a person experiences recurring and impairing panic attacks—periods of intense fear, and feelings of impending doom or death, accompanied by physiological symptoms such as rapid heart rate and dizziness.

15.3.A Anxiety and Panic Learning Objective 15.3.A Differentiate the major symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder and panic disorder.

The chief characteristic of generalized anxiety disorder is excessive, uncontrollable anxiety or worry—a feeling of foreboding and dread—that occurs on a majority of days during a 6-month period and that is not brought on by physical causes such as disease, drugs, or drinking too much coffee. Some people suffer from generalized anxiety disorder without having lived through any specific anxiety-producing event. They may have a genetic predisposition to experiencing its symptoms—restlessness, sleep disturbance, muscle tension, difficulty concentrating—when in unfamiliar or uncontrollable situations. Genes may also contribute to abnormalities in the amygdala, the core structure for the acquisition of fear, and in the prefrontal cortex, which is associated with the ability to realize when danger has passed (Buff et al., 2017; Lonsdorf et al., 2009). Consistent with the vulnerability–stress model, genetic, neurobiological, and other vulnerabilities can interact with stressful events, leading to later anxiety (Gorka et  al., 2014; Hanson et  al., 2015). Whatever the origin of generalized anxiety disorder, its sufferers have mental biases in the way they attend to and process threatening information. They perceive everything as an opportunity for disaster, a cognitive habit that fuels their anxiety and keeps it bubbling along (Boswell et al., 2013; Mitte, 2008). Since bursting on the TV scene in 2020, Ted Lasso has become Another kind of anxiety disorder is panic disorder, in which a everyone’s favorite fictional soccer coach. A purveyor of corny person has recurring rapid-onset attacks of intense fear and many jokes and inspirational slogans on the show, Coach Lasso’s charphysical symptoms of arousal. Symptoms of panic attacks include acter also copes with anxiety, family trauma, and mid-game panic rapid heart rate, chest pain or discomfort, shortness of breath, dizziattacks, demonstrating that even the most outgoing and optimistic ness, feelings of unreality, hot and cold flashes, sweating, trembling among us are not immune from mental health challenges.

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Figure 15.2 Interpretation Matters n

Panic disorder

tio

a ret erp t n I Panic attack: Fear and physical symptoms that seem “out of the blue”

“Oh my God, I’m dying!”

Int erp

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No disorder

“Oh, it’s just stress; it will pass.” Panic attacks, which are relatively common in the general population, can lead to panic disorder if our interpretation of them is catastrophic.

and shaking, and—as a result of all these scary physical reactions—a fear of dying, going crazy, or losing control. Many sufferers fear they are having a heart attack. Watch a video in Revel for more about the biology underlying this condition. Although panic attacks seem to come out of nowhere, they often occur in the aftermath of stress, prolonged emotion, specific worries, or frightening experiences. A friend of ours was on a plane that was a target of a bomb threat while airborne at 33,000 feet. He coped beautifully at the time, but 2 weeks later, seemingly out of nowhere, he had a panic attack. Such delayed attacks after life-threatening scares can happen.

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What About You? Have you ever had a panic attack in which you suddenly experienced intense fear, rapid heart rate, shortness of breath, and dizziness?

Panic attacks are actually quite common in the general population, with 13%–28% of people experiencing them at some point in their lifetimes; in contrast, only 1%–4% of people have all of the symptoms of panic disorder (De Jonge et al., 2016; Kessler et al., 2006). Why don’t more people develop panic disorder? The answer lies in how people interpret their bodily reactions during panic attacks (see Figure  15.2; Barlow, 2000; Bentley et  al., 2013). Most people who have occasional panic attacks see them correctly as a result of a passing crisis or period of stress. But people who develop panic disorder regard the attack as a sign of illness or impending death, which only makes the physical symptoms of the panic attack worse. They then begin to fear future panic attacks and live their lives in restrictive ways in order to avoid them.

15.3.B Fears and Phobias Learning Objective 15.3.B Describe the characteristics of a phobia, and explain why agoraphobia can be so disabling. Are you afraid of bugs, snakes, or dogs? Are you just vaguely uncomfortable or so afraid that you can’t stand to be around one? A phobia is an exaggerated fear and avoidance of a specific situation, activity, or thing. Some common phobias—such as fear of flying, heights (acrophobia), blood, or being trapped in enclosed spaces (claustrophobia)—may

phobia Exaggerated fear and avoidance of a specific situation, activity, or object.

490 Chapter 15 have evolved to be easily acquired in human beings because these fears reflected real dangers (e.g., Hoehl et al., 2017; New & German, 2015). Some fears, as of the number 13 (triskaidekaphobia), may reflect idiosyncratic experiences or cultural traditions. Whatever its source, a true phobia is frightening and often incapacitating, and not just a tendency to say “ugh” at tarantulas or avoid eye contact with the clowns at the circus. People who have social anxiety disorder (also known as social phobia) become extremely anxious in situations in which they will be observed by others—eating in a restaurant, speaking in public, having to perform for an audience. They worry that they will do something that will be excruciatingly embarrassing and that others will laugh at them or reject them. These phobias are more severe and impairing forms of the occasional shyness and social anxiety that everyone experiences. For people with a social phobia, the mere thought of being in a new situation with unfamiliar people is scary enough to cause Everyone fears something. Stop for a moment to think about what you fear sweating, trembling, nausea, and an overwhelming feeling of most. Is it heights? Snakes? Speaking in public? Ask yourself these questions: (1) How long have you feared this thing or situation? (2) How anxious inadequacy. So, they just don’t go, increasing their isolation and would you be if you could not avoid this thing or situation? (3) How much imagined fears. would you be willing to rearrange your life to avoid this feared thing or Individuals with agoraphobia typically fear places—such situation? (4) Does this fear really bother you or impair your life in any way? as a crowded store or traffic jam—where escape or rescue If you’re wondering whether yours is a normal source of apprehension or might be difficult in the event of a panic attack or other incaa full-blown phobia, the major issue to think about is whether your fear or pacitating symptoms. (In ancient Greece, the agora was the avoidance causes distress or impairment in social, professional, or other important areas of functioning. If not, you have probably  social, political, and business center of town, the public meetdescribed a “normal” fear rather than a phobia. ing place away from home.) Agoraphobia often begins with a panic attack that seems to have no cause. The attack is so unexpected and scary that the person begins to avoid situations that they think may social anxiety disorder provoke another one. Eventually, this avoidance can become so severe that the person A disorder marked by fear or anxiety is unable to leave their home or leaves home only if accompanied by a trusted friend or and avoidance of social situations involving possible scrutiny and partner. 1310755/Shutterstock

Fear or Phobia

negative evaluation by others.

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A fear and avoidance of places where escape or rescue might be difficult in the event of a panic attack or other incapacitating symptoms.

There are many scary and/or aversive situations in life, such as unexpectedly encountering a rattlesnake on a running trail, making a visit to the dentist’s office, or hearing your airplane pilot say, “Hmm, I wonder what this button does?” But what separates reasonable fear from a debilitating phobia? Sometimes, fearing a specific thing is exactly the correct response, like when that thing could kill you. In other cases, the thing you fear has no dangerous properties whatsoever. So where is the dividing line between a typical and understandable response and a phobic one?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.3 to test your knowledge.

15.4 Trauma and Obsessive–Compulsive Disorders Stress symptoms are entirely normal in response to the usual problems and conflicts of life and even to life’s tragedies. For example, having difficulty sleeping and concentrating immediately after being involved in a serious car crash is an expected response to a health-threatening situation. Likewise, it’s normal to go through times of being “obsessed”

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with some person or goal and to follow small superstitious rituals. But sometimes these symptoms cross the line into disorders that affect a person’s ability to function.

15.4.A Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

Intrusive memories, insomnia, and other signs of distress are understandable reactions to going through a crisis or trauma such as war, rape, torture, natural disaster, sudden death of a loved one, or terrorist attack. But if the symptoms persist for 1 month or longer and begin to impair functioning, the sufferer may have posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Symptoms of PTSD include frequently reliving the trauma in intrusive memories, flashbacks, or nightmares; avoiding reminders of or talking about the trauma; a sense of detachment from others and a loss of interest in familiar activities; and increased physiological arousal, reflected in insomnia, irritability, hypervigilance (increased attention toward potential threats), and impaired concentration. For years after the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, many people suffered PTSD symptoms, especially if they lost loved ones, were first responders, or lived or worked nearby (Maslow et al., 2015; Neria et al., 2011). Yet most people who live through a traumatic experience eventually recover without developing PTSD, and the epidemic of PTSD that many experts predicted after 9/11 never materialized (Bonanno et al., 2010; Galatzer-Levy et al., 2018). Why, then, if most people recover, do some continue to have PTSD symptoms for years, sometimes for decades? The vulnerability–stress model can help address this question. The presence of preexisting vulnerabilities can help explain why some individuals develop PTSD after trauma. One type of vulnerability is genetic. Behavioral-genetic studies of twins in the general population and of combat veterans have found that PTSD symptoms have a heritable component (Almli et al., 2014; Yehuda et al., 2015). PTSD has also been linked to certain personality and mental characteristics that are somewhat heritable (Almli et al., 2015). Another type of vulnerability is neurobiological. Interestingly, in many PTSD sufferers, the hippocampus is smaller than average (Bromis et al., 2018; O’Doherty et al., 2015). The hippocampus is crucially involved in autobiographical memory. An abnormally small one may figure in the difficulty of some trauma survivors to react to their memories as events from their past, which may be why they keep reliving them in the present. An MRI study of identical twins showed that veterans with PTSD had abnormally small hippocampi, but so did their identical twins who did not serve in Vietnam and did not have PTSD. This means that smaller hippocampi may be a preexisting familial vulnerability for PTSD, increasing the risk of PTSD after trauma (Gilbertson et al., 2002). In a longitudinal study, a different group of researchers found that having a smaller hippocampal volume at the time of trauma predicted having a PTSD diagnosis 14 months later; because hippocampal volumes did not change over those 14 months, the findings of this study suggest that smaller hippocampi indicate a vulnerability for PTSD (Ben-Zion et al., 2022).

Replication Check ✔ The finding of smaller hippocampal volumes in PTSD has been replicated in independent samples many times, and meta-analyses have detected this effect across studies (Bromis et al., 2018; Logue et  al., 2018). However, why hippocampal volumes are smaller among individuals with PTSD and exactly when they become smaller remain to be determined.

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Learning Objective 15.4.A Define posttraumatic stress disorder, and discuss its symptoms and origins.

posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) A disorder in which a person who has experienced a traumatic or life­ threatening event has symptoms such as intrusive memories, nightmares, avoidance, insomnia, and hypervigilance.

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Understandably, many soldiers suffer posttraumatic stress symptoms. But why do most eventually recover, whereas others have PTSD for many years?

Individuals with PTSD also have exaggerated activation in the amygdala and dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, two brain regions that are involved in fear conditioning and detecting potential threat in the environment. Abnormally high activation in these brain areas may explain why individuals with PTSD show (conditioned) fear and arousal triggered by reminders of the trauma and why they are watchful for potential threat even in safe environments. Furthermore, exaggerated activation in these two brain regions appears to act as a preexisting vulnerability, increasing the likelihood of PTSD developing after traumatic events (Admon et al., 2013). For example, one study of Israeli Defense Force soldiers found that those who had relatively greater amygdala activation before military service had relatively greater PTSD symptom severity after approximately 18 months of service (Admon et  al., 2009). In another longitudinal study, children who had greater activation in the amygdala before exposure to a hurricane later had a stronger positive correlation between extent of media exposure to the hurricane and PTSD symptom severity (Dick et al., 2021). Another set of twin studies, similar in design to the twin study described above, found that both Vietnam combat veterans with PTSD and their identical twins without PTSD had exaggerated activation in the amygdala and the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex. This exaggerated brain activation may make some people more vulnerable to PTSD after experiencing trauma (Hinojosa et al., 2022; Shin et al., 2009, 2011). Preexisting vulnerabilities may also be emotional or cognitive. A prior history of psychological problems, such as anxiety and impulsive aggression, may increase the risk of PTSD after trauma (Breslau et  al., 2006). In addition, individuals with lower intelligence quotient (IQ) scores appear to have a greater risk of PTSD years later (DiGangi et al., 2013; Koenen et al., 2007), even when the extent of trauma exposure is controlled (Macklin et al., 1998), perhaps because a relatively low IQ may be associated with diminished cognitive coping skills. In sum, impaired neurological, emotional, and cognitive functioning that existed before a trauma may increase the likelihood of developing PTSD after a trauma. This can explain why some people become chronically symptomatic and impaired after trauma while others recover quickly.

15.4.B Obsessions and Compulsions Learning Objective 15.4.B Distinguish between obsessions and compulsions, and discuss the defining elements of obsessive–compulsive disorder. obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) A disorder in which a person feels trapped in repetitive, persistent, unwanted thoughts (obsessions) and repetitive, ritualized behaviors or mental acts (compulsions).

Obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) is characterized by recurrent, persistent, unwanted thoughts or images (obsessions) and by repetitive, ritualized behaviors or mental acts that the person feels must be carried out to avoid disaster (compulsions). Of course, many people have trivial compulsions and practice superstitious rituals. Baseball players are famous for them, from eating the same meal before each game, to insisting on wearing the same unwashed and sweat-soaked undershirt during a prolonged hitting streak. Obsessions and compulsions become a disorder only when they cause distress and interfere with a person’s life. People who have obsessive thoughts often find them frightening or repugnant: thoughts of becoming contaminated by dirt, of having unknowingly hurt someone in a traffic accident, or of killing a child. Obsessive thoughts take many forms, but they are alike in reflecting impaired ways of reasoning and processing information. As for compulsions, the most common are handwashing, counting, touching, and checking. For example, a person must check the furnace, lights, locks, and oven 20 times before they can sleep; or they must repeatedly open and close their apartment door until closing it feels “just right.” OCD sufferers usually realize that their obsessions and compulsions are excessive, and they are often tormented by them. But if they try to resist performing their compulsion, they feel mounting anxiety that is relieved only by giving in to the compulsion.

However, not all OCD patients can specify a disaster that they believe their rituals prevent; some develop rituals to reduce general feelings of distress. (And by the way, washing your hands frequently during a global pandemic does not by itself indicate OCD; in fact, it is one good way to eliminate viruses and other pathogens.) In many people with OCD, overactivity in the connections between the frontal cortex, striatum, and thalamus create a kind of cognitive rigidity, an inability to let go of intrusive thoughts, and behavioral rigidity, an inability to alter compulsive behavior after getting negative feedback (Dougherty et al., 2018; Snyder et al., 2015). Normally, after danger has passed or a perAcross more than 100 episodes, the reality TV show son realizes that there is no cause for fear, the brain’s alarm signal turns Hoarders has provided viewers with a personal view of the off. In people with OCD, however, false alarms keep clanging and the challenges posed by hoarding disorder. The show typically emotional networks keep sending out mistaken fear messages (Graybiel takes the form of an intervention in which one focus is & Rauch, 2000). The sufferer feels in a constant state of danger and tries cleanup but another is addressing the individual’s obsessive and even self-destructive tendencies with a rotating repeatedly to reduce the resulting anxiety. cast of psychologists and other therapists. Some critics The DSM-5-TR includes hoarding disorder in the larger category of have argued that the show is largely exploitative, putting obsessive–compulsive disorders (Slyne & Tolin, 2014). Pathological hoard- mental disorder on display for entertainment purposes. ers fill their homes with newspapers, magazines, old clothing, used boxes or bags—all kinds of what is usually considered junk. They are tormented by fears of throwing out something they may need later. Brain imaging studies that compared obsessive hoarders with other people with obsessive symptoms found that hoarders had abnormal activity in parts of the brain involved in making decisions, forming memories, monitoring errors, assessing the salience or relevance of stimuli, and perceiving unpleasant bodily states (An et al., 2009; Hough et al., 2016; Stevens et al., 2020; Tolin et al., 2012). Perhaps these deficits help explain why hoarders can’t decide what to throw away, creating a constant worry, and why they keep so much stuff in the living room, kitchen, or even on the bed: perhaps they have trouble remembering where things are and thus feel the need to have them in sight (Tolin et al., 2018).

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JOURNAL PROMPT 15.4 THINKING CRITICALLY—ASK QUESTIONS, BE WILLING TO WONDER Most people who suffer through a significant trauma won’t develop PTSD. Why is that? In your answer, be sure to address genetic, neurological, emotional, and cognitive contributions to developing or not developing PTSD.

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.4 to test your knowledge.

15.5 Personality Disorders Personality disorders are pervasive, enduring patterns of emotion and behavior that cause great distress to an individual or impair their ability to get  along with others. The DSM includes several different types of personality disorders, and each one is marked by the presence of specific pathological traits such as extreme emotional instability or callousness.

15.5.A Borderline Personality Disorder Learning Objective 15.5.A Explain the main features of borderline personality disorder. Borderline personality disorder characterizes people who have extremely negative emotionality and who are unable to regulate their emotions. They have a history of intense but unstable relationships in which they alternate between idealizing and then devaluing the partner. They frantically try to avoid real or imagined abandonment by others, even if the

borderline personality disorder A disorder characterized by extreme negative emotionality and an inability to regulate emotions, which often results in intense but unstable relationships, impulsivity, self­injurious behavior, feelings of emptiness, and a fear of abandonment.

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Charles Manson served a life sentence for his role in a series of murders in the late 1960s. Individuals who are indifferent to the suffering of others and who commit such heinous crimes without remorse may have antisocial personality disorder.

“abandonment” is only a friend’s brief vacation. They are self-destructive and impulsive, suffer chronic feelings of emptiness, and often threaten suicide. They are emotionally volatile, careening from anger to euphoria to anxiety (Crowell et al., 2009; Schulze et al., 2016). They love and hate intensely, sometimes simultaneously. (The term borderline comes from the original psychodynamic view of the disorder as falling on the border between mild and severe mental illness, thereby creating an inconsistent ability to function in the world.) Many people with borderline disorder deliberately injure themselves in acts of cutting and self-mutilation. This form of “nonsuicidal self-injury” has been known for thousands of years and is found around the world; it is most prevalent among adolescents and young adults. There are multiple reasons why an individual might self-injure: Reducing distress, seeking social support, or relieving unwanted social obligations (Fox et al., 2015; Hepp et al., 2020; Nock, 2010). It’s not clear exactly how borderline personality disorder unfolds. One leading model of its development was proposed by Marsha Linehan, who suffers from the disorder herself (and has developed one of the most successful treatments for it). In this “biosocial” model, which is a variant of the vulnerability–stress model, a child is born with a genetic vulnerability that produces abnormalities in the frontal lobes and brain areas involved in emotion and a disposition toward negative emotionality. As a result, the young child behaves impulsively and has heightened emotional sensitivity, which in turn are worsened by what Linehan calls an “invalidating environment”: The child’s parents do not tolerate the child’s emotions and their expression, telling the child that those feelings are unjustified and to cope with them alone. At the same time, the parents intermittently reinforce the child’s extreme emotional outbursts with attention. As a result of these mixed messages, the child doesn’t learn to understand and label feelings or how to regulate them calmly. Instead, the child veers helplessly between trying to inhibit any sign of emotion and giving in to extreme expressions of it (Crowell et al., 2009; 2014). Although other potential explanatory models of borderline personality disorder exist, they all share the core ideas of a genetic predisposition interacting with problematic dynamics between the child and caregivers (Sharp & Fonagy, 2015).

15.5.B Antisocial Personality Disorder Learning Objective 15.5.B Distinguish between the terms antisocial personality disorder and psychopathy, and identify the common elements. antisocial personality disorder (APD) A personality disorder characterized by a lifelong pattern of irresponsible, antisocial behavior such as law breaking, violence, and other impulsive, reckless acts.

For several editions, the DSM has defined antisocial personality disorder (APD) in terms of behavior, describing people who repeatedly break the law and violate the rights of others; are impulsive and seek quick thrills; show reckless disregard for safety; often get into physical fights or assault others; and are irresponsible, failing to hold jobs or meet obligations. The problem with this definition is that it covers a grab-bag set of behaviors without specifying what the underlying mental disorder might be. Moreover, it could apply both to people who fall in with a “bad crowd” for a few years and to others who, as one researcher describes them, are “lifetime persistent offenders.” For the latter, rule-breaking and irresponsibility start in early childhood and take different forms at different ages: “biting and hitting at age 4, shoplifting and truancy at age 10, selling drugs and stealing cars at age 16, robbery and rape at age 22, and fraud and child abuse at age 30” (Moffitt, 1993, 2005). Individual differences in aggression can be apparent by an infant’s first birthday, virtually as soon as a baby has the motor skills to hit or exert force, and seem to be an early predictor of later violence (Baker et al., 2013; Hay et al., 2011). Antisocial behavior does seem to have a genetic basis, at least in part (Raine, 2013). In one longitudinal study of boys who were physically abused in childhood, those who had a variation in a crucial gene (for an enzyme that breaks down neurotransmitters) later showed more extreme antisocial behavior than did abused boys who did not have that variant (Caspi et al., 2002). Although only 12% of the abused boys had this variant, they accounted for nearly half of all later convictions for violent crimes in this sample.

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Remember, however, that genes are not destiny. In the study just described, most boys who had the genetic variant but whose parents treated them lovingly did not grow up to be violent. And although genes may affect the brain, in turn predisposing a child to rule-breaking and violent behavior, environmental influences are also important because they can actually change the function of genes, which can in turn affect brain and behavior. Indeed, environmental events such as birth complications and abuse have been linked with antisocial behavior (Raine, 2008). Genes that increase risk for developing APD likely relate to brain structure and function. There is now very strong evidence for abnormalities in the frontal cortex in APD. Many people with APD have relatively less activation and less gray matter in the frontal cortex compared to people without APD (Glenn & Raine, 2014; Yang & Raine, 2009). The frontal lobes are responsible for planning and impulse control, and impairments in this area can lead to an inability to control responses to frustration and provocation, regulate emotions, and understand the long-term consequences of indulging in immediate gratifications (Fairchild et al., 2013). In one study of criminal offenders, relatively low activation in the frontal (anterior cingulate) cortex during the performance of an inhibitory task predicted a greater risk of rearrest over a subsequent 4-year period (Aharoni et al., 2013). Frontal lobe abnormalities can be inherited or result from disease, accident, or physical abuse (Glenn & Raine, 2014). Antisocial traits also appear to be associated with abnormal structure and function of the amygdala (Glenn & Raine, 2014). In a study of men with varying levels of aggression, smaller amygdala volumes were associated with greater severity of aggression, and smaller amygdala volumes at the beginning of the study predicted greater violence and aggression 3 years later (Pardini et al., 2014). Over the objections of many clinical scientists, the DSM criteria for APD have emphasized antisocial behaviors rather than the psychological abnormalities underlying those behaviors. Examples of these psychological abnormalities include the lack of remorse, empathy, and fear, which are characteristics of a construct known as psychopathy, as described next.

15.5.C Psychopathy: Myths and Evidence

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psychopathy A set of personality characteristics that can accompany antisocial personality disorder and is marked by fearlessness; lack of empathy, guilt, and remorse; the use of deceit; and coldheartedness.

Some people with psychopathy are sadistic and violent. Gary Ridgway, the deadliest convicted serial killer in U.S. history (known as the Green River Killer), strangled 48 women around the country. But most people with psychopathy are not murderers. Lacking empathy and conscience, they use charisma and elaborate scams to deceive and defraud. Bernie Madoff swindled investors out of $17 billion, using his charm and reputation in the industry to commit his crimes.

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Decades ago, Hervey Cleckley (1976) popularized the term psychopathy (sigh-CAW-pa-thee), which he used to describe individuals who are heartless, utterly lack conscience, and are unable to feel normal emotions. People with psychopathy are incapable not only of remorse and fear of punishment, but also of shame, guilt, and empathy for those they hurt. If caught in a lie or a crime, they may seem sincerely sorry and promise to make amends, but it is all an act. Some people with psychopathy are violent and sadistic, able to kill a pet, child, or random adult without a twinge of regret, but others are charming and manipulative, able to direct their energies into con games or career advancement, abusing other people emotionally or economically rather than physically (Skeem et al., 2011). People with psychopathy are believed to exist in all cultures and throughout history. Even a close-knit culture such as the Yupik in Canada has a word for them, kunlangeta (Seabrook, 2008). An anthropologist once asked a member of their group what they would do with a kunlangeta, and he said, “Somebody would have pushed him off the ice when nobody else was looking.”

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Learning Objective 15.5.C List and explain the central features of psychopathy.

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Psychopathy Myths In a thorough review, a team of investigators has separated the myths about psychopathy from what the evidence actually shows (Skeem et al., 2011). • Myth 1—Psychopathy is the same as being violent and sadistic. Actually, many people with psychopathy have no criminal record or history of violence, and many criminals and rule breakers don’t have psychopathy (Poythress et al., 2010). • Myth 2—Psychopathy is the same as being “psychotic.” No, people with psychopathy are not delusional, out of touch with reality, or unaware of the consequences of their actions; they just don’t care about those consequences. • Myth 3—Psychopaths are “born, not made.” In fact, there are several routes to psychopathy, and genetic predispositions can interact with environmental influences. • Myth 4—Psychopaths cannot change their ways. Actually, some children and adults who score high on measures of psychopathy can indeed respond to intensive treatment (Polaschek, 2014).

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Something certainly seems to be amiss in the emotional wiring of psychopaths, the wiring that usually allows all primates, not just human beings, to feel connected to others of their kind. In psychopathy, the reduced ability to feel emotional arousal suggests some aberration in the central nervous system (Hare, 1965, 1996; Lykken, 1995; Raine et al., 2000). Most people with psychopathy do not respond physiologically to the threat of punishment the way other people do, which may be why they can behave fearlessly in situations that would frighten others. Normally, when a person is anticipating danger, pain, or punishment, the electrical conductance of the skin changes, a classically conditioned response that indicates anxiety or fear. But psychopaths are slow to develop Figure 15.3 Emotions and Psychopathy such responses, which suggests that they have difficulty feeling the anxiety necessary for learning that their actions will have unpleasant consequences 14 (Lorber, 2004; see Figure 15.3). Furthermore, this impairment may exist at a very young age. One study showed that impairment in fear learning assessed 12 when participants were 3 years old predicted criminal behavior later, at age 23 (Gao et al., 2010). 10 Lack of empathy also seems to have a physiological basis. When people with psychopathy are shown pictures of other people in distress or pain, their perspiration, muscle tension, and startle response barely change, and 8 the parts of the brain that typically activate during empathy are less active compared to control groups (Blair et al., 1997; Decety et al., 2013; Herpertz 6 et  al., 2001; Seara-Cardoso et  al., 2015). (Interestingly, when people with psychopathy were asked to imagine themselves in the depicted situations, they showed more typical activation in the empathy brain regions.) In 4 order to empathize with another person, one must first take the perspective of the other person and try to see the situation from their point of view. 2 One recent study has reported that the ability to automatically take the perspective of other people is impaired in individuals with psychopathy; 0 compared to individuals without psychopathy, their quick decisions on a 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 task were less affected by the perspective of another person. Furthermore, Trials the more severe their psychopathy symptoms, the greater their impairment Nonpsychopaths Psychopaths was in perspective-taking (Drayton et al., 2018). People with psychopathy also have difficulty identifying expressions In several experiments, people with psychopathy were slow of fear. Clinical scientists have developed ways of measuring callousness to develop classically conditioned responses to anticipated and unemotionality in children, central dispositions that can develop into danger, pain, or shock—responses that indicate normal anxiety. adult psychopathy (Bedford et  al., 2015; Frick & Viding, 2009; Hyde & This deficit may be related to the tendency to behave in Dotterer, 2022). Young children with these traits have difficulty correctly destructive ways without remorse or regard for consequences decoding fear expressions in the faces, voices, or gestures of other people. (Hare, 1965, 1996).

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For example, boys who exhibit callous, unemotional traits and conduct problems showed lower amygdala activation to fearful facial expressions compared to participants without these characteristics (Jones et al., 2009). They don’t feel fear themselves or “get” fear in others, and as a result they may fail to respond to efforts by their parents and others to socialize them—and thus fail to develop a conscience (Sylvers et  al., 2011). Callous traits in young children are also associated with relatively lower total brain volumes and lower surface area of the frontal and temporal cortices (Bolhuis et al., 2019).

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JOURNAL PROMPT 15.5 THINKING CRITICALLY—DEFINE YOUR TERMS Chances are good that, at some point in your life, you’ve described someone as “psycho” or heard someone else do so. Chances are also good that this term was used incorrectly. First, briefly describe an instance when you’ve used or heard that descriptor. What was it about the person’s behavior that prompted the use of the descriptor? Next, think about the definitions of borderline personality disorder, antisocial personality disorder, psychopathy, and personality disorders in general. What features of these disorders come closest to what people usually have in mind when they use this phrase?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.5 to test your knowledge.

15.6 Addictive Disorders

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The DSM-5-TR category of substance-related and addictive disorders covers the abuse of 10 classes of drugs, including alcohol, caffeine, hallucinogens, inhalants, cocaine, and tobacco, and adds “other (or unknown) substances,” in case as-yet-unidentified ways of getting high turn up (alas, they often seem to). Drugs that are used in a way that is self-destructive or impairs a person’s ability to complete schoolwork, hold a job, care for children, or get along with others are alike in activating the brain’s reward system. In 2013, the DSM-5 also added “gambling disorder” in this category on the grounds that compulsive gambling activates the brain’s reward mechanisms just as drugs do. But it relegated “Internet gaming disorder” to the appendix, as a condition warranting further study, and decided not to include excessive behavioral patterns popularly called “sex addiction,” “shopping addiction,” or “exercise addiction” because, as the manual explains, there is little evidence that these constitute mental disorders. Before we continue, we’d like to clarify some of the terms we will be using in this section. The terms substance use disorder and addiction refer to overlapping concepts but are not synonymous. Substance use disorder is a diagnostic category in the DSM-5-TR that includes a broad set of symptoms and behaviors that are related to substance use and range from mild to severe. Addiction is not a diagnostic category in the DSM-5-TR, but it is a In 2017, fans mourned the sudden deaths of music legends Prince and Tom Petty. In addition to both being Rock and Roll Hall-of-Famers, the two musicians shared something else in common: In both cases, their official cause of death was determined to be an accidental opioid overdose. In both cases, toxicology reports found evidence of fentanyl, a synthetic opioid used as a pain medication (or as anesthesia when combined with other substances). Fentanyl has been found to be 50 to 100 times more powerful than morphine or heroin and is one of the fastest-growing causes of drug overdose deaths in the United States (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2017).

498 Chapter 15 term used by clinicians, researchers, and people in the broader community to refer to an inability to control one’s own consumption of a substance (or other behaviors) despite the obvious harm that it causes. Both of these terms likely apply to a person who struggles with substance use at the severe end of the spectrum (e.g., someone who repeatedly consumes excessive amounts of alcohol, leading to repeated car crashes, arrests, injuries, or job losses) (Heilig et al., 2021). In this section, focusing primarily on the example of alcohol addiction (also known as alcoholism), we will consider the two dominant approaches to understanding addiction— the biological model and the learning model—and then see how they might be reconciled. At the conclusion of the chapter, we will revisit the question of whether other activities, such as smartphone use, can truly be addictive.

15.6.A Biology and Addiction Learning Objective 15.6.A Discuss how the biological model of addiction would explain drug and alcohol use disorders. The biological model, also called the disease model, holds that addiction, whether to alcohol or any other drug, is due primarily to a person’s neurology and genetic predisposition. The clearest example of the biology of addiction is nicotine. Although the prevalence of cigarette smoking has declined over the past 50 years, the use of e-cigarettes has increased, and nicotine addiction remains one of the most serious health problems worldwide (Cullen et  al., 2019). Unlike other addictions, it can begin quickly, within a month after the first cigarette—and for some teenagers, after only one cigarette—because nicotine almost immediately changes neuron receptors in the brain that react chemically to the drug (DiFranza, 2008). Genes produce variation in these nicotine receptors, which is one reason some people are especially vulnerable to cigarette addiction and have tremendous withdrawal symptoms when they try to give them up, whereas other people, even if they smoke heavily, can quit more easily (Berrettini & Doyle, 2012; Bierut et al., 2008). For alcoholism, the picture is more complicated. Genes are involved in some kinds of alcoholism but not all. There is a heritable component in the kind of alcoholism that begins in early adolescence and is linked to impulsivity, antisocial behavior, and criminality (Dick et al., 2008; Schuckit et al., 2007; Verhulst et al., 2015), but not in the kind of alcoholism that begins in adulthood and is unrelated to other disorders. Genes also affect alcohol “sensitivity”—how quickly people respond to alcohol, whether they tolerate it, and how much they need to drink before feeling drunk (Hu et al., 2008; Morozova et al., 2014). In an ongoing longitudinal study of 450 young men, those who at age 20 had to drink more than others to feel any reaction were at increased risk of becoming alcoholic within the decade. This was true regardless of their initial drinking habits or family history of alcoholism (Schuckit et al., 2011). In contrast, people who have a high sensitivity to alcohol are less likely to drink to excess, which may partly account for ethnic differences in alcoholism rates. One genetic factor causes low activity of an enzyme involved in the metabolism of alcohol. People who lack this enzyme respond to alcohol with unpleasant symptoms such as flushing and nausea. This genetic protection is common among Asian people but rare among White people, which may be one reason rates of alcoholism are much lower in Asian populations than in White populations (Heath et al., 2003; Luczak et al., 2014). Not all Asian individuals are the same in this regard, however. Korean American college students have lower sensitivity to alcohol and higher rates of alcohol-use disorders than do Chinese American students (Duranceaux et al., 2008; Luczak et al., 2004). Neurological and cognitive factors also appear to contribute to the development of alcohol misuse (O’Halloran et al., 2017; Squeglia et al., 2017; Whelan et al., 2014). For example, among healthy 12- to 14-year-olds who were not using alcohol or other substances, having a thinner frontal and parietal cortex and lower scores on cognitive testing predicted the onset of alcohol misuse 6 to 8 years later (Squeglia et al., 2017).

For years, the usual way of looking at biological facFigure 15.4 The Addicted Brain tors and addiction was to assume that the first causes the second. However, the relationship also works the other way: Addictions can change biology (Crombag & Robinson, 2004; Lewis, 2011). Many people become addicted not because their brains have led them to abuse drugs, but because the abuse of drugs has changed their brains. Over time, the repeated jolts of pleasure-producing dopamine modify brain structures in ways that maximize the appeal of the drug or of other addictive experiences such as gambling; minimize the appeal of other rewards; and disrupt cognitive functions such as working memory, self-control, and decision-making, which is why addictive behavior comes to feel automatic (Houben et al., 2011; Lewis, 2011). Heavy use of cocaine, alcohol, and other drugs reduces the PET studies show that the brains of people addicted to cocaine have fewer number of receptors for dopamine and creates the feeling receptors for dopamine, a neurotransmitter involved in pleasurable sensations. of having a compulsion to keep using the drug (Volkow (The more yellow and red in the brain image, the more receptors.) (Volkow et  al., 2001; Volkow & Morales, 2015; see Figure  15.4). In et al., 2011). The brains of people addicted to methamphetamine, alcohol, and even food show a similar dopamine deficiency. the case of alcoholism, heavy drinking also reduces the level of painkilling endorphins, produces nerve damage, and shrinks the cerebral cortex. These changes can then create a craving for more, and the person stays intoxicated for longer and longer times, drinking not for pleasure but simply to appease the craving and to relieve withdrawal symptoms (Volkow & Morales, 2015). Even after people with addiction have gone through detox and remained drug-free, their dopamine circuits can remain blunted. Thus, drug abuse, which begins as a voluntary action, can turn into drug addiction, a compulsive behavior that is exceedingly difficult to control.

15.6.B Learning, Culture, and Addiction Learning Objective 15.6.B Discuss how the learning model of addiction would explain drug and alcohol use disorders. Many people assume that if abnormalities are discovered in the brains of people with addiction, nothing can be done about it. Yet consider the results from a team of scientists who studied the brains of people addicted to stimulants and their biological siblings who had no history of chronic drug use (Ersche et al., 2012). The people with addiction and their siblings revealed abnormalities in the parts of the brain involved in self-control. Indeed, impulsivity, an inability to control one’s immediate craving for something, is characteristic of people with addiction—and those who cannot control eating, gambling, texting, or other behaviors. But what enables their equally vulnerable siblings to resist temptation and addiction? Likely candidates include resilience, peer groups, the ability to manage frustration, and strong coping skills (Volkow & Baler, 2012). The learning model examines the role of the environment, learning, and culture in encouraging or discouraging these factors and others involved in addiction. Four lines of research support the learning model: 1. Addiction patterns vary according to cultural practices. Alcoholism is much more likely to occur in societies that forbid children to drink but condone adult drunkenness (as in Ireland and the United States) than in societies that teach children how to drink responsibly but condemn adult drunkenness (as in Italy, Greece, and France). In cultures with low rates of alcoholism (except for those committed to a religious rule that forbids use of all psychoactive drugs), adults demonstrate correct drinking habits to their children, gradually introducing them to alcohol in safe family settings. Alcohol is not used as a rite of passage into adulthood, abstainers are not sneered at, and drunkenness is not considered charming or comical (Peele, 2010; Peele & Brodsky, 1991; Zapolski et al., 2014). The cultural environment may be especially crucial for the development of alcoholism among young people with a genetic vulnerability (Schuckit et al., 2008). In one such

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The biological (disease) model assumes that if certain children are given even a taste of a drink or a drug, they are more likely to become addicted. The learning model assumes that the cultural context is crucial in determining whether people will become addicted or learn to use drugs moderately. In fact, when children learn the rules of social drinking with their families, as at Jewish Passover seders (left), alcoholism rates are much lower than in cultures in which drinking occurs mainly in bars or in privacy. Similarly, when marijuana is used as part of a religious tradition, as it is by members of the Rastafarian church in Jamaica (right), use of the “wisdom weed” is less likely to lead to addiction or harder drugs.

group of 401 American Indian youths, those who later developed drinking problems lived in a community in which heavy drinking was encouraged and modeled by parents and peers. But those who felt a cultural and spiritual pride, and who were strongly attached to their religious traditions, were less likely to develop drinking problems, even when their parents and peers were encouraging them to drink (Yu & Stiffman, 2007). Substance use and addiction problems also increase when people move from their culture of origin into another that has different drinking rules (Westermeyer, 1995). In many Latinx cultures, such as those of Mexico and Puerto Rico, drinking—in particular, excessive drinking—is considered a male activity. Latina women tend to have relatively few drinking problems until they move into an European American environment, when their rates of alcoholism rise to mirror those of the general U.S. population (Alvarez et al., 2007; Canino, 1994). Likewise, when norms within a culture change, so may drinking habits and addiction rates. The cultural norm for American college women used to be low to moderate drinking; today, college women are more likely to abuse alcohol (Grucza et al., 2009; White et al., 2015). 2. Policies of total abstinence tend to increase rates of addiction rather than reduce them. In the United States, the temperance movement of the early 20th century held that drinking inevitably leads to drunkenness and drunkenness to crime. The solution it won for the Prohibition years (1920–1933) was national abstinence. But this victory backfired: In accordance with the learning model, Prohibition reduced rates of drinking overall, but it increased rates of alcoholism among those who did drink. Because people were denied the opportunity to learn to drink moderately, they drank excessively when given the chance. And, of course, when a substance is forbidden, it becomes more attractive to some people. 3. Not all people with addiction have withdrawal symptoms when they stop taking a drug. When individuals who heavily use a drug stop taking it, they often suffer unpleasant symptoms such as nausea, abdominal cramps, depression, and sleep problems. But these symptoms are far from universal. During the Vietnam War, nearly 30% of U.S. soldiers were taking heroin in doses far stronger than those available on the streets of American cities. These men believed themselves to be addicted, and experts predicted a drug-withdrawal disaster among the returning veterans. It never materialized; more than 90% of them simply gave up the drug, without significant withdrawal pain, when they came home to new circumstances (Robins et al., 1974). Subsequent studies find that this response is the norm, not the exception (Heyman, 2009, 2011), which is strong evidence against the idea that addiction is always a chronic disease. Many people find this information startling, even unbelievable, likely because people who can quit without help don’t enter programs to help them quit, so they are less visible to the general public and to the medical world.

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One reason that many people are able to quit abusing drugs is that the environment in which a drug is used and a person’s expectations have powerful influences on the drug’s physiological effects as well as its psychological ones. You might think a lethal dose of, say, amphetamines would be the same wherever the drug was taken. But studies of mice have found that the lethal dose varies depending on the mice’s environment—whether they are in a large or small test cage or they are alone or with other mice. The physiological response of people with addiction to certain drugs also changes depending on whether or not the individuals are in a drug-related environment (Crombag & Robinson, 2004). This is the primary reason that people with addiction need to change environments if they are going to kick their habits. It’s not just that they must get away from a peer group that might be encouraging them, but they may also need to literally change and rewire their brain’s response to the drug.

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Test Your Motives for Drinking If you drink, why do you do so? Check all of the motives that apply to you: ____ To relax ____ To cope with depression ____ To escape from worries ____ To get drunk and lose control ____ To enhance a good meal ____ To rebel against authority

____ To conform to peers ____ To relieve boredom ____ To express anger ____ To have sex ____ To be sociable

There are many reasons people consume alcohol. Some of them may reflect more responsible use of alcohol, such as “To enhance a good meal” or “To be sociable.” Others may predict more problematic use of alcohol, such as “To get drunk and lose control,” “To escape from worries,” and “To cope with depression.” Still other reasons can be associated with other unhealthy or concerning outcomes, such as “To have sex” and “To rebel against authority.”

4. Addiction can depend not only on the properties of the drug, but also on the reasons for taking it. People who drink alcohol simply to be sociable or to relax after a rough day are less likely to become addicted. Problem drinking occurs when people regularly drink to disguise or suppress their anxiety or depression, when they drink alone to drown their sorrows, or when they want an excuse to abandon inhibitions (Mohr et al., 2001; Schuckit & Smith, 2006). The majority of people who take opioid medications to treat severe pain do not develop an addiction (Han et al., 2017), although rates of problematic opioid use in such groups are on the rise (Jantarada et al., 2021). In many cases, the decision to start using drugs depends more on people’s motives, and on the norms of their peer group and culture, than on the chemical properties of the drug itself. For an overview of the biological and learning models of addiction, see Table 15.2.

Table 15.2 Biological and Learning Models of Addiction Contrasted The biological and learning models of addiction differ in how they explain drug abuse and the solutions they propose: The Biological Model

The Learning Model

Addiction is a genetic, biological, relapsing disease caused by changes in the brain produced by drug abuse.

Addiction is a way of coping, and people can learn to make better choices.

Addictions are chronic.

A person can grow beyond the need for alcohol or other drugs.

Someone with an addiction must abstain from the drug forever.

Most problem drinkers can learn to drink in moderation.

A person is either addicted or not.

The degree of addiction will vary depending on the situation.

The solution is medical treatment and membership in groups that reinforce one’s permanent identity as a recovering addict.

The solution involves learning new coping skills and changing one’s environment.

Someone with an addiction needs the same treatment and group support forever.

Treatment lasts only until the person no longer abuses the drug.

