Proto-Romance and Sicilian [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9783112329948, 9783112329931

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MICHAEL LEE MAZZOLA

PROTO-ROMANCE AND SICILIAN

LISSE

THE PETER DE RIDDER PRESS 1976

ISBN 90 316 0088 1 © C o p y r i g h t 1976 Michael L. Mazzola No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the author.

Printed in Belgium by Orientaliste, Louvain

In Memory of My

Grandparents:

Emmanuel and Fanny Mazzola Joseph and Catherine Galvano

PREFACE

This study is a revision of my Cornell Ph.D. Thesis which was completed in September 1967. Major differences are usually indicated in the text by the phrase "Originally, it was proposed here ...". Additions involve the maps and the discussion in Chapter III, although some of the points found in the latter were already stated in the original thesis. Among the many people whose valuable suggestions contributed to the merits found in the thesis or in the revised version, the following should be mentioned: Alice M. Colby, Robert A. Hall, Jr., Anna G. Hatcher, Charles F. Hockett, Fred W. Householder, Clifford S. Leonard, Samuel N. Rosenberg, and Donald F. Sola. Above all, I would single out Frederick B. Agard, who gave freely of his time and generously allowed me access to his materials on Bittese. I profited greatly from our many discussions and from his insightful and challenging comments. Such acknowledgement, however, is not to imply that all necessarily agree with the fundamental procedures or with my conclusions. Indeed, some of their suggestions were not always followed and the responsibility for any wrong judgement is entirely my own. M.L.M.

T A B L E OF C O N T E N T S

PREFACE

5

INTRODUCTION

9

0.1 General Considerations 0.2 Methodology and Data 0.3 Scope . ' Chapter 1.1.0 1.1.1 1.1.2 1.1.3 1.1.4 1.1.5 1.2.0 1.2.1 1.2.2 1.2.3 1.2.4 1.2.5 1.3.0 1.3.1 1.3.2 1.3.3 1.3.4 1.3.5 1.4.0 1.4.1 1.4.2 1.4.3 1.4.4

I

9 12 15

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

San Giuseppe Iato Inventory of Phonemes Distribution of Allophones Length and the Role of Stress Occurrence of Phonemes in the Morphophonemics Villalba Inventory of Phonemes Distribution of Allophones Length and the Role of Stress Occurrence of Phonemes in the Morphophonemics Mistretta Inventory of Phonemes Distribution of Allophones Length and the Role of Stress Occurrence of Phonemes in the Morphophonemics Bitti Inventory of Phonemes Distribution of Allophones Length and the Role of Stress Occurrence of Phonemes in the

Syllabe Types

Syllable Types

.

Syllable Types

.

Syllable Types

.

17 17 17 18 21 22 23 25 25 26 31 31 32 34 35 35 39 40 40 43 43 44 46 46

8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter I I A R E C O N S T R U C T I O N O F P R O T O - R O M A N C E . . . . 2.0 Introductory Remarks 2.1 Initial Consonants and Clusters 2.2 Medial Consonants and Clusters 2.3 Stressed Vowels 2.4 Pre-tonic Vowels 2.5 Post-tonic Vowels : Non-final 2.6 Post-tonic Vowels : Final

47 47 49 65 91 97 100 101

Chapter I I I E X T R A P O L A T I O N A N D S O U N D 3.1.0 Consonants 3.1.1 Solution I 3.1.2 Solution II 3.1.3 Arguments from French 3.1.4 Geographical Distribution 3.1.5 / C I / a n d / C y / C l u s t e r s 3.1.6 Palatalization 3.1.7 Post-consonantal /g/ 3.1.8 Labials, Glides and/g/ 3.1.9 /1C/Clusters 3.1.10 Geminate/l/ 3.2.0 Vowels 3.2.1 Stressed Vowels 3.2.2 Pre-tonic Vowels 3.2.3 Post-tonic Vowels: Non-final 3.2.4 Post-tonic Vowels : Final 3.3.0 External Influence 3.3.1 Norman 3.3.2 Gallo-Italian 3.4.0 Summary

104 104 105 107 109 109 112 113 116 120 121 122 122 125 125 126 127 127 133 133

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CHANGE

.

.

.

.

104

137

INTRODUCTION

0.1

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

The classification of the Romance languages has been a long-standing object of interest for scholars in Romance Linguistics.1 This concern with classification stems essentially from efforts to establish the history of a language. Where a language, or dialect, is moot on a particular point, a development found in a 'closely related' language may be posited for it. Diachronically, close relationship is determined by shared phonemic changes.2 However, languages may be found which are 'ambivalent', i.e. they can be shown to share phonemic changes with either language A or language B, which in turn are known to have separate developments. In studies which use vowel development as the basis classificatory criterion, Sicilian is an ambivalent language, since it can be grouped either with Italian or with Sardinian. Four basic vowel developments are recognized for Romance: 3 1. Vulgar Latin or Proto-Italo-Western: Proto-Romance 4 lax, high vowels merge with tense, mid vowels : Proto-Romance i

>

Proto-Italo- Western i

e—— 1

Cf. especially von Wartburg 1967; Hall 1950a; and Leonard 1970. Cf. Hoenigswald 1960: especially 144-160. 3 Cf. Elcock 1960; 43-46; Lausberg 1965: 210-215; Rohlfs 1966: 8-11; and Tagliavini 1964: 191-192. 4 For a definition of the terms Proto-Romance and Proto-Italo-Western, see Hall 1950a and below. The Proto-Romance tense, high and mid vowels correspond to Classical Latin long, high and mid vowels respectively. Proto-Romance lax, high and mid vowels correspond to Classical short, high and mid vowels respectively. There is no evidence for Latin long and short /a/ in the Romance languages. 2

10

INTRODUCTION

ç a g 0

> > >

u

>

ç a 9 — o u

From the Proto-Italo-Western system are derived Italian, RhaetoRomance, French, Provençal, Spanish, Catalan, and Portuguese. 2. Sardinian : Proto-Romance lax vowels merge with tense vowels : 1

I Z Z = =

!

Ç a

>

9

i

a =

o

uThis development is also characteristic of some South Italian dialects, e.g. Oriolo. 5 3. Rumanian: the Proto-Romance high, front vowel merges with the tense, mid front vowel as in Italo-Western, but the lax, high back vowel merges with the tense, high back vowel as in Sardinian: i '

>

i

? a 9 o

> > > >

e a 9 o U

This development is also characteristic of some South Italian dialects, e.g. Castelmezzano. 5 5

For South Italian dialects with either Sardinian or Rumanian vocalism, cf. Lausberg 1939; Leonard 1969; and Rohlfs 1966:6-9.

INTRODUCTION

11

4. Sicilian: Proto-Romance high vowels merge with the tense, mid vowel:

This development is also characteristic of dialects of Southern Calabria and Southern Puglia. The ambivalent nature of Sicilian vowel development has resulted in various attempts to determine whether the vowels developed as in Italo-Western or as in Sardinian, with the subsequent merger to /!/ and /u/. Calvano (1969:133-141, 162) argued that Sicilian is an ItaloWestern language, given the observation that Sicilian vocalism, but not Sardinian vocalism, is predictable from that of Italo-Western. Lausberg (1965:216) posited a variation of the Italo-Western development by merging lax, high vowels with tense, mid vowels to lax, high vowels, followed by the merger which is peculiar to Sicilian. Bertoni, whose work was taken up again in Schiaffini (1957), argued that Sicilian had an intermediate Sardinian development on the basis of thirteenth century texts. 6 Hall grouped Sicilian along with Sardinian and Lucanian: "The earliest group [Southern Romance] to split off [from ProtoRomance] through not sharing in the merger of /i 7 and /e "/, involved Sardinian, Lucanian and Sicilian ..." (1950:25). 7 Proto-Italo-Western Romance was then defined as the "intermediate stage that was the parent of the Romance languages not included in the Southern or Eastern groups ...". The characteristics given for Proto-Italo-Western are: ... the merger of /kj/ with /k/ before front vowels into /c/, of /i/ with /g/ before front vowels into /g/, and the seven vowel system /i e e a o o u/ customarily ascribed to Vulgar Latin.... Proto-Italo-Romance was then differentiated from Proto-Western Romance (the ancestral form of Gallo- and IberoRomance) by the assimilation of certain consonant clusters in PItRom. (/pt ps kt ks/ etc.) and by the development of a series of palatalized consonants in PWRom.... 6 7

Cf. especially Enciclopedia Italiana, XXXI, 694-695. Sicilian was omitted, however, from the classification in Hall 1964: 312.

INTRODUCTION

12

Later differentiations took place within each group, such as the sonorization of intervocalic unvoiced consonants in certain dialects of Gallo-Romance and of Ibero-Romance (later spreading to almost the entire Western Romance territory), the diphthongization or raising of vowels in stressed free syllable in Francien and Tuscan, etc., giving rise to the sub-varieties of each major division.

Originally, a Sardinian vocalism was posited here as the intermediate stage for Sicilian based on consonantal mergers shared with Sardinian. The concern with the vocalic development, however, has resulted in a situation where the consonantism has been generally overlooked as a classificatory criterion. Although in Chapter III, Sicilian will be derived from an 'Italo-Western' vocalism, it will be argued that the consonantal mergers shared by Sardinian, Sicilian, and South Italian dialects of whatever vocalic development, to the exclusion of Italian, must be classificatory criteria for Proto-Southern because of complications which arise from the Western languages with identical consonantal changes. Accordingly, it will be proposed that Sardinian, Sicilian, and South Italian be grouped together under Proto-Southern on the basis of shared consonantal mergers and no change in the vocalism to account for the variety of subsequent vocalic developments within the group. Italo-Western, in contrast, will be characterized by its typical vocalism and by no change in the consonantism to account for the differing subsequent consonantal changes found therein. Sardinian will be shown to split off from Sicilian and South Italian on the basis of the vocalism which is typically Sardinian and by consonantal changes. Sicilian and South Italian, incontrasi,will be characterized by no immediate change in the vowel development and by their distinctive consonantal mergers. These consonantal mergers are further examined to ascertain whether they might be a result of outside influence and, hence, doubtful as criteria for such a conclusion. Consequently, there follows a discussion of possible influence from Norman and Gallo-Italian. Any such influence, however, will be shown to be later than the changes which separate Italian from the Southern languages, as well as later than those changes which separate Sardinian from Sicilian and South Italian.

