Proto-Romance and Sicilian 9031600881

Citation preview

MICHAEL

LEE

MAZZOLA

PROTO-ROMANCE AND

SICILIAN

LISSE

THE

PETER

DE

RIDDER

1976

PRESS

ISBN 90 316 0088 | © Copyright 1976 Michael L. Mazzola No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the author.

Printed in Belgium by Orientaliste, Louvain

In Memory of My Grandparents: Emmanuel and Fanny Mazzola Joseph and Catherine Galvano

PREFACE

This study is a revision of my Cornell Ph.D. Thesis which was completed in September 1967. Major differences are usually indicated in the text by the phrase “Originally, it was proposed here ...”. Additions involve the maps and the discussion in Chapter III, although some of the points found in the latter were already stated in the original thesis. Among the many people whose valuable suggestions contributed to the merits found in the thesis or in the revised version, the following should be mentioned: Alice M. Colby, Robert A. Hall, Jr., Anna G. Hatcher, Charles F. Hockett, Fred W. Householder, Clifford S. Leonard, Samuel N. Rosenberg, and Donald F. Sola. Above all, I would

single out Frederick B. Agard, who gave freely of his time and generously allowed me access to his materials on Bittese. I profited greatly from our many discussions and from his insightful and challenging comments. Such acknowledgement, however, is not to imply that all necessarily agree with the fundamental procedures or with my conclusions. Indeed, some of their suggestions were not always followed and the responsibility for any wrong judgement is entirely my own.

M.L.M.

TABLE

OF

CONTENTS

PREFACE INTRODUCTION . 0.1 General Chnsideratlens

0.2 Methodology and Data 0.3 Scope . ° .

.

PHoNnemic ANALYSES

1.1.0 San Giuseppe [ato 1.1.1 Inventory of Phonemes 1.1.2 Distribution of Allophones . 1.1.3 Length and the Role of Stress 1.1.4 Occurrence of Phonemes in the 1.1.5 Morphophonemics 1.2.0 Villalba. 1.2.1 Inventory of — 12.2 Distribution of Allophones . 1.2.3 Length and the Role of Stress 1.2.4 Occurrence of Phonemes in the 1.2.5 Morphophonemics 1.3.0 Mistretta 1.3.1 Inventory of Bronsted 1.3.2 Distribution of Allophones . 1.3.3 Length and the Role of Stress 1.3.4 Occurrence of Phonemes in the 1.3.5 Morphophonemics 1.4.0 Bitti. 1.4.1 Inventory of Phonenes 1.4.2 Distribution of Allophones . 1.4.3 Length and the Role of Stress 1.4.4 Occurrence of Phonemes in the

, Syllabe Types

2 Syllable i

3 Syllable Types

Syllable ‘Tee

.

RRRESESESSSRRRSHS

Chapter I

3 ‘

8 Chapter 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 Chapter 3.1.0 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.1.4 3.1.5 3.1.6 3.1.7 3.1.8 3.1.9 3.1.10 3.2.0 3.2.1 32.2 3.2.3 3.2.4 3.3.0 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.4.0

TABLE

II

OF

CONTENTS

A RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-ROMANCE

Introductory Remarks

.

Initial Consonants and Clusters Medial Consonants and Clusters

Stressed Vowels .

Pre-tonic Vowels

Post-tonic Vowels : Non-final Post-tonic Vowels : Final IIT

‘

.

ExtTrApoLaTion AND SoUND CHANGE

Consonants

Solution I. Solution IT. . Arguments from French . Geographical Distribution /C1/ and /Cy/ Clusters Palatalization . Post-consonantal /g/ . Labials, Glides and /g/ /IC/ Clusters

Geminate /I/

Vowels . Stressed Vowels Pre-tonic Vowels

.

Post-tonic Vowels : Non-final Post-tonic Vowels : Final

External Influence Norman

Gallo-Italian Summary

BIBLIOGRAPHY

.

.

.

47 47 49 65 91 97 100 101 104 104 104 105 107 109 109 112 113 116 120 121 122 122 125 125 126 127 127 133 133 137

INTRODUCTION

0.1

GENERAL

CONSIDERATIONS

The classification of the Romance languages has been a long-standing object of interest for scholars in Romance Linguistics.’ This concern with classification stems essentially from efforts to establish the history of a language. Where a language, or dialect, is moot on a particular point, a development found in a ‘closely related’ language may be posited for it. Diachronically, close relationship is determined by shared phonemic changes.? However, languages may be found which

are

‘ambivalent’,

i.e.

they

can

be

shown

to

share

phonemic

changes with either language A or language B, which in turn are known to have separate developments. In studies which use vowel development as the basis classificatory criterion, Sicilian is an ambivalent language, since it can be grouped either with Italian or with Sardinian. Four basic vowel developments are recognized for Romance:3

1. Vulgar Latin or Proto-Italo-Western: Proto-Romance* lax, high vowels merge with tense, mid vowels : Proto-Romance

i

4 e

>

Proto-Italo-Western

i

e

! Cf. especially von Wartburg 1967; Hall 1950a; and Leonard 1970. 2 Cf. Hoenigswald 1960: especially 144-160. 3 Cf. Elcock 1960: 43-46; Lausberg 1965: 210-215; Rohlfs 1966: 8-11; and Tagliavini 1964; 191-192. * For a definition of the terms Proto-Romance and Proto-Italo-Western, see Hall 1950a and below. The Proto-Romance tense, high and mid vowels correspond to Classical Latin long, high and mid vowels respectively. Proto-Romance lax, high and mid vowels correspond to Classical short, high and mid vowels respectively. There is no evidence for Latin long and short /a/ in the Romance languages.

10

INTRODUCTION

g a 9

> > >

° Yu u

g a 9 °

>

=

u

From the Proto-Italo-Western system are derived Italian, RhaetoRomance, French, Provengal, Spanish, Catalan, and Portuguese.

2.

Sardinian: Proto-Romance lax vowels merge with tense vowels: i :

: i

J

e

e

g

a

>

a

2 °

oO

a u

u

This development is also characteristic of some South Italian dialects,

e.g. Oriolo.® 3. Rumanian:

the Proto-Romance high, front vowel merges with

the tense, mid front vowel as in Italo-Western, but the lax, high back

vowel

merges i

with

the

tense,

high

back

vowel

as

in

>

Sardinian:

i

j e€

€

€

>

a

>

a

9

>

9

°

€

>

°

4

u

u

This development is also characteristic of some South Italian dialects, e.g. Castelmezzano.* ’ For South

Italian dialects with either Sardinian

Lausberg 1939; Leonard 1969; and Rohlfs 1966:6-9.

or Rumanian

vocalism,

cf.

11

INTRODUCTION

4. Sicilian: mid vowel:

Proto-Romance

high

vowels

merge

i

the

with

tense,

i

i

e e a 9 ° u u

i

e a °

> > >

u

This development is also characteristic of dialects of Southern Calabria and Southern Puglia. The ambivalent nature of Sicilian vowel development has resulted in various attempts to determine whether the vowels developed as in

Italo-Western or as in Sardinian, with the subsequent merger to /i/ and /u/. Calvano (1969:133-141, 162) argued that Sicilian is an Italo-

Western language, given the observation that Sicilian vocalism, but not Sardinian vocalism, is predictable from that of Italo-Western. Lausberg

(1965:216) posited a variation of the Italo-Western development by merging lax, high vowels with tense, mid vowels to lax, high vowels,

followed by the merger which is peculiar to Sicilian. Bertoni, whose work was taken up again in Schiaffini (1957), argued that Sicilian

had an intermediate Sardinian development on the basis of thirteenth century texts.® Hall grouped Sicilian along with Sardinian and Lucanian: “The earliest group (Southern Romance] to split off [from ProtoRomance] through not sharing in the merger of /i~/ and /e 7, involved Sardinian, Lucanian and Sicilian ...” (1950:25).” Proto-Italo-Western Romance was then defined as the “‘intermediate stage that was the parent of the Romance languages not included in the Southern or Eastern groups ...”. The characteristics given for Proto-Italo-Western are: ... the merger of /ki/ with /k/ before front vowels into /é/, of /i/ with

before

front

vowels

into

/g/,

and

the

seven

vowel

system

/i e & a 9 0

/g/

u/

customarily ascribed to Vulgar Latin.... Proto-Italo-Romance was then differentiated from Proto-Western Romance (the ancestral form of Gallo- and Ibero-

Romance) by the assimilation of certain consonant clusters in PItRom. (/pt ps kt ks/etc.) and by the development ofa series of palatalized consonants in PWRom.... © Cf. especially Enciclopedia Italiana, XXXI, 694-695, 7 Sicilian was omitted, however, from the classification in Hall 1964: 312.

12

INTRODUCTION

Later differentiations took place within each group, such as the sonorization of intervocalic unvoiced consonants in certain dialects of Gallo-Romance and of Ibero-Romance (later spreading to almost the entire Western Romance territory), the diphthongization or raising of vowels in stressed free syllable in Francien and Tuscan, etc., giving rise to the sub-varieties of each major division.

Originally, a Sardinian vocalism was posited here as the intermediate stage for Sicilian based on consonantal mergers shared with Sardinian. The

concern

with the vocalic development,

however,

has

resulted

in

a situation where the consonantism has been generally overlooked as a classificatory criterion. Although in Chapter III, Sicilian will be derived from an ‘Italo-Western’ vocalism, it will be argued that the consonantal

mergers shared by Sardinian, Sicilian, and South Italian dialects of whatever vocalic development, to the exclusion of Italian, must be

classificatory criteria for Proto-Southern because of complications which arise from the Western languages with identical consonantal changes. Accordingly, it will be proposed that Sardinian, Sicilian, and South Italian be grouped together under Proto-Southern on the basis of shared consonantal mergers and no change in the vocalism to account for the variety of subsequent vocalic developments within the group. Italo-Western, in contrast, will be characterized by its typical vocalism

and

by no change

in the consonantism

to account

for the

differing subsequent consonantal changes found therein. Sardinian will be shown to split off from Sicilian and South Italian on the basis of the vocalism which is typically Sardinian and by consonantal changes. Sicilian and South Italian, incontrast,will be character-

ized by no immediate change in the vowel development and by their distinctive consonantal mergers. These consonantal mergers are further

examined

to ascertain

whether

they

influence

and,

doubtful

as

hence,

might

be

a result

of outside

criteria

for

such

conclusion.

Consequently,

there follows a discussion

Norman

Gallo-Italian.

and

Any

such

of possible

influence,

shown to be later than the changes which

a

influence

however,

from

will

separate Italian from

be

the

Southern languages, as well as later than those changes which separate

Sardinian from Sicilian and South Italian.

0.2

METHODOLOGY

AND

DATA

Solutions to the issues outlined above were sought in the results of a

reconstruction,®

dealt with

in Chapter

I], involving

three

Sicilian

INTRODUCTION

13

dialects with a dialect of Sardinian and standard Italian as controls. The source of the data was influenced by Hall’s favorable remarks in his review (1942 :283)of the Italian Linguistic Atlas.° Thus, the AIS corpus was used for the analyses of Villalba (point 844), Mistretta (point 826) and Bitti (point 938). A study of the dialect of San Giuseppe Iato, not one of the points of the AIS, is also included. !° The dialect of Bitti, the

AIS material for which was supplemented by unpublished materials collected by Frederick B. Agard, was chosen because of its conservative characteristics. Villalba was chosen because its data could be checked against the information given in the analyses of Fodale’’ and Palermo.!? Mistretta was selected because no published materials could

be found to supplement

Gallo-Italian

colonies

the AIS data. Care was taken to omit the

of Sperlinga,

Piazza

Armerina,

San

Fratello,

Aidone, Nicosia, and Novara.