SOURCE: Based on Peele and Brodsky (1991); see also Heyman (2011) and Lewis (2011).

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JOURNAL PROMPT 15.6 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Based on their own experiences, people may disagree passionately about whether alcoholics can learn to drink moderately. How can we move beyond biases and emotional reasoning on this contentious issue? How might the biological and learning models be reconciled to provide a fuller picture of the causes of drug abuse and potential treatment options?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.6 to test your knowledge.

15.7 Dissociative Identity Disorder When most people say, “I’m just not myself today,” it usually means they’re in a bad mood, tired, or otherwise preoccupied. But as a clinical diagnosis, “not being yourself” might imply a condition that has captured the public’s imagination yet has left many psychological scientists highly skeptical.

15.7.A A Controversial Diagnosis Learning Objective 15.7.A Identify the factors that make dissociative identity disorder a controversial diagnosis.

In 2009, The United States of Tara debuted, a series in which a woman with a very tolerant husband and two teenagers keeps breaking into one of her three identities—a sex-and-shopping-mad teenage girl; a loud, gun-loving man; and a 1950s-style homemaker.

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A controversial disorder marked by the apparent appearance within one person of two or more distinct personalities, each with its own name and traits; formerly known as multiple personality disorder.

One of the most controversial diagnoses in the DSM-5-TR is dissociative identity disorder (DID), formerly and still popularly called multiple personality disorder. This label describes the apparent emergence, within one person, of two or more distinct identities, each with its own name, memories, and personality traits. Cases of DID portrayed in popular media have captivated the public for years. Some psychiatrists and clinical psychologists think that DID originates in childhood as a means of coping with abuse or other traumatic experiences (Gleaves, 1996). In their view, the trauma produces a mental “splitting” (dissociation): One personality emerges to handle everyday experiences and another personality (called an “alter”) to cope with the bad ones. During the 1980s and 1990s, clinicians who believed a client had “multiple personalities” often tried to “bring out the alters” using highly suggestive techniques such as hypnosis, drugs, and even outright coercion (McHugh, 2008; Rieber, 2006). Psychiatrist Richard Kluft (1987) wrote that efforts to determine the presence of alters may require “between 2½ and 4 hours of continuous interviewing. Interviewees must be prevented from taking breaks to regain composure. . . . In one recent case of singular difficulty, the first sign of dissociation was noted in the 6th hour, and a definitive spontaneous switching of personalities occurred in the 8th hour.” Yikes! After 8 hours of “continuous interviewing” without a single break, how many of us wouldn’t do what the interviewer wanted? Clinicians who conducted such interrogations argued that they were merely permitting other personalities to reveal themselves, but skeptical psychological scientists countered that they were actively creating other personalities Collection Christophel/Alamy Stock Photo

dissociative identity disorder (DID)

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through suggestion and sometimes even intimidation with vulnerable clients who had other psychological problems (Lilienfeld & Lynn, 2015). Psychological scientists have shown that “dissociative amnesia,” the mechanism that supposedly causes traumatized children to repress their ordeal and develop several identities as a result, lacks empirical support (Lynn et al., 2012). For one thing, truly traumatic experiences are usually remembered all too long and all too well (McNally, 2003; Pope et al., 2007). For another, scientific studies, as opposed to subjective case studies, have failed to confirm that personalities in DID have amnesia for what the others have done. In a study that compared 9 DID patients with control participants, the patients said that they could not recall the autobiographical details of their alters. But when transferring autobiographical memories between identities was needed as part of a task, patients were just as likely as the others to do so, demonstrating that they could do it when they wanted to (Huntjens et al., 2012).

15.7.B Thinking Critically About DID Learning Objective 15.7.B Evaluate the likely explanations for dissociative identity disorder. So, what is DID? The evidence suggests that it is a homegrown culture-bound syndrome. Only a handful of cases had ever been diagnosed anywhere in the world before 1980; yet by the mid-1990s, tens of thousands of cases had been reported, mostly in the United States and Canada. DID became a lucrative business, benefiting hospitals that opened specialty clinics, therapists who had a new disorder to treat, and psychiatrists and patients who wrote best-selling books. Later in the 1990s, numerous malpractice cases were filed across the country; on the basis of the testimony of scientific experts in psychiatry and psychology, many courts ruled that the DID explosion was being generated by clinicians who believed in it. The clinics in hospitals closed, psychiatrists became more wary, and the number of cases dropped. No one disputes that some troubled, highly imaginative individuals can produce many different “personalities” when asked. But the sociocognitive explanation of DID holds that this phenomenon is simply an extreme form of the ability we all have to present different aspects of our personalities to others (Lilienfeld et  al., 1999; Lynn et  al., 2012). The disorder may seem very real to clinicians and their patients who believe in it, but in the sociocognitive view, it results from pressure and suggestion by clinicians, interacting with acceptance by vulnerable patients who find the idea of separate personalities a plausible explanation for their problems. In turn, therapists who believe in the diagnosis reward such patients with attention and praise for revealing more and more personalities—and a culture-bound syndrome is born (Hacking, 1995; Piper & Merskey, 2004). When Canadian psychiatrist Harold Merskey (1992) reviewed the published cases of multiple personalities, he was unable to find a single one in which a patient had not been influenced by the therapist’s suggestions or reports about the disorder in the media. The story of DID offers a good lesson in critical thinking because it teaches us to be cautious about new diagnoses and previously rare disorders that suddenly catch fire in popular culture. We must consider other explanations, examine assumptions and biases, and demand good evidence instead of simply accepting unskeptical media coverage.

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JOURNAL PROMPT 15.7 THINKING CRITICALLY—CONSIDER OTHER INTERPRETATIONS You’ve learned about a range of disorders so far in this chapter, many of which affect vast numbers of people and can have devastating consequences. Consider substance use disorder; untold millions of people worldwide are grappling with some form of this disorder that holds the potential to ruin lives, destroy families, and kill people. Given that, why do you think dissociative identity disorder captured the public attention to so great an extent? It was never argued to affect very many people, and it may not even be reliably diagnosed. What qualities make it so intriguing, compared to depression, anxiety disorders, or substance use disorder?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.7 to test your knowledge.

Interestingly, the number of “alters” reported by people with DID seems to have increased over the years. In the earliest cases, multiple personalities came only in pairs: In the 1886 story of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, the kindly Dr. Jekyll turned into the murderous Mr. Hyde. At the height of the DID epidemic in North America in the 1990s, people were claiming to have dozens, even hundreds of alters, including demons, children, extraterrestrials, and animals. Does this change over time influence how you think critically about DID?

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15.8 Schizophrenia We turn now to a last major category of psychological disorders, and one that has attracted a range of explanations since it was first given a name in the late 1800s (Kraepelin, 1896). Causes ranging from “a conflict between instincts” to “toxins in the endocrine system” to social conditions to “the frustration of basic urges” have been proposed for what we now know is a brain disease (Brown & Menninger, 1940; Hunt, 1938; Lazell & Prince, 1929; Meyer, 1910–1911). To gain more insight into schizophrenic disorders, watch a video on this topic in Revel.

15.8.A Symptoms of Schizophrenia Learning Objective 15.8.A Describe the five major symptoms of schizophrenia, and give an example of each. schizophrenia A psychotic disorder marked by delusions, hallucinations, disorganized speech, inappropriate behavior, and cognitive impairments.

psychosis An extreme mental disturbance involving distorted perceptions of reality, irrational behavior, and impaired functioning.

In 1911, Swiss psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler coined the term schizophrenia to describe cases in which the personality loses its unity. Contrary to popular belief, people with schizophrenia do not have a “split” or “multiple” personality. Schizophrenia is a fragmented condition in which words are split from meaning, actions from motives, perceptions from reality. It is an example of a psychosis, a mental condition that involves distorted perceptions of reality, irrational behavior, and impaired functioning. Schizophrenia is elusive, complex, and varying in form. The DSM-5-TR criteria for the disorder list five core abnormalities: 1. Delusions. Some people with schizophrenia have delusions, which are false beliefs that are held with complete conviction. People with persecutory delusions may see innocent events—a stranger’s glance, a helicopter overhead—as evidence that others are plotting against them. They may insist that their thoughts have been inserted into their heads by someone controlling them or are being broadcast on television. Some believe that ordinary objects or people are really something or someone else, perhaps extraterrestrials in disguise. Some may have grandiose delusions, believing that they are exceptionally powerful or famous. 2. Hallucinations. People with schizophrenia suffer from false sensory experiences that seem intensely real. By far the most common hallucination is hearing voices; it is virtually a hallmark of the disease. Some sufferers are so tormented by these voices that they turn to suicide to escape them. One man described how he heard as many as 50 voices cursing him, urging him to steal other people’s brain cells, or ordering him to kill himself. Once he picked up a ringing telephone and heard them screaming, “You’re guilty!” over and over. They yelled “as loud as humans with megaphones,” he told a reporter. “It was utter despair. I felt scared. They were always around” (Goode, 2003). 3. Disorganized speech. Some people with schizophrenia speak in an illogical jumble of ideas and symbols, linked by meaningless rhyming words or by remote (or “loose”) associations. Speech may be so disorganized that it’s nearly incomprehensible (called “word salad”). A patient of Bleuler’s wrote, “Olive oil is an Arabian liquor-sauce which the Afghans, Moors and Moslems use in ostrich farming. The Indian plantain tree is the whiskey of the Parsees and Arabs. Barley, rice and sugar cane, called artichoke, grow remarkably well in India. The Brahmins live as castes in Baluchistan. The Circassians occupy Manchuria and China. China is the Eldorado of the Pawnees” (Bleuler, 1911/1950). Others make only brief, empty replies in conversation because of diminished thought rather than an unwillingness to speak. 4. Grossly disorganized or catatonic behavior. Such behavior may range from childlike silliness to unpredictable and violent agitation. The person may wear three overcoats and gloves on a hot day, start collecting garbage, or hoard scraps of food. Some completely withdraw into a private world, sitting for hours without moving, a condition called catatonic stupor. Catatonic states can also produce frenzied, purposeless behavior that goes on for hours. 5. Negative symptoms. Many people with schizophrenia lose the motivation and ability to take care of themselves and interact with others; they may stop working or bathing and

Psychological Disorders

become isolated and withdrawn. They lose expressiveness and thus seem emotionally flat; their facial expressions are unresponsive and they make poor eye contact. These symptoms are called “negative” because they involve the absence of normal behaviors or emotions (and are contrasted with “positive” symptoms, the presence of abnormal patterns such as hallucinations and delusions). Some signs of schizophrenia emerge early, in late childhood or early adolescence (Tarbox & Pogue-Geile, 2008), but the first full-blown psychotic episode typically occurs in late adolescence or early adulthood. In some individuals, the breakdown occurs suddenly; in others, it is more gradual, a slow change in personality. The more breakdowns and relapses the individual has had, the poorer the chances for recovery. Yet, contrary to stereotype, more than 40% of people with schizophrenia do have one or more periods of recovery and go on to hold jobs and have successful relationships, especially if they have strong family support and community programs (Harding, 2005; Hopper et al., 2007; Jobe & Harrow, 2010). What kind of mysterious disease could produce such a variety of symptoms and outcomes?

Courtesy of Terence James Charnley

Courtesy of Terence James Charnley

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Schizophrenic Art

April 20: “[I am feeling] paranoid. The

Bryan Charnley painted 17 self-portraits, with comments, reflecting his battle with schizophrenia. He painted this one in March 1991, when his mind was clear. Sadly, he died by suicide 3 months later, in June.

May 6: “I had no tongue, no real tongue, and could only flatter. . . . The nail in the mouth expresses this. The people around me cannot understand how I was so stupid and cannot forgive me. . . . Thus I am a target. The nails in my eyes express that I cannot see whereas other people seem to have extrasensory perception and I am blind in this respect.”

Courtesy of Terence James Charnley

Courtesy of Terence James Charnley

person upstairs was reading my mind and speaking back to me to keep me in a sort of ego crucifixion. . . . I felt this was because I was discharging very strong vibrations.”

May 18: “My mind seemed to be thought broadcasting [and] it was beyond my will to do anything about it. I summed this up by painting my brain as an enormous mouth. . . . The trouble seemed to stem from a broken heart so I painted a great mass of gore there. . . . I feel I am giving off strong personality vibrations, hence the wavy lines emanating from my head.”

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Taking Psychology with You Thinking More Clearly About Mental Disorders thinking critically about them is important. Name a psychological disorder, and there’s a good chance that there’s at least one movie or television example. Depression? Little Miss Sunshine. Obsessive–compulsive disorder? As Good as It Gets and the HBO show Girls. Bipolar disorder? Silver Linings Playbook. Borderline personality disorder? Girl, Interrupted. Autism? Rain Main or the TV series The Good Doctor. And so on. Now that you have learned about the symptoms and major features of several categories of disorders, you will be able to turn a more critical eye to public depictions of mental disorders in the future. For example, we mentioned the film A Beautiful Mind in the opening of this chapter, and the mathematician John Nash. We encourage you to watch it (again or for the first time), asking yourself whether the hallucinations are portrayed realistically. And whether there are dangers to the portrayal of schizophrenia as a disorder that a person might be able to “reason his way out of,” managing symptoms through intelligence rather than medication. Of course, some problematic aspects of media depictions of mental disorder are easy to spot. You know that the idea of mental illness as cured by falling in love is a Hollywood oversimplification. Another area of concern might be fictional depictions of disorders that focus disproportionately on characters of certain demographics—yes, women are 1.7 times more likely than men to be diagnosed with major depression (Albert, 2015), but are media representations of depression even more skewed than that? And even when you see a realistic, sympathetic depiction of disorder, concerns might still arise. Consider a plotline on This Is Us, in which Kevin Pearson, one of the three siblings on the TV show, develops an addiction after being prescribed painkillers for his injured knee. Even if this is a nuanced depiction of Kevin’s struggles, what are the implications of focusing on a legitimate prescription that spirals into addiction? Might viewers of the show become more reluctant to taking painkillers even when needed? Would fans of the show be surprised to learn that the majority of opioid misuse begins with people using medication that was not prescribed to them (National Survey on Drug Use and Health, 2014)? We should be concerned about how mental illness is depicted in the media because those depictions can affect viewers’ attitudes

and behaviors. For example, how might watching a movie like Joker change your view of people with mental illness? One group of researchers decided to find out. They randomly assigned participants to watch either the film Joker or the film Terminator: Dark Fate in a movie theater, and they assessed participants’ prejudice toward people with mental illness via questionnaire before and after the movie. They found increases in prejudice in the group that watched Joker but not the group that watched Terminator (Scarf et al., 2020). Media depictions of mental illness can affect behaviors as well. Earlier in the chapter we noted that the popular series 13 Reasons Why, which centers on the suicide of one of its characters, was unfortunately associated with an increased prevalence of suicide attempts and completions in the United States (Bridge et al., 2020; Cooper et al., 2018; Niederkrotenthaler et  al., 2019). On the other hand, media depictions of mental illness can also have positive effects––one study found that showing participants a movie portraying a sympathetic character with schizophrenia along with an educational trailer was associated with increased knowledge about and reduced negative attitudes toward schizophrenia (Ritterfeld & Jin, 2006). Thus, popular culture depictions of mental illness culture can have detrimental or beneficial effects, depending on how we decide to use them.

PictureLux/The Hollywood Archive/Alamy Stock Photo

Popular culture depictions of mental disorder are common, and

The next time you watch a television show or movie in which psychological disorders or symptoms are depicted, you’ll have the knowledge necessary to ask important critical thinking questions. Consider the popular series Stranger Things, in which one of the major characters, Eleven (above), experiences intrusive and vivid flashbacks to her traumatic past. How realistic is this depiction of her flashbacks, in terms of triggers, frequency, and intensity? Does the show provide us with enough information to consider potential diagnoses for Eleven? If not, what else would you need to know about her?

15.8.B Origins of Schizophrenia Learning Objective 15.8.B Describe the three main contributing factors to the origin of schizophrenia. Schizophrenia is clearly a brain disease. It involves reduced volumes of gray matter in the prefrontal cortex and temporal lobes; abnormalities in the hippocampus; and abnormalities in neurotransmitters, neural activity, and disrupted communication between neurons in areas involving cognitive functioning, such as memory, decision-making, and emotional processing

Psychological Disorders

Figure 15.5 Schizophrenia and the Brain

National Institute of Mental Health

(Karlsgodt et  al., 2010; McHugo et  al., 2019; van Erp et  al., 2018). Many individuals with schizophrenia also show enlargement of the ventricles, spaces in the brain that are filled with cerebrospinal fluid (see Figure 15.5; Dazzan et al., 2015). And they are more likely than people without schizophrenia to have abnormalities in the thalamus, the traffic-control center that filters sensations and focuses attention (Dorph-Petersen & Lewis, 2017; Gur et  al., 1998). Many have abnormalities in the auditory cortex and Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas, all involved in speech perception and processing; these abnormalities might explain the experience of hallucinations involving voices (Doucet et al., 2019; Jardri et al., 2011). Researchers have identified three contributing factors in this disorder:

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During auditory hallucinations, individuals with schizophrenia show activation in parts of the brain

1. Genetic predispositions. Schizoph(shown in red) that underlie speech, language, and hearing (Zmigrod et al., 2016). renia is highly heritable. A person has a much greater risk of developing the disorder if their identical twin develops it, even if the twins are reared apart (Gottesman, 1991; Heinrichs, 2005). Children with one parent with schizophrenia have a lifetime risk of 7%–12%, and children with two affected parents have a lifetime risk of 27%–46%, compared to a risk in the general population of only about 1% (see Figure 15.6). Researchers all over the world are trying to identify the genes that might be involved in specific symptoms such as hallucinations, cognitive impairments, and social withdrawal (Desbonnet et  al., 2009; Tomppo et al., 2009). However, efforts to find the critical genes in schizophrenia have

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Figure 15.6 Genetic Vulnerability to Schizophrenia Identical twin Child of two parents with schizophrenia Fraternal twin Child of one parent with schizophrenia Sibling Unrelated person in the general population

0

10 20 30 40 50 Lifetime risk of developing schizophrenia

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This graph, based on combined data from 40 European twin and adoption studies conducted over 7 decades, shows that the closer the genetic relationship to a person with schizophrenia, the higher the risk of developing the disorder (based on Gottesman, 1991; see also Gottesman et al., 2010).

508 Chapter 15 proven difficult because several appear to be involved, and those are linked not only to schizophrenia, but also to a range of other disorders, including autism, ADHD, bipolar disorder, and even dyslexia (Fromer et al., 2014; Walker & Tessner, 2008; Williams et al., 2011).

Figure 15.7 The Adolescent Brain

and Schizophrenia

Paul Thompson/Arthur Toga

2. Prenatal problems or birth complications. Damage to the fetal brain significantly increases the likelihood of schizophrenia later in life. Such damage may occur if the mother suffers from malnutrition; schizophrenia rates rise during times of famine (St. Clair et al., 2005). Damage may also occur if the mother gets the flu virus during the first 4 months of prenatal development, which triples the risk of schizophrenia (Brown, 2012a). And it may occur if complications during birth injure the baby’s brain or deprive it of oxygen (Byrne et al., 2007; Cannon et al., 2000). Other nongenetic prenatal factors that increase the child’s risk of schizophrenia, especially if they combine with each other, include maternal diabetes and emotional stress, having a biological father over age 55, and very low birth weight (King et al., 2010).

Thus, the developmental pathway of schizophrenia is something of a relay. It starts with genetic predispositions, which may combine with prenatal risk factors or birth complications that affect brain development. The resulting vulnerability then awaits the next stage, synaptic pruning within the brain during adolescence (Walker & Tessner, 2008). Then, according to the vulnerability–stress model of schizophrenia, these biological changes interact with environmental stressors to trigger the disease. This model explains why one identical twin may develop schizophrenia but not the other: Both may have a genetic susceptibility, but only one may have been exposed to other risk factors in the womb, birth complications, or stressful life events. These and other aspects of this disorder are discussed in a video in Revel.

JOURNAL 15.8 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE Interactive

These dramatic images highlight areas of brain-tissue loss in adolescents with schizophrenia over a 5-year span. The areas of greatest tissue loss (regions that control memory, hearing, motor functions, and attention) are shown in red and magenta. The brain of a person without schizophrenia (top) looks almost entirely blue (Thompson et al., 2001).

3. Biological events during adolescence. In adolescence, the brain undergoes a natural pruning-away of synapses. Normally, this pruning helps make the brain more efficient in handling the new challenges of adulthood. But it appears that in schizophrenia, too many synapses are pruned away, which may explain why the first fullblown episode of schizophrenia typically occurs in adolescence or early adulthood. Healthy teenagers lose about 1% of the brain’s gray matter between ages 13 and 18. But as you can see in Figure 15.7, in a study that tracked the loss of gray matter in the brain over 5 years, adolescents with schizophrenia showed much more extensive and rapid tissue loss, primarily in the sensory and motor regions (Thompson, Vidal, et al., 2001).

As you’ve no doubt seen on many police dramas, many psychological disorders can be faked. Even in real life, criminals have feigned mental illness to get sympathy, negotiate reduced sentences, or avoid culpability. Schizophrenia would seem to be an easy disorder to fake: “Just act crazy.” But if you were tasked with determining the validity of someone’s diagnosis of schizophrenia, what would be the best evidence to consult? What key indicators would you use to separate a false diagnosis from a true one?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 15.8 to test your knowledge.

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Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Smartphone Use Can Become an Addiction STEP 1. Criticize This Claim In this chapter, we’ve encouraged you to think critically about how mental disorders are defined and categorized by the DSM, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. DSM diagnoses are based on signs and symptoms that a handful of clinical researchers decided to include. The DSM has been around since 1952 and is constantly evolving: Today’s clinicians encounter patient concerns that just weren’t relevant decades ago. Let’s consider how we should think about psychological disorders in the face of new societal developments. Specifically, let’s criticize this claim: Smartphone use can become an addiction.

STEP 2. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder This claim seems plausible: After all, we live in a society where people and their phones are inseparable, no matter where they go or what they’re doing. If you’re anything like us, perhaps you’ve felt uncomfortable or even anxious when, for whatever reason, you aren’t able to access your phone. These personal experiences are interesting, but not conclusive. Let’s turn a critical eye to this claim: what’s the first question we need to ask?

If we want to assess whether smartphone use can become an addiction, which of the following questions is the most important one for us to ask? a. What percentage of people have smartphones? b. What’s the definition of addiction? c. Are smartphones more habit-forming than other types of phones? d. At what age should you allow a child to have a smartphone?

STEP 3. Define Your Terms Defining addiction is the critical task. According to the DSM, for something to be a disorder it must impair functioning. So our definition of addiction needs to include impairment. Addiction also involves some of the following: preoccupation, continued use despite negative consequences, irritability when use is prevented, and unsuccessful attempts to stop. Brain activation has also been considered as evidence of addiction. One reason why gambling addiction was added to the DSM is that gambling appears to activate the brain’s reward circuitry in much the same way as other addictions.

STEP 4. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Let’s think about whether there are any biases to watch out for. Is it possible that your own smartphone use could change the way you assess this claim? People often don’t want to see themselves as having a diagnosable disorder. If you’re a heavy phone user, do you think you’d be less likely to see phone use as a problem? Also, people who work for companies that make and sell smartphones might argue that there’s no such thing as smartphone addiction because this conclusion serves their interests. The same is true for us as critical thinkers assessing this claim: Our own experiences and preferences are potential sources of bias.

STEP 5. Examine the Evidence OK, we’ve thought about questions, definitions, and potential sources of bias. It’s now time to consider what different types of evidence we would like to see in evaluating this claim.

(continued)

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Survey Data

Studies of whether overuse of a smartphone is associated with activation of reward circuitry in the brain would allow researchers to compare smartphone overuse with addictions to gambling or substances. Data from fMRI studies have been critical to the decision to add other new addictions to the DSM in recent editions.

Teerawut Masawat/123RF

Robert Crum/Shutterstock

Behavioral Data

Tyler Olson/Shutterstock

Brain Imaging Studies

Self-report questions could assess whether smartphone users report irritability and craving when they can’t access their phones, evidence that would support the claim that smartphone use can be addictive. In fact, some such studies have already been done (e.g., De-Sola Gutierrez et al., 2016; Katz et al., 2018).

It would probably not surprise you to learn that smartphone use while driving has been linked to negative consequences. This by itself would not be evidence that smartphone use can be an addiction. But one characteristic of addiction is continued use in spite of negative consequences. Reports of drivers who have repeated smartphone-related crashes could be relevant to this question about addiction.

STEP 6. Weigh Conclusions So what do you think? Can smartphone use become an addiction? We’ve thought about how to define addiction, and we’ve considered biases. We’ve explored the different types of evidence one might turn to in evaluating this claim. And still, this claim remains an open question. Many of the studies of smartphone overuse that we’d want to consult haven’t been run yet—keep in mind that smartphones are still a relatively new invention. Part of critical thinking is being willing to tolerate uncertainty . . . at least for a while until the relevant studies are done. Perhaps you’ll be the scientist to conduct some of these studies! Our critical look at this claim has helped illustrate just how tough a job the DSM committee really has. Answer Key: b. is the correct answer.

Summary: Psychological Disorders 15.1 Diagnosing Mental Disorders LO 15.1.A

Consider why it is difficult to obtain a universally agreed-upon definition of mental disorder.

When defining mental disorder, mental health professionals emphasize the disturbance in thinking, emotion, or behavior that causes a person to suffer; makes the person self-destructive; seriously impairs a person’s ability to work or get  along with others; or makes a person unable to control the impulse to endanger others.

LO 15.1.B

Describe the DSM, and give examples of the challenges associated with using it to diagnose mental disorders.

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) is designed to provide objective criteria and categories for diagnosing mental disorder. Critics argue that the diagnosis of mental disorders, unlike those of medical diseases, is inherently a subjective process. They believe the DSM fosters overdiagnosis, overlooks the negative consequences of being given a diagnostic label, creates an illusion of objectivity, and may be inaccurate.

Psychological Disorders

Supporters of the DSM believe that when the DSM criteria are used correctly and when empirically validated tests are used, reliability in diagnosis improves. LO 15.1.C

Describe clinical interviews, self-report questionnaires, and projective tests, and identify potential problems associated with these techniques.

In evaluating clients, clinicians may use clinical interviews, self-report questionnaires, and projective tests such as the Rorschach inkblot test or, with children, anatomically detailed dolls. Some projective tests have low reliability and validity, creating problems when they are used in the legal arena or in diagnosing disorders.

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physical symptoms of arousal. Panic attacks are common in the aftermath of stress or frightening experiences; those who go on to develop panic disorder tend to interpret the attacks as a sign of impending disaster. LO 15.3.B

Describe the characteristics of a phobia, and explain why agoraphobia can be so disabling.

A phobia is an exaggerated fear and avoidance of specific situations, activities, or things. Social anxiety disorder (or social phobia) includes fears of speaking or eating in public or having to perform for an audience. Agoraphobia is the fear of places where escape or rescue might be difficult in the event of a panic attack or other incapacitating symptoms. It often begins with a panic attack, which the person tries to avoid in the future by staying close to “safe” places or people.

15.2 Depressive and Bipolar Disorders LO 15.2.A

Outline how major depression differs from normal feelings of sadness.

Symptoms of major depression include depressed mood or loss of interest in formerly pleasurable activities, distorted thinking patterns, feelings of worthlessness, fatigue, and loss of appetite. Women are more likely than men to suffer from major depression, but depression in men may be underdiagnosed. LO 15.2.B

Explain the main features of bipolar disorder.

In bipolar disorder, a person experiences episodes of both depression and mania (excessive euphoria), typically alternating between the two. LO 15.2.C

Discuss the factors that contribute to the onset of depression.

Vulnerability–stress models of depression (or any other disorder) highlight interactions between individual vulnerabilities and stressful experiences. Because depression is moderately heritable, the search for specific genes or a collection of genes continues. For some vulnerable individuals, repeated losses of close relationships can set off episodes of major depression. Experiences with violence and parental neglect, especially in childhood, increase the risk of developing major depression in adulthood. Cognitive habits also play a role: believing that the origin of one’s unhappiness is permanent and uncontrollable, feeling hopeless and pessimistic, and brooding or ruminating about one’s problems.

15.3 Anxiety Disorders LO 15.3.A

Differentiate the major symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder and panic disorder.

Generalized anxiety disorder involves continuous, chronic anxiety and worry that interfere with daily functioning. Panic disorder involves recurrent and impairing attacks of profound fear and

15.4 Trauma and Obsessive–Compulsive Disorders LO 15.4.A

Define posttraumatic stress disorder, and discuss its symptoms and origins.

Most people who live through a traumatic experience eventually recover, but a minority develop posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which involves such symptoms as intrusive memories, nightmares, avoidance, insomnia, and hypervigilance. The reasons for people’s increased vulnerability to PTSD may include genetic vulnerability, history of psychological problems, lack of social and cognitive resources, and abnormalities in specific brain areas. LO 15.4.B

Distinguish between obsessions and compulsions, and discuss the defining elements of obsessive–compulsive disorder.

Obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) involves recurrent, unwanted thoughts or images (obsessions) and repetitive, ritualized behaviors or mental acts (compulsions) that a person feels unable to control. Some people with OCD have abnormalities in the connections between the frontal cortex, striatum, and thalamus, which may contribute to their cognitive and behavioral rigidity.

15.5 Personality Disorders LO 15.5.A

Explain the main features of borderline personality disorder.

Personality disorders are characterized by pathological personality traits that cause distress or an inability to get  along with others. One is borderline personality disorder, characterized by extreme negative emotionality and an inability to regulate emotions, often resulting in intense but unstable relationships, self-injurious behavior, feelings of emptiness, and a fear of abandonment.

512 Chapter 15 LO 15.5.B

Distinguish between the terms antisocial personality disorder and psychopathy, and identify the common elements.

People with antisocial personality disorder have a pattern of aggressive, reckless, impulsive, and often criminal behavior. The DSM criteria for antisocial personality disorder emphasize antisocial behaviors rather than the psychological abnormalities underlying those behaviors, such as the lack of remorse, empathy, and fear, which are characteristics of a construct known as psychopathy. LO 15.5.C

List and explain the central features of psychopathy.

People with psychopathy lack conscience and empathy; they are fearless and have trouble recognizing signs of fear in others, which makes normal socialization difficult. They do not feel remorse, guilt, or anxiety over wrongdoing, and they can con others with ease. Contrary to stereotype, most psychopaths are not violent criminals, and many criminals are not psychopaths.

15.6 Addictive Disorders LO 15.6.A

Discuss how the biological model of addiction would explain drug and alcohol use disorders.

According to the biological (disease) model of addiction, some people have a genetic vulnerability to the kind of alcoholism and drug abuse that begins in early adolescence and is linked to impulsivity, antisocial behavior, and criminality. Genes also affect sensitivity to alcohol and drugs, which varies across individuals and ethnic groups. But heavy drug abuse also changes the brain in ways that make addiction more likely. LO 15.6.B

Discuss how the learning model of addiction would explain drug and alcohol use disorders.

Advocates of the learning model of addiction point out that addiction patterns vary according to cultural practices and values, that policies of total abstinence tend to increase abuse and addiction rates because people who want to drink fail to learn how to drink in moderation, that many people can stop taking drugs without experiencing withdrawal symptoms, and that drug abuse depends on the reasons for taking a drug.

15.7 Dissociative Identity Disorder LO 15.7.A

Identify the factors that make dissociative identity disorder a controversial diagnosis.

In dissociative identity disorder (DID), formerly called multiple personality disorder, two or more distinct identities appear to split off (dissociate) within one person. Media coverage of sensational alleged cases of multiple personality greatly contributed to the rise in cases after 1980. LO 15.7.B

Evaluate the likely explanations for dissociative identity disorder.

Some clinicians think DID is legitimate and originates in childhood trauma. But many psychological scientists hold a sociocognitive explanation; namely, that DID is an extreme form of the ability to present different aspects of our personalities to others. In this view, the disorder is a culture-bound syndrome that emerges from pressure and suggestion by clinicians who believe in its prevalence and then interact with vulnerable patients who find the diagnosis a plausible explanation for their problems.

15.8 Schizophrenia LO 15.8.A

Describe the five major symptoms of schizophrenia, and give an example of each.

Schizophrenia is a psychotic disorder involving delusions, hallucinations, disorganized speech, inappropriate behavior, negative symptoms such as loss of motivation to take care of oneself, and emotional flatness. LO 15.8.B

Describe three main contributing factors to the origin of schizophrenia.

Schizophrenia is a brain disease that involves certain structural brain abnormalities such as enlarged ventricles and gray matter loss in the cortex. In the “relay” that likely gives rise to the disorder, genetic predispositions interact with prenatal problems or birth complications and excessive pruning of synapses during adolescence, all interacting with environmental stressors.

Shared Writing: Psychological Disorders Let’s say you were asked to join the committee that will write the next edition of the DSM, and you’ve decided to include smartphone addiction as a new diagnosis. What signs and symptoms would you include in the diagnostic criteria for this new disorder? What arguments against including smartphone addiction might the committee encounter?

In Revel, you can find the Chapter 15 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Chapter 16

Romanenkoalexey/123RF

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

Learning Objectives LO 16.1.A

LO 16.1.B

Describe the main categories of medication commonly prescribed for the treatment of mental disorders, and discuss the major cautions associated with drug treatment. Identify the forms of direct brain intervention used in treating mental disorders, and discuss the limitations of each.

LO 16.2.A

Summarize the main elements of psychodynamic therapy.

LO 16.2.B

Describe methods of behavior therapy and cognitive therapy.

LO 16.2.C

Summarize the similarities and differences between client-centered therapy and existential therapy.

LO 16.2.D

List the hallmarks of the family-systems perspective, and describe how they apply to family and couples therapy.

LO 16.3.A

Define the scientist–practitioner gap, and identify some of the problems associated with assessing the effectiveness of therapy.

LO 16.3.B

Provide examples of areas in which cognitive and behavior therapies have been particularly effective.

LO 16.3.C

Discuss and give examples of the ways in which interventions have the potential to harm clients.

LO 16.3.D

Discuss the ways in which culture can affect the experience of psychotherapy. 513

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Interactive

What About You? Psychology is the scientific study of how we think, feel, and act on a daily basis. As we begin this chapter, we have a question for you about your own life. We hope that this will be just the first of several times you think about your own life experiences when reading this chapter. Have you heard media reports that antidepressants increase the risk of suicide attempts among young people?

Have you ever survived a traumatic event—war, violence in your neighborhood, the unexpected death of a loved one, or a natural disaster? Have you ever had to move away from the country or culture you grew up in, to find yourself lonely and struggling in a new world? How about the pressures of being in college; do they ever make you feel depressed, worried, or panicky? For most of the emotional problems that we all experience on occasion, the two greatest healers are time and the support of friends or loved ones. For some people, though, time, friends, and family are not enough, and they continue to be troubled by typical life difficulties, such as family disagreements, or by depression, generalized anxiety disorder, or posttraumatic stress disorder. In these instances, which treatments might help? How do they work? Are they all safe? Our question above suggests that many students have heard media reports that antidepressants increase the risk of suicide attempts in young people. Does the evidence support this concerning claim? In this chapter, we will evaluate (1) biological treatments, which are primarily provided by psychiatrists or other physicians, and which include medications or other external manipulation of brain function, and (2) psychotherapy, specifically psychodynamic therapies, cognitive and behavior therapies, humanist therapies, and family or couples therapy. We will assess which kinds of medication and psychotherapy work best for which problems, which ones are not helpful, and which ones might even be harmful. For a brief history of treatments for psychological disorders, visit Revel to watch a video on this topic.

16.1 Biological Treatments for Mental Disorders

Jerry Cooke/Corbis Historical/Getty Images

For hundreds of years, people have tried to identify the origins of mental illness, attributing the causes at various times to evil spirits, pressure in the skull, disease, or bad environments. Today, biological explanations and treatments are dominant, partly because of evidence that some disorders have a genetic component or involve a biochemical or neurological abnormality and partly because physicians and pharmaceutical companies have been aggressively promoting biomedical solutions.

16.1.A The Question of Medication Learning Objective 16.1.A Describe the main categories of medication commonly prescribed for the treatment of mental disorders, and discuss the major cautions associated with drug treatment.

In the years before the advent of antipsychotic medication, patients with severe mental disorders were often put in straitjackets or chained to their beds to keep them from harming themselves or others.

The most commonly used biological treatment is medication that alters the production of or response to neurotransmitters in the brain. First, a quick note on terminology: the words “medication” and “drug” have largely overlapping definitions. The primary difference in usage is that medications are substances administered in the treatment of illness or disorder, whereas drugs are substances that can be taken for medical treatment but also for other reasons—for example, so-called recreational drug use. Accordingly, because this chapter focuses on treatment, we will usually defer to the term

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“medication,” though you will also see us use “drug” as particular phrases dictate (such as in the learning objective above, which uses both terms). Because medications are so widely advertised and prescribed these days—both for severe disorders such as schizophrenia and for more common problems such as anxiety and depression—consumers need to understand what these medications are, how they can best be used, and what their limitations are. Biomedical treatments are discussed in more detail in a video available in Revel. MEDICATIONS COMMONLY PRESCRIBED FOR MENTAL DISORDERS

There are four

main classes of medications used in the treatment of mental disorders: 1. Antipsychotics are used primarily in the treatment of schizophrenia and other psychoses. However, antipsychotic medications are increasingly prescribed “off label” for people with nonpsychotic disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), autism, attentiondeficit disorder, and dementia. Antipsychotics can be divided into two general classes: older antipsychotics (sometimes called neuroleptics or “first-generation” antipsychotics) such as chlorpromazine and haloperidol, and newer (“second-generation”) antipsychotics such as clozapine and risperidone. Most antipsychotic medications are designed to block or reduce the sensitivity of brain receptors that respond to dopamine; some also block serotonin. Antipsychotics can reduce agitation, delusions, and hallucinations, and they can shorten episodes of schizophrenia. But they may offer little relief from other symptoms of schizophrenia such as apathy, emotional flatness, or social withdrawal. This is why medication by itself is not always sufficient to help people with schizophrenia manage their symptoms, and other interventions such as social skills training are often needed (Goff, 2021). The newer antipsychotic medications comprise over 90% of the market for antipsychotics, and they generally seem to be as effective as the older medications for schizophrenia (Alexander et al., 2011; Hasan et al., 2017; Leucht et al., 2009; Zhang et al., 2013). However, side effects tend to differ between the newer and older antipsychotics (Gründer et al., 2016; Leucht et  al., 2013; Widschwendter & Hofer, 2019). A potential side effect of newer antipsychotics is extreme weight gain, which can increase the risk of metabolic disorders and diabetes (Libowitz & Numi, 2021; Sneller et al., 2021). Older antipsychotics can cause muscle rigidity, tremors, and other involuntary muscle movements, which over time can develop into a movement disorder called tardive (late-appearing) dyskinesia. Although antipsychotics are sometimes used to treat impulsive aggressiveness associated with attention-deficit disorder, dementia, and other mental problems, they may be only modestly effective for this purpose, and whether the benefits exceed the risk of side effects has been debated (van Schalkwyk et al., 2018).

antipsychotics

2. Antidepressants are used primarily in the treatment of depression, anxiety disorders, and obsessive–compulsive disorder. Monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs), such as phenelzine, elevate the levels of norepinephrine and serotonin in the brain by blocking or inhibiting an enzyme that deactivates these neurotransmitters. Tricyclic antidepressants, such as imipramine, boost norepinephrine and serotonin levels by preventing the normal reabsorption, or “reuptake,” of these substances by the cells that have released them. Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), such as fluoxetine, sertraline, and paroxetine work on the same principle as the tricyclics but more specifically target serotonin (and, in some cases, norepinephrine as well). Recent meta-analyses found several antidepressants effective for the treatment of depression in adults (Cipriani et al., 2018; Hieronymus et al., 2018; Yuan et al., 2020). However, antidepressants tend to produce some unpleasant side effects, including dry mouth, headaches, constipation, nausea, restlessness, gastrointestinal problems, weight gain, decreased sexual desire, and blocked or delayed orgasm (Hollon et al., 2002; Kelly et al., 2022). The specific side effects vary across medications. MAOIs interact with foods containing the amino acid tyramine (such as aged cheese, cured meats, and pickled foods), and eating these foods while taking MAOIs can elevate blood pressure to dangerously high levels, so diet has to be carefully controlled. Antidepressants should not be stopped abruptly without physician supervision because physical and emotional withdrawal symptoms may occur, including depression

antidepressants

Medications used primarily in the treatment of schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.

Medications used primarily in the treatment of depression, anxiety disorders, and obsessive–compulsive disorder.

Damian Dovarganes/AP Images

Nancee E. Lewis/San Diego Union-Tribune/ZUMA Press/Alamy Stock Photo

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Antipsychotic medications can help some people with schizophrenia live normal lives. At left, Danny Dunn (seated) poses with her mother. Danny was diagnosed as having schizophrenia and bipolar disorder when she was 17, but medication, therapy, and family support help her function. “I still have challenges and problems,” Danny says, “but life is so much better than it used to be.” The photo on the right shows USC law professor Elyn Saks, who also benefited from medication and therapy and wrote a memoir of her “journey through madness.” She received a MacArthur Foundation “genius grant” for her contributions to mental health law.

and anxiety, which can be mistaken for a relapse (Fava et al., 2015; Lejoyeux et al., 1996). Antidepressants now carry warnings about the risks of inducing suicide. Some people with depression have suicidal thinking before they take medication, and these medications can be helpful in alleviating that impulse. But the warnings mean that both clinician and patient need to be aware that symptoms may get worse; if this happens, medication should be reassessed immediately (Healy, 2012). We will return to this issue later in the chapter. The antidepressant medications mentioned so far have been around for many years. More recently, in a ground-breaking medical discovery, researchers found that a medication called ketamine has a rapid antidepressant effect (Berman et al., 2000; Krystal et al., 2019; Murrough et al., 2013). Unlike other antidepressants, ketamine blocks the N-methyl D aspartate (NMDA) receptor and is typically given intravenously, although some studies are investigating the efficacy of a nasal spray version (Bahji et al., 2020). Meta-analyses of placebo-controlled clinical trials have found that ketamine significantly improves symptoms of depression and suicidal thinking starting as early as 24 hours after treatment and without serious side effects (Han et  al., 2016; Wilkinson et al., 2018). Given these promising effects, ketamine is being assessed as a treatment for anxiety disorders (Glue et al., 2017, 2020). However, one limitation of a ketamine is that symptom improvement doesn’t last long, so repeated doses are required to maintain it. Unfortunately, long-term use of ketamine has not been adequately studied yet (Blier et al., 2012; Short et al., 2018). anti-anxiety medications (tranquilizers) Medications prescribed for patients who complain of excessive anxiety or worry.