0.2

METHODOLOGY AND DATA

Solutions to the issues outlined above were sought in the results of a reconstruction, 8 dealt with in Chapter II, involving three Sicilian

INTRODUCTION

12

Later differentiations took place within each group, such as the sonorization of intervocalic unvoiced consonants in certain dialects of Gallo-Romance and of Ibero-Romance (later spreading to almost the entire Western Romance territory), the diphthongization or raising of vowels in stressed free syllable in Francien and Tuscan, etc., giving rise to the sub-varieties of each major division.

Originally, a Sardinian vocalism was posited here as the intermediate stage for Sicilian based on consonantal mergers shared with Sardinian. The concern with the vocalic development, however, has resulted in a situation where the consonantism has been generally overlooked as a classificatory criterion. Although in Chapter III, Sicilian will be derived from an 'Italo-Western' vocalism, it will be argued that the consonantal mergers shared by Sardinian, Sicilian, and South Italian dialects of whatever vocalic development, to the exclusion of Italian, must be classificatory criteria for Proto-Southern because of complications which arise from the Western languages with identical consonantal changes. Accordingly, it will be proposed that Sardinian, Sicilian, and South Italian be grouped together under Proto-Southern on the basis of shared consonantal mergers and no change in the vocalism to account for the variety of subsequent vocalic developments within the group. Italo-Western, in contrast, will be characterized by its typical vocalism and by no change in the consonantism to account for the differing subsequent consonantal changes found therein. Sardinian will be shown to split off from Sicilian and South Italian on the basis of the vocalism which is typically Sardinian and by consonantal changes. Sicilian and South Italian, incontrasi,will be characterized by no immediate change in the vowel development and by their distinctive consonantal mergers. These consonantal mergers are further examined to ascertain whether they might be a result of outside influence and, hence, doubtful as criteria for such a conclusion. Consequently, there follows a discussion of possible influence from Norman and Gallo-Italian. Any such influence, however, will be shown to be later than the changes which separate Italian from the Southern languages, as well as later than those changes which separate Sardinian from Sicilian and South Italian.

0.2

METHODOLOGY AND DATA

Solutions to the issues outlined above were sought in the results of a reconstruction, 8 dealt with in Chapter II, involving three Sicilian

INTRODUCTION

13

dialects with a dialect of Sardinian and standard Italian as controls. The source of the data was influenced by Hall's favorable remarks in his review (1942:283) of the Italian Linguistic Atlas. 9 Thus, the AIS corpus was used for the analyses of Villalba (point 844), Mistretta (point 826) and Bitti (point 938). A study of the dialect of San Giuseppe Iato, not one of the points of the AIS, is also included. 10 The dialect of Bitti, the AIS material for which was supplemented by unpublished materials collected by Frederick B. Agard, was chosen because of its conservative characteristics. Villalba was chosen because its data could be checked against the information given in the analyses of Fodale 1 1 and Palermo. 12 Mistretta was selected because no published materials could be found to supplement the AIS data. Care was taken to omit the Gallo-Italian colonies of Sperlinga, Piazza Armerina, San Fratello, Aidone, Nicosia, and Novara. The results of this approach are presented in Chapter I. Found there are phonemic 1 3 analyses along with a sketch of certain morphophonemic operations of of the dialects studied. Statements concerning standard Italian are taken largely from Hall's Descriptive Italian Grammar. The aid of two native speakers of Italian, Annarita Puglielli (L'Aquila) and M. Giuseppina Scajola Swenson (Rome), was enlisted to verify the occurrence of open and close mid vowels in the forms given for Italian in Chapter II and for morphemes in variation with each other (e.g., vaccaio ~ vaccaro 'cowherd').

8 For a treatment of the Comparative Method and historical linguistics in general, see Hoenigswald 1960. For explicit applications of the Comparative Method to other areas of Romance, see Dato 1959; and Leonard 1960 and 1969. 9 Jaberg and Jud 1928-1940, hereafter referred to as the AIS. For other studies based on AIS data, see Leonard 1969; and Soffietti 1949. 10 For locations of these dialects, see Map I. Since I am a native American, English is my native language. I have, however, spoken San Giusepparu since childhood and still maintain an active control of this dialect. 11 Fodale 1964. Villalbese is one of six dialects in this study which has as its purpose the establishment of a diasystem. The careful work therein makes it a valuable reference. 12 Palermo 1950. This study presents an analysis of Villalbese phonemics and morphology along with a traditional study of its development from Latin with a view towards refuting Rohlfs' theory of an interrupted development of Romance in Sicily. It is valuable not only for a thorough summary of Rohlfs' theory, but also for a discussion of the history of Villalba in relation to the history of Sicily. 13 For representative works of this theoretical orientation, see Bloomfield 1933; Gleason 1961; Hall 1964; Hockett 1955; and 1958; and Joos 1963. For a criticism of this procedure as being characterized by (a) linearity, (b) biuniqueness, (c) invariance and (d) local determinacy, see Chomsky 1964. For an alternative theory, see Chomsky and Halle 1968.

14

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

15

The results, in general, justify Hall's exhortation to do phonological analyses based on AIS data. There are, nevertheless, drawbacks in using a Worter-und-Sachen atlas for purely linguistic purposes. Many items which would have been useful for certain correspondences are not included in the corpus (e.g., the scant number of items for Proto-Romance /I/ plus consonant and the instances where no direct information was available for Mistretta and Villalba external consonant sandhi). Moreover, the phonetic information reported by Palermo and Fodale is much more precise than that reported in the AIS. The analyst basing himself solely on the AIS data will find, for example, that Villalba /p/ has the allophone [p] which occurs everywhere. When information is taken from the analyses of Palermo and Fodale, however, one finds that Villalba /p/ has two allophones: [p], which occurs after /m/, and [p] which occurs elsewhere. 14 In many cases, however, the corpus repeats items often enough to lend itself to interpretation (e.g. the distribution for Mistretta /e/ and the alternation between /rC/ and /1C/ for Bitti). Nevertheless, if the analyst does not already have a substantial knowledge of a dialect very closely related to the one he is extracting from the Atlas, it is always advisable to select a point which can be readily supplemented by other commentaries. 15

0.3

SCOPE

No claim is made here of presenting an exhaustive historical phonology of any of the dialects studied (cf., for example, the lack of any statement concerning the source of Italian, Sardinian and Sicilian initial /c/). The purpose is solely to determine what bearing the results of a phonological reconstruction—testing the AIS as a corpus—would have in placing Sicilian with relation to Sardinian and Italian. To do so it suffices to follow the main structural lines of development from ProtoRomance to Sicilian in the light of the development in Sardinian and Italian with a view towards establishing an intermediate common stage with either one or the other. However desirable an exhaustive

14 For the inaccuracy of AIS data with respect to another Sicilian dialect, see Piccitto 1939-1940. 15 For the necessity of supplementing AIS data, see also Hall 1950b: 444; Leonard 1969: 447; and Soffietti 1949.

INTRODUCTION

15

The results, in general, justify Hall's exhortation to do phonological analyses based on AIS data. There are, nevertheless, drawbacks in using a Worter-und-Sachen atlas for purely linguistic purposes. Many items which would have been useful for certain correspondences are not included in the corpus (e.g., the scant number of items for Proto-Romance /I/ plus consonant and the instances where no direct information was available for Mistretta and Villalba external consonant sandhi). Moreover, the phonetic information reported by Palermo and Fodale is much more precise than that reported in the AIS. The analyst basing himself solely on the AIS data will find, for example, that Villalba /p/ has the allophone [p] which occurs everywhere. When information is taken from the analyses of Palermo and Fodale, however, one finds that Villalba /p/ has two allophones: [p], which occurs after /m/, and [p] which occurs elsewhere. 14 In many cases, however, the corpus repeats items often enough to lend itself to interpretation (e.g. the distribution for Mistretta /e/ and the alternation between /rC/ and /1C/ for Bitti). Nevertheless, if the analyst does not already have a substantial knowledge of a dialect very closely related to the one he is extracting from the Atlas, it is always advisable to select a point which can be readily supplemented by other commentaries. 15

0.3

SCOPE

No claim is made here of presenting an exhaustive historical phonology of any of the dialects studied (cf., for example, the lack of any statement concerning the source of Italian, Sardinian and Sicilian initial /c/). The purpose is solely to determine what bearing the results of a phonological reconstruction—testing the AIS as a corpus—would have in placing Sicilian with relation to Sardinian and Italian. To do so it suffices to follow the main structural lines of development from ProtoRomance to Sicilian in the light of the development in Sardinian and Italian with a view towards establishing an intermediate common stage with either one or the other. However desirable an exhaustive

14 For the inaccuracy of AIS data with respect to another Sicilian dialect, see Piccitto 1939-1940. 15 For the necessity of supplementing AIS data, see also Hall 1950b: 444; Leonard 1969: 447; and Soffietti 1949.