The results of this approach are presented in Chapter I. Found there are phonemic!? analyses along with a sketch of certain morphophonemic operations of of the dialects studied. Statements concerning standard Italian are taken largely from Hall’s Descriptive Italian Grammar. The aid of two native speakers of Italian, Annarita Puglielli (L’Aquila) and M. Giuseppina Scajola Swenson (Rome), was enlisted to verify the occurrence of open and close mid vowels in the forms given for Italian in Chapter II and for morphemes in variation with each other (e.g., vaccaio ~

vaccaro ‘cowherd’).

8 For a treatment of the Comparative Method and historical linguistics in general, see Hoenigswald 1960. For explicit applications of the Comparative Method to other areas of Romance, see Dato 1959; and Leonard 1960 and 1969. ° Jaberg and Jud 1928-1940, hereafter referred to as the AIS. For other studies based on AIS data, see Leonard 1969; and Soffietti 1949. 10 For locations of these dialects, see Map I. Since I am a native American, English is my native language. I have, however, spoken San Giusepparu since childhood and still maintain an active control of this dialect. '! Fodale 1964, Villalbese is one of six dialects in this study which has as its purpose the establishment of a diasystem. The careful work therein makes it a valuable reference. ‘2 Palermo 1950. This study presents an analysis of Villalbese phonemics and morphology along with a traditional study of its development from Latin with a view towards refuting Rohlfs’ theory of an interrupted development of Romance in Sicily. It is valuable not only for a thorough summary of Rohlfs’ theory, but also for a discussion of the history of Villalba in relation to the history of Sicily. 'S For representative works of this theoretical orientation, see Bloomfield 1933; Gleason

1961;

Hall

1964;

Hockett

1955;

and

1958;

and

Joos

1963.

For

a criticism

of this procedure as being characterized by (a) linearity, (b) biuniqueness, (c) invariance and (d) local determinacy, see Chomsky 1964. For an alternative theory, see Chomsky and Halle 1968,

14

INTRODUCTION

x20”

218 234 wy 82 133 13

14g a

SG-San Giuseppe Iato 826-Mistretta (M) 844-Villalba (V) 938-Bitti (B)

236,

229

Sj

238237 239 * ' 340

29245 267

29

322

312.

au B32

Sib,

343

a aid

33

A

305

34 aie ar

3

SRS 45

346

308 326

337

s

319,

327829 326

338

348339

Map I

INTRODUCTION

15

The results, in general, justify Hall’s exhortation to do phonological analyses based on AIS data. There are, nevertheless, drawbacks in using a Wérter-und-Sachen atlas for purely linguistic purposes. Many items which would have been useful for certain correspondences are not included in the corpus (e.g., the scant number of items for Proto-Romance

/I/ plus consonant

and

the instances

where

no direct

information was available for Mistretta and Villalba external consonant sandhi). Moreover, the phonetic information reported by Palermo and Fodale is much more precise than that reported in the AIS. The analyst basing himself solely on the AIS data will find, for example, that Villalba /p/ has the allophone [p] which occurs everywhere. When information is taken from the analyses of Palermo and Fodale, however, one

finds that Villalba /p/ has two allophones: /m/, and [p] which occurs elsewhere.** In many

cases, however,

the corpus

[p], which

repeats items often

occurs

after

enough

to

lend itself to interpretation (e.g. the distribution for Mistretta /e/ and the alternation

between

/rC/ and

/IC/ for Bitti).

Nevertheless,

if the

analyst does not already have a substantial knowledge of a dialect very closely related to the one he is extracting from the Atlas, it is always advisable to select a point which can be readily supplemented by other commentaries. '®

0.3

SCOPE

No claim is made here of presenting an exhaustive historical phonology of any of the dialects studied (cf., for example, the lack of any statement concerning the source of Italian, Sardinian and Sicilian initial /c/). The purpose is solely to determine what bearing the results of a phonological reconstruction—testing the AIS as a corpus—would have in placing Sicilian with relation to Sardinian and Italian. To do so it suffices to follow the main structural lines of development from ProtoRomance to Sicilian in the light of the development in Sardinian and Italian with a view towards establishing an intermediate common stage with either one or the other. However desirable an exhaustive 14 For the inaccuracy of AIS data with respect to another Sicilian dialect, see Piccitto 1939-1940. 15 For the necessity of supplementing AIS data, see also Hall 1950b: 444; Leonard 1969: 447; and Soffietti 1949.

16

INTRODUCTION

study might be, in the final analysis most of it would

be superfluous

with respect to the central point as stated above.'® The present study prescinds further from consideration of Rohlfs’ hypothesis of an inter-

rupted development of the neo-Latin of Sicily, due to the Greek and

Saracen dominations between the period of Roman rule and that of

the Normans.!7

‘6 For representative works on the history of 1886; Ducibella 1934; Pirandello 1891; Pitré 1875; Wentrup 1880; and more recently Palermo 1950; 17 Cf. especially Rohlfs 1933; and a discussion

Sicilian, cf. Avolio 1882; de Gregorio Schiavo-Lena 1908: Schneegans 1888; and Tropea 1956-1957. by Palermo 1950: Chapter III.

CHAPTER

PHONEMIC

1.1.0

SAN

I

ANALYSES

GIUSEPPE

IATO

The following is a phonemic description of the dialect spoken in San Giuseppe Iato, a village located approximately fifteen miles southwest of Palermo

and five miles from the Piana degli Albanesi.

The

dialect

spoken in San Giuseppe Iato and that spoken in San Cipirello, an immediately adjoining village, are one and the same’

1.1.1

Inventory of Phonemes.

San Giusepparu has a segmental phonemic inventory of nineteen consonants, two glides and five vowels. Stress is also structurally significant. Consonants. p t k

b

f

s

g §

Vv

c

m

z

n 1 r

é

g

fi

' As informants, I have used myself, naturalized Americans who are native speakers, and several inhabitants of San Giuseppe Iato. I had occasion to interview the latter in August, 1965. The only difference I have been able to discern between the two groups of informants has been on the lexical level. The speech of the Sicilian informants is characterized by recent Italianisms (/furmaggu/ ‘cheese’, /marcabéri/ ‘sidewalk’). The speech of the naturalized Americans is characterized by archaisms (/tumaccu/ ‘cheese’) and by Anglicisms (/sayudawokku/ ‘sidewalk’). For studies related to Sicilian speaking communities in the United States, see DiPietro 1960 and Ortisi 1951.

18

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

Glides

Vowels

w

y

i

u

e

oO

a The mid-vowels occur only in stressed position. 1.1.2

Distribution of Allophones.

Consonants

/p/ has a single allophone

[p], a voiceless,

bilabial

stop:

[paba]

/paba/ ‘Dad’, [skappa] /skappa/ ‘he runs off’. /t/ has the allophones [t], a voiceless retroflex stop, which occurs in the clusters [tr] and [str]: [tri] /tri/ ‘three’, [kwattru] /kwattru/ ‘four’, [stra:da] /strada/ ‘road’, [ndstru] /ndstru/ ‘our’; and [t], a voiceless,

dental stop, which /péttu/

‘chest’.

occurs elsewhere:

[t], a voiceless,

[té] /té/ ‘here, take it’, [péttu]

interdental

stop,

may

occur

as a free

variant of [t]. /k/ has the allophones [¢], a voiceless, palatal stop, which occurs before [y]: [¢yavi] /kyavi/ ‘key’; and [k], a voiceless, velar stop, which occurs elsewhere: [kala :ri] /kalari/ ‘to lower’, [vakka] /vakka/ ‘cow’. /b/ has a single allophone [b], a voiced, bilabial stop : [babbu] /babbu/

‘fool’. /d/ has the allophones [d], a voiced, dental stop, which occurs single in intervocalic position and after [z]: [stfa:da] /strada/ ‘road’, [zdizanu:ri] /sdisanuri/ ‘dishonor’; and [d], a voiced, retroflex stop,

which occurs elsewhere : [d6: gu] /dégu/ ‘there’, [béddu] /béddu/ ‘beautiful’, [ma:dri]

/madri/

‘mother’.

[d],

a voiced,

interdental

stop,

and

[8], a voiced, interdental fricative, may occur in place of [d] in rapid speech. /g/ has the allophones [g], a voiced, palatal stop, before [y]: [figgyu] /figgyu/ ‘son’; and

[g], a voiced,

velar stop, which

occurs elsewhere:

[gursé] /gursé/ ‘corset’, [fi:gu] /figu/ ‘fig’, [muggé:ri] /muggéri/ ‘wife’. ly], a voiced, velar fricative, may occur as a free variant of [g] in intervocalic position. /f/ has the allophones [f], a semi-voiced, labio-dental fricative, which occurs single in intervocalic position: [ufangu] /ufangu/ ‘the mud’; and [f], a voiceless, labio-dental fricative, which occurs elsewhere: [fa:ri] /fari/ ‘to do’, [buffa] /buffa/ ‘toad’.

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

19

/v/ has the single allophone [v], a voiced, labio-dental fricative: [vé:ni] /véni/ ‘come’, [4:vi] /Avi/ ‘he has’. /s/ has the allophones [z], a voiced, alveolo-dental fricative, which occurs single in intervocalic position and before voiced consonants: [ka:za] /kasa/ ‘house’, [zgangala:du] /sgangaladu/ ‘toothless’; and [s], a voiceless,

alveolo-dental

fricative,

occurs

which

[sufifiu]

elsewhere:

/safifiu/ ‘I am’, [lassa:ri] /lassari/ ‘to leave’, [skokka] /skokka/ ‘bow of a ribbon’. [z], a slightly retracted, voiced, alveolar fricative, and [Z], a voiced, palatal fricative, are free variants of [z] before voiced consonants. Similarly, [s], a slightly retracted, alveolar fricative, and [8], a voiceless, palatal fricative, may occur in place of [s] before voiceless du], [2gangala :du] and [sk6kka], [8kokka] consonants. Thus, [zganga: la are all possible. /3/ has the allophones

[Z], a voiced, palatal

fricative, which

occurs

single in intervocalic position: [pa :2i] /pasi/ ‘peace’ ; and [8], a voiceless, palatal fricative, which

occurs elsewhere:

[Sa:ri] /Suri/ ‘flower’,

[ni88i]

/ni88i/ ‘he went out’. /c/ has a single allophone [c], a voiceless, alveolo-dental affricate:

[ci:du] /cidu/ ‘man engaged to be married’, [laccu] /laccu/ ‘string’.

/z/ has a single allophone

[z], a voiced,

alveolo-dental

affricate:

[zingaru] /zingaru/ ‘gypsy’, [azzizz4 :ri] /azzizzari/ ‘to fix’. /é/hasa single allophone [@], a voiceless, palatal affricate: [&étta] /Cétta/

‘axe’, [AC¢a] /acéa/ ‘celery’. /g/ has a single allophone [j], a voiced, palatal affricate: [giggyu] /sigeyu/ ‘lily’, [ragga] /rragga/ ‘rage’. /m/ has the allophones [ml], a syllabic,

labio-dental

nasal,

which

occurs post-pausally before [v]: [mva:mi] /mvami/ ‘slanderer’; [m], a

non-syllabic, labio-dental nasal, which occurs in medial position before

[v]: [ramval] /ramva/ ‘claw’; [ml], a syllabic, bilabial nasal, which occurs

‘to stick’, [mmé: Zi] /mmési/ ‘instead’; [m], a non-syllabic, bilabial nasal,

which occurs elsewhere: [mamma]

/mamma/

‘Mom’.

/n/ has the allophones [y], a syllabic, velar nasal, which occurs postpausally before [g]: [ngaliz:ri] /ngali8ari/ ‘to put in jail’; [n], a nonsyllabic, velar nasal, which occurs in medial position before [g]: [sangu] /sangu/ ‘blood’; [n], a syllabic, alveolo-dental nasal, which occurs post-pausally before [d] and [z]: [yd6] /ndo/ ‘in the’, [pzu:ma] /nzima/ ‘finally’; [n], a non-syllabic, alveolo-dental nasal, which occurs elsewhere: [néndi] /néndi/ ‘nothing’, [la:na] /lana/ ‘wool’.