3. Anti-anxiety medications (tranquilizers)—such as diazepam, alprazolam, and lorazepam—increase the activity of the neurotransmitter gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA). Tranquilizers may temporarily help individuals with acute anxiety attacks, but they are not considered the treatment of choice over time. Symptoms often return if the medication is stopped, and a significant percentage of people who take tranquilizers overuse them and develop problems with withdrawal and tolerance (i.e., they need larger and larger doses to get the same effect). Beta blockers, a class of medications primarily used to manage heart irregularities and hypertension, are sometimes prescribed to relieve acute performance anxiety by slowing the heart rate and lowering blood pressure. Beta blockers are not approved for and don’t appear to be particularly helpful in the treatment of anxiety disorders (Steenen et al., 2016). There is some evidence that the beta blocker propranolol can

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reduce the symptoms of PTSD but only when it’s taken at a very specific time—just before patients “reactivate” their traumatic memories by explicitly describing them (Brunet et al., 2018). Propranolol does not erase memories, but it does appear to help reduce the enhancement of memory that can occur when people recall physiologically arousing experiences. 4. Mood stabilizers are typically used to treat bipolar disorder. One type of mood stabilizer is lithium carbonate, although how it produces its effects is unclear because it has many different effects on the brain (Malhi et al., 2013). Lithium must be given in exactly the right dose, and bloodstream levels of the medication must be carefully monitored because too little will not help and too much is toxic; in some people, lithium produces short-term side effects (tremors) and long-term problems (kidney damage; Kemp, 2014). Other medications commonly prescribed for people with bipolar disorder include newer “second generation” antipsychotic medications and anticonvulsant medications such as divalproex sodium (Rhee et al., 2020).

mood stabilizers Medications frequently given to people with bipolar disorder.

For a review of these medications and their uses, see Table 16.1. Without question, medications have rescued some people from emotional despair and helped many others live with chronic problems such as schizophrenia, obsessive–compulsive disorder, and bipolar disorder. They have enabled people diagnosed with severe disorders to be released from hospitals, to function in the world, and to respond to psychotherapy. Yet many psychiatrists and drug companies trumpet the benefits of medication without informing the public of its limitations. Most people are unaware of how a publication bias—the tendency for journals to publish positive findings but not negative or ambiguous ones—shapes what we know. Independent researchers were able to obtain unpublished data submitted to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on 12 popular antidepressants; see Figure 16.1 to review the surprising results. Of the 38 studies that reported positive results, 37 were later published. Of the 36 studies with negative or mixed results, only 14 were published (Turner et al., 2008). Even more worrisome for the prospects of impartial research, the majority of researchers who are studying the effectiveness of medication have financial ties to the pharmaceutical industry in the form of lucrative consulting fees, funding for their clinical trials, stock investments, and patents. Studies that are independently funded often do not get the same positive results that industry-funded drug trials do (Bourgeois et  al., 2010; Krimsky, 2003). Findings suggesting the superiority of medication treatment over psychotherapy appear to be magnified in industry-funded versus non-industry funded studies (Cristea et al., 2017). In this section, therefore, we want to give you an idea of what you are not hearing from the drug companies.

SOME CAUTIONS ABOUT DRUG TREATMENTS

1. The placebo effect. New medications often promise quick and effective cures. But the placebo effect ensures that many people will respond positively to a new medication just because of the enthusiasm surrounding it and because of their own expectations that the medication will make them feel better (Gopalakrishnan et  al., 2020). After a

Table 16.1 Medications Commonly Used in the Treatment of Psychological Disorders Category

Examples

Primarily used for

Antipsychotics

Chlorpromazine Haloperidol Clozapine Risperidone

Schizophrenia Other psychoses Impulsive anger Bipolar disorder

Antidepressants

Fluoxetine (SSRI) Phenelzine (MAOI) Imipramine (tricyclic) Paroxetine (SSRI) Ketamine

Depression Anxiety disorders Obsessive–compulsive disorder

Anti-Anxiety Medications

Diazepam Alprazolam Beta blockers

Anxiety disorders Acute anxiety (e.g., performance anxiety)

Mood Stabilizers

Lithium Anticonvulsants

Bipolar disorder

placebo effect The apparent success of a medication or treatment due to the patient’s expectations or hopes rather than to the treatment itself.

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Figure 16.1 Medications and Publication Bias Published studies

Unpublished studies

Bupropion SR (Wellbutrin SR)

Citalopram (Celexa)

Duloxetine (Cymbalta)

Escitalopram (Lexapro)

Fluoxetine (Prozac)

Mirtazapine (Remeron)

Nefazodone (Serzone)

Paroxetine (Paxil)

Paroxetine CR (Paxil CR)

Sertraline (Zoloft)

Venlafaxine (Effexor)

Venlafaxine XR (Effexor XR)

Positive result

Questionable or negative result

To get FDA approval for a new medication, a pharmaceutical company must present evidence of its effectiveness. On the bars in this figure, each box represents one study. On the left side, you can see that most of the published studies supported the effectiveness of 12 antidepressants. But when independent researchers got hold of all of the data submitted to the FDA, they found that many unpublished studies had questionable or negative results (right) (based on Turner et al., 2008).

while, when placebo effects decline, many medications turn out to be neither as effective as promised nor as widely applicable (Healy, 2012; Moncrieff, 2001, 2013). In fact, considerable evidence suggests that much of the effectiveness of antidepressants, especially for people who are only mildly depressed, is due to a placebo effect (Khan et al., 2003). Approximately 40% of people who are randomly chosen to receive a placebo in clinical trials for depression improve (Furukawa et al., 2016; Meister et al., 2020), and about half of people who take the actual medication improve (Arroll et al., 2005; Gutsmiedl et al., 2020; Hollon et al., 2002). A meta-analysis of more than 5,000 patients in 47 clinical trials revealed that the placebo effect was “exceptionally large,” accounting for more than 80% of the alleviation of symptoms. The medications were most effective for patients with severe depression (Kirsch et al., 2008). The psychological expectation of improvement by taking a placebo actually produces some of the same brain changes that active treatments do (Benedetti et al., 2005; Burke et al., 2022; Ma, 2015).

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

2. Side effects and medication discontinuation. A person may have short-term success with antipsychotic or antidepressant medications. However, in part because of these medications’ unpleasant side effects, anywhere from one-half to two-thirds of people stop taking them. When they do, they are likely to relapse, especially if they have not learned how to cope with their disorders (Hollon et al., 2002). One reason some patients may experience excessive side effects or a poor response and then stop taking a medication is that they have been given the wrong dose. The same dose may be metabolized differently in people of different ages, sexes, and ethnicities (Chaudhry et al., 2008; Harvey et al., 2007). People may differ in the dosages they can tolerate because of variations in medication metabolism, amount of body fat, the number or type of drug receptors in the brain, or differences in smoking and diet. Researchers are investigating the possibility of using genetic tests to help determine, before treatment even starts, how likely a patient is to experience severe side effects with a given medication (Zhu et al., 2017; Zeier et al., 2018). Such pretreatment tests could help patients choose more suitable treatments and achieve symptom relief sooner. 3. Disregard for effective, possibly better nonmedical treatments. The popularity of medication has been fueled by pressure from managed-care organizations, which prefer to pay for one patient visit for a prescription rather than 10 visits for psychotherapy, and by drug company marketing and advertising. In 1997, the FDA permitted pharmaceutical companies to advertise directly to the public, a practice still forbidden in most of the rest of the world; most Americans who watch television are more than familiar by now with the cartoon characters, animated shapes and squiggles, and unrealistically happy people depicted in soft focus who populate such ads. Because these ads promise such wonderful results, medication often seems the best way to deal with an emotional or behavioral problem, and sales of new medications have skyrocketed as consumers have begun to request them. But nonmedical treatments may work just as well or better, depending on the condition (Cuijpers, Sijbrandij, et al., 2013, 2020). Consider a study of more than 168,000 children who had been diagnosed with attention-deficit disorder and referred to a behavioral-care facility. More than 60% of the boys and 23% of the girls were taking Ritalin or another medication. But after 6 sessions of behavior therapy for the children and 10 sessions for the parent, only 11% of the boys and 2% of the girls remained on medication (Cummings & Wiggins, 2001; March, 2011). 4. Unknown risks over time and medication interactions. The effects of taking antidepressants indefinitely are still unknown, especially for vulnerable groups such as children and older adults. The reason we don’t know about long-term effects until a medication is several years old is that the cost of bringing most new medications to market is very high, and manufacturers feel they cannot afford to wait years to determine whether there might be long-term hazards. New medications are initially tested on just a few hundred people for just a few weeks or months, even when the medication is one that a person might take indefinitely (Angell, 2004). Nonetheless, many psychiatrists, understandably frustrated by the failure of existing antipsychotics and antidepressants to help all of their patients, prescribe “cocktails” of medications—one for anxiety, one for depression, plus another to manage the side effects. They report anecdotal success in some cases, but as yet there has been little research on the benefits and risks of these combination approaches. 5. Untested off-label uses. Most consumers do not realize that after the FDA approves a medication, doctors are permitted to prescribe it for other conditions and to populations other than those on which it was originally tested. As already noted, some antipsychotics are used for nonpsychotic disorders. However, some off-label uses of medications like antipsychotics are indeed later tested and shown to be effective (Watts et al., 2013). In coming years, you will hear about many “promising medications” for common psychological problems like memory loss, smoking, and alcoholism. Pharmaceutical companies are working on all of these. But we hope you will resist the impulse to jump

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520 Chapter 16 quickly on any new medication bandwagon. Critical thinkers must weigh the benefits and limitations of any medication for psychological problems, wait for the data on safety and effectiveness, and resist the temptation to oversimplify.

16.1.B Direct Brain Intervention Learning Objective 16.1.B Identify the forms of direct brain intervention used in treating mental disorders, and discuss the limitations of each.

electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) A procedure used in cases of severe major depression, in which an electrical current is applied to the head, triggering a brief seizure.

For most of human history, a person experiencing mental illness often got a rather extreme form of “help.” A well-meaning healer or—in later centuries—doctor would try to release the “psychic pressures” believed to be causing the symptoms by drilling holes in the patient’s skull. It didn’t work! The most famous modern effort to cure mental illness through psychosurgery— intervening directly in the brain—was invented in 1935, when a Portuguese neurologist, António Egas Moniz, drilled two holes into the skull of a patient with a psychological disorder and used an instrument to crush nerve fibers running from the prefrontal lobes to other areas. This operation, called a prefrontal lobotomy, was supposed to reduce the patient’s emotional symptoms without impairing intellectual ability. The procedure—which, incredibly, was never assessed or validated scientifically—was performed on more than 40,000 people in the United States, including President John F. Kennedy’s sister Rosemary. Tragically, lobotomies left many patients apathetic, withdrawn, and unable to care for themselves (Dully, 2008; Raz, 2013; Valenstein, 1986). Yet, Moniz won a Nobel Prize for his work. Fortunately, other forms of psychosurgery have been more successful than prefrontal lobotomy. A far more precise procedure called anterior cingulotomy has proven to be helpful in the treatment of severe obsessive–compulsive disorder and depression (Banks et al., 2015; Shields et  al., 2008). This procedure involves inserting an electrode through a hole in the skull and into the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, a brain region that is thought to play an important role in anxiety and mood disorders. The tip of the electrode is then heated, creating a small lesion. Often, more than one lesion is created in a single patient. Approximately 45%–70% of obsessive–compulsive disorder patients who receive anterior cingulotomy experience improvement in their symptoms, which is remarkable given that only the most severely ill patients with previous treatment failures are permitted to undergo this invasive procedure in the first place (Banks et al., 2015). Less invasive forms of psychosurgery, which use gamma radiation or focused ultrasound and do not require opening the skull, are also becoming available (Jung et  al., 2015; Rasmussen et  al., 2018). For more details on direct brain interventions, visit Revel to watch a video on this topic. Another psychosurgical procedure is deep brain stimulation (DBS), which originally was approved for patients with Parkinson’s disease and epilepsy; now it is being used to treat a variety of mental disorders such as obsessive–compulsive disorder and depression (Crowell et al., 2019; Sharma et al., 2015). DBS requires surgery to implant electrodes into the brain and to embed a small box, similar to a pacemaker, under the collarbone. Critics have been concerned that the effectiveness and long-term side effects of DBS are understudied (Barglow, 2008; Fins et al., 2011). However, a recent meta-analysis of 34 studies suggests that DBS is an effective treatment for treatment-resistant obsessive–compulsive disorder (Gadot et al., 2022), and a study of DBS has reported favorable outcomes after a follow-up of 4–8 years (Crowell et al., 2019). Another way to alter brain function is to electrically stimulate the brain externally. The oldest method is electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), or “shock therapy,” in which the electrical stimulation is strong enough to trigger a seizure. Patients are given anesthesia and muscle relaxants, so they sleep through the procedure and their convulsions are minimized. Research has shown that the seizure is a critical ingredient of ECT (although the exact mechanism of action is not fully understood) and that ECT is a safe and effective treatment for people with debilitating major depression or suicidal thinking (Kellner et al., 2020; Shorter & Healy, 2008). For more details on ECT, see Revisiting the Classics.

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Revisiting the Classics Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT) When you hear the term electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), what first comes to mind? Do you immediately think of disturbing images from movies like One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, Shine, The Snake Pit, or Girl, Interrupted? Even if you have not encountered depictions of ECT in the media, do you have negative attitudes toward ECT? If so, there may be good reason for that, and you would not be alone in your thinking. Although ECT is a safe, effective treatment for patients with severe major depression as it is used currently, ECT and related convulsive therapies were more problematic early on in their development in the first half of the 20th century (Berrios, 1997).

relaxants are administered, and medical staff carefully monitor

Much has improved since then, and critical thinkers should base

the patient’s vital signs, including their blood pressure, tempera-

their assessment of ECT (and other treatments) on data from recent

ture, blood oxygenation, cardiac activity (via electrocardiograms),

studies using modern protocols rather than on outdated informa-

muscle activity (via electromyograms), and brain activity (via elec-

tion (including movie scenes) related to procedures from nearly a

troencephalograms) (Kellner et  al., 2012). ECT is typically deliv-

century ago.

ered 2 or 3 times per week for approximately 6 to 12 treatments,

In the 1930s, researchers who were inspired by the hypoth-

followed by a series of less-frequent treatments to maintain the

esis that epilepsy and schizophrenia were negatively cor-

clinical improvement (Kellner et  al., 2020). Research has shown

related with each other—which we now know is entirely

that patients who are older, have psychotic symptoms, or have

false!—began to deliberately induce seizures in patients with

a shorter duration of depression have a better response to ECT

schizophrenia, either with a medication or with electricity. Because

(Pinna et al., 2018). Some biological measures, such as the pres-

medication-induced seizures were frightening and not well toler-

ence of specific genetic variants or measures of pre-treatment

ated by patients, interest turned to electrically induced seizures,

brain function, eventually may be able to help clinicians to predict

and the first such studies of this new “electroshock” therapy were

their patients’ response to ECT (Cao et al., 2018; Moreno-Ortega

reported in 1939 by Ugo Cerletti and Lucio Bini in Italy. The early

et al., 2019; Pinna et al., 2018).

studies of electroshock therapy reported that patients experi-

Like any treatment, ECT has some potential undesirable side

enced full tonic-clonic seizures, indicating that muscle relax-

effects that vary among patients, including temporary confu-

ants were not used. Alarmingly, these initial reports did not even

sion, loss of memory for events surrounding the treatment, and

include a formal evaluation of the patients’ psychiatric symptoms

sometimes trouble encoding new memories following treatment.

(Cerletti & Bini, 1938; Fleming et al., 1939)! As this new technique

One way to minimize cognitive side effects is to administer ECT

quickly spread across Europe and then to the United States, clini-

unilaterally (only on one side of the head), over the nondominant

cal researchers began to use it to treat depression and mania. The

hemisphere (i.e., the right hemisphere in right-handed people) for

use of anesthesia and muscle relaxants began in the late 1940s,

several sessions; if the depression (or psychotic) symptoms don’t

and ECT became relatively well accepted. However, it started to

improve sufficiently, the electrical stimulation can be increased

fall out of favor in the 1960s and 1970s for a number of reasons,

and/or switched to bilateral (on both sides of the head; Kellner

including reports of its occasional overuse or misuse, the rise of

et  al., 2020). There is some emerging evidence that the risk of

the antipsychiatry movement in which ECT was portrayed as a

cognitive side effects may be further reduced by administering

punishment used to control patients’ behavior, the use of electric

the stimulation in shorter (“ultrabrief”) pulses or closer to the front

shock by the military in torture, and unfavorable media depictions

of the head (rather than the side), although additional research

of ECT (Berrios, 1997; Domino, 1983; Hirshbein & Sarvananda,

on these modifications is needed (Dunne & McLoughlin, 2012;

2008; Metastasio & Dodwell, 2013). Unfortunately, some of the

Tor et al., 2015). Of course, the risks associated with ECT (or any

stigma surrounding ECT can still be seen today, despite the

treatment) should be weighed against the potential benefits.

fact that the science and practice of ECT have vastly improved since 1939.

Critical thinkers surely will be curious to know how ECT works, and there are many theories about its “mechanism of action.” The problem

According to modern protocols, the process of choosing and

is that ECT is associated with so many biological changes that it’s

consenting to ECT is conducted carefully with the patient, their

difficult to pin down which change or group of changes is responsi-

family, and often more than one physician. ECT is typically admin-

ble for the clinical improvement (Singh & Kar, 2017). One hypothesis,

istered in a hospital setting with a team of doctors, including an

which has been supported by laboratory studies of rodents, is that

anesthesiologist. During the procedure, anesthesia and muscle

ECT appears to increase neuroplasticity, or the growth of synapses (continued )

522 Chapter 16 and hence connections between neurons (Kellner et al., 2012; Li et al.,

The history of ECT is a long and complicated one, and the

2020). Indeed, there is some evidence for this in humans as well, with

controversy surrounding its use is not surprising given its ques-

recent studies showing ECT-related increases in a substance that is

tionable beginnings. However, much scientific progress has been

associated with neuroplasticity (brain-derived neurotropic factor, or

made over the past century (!) and critical thinkers should not be

BDNF) and increases in the volumes of brain structures like the hippo-

swayed by random case studies, media depictions, or old data

campus (Gbyl & Videbech, 2018; Nuninga et al., 2020; Vanicek et al.,

when evaluating the modern scientific evidence regarding its effi-

2019). However, this is not definitive evidence, and other mechanisms

cacy. For an overview of this treatment, view the video on this

may contribute to the antidepressant effect of ECT.

topic in Revel.

Neuroscientists are investigating other, less invasive ways of stimulating the brains of patients with severe symptoms of psychological disorders (Nieuwdorp et  al., 2015; Nitsche et al., 2008). One is transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), which involves placing a coil that generates a magnetic field over a person’s prefrontal cortex, an area of the brain that is less active in people with depression. The benefits of TMS may be short-lived, but the advantages are clear: TMS can reduce depression symptoms, does not require the administration of anesthesia, and has only relatively minor side effects (Brunoni et  al., 2016; Prasser et al., 2015). TMS has been approved by the FDA for use in the treatment of depression, and effective treatment parameters are emerging (George, 2019; Kaster et  al., 2019; T. Perera et  al., 2016). One new variant of TMS is called intermittent theta burst stimulation (iTBS), which delivers a particular rhythm of stimulation that mimics the brain’s natural theta waves. Controlled clinical trials have shown that iTBS applied to the frontal cortex is an efficacious and well-tolerated treatment for depression (Blumberger et al., 2022; Chu et al., 2021). In addition, one group of researchers has developed a way to personalize iTBS by using fMRI to determine the specific area of the frontal cortex that should be targeted in each person (Cole et al., 2020, 2022). Researchers hypothesize that tailoring the stimulation to a specific individual’s brain will result in greater clinical improvement. TMS and iTBS are not just treatments for depression—when used to stimulate the frontal cortex, they can improve the negative symptoms of schizophrenia as well (Tseng et al., 2022). In a separate line of inquiry, some researchers are now using TMS at greater strengths so as to induce a seizure. This procedure is called magnetic seizure therapy (MST), which is thought to work on similar principles as ECT but with more focused stimulation and fewer cognitive side effects (Daskalakis et al., 2020; Weissman et al., 2020). MST appears to reduce suicidal ideation and increase indicators of neuroplasticity in the frontal cortices of people with treatment-resistant depression (Sun et al., 2018). Other less invasive brain stimulation techniques are emerging on the scene as potential treatments for psychological disorders. Transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) involves applying a very small electric current to the outer surface of the brain via electrodes placed on the scalp, and so far, this technique appears to reduce the severity of depression and the negative symptoms of schizophrenia (Brunoni et  al., 2016; Moffa et al., 2020; Valiengo et al., 2020).

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JOURNAL 16.1 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES You hear a researcher claiming that a new medication is “a breakthrough” for depression. Such announcements always generate a lot of excitement. Why should people be cautious before concluding that a new medication is a wished-for miracle? What information is the public often not getting from the company that makes the medication?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 16.1 to test your knowledge.

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(2)

(1)

Elsevier

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Direct Brain Intervention in the Treatment of Disorders

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(4)

(3)

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(1) Cingulotomy lesion—A brain lesion from anterior cingulotomy (Shields et al., 2008). (2) DBS—Electrodes inserted into the brain stimulate specific structures in deep brain stimulation. (3) ECT—Preparing for electroconvulsive therapy. (4) TMS—A person receiving transcranial magnetic stimulation. (5) tDCS—Electrodes that deliver transcranial direct current stimulation for depression.

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16.2 Major Schools of Psychotherapy All good psychotherapists want to help clients think about their lives in new ways and find solutions to the problems that plague them. In this section, we will consider the major schools of psychotherapy. To illustrate the philosophy and methods of each one, we will focus on a fictional fellow named Ben. Ben is a smart guy whose problem is all too familiar to many students: He procrastinates. He just can’t seem to settle down and write his term papers. He keeps getting incompletes, and before long the incompletes turn to Fs. Why does Ben procrastinate, manufacturing his own misery? What kind of therapy might help him? In Revel, watch a video for an overview of techniques that are available to mental health professionals.

16.2.A Psychodynamic Therapy Learning Objective 16.2.A Summarize the main elements of psychodynamic therapy. Sigmund Freud was the father of the “talking cure,” as one of his patients called it. In his method of psychoanalysis, which required patients to come for treatment several days a week, often for years, patients talked not about their immediate problems but about their dreams A theory of personality and a and their memories of childhood. Freud believed that intensive analysis of these dreams and method of psychotherapy, originally formulated by Sigmund Freud, that memories would give patients insight into the unconscious reasons for their symptoms. With emphasizes unconscious motives and insight and emotional release, he believed, the person’s symptoms would disappear. conflicts. Freud’s psychoanalytic method has since evolved into many different forms of psychodynamic therapy, all of which share the goal of exploring the unconscious dynamics of personality such as defenses and conflicts. Proponents of these therapies often refer to them transference as “depth” therapies because the purpose is to delve into the deep, unconscious processes In psychodynamic therapies, a critical believed to be the source of the patient’s problems rather than to concentrate on more process in which the client displaces “superficial” symptoms and conscious beliefs. unconscious emotions or reactions, A major element of most psychodynamic therapies is transference, the client’s dissuch as emotional feelings about their caregivers, onto the therapist. placement of emotional elements of their inner life—usually feelings about the client’s caregivers—outward onto the analyst. Have you ever responded to a new acquaintance with unusually quick affection or dislike and later realized it was because the person reminded you of a relative whom you loved or loathed? That experience is similar to transference. In therapy, a woman might transfer her love for her father to the analyst, believing that she has fallen in love with the analyst. A man who is unconsciously angry at his mother for rejecting him might become furious with his analyst for going on vacation. Through analysis of transference in the therapy setting, psychodynamic therapists believe that clients can see their emotional conflicts in action and work through them (Dahl et al., 2016; Westen, 1998). Today, most psychodynamic therapists borrow methods from other forms of therapy. They are more concerned with helping clients solve their problems and ease their emotional symptoms than traditional analysts were, and they tend to limit therapy to a specific number of sessions, say, 10 or 20. Perhaps they will help our friend Ben gain the insight that he procrastinates as a way of expressing anger toward his parents. He might realize that he is angry because they insist he study for a career he dislikes. Ideally, Ben will come to this insight by himself. If the analyst suggests it, Ben might feel too defensive to accept it. Psychodynamic therapists emphasize the clinical importance

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of transference, the process by which the client transfers emotional feelings toward other important people in their life onto the therapist. In the early 2000s, the mafia drama The Sopranos was one of the first television shows to focus extensively on psychotherapy sessions, with one recurring plotline being Tony Soprano’s romantic feelings for his therapist, Jennifer Melfi. In fact, at one point Tony tries to kiss Dr. Melfi, who explains to him that his feelings are really the result of the progress they have made during their therapy work together and are related to normal processes of transference.

16.2.B Behavior and Cognitive Therapy Learning Objective 16.2.B Describe methods of behavior therapy and cognitive therapy. Clinical psychologists who practice behavior therapy would get right to the problem: What are the reinforcers in Ben’s environment that are maintaining his behavior? Clinicians who practice cognitive therapy would

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focus on helping Ben understand how his beliefs about studying, writing papers, and success are unrealistic. Often these two approaches are combined.

1. Behavioral self-monitoring. Before you can change your behavior, it helps to identify the reinforcers that are supporting it: attention from others, temporary relief from tension or unhappiness, or tangible rewards such as money or a good meal. One way to do this is to keep a record of the behavior that you would like to change. Would you like to cut back on eating sweets? You may not be aware of how much you are eating throughout the day; a behavioral record will show just how much you eat and under what circumstances. A parent might complain that their child “always” has temper tantrums; a behavioral record will show when, where, and with whom those tantrums occur. After the unwanted behavior is identified, along with the reinforcers that have been maintaining it, a treatment program can be designed to change it. For instance, you might find other ways to reduce stress besides eating sweets and make sure that you are nowhere near junk food in the late afternoon, when your energy is low. The parent can learn to respond to their child’s tantrum not with her attention (or a cookie to buy silence) but with a time-out, sending the child to a corner where no positive reinforcers are available. 2. Exposure. The most widely used behavioral approach for treating phobias and other anxiety disorders is graduated exposure. When people are afraid of some situation, object, or upsetting memory, they usually do everything they can to avoid confronting or thinking of it. Unfortunately, this seemingly logical response only makes the fear worse. Exposure treatments are aimed at reversing this tendency. In graduated exposure, the client controls the degree of confrontation with the source of the fear. For example, someone who is afraid of heights might stand out on a second-floor balcony of a building for several minutes until their fear and distress declines. Next, they might stand out on a third-floor balcony, followed by a fourth-floor balcony, and so on until they are able to look out from the roof of the building. A more dramatic form of exposure is flooding, in which the therapist takes the client directly into the feared situation (e.g., the roof of the building in the previous example) and remains there until the client’s fear and distress decline. Exposure therapy can be quite effective for addressing specific phobias, as dramatized, for example, on television shows such as Animal Planet’s My Extreme Animal Phobia, in which featured individuals have worked on their fears of everything from wild animals to domestic pets.

behavior therapy A form of therapy that applies principles of classical and operant conditioning to help people change problematic behaviors.

behavioral self-monitoring In behavior therapy, a method of keeping careful data on the frequency and consequences of the behavior to be changed.

graduated exposure In behavior therapy, a method in which a person is exposed to gradually increasing levels of the feared situation until the anxiety subsides.

flooding In behavior therapy, a form of exposure treatment in which the client is taken directly into a feared situation until the anxiety subsides.

3. Systematic desensitization. Systematic desensitization is an older behavioral method that’s similar to graduated exposure therapy, but it involves relaxation during the exposure (Wolpe, 1958). It is based on the classical-conditioning procedure of counterconditioning, in which a stimulus (such as a spider) that provokes an unwanted response (such as fear) is paired with some other stimulus or situation that elicits a response incompatible with the undesirable one. In this case, the incompatible response is usually relaxation. The client learns to relax deeply while imagining or looking at a sequence of feared stimuli, arranged in a hierarchy from the least frightening to the most frightening (in the mind of the client). Eventually, the fear responses are extinguished. In a growing specialty called cybertherapy, some behavior therapists use virtual reality (VR) programs to assist with exposure therapy for various phobias (Donker et  al., 2019; Jacob & Storch, 2015). Others are experimenting with VR to treat depression or to treat combat veterans who are experiencing posttraumatic stress disorder. In a program called Virtual Iraq/Afghanistan, veterans receive a combination of exposure and desensitization (Lindner et al., 2019; Rizzo, Difede, et al., 2015). They wear helmets with video goggles and earphones to hear the sounds of war; they then play a modified version of the VR game Full Spectrum Warrior In this virtual reality version of exposure, a woman uses adapted to the Iraq experience (Halpern, 2008; Rizzo, Cukor, et al., 2015). technology to overcome her fear of heights.

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Behavior therapy is based on principles of classical and operant conditioning. Here are four of these methods (Martin & Pear, 2014):

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526 Chapter 16 skills training In behavior therapy, an effort to teach clients skills that they may lack, as well as new constructive behaviors to replace problematic ones.

4. Skills training. It is not enough to tell someone “Don’t be shy” if the person does not know how to make small talk with others, or “Don’t yell!” if the person does not know how to express feelings calmly. Therefore, some behavior therapists use operant-conditioning techniques, modeling, and role-playing to teach the skills a client might lack. A shy person might learn how to be more interactive in social settings by focusing on other people rather than on their own insecurity. Skills-training programs have been designed for all kinds of behavioral problems: to teach parents how to discipline their children, adults how to manage anger, children with autism how to behave in social settings, and people with schizophrenia how to hold a job. These skills are also being taught in virtual worlds such as Second Life. After face-to-face sessions with a therapist, the client creates an avatar to explore a virtual environment and experiments with new behaviors; the therapist can monitor the client’s psychological and even physiological reactions at the same time. A behaviorist would treat Ben’s procrastination in several ways. Monitoring his own behavior with a diary would let Ben know exactly how he spends his time, and how much time he should realistically allot to a project. Instead of having a vague, impossibly huge goal such as “I’m going to reorganize my life,” Ben would establish specific smaller goals such as writing one page of an English assignment. If Ben does not know how to write clearly, however, even writing one page might feel overwhelming; he might also need some skills training, which he could obtain by working with a writing tutor or taking a basic composition class. Most of all, the therapist would change the reinforcers that are maintaining Ben’s “procrastination behavior”—perhaps the immediate gratification of partying with friends—and replace them with reinforcers for getting each specific work goal accomplished. Gloomy thoughts can generate an array of negative emotions and self-defeating behaviors. The underlying premise of cognitive therapy is that constructive thinking can do the opposite, reducing or dispelling anger, fear, and depression. Cognitive therapists help clients identify the beliefs and expectations that might be unnecessarily prolonging their unhappiness, conflicts, and other problems (Beck, 2011). They ask clients to examine the evidence for their beliefs that they are failures, that everyone else is mean and selfish, or that romantic relationships are always doomed. Clients learn to consider other explanations for the behavior of people who annoy them: Was my father’s strict discipline an attempt to control me, as I have always believed? What if he was really trying to protect and care for me? By requiring people to identify their assumptions and biases, examine the evidence, and consider other interpretations, cognitive therapy, as you can see, teaches critical thinking. Aaron Beck pioneered the application of cognitive therapy for depression (Beck, 1976; Beck & Dozois, 2011). Depression often arises from specific pessimistic thoughts that the sources of your misery are permanent and that nothing good will ever happen to you again. For Beck, these beliefs are not “irrational”; rather, they are unproductive or based on misinformation. A therapist using Beck’s approach would ask you to test your beliefs against the evidence. If you say, “But I know no one likes me,” the therapist might say, “Oh, yes? How do you know? Do you really not have a single friend? Has anyone in the past year been nice to you?” Another school of cognitive therapy is Albert Ellis’s rational emotive behavior therapy (REBT) (Ellis, 1993; Ellis & Ellis, 2011). In this approach, the therapist uses rational arguments to directly challenge a client’s unrealistic beliefs or expectations. Ellis pointed out that people who are emotionally upset often overgeneralize: They decide that one annoying act by someone means that person is bad in every way or that a normal mistake they made is evidence that they are rotten to the core. Many people also catastrophize, transforming a small problem into disaster: “I failed this test, and now I’ll flunk out of school, and no one will ever like me, and I’ll never get a job.” Many people become extremely preoccupied with notions of what they “must” do. The therapist challenges these thoughts directly, showing the client why they are irrational or misguided.

COGNITIVE TECHNIQUES cognitive therapy A form of therapy designed to identify and change unproductive ways of thinking and, hence, to reduce negative emotions.

rational emotive behavior therapy (REBT) A form of cognitive therapy devised by Albert Ellis, designed to challenge the client’s unrealistic thoughts.

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Rational Emotive Behavior Therapy Negative Thought

Rational Response

If I don’t get an A+ on this paper, my life will be ruined.

My life will be a lot worse if I keep getting incompletes. It’s better to get a B or even a C than to do nothing.

My professor is going to think I’m a fool when she reads this. I’ll feel humiliated by her criticism.

She hasn’t accused me of being a fool yet. If she makes some criticisms, I can learn from them and do better next time.

A cognitive therapist might treat Ben’s procrastination by having him write down his thoughts about work, read the thoughts as if someone else had said them, and then write a rational response to each one. This technique would encourage Ben to examine the validity of his assumptions and beliefs. Many procrastinators are perfectionists; if they cannot do something perfectly, they will not do it at all. Unable to accept their limitations, they set impossible standards and catastrophize. In the past, behavioral and cognitive therapists debated whether it is more helpful to work on changing clients’ thoughts or changing their behavior. But today, most of them believe that thoughts and behavior influence each other, which is why cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is more common than either cognitive or behavior therapy alone. You can see this technique in action and learn more about its applications by watching the video on cognitive behavioral therapy in Revel. As you watch it, think about how CBT might be used in Ben’s case.

Replication Check ✔ The findings of many separate studies have shown that cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is an effective treatment for anxiety disorders and depression (Butler et al., 2006; Hofmann et al., 2012). Not all of these separate clinical trials met the strict definition of replication due to methodological variability, and true replications appear to be relatively rare in clinical psychology (Tackett et al., 2019). Nevertheless, some replications have been conducted. For example, one research group showed that CBT for panic disorder can help improve the symptoms of other disorders that often occur along with panic disorder, like generalized anxiety disorder; this finding was later replicated by the same group (Tsao et al., 1988, 2002).

A new wave of CBT practitioners, inspired by Eastern philosophies such as Buddhism, has begun to question the goal of changing a client’s self-defeating thoughts. They argue that it is difficult to completely eliminate unwanted thoughts and feelings, especially when people have been rehearsing them for years. They therefore propose a form of CBT based on “mindfulness” and “acceptance”: Clients learn to explicitly identify and accept whatever negative thoughts and feelings arise, without trying to eradicate them or letting them derail healthy behavior (Khoury et al., 2013; Norton et al., 2015). Instead of trying to persuade a client who is afraid of making public speeches that her fear is irrational, therapists who adopt this approach would encourage her to accept the anxious thoughts and feelings without judging them—or herself—harshly. Then she can focus on coping techniques and ways of giving speeches despite her anxiety. Another effective version of mindfulness-based cognitive therapy adds the practice of “attentional breathing,” which a client practices when in a low mood or beginning a downward spiral of negative, depressive thoughts (Coelho et al., 2007; Segal et al., 2004). By sitting quietly and focusing attention on the present moment, especially on awareness of one’s breath, a person can interrupt the spiral of negative thinking. Health psychologists advise this technique for reducing stress and improving daily well-being.

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16.2.C Humanist and Existential Therapy Learning Objective 16.2.C Summarize the similarities and differences between clientcentered therapy and existential therapy.

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In the 1960s, humanist psychologists rejected the two dominant psychological approaches of the time, psychoanalysis and behaviorism. Humanists regarded psychoanalysis, with its emphasis on problematic sexual and aggressive impulses, as too pessimistic a view of human nature, one that overlooked human resilience and the capacity for joy. Humanists regarded behaviorism, with its emphasis on observable acts, as too mechanistic and “mindless” a view of human nature, one that ignored what really matters to most people—their uniquely human hopes and aspirations. In the humanists’ view, human behavior is not completely determined by either unconscious conflicts or the environment. People are capable of free will and therefore have the ability to make more of themselves than either psychoanalysts or behaviorists would predict. The goal of humanist psychology was, and still is, to help people express themselves creatively and achieve their full potential. humanist therapy Humanist therapy is based on the philosophy of humanism and starts from the assumption that human nature is basically good and that people behave badly or develop problems A form of psychotherapy based when they have been warped by self-imposed limits. Humanist therapists, therefore, want to on the philosophy of humanism, which emphasizes personal growth, know how clients subjectively see their own situations and how they construe the world around resilience, the achievement of human them. They explore what is going on “here and now,” not past issues of “why and how.” Recent potential, and the client’s ability to research has shown empirical support for this type of psychotherapy (Angus et al., 2015). change rather than being destined to In client-centered (nondirective) therapy, developed by Carl Rogers, the therapist’s role repeat past conflicts. is to listen to the client’s needs in an accepting, nonjudgmental way and to offer what Rogers called unconditional positive regard. Whatever the client’s specific complaint, the goal is to build client-centered (nondirective) the client’s self-acceptance and help the client find a more productive way of seeing their probtherapy lems. Thus, a Rogerian might assume that Ben’s procrastination masks his low self-regard and A humanist approach, devised by Carl that Ben is out of touch with his real feelings and wishes. Perhaps he is not passing his courses Rogers, that emphasizes the therapist’s because he is trying to please his parents by majoring in prelaw when he would secretly rather empathy with the client and the use of become an artist. Rogers (1951, 1961) believed that effective therapists must be warm and genunconditional positive regard. uine. For Rogerians, empathy, the therapist’s ability to understand what the client says and identify the client’s feelings, is the crucial ingredient of successful therapy: “I understand how frustrated you must be feeling, Ben, because no matter how hard you try, you don’t succeed.” The client will eventually internalize the therapist’s support and become more self-accepting. existential therapy Existential therapy helps clients face the great questions of existence such as death, freedom, loneliness, and meaninglessness. Existential therapists, like humanist therapists, A form of therapy designed to help clients explore the meaning of believe that our lives are not inevitably determined by our pasts or our circumstances; existence and face the great questions we have the free will to choose our own destinies. As Irvin Yalom (1989) explained, “The of life such as death, freedom, and crucial first step in therapy is the patient’s assumption of responsibility for his or her life loneliness. predicament. As long as one believes that one’s problems are caused by some force or agency outside oneself, there is no leverage in therapy.” Yalom argues that the goal of therapy is to help clients cope with the inescapable realities of life and death and the struggle for meaning. However grim our experiences may be, he believes, “they contain the seeds of wisdom and redemption.” Perhaps the most remarkable example of a man able to find seeds of wisdom in a barren landscape was Viktor Frankl (1905–1997), who developed a form of existential therapy after surviving a Nazi concentration camp. In that pit of horror, Frankl (1955) observed, some people maintained their sanity because they were able to find meaning in the experience, shattering though it was. Some observers believe that all therapies are ultimately existential. In different ways, therapy helps people determine what matters to them, what values guide them, and what changes they will have the courage to make. A humanist or existential therapist might help Ben think about the significance of his procrastination, what his ultimate goals in life are, and how he might find the strength Humanist therapists emphasize the importance of to reach them. warmth, concern, and empathic listening to the client.

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16.2.D Family and Couples Therapy Learning Objective 16.2.D List the hallmarks of the family-systems perspective, and describe how they apply to family and couples therapy.

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Ben’s situation is getting worse. His father has begun to call him Tomorrow Man, which upsets his mother, and his younger brother, the math major, has been calculating how much tuition money Ben’s incompletes are costing. His older sister, the biochemist who never took an incomplete grade in her life, now proposes that all of them go to a family therapist. “Ben’s not the only one in this family with complaints,” she says. Family therapists would maintain that Ben’s problem developed in the context of his family, that it is sustained by his family’s dynamics, and that any change he makes will affect all of his family members (Nichols, 2012). One of the most famous early family therapists, Salvador Minuchin (1984), compared the family to a kaleidoscope, a changing pattern of mosaics in which the pattern is larger than any one piece. In this view, efforts to isolate and treat one member of the family without the others are doomed. Only if all family members reveal their differing perceptions of each other can mistakes and misperceptions be identified. A teenager, for instance, may see his mother as crabby and nagging when actually she is tired and worried. A parent may see a child as rebellious when in fact the child is lonely and desperate for attention. Family members are usually unaware of how they influence one another. By observing the entire family, the family therapist hopes to discover tensions and imbalances in power and communication. A child may have a chronic illness or a psychological problem, such as anorexia, that affects the workings of the whole family. One parent may become overinvolved with the sick child whereas the other parent retreats, and each may start blaming the other. The child, in turn, may cling to the illness or disorder as a way of expressing anger, keeping the parents together, or getting the parents’ attention (Cummings & Davies, 2011). Even when it is not possible to treat the whole family, some therapists will treat individuals in a family-systems perspective, which recognizes that people’s behavior in a family is as family-systems perspective interconnected as that of two dance partners (Bowen, 1978; Cox & Paley, 2003; Ram et al., 2014). An approach to doing therapy by Clients learn that if they change in any way, even for the better, their families may protest noisily identifying how each family member or may send subtle messages that read, “Change back!” Why? Because when one family member forms part of a larger interacting system. changes, each of the others must change too. As the saying goes, it takes two to tango, and if one dancer stops, so must the other. But most people do not like change. They are comfortable with old behavioral patterns, even those that cause them trouble. When a couple argues frequently about issues that never seem to get resolved, they may be helped by going together to couples therapy, which is designed to help manage the inevitable conflicts that occur in all relationships. One of the most common problems that couples complain about is the “demand–withdraw” pattern, in which one partner badgers the other about some perceived failing, demanding that the other change. The more the badgering partner demands, the more the target withdraws, sulks, or avoids the subject (Baucom et al., 2011; Christensen & Jacobson, 2000). Couples therapists generally insist on seeing both partners, to hear both sides of the story. They cut through the blaming and attacking (“She never listens to me!” “He never does anything!”) and, instead, focus on helping the couple resolve their differences, get over hurt and blame, and Couples therapy is intended to help people navigate the conflict and miscommunication that can derail a relationship. make specific behavioral changes to reduce anger and conflict. Can couples also reap similar potential benefits on their own, Many couples therapists, like some cognitive therapists, are moving outside of the therapy setting? A recent study suggests an away from the “fix all the differences” approach. Instead, they are help- intriguing answer of yes. Specifically, newlyweds assigned to ing couples learn to accept and live with qualities in each other that aren’t watch and then discuss movies (one per week) that examined going to change much (Baucom et al., 2011; Hayes, 2004). A woman can stop issues related to the complexities of marriage were just as trying to turn her calm, steady wife into a spontaneous adventurer (“After unlikely to be divorced 3 years later as were newlyweds who participated in traditional couples counseling (Rogge et al., all, that’s what I originally loved about her; she’s as steady as a rock”); one 2013). Of course, additional studies will be necessary before partner can stop trying to make the other more assertive (“I have always anyone jumps to the conclusion that the best therapy for an loved her remarkable serenity”). ailing marriage can be found in your Netflix queue.