16

INTRODUCTION

study might be, in the final analysis most of it would be superfluous with respect to the central point as stated above. 16 The present study prescinds further from consideration of Rohlfs' hypothesis of an interrupted development of the neo-Latin of Sicily, due to the Greek and Saracen dominations between the period of Roman rule and that of the Normans. 1 7

16

For representative works on the history of Sicilian, cf. Avolio 1882; de Gregorio 1886; Ducibella 1934; Pirandello 1891 ; Pitrè 1875; Schiavo-Lena 1908; Schneegans 1888; Wentrup 1880; and more recently Palermo 1950; and Tropea 1956-1957. 17 Cf. especially Rohlfs 1933; and a discussion by Palermo 1950: Chapter III.

CHAPTER I

PHONEMIC

1.1.0

ANALYSES

SAN GIUSEPPE IATO

The following is a phonemic description of the dialect spoken in San Giuseppe Iato, a village located approximately fifteen miles southwest of Palermo and five miles from the Piana degli Albanesi. The dialect spoken in San Giuseppe Iato and that spoken in San Cipirello, an immediately adjoining village, are one and the same 1

1.1.1

Inventory of Phonemes.

San Giusepparu has a segmental phonemic inventory of nineteen consonants, two glides and five vowels. Stress is also structurally significant. Consonants. t k p b d g f s s V

m

c

c

? n

g n

1

r 1 As informants, I have used myself, naturalized Americans who are native speakers, and several inhabitants of San Giuseppe Iato. I had occasion to interview the latter in August, 1965. The only difference I have been able to discern between the two groups of informants has been on the lexical level. The speech of the Sicilian informants is characterized by recent Italianisms (/furmaggu/ 'cheese', /marcaberi/ 'sidewalk'). The speech of the naturalized Americans is characterized by archaisms (/tumaccu/ 'cheese') and by Anglicisms (/sayudawokku/ 'sidewalk'). For studies related to Sicilian speaking communities in the United States, see DiPietro 1960 and Ortisi 1951.

18

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

Glides

w

y

Vowels

u o

1.1.2

Distribution

of A llophones.

Consonants

/p/ has a single allophone [p], a voiceless, bilabial stop: [paba] /paba/ 'Dad', [skappa] /skappa/ 'he runs o f f . /t/ has the allophones [t], a voiceless retroflex stop, which occurs in the clusters [tr] and [str]: [tfi] /tri/ 'three', [kwattru] /kwattru/ 'four', [stfa:da] /strada/ 'road', [nostfu] /nostru/ 'our'; and [t], a voiceless, dental stop, which occurs elsewhere: [te] /te/ 'here, take it', [pettu] /pettu/ 'chest', [t], a voiceless, interdental stop, may occur as a free variant of [t], /k/ has the allophones [c], a voiceless, palatal stop, which occurs before [y]: [cyavi] /kyavi/ 'key'; and [k], a voiceless, velar stop, which occurs elsewhere: [kala:ri] /kalari/ 'to lower', [vakka] /vakka/ 'cow', /b/ has a single allophone [b], a voiced, bilabial stop : [babbu] /babbu/ 'fool'. /d/ has the allophones [d], a voiced, dental stop, which occurs single in intervocalic position and after [z]: [strá:da] /stráda/ 'road', [zdizanú:ri] /sdisanúri/ 'dishonor'; and [d], a voiced, retroflex stop, which occurs elsewhere : [dó:gu] /dógu/ 'there', [béddu] /béddu/ 'beautiful', [má:dri] /mádri/ 'mother', [d], a voiced, interdental stop, and [8], a voiced, interdental fricative, may occur in place of [d] in rapid speech. /g/ has the allophones [g], a voiced, palatal stop, before [y]: [figgyu] /figgyu/ 'son'; and [g], a voiced, velar stop, which occurs elsewhere: [gursé] /gursé/ 'corset', [fi:gu] /figu/ 'fig', [muggé:ri] /muggéri/ 'wife', [y], a voiced, velar fricative, may occur as a free variant of [g] in intervocalic position. /{/ has the allophones [f], a semi-voiced, labio-dental fricative, which occurs single in intervocalic position: [ufárigu] /ufángu/ 'the mud'; and [f], a voiceless, labio-dental fricative, which occurs elsewhere: [fá:ri] /fári/ 'to do', [búffa] /búffa/ 'toad'.

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

19

/v/ has the single allophone [v], a voiced, labio-dental fricative: [vé:ni] /véni/ 'come', [á: vi] /ávi/ 'he has'. /s/ has the allophones [z], a voiced, alveolo-dental fricative, which occurs single in intervocalic position and before voiced consonants: [ká:za] /kása/ 'house', [zgarigalá:du] /sgangaládu/ 'toothless'; and [s], a voiceless, alveolo-dental fricative, which occurs elsewhere: [súññu] /súññu/ 'I am', [lassá:ri] /lassári/ 'to leave', [skókka] /skókka/ 'bow of a ribbon', [z], a slightly retracted, voiced, alveolar fricative, and [z], a voiced, palatal fricative, are free variants of [z] before voiced consonants. Similarly, [§], a slightly retracted, alveolar fricative, and [s], a voiceless, palatal fricative, may occur in place of [s] before voiceless consonants. Thus, [zgar|galá:du], [zgar|galá:du] and [gkókka], [skókka] are all possible. /s/ has the allophones [z], a voiced, palatal fricative, which occurs single in intervocalic position: [pá:zi] /pási/ 'peace'; and [s], a voiceless, palatal fricative, which occurs elsewhere: [sú:ri] /suri/ 'flower', [niásí] /níssí/ 'he went out'. /c/ has a single allophone [c], a voiceless, alveolo-dental affricate: [ci:du] /cidu/ 'man engaged to be married', [láccu] /láccu/ 'string'. /?/ has a single allophone [?], a voiced, alveolo-dental affricate: [?ír|garu] /?ingaru/ 'gypsy', [a??i??á: ri] /a??i??ári/ 'to fix'. /c/ has a single allophone [c], a voiceless, palatal afTricate: [cétta] /cétta/ 'axe', [ácca] /ácca/ 'celery'. /g/ has a single allophone [g], a voiced, palatal afTricate: [giggyu] /giggyu/ 'lily', [rrágga] /rrágga/ 'rage'. /m/ has the allophones [rp], a syllabic, labio-dental nasal, which occurs post-pausally before [v]: [rpvá:mi] /mvámi/ 'slanderer'; [rp], a non-syllabic, labio-dental nasal, which occurs in medial position before [v]: [rárpva] /rámva/ 'claw'; [ip], a syllabic, bilabial nasal, which occurs in post-pausal position before [b], [m] and [r]: [ipbiccigá: ri] /mbiccigári/ 'to stick', [ipmé:zi] /mmési/ 'instead'; [m], a non-syllabic, bilabial nasal, which occurs elsewhere: [mámma] /mámma/ 'Mom'. /n/ has the allophones [p], a syllabic, velar nasal, which occurs postpausally before [g]: [rjgalizá:ri] /ngalisári/ 'to put in jail'; [r|], a nonsyllabic, velar nasal, which occurs in medial position before [g]: [sár|gu] /sángu/ 'blood'; [n], a syllabic, alveolo-dental nasal, which occurs post-pausally before [d] and [z]: [ndó] /ndó/ 'in the', [n?ú:ma] /n?úma/ 'finally'; [n], a non-syllabic, alveolo-dental nasal, which occurs elsewhere: [néndi] /néndi/ 'nothing', [lá:na] /lána/ 'wool'. /ñ/ has a single allophone [ñ], a voiced, palatal nasal: [ñuttiga:ri] /ñuttigári/ 'to fold', [piññá:da] /piññáda/ 'pot'.

20

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/l/ has a single allophone [1], an alveolo-dental lateral: [líññu] /líññu/ 'wood', [fi:lu] /filu/ 'thread'. /r/ has the allophones [r], a voiced, retroflex flap, which occurs after voiced labials and [d]: [vró:ru] /vróru/ 'broth', [vráccu] /vráccu/ 'arm', [ípróggyu] /mróggyu/ 'mish-mash', [má:dri] /mádri/ 'mother'; [f], a voiceless, retroflex flap, which occurs after [t]: [tri] /tri/ 'three', and geminate as a free variant of [rr] in medial position: [t?fra] /térra/ 'land', [r], a voiced, alveolar flap, occurs elsewhere: [rú:na] /rúna/ 'he gives', [má:ri] /mári/ 'sea', [kárru] 'cart'. Glides

/w/ has the allophones [u], a non-syllabic, back semi-vowel, which occurs in post-vocalic position: [páulu] /páwlu/ 'Paul'; [w], a nonsyllabic, velar semi-consonant, which occurs elsewhere: [wó:li] /wóli/ 'he wants'. /y/ has the allophones [i], a non-syllabic, front, semi-vowel, which occurs in post-vocalic position: [mái] /máy/ 'never'; [y], a non-syllabic, palatal semi-consonant, which occurs elsewhere: [yú: su] /yúsu/ 'downstairs'. The glides are distinct from the corresponding high vowels as demonstrated by the following pairs: /yúsu/ 'downstairs' /iúsu/ 'I use them' /kyávi/ 'key' /kiávi/'What is the matter with him?' /kwánnu/ 'when' /kuánna/ 'with Anne' /kwággyu/ 'rennet' /kuággyu/ 'with garlic' It would seem at first to be desirable to posit a morpheme boundary for those examples where the vowel occurs. The glides and the corresponding high vowels would be in complementary distribution, thereby reducing the number of phonemes : [yú:su] /iúsu/ [ifú: su] /ifúsu/ [kyá:vi] /kiávi/ [kifá:vi] /kifávi/ [kwánnu] /kuánnu/ [kufánna] /kufánna/ [kwággyu]/kuággyu/ [kufággyu]/kufággyu/ Fodale has demonstrated, however, that an appeal to morphological information in this instance is not satisfactory, given the existence in Catanese of such items as /liámi/ 'bond', /viulinu/ 'violin'. In these items, the high vowel occurs in the absence of a morpheme boundary. Hence, the sounds in question are in contrast. 2 Further data from San Giusepparu uphold this view: 2

Fodale 1964, 29-30. Fodale also gives the examples /priári/ 'to beg' and /adduári/

21

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

fi! /y/ /u/ /w/

[takkità:ri] 'to spot' [staggyfà : ri] 'to ward off the evil eye' [addufà : ri] 'to rent' [sakkw|a : da] 'washed white and clean'

[liu:mi] 'vegetables' [cyummu] 'lead' [buàtta] 'tin can' [zgwàcca] 'he rinses'

Vowels.