/i/ has a single allophone [fi], a voiced, palatal nasal: [futtiga :ri] /auttigari/ ‘to fold’, [pififia:da] /pififiada/ ‘pot’.

20

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

/l/ has a single allophone [I], an alveolo-dental lateral: [lififiu] /lififiu/

‘wood’, [fi:lu] /filu/ ‘thread’. /r/ has the allophones [r], a voiced, retroflex flap, which occurs after voiced labials and [d]: [vr6:ru] /vroru/ ‘broth’, [vraccu] /vraccu/ ‘arm’, [mréggyu] /mroggyu/ ‘mish-mash’, [ma:dri] /madri/ ‘mother’; [f], a voiceless, retroflex flap, which occurs after [t]: [tri] /tri/ ‘three’, and geminate as a free variant of [rr] in medial position: [téffa] /térra/ ‘land’. [r], a voiced, alveolar flap, occurs elsewhere: [ru:na] /rina/ ‘he gives’,

[ma :ri] /mari/ ‘sea’, [karru] ‘cart’. Glides /w/ has the allophones [yu], a non-syllabic, back semi-vowel, which occurs in post-vocalic position: [paulu] /pawlu/ ‘Paul’; [w], a nonsyllabic, velar semi-consonant,

which

occurs elsewhere:

[w6:]i]

/woli/

‘he wants’. /y/ has the allophones [i], a non-syllabic, front, semi-vowel, which occurs in post-vocalic position: [mai] /may/ ‘never’; [y], a non-syllabic, palatal semi-consonant, which occurs elsewhere: [yu:su] /yasu/ ‘downstairs’. The glides are distinct from the corresponding high vowels as

demonstrated by the following pairs: /yusu/ ‘downstairs’ /iusu/ ‘I use them’

/kyavi/ ‘key’

/kiavi/‘Whatisthe matter with him?’

/kwannu/ ‘when’ /kwaggyu/ ‘rennet’

/kuanna/ ‘with Anne’ /kuaggyu/ ‘with garlic’

It would seem at first to be desirable to posit a morpheme boundary for those examples where the vowel occurs. The glides and the corresponding high vowels would be in complementary distribution, thereby reducing the number of phonemes : [yu:su] /itsu/ [ita:su] /itasu/ [kya:vi] /kiavi/ [kwannu] /kuannu/

[kwaggyu] /kuaggyu/

(kita: vi] /kitavi/ {kutanna] /kutanna/

[kutaggyu] /kutaggyu/

Fodale has demonstrated, however, that an appeal to morphological information in this instance is not satisfactory, given the existence in Catanese of such items as /liami/ ‘bond’, /viulinu/ ‘violin’. In these

items, the high vowel occurs in the absence of a morpheme boundary.

Hence, the sounds in question are in contrast.? Further data from San

Giusepparu uphold this view: ? Fodale

1964, 29-30. Fodale also gives the examples /priari/ ‘to beg’ and /adduari/

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

21

[lit:mi] ‘vegetables’ ji — [takkita:ri] ‘to spot’ [¢yimmu] ‘lead’ [staggyta:ri] ‘to ward off the /y/ evil eye’ [adduta:ri] ‘to rent’ /u/ [buatta] ‘tin can’ /w/ [Sakkwta:da] ‘washed white [zgwacca] ‘he rinses’ and clean’ Vowels. /i/ has the allophone [i], a tense, high, front vowel: [tindu] /tindu/ ‘bad’, [i], a lax, high, front vowel, may occur in unstressed position in place of [i]: [i:ridu] /iridu/ ‘finger’; and [i], a lax, high, front, voiceless vowel, may occur in final position: [ma:dri] /madri/ ‘mother’. /e/ has the allophones [e], a mid, open, front vowel, which occurs before [rC]: [abértu] /abértu/ ‘open’; and [e], a mid, close, front vowel, which occurs elsewhere: [pé:ri] /péri/ ‘foot’, [étta] /étta/ ‘he throws’. Ja] has the allophone [a], a low, central vowel: [ma:nu] /manu/ ‘hand’. [a], a raised, low, central vowel, may occur in unstressed position in place of [a]: [addi:na] /addina/ ‘hen’. /o/ has the allophones [9], a mid, open, back vowel, which occurs

before [rC]: [lordu] [lordu/ ‘dirty’, and before [i]: [appdia] /appoya/ ‘he leans’; and [o], a mid, close, back vowel, which

occurs elsewhere:

[pal6:ra] /palora/ ‘word’. [u/ has the allophones [u], a tenseu high, back vowel: [mu:lu] /mulu/

‘mule’, [kurtu] /kirtu/ ‘short’. [uy], a lax, high, back vowel, may occur in unstressed position

in place of [u]: [nanny]

/nannu/

‘grandfather’;

[uJ], a lax, high, back, voiceless vowel may replace [u] or [yu] in final position: [ndstru] /nostru/ ‘our’.

1.1.3.

Length and the Role of Stress.

The data show four configurations of syllables with regard to vocalic

and consonantal length:3

(a) [V:CV] (b) [VCV]

[A:ma] ‘he loves’

[ama] ‘(the) mother’ (said among siblings)

‘to rent’. Since these are verbal infinitives, however, they could also be analyzed as /pritari/ and /addutari/. 3 Fodale, p. 31, has pointed out for Catanese and other Sicilian dialects that the syllable break is before geminates as in [fa-ttu]. This is also the case for San Giusepparu. In the original thesis, an attempt was made to capture this fact by transcribing /lana/ as [la:na] and /lanna/ as /la.n:a]. Retaining this transcription would have entailed, for the sake of consistency, changing that of the AIS for Villalba and Mistretta, however.

22

PHONEMIC ANALYSES (c) [VCCV]

[skappa] ‘he runs off?

(d) [VCCV]

[skappa] ‘he ran off

Types (a) and (b) are in complementary distribution. If the stress falls on the first vowel, the vowel is predictably long, (a). (b) will occur elsewhere. (a) and (b), therefore, form one type of syllable structure represented as /VCV/. (c) and (d) form another type of syllable structure represented as /VCCV/. That /VCV/ and /VCCV/ are in contrast is demonstrated by the pairs: /lana/ ‘wool’ vs. /lanna/ ‘tin can’; /ama/ ‘he loves’ vs. /amma/ ‘leg’. The phonemic status of stress is demonstrated by the pairs: /a8idu/ ‘acid; upset stomach’ vs. coal ‘vinegar’; /lassa/ ‘he leaves’ vs. /lassa/ ‘he left’. Where a front vowel is adjacent to any other vowel, the hiatus may be filled by an intrusive /y/, so that the following variations are possible: /iirida/ or /iyirida/ ‘the fingers’; /iémmuli/ or /iyémmuli/ ‘the twins’. Where a back vowel is adjacent to another vowel, the hiatus may be filled by an intrusive /w/: /uiridu/ or /uwiridu/ ‘the finger’;

/uénniru/ or /uwénniru/ ‘the son-in-law’. In such instances the redundant glide will be excluded here so that ‘the fingers’ will always be read as fiirida/ and so forth.*

1.1.4

Occurrence of Phonemes in the Syllable Types.

Syllables consist of vocalic nuclei and consonants. Letting V stand for the nucleus, Cl will be equated with C in /VCV/ and the second

C in /VCCV/. C2 will be equated with the first C in /VCCV/. In the absence of C2 the syllable is open; in the presence of C2 the syllable is checked. The syllabic formula may then be stated as follows: +

Cl

f

V

+

C2.

V

is

realized

as

the

following

vowels

and

diphthongs: /i/ /vinu/ ‘wine’, /e/ /véni/ ‘come’, /a/ /pani/ ‘bread’, /o/ /bénu/ ‘good’, /u/ /lina/ ‘moon’; /ay/ /fay/ ‘you do’, /oy/ /woy/ ‘bull’.

Cl is realized as single consonants, glides, and as various clusters. Homorganic clusters can be counted as C1 only in post-pausal position.

These include /kk/, /ss/, /88/, /rr/ and stops preceded

by nasals (allo-

phonically always syllabic). In medial position, the first member

of a

homorganic cluster and of clusters which are liquid-initial is C2. Any

* Fora report of this phenomenon in other Sicilian dialects, see Palermo 1950: 13 and Fodale 1964: 132. 5 For this procedure of analyzing syllable structures, see Agard 1958 and 1971: 12, fn. 8.

23

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

following member of such clusters is C1. If the first member of a cluster is not followed by a homorganic consonant or is not a liquid, the whole cluster is interpreted as Cl. The glides and /v/ do not occur as C2. 1.1.5

Morphophonemics.

The following is a sketch of two morphophonemic operations. Stressed Vowel Reduction Stressed

/fi//

{/e// /[a/]

/vinni/ ‘he sells’

/trisina/ ‘Theresa’

/trisinédda/ ‘little Theresa’

/kappéddu/ ‘hat’ /kari/ ‘he falls’ /madri/ ‘mother’

/kappidduccu/ ‘little hat’ /karému/ ‘we fall’

/spénni/ ‘he spends’

//o// —— [méri/ ‘he dies’ /k6éddu/ ‘neck’

/fu// — wuggyi/ ‘he boils’ /wiii/ ‘voice’

Consonantal External Sandhi. post-pausal intervocalic

/Ip// — [pani/

/ubani/

//t// — /tétiiu/ ‘I hold’ /k// — [kani/ ‘dog’ //kk// /kka/

/udéfiiu/ ‘I hold it’ /ugani/ ‘the dog’ /vénikka/

‘bread’

‘the bread’

‘here’

‘come here’

/[b// — {véni/ ‘he comes’ In

Unstressed /vinnému/ ‘we sell’

post-pausal

and

/idduvéni/ ‘he comes’

/spinnému/ ‘we spend’

/madrucca/ ‘dear mother’ /murému/ ‘we die’ /kuddaru/ ‘collar’ /wuggyému/ ‘we boil’

/wuBidda/ ‘little voice’

post-nasal /umbani/ ‘a loaf of bread’ fundéfifiu/ ‘I do not hold’ /ungani/ ‘a dog’ 6 /umméni/ ‘he

does not come’ intervocalic positions, /v/

syntactic doubling /trippani/ ‘three loaves of bread’ /kittéfifiu/ ‘what am I holding?’ /trikkani/ ‘three dogs’ /ékka/ ‘he is here’ —/é¢bbéni/ ‘and he comes’ occurs before

front

vowels. /w/ occurs elsewhere:

© /kka/ ‘here’ and /kkyu/ ‘more’ are the only morphemes in SG beginning in /kk/. Their semantic content prevents them from occurring after the only morphemes ending in /n/: //un(u)// ‘one’ and //(n)un// ‘not’.

24

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

/woli/

/uwoli/

/ummoli/ ‘he

—_/kibbdli/ ‘what

‘he wants’

‘he wants it’

does not want’

does he want?’

//bb//

/bafifiu/ ‘bath’ //a// — /ri8i/ ‘he says’ //dd// /dogu/ ‘there’

/ubbafifiu/ ‘the bath’ /uri8i/ ‘he says it? /éraddogu/ ‘itwasthere’

/umbafifiu/ ‘a bath’ /unni8i/ ‘he does not say’

/kibbafifiu/ ‘what a bath’ /kiddisi/ ‘what is he saying?’ /éddogu/ ‘it is there’

/divanu/ ‘couch’ //g// — firi/

/uddivanu/ ‘the couch’ /wuliairi/

/undivanu/ ‘a couch’ /nuniri/

/triddivani/ ‘three couches’ /piggiri/ ‘in

‘to go’

/audu/ ‘high’

‘he wanted to go’ /éraaudu/ ‘it was high’

‘do not go’

order to go’

=——

/éggaudu/ ‘it is high’

/yoga/ ‘he plays’

/idduyoga/ ‘he plays’

/unydga/‘he does not play’

—_/piggyugari/ ‘in order to play’

/gursé/ ‘corset’ [wérra/ ‘war’

/uggursé/ ‘the corset’ /awérra/ ‘the war’

—/ungursé/ ‘a corset’

/triggursé/ ‘three corsets’

/y/ occurs before back vowels:

//gg// //gw//

/warda/

/kiggwérra/ ‘what a war’

/idduwarda/ /ummarda/ ‘he /piggwardari/ ‘in

‘he watches’ ‘he watches’ does not watch’ order to watch’ Normally, in instances of syntactic doubling one hears /kibbérra/ and /pibbardari/ which are not so prestigious as the forms with /gw/. For

some speakers, therefore, //gw// does not hold. These items could then

be subsumed under //b//. //gr// /rossu/ /kiddurdéssu/ a /éggrdéssu/ ‘big; fat’ ‘the big one’ ‘it is big? Normally, in instances of syntactic doubling one hears either /éddéssu/ and /piddabiri/ or /érréssu/ and /pirrabiri/, which are not so prestigious

as the forms with /gr/. For some speakers, therefore, //gr// does hold. The items could then be subsumed under //d// or //rr//.