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School of Therapy

Primary Goal

Methods

Psychodynamic

Insight into unconscious motives and feelings that prolong symptoms

Probing unconscious motives, examining the process of transference, exploring childhood experiences

Modification of problematic behaviors Modification of irrational or unvalidated beliefs

Behavioral records, exposure, systematic desensitization, skills training Prompting the client to test beliefs against evidence; exposing the faulty reasoning in overgeneralizing and catastrophizing; sometimes helping the client accept unpleasant thoughts and feelings and live with them

Humanist

Insight; self-acceptance and self-fulfillment; new, optimistic perceptions of oneself and the world

Providing a nonjudgmental setting in which to discuss issues; use of empathy and unconditional positive regard by the therapist

Existential

Finding meaning in life and accepting inevitable losses

Varies with the therapist; philosophic discussions about the meaning of life, the client’s goals, finding the courage to survive loss and distress

Family

Modification of family patterns

May use any of the preceding methods to change family patterns that perpetuate problems and conflicts

Couples

Resolution of conflicts, breaking out of destructive habits

May use any of the preceding methods to help couples communicate better, resolve conflicts, or accept what cannot be changed

Cognitive Behavioral Behavioral Cognitive

Humanist and Existential

Family and Couples

Family and couples therapists may use psychodynamic, behavioral, cognitive, or humanist approaches in their work; they share only a focus on the family or the couple. In Ben’s case, a family therapist would observe how Ben’s procrastination fits his family dynamics. Perhaps it allows Ben to get his father’s attention and his mother’s sympathy. Perhaps it keeps Ben from facing his greatest fear: If he does finish his work, it will not measure up to his siblings’ impossibly high standards. The therapist will not only help Ben change his work habits, but will also help his family deal with a changed Ben. The kinds of psychotherapy we have discussed are all quite different in theory, and so are their techniques (see Table  16.2). In practice, many psychotherapists take an integrative approach, drawing on methods and ideas from various schools and avoiding strong allegiances to any one theory. This flexibility enables them to treat clients with whatever methods are most appropriate and effective. In an Internet-based survey of more than 2,000 psychotherapists, 98% of them said that they use an integrative approach. Of the specific types of psychotherapies, CBT was the most frequently endorsed, followed by family-systems, mindfulness/ acceptance, psychodynamic/analytic, and humanist approaches (Cook et al., 2010). The life narrative, the story that each of us develops to explain who we are and how we got that way, is important (McAdams & McLean, 2013). All successful therapies share two key elements: They are able to motivate the client into wanting to change, and they replace a client’s pessimistic or unrealistic narrative with one that is more hopeful and attainable (Howard, 1991; Schafer, 1992). JOURNAL 16.2 THINKING CRITICALLY—ANALYZE ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES Interactive

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Table 16.2 The Major Schools of Therapy Compared

Many psychotherapists assume that therapy is an art, an exchange between therapist and client whose essence cannot be captured by research. How valid is this assumption? Should consumers assume they can rely on the testimonials of satisfied clients as a basis for choosing an effective and appropriate type of therapy for their specific needs?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 16.2 to test your knowledge.

16.3 Evaluating Psychotherapy Poor Ben! He is getting a little baffled by all these therapies. He wants to make a choice soon; no sense in procrastinating about that, too! Is there any scientific evidence, he wonders, that might help him decide which therapy or therapist will be best for him?

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16.3.A The Scientist–Practitioner Gap

Many psychotherapists believe that trying to evaluate psychotherapy using standard empirical methods is an exercise in futility: Numbers and graphs, they say, cannot possibly capture the complex exchange that takes place between a therapist and a client. Psychotherapy, they maintain, is an art that you acquire from clinical experience; it is not a science. That’s why almost any method can work for some people (Laska et al., 2014; Lilienfeld et al., 2014). Other clinicians argue that efforts to measure the effectiveness of psychotherapy ignore the fact The term “psychotherapy” calls to mind a wide variety of concepts. that many patients have an assortment of emotional problems and Indeed, this word cloud depicts the identity and frequency of words in this section on Evaluating Psychotherapy: Just look at the wide need therapy for a longer time than research can reasonably allow range of concepts included in this image. Words that are shown larger (Marcus et al., 2014; Westen et al., 2004). in size appear more frequently in the text, illustrating some of the key For their part, psychological scientists agree that therapy is often concepts that appear across different types of therapies. a complex process. But that is no reason, they argue, that it cannot be scientifically investigated just like any other complex psychological process such as the development of language or personality or the experience of falling in love (Crits-Christoph et al., 2005). Moreover, they are concerned that when therapists fail to keep up with empirical findings in the field, their clients may suffer. It is crucial, scientists say, for therapists to be aware of research on the most beneficial methods for particular problems, on ineffective or potentially harmful techniques, and on topics relevant to their practice such as memory, motivation, and child development (Lilienfeld & Lynn, 2015). Over the years, the breach between scientists and therapists has widened, creating what is commonly called the scientist–practitioner gap. One possible reason for the growing split has been the rise of professional schools that are not connected to academic psychology departments and that train students solely to do therapy. Graduates of these schools sometimes know relatively little about research methods or even about research assessing different therapy techniques. The scientist–practitioner gap has also widened because of the proliferation of unvalidated therapies in a crowded market. Some repackage established techniques under a new name; some are based solely on a therapist’s name and charisma. PROBLEMS IN ASSESSING THERAPY Because so many therapies claim to be successful, and because of economic pressures on insurers and rising health costs, clinical psychologists are increasingly called on to provide empirical assessments of therapy. Why can’t you just ask people if the therapy helped them? The answer is that no matter what kind of therapy is involved, clients are motivated to tell you it worked. “Dr. Blitznik is a genius!” they will exclaim. “I would never have taken that job (or moved to Cincinnati, or found my true love) if it hadn’t been for Dr. Blitznik!” Every kind of therapy ever devised produces enthusiastic testimonials from people who feel it helped them or even saved their lives. The first problem with testimonials is that none of us can be our own control group. How do people know they wouldn’t have taken the job, moved to Cincinnati, or found true love anyway—maybe even sooner if Dr. Blitznik had not kept them in treatment? Second, Dr. Blitznik’s success could be due to the placebo effect: The client’s anticipation of success and the buzz about Dr. B.’s fabulous new method might be the active ingredients, rather than the therapy itself. Third, notice that you never hear testimonials from the people who dropped out, who weren’t helped, or who actually got worse. So researchers cannot be satisfied with testimonials, no matter how glowing. They know that people who have put time, money, and effort into something will tell you it was worth it. Few people would be willing to say, “Yeah, I saw Dr. Blitznik for 5 years, and boy, was it ever a waste of time.”

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

Learning Objective 16.3.A Define the scientist–practitioner gap, and identify some of the problems associated with assessing the effectiveness of therapy.

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40 Impact of event scale

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Figure 16.2 Do Posttraumatic Interventions Help? 35 30 25 20 15 10 0

Baseline

4 months Assessment

Intervention, high scorers No intervention, high scorers

randomized controlled trials

Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Research designed to determine the effectiveness of a medication or form of therapy, in which people with a specific problem or disorder are randomly assigned to a treatment group or to a control group.

3 years Intervention, low scorers No intervention, low scorers

To guard against these problems, some clinical researchers conduct randomized controlled trials, in which people with a specific problem or disorder are randomly assigned to a treatment group or to a control group. Sometimes the results of randomized controlled trials are startling. For example, following a disaster, therapists often arrive on the scene to treat survivors for symptoms of trauma. In an intervention called critical incident stress debriefing (CISD), survivors gather in a group for “debriefing,” which generally lasts from 1 to 3 hours. Participants are expected to disclose their thoughts and emotions about the traumatic experience, and the group leader warns members about possible traumatic symptoms that might develop. Yet randomized controlled studies with people who have been through terrible experiences—including burns, accidents, miscarriages, violent crimes, and combat— find that posttraumatic interventions can actually delay recovery in some people. In one study, victims of serious car accidents were followed for 3 years; some had received the CISD intervention and some had not. As you can see in Figure  16.2, almost everyone had recovered in only 4 months and remained fine after 3 years. The researchers then divided the survivors into two groups: those who had had a highly emotional reaction to the accident at the outset (“high scorers”), and those who had not (“low scorers”). For the latter group, the intervention made no difference; they improved quickly. Now look at what happened to the people who had been the most traumatized by the accident: If they did not get CISD, they felt better in 4 months, too, like everyone else. But for those who did get the intervention, CISD actually blocked improvement, and they had higher stress symptoms than all the others in the study even after 3 years (Mayou et al., 2000). These results, along with those of other studies, suggest that CISD is not an effective intervention (McNally, 2003, 2004; Paterson et al., 2015; van Emmerik et al., 2002; Williams et al., 2021). You can see, then, why the scientific assessment of psychotherapeutic claims and methods is so important.

Two young women comfort each other at a makeshift memorial for the victims of a shooting spree that left 12 dead and 58 wounded at a movie theater in Aurora, Colorado. It is widely believed that most survivors of a disaster will need the help of therapists to avoid developing PTSD. Does the evidence support this belief? What do randomized controlled studies show?

16.3.B When Therapy Helps Learning Objective 16.3.B Provide examples of areas in which cognitive and behavior therapies have been particularly effective. We turn now to the evidence showing the benefits of psychotherapy: which therapies work best in general, and for which disorders in particular (e.g., Chambless & Ollendick, 2001). For many problems and most emotional

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

disorders, cognitive and behavior therapies have emerged as the methods of choice (Hofmann et al., 2012): • Depression. Cognitive therapy’s greatest success has been in the treatment of mood disorders, especially depression (Beck, 2005), and people in cognitive therapy are less likely than those taking medications to relapse when the treatment is over. The reason may be that the lessons learned in cognitive therapy last a long time after treatment, according to follow-up evaluations conducted from 15 months to many years later (Hayes et al., 2004; Hollon et al., 2002; Watts et al., 2015). • Suicide attempts. In a randomized, controlled study of 120 adults who had attempted suicide and had been sent to a hospital emergency room, those who were given 10 sessions of cognitive therapy, in comparison to those who were simply tracked and given referrals for help, were only about half as likely to attempt suicide again in the next 18 months. They also scored significantly lower on tests of depressive mood and hopelessness (Brown et al., 2005; Ougrin et al., 2015). • Anxiety disorders. Exposure techniques and cognitive behavioral therapy are effective in treating posttraumatic stress disorder, panic disorder, agoraphobia, obsessive–compulsive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, and specific phobias (T. G. Adams et al., 2015; Steenkamp et al., 2020; Watkins et al., 2018; Watts et al., 2015). • Anger and impulsive violence. Cognitive therapy is often successful in reducing chronic anger, abusiveness, and hostility, and it also teaches people how to express anger more calmly and constructively (Deffenbacher et  al., 2003; Easton et  al., 2018; Hoogsteder et al., 2015). • Health problems. Cognitive and behavior therapies are highly successful in helping people cope with pain, chronic fatigue syndrome, headaches, and irritable bowel syndrome; quit smoking or overcome other addictions; recover from eating disorders such as bulimia and binge eating; overcome insomnia and improve their sleeping patterns; and manage other health problems (Crits-Christoph et  al., 2005; Davis et  al., 2015; Knoerl et al., 2016; Trauer et al., 2015). • Childhood and adolescent behavior problems. Behavior therapy is the most effective treatment for behavior problems that range from bed-wetting to impulsive anger and autism spectrum disorder (Hoogsteder et  al., 2015; Scarpa et  al., 2013; Sukhodolsky et al., 2013). • Relapses. Cognitive behavioral approaches have also been highly effective in reducing the rate of relapse among people with problems such as substance use disorder, depression, and schizophrenia (Mpofu et al., 2018; Witkiewitz & Marlatt, 2004; Zhang et al., 2018). No single type of therapy can help everyone. In spite of their many successes, behavior and cognitive therapies have had failures, especially with people who are unmotivated to carry out a behavioral or cognitive program or who have ingrained personality disorders or psychoses. Also, cognitive behavioral therapies are designed for specific, identifiable problems, but sometimes people seek therapy for less clearly defined reasons such as wishing to introspect about their feelings or explore moral issues. There is also no simple rule for how long therapy needs to last. Sometimes a single session of treatment is enough to bring improvement, if it is based on sound psychotherapeutic principles (Miloff et al., 2019; Zlomke & Davis, 2008). Furthermore, some people and problems require combined approaches. Young adults with schizophrenia are best helped by combining medication with family-intervention therapies that teach parents behavioral skills for dealing with their troubled children and that educate the family about how to cope with the illness constructively (Elis et al., 2013; Goldstein & Miklowitz, 1995). In studies over a 2-year period, only 30% of the patients with schizophrenia in such family interventions relapsed, compared to 65% of those whose families were not involved. The same combined approach—medication and family-focused therapy—also reduces the severity of symptoms in adolescents with bipolar disorder and delays relapses (Miklowitz, 2007).

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534 Chapter 16 SPECIAL PROBLEMS AND POPULATIONS Some therapies are targeted for the problems of particular populations. Rehabilitation psychologists are concerned with the assessment and treatment of people who are physically disabled, temporarily or permanently, because of chronic pain, physical injuries, or other conditions. They conduct research to find the best ways to teach disabled people to live independently, improve their motivation, enjoy sex, and follow healthy regimens. Because more people are surviving traumatic injuries and living long enough to develop chronic medical conditions, rehabilitation psychology is a fast-growing area of health care. Other problems require more than one-on-one help from a psychotherapist. Community psychologists set up programs at a community level, often coordinating outpatient services at local clinics with support from famOne new direction in rehabilitation therapy is the use of animals to help people with a variety of mental and physical problems. Though this type of therapy is growily and friends. Some community programs help people ing in popularity, there has not yet been much research to assess its effectiveness who have severe mental disorders, such as schizophre(Crossman, 2017). nia, by setting up group homes that provide counseling, job and skills training, and a support network. Without such community support, many people with mental illness are treated at hospitals, released to the streets, and stop taking their medications. Their psychotic symptoms return, they are rehospitalized, and a revolving-door cycle is established. A community intervention called multisystemic therapy has been highly successful in reducing teenage violence, drug abuse, and school problems in troubled inner-city communities. Its practitioners combine family-systems techniques with behavioral methods but apply them in the context of forming “neighborhood partnerships” with local leaders, parents, and teachers (Henggeler et  al., 1998; Swenson et  al., 2005; Tiernan et  al., 2015). The premise of multisystemic therapy is that because aggressiveness and drug abuse are often reinforced or caused by the adolescent’s family, peers, and local culture, it is not possible to successfully treat the adolescent without also “treating” their environment. Indeed, multisystemic therapy has been shown to be more effective than other methods on their own (Schaeffer & Borduin, 2005). BIOLOGY AND PSYCHOTHERAPY One of the longest debates in the history of treating mental disorders has been over which kind of treatment is better: medical or psychological. This debate rests on a common but mistaken assumption: If a disorder appears to have biological origins or involve biochemical abnormalities, then biological treatments must be most appropriate. In fact, however, changing your behavior and thoughts through psychotherapy or simply by having other new experiences can also change the way your brain functions, just as the expectations associated with a placebo can. This fascinating link between mind and brain was first illustrated in PET-scan studies of people with obsessive–compulsive disorder. Among those who were taking the SSRI fluoxetine, the metabolism of glucose in a critical part of the brain decreased, suggesting that the medication was having a beneficial effect by “calming” that area. But exactly the same brain changes occurred in patients who were getting cognitive behavioral therapy and no medication (Schwartz et  al., 1996). Since then, several other studies have shown that CBT produces changes in neural activity in the brains of people undergoing this form of therapy, and these changes are associated with decreased severity of depression (Ritchey et  al., 2011; Sankar et  al., 2018; Yoshimura et  al., 2014). Other research shows that biological measures, such as activation in particular brain circuits, can help predict response to cognitive behavioral therapy or medication (Ball et  al., 2014; Dunlop et  al., 2017; Shin et al., 2013; van Rooij et al., 2016).

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

16.3.C When Interventions Harm Learning Objective 16.3.C Discuss and give examples of the ways in which interventions have the potential to harm clients.

Dov makabaw/Alamy Stock Photo

Even when medications are beneficial, they are rarely sufficient as “cures.” People who are depressed because of difficulties in their lives may get a lift from an antidepressant, but the pill will not teach them how to manage those difficulties. In recent years, prominent people have gone public with their struggles with severe mental illness and have described what it took for them to survive—for example, Temple Grandin’s (2010) account of her autism and Elyn Saks’s (2007) riveting story of learning to live with schizophrenia. Although these accounts are just anecdotes, they illustrate that when medication helps, it is a relatively small part of the program of activities, support, and therapy needed for functioning in the world.

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Troubled teens attend a boot camp designed as an intervention for delinquent behavior. Results from carefully controlled studies indicate the success of such interventions is questionable at best.

In a tragic case that made news around the world, police arrested four people on charges of recklessly causing the death of 10-year-old Candace Newmaker during a session of “rebirthing” therapy. (The procedure supposedly helps adopted children form attachments to their adoptive parents by “reliving” birth.) The child was completely wrapped in a blanket (the “womb”) and was surrounded by large pillows. The therapists then pressed in on the pillows to simulate contractions and told the girl to push her way out of the blanket over her head. Candace repeatedly said that she could not breathe and felt she was going to die. But instead of unwrapping her, the therapists said, “You’ve got to push hard if you want to be born—or do you want to stay in there and die?” Candace lost consciousness and was rushed to a local hospital, where she died. The unlicensed social workers who operated the counseling center went to prison for reckless child abuse resulting in death. Candace’s tragic story is an extreme example, but every intervention carries some risks (Koocher et  al., 2014). In a small percentage of cases, a person’s symptoms may actually worsen, the client may become too dependent on the therapist, or the client’s outside relationships may deteriorate (Lilienfeld, 2007). The risks to clients increase with any of the following: 1. The use of potentially dangerous techniques that are not empirically supported. “Rebirthing” therapy appeared in the 1970s, when its founder claimed that, while bathing, he had reexperienced his own traumatic birth. But the basic assumptions of this method—that people can recover from trauma, insecure attachment, or other psychological problems by “reliving” their emergence from the womb—are contradicted by research on attachment, memory, and PTSD. Besides, why should anyone assume that being born is traumatic? Instead, might it be a relief to be let out of cramped quarters and see beaming parental faces? Rebirthing is one of a variety of practices, collectively referred to as “attachment therapy,” that are based on harsh tactics that allegedly help children bond with their parents. These techniques include withholding food, isolating the children for extended periods, humiliating them, and requiring them to exercise to exhaustion (Mercer et al., 2003). Abusive techniques are ineffective in treating behavior problems and often backfire, making the child angry, resentful, and withdrawn. They are hardly a way to help an adopted or emotionally troubled child feel more attached to their parents. Table 16.3 lists a number of interventions that have been shown, through randomized controlled trials or meta-analysis, to have a significant risk of harming clients. 2. Inappropriate or coercive influence, which can create new problems for the client. In any successful therapy, the therapist and client come to agree on an explanation for the client’s problems. Of course, the therapist will influence this explanation, according to their training and philosophy. Some therapists, however, cross the line. They so

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Table 16.3 Potentially Harmful Interventions Intervention

Potential Harm

Critical incident stress debriefing (CISD)

Heightened risk of emotional symptoms

Scared Straight interventions

Worsening of conduct problems

Facilitated communication

False allegations of sexual and child abuse

Attachment therapies

Death and serious injury to children

Recovered-memory techniques (e.g., dream analysis)

Induction of false memories of trauma, family breakups

“Multiple personality disorder”-oriented therapy

Induction of “multiple” personalities

Grief counseling for people with normal bereavement reactions

Increased depressive symptoms

Boot-camp interventions for conduct disorder

Worsening of aggression and conduct problems

Source: Based on Lilienfeld (2007).

zealously believe in the prevalence of certain problems or disorders that they actually induce the client to produce the symptoms they are looking for (Mazzoni et al., 2001; McHugh, 2008). Therapist influence, and sometimes outright coercion, is a likely reason for the huge numbers of people who were diagnosed with multiple personality disorder in the 1980s and 1990s and for an epidemic of recovered memories of sexual abuse during this period. 3. Prejudice or ignorance on the part of the therapist. Some therapists may be prejudiced against some clients because of the client’s gender, culture, religion, or sexual orientation. They may be unaware of their prejudices, yet express them in nonverbal ways that make the client feel ignored, disrespected, and devalued (Sue et al., 2007). A therapist may also try to induce a client to conform to the therapist’s standards and values, even if they are not in the client’s best interest. For many years, lesbian, gay, and bisexual people who entered therapy were told that being attracted to people of their own sex or gender was a mental illness that could be cured. Some of the so-called treatments were cruel, such as electric shock for “inappropriate” arousal. Although these methods were discredited decades ago (Davison, 1976), other reparative or conversion therapies (whose practitioners claim they can turn lesbian, gay, and bisexual people into straight people) continue to surface. But there is no reliable empirical evidence supporting such claims, and the very idea that homosexuality is a problem to be “fixed” is a disturbing one. Both the American Psychological Association and the American Psychiatric Association oppose such therapies on ethical and scientific grounds, with the former organization issuing its own “Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients” (American Psychological Association, 2012). In 2022, the Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies issued an apology for the role of behavioral therapy in the development and use of conversion therapies (Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies, 2022). 4. Sexual intimacies or other unethical behavior on the part of the therapist. The ethical guidelines of both APAs prohibit therapists from having any sexual intimacies with their clients or violating other professional boundaries. Occasionally, some therapists behave like cult leaders, persuading their clients that their mental health depends on staying in therapy and severing their connections to their “toxic” families (Watters & Ofshe, 1999). Such psychotherapy cults are created by the therapist’s use of techniques that foster the client’s isolation, prevent the client from terminating therapy, and reduce the client’s ability to think critically. To better avoid these risks and benefit from what effective psychotherapy has to offer, people looking for the right therapy can become educated consumers, willing and able to use the critical thinking skills we have emphasized throughout this text.

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

Modern psychotherapy has been of enormous value to many people. But psychotherapists themselves have raised some provocative questions about the values inherent in what they do. How much personal change is possible? Does psychotherapy promote unrealistic notions of endless happiness and complete self-fulfillment? Many Americans have an optimistic, let’s-fix-this-fast attitude toward problems. In contrast, some other cultures have a less optimistic view of change, and tend to be more tolerant of events they regard as being outside of human control. And as we saw earlier in this chapter, some psychotherapists teach techniques of mindfulness and greater self-acceptance instead of self-improvement (Hayes et al., 2004; Kabat-Zinn, 1994). In the hands of an empathic and knowledgeable practitioner, psychotherapy can help you make decisions and clarify your values and goals. It can teach you new skills and new ways of thinking. It can help you get along better with your family and break out of destructive family patterns. It can get you through bad times when no one seems to care or to understand what you are feeling. It can teach you how to manage depression, anxiety, and anger. However, despite its many benefits, psychotherapy cannot transform you into someone you’re not. It cannot turn an introvert into an extravert (or vice versa). It cannot cure an emotional disorder overnight. It cannot provide a life without problems. And it is not intended to substitute for experience—for work that is satisfying, relationships that are sustaining, activities that are enjoyable.

16.3.D Culture and Psychotherapy Learning Objective 16.3.D Discuss the ways in which culture can affect the experience of psychotherapy. Many therapists and clients establish successful working relationships in spite of coming from different backgrounds. But sometimes these differences in culture and/or experience cause misunderstandings that result from ignorance or prejudice (ComasDíaz, 2006; Draguns, 2013; Tomicic et  al., 2020). For example, in Latin American cultures, susto, or “loss of the soul,” is a common response to extreme grief or fright; a person may believe that their soul or a vital part of who they are has departed along with that of the deceased relative (Weller et al., 2008). A psychotherapist unfamiliar with this culturally determined response might erroneously conclude that the patient was delusional or psychotic. Latinx clients may also be more likely than White Americans to value harmony in their relationships, which can manifest as an unwillingness to express negative emotions or confront family members or friends directly; therapists may need to help such clients find ways to communicate better within that cultural context (Arredondo et al., 2005, 2014). And a lifetime of experience with racism and a general cultural distrust may keep some Black clients from revealing feelings or experiences that they believe a White therapist would not understand or accept (Adames et al., 2022; Burkett, 2017). Clients experience better outcomes with therapy when they view their therapists as multiculturally competent, which means that the therapists understand the norms and unique experiences associated with different cultures, recognize their own biases, and have the skills to engage clients and provide culturally appropriate treatments (Soto et al., 2018; Tao et al., 2015). And treatments that are more culturally appropriate—such as when they are conducted in a client’s preferred language and when treatment goals match cultural norms—yield better outcomes (Huey et al., 2018; Soto et al., 2018). In summary, multicultural competence is critical and has become an important standard in clinical psychology (American Psychological Association, 2017). More and more psychotherapists are engaging in multicultural competence training and are becoming sensitized to the issues related to cultural differences and how they may impact the therapeutic process and outcome (Ertl et al., 2019).

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Taking Psychology with You Becoming a Smart Consumer of Psychological Treatments If you have a persistent problem that causes you considerable unhappiness and you do not know how to solve it, it may be time to look for help. To take the lessons of this chapter with you, you might want to consider these suggestions: Be skeptical of advertisements for prescription medications. Currently, the United States and New Zealand are the only countries that allow pharmaceutical companies to advertise prescription medications directly to consumers. Remember that ads are not about educating you; they are about selling you a product. Consult your doctor, a pharmacist, or the FDA’s website, and check out any medication you are about to take via reliable sources that are not funded by the pharmaceutical industry. A critical thinker should closely evaluate information from even generally reputable sources. For example, in 2004, the FDA issued warnings that children and adolescents taking antidepressants are at an increased risk of suicidal thinking and behavior. However, the meta-analysis on which those warnings were based had methodological limitations (Lu et al., 2014). Nevertheless, the FDA warnings received much media coverage, as reflected in the results of our survey question at the start of this chapter. In the intervening years, the number of children and adolescents taking antidepressants has decreased, with no corresponding increase in other types of treatments, and suicide attempt rates have actually increased (Gibbons et al., 2007; Lu et  al., 2014, 2020). Thus, it seems that the FDA warnings led many people to reject antidepressant treatment outright, perhaps without considering the potential risks of doing so. Remember to examine the evidence and consider other interpretations! The apparent relationship between antidepressant use and suicidal thinking may reflect the fact that people who take antidepressants are likely to have suicidal thinking even before taking them (Gibbons et al., 2012, 2015). Make an informed decision when you choose a therapist. Make sure you are dealing with a reputable individual with appropriate credentials and training. A school counseling center can be a good place to start. You might also seek out a university psychology clinic, where you may be able to get therapy with a graduate student in training; these students are closely supervised, and the fees will be lower. Choose a therapy or treatment most likely to help you. If possible, begin by talking to a competent psychotherapist or counselor about your problems and what intervention might help you. But don’t forget that not all therapies are equally effective for all problems. You should not spend years in psychodynamic therapy for panic attacks, which can generally be helped in a few sessions of cognitive behavioral therapy. Likewise, if you have a specific emotional problem—such as

depression, anger, or anxiety—or if you are coping with chronic health problems, look for a cognitive or behavior therapist. Consider online therapy. Many people are unwilling to seek help via in-person therapy sessions or are unable to do so because of where they live or other obstacles such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Clinical scientists have been studying and promoting the use of technologies to reach such individuals for many years, and the pandemic has certainly brought with it nearly immediate changes in the extent to which virtual therapy is provided and paid for (Kazdin, 2015; Shore et al., 2020). Randomized controlled studies have demonstrated the effectiveness of Internet-administered CBT (Andersson et al., 2014; Thase et al., 2018). Online or telephone therapy—sometimes called “teletherapy” or “telepsychiatry”—is as effective as in-person therapy and is therefore a good option to consider (Axelsson et al., 2020; Ebert et  al., 2015; Luo et  al., 2020). However, if you start any kind of therapy with a professional therapist via the Internet, be sure the therapist is following government guidelines to protect your privacy. Consider a self-help group. Not all psychological problems require the aid of a professional. In the United States, an estimated 10 to 15 million adults belong to self-help groups (online and in person) for every possible problem—for people with substance use disorder and their relatives, women with breast cancer, relatives of patients with Alzheimer’s disease, and so on. Self-help groups can be reassuring and supportive in ways that family, friends, and psychotherapists sometimes may not be. However, keep your critical thinking skills with you: Self-help groups are not regulated by law or by professional standards, and they vary widely in their philosophies and methods. Some are accepting and tolerant, offering support and spiritual guidance. Others are confrontational and coercive, and members who disagree with the premises of the group may be made to feel deviant or “in denial.” Choose self-help books that are scientifically based and promote realistic goals. You can find a self-help book for every problem, from how to toilet-train your children to how to find happiness. Critical thinkers can learn how to distinguish good ones from useless ones. To begin with, good self-help books do not promise the impossible. Rather, they propose a specific, step-by-step, empirically supported program for the reader to follow. Such programs can actually be as effective as treatment administered by a therapist—if the reader follows through with them (Rosen et al., 2015). Because the world is full of therapies that lack empirical support, it takes knowledge and critical thinking to distinguish the good ones from the harmful ones, and the real from the phony. If you or someone you know is thinking about getting help with a problem, the video in Revel on finding a therapist offers some useful guidelines.

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JOURNAL 16.3 THINKING CRITICALLY—EXAMINE THE EVIDENCE New therapies are often established on the basis of notions that someone thought sounded plausible, such as that accurate memories can be “uprooted” through hypnosis or that emotional problems stem from the “trauma” of childbirth. What is wrong with basing a new form of therapy on an untested hunch instead of on evidence that it works?

In Revel, you can find Quiz 16.3 to test your knowledge

Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

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Epilogue: Taking This Text With You When you hear the word psychology, what is the first word you think of? We also asked this question of hundreds of our own students, over e-mail, before the very first day of our introductory psychology course. Their responses can be found in the word clouds below: the one with the white background reflects their responses at the start of the course, which we already showed you in Chapter 1, and the one with the black background reflects their responses at the end of the course. The larger a word in each image, the more students gave that response. As you can see, although the relative size of the words brain, mind, and behavior didn’t change much over time for our students, science got larger, and some words appeared only in the end-of-course word cloud, including cognition, conditioning, research, and studies. To us, this seems to reflect students’ growing

Courtesy of Samuel Sommers

appreciation of psychology as a science. You’ve likely come a long way, too, since you began this text. As your course draws to a close, we invite you to stand back and ask yourself what you have learned from all the topics, studies, and controversies we have explored together. Can you identify some fundamental principles that you can apply to your own experiences? If the theories and findings in this text are to be of long-lasting value to you, they must jump off the screen or printed page and into your daily life. The five pillars of modern psychology introduced way back in Chapter 1 suggest some questions to ask when considering an issue or problem that matters to you. When you are distressed, the biological pillar directs you to ask what is going on in your body. Do you have a physical condition that could be affecting you psychologically? Are alcohol or other drugs altering your ability to make decisions as you would like? The cognitive pillar directs you

to analyze your thoughts about your situation. Are you brooding too much, rehearsing negative thoughts? Can you accept information that challenges your beliefs, or is the “confirmation bias” getting in the way? The developmental pillar directs you to focus on some of the relationship patterns you have exhibited since you were younger, as well as the learning reinforcers and punishers in your environment. What consequences maintain the behavior you would like to change (your own or someone else’s)? The social/ personality pillar reminds you to analyze how friends and relatives support or hinder you in achieving your goals. Are you comfortable with the role you are playing as a romantic partner, family member, student, or employee? How do your cultural experiences, roles, and rules affect the way you experience the world around you? And, of course, the focus of the last two chapters of this text have been on the mental and physical health pillar, as we have explored obstacles to mental and emotional well-being and the different strategies for addressing them. A good way to start applying the specific psychological concepts we have explored together is to review the key terms in each chapter in this text—say, positive reinforcement, locus of control, or coping strategies—and think of ways they apply in your own life. As you’ve learned in this course, psychological findings can be applied to larger social issues such as disputes between neighbors and nations, prejudice and cross-cultural relations, improving children’s school achievement, curtailing violence . . . or trying to navigate the daily challenges of a global pandemic. Most of all, we hope you’ll realize that the best way to take this text with you is to practice the principles of critical and scientific thinking it emphasizes. Old theories may give way to new ones, findings may be modified by new evidence, but the methods of psychological science continue, and their hallmark is critical thinking. —The Authors

What do you think of when you hear the word psychology? These word clouds were constructed from student responses before (left) and after (right) a semester-long Introduction to Psychology course. What differences between the two do you notice?

Courtesy of Lisa Shin

At the very start of this text, we asked you the following question:

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Critical Thinking Illustrated Claim: Learning About Psychological Methods and Findings Can Make You a More Effective Person STEP 1. Criticize This Claim As we reach the end of our journey through the field of psychology, think of all the ground we have covered: We’ve studied the brain and how it helps us make sense of the world; the cognitive processes of thinking, learning, and memory; the motivations and emotions that drive us; the ways in which people change over time . . . and across situations; the conditions that impair normal functioning and what we can do to treat them. Underlying all of this has been a focus on critical thinking. And so, as we wrap up this introduction to psychology, let’s evaluate one more claim: Learning about psychological methods and findings can make you a more effective person.

STEP 2. Define Your Terms Throughout these chapters, we’ve emphasized defining terms precisely. How can we define becoming “a more effective person”? Let’s think about what this phrase might mean across various domains.

STEP 3. Analyze Assumptions and Biases Some might resist this claim because they assume that they’re already experts on how people think, feel, and act. Psychology is just common sense, they might suggest. But you’ve learned about ways in which intuition and assumption about human nature fall short. For example, we think of memory as working like a camera, but in reality, what we remember is subject to biases and limitations. We assume that we can multitask effectively, but research suggests otherwise. Common sense is useful, but it’s no replacement for conclusions based on critical thinking and scientific observation.

STEP 4. Examine the Evidence Indeed, we have applied these steps of critical thinking to a wide range of claims. Just think about all of the different types of evidence we have examined across different chapters of this text. Evidence Supported It

Evidence Refuted It

• People can smell fear. • When you’re stumped by a problem, you should “sleep on it.” • Kids who play violent video games learn to be more violent. • Police treat Black and White civilians differently.

• Computer-based brain training games will keep your brain young. • More college students than ever are “hooking up” for casual sex. • Different people have different learning styles. • Young people today are more narcissistic than ever.

STEP 5. Weigh Conclusions As for our claim? Numerous definitions and forms of evidence support the conclusion that learning about psychological methods and findings can make you a more effective person. Indeed, this has been the central objective of these Critical Thinking Illustrated exercises: to illustrate the varied applications of psychology and the many ways in which critical thinking helps us evaluate claims more effectively. It’s our hope that you will continue to make a habit out of putting claims under your own microscope!

STEP 6. Ask Questions, Be Willing to Wonder Weighing conclusions is essential for psychological scientists. But perhaps even more important? Not being content to stop there—always being willing to wonder and eager to ask new questions. After all, across these chapters—for all the illustrated peacocks and horses you’ve met, all the noses and brains, the peas and marshmallows, the astronauts and police officers, the American tourists and Greek Gods—there’s one image you’ve seen more of than any other. More often than even microscopes, scientists, or us, your authors. That image? A question mark. When you think back on these features, we hope this will be what you remember first. To remind you that a critical thinker’s work is never done—that there are always more questions to ask. (continued)

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Students who study (and even major in) psychology go on to successful careers in various fields, including medicine, law, education, business, research, politics, marketing, and more. In fact, it’s hard to think of a profession for which a better understanding of human nature wouldn’t lead to the potential to be more effective. And of course, many students also enter professions within psychology, whether focused on research, teaching, therapy, consulting, or some combination of these.

One way to assess “effectiveness” is to think about how psychology can help students succeed in other academic disciplines. Psychology has been referred to as a “hub discipline,” a field that is cited frequently by researchers in other fields. There is obvious overlap between psychology and the natural sciences (e.g., biology, biochemistry, neuroscience). And a wide range of other disciplines—from the humanities to the social sciences to the arts—share psychology’s focus on questions of how people think, feel, and behave. A solid foundation in psychology can help with the study of other fields as well.

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Approaches to Treatment and Therapy

In addition to making us more effective students and professionals, psychology can have positive effects in more personal endeavors. From making a good first impression to improving memory to learning how to cope with stress or sleep more soundly, psychological science offers a wide range of conclusions we can take with us into daily life. And psychology’s focus on critical thinking has the potential to make us more thoughtful and effective consumers, voters, citizens, and friends.

Summary: Approaches to Treatment and Therapy 16.1 Biological Treatments for Mental Disorders LO 16.1.A

Describe the main categories of medication commonly prescribed for the treatment of mental disorders, and discuss the major cautions associated with drug treatment.

Biological treatments for mental disorders are growing in popularity because of the biological abnormalities found in some disorders and because of economic and social factors. The medications most commonly prescribed for mental disorders include antipsychotics, antidepressants, anti-anxiety medications, and mood stabilizers. Drawbacks of drug treatment include the placebo effect, high dropout and relapse rates among people who take medications without also learning how to cope with their problems, the difficulty of finding the correct dose for each individual, and the long-term risks of medication and possible medication interactions when several are being taken at once. Medication should not be prescribed uncritically and routinely, especially when psychological therapies can work as well for many mood and behavioral problems.

LO 16.1.B

Identify the forms of direct brain intervention used in treating mental disorders, and discuss the limitations of each.

When medications and psychotherapy have failed to help seriously disturbed people, some psychiatrists have intervened directly in the brain (psychosurgery). Prefrontal lobotomy never had any scientific validation yet was performed on many thousands of people. Anterior cingulotomy, which involves creating a lesion in the brain, has proven to be helpful in treating very severe obsessive–compulsive disorder and depression. Deep brain stimulation (DBS) requires the surgical implantation of electrodes and a stimulation device. Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) has been used successfully to treat acute episodes of suicidal depression, and magnetic seizure therapy (MST) is a newer and more focused way to induce a seizure for antidepressant effects. Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), intermittent theta burst stimulation (iTBS), and transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) are other options in the treatment of severe depression and the negative symptoms of schizophrenia.

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16.2 Major Schools of Psychotherapy LO 16.2.A

Summarize the main elements of psychodynamic therapy.

Psychodynamic therapies include Freudian psychoanalysis and its modern variations. These therapies explore unconscious dynamics by focusing on the process of transference to break through the patient’s defenses and by examining childhood issues and past experiences. LO 16.2.B

Describe methods of behavior therapy and cognitive therapy.

Behavior therapists draw on classical and operant principles of learning. They use such methods as behavioral self-monitoring, graduated exposure and flooding, systematic desensitization, and skills training. Cognitive therapists aim to change the irrational thoughts involved in negative emotions and self-defeating actions. Aaron Beck’s cognitive therapy and Albert Ellis’s rational emotive behavior therapy (REBT) are two leading approaches. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is now the most common approach. LO 16.2.C

Summarize the similarities and differences between client-centered therapy and existential therapy.

Humanist therapy holds that human nature is essentially good; it attempts to help people feel better about themselves by focusing on here-and-now issues and on people’s capacity for change. Carl Rogers’s client-centered (nondirective) therapy emphasizes the importance of the therapist’s empathy and ability to provide unconditional positive regard. Existential therapy helps people cope with the dilemmas of existence such as the meaning of life and the fear of death. LO 16.2.D

List the hallmarks of the family-systems perspective, and describe how they apply to family and couples therapy.

Family therapies are based on the view that individual problems develop in the context of the whole family. They share a family-systems perspective, the understanding that any one person’s behavior in the family affects everyone else. In couple’s therapy, the therapist usually sees both partners in a relationship.

16.3 Evaluating Psychotherapy LO 16.3.A

of empirical research for doing psychotherapy and for assessing its effectiveness. In assessing the effectiveness of psychotherapy, researchers need to control for the placebo effect and rely on randomized controlled trials to determine which therapies are empirically supported. LO 16.3.B

Provide examples of areas in which cognitive and behavior therapies have been particularly effective.

Some psychotherapies are better than others for specific problems. Behavior therapy and cognitive behavioral therapy are often the most effective for depression, anxiety disorders, anger problems, certain health problems (such as pain, insomnia, and eating disorders), and childhood and adolescent behavior problems. Family-systems therapies, especially when combined with behavioral techniques as in multisystemic therapy, are especially helpful for children, young adults with schizophrenia, and aggressive adolescents. The length of time needed for successful therapy depends on the problem and the individual. LO 16.3.C

Discuss and give examples of the ways in which interventions have the potential to harm clients.

In some cases, therapy is harmful. The therapist may use empirically unsupported and potentially harmful techniques, such as “rebirthing”; inadvertently create new disorders in the client through undue influence or suggestion; hold a prejudice about the client’s gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or sexual orientation; or behave unethically, for example, by permitting a sexual relationship with the client. LO 16.3.D

Discuss the ways in which culture can affect the experience of psychotherapy.

Therapists and clients can establish successful working relationships in spite of coming from different cultural backgrounds; however, sometimes cultural differences cause misunderstandings that result from ignorance or prejudice, and these misunderstandings can lead to misdiagnosis, suboptimal treatment selection, or early discontinuation of treatment. Treatment outcomes are better when clients view their psychotherapists as multiculturally competent and when treatments are culturally appropriate.

Define the scientist–practitioner gap, and identify some of the problems associated with assessing the effectiveness of therapy.

A scientist–practitioner gap has developed because researchers and many clinicians hold different assumptions about the value

Shared Writing: Approaches to Treatment and Therapy Your sister tells you that she’s been feeling depressed for months. She’s also having trouble sleeping, eating, and concentrating. She knows that you’re taking a psychology course, so she asks you whether she should try antidepressants or psychotherapy. After reminding her that she should consult a trained clinician for proper assessment and a thorough description of all treatment options, you could discuss with her your understanding of the advantages and disadvantages of each option as well as the importance of consulting the results of controlled clinical trials. How would you describe to her your understanding of the advantages and disadvantages of antidepressants and psychotherapy?

In Revel, you can find Chapter 16 Quiz to test your knowledge.

Glossary absolute threshold The smallest quantity of physical energy that can be reliably detected by an observer.

autonomic nervous system The subdivision of the peripheral nervous system that regulates the internal organs and glands.

action potential A brief change in electrical voltage that occurs between the inside and the outside of an axon when a neuron is stimulated, producing an electrical impulse.

availability heuristic The tendency to judge the probability of a type of event by how easy it is to think of examples or instances.

activation–synthesis theory The theory that dreaming results from the cortical synthesis and interpretation of neural signals triggered by activity in the lower part of the brain. adrenal hormones Hormones that are produced by the adrenal glands and that are involved in emotion and stress. adrenarche A time in middle childhood when the adrenal glands begin producing the adrenal hormone DHEA and other hormones that affect cognitive and social development. affect heuristic The tendency to consult one’s emotions instead of estimating probabilities objectively. agoraphobia A fear and avoidance of places where escape or rescue might be difficult in the event of a panic attack or other incapacitating symptoms.

avoidance goals experiences.