/i/ has the allophone [i], a tense, high, front vowel: [tindu] /tindu/ 'bad', [j], a lax, high, front vowel, may occur in unstressed position in place of [i]: [i:rjdu] /iridu/ 'finger'; and [j], a lax, high, front, voiceless vowel, may occur in final position: [mà:drj] /madri/ 'mother'. /e/ has the allophones [?], a mid, open, front vowel, which occurs before [rC] : [ab^rtu] /abértu/ 'open' ; and [e], a mid, close, front vowel, which occurs elsewhere: [pé : ri] /péri/ 'foot', [étta] /étta/ 'he throws'. /a/ has the allophone [a], a low, central vowel: [mà:nu] /mànu/ 'hand', [a], a raised, low, central vowel, may occur in unstressed position in place of [a]: [addi:na] /addina/ 'hen'. /o/ has the allophones [9], a mid, open, back vowel, which occurs before [rC]: [lprdu] [lórdu/ 'dirty', and before [i]: [apppja] /appóya/ 'he leans'; and [o], a mid, close, back vowel, which occurs elsewhere: [paló:ra] /palóra/ 'word'. /u/ has the allophones [u], a tenseu high, back vowel: [mu:lu] /mulu/ 'mule', [kurtu] /kùrtu/ 'short'. [4], a lax, high, back vowel, may occur in unstressed position in place of [u]: [nanny] /nànnu/ 'grandfather'; [14], a lax, high, back, voiceless vowel may replace [u] or [ij] in final position: [nóstru] /nóstru/ 'our'.

1.1.3

Length and the Role of Stress.

The data show four configurations of syllables with regard to vocalic and consonantal length: 3 (a) [V:CV] [a:ma]'he loves' (b) [VCV] [ama] '(the) mother' (said among siblings) 'to rent'. Since these are verbal infinitives, however, they could also be analyzed as /pritari/ and /addutari/. 3 Fodale, p. 31, has pointed out for Catanese and other Sicilian dialects that the syllable break is before geminates as in [fa-ttu]. This is also the case for San Giusepparu. In the original thesis, an attempt was made to capture this fact by transcribing /lana/ as [la:na] and /lanna/ as /la.n:a]. Retaining this transcription would have entailed, for the sake of consistency, changing that of the AIS for Villalba and Mistretta, however.

22

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

(c) [VCCV] [skappa] 'he runs off (d) [VCCV] [skappa] 'he ran off Types (a) and (b) are in complementary distribution. If the stress falls on the first vowel, the vowel is predictably long, (a), (b) will occur elsewhere. (a) and (b), therefore, form one type of syllable structure represented as /VCV/. (c) and (d) form another type of syllable structure represented as /VCCV/. That /VCV/ and /VCCV/ are in contrast is demonstrated by the pairs: /lana/ 'wool' vs. /lanna/ 'tin can'; /ama/ 'he loves' vs. /amma/ 'leg'. The phonemic status of stress is demonstrated by the pairs: /asidu/ 'acid; upset stomach' vs. /asidu/ 'vinegar'; /lassa/ 'he leaves' vs. /lassa/ 'he left'. Where a front vowel is adjacent to any other vowel, the hiatus may be filled by an intrusive /y/, so that the following variations are possible: /iirida/ or /iyirida/ 'the fingers'; /iemmuli/ or /iyemmuli/ 'the twins'. Where a back vowel is adjacent to another vowel, the hiatus may be filled by an intrusive /w/: /uiridu/ or /uwiridu/ 'the finger'; /uenniru/ or /uwenniru/ 'the son-in-law'. In such instances the redundant glide will be excluded here so that 'the fingers' will always be read as /iirida/ and so forth. 4

1.1.4

Occurrence of Phonemes in the Syllable Types.

Syllables consist of vocalic nuclei and consonants. Letting V stand for the nucleus, CI will be equated with C in /VCV/ and the second C in /VCCV/. C2 will be equated with the first C in /VCCV/. In the absence of C2 the syllable is open; in the presence of C2 the syllable is checked. The syllabic formula may then be stated as follows: + CI f V + C2. 5 V is realized as the following vowels and diphthongs: /i/ /vinu/ 'wine', /e/ /veni/ 'come', /a/ /pani/ 'bread', /o/ /bonu/ 'good', /u/ /luna/ 'moon'; /ay/ /fay/ 'you do', /oy/ /woy/ 'bull'. CI is realized as single consonants, glides, and as various clusters. Homorganic clusters can be counted as CI only in post-pausal position. These include /kk/, /ss/, /ss/, /rr/ and stops preceded by nasals (allophonically always syllabic). In medial position, the first member of a homorganic cluster and of clusters which are liquid-initial is C2. Any 4 For a report of this phenomenon in other Sicilian dialects, see Palermo 1950: 13 and Fodale 1964: 132. 5 For this procedure of analyzing syllable structures, see Agard 1958 and 1971: 12, fn. 8.

23

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

following member of such clusters is CI. If the first member of a cluster is not followed by a homorganic consonant or is not a liquid, the whole cluster is interpreted as CI. The glides and /v/ do not occur as C2.

1.1.5 M orphophonemics. The following is a sketch of two morphophonemic operations. Stressed Vowel Reduction Stressed /vinni/ 'he sells' INI /trisina/ 'Theresa' /spénni/ 'he spends' INI /kappéddu/ 'hat' /kari/ 'he falls' INI /madri/ 'mother' /mòri/ 'he dies' lloll /kóddu/ 'neck' /wùggyi/ 'he boils' IMI /wùsi/ 'voice'

Unstressed /vinnemu/ 'we sell' /trisinedda/ 'little Theresa' /spinnemu/ 'we spend' /kappidduccu/ 'little hat' /karemu/ 'we fall' /madrucca/ 'dear mother' /muremu/ 'we die' /kuddaru/ 'collar' /wuggyemu/ 'we boil' /wusidda/ 'little voice'

Consonantal External Sandhi. post-pausal intervocalic post-nasal /ubani/ /umbâni/ 'a //P// /pani/ 'bread' 'the bread' loaf of bread' /udennu/ /undénnu/ 'I INI /ténnu/ 'I hold' 'I hold it' do not hold' /ugani/ /ungâni/ INI /kâni / 'dog' 'the dog' 'a dog' 6 /venikka/ //kk// /kkâ/ 'here' 'come here' /véni/ /idduveni/ /umméni/ 'he IMI 'he comes' 'he comes' does not come' In post-pausal and intervocalic positions, /v/ vowels, /w/ occurs elsewhere :

syntactic doubling /trippani/ 'three loaves of bread' /kittennu/ 'what am I holding?' /trikkani/ 'three dogs' /ekka/ 'he is here' /ebbeni/ 'and he comes' occurs before front

6 /kka/ 'here' and /kkyu/ 'more' are the only morphemes in SG beginning in /kk/. Their semantic content prevents them from occurring after the only morphemes ending in /n/: //un(u)// 'one' and //(n)un// 'not'.

24

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/woli / 'he wants' l/bb/l /bannu/ 'bath' /risi/ 'he says' /dogu/ 'there' /divanu/ 'couch'

/uwoli/ /ummoli/ 'he /kibboli/ 'what 'he wants it' does not want' does he want?' /ubbannu/ /umbannu/ /kibbannu/ 'what 'the bath' 'a bath' a bath' /urisi/ /unnisi/ 'he /kiddisi/ 'what 'he says it' does not say' is he saying?' /eraddogu/ /eddogu/ 'it 'itwasthere' is there' /uddivanu/ /undivanu/ /triddivani/ 'the couch' 'a couch' 'three couches' /wuliairi/ /nuniri/ /piggiri/ 'in 'to go' order to go' 'he wanted 'do not go' to go' /audu/ /eraaudu/ /eggaudu/ 'high' 'it was high' 'it is high' ly/ occurs before back vowels: /yoga/ /piggyugari/ 'in /idduyóga/ /unyoga/ 'he 'he plays' 'he plays' does not play' order to play' /uggursé/ /ungurse/ /triggurse/ Hull /gursé/ 'corset' 'the corset' 'a corset' 'three corsets' //gw// /wérra/ /awérra/ /kiggwerra/ 'war' 'the war' 'what a war' /idduwârda/ /ummärda/ 'he /piggwardâri/ 'in /warda/ 'he watches' 'he watches' does not watch' order to watch' Normally, in instances of syntactic doubling one hears /kibberra/ and /pibbardari/ which are not so prestigious as the forms with /gw/. For some speakers, therefore, //gw// does not hold. These items could then be subsumed under //b//. 7 //gr// /rossu/ /kiddurossu/ /eggrossu/ 'big; fat' 'the big one' 'it is big' Normally, in instances of syntactic doubling one hears either /eddossu/ and /piddabiri/ or /errossu/ and /pirrabiri/, which are not so prestigious as the forms with /gr/. For some speakers, therefore, //gr// does not hold. The items could then be subsumed under //d// or //rr//. //f// /furbu/ /ufurbu/ /umvurbu/ /effurbu/ 'he 'cheat' 'the cheat' 'a cheat' is a cheat'

lld/l mn

iiiii mi

7 While a form such as /ungrabi/ is possible for 'he does not open', normally one hears /mangurabi/, or, for the negative imperative, /sen?arabiri/. This tendency also applies to forms having voiceless geminate consonants in intervocalic position.