//f// ~~ /farbu/ ‘cheat’

/ufirbu/ ‘the cheat’

/umvurbu/ ‘a cheat’

not

/éffurbu/ ‘he is a cheat’

7 While a form such as /ungrabi/ is possible for ‘he does not open’, normally one hears /mangurdabi/, or, for the negative imperative, /sénzarabiri/. This tendency also applies to forms having voiceless geminate consonants in intervocalic position.

PHONEMIC

IIs/|__

/unzabi/ ‘he /usabi/ ‘he knows it’ does not know’ /unumi/ /usumi/ ‘a river’ ‘the river’ /ussékku/ ‘the donkey’

[sabi/

‘he knows’

[B/] — [Sami/ //$8//—

‘river’

/88ékku/ ‘donkey’

I[ec//

/cidu/

//ێ//

groom’ /éétta/

/uccidu/ ‘the bride-

‘bride-

//zz//

[zingaru/

//88//

/Biggyu/ ‘lily’

_

‘the gypsy’ /uggiggyu/ ‘the lily’

/umannu/ /fm///mannu/ ‘T send it’ ‘I send’ /unibidi/ //n// — [nibidi/ ‘grandchild’ ‘the grandchild’ /ulaccu/ [Aj] flaccu/ ‘the string’ ‘string’

[frr//

/rré/

‘king’

‘three rivers’ /é38ékku/ ‘he is an ass’ /éccidu/ ‘he is married’

/aécetta/ ‘the axe’ /uzzingaru/

‘gypsy’

/kissabi/ ‘what does he know’ /tri8Sami/

engaged to be

groom’

‘axe’

25

ANALYSES

/urré/

‘the king’

1.2.0

/kiééeétta/

/unzingaru/

‘a gypsy’ /ungiggyu/

‘a lily’ /ummannu/ ‘I do not send’ /unnibidi/

‘a grandchild’

‘what an axe’ /ézzingaru/ ‘he

is a gypsy’ /kiggiggyu/ ‘what a

lily’

/pimmannari/ ‘in order to send’

/trinnibudi/ ‘three grandchildren’

/trillacei/ does not see it’ ‘three strings’ /trirré/ ‘three kings’ /ulluviri/ ‘he

VILLALBA

Villalba (AIS point 844) is located in the province of Caltanissetta, approximately 45 miles south-east of Palermo and about half-way between the northern and southern coasts of the Island. This analysis is based essentially on the corpus of the AIS. Wherever pertinent, information will also be drawn from Palermo 1950 and Fodale 1964. 1.2.1

Inventory of Phonemes.

Villalba has a segmental phonemic inventory of twenty-three consonants, two glides and five vowels. Stress is also structurally significant.

26

PHONEMIC Consonants.

p

t

f v

s

b

m

Vowels.

d

5

c

é

z

g

Dn 1 r

Glides.

ANALYSES

fi r

Ww

¥

i

u

é

k

g

x

n

oO a The mid-vowels occur only in stressed position. 1.2.2

Distribution of Allophones.

Consonants.

/p/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [p], a semi-voiced,

bilabial stop, which occurs after [m]: [lampu] /lampu/ ‘lightning’; [p], a voiceless, bilabial stop, occurs elsewhere: [purm¢:ni] 138 /purmuni/ ‘lungs’, [kapiddi] 95 /kapiddi/ ‘hair’, [6yppu] 585 /kyuppu/ ‘poplar’. /t/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [i], a semi-voiced, dental stop, which occurs after [n]: [santa] /santa/ ‘saint’; [t], a voice-

less, dental stop, occurs elsewhere: [tétti] 664 /tutti/ ‘all’, [fra:ti] /frati/ ‘brother’.

13

/k/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone (ky, a semi-voiced,

velar stop, which occurs after [n]: [xanku] /xanku/ ‘hip’; and [é], a voiceless, palatal stop, which occurs before [y]: [éyi] /kyu/ ‘more’.

The AIS transcribes the sequence chosen on the basis of economy

/ky/ as (g. The former has been and patterning of the phonemic

inventory. The allophone [k], a voiceless, velar stop, occurs elsewhere: [k6S8a] 161 /kO88a/ ‘thigh’, [vakka] 104 /vikka/ ‘mouth’. /b/ has a single allophone [b], a voiced, bilabial stop: [béniri] 65 /béniri/ as in the expression /lavélibéniri/ ‘he loves her’, [yabbiku] 83 /yabbiku/ ‘Jim’. /d/ has the allophone [8], a voiced, dental fricative, which occurs in

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

27

initial and intervocalic positions: [S¢yi] 284 /duyi/ ‘two’, [tré:di¢i] 291 /triditi/ ‘thirteen’; [d], a voiced, dental stop, occurs elsewhere:

[strda]

190 /surda/ ‘deaf’, [fréddu] 385 /friddu/ ‘cold’. /d/ has a single allophone [d], a voiced, retroflex stop: [péddi] 91 /péddi/ ‘skin, hide’. /g/ has the allophone [g], a voiced, palatal stop, which is reported by Palermo and Fodale before [y]: [aggyakatata] /aggyakatata/ ‘paved’; and [g], a voiced, velar stop, which occurs elsewhere: [largi] 124 /largi/ ‘wide’. /f/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [f], a semi-voiced, labio-dental

fricative,

which

occurs

after

[m]:

[simfunia]

/simfunia/

‘symphony’; [f], a voiceless, labio-dental fricative, occurs elsewhere: [féru] 9 /fiAAu/ ‘son’, [Stéfanu] 86 /Stéfanu/ ‘Steven’, [guffu] 96 /guffu/ ‘lock of hair’. /s/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [z], a voiced, alveolo-dental fricative, which occurs before voiced consonants: [zbarra:ri] 1681 /sbarrari/ ‘to empty’; and [§], a semi-voiced, alveolodental fricative, which occurs in intervocalic position and after [n]: [ka: a] /kasa/ ‘house’, [pénSa] /pénsa/ ‘he thinks’; [s], a voiceless, alveolo-dental fricative, occurs elsewhere: [suaru] 14 /suaru/ ‘sister’, [spadda] 122 /spadda/ ‘shoulder’, [assimida] 7 /assimidAa/ ‘he resembles’. Fodale (p. 128) reports a free variation between [z] and a voiced, retro-

flex, postalveolar fricative before consonants. he also reports a free variation between

postalveolar fricative.

For the same position

[s] and a voiceless, retroflex,

/§/: Both Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [8], a semi-voiced,

palatal fricative, in intervocalic position: [kuSi:nu] /kuSinu/ ‘cousin’; [Z], a voiced, palatal fricative, occurs before voiced consonants: [zdruvidalu] 657 /SdruvidAalu/ ‘wake him up’; [8], a voiceless, palatal fricative, occurs elsewhere: [Sté:fanu] 86 /stefanu/ ‘Steven’, [koSSa] 161 /kO88a/ ‘thigh’.

/x/ has a single allophone [x], a voiceless, velar fricative: [xuxxa:ri]

168 /xuxxari/ ‘to blow’.

/v/: Fodale reports the allophone [v], a voiced, labio-dental fricative, to be in free variation with [B], a voiced, bilabial fricative: [vi:na] 89 /vina/ ‘vein’, [né: vi] 378 /nivi/ ‘snow’.

/c/: Palermo and Fodale report the allophone

[¢], a semi-voiced,

alveolo-dental affricate, which occurs after [n]: [panca] /panca/ ‘belly’;

[ts], a voiceless, alveolo-dental affricate, occurs elsewhere: [tsé:tu] 63 /citu/ ‘fiancé; bridegroom’, [pgttsu] 853 /puccu/ ‘well’.

28

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/é/: Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [€], a semi-voiced, palatal affricate, which occurs after [n]: [fiinéa] /finéa/ ‘mushroom’; [&], a voiceless, palatal affricate, occurs elsewhere: [¢énku] 286 /cinku/ ‘five’, [ng :¢i] 119 /nuéi/ ‘nape of the neck’, [pictiridda] 40 /pi¢ciridda/ ‘baby girl’. /z/ has a single allophone [dz], a voiced, alveolo-dental affricate: [dzannu] 271 /zannu/ ‘peddlar’, [Suddzi:na] [vuirdza] 281 [vurdza] 281 /vurza/ ‘purse’.

306

/duzzina/

‘dozen’,

/g/ has a single allophone [8], a voiced, palatal fricative: [Ziia] 102a /8idXa/ ‘eyebrows’, [soggara] 32 /soggara/ ‘mother-in-law’. /m/: Palermo and Fodale report the allophone [m], a labio-dental nasal, which occurs before [f] and [v] : [simfunia] /simfunia/ ‘symphony’.

They subsume it, however, under the dental nasal phoneme rather than under the bilabial nasal as is done here. The allophone [ml], a bilabial nasal, will occur elsewhere: [mulé:nu] 252 /mulinu/ ‘mill’, [damu] 181 /aamu/ ‘man’, [yamma]

159 /gamma/ ‘leg’.

/n/ has a single allophone [n], en alveolo-dental nasal: [notti] 342 /notti/ ‘night’, [liasina] 208 /liasina/ ‘awl’, [skanna:ri] 245 /skannari/ ‘to kill an animal by slitting its throat’. /fi/ has

a single

allophone

[fi], a palatal

nasal:

[fiuttika:ri]

1530

/futtikari/ ‘to fold’, [ufia] 157 /ufifia/ ‘fingernail’. When [fi] occurs in intervocalic position, it is analyzed as being double. /n/ has a single allophone [n], a velar nasal: [qkunya] 214 /nkinya/ ‘anvil’, In initial position before a consonant, such as in the example given here, it would seem that the phone would be syllabic. Neither Fodale nor Palermo report this, however. /I/ has a single allophone [I], an alveolo-dental lateral: [hi:na] /luna/ ‘moon’, [talé] 6 /talé/ ‘look’, [falla] 129 ‘lap’.

361

/A/ has a single allophone [A], a palatal lateral: [Aanna] 593 /Adnna/ ‘acorn’, ® [3¢Au] 639 /3iA.u/ ‘lily’. When [A] occurs in intervocalic position, it is analyzed as being double. /t/: Fodale reports two allophones for this phoneme. Both are described as voiced, retroflex, alveolar flaps. One

is lenis and occurs

in

intervocalic position. The other is fortis and occurs elsewhere. When

geminate,

the fortis flap is in free variation with a retroflex trill, and

may occur in initial position. This approximates Palermo’s account. The AIS records simply [r], an apico-alveolar flap, everywhere: [rj:ni] § Palermo (p. 34) cites this form as /yanna/.