Goals framed in terms of preventing unpleasant

axon A neuron’s extending fiber that conducts impulses away from the cell body, transmitting them to other neurons. basic psychology The study of psychological issues for the primary purpose of expanding scientific knowledge rather than a specific practical application. Bayesian statistics Statistics that involve a formula for calculating the likelihood of a hypothesis being true and meaningful, taking into account relevant prior knowledge. behavioral genetics An interdisciplinary field of study concerned with genetic contributions to individual differences in behavior and personality.

algorithm A problem-solving strategy guaranteed to produce a solution even if the user does not know how it works.

behavioral self-monitoring In behavior therapy, a method of keeping careful data on the frequency and consequences of the behavior to be changed.

amygdala A brain structure involved in assessing the potential biological impact of incoming sensory information and driving the body’s response to it.

behaviorism An approach that emphasizes the study of observable behavior and the role of the environment and prior experience as determinants of behavior.

anorexia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by fear of becoming fat, a distorted body image, radically reduced consumption of food, and emaciation.

behavior modification The application of operant-conditioning techniques to teach new responses or to reduce or eliminate maladaptive or problematic behavior.

anorexigenic substance A compound that decreases appetite, typically resulting in lower food consumption.

behavior therapy A form of therapy that applies principles of classical and operant conditioning to help people change problematic behavior.

anti-anxiety medications (tranquilizers) Medications prescribed for patients who complain of excessive anxiety or worry.

better-than-average effect The bias for most individuals to believe that they are above-average performers in most domains.

antidepressants Medications used primarily in the treatment of depression, anxiety disorders, and obsessive–compulsive disorder.

binocular cues

antipsychotics Medications used primarily in the treatment of schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders. antisocial personality disorder (APD) A personality disorder characterized by a lifelong pattern of irresponsible, antisocial behavior such as law breaking, violence, and other impulsive, reckless acts. applied psychology The study and application of psychological issues for the primary purpose of addressing a specific real-world problem. appraisals The perceptions, beliefs, attributions, and expectations that determine which emotion a person will feel in a given circumstance. approach goals Goals framed in terms of desired outcomes or experiences. archetypes Universal, symbolic images that appear in myths, art, and dreams, which Jung argued reflect the collective unconscious. arithmetic mean An average that is calculated by adding up a set of quantities and dividing the sum by the total number of quantities in the set. attachment A long-lasting, intimate, and emotional bond that persists across different types of interactions and social situations. attribution theory The idea that people seek to explain their own and other people’s behavior by attributing causes of that behavior to an external situation or an internal disposition.

Visual cues to depth or distance requiring two eyes.

biological rhythm A periodic, more or less regular fluctuation in a biological system, often having psychological implications. bipolar disorder A mood disorder in which episodes of both depression and mania (excessive euphoria) occur. borderline personality disorder A disorder characterized by extreme negative emotionality and an inability to regulate emotions, which often results in intense but unstable relationships, impulsivity, self-injurious behavior, feelings of emptiness, and a fear of abandonment. brain stem The part of the brain at the top of the spinal cord, consisting of the medulla and the pons. brightness The dimension of visual experience related to the amount (intensity) of light emitted from or reflected by an object. bulimia nervosa An eating disorder characterized by episodes of excessive eating (bingeing) and a lack of control over eating, followed by forced vomiting or use of laxatives (purging) or periods of fasting or excessive exercise. bystander effect The finding that when more people are around, it becomes less likely that any particular individual comes to offer assistance to someone in need. case study A detailed description of a particular individual being studied or treated. cell body The part of the neuron that keeps it alive and determines whether or not it will fire.

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544 Glossary central nervous system (CNS) The portion of the nervous system consisting of the brain and spinal cord. cerebellum A brain structure that regulates movement and balance, is involved in classical conditioning and remembering simple skills, and plays a role in perceptual and some higher-level cognitive processes. cerebral cortex A collection of several thin layers of cells covering the cerebrum that is largely responsible for higher mental functions.

confirmation bias The tendency to look for or pay attention only to information that confirms one’s own belief, and ignore, trivialize, or forget information that disconfirms that belief. conservation The understanding that the physical properties of an object, such as the number of items in a cluster or the amount of liquid in a glass, can remain the same even when its form or appearance changes.

cerebral hemispheres The two halves of the cerebrum.

consolidation stable.

cerebrum Divided into two hemispheres, this upper part of the brain is in charge of most sensory, motor, and cognitive processes.

continuous reinforcement A reinforcement schedule in which a particular response is always reinforced.

childhood amnesia The inability to remember events and experiences that occurred during the first 2 or 3 years of life.

control condition In an experiment, a comparison condition in which participants are not exposed to the treatment used in the experimental condition.

chromosomes genes.

Within every cell, rod-shaped structures that carry the

chunk A meaningful unit of information; it may be composed of smaller units. circadian rhythm A biological rhythm with a period of about 24 hours from peak to peak or trough to trough. cisgender An adjective referring to people whose gender identity aligns with their sex assigned at birth. classical conditioning The process by which a previously neutral stimulus becomes associated with a stimulus that already elicits a response and, in turn, acquires the capacity to elicit a similar or related response. client-centered (nondirective) therapy A humanist approach, devised by Carl Rogers, that emphasizes the therapist’s empathy with the client and the use of unconditional positive regard. cochlea A snail-shaped, fluid-filled organ in the inner ear, containing the organ of Corti, where the receptors for hearing are located. cognitive dissonance A state of tension that occurs when a person simultaneously holds two beliefs that are psychologically inconsistent or when a person’s belief is incongruent with their behavior. cognitive ethology The study of cognitive processes in nonhuman animals. cognitive schema An integrated mental network of knowledge, beliefs, and expectations concerning a particular aspect of the world. cognitive therapy A form of therapy designed to identify and change unproductive ways of thinking and, hence, to reduce negative emotions. collective unconscious In Jungian theory, the universal memories and experiences of humankind, represented in the symbols, stories, and images (archetypes) that occur across all cultures. collectivist cultures Cultures in which the self is more likely to be regarded as embedded in relationships, with harmony with one’s group prized above individual goals and wishes. concept A mental category that groups objects, activities, or qualities having common properties. conditioned response (CR) The classical-conditioning term for a response that is elicited by a conditioned stimulus, occurring after the conditioned stimulus is associated with an unconditioned stimulus. conditioned stimulus (CS) The classical-conditioning term for an initially neutral stimulus that comes to elicit a conditioned response after being associated with an unconditioned stimulus. conditioning A basic kind of learning that involves associations among environmental stimuli and an organism’s behavior. cones

Visual receptors involved in color vision.

confabulation Confusion of an event that happened to someone else with one that happened to you, or a belief that you remember something when it never actually happened. confidence interval A statistical measure that provides, with a specified probability, a range of values within which a population mean is likely to lie.

The process by which a memory becomes durable and

convergence The turning inward of the eyes, which occurs when they focus on a nearby object. corpus callosum hemispheres. correlation another.

The bundle of nerve fibers connecting the two cerebral

A measure of how strongly two variables are related to one

correlational study A study that looks for a consistent relationship between two or more phenomena. correlation coefficient −1.00 to +1.00.

A measure of correlation that ranges in value from

cortisol A hormone secreted by the adrenal cortex that elevates blood sugar and protects the body’s tissues in case of injury but, when chronically elevated due to stress, can lead to hypertension, immune disorders, and possibly depression. counterconditioning In classical conditioning, the process of associating a conditioned stimulus with a stimulus that elicits a response that is incompatible with an unwanted conditioned response. critical thinking Assessing claims and making objective judgments on the basis of well-supported reasons and evidence rather than emotion or anecdote. cross-sectional study A study in which individuals of different groups are compared at a specific point in time. crystallized intelligence over a lifetime.

Cognitive skills and specific knowledge acquired

cue-dependent forgetting The inability to retrieve information stored in memory because of insufficient cues for recall. culture A set of values, beliefs, and customs shared by members of a community that governs their behavior. dark adaptation A process by which visual receptors become maximally sensitive to dim light. debriefing An ethical procedure conducted after a study in which researchers explain to participants the nature and purpose of the study and answer any questions they have. decay theory The idea that information in memory eventually disappears if it is not accessed. deep processing In the encoding of information, the processing of meaning rather than simply the physical or sensory features of a stimulus. defense mechanisms Methods used by the ego to prevent unconscious anxiety or threatening thoughts from entering consciousness. deindividuation A loss of awareness of one’s own individuality whereby people in crowds, feeling anonymous, may do destructive things they would never do on their own. dendrites A neuron’s branches that receive information from other neurons and transmit it toward the cell body. dependent variable A variable that an experimenter measures, predicting that it will be affected by (i.e., depend on) manipulations of the independent variable.

Glossary

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depressants Drugs that slow activity in the central nervous system.

endogenous

descriptive methods Methods that yield descriptions of behavior but not direct explanations.

endorphins Chemical substances in the nervous system that are involved in pain reduction, pleasure, and memory, and are known technically as endogenous opioid peptides.

descriptive statistics research data.

Statistical procedures that organize and summarize

dialectical reasoning A process in which opposing facts or ideas are weighed and compared, with a view to determining the best solution or resolving differences.

Generated from within rather than by external cues.

epigenetics The study of stable changes in the expression of a particular gene that occur without changes in DNA base sequences. episodic memories Memories of personally experienced events and the contexts in which they occurred.

difference threshold The smallest difference in stimulation that can be reliably detected by an observer when two stimuli are compared (also called just noticeable difference; jnd).

equilibrium

diffusion of responsibility In groups, the tendency of members to avoid taking action because they assume that others will.

evolution A change in gene frequencies within a population over many generations, which serves as a mechanism by which genetically influenced characteristics of a population may change.

discrimination Negative and unjust treatment of a group or its individual members based on their group identity. discriminative stimulus A stimulus that signals when a particular response is likely to be followed by a certain type of consequence. display rules Social and cultural rules that regulate when, how, and where a person may express (or suppress) emotions. dissociation A split in consciousness in which one part of the mind operates independently of others. dissociative identity disorder (DID) A controversial disorder marked by the apparent appearance within one person of two or more distinct personalities, each with its own name and traits; formerly known as multiple personality disorder. DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) The chromosomal molecule that transfers genetic characteristics by way of coded instructions for the structure of proteins. doctrine of specific nerve energies The principle that different sensory modalities exist because signals received by the sense organs stimulate different nerve pathways leading to different areas of the brain. double-blind study An experiment in which neither the people being studied nor the individuals running the study know who is in which condition (e.g., experimental versus control) until after the results are tallied. effect size A standardized way of describing the strength of the relationship between variables. ego In psychoanalysis, the part of personality that represents reason, good sense, and rational self-control. elaboration likelihood model A model proposing two routes (central and peripheral) by which persuasive communications can produce attitude change, as determined by an individual’s cognitive ability and motivation. elaborative rehearsal Association of new information with already stored knowledge and deeper analysis to make it memorable. electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) A procedure used in cases of severe major depression, in which an electrical current is applied to the head, triggering a brief seizure. electroencephalogram (EEG) electrodes.

A recording of neural activity detected by

emotion A state of arousal involving facial and bodily changes, brain activation, cognitive appraisals, subjective feelings, and tendencies toward action. emotional intelligence The ability to identify emotions accurately, express your emotions clearly, and regulate emotions. emotion work Expression of an emotion, often because of a role requirement, that a person does not really feel. empirical Relying on or derived from observation, experimentation, or measurement. endocrine glands Internal organs that produce hormones and release them into the bloodstream.

The sense of balance.

event-related potentials (ERPs) Waveforms of neural activity associated with specific stimuli (or “events”).

evolutionary psychology A field of psychology emphasizing how genetically influenced behavior that was adaptive during our ancestors’ era may help explain human commonalities in present-day behaviors, mental processes, and traits. existentialism A philosophical approach that emphasizes the inevitable dilemmas and challenges of human existence. existential therapy A form of therapy designed to help clients explore the meaning of existence and face the great questions of life such as death, freedom, and loneliness. experiment A controlled test of a hypothesis in which the researcher manipulates one variable to discover its effect on another. experimenter effects Unintended changes in participants’ behavior as a result of cues that the experimenter inadvertently conveys. explicit memory Conscious, intentional recollection of an event or of an item of information. extinction The decline and eventual disappearance of a learned response. extrinsic motivation The pursuit of an activity for external rewards, such as money or praise. extrinsic reinforcers Reinforcers that come from an outside source and are not inherently related to the activity being reinforced. facial feedback The process by which facial muscles send messages to the brain about the emotion being expressed. factor analysis A statistical method for identifying clusters of measures or scores that are highly correlated and assumed to assess the same underlying trait or ability (i.e., factor). familiarity effect The tendency of people to feel more positive toward a person, product, or item the more familiar they are with it. family-systems perspective An approach to doing therapy by identifying how each family member forms part of a larger interacting system. fear conditioning A process by which an organism learns that a previously neutral stimulus (CS) reliably predicts an aversive stimulus (US), and the CS comes to elicit a conditioned fear response. fear extinction A process by which an organism learns that a CS that used to predict an aversive US no longer does, and the conditioned fear response declines. feature-detector cells Cells in the visual cortex that are sensitive to specific features of the environment. feminist psychology A psychological approach that analyzes the influence of gender, sexuality, and social structures on thought, emotion, and behavior. field research Empirical investigation conducted in a natural setting outside the laboratory. flooding In behavior therapy, a form of exposure treatment in which the client is taken directly into a feared situation until the anxiety subsides.

546 Glossary fluid intelligence The capacity to reason deductively and to use new information to solve problems.

heuristic A rule of thumb that suggests a course of action or guides problem solving but does not guarantee an optimal solution.

framing effect The tendency for people’s choices to be affected by how a choice is presented, or framed, such as whether it is worded in terms of potential losses or gains.

higher-order conditioning In classical conditioning, a procedure in which a neutral stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus through association with an already-established conditioned stimulus.

fraternal (dizygotic) twins Twins that develop from two separate eggs fertilized by different sperm.

hindsight bias The tendency to overestimate one’s ability to have predicted an event after the outcome is known (i.e., the “I knew it all along” phenomenon).

frontal lobes Lobes at the front of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas involved in movement, working memory, controlling emotions and impulses, higher-order thinking, and (in the left lobe, typically) speech production. functionalism An early psychological approach that emphasized the function or purpose of behavior and consciousness. functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) A type of magnetic resonance imaging used to study brain activity associated with specific thoughts and behaviors. fundamental attribution error The tendency, in explaining other people’s behavior, to overestimate personality factors and underestimate the influence of the situation. ganglion cells Neurons in the retina of the eye that gather information from receptor cells (by way of intermediate bipolar cells) and whose axons make up the optic nerve.

hippocampus A brain structure involved in the storage of new information in memory. hormones Chemical substances, secreted by organs called glands, that affect the functioning of other organs. HPA (hypothalamus–pituitary–adrenal cortex) axis A system activated to energize the body to respond to stressors, in which the hypothalamus sends chemical messengers to the pituitary gland, which in turn prompts the adrenal cortex to produce cortisol and other hormones. hue The dimension of visual experience specified by color names and related to the wavelength of light. humanist psychology A psychological approach that emphasizes personal growth, resilience, and the achievement of human potential.

gate-control theory The theory that the experience of pain depends in part on whether pain impulses get past a neurological “gate” in the spinal cord and thus reach the brain.

humanist therapy A form of psychotherapy based on the philosophy of humanism, which emphasizes personal growth, resilience, the achievement of human potential, and the client’s ability to change rather than being destined to repeat past conflicts.

gender identity A fundamental sense of self-identification as a woman, man, neither, or other classifications outside of this binary.

hypnosis A procedure in which the practitioner suggests changes in a subject’s sensations, thoughts, feelings, or behavior.

gender schema A set of beliefs, knowledge, and expectations about what it means to be a girl or a boy (or a woman or a man).

hypothalamus A brain structure involved in emotions and drives that are vital to survival; it regulates the autonomic nervous system.

gender typing The process by which children learn the abilities, interests, and behaviors associated with femininity and masculinity in their culture.

hypothesis A statement that attempts to predict or account for a set of phenomena, specifying relationships among events or variables that can be empirically tested.

general adaptation syndrome According to Hans Selye, a series of physiological reactions to stressors occurring in three phases: alarm, resistance, and exhaustion. generalized anxiety disorder A continuous state of anxiety marked by feelings of worry, apprehension, difficulties in concentration, and signs of motor tension.

id In psychoanalysis, the part of personality driven by unconscious drives, particularly those motivating the pursuit of pleasure. identical (monozygotic) twins Twins that develop when a fertilized egg divides into two parts that develop into separate embryos.

genes The functional units of heredity; they are composed of DNA and specify the structure of proteins.

implicit learning Learning that occurs when you acquire knowledge without being aware of how you did so and without being able to state exactly what you have learned.

genetic marker A segment of DNA that varies among individuals, has a known location on a chromosome, and can function as a genetic landmark for a gene involved in a physical or mental condition.

implicit memory Unconscious retention in memory, as evidenced by the effect of a previous experience or previously encountered information on current thoughts or actions.

genome The full set of genes in each cell of an organism (with the exception of sperm and egg cells), together with noncoding DNA located outside the genes.

inattentional blindness Failure to consciously perceive something you are looking at because you are not attending to it.

Gestalt principles Principles that describe the brain’s organization of sensory information into meaningful units and patterns.

individualist cultures Cultures in which the self is more likely to be regarded as autonomous, with individual goals and wishes prized above duty and relations with others.

g factor A general intellectual ability assumed by many theorists to underlie specific mental abilities and talents. glia Cells that support, nurture, and insulate neurons; remove debris when neurons die; enhance the formation and maintenance of neural connections; and modify neuronal functioning. graduated exposure In behavior therapy, a method in which a person is exposed to gradually increasing levels of the feared situation until the anxiety subsides. groupthink The tendency for all members of a group to think alike for the sake of harmony and to suppress disagreement.

independent variable

A variable that an experimenter manipulates.

induction A method of childrearing in which the parent appeals to the child’s own abilities, sense of responsibility, and feelings for others in correcting misbehavior. inferential statistics Statistical procedures that allow researchers to draw conclusions about how statistically reliable a study’s results are. informed consent The doctrine that anyone who participates in human research must do so voluntarily and must know enough about the study to make an intelligent decision about whether to take part.

hemispheric lateralization Specialization of the two cerebral hemispheres for particular operations.

in-group favoritism The tendency for people to be more generous with fellow members of their own group than they are with members of other groups.

heritability A statistical estimate of how much of the variability in a given trait can be explained by genetic differences among individuals within a group.

instinctive drift During operant learning, the tendency for an organism to revert to ingrained behavior.

Glossary intelligence An inferred characteristic, usually defined as the ability to profit from experience, acquire knowledge, think abstractly, act purposefully, or adapt to changes in the environment. intelligence quotient (IQ) A measure of intelligence originally computed by dividing a person’s mental age by their chronological age and multiplying by 100 and now derived from norms provided for standardized intelligence tests. intermittent (partial) schedule of reinforcement A reinforcement schedule in which a particular response is sometimes but not always reinforced. internal desynchronization phase with one another. intrinsic motivation

A state in which biological rhythms are not in

The pursuit of an activity for its own sake.

intrinsic reinforcers Reinforcers that come from an internal source and are inherently related to the activity being reinforced. just-world hypothesis The belief that the world is fair, and that bad people are punished and good people are rewarded. kinesthesis The sense of body position and movement of body parts (also called kinesthesia). language A system that combines elements such as sounds or gestures to form structured utterances that convey meaning.

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mental age (MA) A measure of development expressed in terms of the average mental ability at a given age. mental disorder A disturbance in thinking, emotion, or behavior that causes a person to suffer, is self-destructive, seriously impairs a person’s ability to work or get along with others, or makes a person unable to control the impulse to endanger others. mental image A representation in the mind that mirrors or resembles the thing it represents. mental set A tendency to solve problems using procedures that worked before on similar problems. meta-analysis A set of techniques for combining data from a number of related studies to determine the strength of a finding. metacognition The knowledge or awareness of one’s own cognitive processes and the ability to monitor and control them. mirror neurons Brain cells that fire when a person or animal observes another carrying out an action. mnemonics Strategies and tricks for improving memory, such as the use of a verse or an easy-to-remember sentence. monocular cues one eye alone.

Visual cues to depth or distance, which can be used by

latent learning A form of learning that is not immediately expressed in an overt response and occurs without obvious reinforcement.

mood-congruent memory The tendency to remember experiences that are consistent with one’s current mood and overlook or forget experiences that are not.

learning A relatively permanent change in behavior (or behavioral potential) due to experience.

mood stabilizers disorder.

lesion method The removal or disabling of a non-human animal’s brain structure to gain better understanding of its function.

motivation An inferred process that causes movement either toward a goal or away from an unpleasant situation.

libido In psychoanalysis, the energy that fuels the life or sexual instincts of the id.

motor reflex An automatic, innate physical behavior that facilitates survival, such as infants sucking on anything placed near their mouth.

locus of control A general expectation about whether the results of your actions are under your own control (internal locus) or beyond your control (external locus).

multiple intelligences theory A theory of intelligence that emphasizes many different ways of processing information.

longitudinal study A study in which individuals are followed and periodically reassessed over a period of time. long-term memory In the three-box model of memory, the memory system involved in the storage of information over longer durations. long-term potentiation A long-lasting increase in the strength of synaptic responsiveness, thought to be a biological mechanism of long-term memory. loudness The dimension of auditory experience related to the amplitude of a pressure wave. lucid dreams Dreams in which the dreamer is aware of dreaming. magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) A method for studying body and brain tissue, using magnetic fields and special radio receivers. maintenance rehearsal Rote repetition of material in order to maintain its availability in memory. major depression A disorder involving disturbances in emotion (excessive sadness), behavior (loss of interest or pleasure in one’s usual activities), cognition (thoughts of hopelessness), and body function (fatigue and loss of appetite). mastery (learning) goals competence and skills.

Goals framed in terms of increasing one’s

medulla A structure in the brain stem responsible for certain automatic functions, such as breathing and heart rate. melatonin A hormone, secreted by the pineal gland, that is involved in the regulation of daily biological rhythms.

myelin sheath neuron.

Medications frequently given to people with bipolar

A fatty insulation that may surround the axon of a

narcolepsy A disorder involving sudden and unpredictable daytime attacks of sleepiness or lapses into REM sleep. natural selection The evolutionary process in which individuals with genetically influenced traits that are adaptive in a particular environment tend to survive and to reproduce in greater numbers than do other individuals, resulting in their traits becoming more common in the population. negative correlation An association between two variables such that as one variable increases, the other decreases. nerve A bundle of nerve fibers (axons and sometimes dendrites) in the peripheral nervous system. neurogenesis

The production of new neurons from immature stem cells.

neurons Cells (also called a nerve cells) that conduct electrochemical signals and form the basic units of the nervous system. neurotransmitter A chemical substance that is released by a transmitting neuron at the synapse, altering the activity of a receiving neuron. nonconscious processes Mental processes occurring outside of and not available to conscious awareness. nonshared environment Unique aspects of a person’s environment and experience that are not shared with family members. norms (testing) performance.

In test construction, established standards of

menarche The onset of menstruation during puberty.

norms (social) Rules and expectations that regulate social life, including explicit laws and implicit cultural conventions.

menopause The gradual process of cessation of menstruation and of the production of ova.

objective tests (inventories) Standardized questionnaires that typically include scales on which people are asked to rate themselves.

548 Glossary object permanence The understanding, which develops throughout the first year, that an object continues to exist even when you cannot see or touch it. observational learning A process in which an individual learns new responses by observing the behavior of another (a model) rather than through direct experience. observational study A study in which a researcher carefully and systematically observes and records behavior (naturalistically or in a laboratory) without interfering with the behavior. obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) A disorder in which a person feels trapped in repetitive, persistent, unwanted thoughts (obsessions) and repetitive, ritualized behaviors or mental acts (compulsions). occipital lobes Lobes at the lower back part of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas that receive visual information. Oedipus complex In psychoanalysis, a conflict occurring in the phallic stage, in which a child desires a different-sex parent and views a same-sex parent as a rival. operant conditioning The process by which a response becomes more or less likely to occur, depending on its consequences. operational definition A specification of precisely how to observe and measure a variable in a hypothesis. opiates Drugs, derived from the opium poppy, that relieve pain and commonly produce euphoria. opponent-process theory A theory of color perception that assumes that the visual system treats pairs of colors as opposing or antagonistic. orexigenic substance A compound that increases appetite, typically resulting in greater food consumption. organ of Corti A structure in the cochlea containing hair cells that serve as the receptors for hearing. oxytocin A hormone, secreted by the pituitary gland, that stimulates uterine contractions during childbirth, facilitates the ejection of milk during nursing, and seems to promote attachment and trust in relationships. panic disorder An anxiety disorder in which a person experiences recurring and impairing panic attacks—periods of intense fear, and feelings of impending doom or death, accompanied by physiological symptoms such as rapid heart rate and dizziness. papillae Knoblike elevations on the tongue, containing the taste buds (singular: papilla). parallel distributed processing (PDP) model A model of memory in which knowledge is represented as connections among thousands of interacting processing units, distributed in a vast network, and all operating at the same time (also called a connectionist model). parasympathetic nervous system The subdivision of the autonomic nervous system that operates during relaxed states and conserves energy. parietal lobes Lobes at the upper back part of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas that receive information on pressure, pain, touch, and temperature as well as handle attention and awareness of spatial relationships. perception The process by which the brain organizes and interprets sensory information. perceptual constancy The accurate perception of objects as stable or unchanged despite changes in the sensory patterns they produce. performance goals Goals framed in terms of performing well in front of others, being judged favorably, and avoiding criticism. peripheral nervous system (PNS) All portions of the nervous system outside the brain and spinal cord, including sensory and motor nerves. personality A distinctive and relatively stable pattern of behavior, thoughts, motives, and emotions that characterizes an individual. phantom pain The experience of pain in a missing limb or other body part.

phobia Exaggerated fear and avoidance of a specific situation, activity, or object. phrenology The now-discredited theory that different brain areas account for specific character and personality traits, which can be “read” from bumps on the skull. pitch The dimension of auditory experience related to the frequency of a pressure wave. pituitary gland A small endocrine gland at the base of the brain that releases many hormones and regulates other endocrine glands. placebo An inactive substance or fake treatment used as a control in an experiment. placebo effect The apparent success of a medication or treatment due to the patient’s expectations or hopes rather than to the treatment itself. plasticity The brain’s ability to change and adapt in response to experiences through neurogenesis or by reorganizing or growing new neural connections. pons A structure in the brain stem involved in, among other things, sleeping, waking, and dreaming. positive correlation An association between two variables such that as one variable increases, so does the other. positive psychology A psychological approach that focuses on the strengths and resilience that enable individuals and communities to thrive. positron emission tomography (PET) scan A method for analyzing biochemical activity in the brain, for example, by using injections of a glucose-like substance containing a radioactive element to measure glucose metabolism in the brain. posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) A disorder in which a person who has experienced a traumatic or life-threatening event has symptoms such as intrusive memories, nightmares, avoidance, insomnia, and hypervigilance. power assertion A method of childrearing in which the parent or other caregiver uses punishment and authority to correct misbehavior. prejudice A strong, unreasonable dislike of a group and its members, often coinciding with negative stereotypes. primary punisher A stimulus that is inherently punishing (e.g., electric shock). primary reinforcer A stimulus that is inherently reinforcing, typically satisfying a physiological need (e.g., food). priming A method for measuring implicit memory in which a person reads or listens to information and is later tested to see whether it affects performance on another type of task. principle of falsifiability The notion that a scientific theory must make predictions that are specific enough to expose the theory to the possibility of disconfirmation. proactive interference Forgetting that occurs when previously stored material interferes with the ability to remember similar, more recently learned material. projective tests Psychological tests used to infer a person’s motives, conflicts, and unconscious dynamics on the basis of the person’s interpretations of ambiguous stimuli. prototype

An especially representative example of a concept.

psychedelics Consciousness-altering drugs that produce hallucinations, change thought processes, or disrupt the normal perception of time and space. psychoactive drugs Drugs capable of influencing perception, mood, cognition, or behavior. psychoanalysis A theory of personality and a method of psychotherapy, originally formulated by Sigmund Freud, that emphasizes unconscious motives and conflicts. psychodynamic theories Theories that explain behavior and personality in terms of unconscious energy dynamics within the individual.

Glossary psychological tests Standardized procedures used to measure personality traits, emotional states, aptitudes, interests, or abilities. psychology The scientific discipline concerned with behavior and mental processes and how they are affected by an organism’s physical state, mental state, and external environment. psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) The study of the relationships among psychological processes, the nervous and endocrine systems, and the immune system. psychopathy A set of personality characteristics that can accompany antisocial personality disorder and is marked by fearlessness; lack of empathy, guilt, and remorse; the use of deceit; and coldheartedness. psychosexual stages In Freud’s theory, the idea that sexual energy takes different forms as the child matures: oral, anal, phallic (Oedipal), latency, and genital. psychosis An extreme mental disturbance involving distorted perceptions of reality, irrational behavior, and impaired functioning. puberty The age at which a person becomes capable of sexual reproduction. punishment The process by which a response is weakened or made less likely by a stimulus or event that follows it. random assignment In an experiment, the practice of placing participants into conditions at random so as to increase the likelihood that the different conditions are equivalent to begin with. randomized controlled trials Research designed to determine the effectiveness of a medication or form of therapy, in which people with a specific problem or disorder are randomly assigned to a treatment group or to a control group. rapid eye movement (REM) sleep Sleep periods characterized by eye movement, loss of muscle tone, and vivid dreams. rational emotive behavior therapy (REBT) A form of cognitive therapy devised by Albert Ellis, designed to challenge the client’s unrealistic thoughts. reasoning The drawing of conclusions or inferences from observations, facts, or assumptions. recall The ability to retrieve and reproduce from memory previously encountered material. reciprocal determinism In social-cognitive learning theories, the twoway interaction between aspects of the environment and aspects of the individual in the shaping of personality traits. recognition The ability to identify previously encountered material. reinforcement The process by which a response is strengthened or made more likely by a stimulus or event that follows it. reliability The consistency of test scores across time and place. REM behavior disorder A disorder in which the muscle paralysis that normally occurs during REM sleep is absent or incomplete, and the sleeper is able to act out dreams. replication The process of trying to repeat exactly the procedures of a previous research study to determine whether the results turn out the same way. representative sample A group of individuals, selected from a population for study, that matches the population on important characteristics. repression In psychoanalytic theory, involuntary pushing of threatening or upsetting information into the unconscious. reticular activating system (RAS) A dense network of neurons found in the core of the brain stem that arouses the cortex and screens incoming information. retina Neural tissue lining the back of the eyeball’s interior that contains the receptors for vision. retinal disparity The slight difference in lateral separation between two objects as seen by the left eye and the right eye.

549

retroactive interference Forgetting that occurs when recently learned material interferes with the ability to remember similar material stored previously. rods

Visual receptors that respond to dim light.

role A given social position that is governed by a set of norms for “proper” behavior. saturation The dimension of visual experience related to the complexity of light waves, producing a sense of vividness or purity of color. schizophrenia A psychotic disorder marked by delusions, hallucinations, disorganized speech, inappropriate behavior, and cognitive impairments. secondary punisher A stimulus that has acquired punishing properties through association with other punishers. secondary reinforcer A stimulus that has acquired reinforcing properties through association with other reinforcers. selective attention The process of focusing on selected aspects of the environment while blocking out others. self-efficacy The belief that one is capable of producing desired results, such as mastering new skills and reaching goals. semantic memories Memories of general knowledge, including facts, rules, concepts, and propositions. semicircular canals Sense organs in the inner ear that contribute to equilibrium by responding to rotation of the head. sensation The detection, by sense organs, of physical energy emitted or reflected by physical objects. sense receptors Specialized cells that convert physical energy in the environment or the body to electrical energy that can be transmitted as nerve impulses to the brain. sensory adaptation The reduction or disappearance of sensory responsiveness when stimulation is unchanging or repetitious. sensory register information.

A memory system that momentarily preserves sensory

separation anxiety The distress that most children develop, at about 6 months of age, when their primary caregivers temporarily leave them with strangers. serial-position effect The tendency for people to recall the first and last items on a list better than the items in the middle of the list. set point An individual’s genetically influenced weight range that is maintained by biological mechanisms that regulate food intake, fat reserves, and metabolism. sex hormones Hormones such as androgens, estrogens, and progesterone that regulate the development and functioning of reproductive organs and stimulate the development of male and female sexual characteristics. sexual orientation A relatively enduring pattern of romantic or sexual attraction, usually characterized in terms of the gender(s) to which an individual is drawn (e.g., bisexual, gay, straight). sexual script Set of implicit rules that specifies proper sexual behavior for a person in a given situation, varying with the person’s gender, age, sexual orientation, religion, social status, and peer group. shaping An operant-conditioning procedure in which successive approximations of a desired response are reinforced. signal-detection theory A psychophysical theory that divides the detection of a sensory signal into a sensory process and a decision process. significance tests Statistical tests that show how likely it is that a study would have turned out the way it did if there weren’t really a relationship between the variables in question. single-blind study An experiment in which participants do not know which condition they are in (e.g., experimental versus control). skills training In behavior therapy, an effort to teach clients skills that they may lack, as well as new constructive behaviors to replace problematic ones.

550 Glossary sleep apnea A disorder in which breathing briefly stops during sleep, causing the person to gasp and momentarily awaken.

synesthesia A condition in which a sensation in one modality consistently evokes a sensation in another.

social anxiety disorder A disorder marked by fear or anxiety and avoidance of social situations involving possible scrutiny and negative evaluation by others.

systemic racism When racial disparities in opportunity and outcome are embedded and perpetuated in the way societal structures operate.

social-cognitive theories Theories that emphasize how behavior is learned and maintained through observation of others and cognitive processes such as plans, expectations, and beliefs. social identity The part of a person’s self-concept that is based on their identification with a national, religious, ethnic, gender, or other social affiliation. sociobiology An interdisciplinary field that emphasizes evolutionary explanations of social behavior in animals, including human beings. somatic nervous system The subdivision of the peripheral nervous system that connects to sensory receptors and to skeletal muscles (also called the skeletal nervous system). source misattribution The inability to distinguish an actual memory of an event from information you learned about the event elsewhere. spinal cord A collection of neurons and supportive tissue running from the base of the brain down the center of the back, protected by a column of bones (the spinal column). spontaneous recovery The reappearance of a learned response after its apparent extinction. standard deviation A commonly used measure of variability that indicates the average difference between scores in a distribution and their mean. standardization In test construction, developing uniform procedures for giving and scoring a test. state-dependent memory The tendency to remember something when in the same physical or mental state as during the original learning or experience. stem cells Immature cells that renew themselves and have the potential, given encouraging environments, to develop into mature cells of any type. stereotype A summary impression that members of a group share common characteristics. stereotype threat A burden of doubt a person feels about their performance due to awareness of negative stereotypes about their group’s abilities.

tacit knowledge Strategies for success that are not explicitly taught but that instead must be inferred. taste buds

Nests of taste receptor cells.

telegraphic speech A child’s first word combinations, which omit unnecessary words. temperament A physiological disposition to respond to the environment in certain ways, which is present in infancy (and in many nonhuman species) and is assumed to be innate. temporal lobes Lobes at the sides of the brain’s cerebral cortex containing areas involved in hearing, emotion, memory, visual processing, and (in the left lobe, typically) language comprehension. thalamus A brain structure that relays sensory messages to the cerebral cortex. theory An organized system of assumptions and principles that purports to explain a specified set of phenomena and their interrelationships. theory of mind A system of beliefs about the way the minds of others work and how individuals are affected by their beliefs and feelings. timbre The dimension of auditory experience related to the complexity of the pressure wave. tolerance

Reduced response to a drug after repeated use.

trait A characteristic of an individual, describing a habitual way of behaving, thinking, or feeling. transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS) A technique that applies “waves” of alternating electrical current to the brain to modulate its naturally occurring brain waves. transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) A technique that applies a very small electric current to stimulate or suppress activity in parts of the cortex. transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) A method of manipulating brain cells, using a powerful magnetic field produced by a wire coil placed on a person’s head, that can be used by researchers to temporarily stimulate or inactivate neural circuits.

stimulants Drugs that speed up activity in the central nervous system.

transference In psychodynamic therapies, a critical process in which the client displaces unconscious emotions or reactions, such as emotional feelings about their caregivers, onto the therapist.

stimulus discrimination The tendency to respond differently to two or more stimuli that are similar but yet different on some dimension.

transgender An adjective referring to people whose gender identity does not align with their sex assigned at birth.

stimulus generalization After conditioning, the tendency to respond to a stimulus that resembles one involved in the original conditioning.

triarchic theory of intelligence A theory of intelligence that emphasizes analytic, creative, and practical abilities.

structuralism An early psychological approach that emphasized the analysis of immediate experience into basic elements.

trichromatic theory A theory of color perception that proposes three mechanisms in the visual system, each sensitive to a certain range of wavelengths, that interact to produce different experiences of hue.

subconscious processes Mental processes occurring outside of conscious awareness but accessible to consciousness when necessary. successive approximations In the operant-conditioning procedure of shaping, rewarded behaviors of increasing similarity or closeness to the desired response.

unconditional positive regard Love or support given to another person with no conditions attached, according to Carl Rogers. unconditioned response (UR) The classical-conditioning term for a response elicited by an unconditioned stimulus.

superego In psychoanalysis, the part of personality that represents conscience, morality, and social standards.

unconditioned stimulus (US) The classical-conditioning term for a stimulus that already elicits a certain response without additional learning.

suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) An area of the brain containing a biological clock that governs circadian rhythms.

validity

surveys Questionnaires and interviews that ask people about their experiences, attitudes, or opinions. sympathetic nervous system The subdivision of the autonomic nervous system that mobilizes bodily resources and increases the output of energy during emotion and stress. synapse The site where transmission of a nerve impulse from one nerve cell to another occurs; it includes the axon terminal, the synaptic cleft, and receptor sites in the membrane of the receiving cell.

The ability of a test to measure what it was designed to measure.

variables Characteristics of behavior or experience that can be measured or described. vulnerability–stress model An approach that emphasizes how individual vulnerabilities might interact with external stresses or circumstances to produce specific mental disorders such as depression. withdrawal Physical and psychological symptoms that occur when someone addicted to a drug stops taking it. working memory A form of short-term memory that actively retains information for brief periods and keeps it available for current use.

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Name Index Note: Figures and tables are indicated by f and t.