25

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

INI

//§// l/ss/l IMI

imi nun llèéll

//m// IMI

INI IMI

/sabi/ 'he knows' /sumi/ 'river' /ssekku/ 'donkey' /cidu/ 'bridegroom' /cetta/ 'axe' /?ingaru/ 'gypsy' /giggyu/ 'lily' /mannu/ 'I send' /nibudi/ 'grandchild' /'laccu/ 'string' /né/ 'king'

/usâbi/ /un?âbi/ 'he 'he knows it' does not know' /usumi/ /unsumi/ 'the river' 'a river' /ussékku/ 'the donkey' /uccidu/ 'the bridegroom' /accétta/ 'the axe' /u??ingaru/ /un?ingaru/ 'the gypsy' 'a gypsy' /uggiggyu/ /ungiggyu/ 'the lily' 'a lily' /umànnu/ /ummannu/ 'I 'I send it' do not send' /unibùdi/ /unnibudi/ 'the grand- 'a grandchild' child' /ulàccu/ /ulluviri/ 'he 'the string' does not see it' /urré/ 'the king'

1.2.0

/kissabi/ 'what does he know' /trissumi/ 'three rivers' /essekku/ 'he is an ass' /eccidu/ 'he is engaged to be married' /kiccetta/ 'what an axe' /e??ingaru/ 'he is a gypsy' /kiggiggyu/ 'what a lily' /pimmannari/ 'in order to send' /trinnibudi/ 'three grandchildren' /trillacci/ 'three strings' /trirre/ 'three kings'

VILLALBA

Villalba (AIS point 844) is located in the province of Caltanissetta, approximately 45 miles south-east of Palermo and about half-way between the northern and southern coasts of the Island. This analysis is based essentially on the corpus of the AIS. Wherever pertinent, information will also be drawn from Palermo 1950 and Fodale 1964.

1.2.1

Inventory of

Phonemes.

Villalba has a segmental phonemic inventory of twenty-three consonants, two glides and five vowels. Stress is also structurally significant.

25

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

INI

//§// l/ss/l IMI

imi nun llèéll

//m// IMI

INI IMI

/sabi/ 'he knows' /sumi/ 'river' /ssekku/ 'donkey' /cidu/ 'bridegroom' /cetta/ 'axe' /?ingaru/ 'gypsy' /giggyu/ 'lily' /mannu/ 'I send' /nibudi/ 'grandchild' /'laccu/ 'string' /né/ 'king'

/usâbi/ /un?âbi/ 'he 'he knows it' does not know' /usumi/ /unsumi/ 'the river' 'a river' /ussékku/ 'the donkey' /uccidu/ 'the bridegroom' /accétta/ 'the axe' /u??ingaru/ /un?ingaru/ 'the gypsy' 'a gypsy' /uggiggyu/ /ungiggyu/ 'the lily' 'a lily' /umànnu/ /ummannu/ 'I 'I send it' do not send' /unibùdi/ /unnibudi/ 'the grand- 'a grandchild' child' /ulàccu/ /ulluviri/ 'he 'the string' does not see it' /urré/ 'the king'

1.2.0

/kissabi/ 'what does he know' /trissumi/ 'three rivers' /essekku/ 'he is an ass' /eccidu/ 'he is engaged to be married' /kiccetta/ 'what an axe' /e??ingaru/ 'he is a gypsy' /kiggiggyu/ 'what a lily' /pimmannari/ 'in order to send' /trinnibudi/ 'three grandchildren' /trillacci/ 'three strings' /trirre/ 'three kings'

VILLALBA

Villalba (AIS point 844) is located in the province of Caltanissetta, approximately 45 miles south-east of Palermo and about half-way between the northern and southern coasts of the Island. This analysis is based essentially on the corpus of the AIS. Wherever pertinent, information will also be drawn from Palermo 1950 and Fodale 1964.

1.2.1

Inventory of

Phonemes.

Villalba has a segmental phonemic inventory of twenty-three consonants, two glides and five vowels. Stress is also structurally significant.

26

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

Consonants.

p

t

b

d

f

S

c m

k g

d S

X

c

?

g

n 1 r

n X

Glides.

w

y

i e

u o

Vowels.

The mid-vowels occur only in stressed position. 1.2.2

Distribution

of A llophones.

Consonants.

/p/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [p], a semi-voiced, bilabial stop, which occurs after [m]: [lampu] /lampu/ 'lightning'; [p], a voiceless, bilabial stop, occurs elsewhere: [purmo:ni] 138 /purmuni/ 'lungs', [kapjddi] 95 /kapiddi/ 'hair', [cqppu] 585 /kyuppu/ 'poplar'. /t/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [t], a semi-voiced, dental stop, which occurs after [n]: [santa] /santa/ 'saint'; [t], a voiceless, dental stop, occurs elsewhere: [totti] 664 /tutti/ 'all', [fra:ti] 13 /frati/ 'brother'. /k/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [k], a semi-voiced, velar stop, which occurs after [r|]: [xar|ku] /xar|ku/ 'hip'; and [c], a voiceless, palatal stop, which occurs before [y]: [cyu] /kyu/ 'more'. The AIS transcribes the sequence /ky/ as [c]. The former has been chosen on the basis of economy and patterning of the phonemic inventory. The allophone [k], a voiceless, velar stop, occurs elsewhere: [kpssa] 161 /kossa/ 'thigh', [vukka] 104 /vukka/ 'mouth'. /b/ has a single allophone [b], a voiced, bilabial stop: [b^niri] 65 /beniri/ as in the expression /lavolibeniri/ 'he loves her', [yabbiku] 83 /yabbiku/ 'Jim'. /d/ has the allophone [5], a voiced, dental fricative, which occurs in

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

27

initial and intervocalic positions: [8gyi] 284 /dúyi/ 'two', [tré:Sici] 291 /tridici/ 'thirteen'; [d], a voiced, dental stop, occurs elsewhere: [súrda] 190 /súrda/ 'deaf, [fréddu] 385 /fríddu/ 'cold'. /d/ has a single allophone [d], a voiced, retroflex stop: [p^ddi] 91 /péddi/ 'skin, hide'. /g/ has the allophone [g], a voiced, palatal stop, which is reported by Palermo and Fodale before [y]: [aggyakatáta] /aggyakatáta/ 'paved'; and [g], a voiced, velar stop, which occurs elsewhere: [lárgi] 124 /lárgi/ 'wide'. /f/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [fj, a semi-voiced, labio-dental fricative, which occurs after [rp]: [siijifunia] /simfunia/ 'symphony'; [f], a voiceless, labio-dental fricative, occurs elsewhere: [fé?iu] 9 / f i U u / 'son', [stéfanu] 86 /stéfanu/ 'Steven', [gúffu] 96 /gúffu/ 'lock of hair'. /s/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [z], a voiced, alveolo-dental fricative, which occurs before voiced consonants: [zbarrá:ri] 1681 /sbarrári/ 'to empty'; and [§], a semi-voiced, alveolodental fricative, which occurs in intervocalic position and after [n]: [ká:§a] /kása/ 'house', [p?n§a] /pénsa/ 'he thinks'; [s], a voiceless, alveolo-dental fricative, occurs elsewhere: [súaru] 14 /súaru/ 'sister', [spádda] 122 /spádda/ 'shoulder', [assimí>.a] 7 /assimí/J.a/ 'he resembles'. Fodale (p. 128) reports a free variation between [z] and a voiced, retroflex, postalveolar fricative before consonants. For the same position he also reports a free variation between [s] and a voiceless, retroflex, postalveolar fricative. /§/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [s], a semi-voiced, palatal fricative, in intervocalic position: [kusi:nu] /kusinu/ 'cousin'; [z], a voiced, palatal fricative, occurs before voiced consonants: [zdruvi/.alu] 657 /sdruvi>J.alu/ 'wake him up'; [s], a voiceless, palatal fricative, occurs elsewhere: [st£:fanu] 86 /stéfanu/ 'Steven', [kpssa] 161 /kóssa/ 'thigh'. /x/ has a single allophone [x], a voiceless, velar fricative: [xuxxá: ri] 168 /xuxxári/ 'to blow'. /v/: Fodale reports the allophone [v], a voiced, labio-dental fricative, to be in free variation with [0], a voiced, bilabial fricative: [vi:na] 89 /vina/ 'vein', [né:vi] 378 /nivi/ 'snow'. /c/: Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [c], a semi-voiced, alveolo-dental affricate, which occurs after [n]: [pánca] /pánca/ 'belly'; [ts], a voiceless, alveolo-dental affricate, occurs elsewhere: [tsé:tu] 63 /citu/ 'fiance; bridegroom', [póttsu] 853 /púccu/ 'well'.