PHONEMIC

29

ANALYSES

134 /rini/ ‘the lower part of the back’, [ma:ru] 858 /muru/ ‘wall’, [sérra] 552 /sérra/ ‘hand saw’. Glides. /w/; Palermo reports the phone [u], a high, back semi-vowel as in [Autra] ‘other’ and [w], a labio-velar, semi-consonant, as in [lin wa] ‘tongue’. It is further reported by Palermo (p. 31) that a sound “Tw] pronounced with a very faint velar scrape [y]’’, transcribed here as [W], occurs in the items [wWérra] ‘war’ and [Wastédda]

‘cake’. This same

sound is also reported to occur before back vowels. The cription is at times [’w] as in [a’wtannu] 1247 ‘this year’, simply [y] as in [yaamini] 41 ‘men’. Thus, all items which are transcribed [’w] or [y] before back vowels will

AIS transbut usually in the AIS be rewritten

here as [W]:

[a’wiannu)] [yuomini] [yu:yitu] [yo:nu]

[awdonnu] [Wuamini] [wu: Witu] [Wo :nu]

1247 41 147 284

‘this year’ ‘men’ ‘elbow’ ‘one’

[yunniéi]

[Wwunniéi]

289

‘eleven’

[fa:yu] [pa:yu]

[fa: wu] [pa: Wu]

578 1148

“peech’ ‘peacock’

[priayula]

[priawula]

1308

‘trellis’

[yumma] [ayustu]

[wumma] {awustu]

[ayuru]

568 323

[awuru]

[ayuda]

The distribution

‘rubber’ ‘August’

1267

[awudAa]

‘bitter’

1539

for the phoneme

‘needle’

/w/ can then be stated as follows:

[u], a high, back semi-vowel, occurs as the second member of a falling diphthong before pause and consonants, as in: [autra] /awtra/ ‘other’;

[w],

a labiovelar

[linwa] /linnwa/ /wimma/

semi-consonant,

‘tongue’; and [Ww] occurs

occurs

after

elsewhere:

consonants:

[Wimma]

568

‘rubber’, [awustu] 323 /awustu/ ‘August’.

/y/: Palermo reports the phone [i], a high, front semi-vowel, as in [laidu] ‘ugly’; and [y], a palatal semi-consonant, as in [kyé:nu] ‘flat, level’.

It is further

initial position [y] [yl’, transcribed [yiammulu] ‘twin’, swallow’. The AIS

reported

by

Palermo

(pp.

32

and

34)

that

in

‘‘... is pronounced with a very faint velar scrape here as [J], in the items [jénnaru] ‘son-in-law’, [Yastimari] ‘to curse’, [Yanna] ‘acorn’, [Yuttiri] ‘to transcription for this sound is:

30

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

(a) [y], as in [yinntakkyu] 162 ‘knee’ and [yastimari] 810 ‘to curse’; cf. Palermo’s [Yinuakkyu] and [yastimari]. (b) [y] as in [yénnaru] 33 ‘son-in-law’ and [yiammuli] 15 ‘twins’; cf. Palermo’s [¥¢nnaru] and [Yiammulu]. (c) [A] as in [AAnna] 593 ‘acorn’; cf. Palermo’s [anna]. Thus, all items in the AIS which are transcribed [y] before front vowels and [a] will be rewritten here as [¥]. The distribution for this phoneme can then be stated as follows: [i], a high, front semi-vowel, occurs as the second member of a falling diphthong before pause and consonants

as in: [laidu] /laydu/ ‘ugly’; [y], a palatal, semi-consonant, occurs after consonants: [kya:nu] /kyanu/ ‘flat, level’; and [¥] occurs [yattu] 1114 /yattu/ ‘cat’, [maya:ra] 814 /mayara/ ‘witch’.

elsewhere:

Vowels. /i/: [i], a tense, high, front vowel, occurs in stressed position where

a following syllable contains a non-high vowel: [parri:na] 36 /parrina/

“‘god-mother’. [i], a lax, high, front vowel, varies freely with [e], a very close, front, mid vowel, and [e], a close, front, mid vowel, and

occurs in stressed position where a high vowel occurs in a subsequent syllable: [mi:si] ~ [mé:si] 315 ‘months’, [vjtti] ~ [vétti] 390

‘I saw’, [griddi] ~ [gréddi] 466 ‘grasshoppers’, [éddu] 768 ~ [éddu]

761 /iddu/ ‘he’. Fodale reports [i] also in unstressed position.

/e/ has a single allophone [¢], an open, front, mid vowel: [Séci] 288

/déci/ ‘ten’, [véspa] 463 /véspa/ ‘wasp’. /a/ has the allophone [a], described

central; in free [Sianti] ‘sister’, [sannu]

by

Palermo

(p.

11)

as

“high

a slightly lowered and centralized [i]”, which occurs unstressed variation with [a], a low, central vowel, after [i] and [a]: 107 /dianti/ ‘teeth’, [piadi] 163 /piadi/ ‘feet’, {suaru] 14 /siaru/ [kuarpu] 87 /kuarpu/ ‘body’. [a] occurs elsewhere: [sanu] 88 ‘blood’. Fodale (p. 132) reports further that in “unstressed posi-

tion only, [a] is in free variation with ... a low front unrounded vowel’’.

This is suggested in the AIS entry [takkaa] 1565 /takka\ia/ ‘shoe lace’. /o/ has a single allophone [9], an open, back, mid vowel: [so] 841 /s6/ ‘his’, [sordu] 279 /sérdu/ ‘money’, [md :naku] 797 /ménaku/ ‘monk’. /u/ has the allophones [ul], a tense, high, back vowel, which occurs

stressed [rissa]

when

a non-high

vowel

occurs

1576 /russa/ ‘red’; [u], a lax, high,

in a subsequent back

vowel,

syllable:

which

varies

freely with [g], a very close, back, mid vowel: [Suyi] ~ [3¢yi] 284 /diyi/ ‘two’, [yurpi] ~ [yérpi] 435 /wurpi/ ‘fox’, [marryggu] ~ [marrggsu] 549 ‘handle, cane’. Fodale reports |] also in unstressed position.

PHONEMIC

1.2.3.

31

ANALYSES

Length and the Role of Stress.

In the data for Villalba, the AIS shows four configurations syllables with regard to vocalic and consonantal length. (a) [V:CV] _ [tsé:tu] 63 ‘fiancé; bridegroom’

(b) [VCV]

(c) [VCCV]

[édduyé] 1698 ‘he went’

[rissa] 1575 ‘red’

(d) [VCCV] | [sirra:ri] 555 ‘to saw’ (a) and (b) are in complementary distribution. If first vowel, the vowel is predictably long, (a). (b) (a) and (b), therefore, will form one type of syllable as /VCV/. (c) and (d) form another type of syllable as /VCCV/.

of

That /VCV/

and

/VCCV/

the stress will occur structure structure

are in contrast

and

falls on the elsewhere. represented represented that stress

is phonemic is demonstrated by the following pairs: /lana/ 1077 ‘wool’ /vinni/ 1691 ‘you sell’

vs. vs.

/lanna/ 405 ‘tin can’ /vinni/ 1698 ‘I sold’

Palermo and Fodale point out that /y/ occurs between /i/ and a following vowel and that /w/ occurs between /u/ and a following vowel in close juncture.

1.2.4

Occurrence of Phonemes in the Syllable Types.

Syllables consist of vocalic nuclei and consonants. Letting V stand for the nucleus, Cl will be equated with C in /VCV/ and the second C in /VCCV/. C2 will be equated with the first C in /VCCV/. In the absence of C2, the syllable is open; in the presence of C2, the syllable is checked. The syllabic formula may then be stated as follows: + Cl + V + C2. V is realized as the following vowels and diphthongs: /i/ /parrinu/ 35 ‘godfather’,- /e/ /stedda/ 539 ‘chip’, /a/ /frati/ 13 ‘brother’, /o/ /sosgaru/ 31 “father-in-law’, /u/ /tuitti/ 664 ‘all’; /ia/ /viani/ 1695 ‘you come’, /ay/ /assay/65 ‘much’, /aw/ /frawtu/ 765 ‘flute’, /ua/ /staru/ 14 ‘sister’. Cl is realized by all the consonants singly and by various clusters. Homorganic clusters can be counted as Cl only in postpausal position. These include /kk/, /ss/, /88/, /rr/ and stops preceded by nasals (allophonically always syllabic). In medial position, the first member of a homorganic cluster and of clusters which are liquidinitial is C2. Any following member of such clusters is Cl. If the first member of a cluster is not followed by a homorganic consonant or is not a liquid, the whole cluster is interpreted as C1. The glides

32

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

and /v/ do not occur as C2. The sequence /sC/ varies freely with /SC/, e.g.

/viastru/ 40 and /vuastru/ 21 ‘your’, /skoréa/ 1301 and /Skoréa/ 1268 ‘peel, outer shell’, /kastafifia/ 1291 and /ka8tafifia/ 1290 ‘chestnut’. The sequence /ka/ varies freely with /kwa/, e.g. /kani/ and /kwani/ 1097

‘dog’,

/kanali/

and

/kwanali/

865

‘roof

tile’,

/kannualu/

and

/kwannualu/ 852 ‘fountain, faucet’. 1.2.5

Morphophonemics.

The following is a sketch of three operations in Villalbese. Metaphony.

It is easily shown

that the diphthong /ia/ is in contrast with /é/:

/viani/ 1695 ‘you come’ and /véni/ 1695 ‘he comes’. Similarly, /ua/ contrasts with /6/ as in /muari/ 1695 ‘you die’ and /mori/ 1696 ‘he dies’. On the morphophonemic level, however, these are in complementation.

Using the adjectival paradigm as motivation, the entry 710 ‘good’ will

serve as an illustration: /buanu/ masculine singular

/buani/ plural

/bona/ feminine singular It is to be noted that in this example, /ta/ occurs only when it is followed by a high vowel in a subsequent syllable; /6/ occurs elsewhere. /muari/ may then be written morphophonemically //méri// with the morphophoneme in stressed position followed by a high vowel. /méri/ may

be

written //mére// with the morphophoneme in stressed position followed

by a non-high vowel. Similarly, /viani/ may be represented as //véni// and /véni/ as //véne//. Thus, a general rule may stated. Wherever /é/

or /6/ occur before a high vowel in the following syllable, that high vowel must be interpreted morphophonemically as a non-high vowel. Stressed Vowel Reduction. /fif/ //e// /fal/ //o// //ul/ Map

Stressed

Unstressed

/simina/ 1443 ‘he sows’ /siminari/ 1442 ‘to sow’ /viani/ 1695 ‘you come’ /viniti/ 1695 ‘you come’ /pécca/ 1556 ‘patch’ /arripiccari/ 1556 ‘to patch’ /yavi/ 1689 ‘he has’ /aviti/ 1689 ‘you have’ /muari/ 1696 ‘you die’ /muriti/ 1696 ‘you die’ /arrébba/ 724 ‘he steals’ /arrubbari/ 724 ‘to steal’ /vaAAi/ 953 ‘he boils’ /vuaAXiti/ 953 ‘you boil’ 953 gives only the infinitive /viAAiri/. The forms given above were

PHONEMIC

33

ANALYSES

set up according to the morphological information given in map ‘present tense of -ére verbs’.

1691

Consonantal External Sandhi. This morphophonemic operation is exemplified in the table that follows. The same morpheme was not used as the example in each environment, since the AIS and the other sources for Villalba do not yield this information directly. In some instances, however, examples are set up on the basis of information acquired elsewhere in the corpus. All such entries are identifiable by a lack of any direct reference. Instances which seemed doubtful are omitted. The reference P refers to Palermo,

followed by a page number.

/Ip/l

post-pausal /pirki/ 112

‘why’

[It//

/talé/ 6

/TkI/I

/kani/ 1097 ‘dog’

‘look’

//kk// /kka/ 1609 //b// //bb// //d//

‘here’

/viani/ 1695 ‘come’ /béna/ 710 ‘good’ /dunaminni/ 1344 ‘give me some’

/|dd// /ddtaku/ 1647 '/g//

‘there’ /yénnaru/ P32 ‘son-in-law’

/yukari/ P33 ‘to play’

/yaddu/ P32

//ew/|

‘rooster’ /wérra/ P31 ‘war

>

‘the tar’

post-nasal /umpirtusu/ 857 ‘a hole’

‘Iam all...’