A

Abbott, J. D., 116 Abe, N., 303 Abrams, D., 426 Abrams, D. B., 190 Abramson, C. I., 17 Abu-Akel, A., 99 Abu-Saad, K., 365 Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education, 172 Acevedo, B. P., 304, 306 Acredolo, L., 377 Adames, H. Y., 537 Adams, T. G., 533 Adler, N. E., 345 Admon, R., 334, 492 Adolfsson, C., 280 Adolph, K. E., 367 Affleck, G., 348 Agars, M. D., 319 Agerup, T., 369 Aggarwal, S. K., 188 Aglioti, S., 146 Aguiar, P., 407 Aharoni, E., 495 Ahn, S., 147 Ainsworth, M., 368–369 Ainsworth, S. E., 310 Akil, H., 344 Aknin, L. B., 330 Al Ariss, A., 395 Al Weswasi, 217 Albarrracin, D., 408 Alberini, C. M., 253 Albert, D., 374 Albert, M. A., 348 Albert, P. R., 506 Albertini, M., 153 Alcock, J. E., 53 Alexander, G. C., 515 Alink, L., 381 Allcott, H., 5 Allen, N. J., 94 Allison, D. B., 298–299 Allport, G., 431–432 Almas, A. N., 82 Almli, L. M., 491 Alt, N. P., 428 Altschuler, E. L., 156 Alvarez-Bueno, C., 353 Alvarez, J., 500 Amabile, T. M., 284–285 Ambady, N., 118 Amedi, A., 118 American Academy of Pediatrics, 173, 218 American Academy of Sleep Medicine, 173 American Psychiatric Association, 167, 476–477, 478 American Psychological Association (APA), 5, 17–18, 21, 55, 81, 83, 168, 279, 329, 537 American Sign Language (ASL), 147 Amering, M., 480 Amodio, D. M., 434 Amso, D., 367 An, S., 493

Anastasi, A., 280 Anderman, E. M., 318 Andersen, M. M., 336 Anderson-Barnes, V. C., 156 Anderson, C. A., 224 Anderson, M. L., 394 Anderson, S. E., 390 Andersson, G., 220, 538 Andrade, J. A., 424 Andreano, J. M., 244 Angell, M., 519 Anothaisintawee, T., 173 Antrobus, J., 177 Antunes, M., 69 Anvari, F., 424 Appel, H., 357 Applewhite, Marshall, 411 Arbery, Ahmaud, 329 Archer, M., 342, 368 Arendt, Hannah, 425 Ariely, D., 270f Aristotle, 10 Armitage, R., 165 Arnett, J. J., 16, 35, 394 Arnon, I., 376 Aron, A., 303, 306–307 Aronson, Elliot, 6, 410, 418, 434, 435 Aronson, J., 280 Arredondo, P., 537 Arroll, B., 518 Asch, Solomon, 420–421 Ash, E. L., 101 Ashar, Y. K., 206 Ashok, A. H., 189 Aslam, R., 219 Asperber, Hans, 478 Association for Behavioral and Cognitive Therapies, 536 Atal, V., 431 Atkinson, R. C., 232 Atran, S., 410–411 Au, J., 281, 396 Aue, W. R., 19 Auger, P., 285 Auger, R. R., 166 Auyeung, B., 386 Aviezer, H., 334 Axel, R., 153 Axelsson, E., 538 Ayalon, L., 395 Ayduk, O., 352 Ayers-Brown, A., 388 Azmitia, M., 394

B

Baas, M., 330 Bache, R. M., 17 Baddeley, A. D., 234 Badea, C., 435 Badiani, A., 190 Bahji, A., 516 Bahrick, H. P., 231, 250 Bai, X., 429 Bailey, J. M., 311 Baillargeon, R., 374 Baird, B., 176 Baird, E., 322 Baker, E., 82, 494 Baker, M. C., 376

Baker, T. B., 23 Bakker, A. B., 320 Balcetis, E., 157 Baler, R. D., 499 Ball, T. M., 534 Balter, M., 289 Banaji, M. R., 430–431, 433 Bancroft, J., 309, 448 Banducci, S. E., 51 Bandura, A., 221–224, 318, 458 Banks, G. P., 520 Bankston, C. L., 429 Barash, D. P., 72 Barbee, A. H., 83 Barcelata Eguiarte, B. E., 397 Barch, D. M., 378 Bargary, G., 130 Barglow, P., 520 Barlett, C. P., 423 Barlow, D. H., 489 Barnier, A. J., 181 Barnsley, N., 157 Barrett, H. C., 377 Barrett, L. F., 334, 340 Barroso, A., 427 Barsky, S. H., 188 Bartels, A., 304 Bartels, J., 417 Bartels, J. M., 456 Bartlett, Frederic, 255 Barton, D. A., 350 Bartoshuk, Linda, 151–152 Bartsch, L. M., 246 Bartz, J. A., 304 Bassetti, C. L., 171 Battaglia, F. P., 241 Baucom, K. J. W., 529 Bauer, P., 253 Baugh, Les, 91 Baumann, O., 106 Baumeister, R. F., 218, 310, 339, 448 Baumrind, D., 381–382 Bays, P. M., 234 Baysu, G., 427 Beaman, L., 319 Beaty, R. E., 285 Beauchamp, G. K., 153 Bech-Sørensen, J., 310 Bechara, A., 268 Beck, A. T., 487, 526, 533 Beck, H. P., 203 Beckett, K., 434 Bedard, C., 460 Bedford, R., 496 Bedrosian, T. A., 166 Beer, J. M., 459 Beijamini, F., 174 Beilock, S. L., 397 Bekoff, M., 286 Bell, Alexander Graham, 147 Belsky, J., 346, 369 Beltz, A. M., 386, 390 Bem, D. J., 28 Bem, S. L., 387 Ben-Zion, Z., 491 Benedetti, F., 518 Benjamin, A. S., 246 Bennett, C. M., 104 Bentley, K. H., 489

605

606 Name Index Beran, M. J., 287 Beran, M. M., 287 Berenbaum, S. A., 386 Bergling, Tim (“Avicii”), 484 Berkman, B. E., 78 Berlin, F. S., 309 Berman, R. M., 516 Bernstein, D. M., 274 Berntsen, D., 242 Berrettini, W. H., 485, 498 Berrios, G. E., 521 Besedovsky, L., 171 Betah, John, 303 Bexton, W. H., 134 Bhatarah, P., 238 Bhatt, R. S., 141 Biala, G., 69 Bianchi, R., 320 Bianchi, S., 74 Bierut, L. J., 498 Biesanz, J. C., 429 Biffen, S. C., 82 Binder, J., 435 Binet, A., 278–280 Bini, L., 521 Birdwhistell, R. L., 341 Bireta, T. J., 231 Birkhead, T., 72 Bischof, M., 171 Bjork, E. L., 19 Bjork, R. A., 19, 231, 246 Black, J. E., 117 Black, M. C., 314 Blagrove, M., 179 Blair, R. D. J., 496 Blake, R., 140 Blakeslee, S., 156 Blass, T., 301, 416 Blazer, D. G., 396 Bleuler, Eugen, 504 Blier, P., 516 Bliss, T. V., 167, 240 Bloom, M., 380, 410 Blum, D., 367 Blumberg, M. S., 165 Blumberger, D. M., 522 Bock, J., 117 Bodenhausen, G. V., 198, 428 Boesch, C., 286 Bogaert, A. F., 311 Boisseau, C. L., 204 Bolhuis, K., 497 Bolshakov, V. Y., 240 Bonanno, G. A., 491 Bond, M. H., 429 Bond, R., 420 Booth, F. W., 396 Boothby, E. J., 407 Borch-Jacobsen, M., 446 Border, R., 486 Borduin, C. M., 534 Borello, M., 71 Born, J., 174 Boroditsky, L., 266 Borrie, R. A., 134 Bosch, M., 240 Bosma, C. M., 32 Boss, Stephen (“tWitch”), 484 Bosson, J. K., 18 Boswell, J. F., 488 Both, S., 309 Botvinick, M., 157 Bouchard, T. J., 79 Bouret, S. G., 299 Bourgeois, F. T., 517 Bousfield, W. A., 237 Bovin, M. J., 482 Bowen, M., 529

Bowers, J. M., 173 Bowers, J. S., 233 Bowlby, J., 367 Bowleg, L., 315 Bowles, S., 220 Boyce, R., 240 Bozzali, M., 396 Bradbury, T. N., 407 Bradley, D. B., 484 Brady, T. F., 231, 241 Braga, R. M., 233 Brai, E., 154 Brailean, A., 53 Brandt, M. J., 430 Brannon, T. N., 464 Bränström, R., 384 Bratko, D., 456, 486 Bratsberg, B., 82 Braun, K. A., 259 Braungart-Rieker, J. M., 454 Brederoo, S., 117 Breedlove, S. M., 311 Bregman, E. O., 203 Breland, K., 214 Breland, M., 214 Brennan, P. A., 216 Breslau, N., 492 Bretherton, I., 368 Bridge, J. A., 484, 506 Bridgman, T., 297 Briggs, G., 267 Briguglio, M., 99 Briñol, P., 409 Brissette, I., 347 Brizendine, L., 119 Broadway, J. M., 235 Brodsky, A., 499 Bromis, K., 491 Brook, A. T., 427 Brosch, T., 107 Brosnan, S. F., 273 Brown, A. S., 237, 508 Brown, G., 373 Brown, G. K., 533 Brown, G. R., 72 Brown, J. F., 504 Brown, Michael, 437 Brown, Q. L., 188 Brown, R., 237, 242, 256, 404 Brown, R. E., 277 Brown, S. A. S., 297 Brown, S. L., 357 Browning, J. R., 313 Broyd, S. J., 188 Bruck, M., 483 Bruder, C. E., 77 Bruner, J. S., 466 Brunet, A., 517 Brüning, C. A., 350 Brunoni, A. R., 102, 522 Bryan, C. J., 409 Bryant, G. A., 377 Bryant, R. A., 477 Bucchioni, G., 121 Buchanan, T. W., 122, 240, 252 Buchholz, K., 431 Buck, L., 153 Buechel, E. C., 322 Buelow, M. T., 419 Buff, C., 488 Buhle, J. T., 334 Buhrmester, M. D., 34 Bulatov, A., 145 Bulik, C. M., 302 Bull Kovera, M., 259 Buller, D., 74 Burgaleta, M., 120 Burgdorf, J., 173

Burger, A. M., 204 Burger, J. M., 409, 418 Burger, J., 416 Burgoon, J. K., 413 Burke, M. J., 518 Burke, Tarana, 420 Burkett, J. P., 100, 537 Burman, O. H., 252 Burnham, D., 377 Bush, George W., 422 Bushman, B. J., 314, 356 Buss, D. M., 68, 71–72, 310, 312, 314 Butcher, J. N., 482 Butler, M., 91 Button, T. M. M., 365 Byers-Heinlein, K., 377 Bylund, E., 376 Byrne, M., 508

C

Cabiya, J. J., 482 Cacioppo, J. T., 4, 104, 409, 412 Cafri, G., 302 Cahalan, S., 481 Cahill, L., 243, 244 Caldara, R., 333 Calder, A. J., 334 Caliandro, A., 34 Cameron, J., 220 Campbell, B. C., 389 Campbell, F. A., 82 Campbell, J., 302, 447 Canino, G., 500 Canivet, C., 348 Cannon, T. D., 508 Cannon, W., 344 Cantlon, J. F., 286 Cao, B., 521 Capaldi, D. M., 381 Cappuccio, F. P., 172–173 Cárcamo, R. A., 369 Carlson, R. W., 255 Carlson, S. M., 318 Carnahan, T., 417 Carneiro, P., 257 Carp, J., 104 Carpenter, G. S. J., 355 Carr, F., 252 Carstensen, L., 396 Carter, D., 429 Carter, T. J., 322 Cartwright, R., 176 Carver, C. S., 322, 347 Caspar, E. A., 416 Caspi, A., 390, 459, 477, 486, 494 Castel, A. D., 104 Castile, Philando, 437 Castro, Joaquin, 75 Castro, Julian, 75 Cattell, R. B., 277, 279 Cavalcante, L. E., 241 Cavalli, G., 66 Ceci, S. J., 483 Cena, H., 152 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 73–74, 299–300 Cerletti, U., 521 Cervenka, M. C., 118 Ceschi, A., 268 Chabris, C. F., 80 Chagall, Marc, 212 Chambless, D. L., 532–533 Chan, B. L., 156 Chan, D., 299 Chance, S. A., 116 Chang, P. P., 349 Chapleau, K. M., 314

Name Index Chaplin, T. M., 342 Charlesworth, T. E., 433 Chartrand, T. L., 333 Chaudhry, I. B., 519 Chebat, D.-R., 130 Chen, E., 346, 348 Chen, F. S., 154–155 Chen, J. M., 427 Chen, Z., 412 Cheney, D. L., 287 Cheng, C. H., 233 Cheon, B. K., 433 Cheon, B., 35 Cheung, B. Y., 427 Cheung, F. M., 462 Chew, D., 342 Chiao, J. Y., 118 Chiarello, C., 121 Chida, Y., 349 Chiu, Y. C., 268 Choi, I., 406 Chomsky, N., 375–376 Chrisler, A. J., 385 Christakis, D. A., 44 Christensen, A., 529 Chrousos, G. P., 66 Chu, H. T., 522 Chudal, R., 365 Chung, K. F., 175 Church, A. T., 463 Cialdini, R. B., 48, 420 Cioffi, F., 447 Cipolli, C., 171 Cipriani, A., 515 Claidière, N., 420 Clancy, S. A., 170, 182 Clark, E. V., 377 Clark, Kenneth, 18 Clark, L. A., 454 Clark, Mamie Phipps, 18 Clark, R., 345 Clark, Stephon, 437 Clark, V. P., 122 Clarke, P., 354 Claussnitzer, M., 77 Cleary, A. M., 237, 252 Cleckley, H., 495 Clément-Guillotin, C., 157 Clever Hans, 57–58, 289 Clifford, C. W., 139 Clinton, Hillary, 397 Coan, J. A., 355 Coats, E. J., 317 Coe, C. L., 365 Coelho, H. F., 527 Cohen Kadosh, R., 101–102 Cohen, D., 41, 464 Cohen, D. B., 459 Cohen, G. L., 419 Cohen, J., 157 Cohen, L. S., 345, 395 Cohen, N. J., 105 Cohen, S., 348, 350, 355–356 Cokley, K. O., 464 Colbertaldo, F., 339 Cole, M., 237, 522 Cole, P. M., 332 Coles, N. A., 333 Collaer, M., 311 Collingridge, G. L., 240 Collins, A. M., 237 Coltman, D. W., 67 Columbus, S., 412 Comas-Díaz, L., 537 Comuzzie, A. G., 298–299 Conley, Terri, 310 Conroy, D. E., 339 Constantinidis, C., 240

Constantino. J. N., 366 Conte, F. P., 395 Conversano, C., 353 Cook, J. M., 530 Coombs, R. H., 255 Coontz, S., 307–308 Cooper, M. T., 484, 506 Cooper, R. A., 229 Cordaro, D. T., 341 Coren, S., 134 Corkin, S., 108, 229, 241, 256 Correll, J., 187 Corrigan, P. W., 478 Corriveau, K. H., 421 Cortés-Iniestra, S., 168–169 Cortese, S., 187 Costa, A., 118 Cotton, Ronald, 258 Courage, M. L., 374 Cowan, A. S., 332 Cowan, N., 235, 236 Cowen, E. L., 397 Cox, Laverne, 385 Cox, M. J., 529 Coyne, J. C., 356 Craig, B. M., 334 Craik, F. I. M., 246–247 Cramer, P., 448 Crandall, C. S., 420 Cravens, H., 83 Crawford, M., 18 Credé, M., 318 Crews, F. T., 189, 447 Cristea, I. A., 338, 517 Critchfield, T. S., 209 Crits-Christoph, P., 531 Crombag, H. S., 499, 501 Crooks, Hulda, 465 Crosby, F., 320–321 Crowell, A. L., 494 Crowell, S. E., 520 Crozier, W. R., 330 Cruwys, T, 487 Cruz, V. T., 156 Csikszentmihalyi, M., 466–467 Cuddy, A. J., 429 Cuijpers, P., 338, 519 Cukor, J., 525 Cullen, K. A., 498 Culverhouse, R. C., 486 Cumberbatch, Benedict, 268, 278 Cumming, G., 51 Cummings, E. M., 529 Cummings, N. A., 477, 519 Cunningham, W. A., 107 Cupchik, G. C., 154 Curlik, D. M., 96 Curme, P., 311 Currie, J., 300 Curtiss, S., 36 Cuthbert, B. N., 479 Cypess, A. M., 299 Cyranowski, J. M., 484 Czech, H., 478 Czeipel, M., 95 Czopp, A. M., 428

D

D'Esposito, M., 234 D'Hondt, F., 157 Dadds, M. R., 206 Dagan, O., 369 Dahl, A., 379 Dahl, H.-S. J., 524 Dahling, J. J., 348 Dalgleish, T., 352, 412 Damasio, A. R., 111

Damasio, H., 111 Damon, W., 219 Danek, A. H., 269 Danese, A., 346 Darley, J. M., 416, 423 Darwin, C., 12, 67, 279, 331–332 Daskalakis, Z. J., 522 Dasse, M. N., 181 Daum, I., 241 Dautriche, I., 376 Dauvilliers, Y., 172 Davey Smith, G., 66 Davidson, Pete, 474 Davidson, R. J., 353 Davies, P. T., 529 Davis-Kean, P. E., 383 Davis, C. G., 354 Davis, J. L., 333 Davis, M., 204 Davis, T. E., 533 Davison, G. C., 536 Dazzan, P., 507 de Araujo, I. E., 299 De Dreu, C. K., 304 de Gelder, B., 330 de Guzman, M. R. T., 462 De Haan, E. H., 115 De Houwer, J., 435 de Jong, P. J., 330 De Jonge, P., 489 de Lange, F. P., 157 de Oliveira, S., 406 de Ridder, D. T., 382 De Risio, L., 101 de Rivera, J., 462 de Ruiter, J. P., 144 de Schotten, M. T., 119 de Vibe, M., 353 de Waal, F. B. M., 69, 273, 287, 289 Dean, K. K., 406 DeAngelo, Joseph, 78 Deary, I. J., 348 Deary, J., 277 Debove, S., 273 Decety, J., 496 Deci, E. L., 219, 322 Deese, J., 257–258 Deffenbacher, J. L., 533 DeGutis, J., 76 Delaney, G., 176 Delton, A. W., 68, 380 DeMayo, B. E., 384 Denison, S., 366 Des Roches, S., 67 Desbonnet, L., 507 Descartes, Rene, 264 DeScioli, P., 332 Desforges, C., 373 DeSteno, D., 73, 332 DeValois, K. K., 140 DeValois, R. L., 140 Devanand, D. P., 154 Devitt, A. L., 238 Devlin, B., 79 DeWall, C. N., 304 Dhar, A. K., 350 Diamond, A., 100, 248, 367 Diamond, Justine, 437 Diamond, L. M., 303–304, 312 DiCaprio, Leonardo, 164, 474 Dicicco, E. C., 18 Dick, A. S., 486 Dick, D. M., 492, 498 Dien, D. S., 464 Dienes, Z., 54, 183 Difede, J., 525 DiFranza, J. R., 498 DiGangi, J. A., 492

607

608 Name Index Dillon, Asia Kate, 385 Dimberg, U., 335 Dinella, L. M., 386 Dinges, D. F., 173 Dion, K. K., 307 Dion, K. L., 307 Dittert, N., 204 Dodwell, D., 521 Doebel, S., 382 Doering, S., 354 Doherty, M. J., 158 Doi, D., 97 Doliński, D., 416 Domhoff, G. W., 177, 179 Domino, G., 521 Donaldson, S. I., 466 Dong, L., 240 Donker, T., 525 Donlea, J. M., 174 Donnelly, C. R., 155 Donnelly, E. A., 434 Doom, J. R., 346 Dorph-Petersen, K. A., 507 Doss, M. K., 251 Dostoevsky, Fyodor, 351 Dotterer, H. L., 496 Doucet, G. E., 507 Dougherty, D. D., 486 Dougherty, L. R., 493 Douglas, K. M., 411 Dovidio, J. F., 427, 433, 435 Downing, P. E., 139 Doyle, G. A., 498 Dozois, D. J. A., 526 Draguns, J. G., 537 Drambarean, N., 157 Drayton, L. A., 496 Dreary, I. J., 80 Dresler, M., 122 Dror, O. E., 338 Drzewiecki, C. M., 390 Duckworth, A. L., 218, 283, 318 Duffy, J. F., 165 Dufner, M., 407 Dully, H., 520 Dumay, N., 240 Dumit, J., 104 Dunbar, R. I. M., 375 Duncan, L. E., 486 Dungan, J., 424 Dunkel, C. S., 394 Dunlop, B. W., 534 Dunlosky, J., 19, 281 Dunn, Danny, 516 Dunn, E. C., 486 Dunn, E. W., 322 Dunn, K., 364 Dunn, M., 376 Dunne, R. A., 521 Dunning, D., 38, 157, 281 Dunster, G. P., 173 Durán, M., 314 Duranceaux, N. C., 498 Durrant, J., 218 Duzel, E., 396 Dweck, C. S., 317–318, 387 Dyson, M. W., 454

E

Eagly, A. H., 18, 74, 310, 387 Easton, C. J., 533 Eastwick, P. W., 322 Ebbinghaus, H., 248 Ebersole, C. R., 183, 271 Ebert, D. D., 538 Eccles, J. S., 319, 387 Edmiston, P., 267 Edwards, C. P., 462

Ehrensaft, M. K., 487 Ehrsson, H. H., 146–147 Eich, E., 134 Eichmann, Adolf, 404–405, 405f, 425 Einstein, Albert, 398 Ekman, P., 330–332, 341 Elashoff, J. D., 275 Elenbaas, L., 380 Elfenbein, H. A., 333 Elis, O., 533 Elkind, D., 373 Elliot, A. J., 318 Ellis, A., 526 Ellsworth, P. C., 330, 338 Elmquist, J. K., 299 Else-Quest, N. M., 120, 342, 454 Elwood, L. S., 340 Ely, K., 318 Emberson, L. L., 267 Engle, R. W., 235, 281 Ensom, R., 218 Epel, E. S., 347 Epley, N., 289, 429 Epston, D., 466 Epton, T., 317 Erceg-Hurn, D. M., 51 Erickson, K. I., 396 Ericsson, K. S., 318 Erikson, E. H., 392–394 Eriksson, M., 346 Eriksson, N., 152 Ersche, K. D., 499 Ertl, M. M., 537 Eskreis-Winkler, L., 318 Estigarribia, B., 377 Evans, G. W., 348, 366 Evans, S. H., 354 Evelo, A. J., 259 Ewart, C. K., 348–349 Exelmans, L., 175 Eyal, T., 429

F

Fagot, B. I., 386 Fagundes, C. P., 346 Fairchild, G., 495 Falck, R. S., 122, 396 Falk, A., 381 Fallon, J. H., 190 Fang, X., 341, 357 Fantz, R. L., 366 Farah, M. J., 122 Farley, F., 391 Farrell, S., 251 Fausto-Sterling, A., 72 Fava, G. A., 516 Fay, N., 376 Fazio, J. K., 5 Fedewa, A. L., 311 Feeley, T., 409 Feeney, B. C., 367 Fehr, B., 342 Fehr, R., 353 Feigenbaum, K. D., 297 Feil, C., 66, 153 Feinberg, A. P., 66 Feinberg, M., 330 Feinstein, J. S., 334 Feldman, J., 236 Fellner, J., 434 Feng, C., 273 Feng, J., 120, 121 Fennell, C., 377 Ferguson, C. J., 224 Ferguson, M. J., 435 Ferrari, P. F., 335 Ferri, S., 335 Ferrigno, S., 286

Festinger, L., 305, 423 Fidler, F., 51 Field, C. A., 190 Field, T., 367–368 Fields, C., 269 Filippi, C. A., 454 Fincham, F. D., 347, 353 Fine, C., 119, 121, 367 Finkel, E. J., 305 Finlay, K. A., 355 Finney, E. M., 118 Fins, J. J., 520 Finzi-Dottan, R., 317 Fischer, A., 332 Fischer, A. H., 330, 343 Fischer, D., 167 Fischer, P., 423 Fischhoff, B., 274 Fisher, C., 376 Fiske, S. T., 430, 434 Fitzgerald, D. A., 252 Fitzgerald, R. J., 258 Fivush, R., 253 Flavell, J. H., 374 Fleeson, W., 458 Fleischman, P. R., 480 Fleming, G. W., 521 Flier, J. S., 299 Floyd, George, 329, 431 Flynn-Evans, E. E., 166 Flynn, J. R., 82 Fode, K., 48 Foer, Joshua, 245 Fogassi, L., 335 Folkman, S., 354 Fonagy, P., 494 Fontaine, J. J. R., 335 Forbes, G., 462 Forgas, J. P., 429 Forlano, G., 209 Fors, P. Q., 378 Forsberg, J. T., 206 Forscher, P. S., 434 Foster, A. B., 312 Foulkes, D., 170, 177 Fouts, R. S., 288–289 Fox, K. C., 285, 454 Fox, K. R., 494 Fox, M. K., 300 Fraga, M. F., 63, 66 Fraley, R. C., 306 Frances, A., 479 Frankl, Viktor, 528 Frans, E. M., 365 Frantz, S., 3 Fraser, D., 365 Frasure-Smith, N., 349–350 Frayling, T. M., 299 Frazier, P., 348 Fréchette, S., 217 Freeman, E. W., 395 Freeman, Martin, 268 Freeman, T. P., 188 French, K. A., 320 French, K. A., 268 Freud, S., 12–13, 176, 443–448, 443f, 524 Frick, P. J., 496 Fridlund, A. J., 203, 332 Friedler, B., 412 Friedman, H. S., 347, 349–350, 355 Friedman, H., 348 Friedrich, W. N., 448 Friesen, F. W., 330 Frijda, N. H., 335 Frome, P. M., 387 Fromer, M., 508 Fu, X., 454 Fu, Y., 172

Name Index Fuchs, T., 173 Fullana, M. A., 201–202 Fulmer, C. A., 464 Furukawa, T. A., 518

G

Gable, P. A., 335 Gable, S. L., 306, 317, 466 Gabora, L., 265 Gabriel, A. K., 427 Gabriel, A. S., 342 Gabrieli, J. D., 299 Gaddy, M. A., 252 Gadot, R., 520 Gaertner, S. L., 427, 433, 435 Gage, Phineas, 111 Gaither, S. E., 420, 427, 435 Gal, D., 410 Galak, J., 53 Galanter, E., 131 Galatzer-Levy, I. R., 347, 477, 491 Galbiati, A., 172 Galinsky, A. M., 306 Gall, F. J., 105f Gallese, V., 335 Galliher, R. V., 433 Gallo, L. C., 345 Galotti, K. M., 268 Galton, Francis, 278–279 Galupo, M. P., 312 Gan, Y., 350 Gao, Y., 496 Garbarino, J., 460 Garcia-Sierra, A., 103 García, C. R., 244 Garcia, J., 205 Gardner, B. T., 288 Gardner, H., 277, 282–283 Gardner, R. A., 288 Garrett, M. K., 374 Garry, M., 256–257 Gates, N. J., 91 Gatz, M., 396 Gautam, P., 365 Gauthier, I., 139 Gawronski, B., 198, 433, 435 Gazzaniga, M. S., 115, 289 Gazzola, V., 335 Gbyl, K., 522 Geers, A. L., 347 Gelbard-Sagiv, H., 241 Geldart, S., 320 Genschow, O., 406 Gentile, B., 391 Gentner, D., 266 Gentzkow, M., 5 Georgakis, M. K., 395 George, M. S., 522 German, T. C., 4, 490 Gershoff, E. T., 217–218 Gerstel, N., 321 Gewitz-Meydan, A., 317 Gharaei, F. M. N., 413 Gharehgozli, O., 431 Giachero, M., 107 Giangrande, E. J., 279 Gibb, R., 117 Gibbons, R. D., 538 Gibbs, R. B., 100 Gibson, C. E., 280 Gibson, E., 17–18, 366–368 Gifford, R., 270 Gigerenzer, G., 52 Gilbert, D. T., 322, 406 Gilbert, J. A., 173 Gilbert, S. J., 119 Gilbertson, M. W., 491

Gilchrist, A. N., 235 Gilestro, G. F., 174 Gillath, O., 306, 369 Gillen, M. M., 315 Gilligan, C., 380 Gilovich, T., 322 Giner-Sorolla, R., 332 Ginges, J., 410 Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, 398 Girardeau, G., 240 Glaser, R., 345 Gleaves, D. H., 502 Glenn, A. L., 495 Glick, P., 430 Glue, P., 516 Godbout, J. P., 345 Godfrey, H. K., 116 Goel, S., 187 Goff, D. C., 515 Gold, D. B., 351 Gold, K. C., 288 Goldenberg, A., 330 Golder, S., 34 Goldey, K. L., 309 Goldin-Meadow, S., 376 Goldstein, M., 533 Goldstein, N. J., 421 Goldston, D. B., 480 Goldstone, R. L., 420 Goleman, D., 282 Golenia, L., 374 Golinkoff, R. M., 378 Golkar, A., 222 Golle, J., 458 Gómez, 39 Gonsalves, B. D., 105 Gonzaga, G. C., 304 Good, C., 280 Good, T. L., 275 Goode, E., 504 Goodwyn, S., 377 Gopalakrishan, M., 517 Goplen, J., 430 Gopnik, A., 222, 253, 372 Gordis, E. B., 397 Gordon, A. H., 342 Goriely, A., 365 Gorka, A. X., 488 Gorzalka, B. B., 314 Gosnell, C. L., 317 Gosselin, J. T., 318 Gotink, R. A., 353 Gotlib, I. H., 252, 487 Gottesman, I., 507 Gottfredson, L. S., 277 Gougoux, F., 118 Gouin, J.-P., 349 Gould, S. J., 74, 279–280 Grabe, S., 302 Graeber, M. B., 94 Graf, P., 231 Graff, K., 315 Graham, J., 34 Graham, K. E., 288 Gralewski, J., 284 Grandin, Temple, 535 Granger, A. M., 32 Grant, F., 426 Grant, H., 317–318 Grant, I., 188, 348 Gravel, E. E., 312 Graybiel, A. M., 493 Grech, V., 311 Green, J. P., 181–182 Greenberger, E., 219 Greenough, W. T., 117, 240 Greenwald, A. G., 434–435 Gregory, R. L., 145

Greitemeyer, T., 423 Grewal, D., 282 Grèzes, J., 335 Griffin, D. R., 286 Griffin, M. J., 348 Griffin, S. C., 156 Griffith, T. N., 155 Griffiths, S., 334 Griggs, R. A., 416 Grimshaw, G. M., 116 Griskevicius, V., 74 Grob, C. S., 188 Grob, G. N., 478 Grogan-Kaylor, A., 218 Gross, J. J., 283, 318, 335, 338, 342, 354, 396 Grossman, M., 342, 534 Grover, S., 102 Groves, R. M., 73 Gruber, J., 18 Grucza, R. A., 500 Gründer, G., 515 Guilford, J. P., 277 Gunn, C., 189 Gunn, H. E., 175 Guo, J., 466–467 Gur, R. E., 507 Gustafsson, P. E., 346 Gustavson, C. R., 205 Gustavson, J. C., 205 Gutchess, A., 396 Güth, W., 273 Guthrie, P. C., 482 Gutsmiedl, K., 518 Guzman-Marin, R., 172

H

Haaker, J., 222 Haas, B. W., 462 Hacking, I., 503 Hadad, B. S., 132 Hafer, C. L., 407 Hagen, K. B., 275 Hager, J. C., 332 Hager, J. L., 205 Hahn, A., 94, 374, 408 Hahn, R., 218 Haidt, J., 466 Haier, R. J., 121, 277 Haimov, I., 166 Halbriech, U., 168 Hale, J., 130 Hale, J. L., 306 Halim, M. L., 386 Hall, C., 176 Hall, D. W., 309 Hall, E. T., 341, 462 Hall, J. A., 330 Hall, M. P., 408 Hall, M. R., 341 Hall, P. A., 302 Hall, V. C., 219 Haller, E., 358 Hallion, L. S., 487 Halpern, D. F., 5, 525 Hamamura, T., 462 Hamann, S., 120 Hamby, S. L., 313 Hamer, M., 345, 349, 353 Hamilton, J. L., 487 Hamlin, J. K., 380 Hammen, C., 487 Han, Y., 516 Hancock, P. A., 348 Hanczakowski, M., 251 Haney, C., 417 Hanks, Tom, 412

609

610 Name Index Hannay, J. W., 408 Hanson, J. L., 488 Harding, C. M., 504 Hardy, J., 65 Hare, R. D., 496 Haritos-Fatouros, M., 418 Harkness, S., 367 Harlow, H. F., 69, 367 Harlow, M., 367 Harmon-Jones, E., 335 Harrington, D. M., 298 Harris, C., 73 Harris, J. R., 391, 458–460 Harris, Kamala, 397 Harris, T. M., 430 Harrow, M., 504 Harsch, N., 243 Hart, A. J., 434 Hart, J., 237 Hartley, S., 166 Haruno, M., 273 Harvey, A. T., 519 Hasan, A., 515 Hasher, L., 167 Hasin, D. S., 188, 484 Haslam, N., 431 Haslam, S. A., 416, 417, 418 Hasnain, S. S., 299 Hassett, J. M., 386 Hatfield, E., 72, 307 Häusler, C. O., 139 Havnen, A., 204 Hay, D. F., 494 Hayashi, H., 341 Hayes, S. C., 529, 533, 537 Hayne, H., 252, 253 Haynes, B. P., 280 Hazan, C., 306 Healy, C., 219 Healy, D., 365, 518, 520 Heard, E., 66 Heath, A. C., 498 Heath, C., 336 Heckhausen, H., 406 Hedden, T., 119 Hedgecock, W. M., 339 Hegarty, M., 267 Heijmans, B. T., 66 Heil, P., 131 Heilig, M., 498 Heilmann, A., 217 Heine, S. J., 413, 462 Heinrichs, R. W., 507 Heiphetz, O., S., 374 Held, S. D. E., 69 Helzer, J. E., 479 Henderson, R. R., 336 Henggeler, S. W., 534 Hennenlotter, 333 Henrich, J., 35, 273 Hepp, J., 494 Hepper, E. G., 340 Herdt, G., 312 Hermann, P., 299 Hermens, D. F., 189 Hernandez, A. E., 118 Heron, W., 134 Herpertz, S. C., 496 Hertzog, C., 396 Herz, R. S., 154 Hess, U., 335 Hewlett, S. A., 321 Heyes, C., 281 Heyman, G. M., 500 Hieronymus, F., 515 Higgins, E. T., 419 Higgs, S., 301 Hilbert, A., 302

Hildebrand, L. K., 430 Hilgard, E., 181–182 Hilgard, J., 224 Hill-Soderlund, A. L., 454 Hill, P. L., 395 Hill, W. D., 80 Hines, M., 311, 387 Hinney, A., 302 Hinojosa, C. A., 334, 492 Hinzen, W., 376 Hippocrates, 10 Hirsh-Pasek, K., 378 Hirsh, J. B., 424 Hirshbein, L., 521 Hirst, W., 243 Hitch, G. J., 238 Hitler, Adolf, 398 Hittner, E., 395 Hlay, J. K., 330 Hobson, J. A., 177–179 Hochschild, A. R., 342 Hodges, J., 83 Hoehl, S., 201, 490 Hoekstra, H. E., 67 Hofer, A., 515 Hofer, M. K., 154–155 Hogg, M. A., 426 Holden, G. W., 218, 459 Hollander, M. M., 416 Hollon, S. D., 515, 518–519, 533 Holman, E. A., 329 Holt-Lunstad, J., 355, 357 Homberg, J. R., 188 Hong, Y., 35 Honzik, C. H., 220–221 Hood, B., 4 Hoogsteder, L. M., 533 Hopcroft, R. L., 484 Hopkins, Anthony, 230 Hopper, K., 504 Hörder, H., 353 Horn, E. E., 75 Horn, J. L., 277 Horney, K., 298, 446 Hornsey, M. J., 5, 425 Hornung, R. W., 82 Horton, R. S., 74, 305 Horwitz, A. V., 478 Hou, H., 172 Houben, K., 499 Hough, C. M., 493 Houston, D. M., 377 Houts, A. C., 478 Howard, G. S., 486, 530 Howe, M. L., 253, 374 Hrdy, S. B., 72, 367 Hu, B. Y., 378 Hu, H., 244 Hu, W., 174, 498 Huang, C. M., 19, 396 Hubel, D., 139 Huey, S. J., 537 Huffcutt, A. I., 173 Hugdahl, K., 116 Huggins, M. K., 418 Hundschell, A., 285 Hunsley, J., 482–483 Hunt, M. G., 357, 504 Huntjens, R. J. C., 502 Hupka, R. B., 340 Hurlstone, M. J., 238 Hutcherson, C. A., 30 Hutton, S., 183 Huxley, Thomas, 57 Hwang, H., 331, 341 Hyde, J. S., 384, 389, 484 Hyde, L. W., 496 Hyman, I. E., 135, 232

I

Ianì, F., 257 Ibañez, L. M., 393 Imada, T., 158, 338 Impett, E. A., 313, 315 Inagaki, T. K., 100 Ingram, R. E., 252 Innocenti, G. M., 117 Iovino, L., 94 Irish, L. A., 175 Irons, G., 203 Ironside, M., 102 Ito, T. A., 429 Izard, C. E., 332, 366 Izuma, K., 434

J

Jack, F., 252 Jack, R. E., 333 Jacob, M. L., 525 Jacobsen, P. B., 206 Jacobson, L., 274–275 Jacobson, N. S., 529 Jadwiszczok, A., 4 Jakubiak, B. K., 367 James, W. H., 311 James, W., 12, 185, 365 Jamet, E., 267 Jamison, K., 485 Janak, P. H., 107 Janis, Irving, 422 Jankowiak, W. R., 314 Jansen, A., 298 Jantarada, C., 501 Jardri, R., 507 Jenner, Caitlyn, 385 Jensen, A., 80–81 Jeon, L., 82 Jephcote, C., 219 Jersakova, R., 252 Jetten, J., 425 Jia, Y., 350 Jin, S. A., 506 Jin, W., 68 Jobe, T. H., 504 Jobs, Steve, 319 Joel, S., 305–306 Johanek, L. M., 155 Johns, M., 280 Johnson, M. K., 240, 256–257 Johnson, V., 309–310 Jones, A. P., 497 Jones, E. E., 406 Jones, H. E., 203 Jones, J., 74 Jones, Jim, 411 Jones, K. A., 276 Jones, K. P., 320 Jones, M. L., 433 Jones, M. C., 202–204 Jones, S. E., 167 Joormann, J., 252, 487 Jordan-Young, R. M., 121 Jordan, A. H., 357 Jost, J. T., 430 Joustie, M., 177 Jung, C., 446–447 Jung, H. H., 520 Jung, R. E., 277 Jusczyk, P. W., 377

K

Kabat-Zinn, J., 537 Kagan, J., 367, 454 Kagan, J., 269

Name Index Kahneman, D., 269–272, 270f Kalin, N. H., 456 Kalisch, R., 347 Kallio, E. M., 91 Kamarova, S., 318 Kamen, C., 205–206 Kammers, M. P., 157 Kanaan, R., 153 Kandel, E. R., 239–240 Kane, M. J., 235, 281 Kang, N., 102 Kaposi, D., 416 Kappes, A., 274 Kar, S. K., 521 Karasek, R., 348 Kardashian, Kim, 442f Karlsgodt, K. H., 507 Karney, B., 407 Karney, B. R., 255 Karni, A., 174 Karpicke, J. D., 19, 247–248 Karwowski, M., 284 Kaschak, M. P., 231 Kassin, S. M., 274, 337 Kasten, T. S., 522 Kato, T., 73 Katsanis, E., 353 Katschnig, H., 480 Kawakami, N., 408–409 Kawashima, R., 91 Kazda, L., 477 Kazdin, A. E., 23, 215 Kaźmierowska, A. M., 222 Keizer, K., 412 Keller, Helen, 319 Keller, M. C., 486 Kellner, C. H., 520–522 Kelly, K., 515 Kelly, Mark, 84–85 Kelly, Scott, 84–85 Keltner, D., 332 Kemp, D. E., 517 Kendall, K. L., 312 Kendler, K. S., 486 Kennair, L. E. O., 312 Kenny, D. A., 342 Kenrick, D. T., 73–74 Kern, M. L., 348 Kessler, R. C., 484 Keysar, B., 462 Keysers, C., 335 Khaire, M., 284 Khan, A., 518 Khan, N., 219 Khazanov, G. K., 486 Khodaverdi-Khani, M., 181 Khoury, B., 353, 527 Khoury, J. E., 369 Kibbe, M. M., 374 Kida, T., 276 Kiecolt-Glaser, J. K., 349 Kiekens, W. J., 314 Killen, M., 379 Kim, H., 407 Kim, H. S., 118, 356 Kim, J. H., 252 Kimmes, J. G., 407 King, A. E., 305 King, M., 314 King, S., 508 Kinsey, A. C., 40 Kinsey, A., 308–310 Kirk, S. A., 478 Kirmayer, L. J., 480 Kirsch, I., 182, 206, 518 Kissileff, H. R., 299 Kitayama, S., 41, 349, 406, 461 Kizilirmak, J. M., 269

Klauer, S. G., 267 Klein, R., 165 Klein, R. A., 272 Klein, V., 310, 315 Klein, W. M. P., 355, 406 Kleinke, C. L., 333 Kleinman, A., 480 Kluft, R., 502 Knaack, A., 383 Knaapila, A., 152 Knapp, M. L., 330 Knight, A., 57 Knobloch-Westerwick, S., 274 Kochanska, G., 380–383 Kocher, M. G., 273 Koelling, R., 205 Koene, R. J., 345 Koenen, K. C., 492 Koenig, A. M., 406 Koh, J. B. K., 253 Kohlberg, L., 379–380 Köhler, W., 12, 141, 285–286 Kok, B. E., 330 Kolar, D. R., 302 Kolb, B., 117 Kolla, B., 166 Koller, K., 82 Kollmayer, M., 387 Kolodner, K. B., 349 Komarraju, M., 464 Kong, A., 365 Konrath, S. H., 306 Koomen, R., 382 Kopala-Sibley, D. C., 486 Kopelman, P. G., 298 Kopiske, K. K., 146 Kornell, M., 287 Kornienko, O., 412 Kornum, B. R., 172 Koss, M., 314 Koss, M. P., 313 Kosslyn, S. M., 241, 267 Kossowska, M., 267 Kouli, G. M., 345 Kowalski, P., 3 Kraepelin, E., 504 Kraft, T. L., 333 Krantz, D. S., 349 Krasinski, John, 329, 329f Krassner, A. M., 461 Kraus, M. W., 342 Krause, M. W., 411 Krebs, D. L., 380 Kredlow, M. A., 175 Kreitz, C., 135 Krems, J. A., 310 Kret, M. E., 304 Kretch, K. S., 367 Krimsky, S., 517 Kring, A., 342 Kroonenberg, P. M., 369 Kross, E., 352, 357 Krueger, A. B., 410 Krueger, R. F., 459 Krupenye, C., 272 Krützen, M., 286 Krys, K., 16, 406 Krystal, J. H., 516 Kteily, N. S., 434 Kubota, J. T., 429 Kucharska-Newton, A. M., 349 Kuhbandner, C., 231 Kuhl, B. A., 248 Kuhl, P. K., 377 Kulesza, W., 407 Kulik, J., 242 Kumar, P., 487 Kumfor, F., 334

Kuncel, N. R., 277 Kurdi, B., 408 Kurihara, K., 152 Kushlev, K., 419 Kuster, F., 487 Kutchins, H., 478 Kwon, D., 390

L

Laan, E., 309 Lacasse, R. J., 486 Lacey, S., 157 Lack, C. W., 17 Lady Gaga, 474 LaFrance, M., 341 Lambert, A. J., 351 Lanaj, K., 318 Landrine, H., 478 Landry, M., 183 Lang, A. J., 252 Langlois, P., 181 Lao Tzu, 319 Larsen, R. J., 333 Laska, K. M., 531 Latane, B., 423 Latham, G. P., 317 Latremolier, A., 156 Lau, H., 174, 238 Laurence, J. R., 181 Lavezzi, G. D., 122 Lavie, P., 166 Law, C., 204 Lazarus, R. S., 354 Lazell, E. W., 504 Lazer, D. M., 5 Le Texier, T., 417 Lean, R. E., 79 Leavitt, C. E., 309 LeBerge, S., 176 Ledgerwood, A., 18 LeDoux, J. E., 201–202, 238, 331, 334 Lee, I. S., 333 Lee, J., 157 Lee, J. H., 122 Lee, P. H., 485, 486 Lee, S. J., 100 Lee, S. W. S., 464 Lee, T. C., 406, 422 Lee, Y. J., 318 Lee, Y.-T., 428 Legrenzi, P., 104 Leinbach, M. D., 386–387 Lejoyeux, M., 516 LeMaire, K., 481 Lemieux, R., 306 Lent, R., 95 Leo, J., 486 Leo, R. A., 259, 336 Leonard, K. M., 462 Lepore, S. J., 352, 354 Leppänen, J., 302, 332 Lepper, M. R., 219 Leslie, A. M., 374 Lespérance, F., 350 Lester, B. M., 365 Leucht, S., 515 Levenson, R. W., 333, 335 Levey, D. F., 485 Levey, G., 456 Levine, J., 309 Levine, J. A., 298 LeVine, R. A., 369 Levitt, P., 365 Levy, D. A., 5 Levy, J., 113 Levy, R. I., 340

611

612 Name Index Lewin, R., 288 Lewis, C. M., 155 Lewis, D. A., 507 Lewis, M. D., 499 Lewis, N. A., 395 Lewontin, R. C., 81, 84 Lewy, A. J., 167 Li, W., 424f Li, G., 311 Li, M., 454 Li, Y. J., 406 Liberman, M. C., 149 Libowitz, M. R., 515 Lien, M.-C., 267 Liepert, J., 117 Lightman, S., 345 Lilienfeld, S. O., 23, 30, 502–503, 531 Lilienthal, L., 246 Lim, J., 173 Lin, J. Y., 205 Lin, Y. Y., 233 Linden, E., 288 Lindner, P., 525 Lindsay, D. S., 259 Linehan, M., 494 Linton, M., 249–250 Linton, S., 354 Linville, P. W., 272 Lipko, A. R., 281 Lipsey, M. W., 218 Lipton, J. E., 72 Lisanby, S. H., 101 Lisman, J., 240 Lissner, L., 298 Little Albert, 202–203, 210, 222 Litwin, P., 157 Liu, A. G., 299 Liu, K., 149 Liu, Y., 219 Lloyd-Richardson, E. E., 300 Lobar, S. L., 477 Lobel, M., 355 Locke, E. A., 317 Locke, John, 10 Lockhart, R., 246–247 Loeffler, C. E., 217 Loehlin, J. C., 76 Loftus, E., 237, 244, 251, 258 Loftus, G. R., 51 Logue, M. W., 491 Long, M., 64 Lonner, W. J., 413, 463 Lonsdorf, T. B., 488 Loos, R. J., 299 Lootah, Wedad, 429 Lopez, S. H., 393 Lorber, M. F., 496 Lorenz, Konrad, 367 Loschelder, D. D., 420 Lotze, M., 120 Loughnan, S., 431 Lovato, Demi, 474 Lövdén, M., 395–396 Lövestad, S., 487 Löw, A., 336 Lowe, C. J., 173 Lu, C. Y., 538 Lu, L., 464 Lu, M., 172 Lubach, G. R., 365 Luber, B., 101 Lucio, E., 482 Luczak, S. E., 498 Luders, E., 120 Luo, C., 538 Luo, Y., 374 Lupyan, G., 267

Luria, A., 111 Luszczynska, A., 318 Lutz, C., 340 Lykken, D. T., 336, 496 Lynn, S. J., 180–182, 254, 502–503, 531 Lyon, Phyllis, 311 Lyons, D. A., 94 Lyons, L. C., 174 Lytton, H., 386