28

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/£/: Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [c], a semi-voiced, palatal affricate, which occurs after [n]: [fúnca] /fúnca/ 'mushroom'; [c], a voiceless, palatal affricate, occurs elsewhere: [cer|ku] 286 /cir|ku/ 'five', [ng:ci] 119 /núci/ 'nape of the neck', [picciridda] 40 /picciridda/ 'baby girl'. /?/ has a single allophone [dz], a voiced, alveolo-dental affricate: [dzánnu] 271 /?ánnu/ 'peddlar', [8uddzi:na] 306 /du??ina/ 'dozen', [vúrdza] 281 [vúrdza] 281 /vúr?a/ 'purse'. /g/ has a single allophone [g], a voiced, palatal fricative: [gi^a] 102a /giXXa/ 'eyebrows', [sgggara] 32 /sóggara/ 'mother-in-law'. /m/: Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [ip], a labio-dental nasal, which occurs before [f] and [v]: [sirpfunía] /simfunia/ 'symphony'. They subsume it, however, under the dental nasal phoneme rather than under the bilabial nasal as is done here. The allophone [m], a bilabial nasal, will occur elsewhere: [mule:nu] 252 /mulinu/ 'mill', [úamu] 181 /úamu/ 'man', [yámma] 159 /gámma/ 'leg'. /n/ has a single allophone [n], en alveolo-dental nasal: [nptti] 342 /nótti/ 'night', [Hasina] 208 /Hasina/ 'awl', [skanná: ri] 245 /skannári/ 'to kill an animal by slitting its throat'. /ñ/ has a single allophone [ñ], a palatal nasal: [ñuttiká:ri] 1530 /ñuttikári/ 'to fold', [úña] 157 /úñña/ 'fingernail'. When [ñ] occurs in intervocalic position, it is analyzed as being double. /\]/ has a single allophone [r)], a velar nasal: [r|kúnya] 214 /r|kúnya/ 'anvil'. In initial position before a consonant, such as in the example given here, it would seem that the phone would be syllabic. Neither Fodale nor Palermo report this, however. /I/ has a single allophone [1], an alveolo-dental lateral: [lú:na] 361 /luna/ 'moon', [tal?] 6 /talé/ 'look', [fálla] 129 'lap'. /X/ has a single allophone [/J, a palatal lateral: [>.ánna] 593 /Xánna/ 'acorn', 8 [géÁ.u] 639 /guSku/ 'lily'. When [/J occurs in intervocalic position, it is analyzed as being double. /r/: Fodale reports two allophones for this phoneme. Both are described as voiced, retroflex, alveolar flaps. One is lenis and occurs in intervocalic position. The other is fortis and occurs elsewhere. When geminate, the fortis flap is in free variation with a retroflex trill, and may occur in initial position. This approximates Palermo's account. The AIS records simply [r], an apico-alveolar flap, everywhere: [rj: ni]

8

Palermo (p. 34) cites this form as /yánna/.

29

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

134 /ríni/ 'the lower part of the back', [mú:ru] 858 /múru/ 'wall', [s^rra] 552 /sérra/ 'hand saw'. Glides.

/•w/: Palermo reports the phone [u], a high, back semi-vowel as in [áutra] 'other' and [w], a labio-velar, semi-consonant, as in [lir|wa] 'tongue'. It is further reported by Palermo (p. 31) that a sound "[w] pronounced with a very faint velar scrape [y]", transcribed here as [w], occurs in the items [wérra] 'war' and [wastédda] 'cake'. This same sound is also reported to occur before back vowels. The AIS transcription is at times [Yw] as in [a'wúannu] 1247 'this year', but usually simply [y] as in [yúamini] 41 'men'. Thus, all items in the AIS which are transcribed [7w] or [y] before back vowels will be rewritten here as [w]: [avwúannu] [yúamini] [yú:yitu] [yó : nu] [yúnnici] [yúmma] [ayústu] [fá:yu] [pá:yu] [áyuru] [príayula] [ayúX.a]

[awúannu] [wúamini] [wú : witu] [wó : nu] [wúnnici] [wúmma] [awústu] [fá : wu] [pá : wu] [áwuru] [príawula] [awùÀÀa]

1247 41 147 284 289 568 323 578 1148 1267 1308 1539

'this year' 'men' 'elbow' 'one' 'eleven' 'rubber' 'August' 'beech' 'peacock' 'bitter' 'trellis' 'needle'

The distribution for the phoneme /w/ can then be stated as follows: [u], a high, back semi-vowel, occurs as the second member of a falling diphthong before pause and consonants, as in: [autra] /awtra/ 'other'; [w], a labiovelar semi-consonant, occurs after consonants: [lir)wa] /lir|r)wa/ 'tongue'; and [w] occurs elsewhere: [wumma] 568 /wumma/ 'rubber', [awustu] 323 /awustu/ 'August'. /y/: Palermo reports the phone [i], a high, front semi-vowel, as in [laiSu] 'ugly'; and [y], a palatal semi-consonant, as in [kya:nu] 'flat, level'. It is further reported by Palermo (pp. 32 and 34) that in initial position [y] "... is pronounced with a very faint velar scrape [y]", transcribed here as [y], in the items [yennaru] 'son-in-law', [yiammulu] 'twin', [yastimari] 'to curse', [yanna] 'acorn', [yuttiri] 'to swallow'. The AIS transcription for this sound is:

30

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

(a) [y], as in [yinnùakkyu] 162 'knee' and [yastimàri] 810 'to curse'; cf. Palermo's [yinuakkyu] and [yastimàri]. (b) [y] as in [y^nnaru] 33 'son-in-law' and [yiammuli] 15 'twins'; cf. Palermo's [yénnaru] and [yiammulu], (c) [X] as in [^ànna] 593 'acorn'; cf. Palermo's [yanna]. Thus, all items in the AIS which are transcribed [y] before front vowels and [a] will be rewritten here as [y]. The distribution for this phoneme can then be stated as follows : [i], a high, front semi-vowel, occurs as the second member of a falling diphthong before pause and consonants as in : [làiSu] /làydu/ 'ugly' ; [y], a palatal, semi-consonant, occurs after consonants: [kyà:nu] /kyànu/ 'flat, level'; and [y] occurs elsewhere: [yàttu] 1114 /yàttu/ 'cat', [maya:ra] 814 /mayàra/ 'witch'. Vowels. I'll: [i], a tense, high, front vowel, occurs in stressed position where a following syllable contains a non-high vowel : [parri : na] 36 /parrina/ 'god-mother'. [}], a lax, high, front vowel, varies freely with [e], a very close, front, mid vowel, and [e], a close, front, mid vowel, and occurs in stressed position where a high vowel occurs in a subsequent syllable: [mi:si] ~ [mé:si] 315 'months', [vjtti] ~ [vétti] 390 'I saw', [grjddi] ~ [gréddi] 466 'grasshoppers', [éddu] 768 ~ [éddu] 761 /iddu/ 'he'. Fodale reports [j] also in unstressed position. /e/ has a single allophone [?], an open, front, mid vowel: [8§ci] 288 /dèciI 'ten', [vèspa] 463 /vèspa/ 'wasp'. /a/ has the allophone [a], described by Palermo (p. 11) as "high central; a slightly lowered and centralized [i]", which occurs unstressed in free variation with [a], a low, central vowel, after [i] and [ù]: [Sianti] 107 /dianti/ 'teeth', [pia8i] 163 /piadi/ 'feet', [suaru] 14 /suaru/ 'sister', [kuarpu] 87 /kùarpu/ 'body', [a] occurs elsewhere: [sàr|u] 88 [sar|r|u] 'blood'. Fodale (p. 132) reports further that in "unstressed position only, [a] is in free variation with ... a low front unrounded vowel". This is suggested in the AIS entry [takka^a] 1565 /takkàÀÀa/ 'shoe lace'. /o/ has a single allophone [p], an open, back, mid vowel: [sp] 841 /só/ 'his', [sprdu] 279 /sórdu/ 'money', [mp : naku] 797 /mónaku/ 'monk'. /u/ has the allophones [u], a tense, high, back vowel, which occurs stressed when a non-high vowel occurs in a subsequent syllable: [rùssa] 1576 /russa/ 'red'; [14], a lax, high, back vowel, which varies freely with [o], a very close, back, mid vowel: [òqyi] ~ [5gyi] 284 /duyi/ 'two', [yiirpi] ~ [ygrpi] 435 /wurpi/ 'fox', [marrCjggu] ~ [marróggu] 549 'handle, cane'. Fodale reports [ij] also in unstressed position.

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

1.2.3

31

Length and the Role of Stress.

In the data for Villalba, the AIS shows four configurations of syllables with regard to vocalic and consonantal length. (a) [V:CV] [tsé:tu] 63 'fiancé; bridegroom' (b) [VCV] [édduyé] 1698 'he went' (c) [VCCV] [russa] 1575 'red' (d) [VCCV] [sirrâ : ri] 555 'to saw' (a) and (b) are in complementary distribution. If the stress falls on the first vowel, the vowel is predictably long, (a), (b) will occur elsewhere, (a) and (b), therefore, will form one type of syllable structure represented as /VCV/. (c) and (d) form another type of syllable structure represented as /VCCV/. That /VCV/ and /VCCV/ are in contrast and that stress is phonemic is demonstrated by the following pairs : /lâna/ 1077 'wool' vs. /lânna/ 405 'tin can' /vinni/ 1691 'you sell' vs. /vinni/ 1698 'I sold' Palermo and Fodale point out that /y/ occurs between /£/ and a following vowel and that /w/ occurs between /u/ and a following vowel in close juncture.

1.2.4

Occurrence of Phonemes in the Syllable Types.