‘a Turk’

intervocalic

/lapiti/ 210

/sufifiututtu/ 1619 /lukani/ 1097 ‘the dog’ /vinitikka/ 1609

/unturku/ 811

/unkurri/ 1605 ‘he does not run’

/nummiri/ 52

‘you do not see’

‘to be well’

Jiddudiéi/ 384 ‘he says’

/yitidda/ 1610 ‘go there’

/appiskari/ 523

‘to fish’ /kittiampu/ 363 ‘what weather’ /yékkaru/ 842 ‘it

is expensive’ /yékka/ ‘he is here’

‘come here’

/navékkya/ 55 ‘an old lady’ /Staribbuanu/ 707

syntactic doubling

/unntarmu/ 650

‘I do not sleep’

/sibbiakkyu/ 5354 ‘you are old’ /nuncubbuani/ 829 ‘they are not

good’ /addormiri/ 647

‘in order to sleep’ /yédduaku/ ‘he is

there’

/triggyénnari/ P32 ‘three sons-inlaw’

/piggyukari/ P33 ‘in order to play’ /triggaddi/ P32

‘three roosters’ /triggwérri/ P31 ‘three wars’

34

PHONEMIC

//gr//

/griiassu/ 184

//£//

/faccu/ 1699

‘thumb’

/s/|

‘Ido’ /sénca/ 652 ‘without’

‘the fig’ /lasaléra/ 978 ‘the salt shaker’

/BII

/xakka/ 540

/PS3// /[[cc}/ H/I [Se//

‘to go down’ /cuppikia/ 192 ‘he limps’ /Giddli/ 158 ‘it hurts him’

//m// /{n// IM} /{rr//

fafiku/ 1289

/luxumi/ 429 ‘the river’

/umfilu/ 1510

‘a thread’ /nuncubbtani/ 829 ‘they are not good’ /unxumi/ ‘a river’

/iddusSinni/

‘he goes down’ /lucitu/ 63 ‘the bridegroom’ [acira/ 909

‘he gets big’

/yéffarsu/ 715 ‘it is false’

/yéssanu/ ‘it is

whole’

/axxuriri/ 1262 ‘to bloom’

/pisSinniri/ ‘in

order to go down’

/aééirkari/ 636 ‘to look for’

‘the wax’

/laééétta/ 548 ‘the axe’

/e2il //88//

/sifarranni/ 10°

/luyituranni/ 154

‘fat; big’

‘it splits’ /S8inniri/ 1341

ANALYSES

/lazarka/ 1362 ‘the beet’

/Swanni/ 84 ‘John’

/ugidru/ 639 ‘the lily’

/mannu/

/limanu/ 388 ‘the hands’ /nostrananna/ 17 ‘our grand-

1639

‘I send’ /natali/ 781

‘Christmas’ /lassa/ 1657 ‘he leaves’

/radika/ 558 ‘root’

mother’ /lulatti/ 1199 ‘the milk’ /narrama/

‘a branch’ 1.3.0

/bongornu/ 738 ‘good day’ /nummipyaéi/ 1678 ‘I donot like’ /nunnéssi/ 355 ‘you do not go out’

1616

/ammannari/ 11 ‘to send’ /yénni8suta/ 1070 ‘she is out’

/yérrdssu/ ‘it is

red’ MISTRETTA

Mistretta (point 826) is located in the province of Messina, approximately ten miles inland from the northern coast and mid-way between Palermo and Messina. ° Palermo reports that in syntactic doubling, the morphophoneme is realized as /ggr/, e.g. /triggrana/ ‘three grains’. In some ‘common words’, however, forms such as [rranni} ‘big’ and [rrippu] ‘knot’ are heard (pp. 35-36).

PHONEMIC ANALYSES 1.3.1 Mistretta sonants,

35

Inventory of Phonemes.

has a segmental

phonemic

two glides and five vowels.

inventory Stress

of twenty-two

is also

structurally

consigni-

ficant. Consonants.

p

t

b

d

f v

s

m

Vowels.

5

c

é

z

g

n 1

r

Glides.

k

d

fi

g

n

T

w

y

e

u °

a The mid-vowels occur only in stressed position. 1.3.2

Distribution of Allophones.

Consonants.

/p/hasa single allophone [p], a voiceless, bilabial stop: [purmu: ni] 138 /purmuni/ ‘lung’, [kapiddi] 95 /kapiddi/ ‘hair’, [kxuppu] 585 /kyuppu/ ‘poplar’. /t/ has the allophones [t], a voiceless, retroflex stop, which occurs before [r]: [trud: vu] 1597 /trudvu/ ‘I find’, [patra:ni] 1602 /patrini/ ‘boss’; and [t], a voiceless, dental stop, which occurs elsewhere: [tali:a]

6 /talia/ ‘look’, [fra:ti] 13 /frati/ ‘brother’, [katti:va] 77 /kattiva/ ‘widow’, /k/: [¢], a voiceless, palatal stop, is in free variation with the cluster [kx]: [krwokkxula] ~ [krwoccula] 689 ‘crud’, [wokkxu] 101, 590 ‘eye’ ~ [wocci] 189 ‘eyes’. Representing this cluster as /¢¢/ would increase the number of phonemes unnecessarily. Positing /kkx/, however, would

be even less satisfactory. Since [x] is limited in its occurrence to after voiceless stops: [pxacissi] 1104 ‘it would please’ and voiced stops are

36

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

followed by [y]: [byanku] 1134 ‘white’, the two sounds are in complementary distribution. Thus, [¢¢] and [kkx] will be written phonemically as /kky/: /krwokkyula/, /wokkyu/.!° [k], a voiceless, velar stop, occurs elsewhere: [kari:na] 132 /karina/ ‘the higher part of the back’, [fi:katu] 139 /fikatu/ ‘liver’, [ukka] 104 /ikka/ ‘mouth’. /b/ has a single allophone [b], a voiced, bilabial stop: [bussi¢:ri] 154 /bussiéri/ ‘thumb’, [tabi:tu] 792 /tabutu/ ‘coffin’, [tubbu] 855 /tubbu/ ‘duct’. /d/ has a single allophone

[d], a voiced,

dental stop:

[duppyu]

831

/duppyu/ ‘double’, [gra: vida] 74 /gravida/ ‘pregnant’, [kwattgddici] 292 /kwattodditi/ ‘fourteen’. /d/ has a single allophone 130 /viddiku/ ‘navel’.

[d], a voiced,

retroflex

stop:

[viddi:ku]

/g/ has two allophones [g], a voiced, palatal stop, and [g], a voiced, velar stop. The former will be treated here as being in free variation with the sequence [gy], just as the voiceless, palatal stop has been interpreted phonemically as /ky/. Thus, items such as [g6mmaru] 1509 ‘skein of wool’ and [gigga] 102a ‘eyebrows’ will be represented phonemically as /gyOmmaru/ and /giggya/ respectively. The voiced, velar stop occurs elsewhere: [grankxu] 690 /grankyu/ ‘cramp’, [zgabiéllu] 898 /sgabiéllu/ ‘stool’. /f/ has a single allophone, [f], a voiceless, labio-dental fricative: (forti]

186

/forti/

‘strong’,

[tro:fa]

531

/trofa/

‘bush’,

[suffitta]

869

/suffitta/ ‘attic’. /v/ has a single allophone [v], a labio-dental fricative: [vi:na] 89 /vina/ ‘vein’, [ni: vika] 377 /nivika/ ‘it is snowing’. /s/ has the allophones [s], a voiceless, retroflex fricative, which is restricted in its occurrence to the cluster [str]: [stritta] 943 /stritta/ ‘tight’, [mistr¢tta] 2 /mistrétta/ ‘Mistretta’; [s], a voiceless, dental

fricative, and [z], a voiced, dental fricative, appear to be in free variation in intervocalic and post-nasal positions according to Rohlfs’ transcription: [mi:zi] 150 ‘put’ and 315 ‘month’, [pi:sa] 407 ‘it weight’,

: ni] 489 ‘finch’.'! [z] also occurs before [minziyudrnu] 338 ‘noon’, [pins voiced consonants:

[zgruppata:ri]

1482 /sgruppaturi/

‘sieve’, [zvakan-

10 There is free variation between [x] and [8] in initial and intervocalic positions: [xa:mi] ~ [Sd:mi] 429 ‘river’ and [xuxxalwéru] ~ [SusSalwéru] 935 ‘bellows’. The pronunciation with [x] rather than with [8] is assumed here to be a reflection of an older stage of the dialect.

‘1 This leads one to suspect that the consonant in question is a semi-voiced [§] as

reported by Piccitto 1939 and Fodale 1964 for other Sicilian dialects.

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

37

ta:ri] 1681 /svakantari/ ‘to empty’; [s] occurs elsewhere: [santu] 808 /santu/ ‘saint’, [pxacjssi] 1104 /pyacissi/ ‘it would please’. /8/ has the allophones [Z], a voiced, palatal fricative, which occurs before voiced consonants: [Zvinniri] 699 /Svinniri/ ‘to faint’, [Zabakanta:tu] 534 /Sbakantatu/ ‘emptied’; and [8], a voiceless, palatal fricative, which occurs elsewhere: [Sinniri] 1341 /Sinniri/ ‘to go down’, [Stafiu] 412 /Stafifiu/ ‘tin’. In intervocalic position [8] is treated as a geminate: [pi8i] 526 /pi8si/ ‘fish’. /c/ has a single allophone [ts], a voiceless, alveolo-dental affricate: [tsi:tu] 63 /citu/ ‘a man engaged to be married’, [spiétsi] 1010 /spiéci/ ‘black pepper’, [trittsa] 98 /tricca/ ‘braid’. /&/ will be treated here as having two allophones, [c], a semi-voiced, palatal affricate, which occurs after [n]; and [é], a voiceless, palatal affricate, which occurs elsewhere. Rohlfs transcribes the former sometimes as voiced and other times as voiceless: [manéa:ri] 1014 ‘to eat’, [manéa] 1014 ‘he eats’, [manéassi] 1016, 1019 ‘I (or you) would eat’,

[manéa:mu]

1278 ~ [manga:mu]'? 1029 ‘we eat’, [manga :ri] 1166 ‘to

eat’, [mangatu:ra]

1168 ‘manger’; [mundi]

1195 ‘milked’, [mungiri]

1194 ‘he milks’, [munéa: ta]

1194 ‘to milk’. As stated above,

elsewhere: [¢jnniri] 930 /€inniri/ ‘ashes’, [pié¢iridda] 40 /piéciridda/ ‘baby girl’.

[li:éi]

354

/z/ has a single allophone [dz], a voiced, alveolo-dental

[dzaynu]

[€] occurs

/luci/

‘light’,

affricate:

1423 /zaynu/ ‘gate’, [urdza] 281 /urza/ ‘purse’.

/g/ has a single allophone [8], a voiced, palatal affricate: [gilu:su] 66 /gilusu/ ‘jealous’, [marruggu] 549 /marruggu/ ‘cane’. /m/ has a single allophone [ml], a bilabial nasal: [mari:tu] 72 /maritu/ ‘husband’, [Su: mi] 429 /simi/ ‘river’, [fimmina] 1078 /fimmina/

‘woman’. /n/ has a

single allophone [n], an alveolo-dental nasal: [ni:ku] 155

/niku/ ‘small’, [karva:ni]

212 /karvini/

‘coal’, [vénnari]

333

/vénnari/

‘Friday’. /fi/ has a single allophone [fi], a palatal nasal: [rifia] 681 /rififia/ ‘mange’. /fi/ is treated as a geminate in intervocalic position. /n/hasa single allophone [n], a velar nasal : [yabilla : ri] 1354 /nabillari/ ‘to rent a plot of land’, [spjnula] 1543 /spinnula/ ‘safety pin’. /n/ is treated as a geminate in intervocalic position. /\/ has a single allophone [I], an alveolo-dental lateral: [li:pu] 434 12 Actually, the AIS gives [manga:mu]. an error.