M

Ma, N., 173 Ma, Y., 518 Maass, A., 434 Mabbe, E., 459 Maccoby, E. E., 386 Macht, V., 96 Mack, A., 135 Mack, M. L., 240 Macklin, M. L., 492 MacLeod, C., 487 Macmillan, M., 111 Macpherson, H., 244 Macrae, C. N., 428 Macy, M. W., 34 Maddux, J. E., 318 Madigan, S., 316, 365, 378 Madoff, Bernie, 495f Madsen, H. M., 252 Madsen, K. M., 44 Madsen, M. V., 206 Magoon, M. A., 209 Maguire, E. A., 245 Maguire, G. S., 205 Mahoney, C. E., 172 Majid, A., 153 Makridakis, S., 407 Malhi, G. S., 517 Malik, V. S., 301 Mallan, K. M., 201 Malone, P. S., 406 Maltagliati, S., 301 Malti, T., 380 Mancuso, L. E., 122 Manczak, E., 466–467 Mandela, Nelson, 319 Mandrusiak, M., 484 Manson, Charles, 493f Mantantzis, K., 244 Manto, M., 106 ManyBabies Consortium, 377 Marcus-Newhall, A., 448 Marcus, D. K., 68, 531 Marcus, G., 376 Marecek, J., 18 Margolin, G., 397 Mariën, P., 106 Marin, M. F., 479 Mariotti, P., 172 Markus, H. R., 461 Marlatt, G. A., 190, 533 Marsh, A. A., 333 Marsh, J. E., 267 Marston, William, 336 Martensson, B., 167 Martin, A., 287 Martin, C. L., 386–387 Martin, Del, 311 Martin, G., 215, 525 Martin, L. A., 484 Martin, L. R., 347, 349–350, 355 Martin, Leslie, 348 Martiny, S. E., 319 Maruta, T., 347 Marván, M. L., 168–169 Maslow, A., 297, 464–466

Maslow, C. B., 491 Masson, M. E. J., 231 Masten, A. S., 397 Master, S. L., 356 Masters, W., 309–310 Mather, J. A., 69 Mather, M., 244 Mathews, A., 487 Mathur, M. B., 347 Mathy, F., 236 Matlin, M., 315 Matošková, J., 282 Matsumoto, D., 331, 332, 341 Matthews, G., 283 Matthews, K. A., 345 Matysiak, A., 131 Matzel, L. D., 84 May, R., 464–465 Mayer, J., 418, 422 Mayo, R., 5 Mazzoni, G. A., 257, 536 McAdams, D. B., 394, 466–467, 530 McCabe, D. P., 104 McCarthy, M. A., 3 McCarty, S., 218 McClearn, G. E., 79 McClelland, J. L., 233 McCutcheon, R. A., 390 McDaniel, M. A., 19 McDermott, K. B., 19, 257–258 McDonald, R. I., 420 McDougle, S. D., 268 McEwen, B. S., 100, 344, 346 McFadden, D., 311 McFarland, S., 417 McFarlane, J., 168 McGaugh, J. L., 99, 244 McGinty, E. E., 329 McGregor, H. A., 318 McGue, M., 79 McHugh, P. R., 254, 502, 536 McHugo, M., 507 McKemy, D. D., 155 McLean, K. C., 530 McLean, S. A., 302 McLoughlin, D. M., 521 McMullin, D., 314 McNally, R. J., 25, 170, 253–254, 479, 502 McNeill, D., 237 McNulty, J. K., 314, 347, 353 McRae, K., 338 McShane, B. B., 7 McVittie, C., 423 Meaney, M. J., 66, 84 Mebarak, M., 302 Medawar, P., 30 Medeiros-Ward, N., 267 Mednick, S. A., 216 Mednick, S. C., 174, 284 Medvec, V. H., 339 Meeus, W. H. J., 416 Meeussen, L., 319 Mehl, M. R., 48, 120 Mehr, S. A., 378 Mehra, R., 188 Meijer, E. H., 336 Meister, R., 518 Mekawi, Y., 478 Melani, I., 35 Melnikoff, D. E., 433 Meltzoff, A. N., 222 Melzack, R., 155–156 Mendell, L. M., 156 Mendl, M. T., 252 Mendoza-Denton, R., 435

Name Index Mennella, J. A., 153 Menninger, K. A., 504 Mentig, B., 460 Mermelstein, S., 4 Merskey, 503 Mesout, J., 244 Messerli, F. H., 34 Meston, C. M., 312 Mesulam, 90 Metastasio, A., 521 Metcalfe, J., 281 Metzl, J. M., 17 Metzler, J., 267 Meunier, H., 287 Meyer, A., 383, 504 Mezulis, A. H., 484 Mgode, G. F., 153 Michael, R. B., 206 Michel, M., 174 Mihura, J. L., 483 Miklowitz, D., 533 Mikulincer, M., 397 Milan, S., 306 Milani, L., 121 Miles, A., 358 Milgram, S., 412, 414–418, 421, 425 Mill, J., 66 Miller, B. L., 335 Miller, G. A., 29, 234–236 Miller, G. E., 53, 346, 356 Miller, I. J., 151 Miller, P. C., 459 Milner, B., 241 Miloff, A., 533 Mineka, S., 201, 222 Minkel, J., 172 Minuchin, S., 529 Mirosevich, V. M., 51 Mischel, W., 221, 318, 380–381, 458 Mistry, J., 237 Mitani, J., 287 Mitchell, D. B., 231, 232 Mitchell, J. M., 187 Mitchell, K. J., 130, 240, 256–257 Mitte, K., 488 Mitterer, H., 144 Mitura, K., 310 Miyamoto, Y., 158 Miyatsu, T., 19, 248 Mizrahi, M., 306 Mnookin, S., 44 Mobley, B. D., 482 Modigliani, A., 418 Moffa, A. H., 102, 522 Moffitt, T. E., 318, 390, 494 Moghaddam, F. M., 410 Mohr, C. D., 501 Moissl, A. P., 187 Molaison, Henry, 108, 229–230, 234–235, 241, 251, 256 Moleskis, A., 407 Moll, H., 374 Moncrieff, J., 518 Moniz, A. E., 520 Monroe, S. M., 485, 487 Montag, C., 34 Monteiro, C. A., 300 Monteith, M. J., 430 Montemurro, B., 315 Montoya, R. M., 74, 305, 408–409 Moore, G. A., 332 Moore, M. N., 487 Moors, A., 338 Morales, M., 499 Morandini, J. S., 312 Morawetz, C., 334 Moreno-Jiménez, E. P., 96

Moreno-Ortega, M., 521 Morewedge, C. K., 179 Morgan, C. A., 244 Morgan, N., 353 Morgenroth, T., 384 Morina, N., 426 Moroszova, T. V., 498 Mortola, E., 64 Morton, N. W., 237 Moscovitch, M., 139, 242 Mosher, W. D., 74 Moskowitz, G. B., 429 Moskowitz, J. T., 354 Moty, K., 378–379 Motyka, P., 157 Moyer, A., 173 Mozell, M. M., 153 Mpofu, E., 533 Mroczek, D. K., 394–395 Muehlenhard, C. L., 314 Mueller, D., 202 Mueller, J. F., 5 Muise, A., 313, 317 Mukamal, K. J., 187 Müller, C. P., 188 Müller, F., 365 Müller, J., 129 Müller, M. J., 298 Muller, R., 30 Müller, U., 122 Munakata, Y., 382 Munsch, S., 298 Münzel, T., 345 Murray, C., 80 Murrough, J. W., 516 Muttoni, S., 188 Myers, Ronald E., 113 Myrick, J. G., 353 Myrtek, M., 349

N

Na, J., 406 Nadon, R., 181 Nagin, D. S., 217 Nakamoto, T., 153 Nash, John, 474, 506 Nash, M. R., 181 National Center for Health Statistics, 484 National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, 172 National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), 479 National Institute on Drug Abuse, 497 National Science Foundation, 319 National Sleep Foundation, 172 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, 506 National Youth Risk Behavior Survey, 391 Nave, G., 276 Neal, D. T., 333 Neher, A., 447 Neisser, U., 243 Neitzel, R. L., 149 Nelson, C. A., 82, 302, 397 Nelson, E. E., 304 Nelson, K., 253 Neria, Y., 491 Nesse, R. M., 330 Nestler, E. J., 66 Neufer, P. D., 396 Nevins, A., 376 Nevler, N., 101 New, J. J., 490 Newcombe, N. S., 253 Newland, M. C., 365 Newman, M., 456 Nichols, M. P., 529 Nicholson, I., 416

Nickerson, R. S., 274 Niedenthal, P. M., 333, 340 Niederkrotenthaler, T., 484, 506 Nielsen, J. A., 116 Nielsen, T., 170, 176 Nieuwdorp, W., 522 Nikolin, S., 122 Nisbett, R. E., 75, 79, 81, 406 Nitsche, M. A., 522 Nivet, E., 97 Noah, T., 333 Noble, L. J., 204 Nock, M. K., 494 Norman, D. A., 142 Norman, J. B., 427 Norman, K., 369 Norman, L. J., 150 Norrmand, G., 376 Norton, A. R., 527 Norton, M. I., 179, 322 Nosek, B. A., 434 Nudelman, G., 407 Nuninga, J. O., 522 Nurmi, E. L., 515 Nyberg, L., 241

O

O'Connor, D. B., 346, 434 O'Doherty, D. C. M., 491 O'Donnell, K. J., 66 O'Donohue, W. T., 477 O'Halloran, L., 498 O'Hanlon, B., 466 O'Keeffe, Georgia, 319 O'Rahilly, R., 365 O'Shea, E. K., 66 Oaten, M., 340 Oatley, H., 365 Obama, Barack, 4, 431 Obama, Michelle, 398 Oberauer, K., 250 Odenweller, K. G., 430 Odic, D., 366 Offit, P. A., 44 Ofshe, R. J., 411 Ogden, J. A., 229, 256 Oggioni, C., 152 Oh, D., 462 Oh, S., 481 Öhman, A., 201 Olatunji, B. O., 340 Olaysoy, O. I., 405 Oldham-Cooper, R. E., 301 Oliveira, P. S., 369 Oliver, M. C., 257 Ollendick, T. H., 532–533 Olson, E. A., 258 Olson, M. A., 433 Olsson, A., 222 Olsson, M., 319 Olujic, M. B., 314 Ong, A. D., 350 Ongley, S. F., 380 Open Science Collaboration, 32 Opitz, P. C., 396 Orben, A., 378 Oriña, M. M., 306 Ortigue, S., 303 Ortman, J. M., 395 Ortony, A., 332 Osaka, Naomi, 474 Ostrovsky, Y., 367 Oswald, D. L., 314, 430 Oswald, F. L., 435 Otgaar, H., 254 Otto, K., 407

613

614 Name Index Otto, M., 353 Ouellet, V., 299 Ougrin, D., 533 Overall, N. C., 306 Overeem, S., 172 Overstreet, M. F., 238 Owens, J. A., 173 Oyserman, D., 464 Özçalışkan, Ş., 377 Özgen, E., 266

P

Pachankis, J. E., 384 Packer, D. J., 422 Padmala, S., 157 Page-Gould, E., 435 Pagel, J. F., 176 Paley, B., 529 Palmer, C. J., 139 Palmer, J. C., 258–259 Pan, B., 5 Panksepp, J., 304 Paoletti, J., 387 Papies, E. K., 301 Parada, M., 189 Pardini, D. A., 495 Pardo-Vazquez, J. L., 132 Park, D., 318, 396 Parker, K., 427 Parkinson, C., 305 Parks, Rosa, 424 Parrish, A. E., 287 Pascoe, E. A., 345 Pascoe, M. C., 353 Pascual-Leone, A., 118 Pashler, H., 419 Passos, G. S., 175 Pastalkova, E., 240 Patihis, L., 254 Patrick, G. T. W., 173 Patterson-Kane, E. G., 57 Patterson, C. J., 385 Patterson, F., 288 Pauker, K., 427 Pavlov, I., 196–197 Payne, B. K., 408 Payne, J. D., 174 Pazzaglia, M., 154 Pear, J., 215, 525 Peele, S., 499 Peelen, M. V., 139 Peever, J., 172 Peier, A. M., 155 Penfield, W., 109 Pennebaker, J. W., 352 Peper, J. S., 80 Peplau, L. A., 310–311 Pepper, G. V., 347 Pepperberg, I., 288 Pepping, C. A., 308 Perera, F. P., 365 Perera, T., 168, 522 Perilloux, C., 314 Péron, J., 106 Perry-Jenkins, M., 321 Perry, G., 416 Perry, J. N., 482 Pessoa, L., 157 Pesta, B. J., 81 Peters, E., 270 Peters, E. M., 346 Peterson, L. R., 246 Peterson, M. J., 246 Peterson, Z. D., 314 Petkova, V. I., 146–147 Petrich, D., 217 Pettigrew, T. T., 435

Petty, R. E., 409 Petty, Tom, 497 Pezdek, K., 257 Pfungst, Oskar, 289 Phalet, K., 427 Phillips, A. J., 131 Philpot, R., 423 Phinney, J. S., 427 Piaget, J., 252–253, 372–375 Piazza, E. A., 369 Pickrell, J. E., 259 Pierce, J. E., 106 Pierce, W. D., 220 Pieschnig, J., 82 Pika, S., 287 Pilcher, J. J., 173 Pillemer, J., 284 Ping, E. Y., 365 Pinker, S., 36, 68, 375 Pinna, M., 521 Pinquart, M., 369 Pinto, Y., 115 Piper, A., 503 Pirrone, F., 153 Pitcher, D., 139 Pitman, R. K., 107 Pizzetti, S., 339 Pizzol, D., 82 Pjrek, E., 167 Plant, E. A., 430 Pliatsikas, C., 118 Plomin, R., 65–66, 77, 79–80, 84, 456, 458–459 Plötner, M., 423 Plotnik, J. M., 287 Pluess, M., 346 Pobric, G., 101 Podd, J., 206 Pogue-Geile, M. F., 504 Pohl, R. F., 274 Polaschek, D. L. L., 257 Pollett, T. V., 310 Polyn, S. M., 237 Poole, Bobby, 258 Poole, D., 483 Poore, J., 306 Pope, H. G., 502 Popkin, B. M., 299–300 Popov, V., 234, 248 Popper, Karl, 13 Posada, G., 368 Posner, M. I., 180 Posthuma, D., 80 Postle, B. R., 234 Poulin-Dubois, D., 386 Poulin, M. J., 304 Powell, R. A., 203 Prasser, J., 522 Pratte, M. S., 234 Premack, A. J., 287–288 Premack, D., 287–288 Prendergast, B. J., 165 Prentice-Dunn, S., 434 Prescott, A. T., 224 Presnell, K., 302 Pressman, S. D., 333, 350 Preston, A. R., 240 Prete, G., 116 Price, D. J., 117 Prince, 497 Prince, L. H., 504 Pronin, E., 276, 407 Proulx, M. J., 130 Przybylski, A. K., 378 Punamaeki, R.-L., 177 Puterman, E., 347 Pyter, L., 350

Q

Qadri, M. A., 212 Qin, Y., 96 Qu, Y., 118 Quigley, A., 122 Quinn, P. C., 141, 386 Quirk, G. J., 202 Quoidbach, J., 322

R

Raaijmakers, Q. A. W., 416 Rad, M. S., 16, 35 Radel, R., 157 Radford, B., 4 Rae, J. R., 384 Raffaelli, M., 382 Rafieian, M., 413 Rahman, Q., 311 Rai, T. S., 431 Raij, T., 204 Raimi, K. T., 408 Raine, A., 494–496 Rainville, P., 182 Raley, S., 74 Raloff, J., 82, 365 Ram, N., 529 Ramachandran, V. S., 156–157 Ramos, M., 430 Randolph, J. F., 309 Rangmar, J., 365 Rao, L. L., 456 Rapson, R. L., 72, 307 Rasch, B., 174 Raser, J. M., 66 Rasmussen, E. B., 365 Rasmussen, S. A., 520 Rauch, S. L., 493 Raunigk, A., 363 Rauschecker, J. P., 367 Rauthmann, J. F., 458 Rayner, R., 202–204 Raz, A., 183, 520 Reby, D., 387 Redd, W. H., 206 Redelmeier, D. A., 275 Redick, T. S., 281 Reed, A., 316 Reed, D. R., 152 Reed, L. I., 332 Reedy, F. E., 151–152 Reese, E., 253 Reicher, S., 417 Reicher, S. D., 416, 418 Reid, C. A., 154 Reid, M. W., 485 Reid, V. M., 364 Reilly, E., 404 Reinhart, R. M. G., 102 Reis, H. T., 305, 307 Reisenzein, R., 338 Reisner, S. L., 384 Renoult, L., 238 Repantis, D., 122 Repetti, R. L., 397 Rescorla, R., 199–200 Resnik, K., 237 Reyna, V., 391 Reynolds, A. J., 82, 187 Reynolds, B. A., 96 Rhee, J., 149 Rhee, T. G., 517 Rhodes, M., 378–379 Rholes, W. S., 306 Rice, E. L., 355 Rice, S. M., 158 Richards, M. A., 385

Name Index Richardson-Klavehn, A., 231 Richeson, J. A., 431 Richman, L. S., 345 Ridgway, Gary, 495f Rieber, R. W., 502 Rietveld, C. A., 80 Rigby, R. L., 288 Riksen-Walraven, J. M., 454 Rilling, J. K., 367 Rimpau, J. B., 288 Risko, E. F., 119 Ritchey, M., 534 Ritchie, S. J., 120 Ritterband, U., 175 Ritterfeld, U., 506 Rizzo, A., 525 Rizzolatti, G., 335 Ro, T., 130 Roberson, D., 266 Roberts, A., 410 Roberts, B. W., 392, 394 Roberts, J. V., 218 Roberts, R. O., 154 Roberts, Robin, 354f Roberts, S. O., 18 Robin, F., 181 Robins, L. N., 500 Robins, R. W., 332 Robinson, O. C., 395 Robinson, T. E., 190, 499, 501 Rocchetti, M., 188 Rochat, F., 418 Rochwerg, B., 5 Rodgers, J. L., 7 Rodkey, E. N., 18, 279 Rodman, A. M., 378 Rodrigues, H., 204 Roediger, H. L., 19, 247–248, 257–258 Roepke, S. K., 348 Rofé, Y., 254, 447 Rogeberg, O., 82 Rogers, C., 464–466, 528 Rogers, K. H., 429 Rogers, R. W., 434 Rogers, T. T., 233 Rogoff, B., 237, 367 Rohsenow, D. J., 190 Rojstaczer, S., 219 Rolls, E. T., 240 Romanovich, V., 339 Rommelfanger, K. S., 35 Romney, D. M., 386 Rorschach, H., 482 Rosch, E. H., 265 Rose, N. S., 247 Rosen, G. M., 538 Rosenhan, D., 480–481 Rosenthal, R., 48, 274–275 Rosin, H., 308, 310, 316, 388, 391 Rösler, K. H., 434 Ross, H. E., 304 Ross, J., 426 Ross, L., 406 Ross, M., 462 Rothbart, M. K., 180 Rothbaum, F., 368 Rotter, J. B., 348 Rouault, M., 281 Roughgarden, J., 72 Rouw, R., 130 Rowe, M. L., 377 Roy, M. P., 355 Rozin, P., 300, 340 Rubel, A. N., 407 Rubin, D. C., 243 Ruble, D., 387 Rucker, D. D., 410 Rudman, L. A., 310

Rugg, M. D., 238 Ruggeri, K., 272 Ruggiero, V., 5 Ruigrok, A. N., 120 Ruisch, B. C., 435 Rumbaugh, D. M., 287–288 Rumelhart, 233 Rünger, D., 268 Running, C. A., 152 Ruschel, J., 96 Ruscio, A. M., 486, 487 Ruse, M., 67 Rushton, J. P., 80–81 Russell, J. A., 332 Russell, S., 345 Rutherford, B. R., 206 Rutter, M., 397 Ryan, M. K., 384 Ryan, R. M., 322 Rychlowska, M., 341 Ryckman, N. A., 351 Ryder, A. G., 480 Rymer, R., 36

S

Sabariego, M., 240 Sabattini, L., 320–321 Sachdev, P., 91 Sack, R. L., 166 Sacks, O., 90, 158–159 Sadeghniiat-Haghigi, K., 166 Sadler, P., 182 Sageman, M., 410 Sagi-Schwartz, A., 368–369 Sahley, C. L., 205 Saka, B., 396 Sakaluk, J. K., 315 Saks, Elyn, 516, 535 Salas-Gomez, D., 189 Salazar Kämpf, M., 336 Salguero, J. M., 356 Salovey, P., 282 Salter, P. S., 430–431, 433 Salthouse, T. A., 395–396 Sambaraju, R., 423 Sameroff, A. J., 82 Sampson, R. J., 82 Sams, M., 233 Samuel, L. R., 446 Sana, F., 267 Sandbank, M., 215 Sander, D., 335 Sandin, S., 365 Sándor, P., 177 Sankar, A., 534 Santos, L. R., 287 Saraux, C., 72 Sarbin, T. R., 182 Sarvananda, S., 521 Sasaki, J. Y., 118 Sasaki, Y., 171 Sasnett, S., 311 Sathian, K., 157 Sato, M., 121 Sauce, B., 84 Sauter, D. A., 330 Savage-Rumbaugh, S., 288 Savage, J. E., 80 Savi, A. O., 277 Savin-Williams, R. C., 312 Sbarra, D. A., 296 Scalera, G., 205 Scandurra, C., 342 Scarf, D., 506 Scarr, S., 79 Schachter, S., 337–338 Schacter, D. L., 231, 238, 254

Schaeffer, C. M., 534 Schaeie, K. W., 395 Schafer, R., 530 Schaller, M., 310 Schedlowski, M., 157 Scheier, M. F., 347 Scherer, K. R., 335, 338 Schimmel, N., 188 Schlosser, R. W., 31 Schlösser, T., 281 Schmaltz, R., 33 Schmelz, M., 155 Schmidt, S. D., 204 Schmitt, D. P., 71, 310, 314 Schneegans, S., 234 Schneider, B. W., 385 Schnell, L., 96 Schoenfeld, E. A., 307 Schofield, P., 347 Scholer, A. A., 317 Scholte, S. S., 130 Schönbrodt, F. D., 51 Schuckit, M. A., 498–499 Schudson, Z. C., 18 Schugens, M. M., 241 Schulze, C., 158, 374 Schulze, L., 485 Schulze, T. G., 494 Schutter, D. J., 102 Schwab, M. E., 96 Schwartz, J., 534 Schwartz, S., 132 Schwartz, S. J., 393–394 Scoboria, A., 257, 259 Scott, R. M., 374 Scott, T. H., 134 Scribner, S., 237 Scullin, M. K., 240 Seabrook, J., 495 Seabrook, R. C., 313 Seara-Cardoso, A., 496 Sears, P., 83 Sebastián-Gallés, N., 118 Seery, M. D., 355 Sefcek, J. A., 394 Segal, J., 357 Segal, Z. V., 527 Segall, M. H., 158 Sege, R. D., 218 Segerstrom, S. C., 346 Seibel, B., 384 Seibold, M., 240 Seidenberg, M. S., 376 Sekuler, R., 140 Seligman, M. E. P., 205, 283, 466–467 Sellbom, M., 482 Sellier, A.-L., 276 Selye, Hans, 344 Senghas, H., 376 Sepkoski, D., 71 Serpell, R., 280 Sewall, C. J. R., 378 Seyfarth, R. M., 287 Shaffer, R., 4 Shakespeare, William, 10 Shakin, M., 387 Shamay-Tsoory, S. G., 99 Shamdasani, S., 446 Shapiro, J. R., 280 Shapley, R., 140 Shariff, A. F., 331 Sharma, A., 367 Sharma, M., 520 Sharman, S. J., 257 Sharp, C., 494 Shaver, P. R., 340 Shaver, P., 306

615

616 Name Index Shavitt, S., 408 Shaw, P., 80 Shawah, Ann, 303 Sheffer, E., 478 Sheldon, K. M., 297 Shenkel, R. J., 467 Shepard, R. N., 267 Sherif, M., 420, 427 Sherman, D. F. A., 384 Sherman, D. K., 435 Sherman, L. J., 366 Sherry, C. L., 5 Sherry, S. B., 302 Shields, D. C., 520 Shields, S. A., 18, 307 Shiffrin, R. M., 232 Shih, M., 280, 427 Shin, J. E., 74, 305 Shin, L. M., 378, 492, 534 Shiomi, Y., 341 Shiota, M. N., 335 Shipherd, J. C., 384 Shockley, K. M., 320 Shoda, Y., 221, 458 Shors, T. J., 96 Short, B., 516 Shorter, E., 520 Shrout, P. E., 7, 32 Shwalb, B. J., 367 Shwalb, D. W., 367 Sidanius, J., 430 Siegel, P., 204 Siegel, R. K., 185 Siegelbaum, S. A., 240 Siegler, R. S., 373–374 Sijbrandij, M., 519 Šikl, R., 367 Simatende, B., 280 Simcock, G., 253 Simmons, W. P., 30 Simon, T., 278 Simonton, D. K., 277 Simpson, J. A., 369 Simpson, R. J., 306, 353 Sims, E. A., 298 Singer, J., 337–338 Singer, M. T., 411 Singh, A., 521 Singleton, A., 65 Sinigaglia, C., 335 Sio, U. N., 174 Sitzmann, T., 318 Skeem, J. L., 495 Skinner, B. F., 207–215 Skinner, Deborah, 215 Skinner, E. A., 348 Skoog, T., 390 Skorska, M., 311 Slevec, J., 302 Sloane, S., 273 Slovic, P., 270 Slyne, K., 493 Small, G., 119 Smeding, A., 318 Smedslund, G., 275 Smith, A. M., 354 Smith, A. R., 391 Smith, J. F., 276 Smith, M. A., 244 Smith, M. E., 122 Smith, P. B., 420 Smith, P. J., 122 Smith, R. A., 297 Smith, T. L., 501 Smits, J. A. J., 204, 353 Smyth, J. M., 351 Snapp, S., 313

Sneller, M. H., 515 Snibbe, A. C., 345 Snodgrass, S. E., 342 Snow, C. P., 418 Snow, R. E., 275 Snowdon, C. T., 72 Snyder, C. R., 467 Snyder, D. J., 151 Snyder, H. R., 493 Sobraske, K. H., 73 Solms, M., 176 Sommer, I. E., 121 Sommers-Flanagan, J., 481 Sommers, S. R., 119, 378, 387, 431, 435 Sommerville, J. A., 273, 374 Sonenstein, F. L., 306 Song, A., 277 Sorokowska, A., 413 Sorrells, S. F., 96 Soto, A., 537 Soussignan, R., 333 Souza, A. S., 250 Spachtholz, P., 231 Spade, Kate, 484 Spanierman, L. B., 433 Spanos, N., 181–183 Spear, L. P., 390 Spearman, C., 277 Spellman, B. A., 32 Spence, I., 121 Spencer, S. J., 81, 280 Sperling, G., 234 Sperry, R. W., 113, 116 Spiel, E. C., 459 Spinka, M., 69 Spira, A. P., 173 Spiro, A., 394–395 Spitzer, R. L., 480 Sprecher, S., 305–306 Spreng, R. N., 396 Spring, B., 99 Squeglia, L. M., 498 Squier, L. H., 179 Squire, L. R., 242 Srivastava, A., 322 Srivastava, S., 351 Sroufe, L. A., 369 St. Clair, D., 508 St. Jacques, P. L., 256 Staats, C. K., 198 Staats, W. A., 198 Stadler, M. A., 257 Stanger-Hall, K. F., 309 Stanwood, G. D., 365 Steele, C., 280 Steenen, S. A., 516–517 Steenkamp, M. M., 533 Stein, D. J., 153, 487 Steinberg, L., 374, 391 Stel, M., 336 Stellar, J. E., 349 Stephens, J. M., 409 Steptoe, A., 345, 349 Sternberg, R. J., 83, 280–283 Stevens, J. S., 120, 493 Stevenson, H., 283–284 Stevenson, R., 330 Steventon, J. J., 122 Stewart-Williams, S., 206 Stewart, J., 348 Stewart, N., 272 Stewart, T. L., 348 Stice, E., 299 Stiensmeier-Pelster, J., 406 Stiffman, A. R., 500 Stigler, J., 283–284 Stinson, D. A., 307 Stoch, M. B., 82

Storch, E. A., 525 Strack, F., 333 Strand, P. S., 368–369 Streissguth, A. P., 365 Streit, W. J., 94 Strickland, B. R., 348 Striegel-Moore, R. H., 302 Stunkard, A. J., 298 Suddendorf, T., 287 Sue, D. W., 433, 536 Suedfeld, P., 134 Suinn, R. M., 349 Sulik, J., 18 Sullenberger, Chesley, 319 Sullivan, S. E., 395 Suls, J., 355 Sun, Y., 522 Super, C. M., 367 Surowiecki, J., 419 Sutton, R. M., 407, 411 Suzuki, L. A., 280 Swank, Hillary, 385 Swartz, J. R., 334 Sweatt, J. D., 239–240 Swenson, C. C., 534 Swetz, J. A., 132 Sylvers, P. D., 497 Symons, D., 71 Szalma, J. L., 348 Szeska, C., 204 Sznycer, D., 330–331 Szumowska, E., 267

T

Tajfel, H., 426–427 Takahashi, K., 97 Takashima, A., 240 Talarico, J. M., 243 Talbot, M., 288 Talge, N. M., 365 Tallis, R., 104–105 Talmi, D., 239 Tamaki, M., 171 Tammen, S.A., 63 Tanaka, J. W., 76 Tang, S. V., 219 Tang, Y. Y., 184 Tangney, J. P., 339 Tanner, W. P., 132 Tao, K. W., 537 Tao, L., 168 Tarbox, S. I., 504 Tavris, C., 6, 356, 410, 418 Tawakol, A., 346 Taylor, A. K., 3 Taylor, Breonna, 329, 431 Taylor, L., 35 Taylor, S. E., 355–356 Teena, Brandon, 385 Tellhed, U., 280 Tennen, H., 356 Terhune, D. B., 130 Terman, L., 83, 279, 283, 347–348 Tessner, K., 508 Thaler, L., 150 Thalmann, M., 235 Thase, M. E., 538 Theorell, T., 348 Thoma, B. C., 384 Thomas, J. J., 301–302 Thomas, L. A., 314 Thompson, C., 5, 446 Thompson, J. K., 302 Thompson, Jennifer, 258 Thompson, P. M., 80, 508 Thompson, R. F., 237, 241 Thompson, R., 241

Name Index Thompson, T., 181 Thomsen, D. K., 242 Thorndike, E. L., 207, 209, 275 Tiefer, L., 308–310, 314 Tiernan, K., 534 Tiggemann, M., 302 Timmers, M., 342 Titchener, E. B., 11–12 Tobajas, J., 205 Tobaldini, E., 172 Tobin, M. K., 96 Todd, B. K., 387 Tolin, D. F., 493 Tolman, E., 220–221 Tomasello, M., 288, 374–376 Tomicic, A., 537 Tomlinson, M., 369 Tomppo, L., 507 Tonelli, A., 150 Toppelberg, N., 314 Tor, P. C., 521 Toumbelekis, M., 355 Tourangeau, R., 40 Tracey, I., 157 Tracy, J. L., 331, 332, 334 Tranquillo, N., 179 Trauer, J. M., 175 Travaglia, A., 253 Trawalter, S., 430 Trenholm, C., 309 Treynor, W., 487 Triandis, H. C., 462 Trivers, R., 71, 273 Tromholt, M., 357 Tronick, E. Z., 369 Tropp, L. R., 435 Trost, M. R., 74 Troy, A. S., 354 Tse, C., 213 Tseng, P. T., 522 Tubman, Harriet, 479 Tucker-Drob, E. M., 82 Tuckute, G., 117 Tulving, E., 238 Turiel, E., 380 Turing, Alan, 278 Turkheimer, E., 75, 79, 279 Turner, E. H., 517 Turner, G. R., 396 Turner, J. C., 426 Turner, M. E., 422 Turnwald, B. P., 301 Turowetz, J., 416 Tustin, K., 253 Tversky, A., 270–272, 275 Twain, Mark, 485 Twenge, F., 392 Twenge, J. M., 391–392, 416, 470f Tye, K. M., 107

U

U.S. Food and Drug Administration, 188 Uchino, B. N., 357 Ueda, R., 303 Umiltà, C., 104 Ünal, E., 256 Urbina, S., 280 Urland, G. R., 429 Urry, H. L., 335, 396 Uttal, W. R., 105

V

Vadeboncoeur, C., 300 Vaillant, G. E., 350 Valdez, P., 166

Valenstein, E., 520 Valentine, S. E., 384 Valentine, T., 181, 244 Valiengo, L. D., 522 Van Anders, S. M., 309 Van Baaren, R., 336 Van Bakel, H. J., 454 Van Cantfort, T. E., 288 van de Werken, M., 166 Van den Bulck, J., 175 van der Pol, L. D., 342 van der Toorn, J., 418 Van Dongen, H. P. A., 175 Van Eijk, L., 120 Van Erp, T. G., 507 van Gogh, Vincent, 212 Van Horn, J. D., 111 van IJzendoorn, M. H., 368–369 Van Laar, C., 435 Van Lange, P. A. M., 412 Van Orden, K. A., 484 Van Rooij, S. J., 534 Van Rosmalen, L., 368 Van Schaik, C., 286 Van Schalkwyk, G. I., 515 van Stekelenburg, A., 5 vanDellen, M. R., 462 Vandello, J. A., 18, 464 Vanicek, T., 522 Varma, M. M., 358 Vasey, P. L., 311 Västfäll, D., 270 Verhulst, B., 498 Veríssimo, J., 36 Verschuere, B., 336 Verweij, K. J. H., 456 Vetreno, R. P., 189 Vidal, C. N., 508 Videbech, P., 522 Viding, E., 496 Vogelzangs, N., 345 Voight, B. F., 74 Volker, S., 311 Volkow, N. D., 189, 499 Volz, L. J., 115 von Bartheld, C. S., 95 von Stumm, S., 79–80 Voracek, M., 82 Vorona, R. D., 173 Vorria, P., 369 Vosskuhl, J., 102 Vukasović, T., 456, 486 Vul, E., 104, 419 Vuorre, M., 28, 44 Vygotsky, L., 374–375

W

Wade, C., 104 Wagenmakers, E.-J., 54, 333 Wagner, J., 458 Wakefield, J., 475, 479 Walasek, L., 272 Walker, D. L., 204 Walker, E., 508 Wall, P., 155 Wallbott, H. G., 343 Wallen, K., 309 Waller, D., 267 Wallisch, P., 130 Walter, K. V., 62, 310 Walton, G. M., 419 Walum, H., 304 Wang, Q., 253 Wang, R., 74 Wang, S., 396 Wang, Y., 157 Ward, B., 158

Watanabe, S., 212 Waterhouse, L., 283 Waters, F., 172–173 Watkins, E. R., 533 Watkins, L. E., 479 Watson, D., 454 Watson, E., 312 Watson, J. B., 200, 202–204, 207 Watson, L. M., 288 Watson, N. F., 173 Watters, E., 411 Watts, B. V., 519 Watts, S. E., 533 Watts, T. W., 381 Weale, M. E., 81 Weaver, M. D., 172 Weber, E., 132 Webster, R., 446 Wechsler, D., 277, 279–280 Wegner, D. M., 31, 351, 447 Wehr, T. A., 167 Wei, Z., 96 Weigold, A., 34 Weigold, I. K., 34 Weinberg, R. A., 79 Weinberger, D. R., 81, 479 Weiner, B., 338 Weinstein, N., 448 Weinstein, R. S., 275 Weisberg, R. W., 268–269 Weisbuch, M., 435 Weiss, A., 456 Weiss, S., 96 Weissman, C. R., 522 Weller, S. C., 537 Wellman, H. M., 374 Wells, G. L., 258 Wentzel, K. R., 419 Wenzlaff, R. M., 351 Werner, E. E., 397 Wertheimer, M., 141 West, T. V., 305 Westen, D., 447, 524, 531 Westerhausen, R., 116 Westermeyer, J., 500 Westling, E., 390 Wethington, E., 395 Wheeler, L., 338 Wheeler, M. E., 434 Whelan, R., 498 White, A., 500 White, J. W., 314 Whitehead, G. I., 416 Whiten, A., 287, 420 Whiting, B. B., 462 Whiting, P. F., 188 Whitlock, J. R., 240 Whorf, B. L., 266 Wicherts, J. M., 32 Widen, S. C., 332 Widman, L., 314 Widschwendter, C. G., 515 Wiech, K., 157 Wiesel, T., 139 Wiggins, J. G., 519 Wilhelm, I., 174 Wilkinson, N., 366 Wilkinson, S. T., 516 Williams, Brian, 257 Williams, J. R., 304 Williams, K. D., 412 Williams, L. A., 332 Williams, M. T., 433 Williams, N. M., 508 Williams, R. B., 349 Williams, Serena, 319 Willis, S. L., 395

617

618 Name Index Willmott, L., 352 Wilmer, J. B., 76 Wilshire, C. E., 480 Wilson, E. O., 71, 74, 420 Wilson, G. D., 311 Wilson, G. T., 190 Wilson, J. P., 429 Wilson, R. S., 79 Wilson, S. J., 218 Wilson, T., 322 Wiltermuth, S. S., 336 Wingen, T., 32 Winston, A. S., 279 Wischnewski, M., 102 Wispé, L., 157 Wisseman, K., 383 Witkiewitz, K., 533 Witkower, Z., 334 Wittig, B. A., 368 Witvliet, C. V., 352–353 Wolf, S. A., 96 Wollett, E., 314 Wolpe, J., 525 Wong, W. I., 387 Wongsomboon, V., 310 Woo, S. E., 39 Wood, A. M., 187 Wood, D., 394 Wood, E. J., 314 Wood, G., 235 Wood, J. M., 483 Wood, J. V., 355 Wood, W., 74, 310, 342, 387, 425 Woodman, G. F., 102 Woodman, R. W., 285 Woodward, A. L., 374 Woodward, M., 301 Woody, E. Z., 182 Woolf, C. J., 156

World Health Organization (WHO), 299–300, 487 Wray, N. R., 65 Wright, G. R. T., 395 Wright, M. F., 266 Wu, J., 117 Wu, S., 462 Wundt, W., 11–12, 173 Wynberg, E. R., 69 Wynne, C. D. L., 286, 289 Wyrobek, A. J., 395

X

Xie, L., 171 Xu, F., 366 Xu, J., 130 Xu, M., 409 Xue, S., 353

Y

Yalom, I., 528 Yamawaki, N., 462 Yan, C. H., 154 Yan, T., 40 Yang, R., 66 Yang, Y., 302, 495 Yehuda, R., 365, 491 Yeo, G. S., 299 Yerkes, Robert, 18 Yim, H., 251 Yip, A. G., 101 Yoo, S.-S., 173 Yoshida, F., 408–409 Yoshimura, S., 534 Young, C., 356 Young, L. J., 100, 367 Yu, J., 97 Yu, M.-S., 500

Yuan, S., 376 Yuan, Z., 515 Yzerbyt, V. Y., 406

Z

Zabrusky, K. M., 281 Zadra, A., 169 Zajonc, R. B., 408 Zanetti, D., 81 Zannas, A. S., 66 Zapolski, T. C. B., 499 Zeanah, C. H., 82, 366 Zeier, Z., 519 Zeifman, D., 369 Zeki, S., 304 Zell, E., 120, 407 Zenses, A. K., 204 Zentner, M., 310 Zhang, J. P., 515 Zhang, T., 346 Zhang, T.-Y., 84 Zhang, Z., 533 Zhao, Q., 269 Zhou, M., 429 Zhou, X., 480 Zhu, J., 480, 519 Zimbardo, P., 416–417 Zinbarg, R., 222 Ziv, T., 273 Zlomke, K., 533 Zola-Morgan, S., 242 Zoroaster, 10 Zosuls, K., 386 Zou, Z., 153 Zucker, I., 165 Zucker, K. J., 311 Zuidersma, M., 349 Zwaan, R., 239, 258

Subject Index Note: Figures and tables are indicated by f and t.