Syllables consist of vocalic nuclei and consonants. Letting V stand for the nucleus, CI will be equated with C in /VCV/ and the second C in /VCCV/. C2 will be equated with the first C in /VCCV/. In the absence of C2, the syllable is open ; in the presence of C2, the syllable is checked. The syllabic formula may then be stated as follows: ± C l f V ± C2. V is realized as the following vowels and diphthongs: /i/ /parrinu/ 35 'godfather',-/e/ /stédda/ 539 'chip', /a/ /frati/ 13 'brother', /o/ /sôggaru/ 31 "father-in-law', /u/ /tutti/ 664 'all'; /ia/ /viani/ 1695 'you come', /ay/ /assay/ 65 'much', /aw/ /frâwtu/ 765 'flute', /ua/ /suaru/ 14 'sister'. CI is realized by all the consonants singly and by various clusters. Homorganic clusters can be counted as CI only in postpausal position. These include /kk/, /ss/, /ss/, /rr/ and stops preceded by nasals (allophonically always syllabic). In medial position, the first member of a homorganic cluster and of clusters which are liquidinitial is C2. Any following member of such clusters is CI. If the first member of a cluster is not followed by a homorganic consonant or is not a liquid, the whole cluster is interpreted as C I . The glides

32

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

and /v/ do not occur as C2. The sequence /sC/ varies freely with /sC/, e.g. /vuastru/ 40 and /vuastru/ 21 'your', /skorca/ 1301 and /skorca/ 1268 'peel, outer shell', /kastanna/ 1291 and /kastanna/ 1290 'chestnut'. The sequence /ka/ varies freely with /kwa/, e.g. /kani/ and /kwani/ 1097 'dog', /kanali/ and /kwanali/ 865 'roof tile', /kannualu/ and /kwannualu/ 852 'fountain, faucet'. 1.2.5

Morphophonemics.

The following is a sketch of three operations in Villalbese. Metaphony. It is easily shown that the diphthong /ia/ is in contrast with /é/: /viani/ 1695 'you come' and /véni/ 1695 'he comes'. Similarly, /ùa/ contrasts with /ó/ as in /muari/ 1695 'you die' and /mòri/ 1696 'he dies'. On the morphophonemic level, however, these are in complementation. Using the adjectival paradigm as motivation, the entry 710 'good' will serve as an illustration : /buanu/ masculine singular . . /bòna/ feminine singular It is to be noted that in this example, /ùa/ occurs only when it is followed by a high vowel in a subsequent syllable ; /ó/ occurs elsewhere, /muari/ may then be written morphophonemically //mòri// with the morphophoneme in stressed position followed by a high vowel, /mòri/ may be written //mòre// with the morphophoneme in stressed position followed by a non-high vowel. Similarly, /viani/ may be represented as //véni// and /véni/ as //véne//. Thus, a general rule may stated. Wherever /é/ or /Ó/ occur before a high vowel in the following syllable, that high vowel must be interpreted morphophonemically as a non-high vowel. Stressed Vowel Reduction. Stressed Unstressed /simina/ 1443 'he sows' /siminari/ 1442 'to sow' M /viani/ 1695 'you come' /viniti/ 1695 'you come' //e// /arripiccari/ 1556 'to patch' /pecca/ 1556 'patch' /yavi/ 1689 'he has' /aviti/ 1689 'you have' INI /muari/ 1696 'you die' /muriti/ 1696 'you die' IMI /arrobba/ 724 'he steals' /arrubbari/ 724 'to steal' /vuXki/ 953 'he boils' /vuUiti/ 953 'you boil' IMI Map 953 gives only the infinitive /vuXAiri/. The forms given above were

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

33

set up according to the morphological information given in map 1691 'present tense of -ère verbs'. Consonantal External Sandhi. This morphophonemic operation is exemplified in the table that follows. The same morpheme was not used as the example in each environment, since the AIS and the other sources for Villalba do not yield this information directly. In some instances, however, examples are set up on the basis of information acquired elsewhere in the corpus. All such entries are identifiable by a lack of any direct reference. Instances which seemed doubtful are omitted. The reference P refers to Palermo, followed by a page number. post-pausal //P// /pirkí/ 112 'why' /talé/ 6 INI 'look' /káni/ 1097 IMI 'dog' /kká/ 1609 mu 'here' /viani/ 1695 IMI 'come' //bb// /bona/710 'good'

intervocalic /lapici/ 210 'the tar' /sunnututtu/ 1619 'I am all ...' /lukani/ 1097 'the dog' /vinitikka/ 1609 'come here' /navekkya/ 55 'an old lady' /staribbuanu/ 707 'to be well'

lid/1 /dunaminni/ 1344 /iddudici/ 384 'give me some' llàà// /ddúaku/1647 'there' //g// /yénnaru/ P32 'son-in-law' /yukári/ P33 'to play' /yáddu/ P32 'rooster' //gw// /wérra/ P31 'war'

'he says' /yitidda/ 1610 'go there'

post-nasal /umpirtusu/ 857 'a hole' /unturku/ 811 'a Turk' /ur)kurri/ 1605 'he does not run'

/nummiri/ 52 'you do not see'

/unnuarmu/ 650 'I do not sleep'

syntactic doubling /appiskari/ 523 'to fish' /kittiampu/ 363 'what weather' /yekkaru/ 842 'it is expensive' /yekka/ 'he is here' /sibbiakkyu/ 5354 'you are old' /nuncubbuani/ 829 'they are not good' /addormiri/ 647 'in order to sleep' /yedduaku/ 'he is there' /triggyennari/ P32 'three sons-inlaw' /piggyukari/ P33 'in order to play' /triggaddi/ P32 'three roosters' /triggwerri/ P31 'three wars'

34

Hell

llfll INI //§//

mil /Ml

mu

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/gruassu/ 184 'fat; big' /faccu/ 1699 'I do' /senca/ 652 'without'

/luyituranni/ 154 'thumb' /lafiku / 1289 'the fig' /lasalera/ 978 'the salt shaker'

/xakka/ 540 'it splits' /ssinniri/ 1341 'to go down' /cuppikia/ 192 'he limps' /cidoli/ 158 'it hurts him'

/luxumi/ 429 'the river' /iddussinni/ 'he goes down' /lucitu/ 63 'the bridegroom' /lacira/ 909 'the wax' /laccetta/ 548 'the axe' /la?arka/ 1362 'the beet' /lugiUu/ 639 'the lily' /limanu/ 388 'the hands' /nostrananna/ 17 'our grandmother' /lulatti/ 1199 'the milk' /narrama/ 1616 'a branch'

//«// Hull

mi Ilm//

IMI INI IMI

/gwanni/ 84 'John' /mannu/ 1639 'I send' /natali/ 781 'Christmas' /lassa / 1657 'he leaves' /radika/ 558 'root'

1.3.0

/sifârrânni/ 10 9 'he gets big' /yéffârsu/ 715 /umfilu/ 1510 'it is false' 'a thread' /nuncubbuani/ /yéssânu/ 'it is 829 'they are not whole' good' /unxumi/ 'a /axxuriri/ 1262 river' 'to bloom' /pissinniri/ 'in order to go down'

/accirkâri/ 636 'to look for'

/bongornu/ 738 'good day' /nummipyaci/ 1678'I do not like' /nunnes§i/ 355 'you do not go out'

/ammannäri/ 11 'to send' /yénnissûta/ 1070 'she is out'

/yérrûssu/ 'it is red'

MISTRETTA

Mistretta (point 826) is located in the province of Messina, approximately ten miles inland from the northern coast and mid-way between Palermo and Messina. 9

Palermo reports that in syntactic doubling, the morphophoneme is realized as /ggr/, e.g. /triggräna/ 'three grains'. In some 'common words', however, forms such as [rränni] 'big' and [rrüppu] 'knot' are heard (pp. 35-36).

34

Hell

llfll INI //§//

mil /Ml

mu

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/gruassu/ 184 'fat; big' /faccu/ 1699 'I do' /senca/ 652 'without'

/luyituranni/ 154 'thumb' /lafiku / 1289 'the fig' /lasalera/ 978 'the salt shaker'

/xakka/ 540 'it splits' /ssinniri/ 1341 'to go down' /cuppikia/ 192 'he limps' /cidoli/ 158 'it hurts him'

/luxumi/ 429 'the river' /iddussinni/ 'he goes down' /lucitu/ 63 'the bridegroom' /lacira/ 909 'the wax' /laccetta/ 548 'the axe' /la?arka/ 1362 'the beet' /lugiUu/ 639 'the lily' /limanu/ 388 'the hands' /nostrananna/ 17 'our grandmother' /lulatti/ 1199 'the milk' /narrama/ 1616 'a branch'

//«// Hull

mi Ilm//

IMI INI IMI

/gwanni/ 84 'John' /mannu/ 1639 'I send' /natali/ 781 'Christmas' /lassa / 1657 'he leaves' /radika/ 558 'root'

1.3.0

/sifârrânni/ 10 9 'he gets big' /yéffârsu/ 715 /umfilu/ 1510 'it is false' 'a thread' /nuncubbuani/ /yéssânu/ 'it is 829 'they are not whole' good' /unxumi/ 'a /axxuriri/ 1262 river' 'to bloom' /pissinniri/ 'in order to go down'

/accirkâri/ 636 'to look for'

/bongornu/ 738 'good day' /nummipyaci/ 1678'I do not like' /nunnes§i/ 355 'you do not go out'

/ammannäri/ 11 'to send' /yénnissûta/ 1070 'she is out'

/yérrûssu/ 'it is red'

MISTRETTA

Mistretta (point 826) is located in the province of Messina, approximately ten miles inland from the northern coast and mid-way between Palermo and Messina. 9

Palermo reports that in syntactic doubling, the morphophoneme is realized as /ggr/, e.g. /triggräna/ 'three grains'. In some 'common words', however, forms such as [rränni] 'big' and [rrüppu] 'knot' are heard (pp. 35-36).

35

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

1.3.1

Inventory of Phonemes.

Mistretta has a segmental phonemic inventory of twenty-two consonants, two glides and five vowels. Stress is also structurally significant. Consonants. p t k b d d g f s s V

c ? n 1 r

m

c g n

r|

r

Glides. w Vowels. 1 e

u o

a The mid-vowels occur only in stressed position. 1.3.2

Distribution of Allophones.