The lack of a wedge over the [g] must be

38

PHONEMIC ANALYSES

/tapu/ ‘wolf, [apri:li] 319 /aprili/ ‘April’, [kavalljtta] 466 /kavallitta/ ‘grasshopper’.

//t/ has the single allophone /rini/ ‘back’, [si:ra] 340 /sira/

[r], an alveolar flap: [ri:ni] 134 ‘evening’, [parri:nu] 35 /parrinu/

‘godfather’.

/r/ has a single allophone [r], a retroflex flap: [nt:ru] 670 /nuru/

‘naked’, [ruma : ni] 347 /rumani/ ‘tomorrow’. The AIS also gives the con-

sonant [r], which is treated here as falling within the range of /r/. This occurs only in two items: [miriidda] 94 /miridda/ ‘brain’ and [kari:na] 132 /karina/ ‘the higher part of the back’.

Glides. /y/ has the allophones [x], a after voiceless stops: [kxuppu] /spékkyu/ ‘mirror’; and [y], a which occurs elsewhere: [myéy] /w/ is shown

syllabic,

by the AIS

labio-velar

voiceless velar fricative, which occurs 585 /kyippu/ ‘poplar’, [spékkxu] 674 non-syllabic, palatal semi-consonant, 831 /myéy/ ‘my’.

to have

semi-consonant:

[pri¢wla] 1308 /priéwla/ ‘trellis’.

a single allophone

[womini]

47

[w],

/womini/

a non-

‘men’,

Vowels. /i/ is shown to have a range shared by two vowels in free variation:

[i], a

tense,

high,

front

vowel,

and

[i],

a

lax,

high,

front

vowel:

(sikku] 185 ~ [sjkku] 919, 1034 /sikku/ ‘thin, dry’, [lififiu] 541 ~ [lififiu] 919, 1034 /lififiu/ ‘wood’, [idda] ~ [jdda] 707 /idda/ ‘she’. /e/ has the allophones [e], a close, front, mid vowel, which seems to occur only after the high, front vowel and glide, and before [8]: [yemmitu] 1155 /yemmitu/ ‘tie ofa sheaf and 1495 ‘handful’, [tiémpu] 708

/tiémpu/ ‘time’, [fésta] 771 /fésta/ ‘feast’; and [e], an open, front, mid

vowel, which occurs elsewhere: [réska] 1478 /réska/ ‘fish bone’.

[sémpri]

1534 /sémpri/ ‘always’ and

There are three exceptions: [véspa] 563 ‘wasp’ and [yémmili]!3 15 ‘twins’, and [bussiéri] 154 ‘thumb’. There are five instances in the

corpus where the vowel is marked neither close nor open: [kwaré: sima] 775 ‘Lent’, [lémmu] 971 ‘bowl’, [8ékku] 1066 ‘donkey’, [Gérniri] 1484 ‘to sift’, and [ébbé: ru] 714 ‘it is true’.

/a/ is shown by the AIS to have the allophone [a], a low, central vowel: [pata : ti] 1387 /patati/ ‘potatoes’. There is only one entry which indicates

‘3 The entry is actually [yémmiti]. The [t], however, is interpreted as an error and re-written here as [I].

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

39

that there is allophonic reduction in unstressed position: [ommara] 1437 /Ommara/

‘plowshare’.

/o/ has two allophones which are distributed in a way parallel to the distribution of the allophones of the front, mid vowel. [9], a close, back, mid vowel, occurs after the high back vowel and glide: [wossu] 1281 /wossu/ ‘pit of a fruit’; and [9], an open, back, mid vowel, which occurs elsewhere: [rormi] 651 /rérmi/ ‘he sleeps’. ' There are two exceptions: [wdssu] 90 ‘bone’ and [unkwostru] 765 ‘the ink’. Since the entries for 90 ‘bone’ and 1281 ‘pit of a fruit’ are one lexical item, no phonemic contrast is posited here. Ten entries were found in the corpus where the vowel is marked neither close nor open: [ammwoggu] 275 ‘bundle’, [rwoppuruma:ni] 348 ‘(the day) after tomorrow’, [trw6:nu] 398 ‘thunder’, [arripd:sati] 644 “(go and) rest’, [a8insy6 :ni] 778 ‘Ascension Thursday’, [vardarébbi] 901 ‘clothes closet’, [robbi] 902 ‘clothes’, [woyi] 1262 ‘ago’, [vé:ta] 1636 ‘time’, [trwoppu] 1652 ‘too much’. /u/ is shown to have a range shared by two vowels in free variation:

[u], a tense, high, back vowel, and [uJ], a lax, high, back vowel: [sufiu] 1690 ~ [sufi] /sififiu/ ‘I am’, [rissu] 1576 ~ [rijssu] 1135 /russu/ ‘red’. The entries [surku] 1426 ‘irrigation ditch’ and (stirku] 1418 ‘furrow’ are considered here to be the same lexical item and, hence, as showing

the same free variation. 1.3.3

Length and the Role of Stress.

In the data for Mistretta, the AIS shows four configurations syllables with regard to vocalic and consonantal length: [mala:tu] 701 ‘sick’ (a) [V:CV] [addumay] 913 ‘I lit (the candle)’ (b) [VCV]

(c) [VCCV]

[Spissu] 704 ‘often’

of

[attakka:ri] 1086 ‘to tie’ (d) [VCCV] (a) and (b) are in complementary distribution. If the stress falls on the first vowel, the vowel is predictably long, (a). (b) will occur elsewhere. (a) and (b), therefore, form one type of syllable structure represented as /VCV/. (c) and (d) form another type of syllable structure represented as /VCCV/. That /VCV/ and /VCCV/ are in contrast and that stress is structurally significant is demonstrated by the following: /lana/ 1077 ‘wool’ vs. /lanna/ 405 ‘tin can’; /vinni/ 1691 ‘he sells’ vs. /vinni/ 1698 ‘he sold’.

40

PHONEMIC ANALYSES 1.3.4

Occurrence of Phonemes in the Syllable Types.

Syllables consist

of vocalic

nuclei

and

consonants.

Letting

V

stand

for the nucleus, C1 will be equated with C in /VCV/ and the second C in /VCCV/. C2 will be equated with the first C in /VCCV/. In the absence of C2, the syllable is open; in the presence of C2, the syllable is checked. The syllabic formula may then be stated as follows: + Cl f V + C2. V is realized as the following vowels and diphthongs: /i/ /kattiva/ 77 ‘widow’, /e/ /fésta/ 771 ‘feast’, /a/ /frati/ 13 ‘brother’, /o/ /sudru/ 14 ‘sister’, /u/ /niputi/ 18 ‘nephew’; /iy/ /mittiy/ 887 ‘I put’,

ley/ /séy/ 286 ‘six’, /ay/ /ay/ 286 ‘you have’, /aw/ /fawra/ ‘lap’, /oy/ /oy/ 366 ‘today’, /uy/ /apply/ 262 ‘then’, /uw/ /tiw/ 1106 ‘your’; /yi/ /yina/ 633 ‘wild oats’, /yiw/ /yiw/ 522 ‘he went’, /ye/ /vyékkyu/ 54 ‘old’, /yey/ /myéy/ 831 ‘my’, /yew/ /myéwsa/ 141 ‘spleen’, /ya/ /yanna/ 109 ‘molar’, /yaw/ /myawlia/ 1117 ‘the cat meows’, /wa/ /kwaggya/

509 ‘it curdles’, /waw/ /vwawtri/ 661 ‘you’, /yo/ /vy6li/ 637 ‘violets’,

/wo/ /womini/ 47 ‘men’, /woy/ /vwoy/ 1042 ‘bulls’, /yu/ /Syuni/ 682 ‘scratch’, /wu/ /wutti/ 1325 ‘wine barrel’. Cl is realized as single

consonants, glides, and as various clusters. Homorganic clusters can be counted as Cl only in post-pausal position. These include /kk/, /ss/, /88/ and stops preceded by nasals (allophonically always syllabic).

In medial position, the first member of a homorganic cluster and of clusters which are liquid-initial is C2. Any following member of such clusters is Cl.

If the first member

of a cluster

is not

followed

by

a

homorganic consonant or is not a liquid, the whole cluster is interpreted as Cl. The glides and /v/ do not occur as C2. The situation in Mistretta is the same as that in other Sicilian dialects with regard to the sequence /sC/ varying freely with /8C/, e.g. [réSka] 527 and [réska] 1478 ‘fish bone’. The sequence /§C/ in Mistretta, therefore, has been interpreted as /sC/ when necessary in Chapter II. 1.3.5

Morphophonemics.

The following is a sketch of three important morphophonemic operations in Mistrettese. Metaphony. It is easily shwon that the diphthong /yé/ (or /ié/) is in contrast with /e/: /viéni/ 1695 ‘you come’ and /véni/ 1695 ‘he comes’. Similarly, /w6/ (or /ud/) contrasts with /o/: /mwori/ 1696 ‘you die’ and /mori/ 1696 ‘he dies’. On the morphophonemic level, however, these are in

PHONEMIC

ANALYSES

41

complementation. Using the adjectival paradigm as motivation, the entry 710 ‘good’ will serve as an illustration: /bwonu/ masculine singular /bwoni/ plural /bona/ feminine singular It is to be noted that in this example, the stressed diphthong occurs only when it is followed by a high vowel in a subsequent syllable; /6/ occurs elsewhere. With this as a basis /mwori/ may be written morphophonemically //méri// with the morphophoneme in stressed position followed by a high vowel. /méri/ may be written //more// with the morphophoneme in stressed position followed by a non-high vowel. Similarly, /viéni/ may be represented as //véni// and /véni/ as //véne//. Thus, a general rule may be stated: Wherever /é/ or /6/ occurs before an

unstressed, high vowel in the following syllable, that high vowel must be interpreted morphophonemically as a non-high vowel. Allowance should be made for the inevitable analogical leveling which has taken place: /kyévu/ 230 ‘nail’ and /kywova/ 230 ‘nail’; and which continues to take place: /péttini/ ~ /piéttini/ 673 ‘comb’. A

very interesting example of the confusion to which this leveling has led involves the entries of map 163: /piéri/ is glossed as ‘foot’ and /péri/ as ‘feet’. Map 1677, however, gives /piéri/ as ‘feet’. A look at another example of the same morphological class, /rénti/ 108 ‘tooth’ and /riénti/ 107 ‘teeth’, however, shows an entirely different picture. Here,

it is the plural

that has

the

umlauted

diphthong

and

not

the

singular as in map 163. One would then expect /péri/ as the singular and /piéri/ as the plural. The latter is, of course, what is found in 1677. Rohlfs transcribes the output of //é// as either [ié] or [yé], and that of //6// as either

[ud]

or [wo].

For

the

purposes

of this reconstruction

no distinction will be made between /ié/ and /yé/, or /ud/ and /wd/. Stressed Vowel Reduction. Stressed /fil/ /vinni/ 1691 ‘he sells’ //el/ /viéni/ 1695 ‘you come’ /véni/ 1695 ‘he comes’ //al/ /avi/ 1689 ‘he has’ //o// /méri/ 1696 ‘he dies’ /mwori/ 1696 ‘you die’ /ful/ /aggyi/ 953 ‘he boils’

Unstressed /vinnimu/ 1691 ‘we sell’ /viniti/ 1695 ‘you come’ /vinimu/ 1695 ‘we come’ /aviti/ 1689 ‘you have’ /murimu/ 1696 ‘we die’ /muriti/ 1696 ‘you die’ /uggyimu/ 953 ‘we boil’ !*

14 Map 953 gives only the infinitive /Uggyiri/. The forms given here are based on the morphological information given in map 1691 ‘present tense of -ére verbs’.