A

Abecedarian Project, 82 Absolute threshold, 131 Abstinence policies, addictive disorders and, 500 Abuse, depression and, 487 Achievement, motivation for, 316–323 Action potential, 97 Action tendencies, 330, 335 Activation-synthesis theory, 177–179, 179f Adaptation dark adaptation, 138 sensory adaptation, 133–134 Addictive disorders, 497–502 biology and, 498–499 learning and culture and, 499–502, 501t Adolescence physiology of, 389–391 psychology of, 391–393 schizophrenia and, 508, 508f Adoption studies heritability and, 76–78, 76f IQ scores in, 79–80, 79f Adrenal hormones, 99 Adrenarche, 389–390 Adulthood, developmental psychology and, 392–395 Advertising, classical conditioning and, 201 Affect heuristic, 270–271 Affective neuroscience, 91 Age mate selection and, 72, 72f mental age, 278 Aggression, observational learning and, 222–223 Aging, 395–396 Agoraphobia, 490 Air crib, 215 Alarm phase (stress), 344 Alcohol, 187, 189 Alcoholism, 498–499 Algorithms, 268–269 Alpha waves, 169, 183 Alternate-forms reliability, 39, 39f Altruism, 424–426 American Psychiatric Association, 536 American Psychological Association, 536 American Sign Language (ASL), 288, 375 Amnesia childhood, 252–253 memory and, 249–252 Amygdala, 107–108, 240–241 emotion and, 334–335 posttraumatic stress disorder and, 492 psychopathy and, 496–497 Anal stage, 445, 445t Analytical intelligence, 282 Androgens, 100, 309, 311 Anger cognitive therapy and, 533 stress and, 349 Animal research ethics, 56–57 intelligence, 285–287

language and, 287–288 sexuality and, 308 thinking in animals, 288–289 Anorexia nervosa, 301–302 Anorexigenic substances, 298 Anterior cingulotomy, 520, 523f Anterior insula, 273 Anthropodenial, 289 Anthropomorphism, 289 Anti-anxiety medications, 516–517 Antidepressants, 515–516 Antipsychotics, 515 Antisocial personality disorder (APD), 494–495 Anxious attachment, 306, 368 Applied psychology, defined, 19–20 Appraisals, 338, 340 Approach goals, 317 Archetypes, 446–447 Arithmetic mean, 50, 50f Artificial intelligence, 277 Asch line-judging study, 419–421, 424–426 Asperger's disorder, 478 Assessments, 38–39, 39f Association cortex, 111 Association for Psychological Science, 23 Assumptions, defined, 6 Attachment development and, 367–371 hormones and, 303–304 love and theory of, 306 Attention, creativity and focus and, 284–285 Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), overdiagnosis, 477–478, 519 Attitudes, 408–409 Attribution theory, 405–408 persuasion and, 411 Auditory cortex, 110 Auditory nerve, 149 Autism correlational studies and, 44 research on, 29 Autism spectrum disorder, 132, 478 Autonomic nervous system, 92–93, 93f Availability heuristic, 270–271 Avoidance goals, 317 Avoidant attachment, 306, 368 Axon, 95

B

Barnum effect, 467–468 Basal metabolism rate, 298 Basic psychology, defined, 19–20 Basilar membrane, 149 Bayesian statistics, 54 Beck Depression Inventory, 482 Behavior brain manipulation, 101–102, 102f consequences of, 208–211 neurotransmitters and, 98–99 Behavioral genetics, 64 heritability and, 75–78 intelligence and, 78–86 nature vs. nurture, 84–85

posttraumatic stress disorder and, 491–492 temperament and, 454–456 Behavioral neuroscience, 91 Behaviorism, 200, 206–211 applications, 215–220 Behavior modification, 215 Behavior therapy, 524–527, 533–534 Benevolent sexism, 430 Beta blockers, 516–517 Better-than-average effect, 407 Bias cognitive biases, 276 confirmation bias, 31 critical thinking and, 6 mental sets and, 273–275 publication bias, 517–518, 518f self-serving biases, 407–408 The Big Bang Theory (TV series), 208 Bilingualism, brain activity and, 103, 118–119 Binge-eating disorder, 301–302 Binocular cues, 142 Biological rhythm, 165–167 Biology addictive disorders and, 498–499 desire and, 308–310 gender development and, 386 learning and, 314 of love, 303–304 memory and, 239–244 mental disorders therapy and, 514–523 psychotherapy and, 534–535 sexual orientation and, 310–312 weight and, 296–300 Biosocial model, borderline personality disorder, 494 Bipolar disorder, 485 medication for, 517 Blackfoot Confederation, 297 Black Mirror (TV series), 431 Blindness, 118, 118f Blind spot, 138, 138f Body eating disorders and, 301–302 emotion and, 336–337, 337t stress and, 344–347, 344f weight and, 298–299 Body language, 341 Bonobos, 288 Borderline personality disorder, 493–494 Botox, 333 Boys Don't Cry (film), 385 Brain. See also specific structures addictive disorders and, 498–499 behavior observation and, 101–102, 102f childhood amnesia and, 253 cocaine and, 188–189, 189f culture and, 118–119 diet and, 299 direct brain intervention, 520–523, 523f dreams and, 177–178 emotion and, 334–337, 334f experience and, 117–118 fear conditioning and, 202 flexibility in, 117–122 hemispheres, 113–117, 113f, 115f intelligence and development in, 80, 276

619

620 Subject Index Brain. (Continued) memory and, 241–242, 242f, 242t obsessive-compulsive disorder and, 493 personality disorders and, 494–495 prejudice and activity measurement, 434 schizophrenia and, 507–508, 507f, 508f sex differences in, 119–122 stress and, 344–347, 345f structures of, 105–112, 105f, 112t visual system and, 139 Brain stem, 106, 106f Brainstorming, 285 Brainwashing, 410–411 Breaking Bad (TV series), 187, 457 Brightness, 136 constancy, 144 Broca's area, 110 Brown fat cells, 298–299 Brown v. Board of Education, 18 Bulimia nervosa, 301–302 Buzzfeed Unsolved: Supernatural (TV series), 157 Bystander effect, 422–424

C

Cancer, depression and, 350 Cannabidiol (CBD), 188–189 Cannabis, 188 Case studies, scientific research, 35–37 Cataplexy, 172 Catatonic stupor, 504 Causality, illusion of, 448 Causation, correlation and, 44 Cell body, 95 Central nervous system, 92, 92f, 156 Cerebellum, 106, 106f Cerebral cortex, 108–109, 109f emotion and, 334–335, 334f Cerebral hemispheres, 108, 113–115, 113f, 115f Cerebrum, 108, 109f Chemical messengers, 98–100 Childhood amnesia, 252–253 culture and, 35 developmental psychology and, 392–393, 397 moral development and, 381–383 screen time and, 378–379 stress and, 346–347, 397 Chromosomes, 64, 64f Chronotypes, 166–167 Chunks, working memory, 235 Circadian rhythms, 165–167 Cisgender, 384 Classical conditioning fear and, 201–204 learning and, 199–200 medical treatments, 205–206, 206f overview, 196–197, 196f, 197t preferences and, 200–201, 200f principles, 198–199, 199t taste and, 204–205 Client-centered (nondirective) therapy, 528 Clinical interviews, psychological assessment, 481–482 Clinical psychologists, 21–22, 22t Closure, 141, 150 Cocaine, 188–189, 189f Cochlea, 149

Cognitive behavior therapy (CBT), 527, 530 Cognitive biases, 276 Cognitive development and function, 70, 90–91 aging and, 395–396 childhood amnesia and, 253 coping strategies and, 354–355 depression and, 487 dreaming and, 177 elements of, 265–267 emotion and, 337–339 enhancement techniques, 122 gender identity and, 386–387 infancy and, 365–367 language and, 375–379 overview, 371–379 Piaget's stages of, 372–375, 373t screen time and, 378–379 thinking and, 371–375 Cognitive dissonance, 409–410 Cognitive ethology, 286 Cognitive neuroscience, 91 Cognitive schemas, 266–267 Cognitive therapy, 524–527 evaluation, 532–534 Collective unconscious, 446–447 Collectivist cultures, 461–464, 461t Color constancy, 144 context, 145, 145f deficiency, 140 gender and, 387 identification, 183 language and, 266 Color blindness, 140 Community psychology, 534 Competence, in childhood, 392–393 Concept, 265–266 Conclusions, critical thinking and, 7 Conditioned response (CR), 197 Conditioned stimulus (CS), 197 fear conditioning, 201–204 Conditioning, 195–196 Cones, 137, 138f Confabulation, 256–257 Confession, 352 Confidence interval, 51, 51f Confirmation bias, 31, 274–275, 274f Conflict group identity and, 426–429 reduction of, 435–436 Conformity, 419–421 Congruence, 465 Connectionist model, 233 Conscientiousness, 347–348 Consciousness drug alteration of, 185–190 rational reasoning, 268–269 research on, 164 Conservation, cognitive development and, 373 Consolidation memory and, 240 sleep and, 174, 174f Content validity, 39, 39f Continuity, 141, 150 Continuous reinforcement, 212 Control condition, 47 Convenience sampling, 35 sexuality and, 73–74 Convergence, 142 Convergent thinking, 284 Cornea, 136, 137f

Corpus callosum, 108, 113f, 116 Correlation cautions about, 43–44 defined, 42, 42f, 43f correlational studies, 41–44 correlation coefficient, 43 Cortisol, 99, 344 Counseling psychologists, 21 Counterconditioning, 202–204, 203f, 525 Couples therapy, 529–530 COVID-19 pandemic adolescents and, 391 affect heuristic and, 270 conspiracy theories about, 411 critical thinking about, 5 emotional impact of, 329–330 loss of smell and taste, 154 memories of, 242 older adults and, 397–398 prejudice and, 430 public alarm about, 424 social forces during, 411–412 stress management during, 353 Creative intelligence, 282 Creativity, focus and, 284–285 Crisis management, critical thinking and, 5 Criterion validity, 39, 39f Critical incident stress debriefing (CISD), 532 Critical period, infant development, 367 Critical thinking about psychological issues, 8–9, 9t defined, 5–6 example of, 57–58 fake news and, 24–25 steps in, 5–10 Cross-cultural studies, 40–41 Cross-ethnic friendships, 435, 435f Cross-sectional study, 53 Crowds, wisdom of, 419–421 Crystallized intelligence, 277, 396 Cue-dependent forgetting, 251–252 Cults, 411 Cultural Formulation Interview, 480 Cultural neuroscience, 118–119 Culture addictive disorders and, 499–502, 501t appraisals and, 338 brain and, 118–119 cognitive development and, 374–375 consciousness and, 185–190 defined, 413 dreams and, 175–179 eating disorders and, 302 emotion and, 339–342 facial expressions and, 333–334 genetics and, 74 infant development and, 367 intelligence testing and, 280 long-term memory and, 237–238 love and, 307–308 mental disorders and, 479–481, 480t perceptions and, 158 personality and, 461–464, 461t prejudice and, 430–431 psychotherapy and, 537–539 roles and norms and, 413, 425–426 sexuality and, 72–73, 73f, 314–316 sexual orientation and, 311–312 stereotypes and, 429 taste and, 152–153 Cyberbullying, 423 Cybertherapy, 525

Subject Index

D

Dark adaptation, 138 Data analysis, scientific research, 49–50 Debriefing, 56 Decay theory, 250 Decibels, 147–148 Decision process, 132–133 Declarative memory, 238, 238f Deep brain stimulation (DBS), 520, 523f Deep processing, 247 Deese-Roediger-McDermott (DRM) paradigm, 258 Defense mechanisms, 444–445 Deindividuation, 423 Déjà vu, 252 Delayed gratification, 283, 381–382 Delta waves, 169 Demand-withdraw pattern, 529 Dendrites, 95 Denial, 445 Dependent variable, 45–46 Depressants, 186–187, 186t Depression classification, 484 deep brain stimulation, 520 origins of, 485–488 stress and, 349–350, 349f therapy, 533 Depth perception, 142–143 Descriptive statistics, defined, 49, 51f Descriptive studies (methods), 34–36 Desire biology of, 308–309 psychology of, 312–314 Determinism, 215 Developmental psychology, 363 adolescence, 389–391 adulthood, 392–395 attachment and, 367–371 gender and, 383–389 infancy, 365–367 moral development, 379–383 prenatal development, 364–365 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-5-TR), 167, 476–479, 480t Diagnostic labels, 478 Dialectical reasoning, 269 Diet, stress and, 345 Difference threshold, 131–132 Diffusion of responsibility, 422–424 Direct brain intervention, 520–523, 523f Discrimination, prejudice and, 429–436 Discriminative stimulus, 212 Disgust, 330 Displacement, 445 Display rules, 341 Dispositional attribution, 406 Dissent, 424–426 Dissociation, 181–182, 182f Dissociative identity disorder (DID), 502–503 Distance perception, 142 Divergent thinking, 284 Diversity, psychology and, 17–19 DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid), 64, 65f Doctrine of specific nerve energies, 129–130 Doll studies, 18 Door-in-the-face technique, 409 Dopamine receptors, depression and, 485–486 Double-blind study, 48 Drapetomania, 478

Dreams, 175–179 theories on, 179 Drugs classification, 185–188, 186t psychological effects, 189–190 Drug use consciousness alteration, 185–190 physiology, 188–189, 189f prenatal development and, 365

E

Ear, structure and function, 148–149, 148f Eardrum, 149 Eating disorders, 301–302 culture and, 302 Ebbinghaus illusion, 145–146, 145f Echolocation, 50 Economic discrimination, 430 Educational psychology, 20 Effect size, 53–54 Effortful encoding, 246 Ego, 444 Elaboration likelihood model, 409 Elaborative rehearsal, 246 Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), 520–522, 523f Electroencephalogram (EEG), 102–103 hypnosis, 183 sleep patterns, 169–170, 170f, 171f Electromagnetic energy, 131, 131f Embarrassment, 330 Embryo, 364 Embryonic stem cells, 96–97 Emerging adulthood, 394 Emotion. See also negative emotion; positive emotion brain and, 334–337, 334f communication of, 341–342 culture and, 339–342 defined, 330 energy of, 336 facial expressions and, 330–334, 331f gender and, 342–343 inhibition and expression of, 350–353 memory and, 242–244 misperceptions of, 321–322, 322f psychopathy and, 495–497, 496f stress and, 349–353 Emotional intelligence, 282 Emotional regulation, 184 Emotion-focused coping, 354 Emotion work, 342 Empathy, 335–336, 528 Empirical evidence, psychological research, 30 Encoding, memory and, 246 Endocrine glands, 99–100 Endogenous cues, 165 Endogenous opioid peptides, 100 Endorphins, 100, 304 Energy expenditure, weight and, 301 Environment heritability and, 75–76 intelligence and, 81–83, 81f nature vs. nurture and, 84–85 personality and, 457–461 prenatal development and, 365 weight and, 300–301 Epigenetics, 65–66 Epilepsy, split-brain surgery and, 113 Epinephrine, 99, 336 Episodic memories, 238, 238f Equilibrium, 158–159

621

Estrogens, 100 Ethics psychological research, 55–57 psychotherapy and, 536 Event-related potentials (ERPs), 103, 103f Evolution attachment and, 305–307 genetics and, 66–69 sexual strategies and, 71–74 Evolutionary psychology, 66–69 attitudes vs. actual behavior, 73 fairness bias and, 273 moral development and, 379–383 Pleistocene period and, 74 sexuality and, 310 stereotypes vs. actual behavior, 72 visual system and, 139 Excitatory effect, 98 Exercise cognitive function and, 122 stress reduction and, 353 weight and, 301 Exhaustion phase (stress), 344 Existentialism, 465 Existential therapy, 528 Expectations, self-efficacy and, 317–318 Experimental psychology, 20 Experimental research, 45–49 advantages and limitations, 47–48 control conditions and, 46–47 variables, 45–46, 46f Experimenter effects, 48 Explicit memory, 230–231, 240–241 Explicit prejudice and discrimination, 433–434 Exposure and response prevention (ERP), 204 Exposure therapy, 525 External attribution, 405–406 Extinction, 197–198, 198f Extrasensory perception (ESP), 28, 53–54 Extraversion, 447 Extrinsic motivation, 296, 313 Extrinsic reinforcers, 219–220 Eye, structure and function, 136–138, 137f Eye-blink response, 199 Eyewitness testimony, 258–259

F

Facial expressions, 330–334, 331f Facial feedback, 333 Facilitated communication, 29, 31 Fairness bias, 273 Fake news, critical thinking and, 24–25 False information, critical thinking and, 5 Falsifiability, principle of, 447 Familiarity effect, 408–409 Families, intelligence and stress in, 82 Family-systems perspective, 529 Family therapy, 529–530 Fast and processed foods, weight gain and, 300 Fathers, prenatal development and, 365 The Father (film), 230 Fear conditioning, 201–204, 201f, 202f Fear extinction, 201 Fears, 489–490 Feature-detector cells, 139 Feminist psychology, 18 Fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 365 Field research, 48 Fight-or-flight response, 344, 356 Figure (perception), 141, 141f, 150

622 Subject Index Flashbulb memories, 242–243 Flooding, 525 Fluid intelligence, 277, 395–396 Food abundance, weight and, 301 Foot-in-the-door technique, 409 Forgetting, mechanisms of, 249–252 Forgetting curves, 249–250, 250f Forgiveness, 352–353, 352f Form perception, 140–141, 141f Framing effect, 271–272, 272f Fraternal (dizygotic) twins, 76–77, 77f Frequency, 148 Friendship, social support and, 355–357 Frontal lobes, 110–111 Full Spectrum Warrior (game), 525 Functional codes, 130 Functionalism, 12 Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), 103–104, 119–120, 273 love biology and, 303–304 Fundamental attribution error, 406–407

G

Gain/loss framing, 271–272 The Game of Life (game), 363 Ganglion cells, 138, 138f Garcia effect, 205 Gate-control theory, 155–156 Gender achievement gaps and, 54 brain function and, 119–122 developmental influences, 386 emotion and, 342–343 evolutionary psychology and, 73–74, 73f identity, 384–385 learning and, 387–388 love and, 307–308 psychology and, 17–19 roles and norms, 412–413 schema, 387 sexuality and, 309–310, 314–316 typing, 384 work and, 319–321 General adaptation syndrome, 344 Generalized anxiety disorder, 488–490 therapy, 533 Generativity, 393 Genes, 64, 64f individual differences and, 78–80 Genetic markers, 65–66 Genetics alcoholism and, 498–499 eating disorders and, 301–302 evolution and natural selection, 66–69 heritability and, 75–78 major depression and, 485–486 personality and, 454–457 schizophrenia and, 507–508, 507f weight and, 298–299 Genetic Studies of Genius project, 83 Genetic testing, 77 Genital stage, 445, 445t Genome, 64–65 Genome-wide association studies, 65 depression, 485–486 Gerontology, 395 Gestalt psychology auditory function and, 149–151 vision and, 140–142, 141f Get Out (film), 164, 181 G factor, 277

Girls (TV series), 316 Glia, 94 Goals, motivation and, 317–318 Graduated exposure, 525 Gray matter, 108 Grievances, letting go of, 352–353 Grit, 318 Ground (perception), 141, 141f, 150 Group identity, conflict and, 426–429 Groups individuals in, 419–426 stereotypes and, 429 Groupthink, 421–422 Gun violence, 17

H

Habituation, 366 Hagaii, 340, 343 Hair cells, 149 Happiness, pursuit of, 322–323 Harmful dysfunction, 475 Harry Potter (film series), 235 Harvard Test of Inflected Acquisition, 275 Hate crimes, 329 Health problems, cognitive therapy for, 533 Hearing, 147–151 Helpfulness, culture and, 462–463 Hemispatial neglect, 109–110, 110f Hemispheric lateralization, 108 Heredity, temperament and, 454–455 Heritability, 75–78 Heuristics, 268 Hierarchy of needs, 297, 297f Higher-order conditioning, 198, 198f Hindsight bias, 274 Hippocampus memory and, 240–241 posttraumatic stress disorder and, 491–492 Hippopotamus, 107f, 108 Hoarding disorder, 493 Homeostasis, 107 Homunculus, 109–110, 110f Hormones adolescence, 389–390 attachment and, 303–304 gender development and, 386 memory and, 242–244 as messengers, 99–100 peripheral nervous system, 92 sexual desire and, 309 sexual orientation and, 311–312 stress and, 344, 356 Hostile sexism, 430 Hostility, stress and, 349–350, 349f Hue, 136 Human genome, 64–65 Human Genome Project, 65 Humanist psychology/humanist therapy, 464–468, 528 Human research, ethics and, 55–56 Hyperactivity, television and, 44 Hypnosis, 180–184, 182f Hypothalamus, 107, 107f, 246 weight and, 299 Hypothalamus-pituitary-adrenal cortex axis (HPA), 344–345, 345f Hypothesis, defined, 29–30

I

Id, 444 Identical (monozygotic) twins, 76–77, 77f

Ignorance, 281f Illness, risk factors for, 346f, 358t Illusion of causality, 448 Illusory correlations, 43–44 Imagination inflation, 256–257 Imitation, 335–336 The Imitation Game (film), 278 Immune system, stress and, 346–347 Implicit Association Test (IAT), 434–435 Implicit learning, 268 Implicit memory, 231–232, 240–241 Implicit prejudice, 433–434 Improbability, exaggeration of, 270–271 Inattentional blindness, 135 Inception (film), 164 Independent variable, 45–46 Individualist cultures, 461–464, 461t Individuals, in groups, 419–426 Induction, 381 Industrial psychology, 20 work motivation and, 317–323 Inevitability, predisposition vs., 456 Infant development, 365–367 knowledge and, 374, 374f trust vs. mistrust in, 393 Infant-directed speech, 377 Infant reflexes, 69, 366 Inferential statistics, 50–52, 51f Infidelity, gender differences in response to, 73, 73f Information, conformity and need for, 420 Information-processing models, 232 Informed consent, 56 In-group favoritism, 427–428 Inhibitory effect, 98 Innate human characteristics, 69–70 Inner experience, personality and, 464–468 Innocence, misjudgment of, 336f Inside Out (film), 255, 332 Insight, 268–269 Instinctive drift, 214 Integrative approach, psychotherapy, 530 Intelligence in animals, 285–287 beliefs about, 284 crystallized intelligence, 277, 396 defined, 277 elements of, 281–283 environment and, 81–83, 81f fluid intelligence, 277, 395–396 genetics and, 78–86 group differences in, 80–81 measurement of, 276–285 motivation, work and success, 283–285 triarchic theory of, 281–282 Intelligence quotient (IQ) defined, 78–79, 278 environmental influences on, 81–83 group differences in, 80–81 posttraumatic stress disorder and, 492 Interdependent mutual goals, 427 Interference, memory and, 251 Intermittent (partial) schedule of reinforcement, 212–213 Intermittent theta burst stimulation (iTBS), 522 Internal attribution, 406 Internal desynchonization, 166 Internet adolescents and, 391 matchmaking on, 305–306 Interposition, 142, 143f

Subject Index Interventions harm from, 535–537, 536t in posttraumatic stress disorder, 535 Intrinsic motivation, 219–220, 296 IQ test, 278–280, 279f Iris, 136, 137f

J

January 6, 2021 Capitol attacks, 423 Just-world hypothesis, 407

K

Kelvin (Lord), 31 Ketamine, 516 Kinesthesis, 158–159

L

Laboratory description, 37 Language animals and, 287–288 brain activity and, 103 cognitive development and, 375–379 concepts and, 266–267 screen time and development of, 378–379 Latency stage, 448 Learning in animals, 286–287 biological limits on, 214 cognitive development and, 373–374 gender and, 387–388 language and, 375–376 latent learning, 220–221, 221f social-cognitive learning theories, 221–224 Learning model of addiction, 499–502, 501t Lens, 136, 137f Leptin, 299 Lesion method, 101 Libido, 444 Licensed clinical social workers (LCSWs), 22, 22t Life narrative, 466, 530 Life transitions, 394–395 Light, vision and, 136, 137f Light therapy, 167–168 Limbic system, 107 Linear perspective, 142, 143f Linkage studies, 65 Literacy, brain function and, 119 Lithium, 517 Location constancy, 144 Locus of control, 348 Longitudinal study, 53 Long-term memory, 232, 236–239, 237f, 238f neurons and synapses, 240–242 Long-term potentiation, 240 Loss avoidance, 271–272 Loudness, 147–150 Love biology of, 303–304 culture and, 307–308 gender and, 307–308 ingredients of, 306–307 motivations for, 303–308 psychology of, 304–307 Lucid dreams, 176 Lucy (film), 91

M

Magical number, working memory and, 235–236 Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), 103

Magnetic seizure therapy (MST), 522 Maintenance rehearsal, 246 Major depression, 484, 485–488 Malnutrition, intelligence, 82 Marijuana, 188 Marriage, family, and child counselors (MFCCs), 22, 22t Marshmallow test, 283, 381–382 Masculinity, feminist psychology and, 18 Masculinity-Femininity Scale, 482 Mastery (learning) goals, 318 Mathematics, success in, 283–284, 284f Mean Girls (film), 357 Media adolescence in, 391–392 gender identity in, 385 working conditions in, 321 Medical treatments, classical conditioning and, 205–206, 206f Medication for mental disorders, 514–520, 517t, 518f Meditation, 184 Medulla, 106 Melatonin, 99, 166 Memory aging and, 395–396 biology of, 239–244 confabulation, 256–257 encoding, rehearsal & retrieval, 245–249 eyewitness testimony, 258–259 forgetting and, 249–252 formation of, 240–241 hormones and emotion and, 242–244 hypnosis and, 181 improvement strategies, 249 measurement of, 230–232 models, 232–233 reconstruction of, 255–256 repression controversy, 253–254 sleep and, 174, 174f Menopause, 395 Menstrual cycle, moods and, 168f 168–169 Mental age (MA), 278 Mental disorders addictive disorders, 497–502 anxiety disorders, 488–490 biological treatments, 514–523 bipolar disorder, 485 classification, 476–479 culture and, 479–481, 480t defined, 476 depressive and bipolar disorders, 484–488 diagnosis, 475–483 direct brain intervention, 520–523, 523f dissociative identity disorder, 502–503 inaccurate diagnoses, 479 medications for, 514–520, 517t, 518f nonmedical treatments, 519 obsessive-compulsive disorder, 492–493 overdiagnosis, 477–478 personality disorders, 493–497 psychological assessment, 481–483 psychotherapy and, 523–539 schizophrenia, 504–508 trauma, 490–493 Mental images, 267 Mental modules, 68–69 Mental sets, 274–275, 274f Meta-analysis, 54 Metacognition, 281–282 #MeToo movement, 420

623

Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test, 482 Microaggression, 433 Mind emotion and, 337–339 stress and, 347–348 Mind, theory of, 287, 374 Mind Cure movement, 12 Mindfulness meditation, 353 Minnesota Longitudinal Study of Risk and Adaptation, 306 Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), 482 Mirror neurons, 335–336 Mirror therapy, 156–157 Mirror tracing task, 241f Mnemonics, 245, 247 Modern Times (film), 321 Monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs), 515–516 Monocular cues, 142, 143f Mood-congruent memory, 252 Mood contagion, 336 Moods menstrual cycle and, 168f 168–169 seasonal affects on, 167–168 Mood stabilizers, 517 Moral development, 379–383, 380t Morality, stages of, 379–380, 380t Motivation achievement and, 316–323 defined, 296–297 happiness and, 322–323 for love, 303–308 research on, 295–296 sex and, 308, 312–316 success and, 283–285 work and, 319–323 Motor nerves, 92 Motor reflexes, 366 Müller-Lyer illusion, 145, 145f, 157–158 Multiple intelligences theory, 282–283 Multiple personality disorder, 502–503 Multiracial identity, 427 Multisystemic therapy, 534 Multitasking, 267, 284–285 Mutations, genetics, 65–66 Myelin sheath, 95

N

Narcissism, 391 Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), 391–392 Narcolepsy, 172 Narrative approaches, 466–468 National prejudice, 430–431 Naturalistic observation, 37 Natural selection, genetics and, 66–69 Nature vs. nurture, behavior and, 84–85 Negative afterimages, 140 Negative correlation, 42, 42f Negative emotions, 350–351, 356–357 Negative reinforcers and punishers, 209–210, 210t Nerves, 95 Nervous system chemical messengers, 98–100 communication, 94–100 divisions, 93f emotion and, 334–337, 337t structure and function, 91–94, 92f, 93f

624 Subject Index Neurogenesis, 96–97 Neurons communication, 97–98 matrix of, 156 memory and, 239–240 structure, 94–96, 95f types, 94, 94f Neuroplasticity, 521–522 Neuroscience, 91 Neuroticism, 486 Neurotransmitter, 98–100, 98f love and, 303–304 9 to 5 (film), 321 Nitrous oxide, 185 Noncoding DNA, 64 Nonconformity, 424–425 Nonconscious processes, 268–269 Nondeclarative memory, 238 Nonlethal weapons development, 159 Non-REM sleep, 170, 174 Nonshared environment, 458 Nonverbal communication, 330–331 Norepinephrine, 99, 336 Norms, 38–39, 412–413 Novelty, human interest in, 69

O

Obedience, 417–419 Obese (ob) gene, 299 Objective tests (inventories), 38–39, 39f Objectivity, mental disorder diagnosis, 478–479 Object permanence, 372 Observational learning, 222–224 Observational studies, 37–38 Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), 204, 492–493, 520 Obsessiveness, 306 Occipital lobes, 109, 109f Odors, effects of, 154 Oedipus complex, 445, 445t The Office (TV series), 197, 321 Oleogustus, 152 Olfactory bulb, 107, 153–154, 154f Online research, 34 Open Science Collaboration, 7 Operant conditioning behaviorism and, 206–211 defined, 195 real life applications, 215–220 responses, 211–214 terms, 212t Operational definition, defined, 30 Opiates, 186–187, 186t Opponent-process theory, 140, 140f Optimism, stress and, 347 Oral stage, 445, 445t Orexigenic substances, 298 Organizational psychology, 20 Organ of Corti, 149 Out-groups, 427 Outrage, 330 Overdiagnosis of mental disorders, 477–478 Oxytocin, 99, 304, 356

P

Pain, 155–158 Panic disorder, 488–489, 489f Papillae, 151 Parallel distributed processing (PDP) memory model, 233

Parasympathetic nervous system, 93–94 Parenting attachment and, 369–371 developmental psychology and, 393–394 gender identity and, 387–388 limits off, 459–460 moral development and, 381–383 personality and role of, 457, 459–460 Parietal lobes, 109, 109f Parieto-frontal integration theory (P-FIT), 277 Parkinson's disease, 353 Peer influence, personality and, 460 Peer review, 32 Perception, 128–129 critical development of, 367 illusions, 144–147, 145f, 146f influences on, 157–158 language and, 266 processes of, 140–147 Perceptual constancy, 144 Performance goals, 318 Peripheral nervous system (PNS), 92, 95–96 Personality cultural influences, 461–464 defined, 443 depression and, 486–487 development of, 445–446, 445t disorders, 493–497 environmental influences, 457–461 genetic influences on, 454–457 humanist and narrative approaches, 464–468 inner experience and, 464–468 major influences on, 467t modern research on, 448–453 parenting and, 459–460 peer influence and, 460 psychodynamic theories, 443–448 structure of, 443–444 Personalized medicine, 66 Persuasion brainwashing vs., 410–411 central route to, 409 peripheral route to, 409 Pessimism, stress and, 347–348 Phallic (Oedipal) stage, 445, 445t Phantom pain, 156–157 Phobia, 489–490 Phrenology, 11, 11f, 105 Pineal gland, 99 Pitch, 148 Pituitary gland, 99, 107, 107f Placebo, 47, 47f, 205–206 Placebo effect, 517–518 Plasticity, 117–118 Play innate interest in, 69 as work, 219f Pleistocene period, evolutionary psychology and, 74 Polygraph machine, 336–337, 336f Pons, 106 Pop psychology, 4–5 Portion sizes, weight gain and, 300 Positive correlation, 42, 42f Positive emotion, 350 conditioning and, 200f Positive psychology, 466–468 Positive reinforcers and punishers, 209–210 Positron emission tomography (PET) scan, 103, 103f, 118

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 491–492 interventions in, 532, 532f medication for, 516–517 therapy, 533 Power assertion, 381 Practical intelligence, 282 Practice play, 69 Predisposition, 456 Preferences classical conditioning, 200–201, 200f evolutionary psychology, 68 Prefrontal cortex, 111 Prefrontal lobotomy, 520 Prejudice measurement of, 431–432 origins of, 430–431 psychotherapy and, 536 reduction of, 435–436 social psychology and, 429–436 sources of, 431t targets of, 432–433 Premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD), 168 Prenatal care, intelligence, 82 Prenatal development schizophrenia and, 508 sexual orientation and, 311 stages of, 364–365 Primacy effect, 238–239, 238f Primary motor cortex, 110 Primary punisher, 209 Primary reinforcer, 209 Priming, 231–232 Principle of falsifiability, 31–33, 31f Proactive interference, 251, 251f Probability, affect heuristic and, 270–271 Problem-focused coping, 354 Problem solving culture and, 280 dreams and, 176–177 stress management and, 354–355 working memory and, 235 Progesterone, 100 Prohibition, 500 Projection, 444 Projective tests, 38–39, 39f, 482–483 Protest, 424–425 Prototype, 265 emotion and, 340 Proximity, 141, 150 attachment and, 305 Pseudoscience, 4 Psychedelics, 186–188, 186t Psychiatrist, 22, 22t Psychoactive drugs, 185–188, 186t Psychoanalysis, 12–13, 443, 524 Psychoanalyst, defined, 22, 22t Psychodynamic theory, personality and, 443–448 Psychodynamic therapy, 524 Psychogenic amnesia, 253–254 Psychological assessment, mental disorders, 481–483 Psychological discrimination, 430 Psychological science adolescence and, 391–392 biological pillar of, 14, 15f cognitive pillar, 15, 15f desire and, 312–314 developmental pillar, 15–16, 15f gender, race and diversity in, 17–19 love and, 304–307 mental and physical health pillar, 15f, 16 pillars of, 14–19, 15f

Subject Index principles of, 29–34 social/personality pillar, 15f, 16 transparency in, 32–34 Psychological testing, 38–40, 39f Psychologists defined, 19–20, 20t training requirements, 21–22 Psychology critical thinking about, 5–6 defined, 3–4, 3f forerunners of, 10–11 history of, 10–13 modern psychology, 11–13 popular claims about, 4–5 practice of, 20–23 research using, 19 Psychometric psychology, 20 Psychoneuroimmunology (PNI), 346–347 Psychopathy, 495–497, 496f Psychophysics, 130–131 Psychosexual stages, personality development, 445–446, 445t Psychosis, 504 Psychosurgery, 520 Psychotherapist, defined, 22–23, 22t Psychotherapy biology and, 534–535 consumer protection for, 538 culture and, 537–539 evaluation of, 530–534 major schools of, 523–530 mental disorders and, 523–539, 530t PTSD Checklist, 482 Puberty, 389–390 Punishment, 208–209, 216–218 Pupil, 136, 137f

Q

QAnon conspiracy theories, 411 Questionnaires, self-report questionnaires, 482 Questions, in critical thinking, 5–6

R

Race intelligence and, 80–81, 278–279 prejudice and, 429–436 psychology and, 17–19 social identity and, 427 stress and, 345 systemic racism, 431–432 Radical behaviorism, 207 Random assignment, 47 Rape, 313–314 Rapid eye movement (REM) sleep, 170–172, 170f, 171f, 174 Rational emotive behavior therapy (RABT), 526–527 Rationality barriers to, 270–271 consciousness and, 268–269 Reactivity, 454 Reasoning, 269 Recall, 231 Recency effect, 238–239, 238f Receptor sites, 98 Reciprocal determinism, 457–458, 458f Recognition, 231 Reflexes infant, 69 spinal, 92

Regression, 445 Rehabilitation psychology, 534 Rehearsal, memory and, 246 Reification, cross-cultural studies, 41 Reinforcement, 208–211 limitations of, 218–220 Reliability, testing, 39, 39f REM behavior disorder, 172 Remote Associates Test, 284 Replacement, memory and, 250–251 Replication, 32 Representative sample, 34, 34f Repression, 253–254, 444 Research psychology, 20, 23 advantages and disadvantages, 49t Resiliency, development and, 397 Resistance phase (stress), 344 Responses, operant conditioning, 211–214 Reticular activating system (RAS), 106 Retina, 136–137, 137f, 138f Retinal disparity, 142 Retrieval practice, memory and, 247–248, 247f Retroactive interference, 251, 251f Rewards, limitations of, 218–220 Robbers Cave experiment, 427–428, 428f, 435 Rods, 137, 138f Roles, 412–413 Rorschach inkblot test, 482–483, 483f Rubber hand illusion, 157

S

Salivary response, 197–198, 197f Sampling convenience sampling, 35 cross-cultural studies, 41 intelligence testing and, 278–279 representative sample, 34, 34f surveys and, 40 Saturation, 136 Schadenfreude, 340, 343 Schemas, cognitive, 266–267 Schizophrenia, 504–508 therapy for, 533 School psychologists, 21 Scientific research advantages and disadvantages, 49t case studies, 35–37 correlational studies, 41–44 cross-cultural studies, 40–41 descriptive studies, 34–35 ethics, 55–57 evaluation and interpretation, 49–55 experimental research, 45–49 interpreting findings, 52–55 methods comparison, 55t observational studies, 37–38 psychology and, 29–34, 30f real vs. fake science, 33–34 surveys, 40 tests, 38–39 transparency in, 32–34 Scientist-practitioner gap, 531–532, 532f Screen time, child development and, 378–379 Seasonal affective disorder (SAD), 167–168 Secondary reinforcer, 209 Second Life (virtual worlds), 526 Seinfeld (TV series), 352 Selective attention, 135

625

Selective serotinin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), 515–516 Self-actualization, 464–465 Self-control, 382–383 Self-discipline, success and, 283–285 Self-efficacy, 317–318 Self-help groups, 538 Self-report questionnaires, 482 Self-serving biases, 407–408 Semantic memories, 238, 238f Semantic network, long-term memory, 236–239, 237f Semicircular canals, 148f, 158 Sensation, 128–129, 129f Sense organs, 129 Sense receptors, 129–130 Senses environmental influences, 158–159 measurement of, 130–133 Sensory adaptation, 133–134 Sensory deprivation studies, 134 Sensory nerves, 92 Sensory process, 132–133 Sensory register, 232–234 Separation anxiety, 367–368, 367f September 11, 2001 attacks, 243, 365 Serial-position effect, 238–239, 238f Serotonin transporter gene (5-HTT), 486 Set point theory, 298–299 Severance (TV series), 321 Sex hormones, 100 Sexism, categories of, 430 Sexting, 316 Sexual coercion, 313–314 Sexuality evolution and, 71–74 gender differences and, 309–310 gender identity and, 384–385 motivations, 308, 312–316 stereotypes vs. actual behavior, 72 Sexual orientation, 385 biology and, 310–312 Sexual script, 315–316 Shallow processing, 247 Shape constancy, 144 Shaping, 213–214 Shared environment, 459–460 Sherlock (TV series), 268 Side effects, antipsychotics/ antidepressants, 519 Signal-detection theory, 132–133 Significance tests, 50–51 Similarity, 141, 150 attachment and, 305 Simultaneous needs, 297 Single-blind study, 48 Situational attribution, 405–406 Size, in context, 145, 145f Size constancy, 144 Skepticism, 30–31 Skills training, 526 Skin, senses of, 155 Skinner box, 211, 211f Sleep benefits of, 171–172, 174–175 deprivation, 172–173 memory consolidation, 174, 174f, 240 quality and quantity, 175 rhythms, 169–171 Sleep apnea, 172 Sleep spindles, 169 Smell, 153–155, 154f, 159

626 Subject Index Smoking, 365 Social acceptance, conformity and, 420 Social anxiety disorder, 490 Social beliefs, 405–411 Social class intelligence and, 80–81 stress and, 344–345 Social cognition, 405 temperament and, 456 Social-cognitive learning theories, 221–224 Social cognitive learning theory, 458 Social development, childhood amnesia and, 253 Social discrimination, 430 Social distance, 433 Social identities, 426–427 Social media addiction to, 419, 509 digital dating and, 305 scientific research and, 34 sexuality and, 316 stress and, 357 Social neuroscience, 91 Social psychology attitudes, 408–409 attribution theory, 405–408 cognitive dissonance, 409–410 defined, 404–405 group identity and conflict, 426–429 individuals in groups, 419–426 norms and roles, 412–413 obedience and, 417–419 persuasion and, 410–411 prejudice and, 429–436 situations and, 414–417 social forces and, 411–419 Sociobiology, 71 Sociocognitive theories, 182–183 dissociative identity disorder, 503 Soft drink consumption, weight gain and, 301 Somatic nervous system, 92–93 Somatosensory cortex, 109–111, 110f Some Good News (YouTube show), 329 Soothability, 454 The Sopranos (TV series), 524 Sound of Metal (film), 150 Source misattribution, 256 Spanking, 217–218 Spinal cord, 92, 92f Spinal reflexes, 92 Split-brain experiments, 112–115 Spontaneous recovery, 198 Stage theories of development, 392–395 Standard deviation, 50, 50f Standardization, 38 Standards, performance and, 284 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, 279 Stanford Binet IQ Test, 83f Stanford Prison Experiment, 416–417 State-dependent, 252 Statistics Bayesian statistics, 54 inferential statistics, 50–52 Stem cells, 96–97, 96f Stereotypes actual behavior vs., 72 cross-cultural studies, 41 defined, 428–429 intelligence testing and, 280 sex differences in brain and, 120–121 stereotype threat, 280

Stimulants, 186, 186t Stimulus generation and discrimination, 198, 202–203, 212 Stranger Things (TV series), 164 Strange situation research, 368 Stress, 343–358 body and, 344–347, 344f brain and, 344–347, 345f coping with, 353–358 emotion and, 349–353 fetal development and, 365 illness and, 346f, 358t immune system and, 346–347 mind and, 347–348 social support and, 355–358 Stroke, synesthesia and, 130 Stroop test, 183–184 Structuralism, 11–12 Structural MRI, 103 Subconscious thinking, 267–268 Subjective feelings, 330 Subliminal messaging, 150–151 Substance abuse. See also addictive disorders Successive approximation, 213 Suicide attempts, preventive cognitive therapy, 533 depression and, 484 violence and abuse and, 487 Suicide bombers, 410–411 Superego, 444 Supertasters, 152 Suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN), 166 Surveys, 40 Sympathetic nervous system, 93 Synapse, 97 memory and, 239–240 Synaptic pruning, 390 Synaptic vesicles, 97–98 Synesthesia, 130 Systematic desensitization, 203–204, 525 Systemic racism, 431–432

T

Tachiba (Japanese role), 462 Tacit knowledge, 282 Tardive dyskinesia, 515 Taste, 151–153 classical conditioning and, 204–205 Taste buds, 151 Taste tests, 153, 153f Telegraphic speech, 378 Teletherapy, 538 Television, hyperactivity and, 44 Telomeres, 347–348 Temperament attachment and, 306, 369–371 heredity and, 454–455 Temporal lobes, 110 Terminology, in critical thinking, 6 Terrorism, defined, 410 Testosterone, 309 Test-retest reliability, 39, 39f Tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), 188 Thalamus, 106–107, 106f Theory defined, 29–30 of mind, 287, 374 Think-drink effect, 190

Thinking and thought in animals, 288–289 cognitive development and, 371–375 consciousness of, 267–268 dreams as, 177–178 knowledge and, 265–269 rational reasoning, 268–269 13 Reasons Why (TV series), 484 Three-box model of memory, 232–239, 233f Three Identical Strangers (documentary), 63, 77 Timbre, 148 Tip-of-the-tongue states, 237 Titchener circles, 145–146, 145f Tolerance (drugs), 189 Tomato plant experiment, 81f Tongue, 151–153, 152f Touch, 155 Toxic materials, intelligence and exposure to, 82 Trained introspection, 11 Traits, 68–70 depression and, 486–487 Tranquilizers, 516–517 Transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS), 102 Transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS), 101–102, 102f, 122, 522, 523f Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), 101, 102f, 522, 523f Transference, 524 Transgender, 384 Transparency, in psychological research, 32–34 Traumatic amnesia, 254 Triarchic theory of intelligence, 281–282, 282t Trichromatic theory, 139–140 Tricyclic antidepressants, 515–516 Twin studies depression and, 486–487 environment and, 84–85 heritability and, 76–78 IQ scores in, 79–80, 79f personality and, 454–457 posttraumatic stress disorder and, 491 schizophrenia and, 507–508, 507f

U

Ultimatum Game, 273 Umami, 151–152 Unconditional positive regard, 464–465 Unconditioned response (UR), 197 Unconditioned stimulus (US), 197, 202–203 Universal grammar, 376 USA Memory Competition, 245

V

Validity, 39 Validity scales, psychological assessment, 482 Values, education and, 284 Variables defined, 42 dependent, 45–46 independent, 45–46 Vasopressin, 99, 304 Vicarious conditioning, 222 Victim blaming, 407 Videoconferencing, perceptions and, 158 Violence cognitive therapy and, 533 depression and, 487 gun violence, 17

Subject Index psychological perspectives on, 14 reduction of, 218 Virtual Iraq/Afghanistan, 525 Virtual reality programs, 525 Vision, 135–147 psychological dimensions of, 136f Visual cliff paradigm, 17–18, 366–368 Visual constancies, 144 Visual cortex, 109, 109f Visual field, 113–114, 114f Visual illusions, 144–147, 145f, 146f Visual pathways, 113, 113f Visual system, 138–139 principles and processes, 140–147 Vulnerability-stress model, 485, 485f, 488, 491

W

Watson computer, 277 Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS), 279, 279f Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC), 279, 279f Weight biological factors, 296–300 environmental influences on, 300–301 genetics and, 298–299 WEIRDos (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic cultures), 35 Wernicke's area, 110 White matter, 108 Withdrawal, 189–190

Work conditions, 319–321 motivation for, 317–323 Working memory, 232, 234–236 intelligence and, 281 neurons and synapses, 239 rehearsal and, 247 Writing, emotional expression and, 352

Z

Zygote, 364

627

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