Consonants. /p/ has a single allophone [p], a voiceless, bilabial stop: [purmu: ni] 138 /purmuni/ 'lung', [kapiddi] 95 /kapiddi/ 'hair', [kxuppu] 585 /kyuppu/ 'poplar'. /t/ has the allophones [t], a voiceless, retroflex stop, which occurs before [r]: [truo:vu] 1597 /truovu/ 'I find', [patru:ni] 1602 /patruni/ 'boss'; and [t], a voiceless, dental stop, which occurs elsewhere: [tali: a] 6 /talia/ 'look', [fra: ti] 13 /frati/ 'brother', [katti:va] 77 /kattiva/ 'widow'. /k/: [c], a voiceless, palatal stop, is in free variation with the cluster [kx]: [krwokkxula] ~ [krwoccula] 689 'crud', [wokkxu] 101, 590 'eye' ~ [wocci] 189 'eyes'. Representing this cluster as /cc/ would increase the number of phonemes unnecessarily. Positing /kkx/, however, would be even less satisfactory. Since [x] is limited in its occurrence to after voiceless stops: [pxacissi] 1104 'it would please' and voiced stops are

36

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

followed by [y]: [byánku] 1134 'white', the two sounds are in complementary distribution. Thus, [cc] and [kkx] will be written phonemically as /kky/: /krwókkyula/, /wókkyu/. 10 [k], a voiceless, velar stop, occurs elsewhere: [kari:na] 132 /karina/ 'the higher part of the back', [fi:katu] 139 /fikatu/ 'liver', [úkka] 104 /úkka/ 'mouth'. /b/ has a single allophone [b], a voiced, bilabial stop: [bussi§:ri] 154 /bussiéri/ 'thumb', [tabú:tu] 792 /tabútu/ 'coffin', [túbbu] 855 /túbbu/ 'duct'. /d/ has a single allophone [d], a voiced, dental stop: [dijppyu] 831 /dúppyu/ 'double', [grá:vida] 74 /grávida/ 'pregnant', [kwattpddici] 292 /kwattóddici/ 'fourteen'. /d/ has a single allophone [d], a voiced, retroflex stop: [viddi:ku] 130 /viddiku/ 'navel'. /g/ has two allophones [g], a voiced, palatal stop, and [g], a voiced, velar stop. The former will be treated here as being in free variation with the sequence [gy], just as the voiceless, palatal stop has been interpreted phonemically as /ky/. Thus, items such as [gpmmaru] 1509 'skein of wool' and [gigga] 102a 'eyebrows' will be represented phonemically as /gyómmaru/ and /giggya/ respectively. The voiced, velar stop occurs elsewhere: [grár)kxu] 690 /grárjkyu/ 'cramp', [zgabiéllu] 898 /sgabiéllu/ 'stool'. /f/ has a single allophone, [f], a voiceless, labio-dental fricative: [fprti] 186 /fórti/ 'strong', [trp:fa] 531 /trófa/ 'bush', [suffjtta] 869 /sufTfitta/ 'attic'. /v/ has a single allophone [v], a labio-dental fricative: [vi:na] 89 /vina/ 'vein', [ni:vika] 377 /nivika/ 'it is snowing'. /s/ has the allophones [s], a voiceless, retroflex fricative, which is restricted in its occurrence to the cluster [str]: [stritta] 943 /stritta/ 'tight', [mistnjtta] 2 /mistrétta/ 'Mistretta'; [s], a voiceless, dental fricative, and [z], a voiced, dental fricative, appear to be in free variation in intervocalic and post-nasal positions according to Rohlfs' transcription: [mi:zi] 150 'put' and 315 'month', [pi:sa] 407 'it weight', [minziyuórnu] 338 'noon', [pinsú:ni] 489 'finch'. 11 [z] also occurs before voiced consonants: [zgruppatú:ri] 1482 /sgruppatúri/ 'sieve', [zvakan10 There is free variation between [x] and [s] in initial and intervocalic positions: [xú'.mi] ~ [sú:mi] 429 'river' and [xuxxalwóru] ~ [sussalwóru] 935 'bellows'. The pronunciation with [x] rather than with [s] is assumed here to be a reflection of an older stage of the dialect. 11 This leads one to suspect that the consonant in question is a semi-voiced [§] as reported by Piccitto 1939 and Fodale 1964 for other Sicilian dialects.

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

37

tá:ri] 1681 /svakantári/ 'to empty'; [s] occurs elsewhere: [sántu] 808 /sántu/ 'saint', [pxacjssi] 1104 /pyacissi/ 'it would please'. /§/ has the allophones [z], a voiced, palatal fricative, which occurs before voiced consonants: [zvinniri] 699 /svinniri/ 'to faint', fzabakantá:tu] 534 /sbakantátu/ 'emptied'; and [s], a voiceless, palatal fricative, which occurs elsewhere: [sinniri] 1341 /sinniri/ 'to go down', [stáñu] 412 /stáññu/ 'tin'. In intervocalic position [s] is treated as a geminate: [pisi] 526 /pissi/ 'fish'. /c/ has a single allophone [ts], a voiceless, alveolo-dental affricate: [tsi:tu] 63 /citu/ 'a man engaged to be married', [spiétsi] 1010 /spiéci/ 'black pepper', [trittsa] 98 /tricca/ 'braid'. /c/ will be treated here as having two allophones, [c], a semi-voiced, palatal affricate, which occurs after [n]; and [c], a voiceless, palatal affricate, which occurs elsewhere. Rohlfs transcribes the former sometimes as voiced and other times as voiceless: [mancá:ri] 1014 'to eat', [mánca] 1014 'he eats', [mancássi] 1016, 1019 'I (or you) would eat', [mancá:mu] 1278 ~ [mangá:mu] 12 1029 'we eat', [mangá:ri] 1166 'to eat', [mangatú:ra] 1168 'manger'; [múnci] 1194 'he milks', [muncú:ta] 1195 'milked', [múngiri] 1194 'to milk'. As stated above, [c] occurs elsewhere: [cjnniri] 930 /cinniri/ 'ashes', [lú:ci] 354 /lúci/ 'light', [picciridda] 40 /picciridda/ 'baby girl'. /?/ has a single allophone [dz], a voiced, alveolo-dental affricate: [dzáynu] 1423 /?áynu/ 'gate', [úrdza] 281 /úr?a/ 'purse'. /g/ has a single allophone [g], a voiced, palatal affricate: [gilú:su] 66 /gilúsu/ 'jealous', [marrúggu] 549 /marrúggu/ 'cane'. /m/ has a single allophone [m], a bilabial nasal: [mari:tu] 72 /maritu/ 'husband', [sú:mi] 429 /súmi/ 'river', [fjmmina] 1078 /fimmina/ 'woman'. ¡n/ has a single allophone [n], an alveolo-dental nasal: [ni:ku] 155 /niku/ 'small', [karvú:ni] 212 /karVúni/ 'coal', [v^nnari] 333 /vénnari/ 'Friday'. /ñ/ has a single allophone [ñ], a palatal nasal: [ruña] 681 /rúñña/ 'mange'. ¡ñ¡ is treated as a geminate in intervocalic position. /r\/has a single allophone [r|], a velar nasal: [rjabillá: ri] 1354 /rjabillári/ 'to rent a plot of land', [spjqula] 1543 /spir|r|ula/ 'safety pin'. /r\/ is treated as a geminate in intervocalic position. /I/ has a single allophone [1], an alveolo-dental lateral: [lú:pu] 434 12 Actually, the AIS gives [mangá:mu]. The lack of a wedge over the [g] must be an error.

38

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/lupu/ 'wolf, [apri: li] 319 /aprili/ 'April', [kavalljtta] 466 /kavallitta/ 'grasshopper'. //r/ has the single allophone [r], an alveolar flap: [ri:ni] 134 /rini/ 'back', [si:ra] 340 /sira/ 'evening', [parri:nu] 35 /parrinu/ 'godfather'. /r/ has a single allophone [r], a retroflex flap: [nu:ru] 670 /nuru/ 'naked', [ruma: ni] 347 /rumani/ 'tomorrow'. The AIS also gives the consonant [r], which is treated here as falling within the range of /r/. This occurs only in two items: [mirudda] 94 /mirudda/ 'brain' and [kari: na] 132 /karina/ 'the higher part of the back'. Glides. ly/ has the allophones [x], a voiceless velar fricative, which occurs after voiceless stops: [kxuppu] 585 /kyuppu/ 'poplar', [sp^kkxu] 674 Ispekkyu/ 'mirror'; and [y], a non-syllabic, palatal semi-consonant, which occurs elsewhere: [myey] 831 /myey/ 'my'. /w/ is shown by the AIS to have a single allophone [w], a nonsyllabic, labio-velar semi-consonant: [womini] 47 /womini/ 'men', [priewla] 1308 /priewla/ 'trellis'. Vowels. I'll is shown to have a range shared by two vowels in free variation: [i], a tense, high, front vowel, and [i], a lax, high, front vowel: [sikku] 185 ~ [sjkku] 919, 1034 /sikku/ 'thin, dry', [linnu] 541 ~ [ljnnu] 919, 1034 /linnu/ 'wood', [idda] ~ [jdda] 707 /idda/ 'she'. /e/ has the allophones [e], a close, front, mid vowel, which seems to occur only after the high, front vowel and glide, and before [s]: [yemmitu] 1155 /yemmitu/ 'tie of a sheaf and 1495 'handful', [tiempu] 708 /tiempu/ 'time', [festa] 771 /festa/ 'feast'; and [