42

[pil /It// [/k// /1kk// //b//

/talia/ 6 ‘look’ /ki/ 363 ‘what’ /kka/ ‘here’ /vieni/ 1695 ‘you come’

‘to beat’

/raminni/ 1344 ‘give me some’

/}dd// /dda/ 1610 ‘there’

/e/I

/yémmili/ 15

/Iex//

/rwossu/ 184 ‘fat, big’ /faccu/ 1699 ‘Ido’

H/T

ANALYSES

Consonantal External Sandhi. This morphophonemic operation is exemplified in the following table. The same morpheme was not used as the example in each case, since the Atlas does not yield this information directly; hence, the use of different morphemes to exemplify one morphophoneme. In some instances, however, examples were set up on the basis of information acquired elsewhere in the corpus. For instance, the example given for //t// in post-nasal position is /nuntéjifiu/ from /nun/ 650 ‘not’ and /téfifiu/ 1700 ‘I hold’, All such forms are identifiable by a lack of any direct reference to the AIS. Instances where no statement could be made are left out partially or totally. post-pausal intervocalic post-nasal syntactic doubling /pirki/ 112 /apici/ 210 /umpirtusu/ 857 /kyappikka/ 700 ‘why’

//bb// /battiri/ 403 //d//

PHONEMIC

‘twins’

‘the tar’

/sufifiututtu/ 1619 ‘Tam all...’

/ukani/ 1097 ‘the dog’ /vinitikka/ 1609 “come here’ /navékkya/ 55 ‘an old lady’

/abuffa/ 455 ‘the toad’

/turwormu/ 649

‘you sleep’ /itidda/ 1610 “go there’ /iyémmili/ 15 ‘the twins’ /nirira/ 1607 ‘he yells at us’ /afiku/ 1289 ‘the fig’

‘a hole’

/unturku/ 811

‘a Turk’ /unkurri/ 1605 ‘he does not run’

‘less’

/kittiémpu/ 363 ‘what weather’

/ékkaru/ 842 ‘it is expensive’ /ékka/ ‘he is here’

/nummiri/ 52

/férabbiriri/

/umbeddwomu/ 181 ‘a handsome

/fabbonakurata/

man

cared for’

‘he does not see’ 2

/nunnwérmu/ 650 ‘I do not sleep’

1663 15 ‘to show’ 709 ‘she was well /addormiri/ 647 ‘in order to sleep’ /édda/ ‘it is there’ /éggyawtu/ 786

/umfilu/ 1510 ‘a thread’

‘it is high’ /éggranni/ 10 ‘he is big’ /éffawsu/ 715

‘it is false’

'S There are two instances in the corpus where the realization of //b// in syntactic doubling is something other than /bb/: /sannavvéstiri/ 667 ‘they are to get dressed’ and /évvafifiatu/ 846 ‘he is wet’. Normally, however, one finds /bb/: /ébbattiyata / 41 ‘she is baptized’, /ébbéru/ 714 ‘it is true’, /facissirukiddukibbwénu/ 1661 ‘they would do as they please’.

PHONEMIC

ef}

/sénca/ 652 ‘without’ /Satari/ 166 ‘to breathe’ /cuppiya/ 192 ‘he limps’ /eifamali/ 158

/T8/I

/guvanni/ 84

‘the whip’ /atira/ 909

/unéiérru/ 96

‘it hurts him’

‘the wax’

‘John’ /mannu/ ‘I send’

/nadali/ 781 ‘Christmas’

‘the lily’ /imani/ 388 ‘the hands’ /inwostriniputi/ 18 ‘our grand-

IAI

/lassa/ 1657

/ulatti/ 1199

/t//

/ririri/ 732 ‘to laugh’

not go out’

children’

‘the milk’ /ardta/ 1227 ‘the wheel’

‘he leaves’

1.4.0

‘to look for’

/kyammiéggyu 696 ‘better’

/pinnéssiri/ 134 ‘in order to go out’ /éllorda/ 1549 ‘it is dirty’

BITTI

of Nuoro,

Bitti (point 938) is located in the Sardinian province approximately ten miles directly north of Nuoro. 1.4.1

Inventory of Phonemes.

Bittese has a phonemic inventory of eighteen vowels. Stress is also structurally significant. t

me

P b f Vv

&

Consonants.

consonants


/s/ A: AIS B: C:

1282-‘cherry’ 1380-‘beans’ 67-‘to kiss’ 68-‘kiss’

a2

23sf4 236; 26257 935 234 244.048 oar 246 263

E458

286

267

32314

313315 a)

a

8h

340 3 aaa ma as 7 382 ne

28%G0 t

et

a6 apy 72” 374

364

ag

EN8 aS

ee 326 37

Ls 34a

wa

°339

m

Map ad p Il

ou

Buns,-p1¢ /nd9¥I/ 390

/kky/ > /é&/

A: AIS

B:

1361-‘celery’ 1. /sélino/ 2. /sédano/ 3. fatéa/ 1693-'I know’

2527 29

19

728 305

347 J 2 20k 549 26,fe za

222224

zs 234f

227

229

| 0

sia:

ae

“at x

MESA agg 508) 3s 3338 “" ap 319 ges 9 7 re 326

4, Foe 334335336 338 236237 o55 a4 357 34a 839 230“ + t 340 = 343 43 345 346 ‘es 294245 247 me ua x 246 Fan 36 387-359, 25a 2 263 6 i 2 33 a6, 4 ‘ hy 3 a3 ara 75 576

Map

Vv

EXTRAPOLATION

sho

BY =r

AND

SOUND

gy

>

—

fly

131

8&8

{¥

X

fy fl

CHANGE

kl

>

Et nese ly sy Since Guerlin demonstrates that /ktly/ > /tly/ > /tl/ and /¢l/ are regressions, they will be excluded here and the following development can be posited for Norman:

pl

>

ply

>

py

gl

>

gly

>

gy

fl

a

bl

>

kl

>

bly

kly

>

by

The merger in Norman was rather with /kl/ and /fl/, which in turn were kept distinct in Sicilian (e.g. /kyavi/ ‘key’ and /kyanu/ ‘flat’, but /xatu/ or /Satu/ ‘breath’),?+ While the Norman merger of /kl/ and

/fl/ is interesting

Italian, any possible Norman

for

the

history

of Sicilian

and

South

influence could only have taken place

after the merger of /pl/ and /kl/.

“

+. nous sommes resté fidéle a l’alphabet de la Revue des Patois Gallo-Romans”, the inventory of symbols used by the journal from 1887-1893 does not include [ch]. ch is used, however, as the orthographic equivalent of the German palatal and pre-palatal fricative. 22 /gy/ and /ky/ in some dialects merge to /ly/, subsequently giving either /A/ or /y/. In other dialects, however, the development of /gy/ is kept distinct from /ky/ which subsequently develops as /cy/, /¢/ or /sy/. 23 For a proposal concerning ‘“Transalpine” influence to explain lexical problems, see Bonfante 1956.

24 See also Map VII.

EXTRAPOLATION

AND

SOUND

CHANGE

305

30 au 320” 309 é

Ipl/ > /kl/ > /ky/

A: AIS

€:

:

355-‘to rain’ 409-‘lead’ 730-'to cry’ 1335-‘full’ 1386-‘to plant’ 585-‘poplar’ 819-‘square’ 1665-‘more’

So

B24 3335 sn Ot

ss

4g

334339336

327 326 328

eee

338

%

Map VI

ue

a 128 TR ‘om ‘L782 3 /(k)ky/, but rather to the change /(k)ky/ > /(®é/. Gallo-Italian and “Transalpine”’ influence might, then, be more properly invoked with respect to the changes (1) velars plus yod > palatal affricates, and (2) /(k)kl/ > /(k)ky/,

i.e. between Proto-Sicilian and Stage F. This would

then necessitate

dating these changes somewhere between 1070 and 1282, which squares

with their attestation in the thirteenth century poetry of Giacomo da Lentino: saccio and chiacenza. The merger of labials and velars before /l/ and /y/ will, then, be regarded here as indigenous and as a valid criterion for distinguishing Sicilian and South Italian from Sardinian. 3.4.00

SUMMARY.

Accordingly, two branches of Romance will be posited. ProtoSouthern, referred to above as B, is characterized by the mergers of /kky/ with /tty/, /sy/ with /s/, and /b/ with /w/, and by no change in the vowels. This includes Sardinian, Sicilian and the continental

dialects south of the isoglosses given on Maps II and III. From ProtoSouthern are derived stages C and D, in which are included Sicilian and

South

Italian.

In contrast, another

branch,

Proto-Italo-Western,

is characterized by the non-merger of /kky/ and /tty/ and by vowel changes (i.e., the merger of lax, high vowels with close, mid 25 Cf, Rohifs 1931, 1941, and 1950.

vowels),

134

EXTRAPOLATION

AND

SOUND

CHANGE

Map VII

/fl/ > /fy/ > /x/, /é/, IS, or fy! AIS

135-‘hip’ 167-‘breath’ 1262-‘to bloom’ 1357-‘flower’

A: delineates, with the exceptions of Liguria and point 654, the northernmost limit of the development. Within A, points 701, 742, 752, 761, 762, 765, and 771 lack the development for map 1262. Also within A, points 731, 740, and 745 have the development only for maps 167 and 1262; points 724 and 752,

only for maps 167 and 1357; points 725, 732, and 744, only for map 167; and point 735, only for map 1262. B: delineates the area south of A lacking the development.

EXTRAPOLATION

AND

SOUND

CHANGE

135

which are typical of, but viewed here as not peculiar to, Italo-Western. This includes Italian, Rhaeto-Romance, French and the other languages

of the West.?® Proto Romance

Proto-Italo-Western sy

> > > >

sy s b w

>

i

fc

in turn, constitutes two branches.

¢

i

e u yu 0

ao

i

> kky

ofr

VVVVYV

tty

onmnme ou

=

ene cane oc Proto-Southern,

>

kky

5s

>

tty

o

ky

V,\

Proto-Southern tty

°

Sicilian and

South

Italian, in contrast to Sardinian, are characterized by the change of

labials to velars before /l/ and /y/ and by no change

in the vocalism.

Sardinian, on the other hand, merges consonant plus /I/ clusters with consonant

plus

preserves /py/.

/r/,

lax,

with

tense,

high

vowels,

and

Sicilian-South Italian

= pr

—— ppy

vowels

Proto-Southern

Sardinian

pl

high

pl

il

kl

kr >

py

ppy

>.

kky

26 Rumanian is a “half-way house” [cf. Elcock 1960: 46], not only because it developed front vowels as did Italian and back vowels as did Sardinian. It also merged /kky/ with /tty/ as did Southern. It did not, however, share the Southern merger of /sy/ with /s/, or the Italian merger of /sy/ with /k/ before front vowels. It merged /kt/ with /pt/, but did not in turn merge /pt/ with /tt/, It palatalized /l/ after /k/, but retained it unchanged after /p/. Tentatively, Rumanian will be excluded here from Proto-Southern, along with Italian from which it splits off at Stage E (Hall's Proto-Continental),

136

EXTRAPOLATION AND SOUND CHANGE ie

i

=

e€

.

>

u

i

e

>

i ‘

e

>

e

u

>

u

oO

> oO

y

0

>

> j

;

u

— Oo

i

1

>

4

Sicilian and the South Italian dialects are distinguished from each other on the basis of vocalic development: Sicilian-South Italian i :

Oriolo

;

i

e u

>

°

>

u —

: e u oO

1

Castelmezzano > ji i

} —_—_—

e

e u

u

°

>

>

u o

i ;

Sicilian-Neapolitan > i

; —_—

e u

3

°

e >

u

0

Sicilian and Neapolitan can then be separated by the Sicilian merger of “secondary” /e/ with /i/ and of “secondary” /o/ with /u/. French and the Western languages split off from Italo-Western through no change in /tty/ and /kky/, which French and Spanish, but not Catalan, later merged; and by the development of consonant plus stop clusters. Italian, in contrast, is characterized by its development of stop plus /y/ and by the forward assimilation of /pt/ and /kt/.

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Frederick B.

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